The Last Journals of David Livingstone, in Central Africa, from 1865 to His Death, Volume II (of 2), 1869-1873 - Continued By A Narrative Of His Last Moments And Sufferings, Obtained From His Faithful Servants Chuma And Susi

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Title: The Last Journals of David Livingstone, in Central Africa, from 1865 to His Death, Volume II (of 2), 1869-1873 - Continued By A Narrative Of His Last Moments And Sufferings, Obtained From His Faithful Servants Chuma And Susi
Author: Livingstone, David, 1813-1873
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Last Journals of David Livingstone, in Central Africa, from 1865 to His Death, Volume II (of 2), 1869-1873 - Continued By A Narrative Of His Last Moments And Sufferings, Obtained From His Faithful Servants Chuma And Susi" ***

THE LAST JOURNALS

DAVID LIVINGSTONE,

IN CENTRAL AFRICA,
FROM 1865 TO HIS DEATH.

CONTINUED BY A NARRATIVE OF
HIS LAST MOMENTS AND SUFFERINGS,
OBTAINED FROM
HIS FAITHFUL SERVANTS CHUMA AND SUSI

BY HORACE WALLER, F.R.G.S.,
RECTOR OF TWYWELL, NORTHAMPTON.

IN TWO VOLUMES.--VOL. II.
[1869-1873]

WITH PORTRAIT, MAPS, AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
1874.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

Bad beginning of the new year. Dangerous illness. Kindness of
Arabs. Complete helplessness. Arrive at Tanganyika. The Doctor
is conveyed in canoes. Kasanga Islet. Cochin-China fowls.
Reaches Ujiji. Receives some stores. Plundering hands. Slow
recovery. Writes despatches. Refusal of Arabs to take letters.
Thani bin Suellim. A den of slavers. Puzzling current in Lake
Tanganyika. Letters sent off at last. Contemplates visiting the
Manyuema. Arab depredations. Starts for new explorations in
Manyuema, 12th July, 1869. Voyage on the Lake. Kabogo East.
Crosses Tanganyika. Evil effects of last illness. Elephant
hunter's superstition. Dugumbé. The Lualaba reaches the
Manyuema. Sons of Moenékuss. Sokos first heard of. Manyuema
customs. Illness.

CHAPTER II.

Prepares to explore River Lualaba. Beauty of the Manyuema
country. Irritation at conduct of Arabs. Dugumbé's ravages.
Hordes of traders arrive. Severe fever. Elephant trap. Sickness
in camp. A good Samaritan. Reaches Mamohela and is prostrated.
Beneficial effects of Nyumbo plant. Long illness. An elephant of
three tusks. All men desert except Susi, Chuma, and Gardner.
Starts with these to Lualaba. Arab assassinated by outraged
Manyuema. Returns baffled to Mamohela. Long and dreadful
suffering from ulcerated feet. Questionable cannibalism. Hears
of four river sources close together. Resumé of discoveries.
Contemporary explorers. The soko. Description of its habits. Dr.
Livingstone feels himself failing. Intrigues of deserters

CHAPTER III.

Footsteps of Moses. Geology of Manyuema land. "A drop of
comfort." Continued sufferings. A stationary explorer.
Consequences of trusting to theory. Nomenclature of Rivers and
Lakes. Plunder and murder is Ujijian trading. Comes out of hut
for first time after eighty days' illness. Arab cure for
ulcerated sores. Rumour of letters. The loss of medicines a
great trial now. The broken-hearted chief. Return of Arab ivory
traders. Future plans. Thankfulness for Mr. Edward Young's
Search Expedition. The Hornbilled Phoenix. Tedious delays. The
bargain for the boy. Sends letters to Zanzibar. Exasperation of
Manyuema against Arabs. The "Sassassa bird." The disease
"Safura."

CHAPTER IV.

Degraded state of the Manyuema. Want of writing materials.
Lion's fat a specific against tsetse. The Neggeri. Jottings
about Meréré. Various sizes of tusks. An epidemic. The strangest
disease of all! The New Year. Detention at Bambarré. Goître.
News of the cholera. Arrival of coast caravan. The
parrot's-feather challenge. Murder of James. Men arrive as
servants. They refuse to go north. Part at last with
malcontents. Receives letters from Dr. Kirk and the Sultan.
Doubts as to the Congo or Nile. Katomba presents a young soko.
Forest scenery. Discrimination of the Manyuema. They "want to
eat a white one." Horrible bloodshed by Ujiji traders. Heartsore
and sick of blood. Approach Nyañgwé. Reaches the Lualaba

CHAPTER V.

The Chitoka or market gathering. The broken watch. Improvises
ink. Builds a new house at Nyañgwé on the bank of the Lualaba.
Marketing. Cannibalism. Lake Kamalondo. Dreadful effect of
slaving. News of country across the Lualaba. Tiresome
frustration. The Bakuss. Feeble health. Busy scene at market.
Unable to procure canoes. Disaster to Arab canoes. Rapids in
Lualaba. Project for visiting Lake Lincoln and the Lomamé.
Offers large reward for canoes and men. The slave's mistress.
Alarm, of natives at market. Fiendish slaughter of women by
Arabs. Heartrending scene. Death on land and in the river.
Tagamoio's assassinations. Continued slaughter across the river.
Livingstone becomes desponding

CHAPTER VI.

Leaves for Ujiji. Dangerous journey through forest. The Manyuema
understand Livingstone's kindness. Zanzibar slaves. Kasongo's.
Stalactite caves. Consequences of eating parrots. Ill. Attacked
in the forest. Providential deliverance. Another extraordinary
escape. Taken for Mohamad Bogharib. Running the gauntlet for
five hours. Loss of property. Reaches place of safety. Ill.
Mamohela. To the Luamo. Severe disappointment. Recovers. Severe
marching. Reaches Ujiji. Despondency. Opportune arrival of Mr.
Stanley. Joy and thankfulness of the old traveller. Determines
to examine north end of Lake Tanganyika. They start. Reach the
Lusizé. No outlet. "Theoretical discovery" of the real outlet.
Mr. Stanley ill. Returns to Ujiji. Leaves stores there.
Departure for Unyanyembé with Mr. Stanley. Abundance of game.
Attacked by bees. Serious illness of Mr. Stanley. Thankfulness
at reaching Unyanyembé

CHAPTER VII.

Determines to continue his work. Proposed route. Refits.
Robberies discovered. Mr. Stanley leaves. Parting messages.
Mteza's people arrive. Ancient Geography. Tabora. Description of
the country. The Banyamwezi. A Baganda bargain. The population
of Unyamyembe. The Mirambo war. Thoughts on Sir Samuel Baker's
policy. The cat and the snake. Firm faith. Feathered neighbours.
Mistaken notion concerning mothers. Prospects for missionaries.
Halima. News of other travellers. Chuma is married

CHAPTER VIII.

Letters arrive at last. Sore intelligence. Death of an old
friend. Observations on the climate. Arab caution. Dearth of
Missionary enterprise. The slave trade and its horrors.
Progressive barbarism. Carping benevolence. Geology of Southern
Africa. The fountain sources. African elephants. A venerable
piece of artillery. Livingstone on Materialism. Bin Nassib. The
Baganda leave at last. Enlists a new follower

CHAPTER IX.

Short years in Buganda. Boys' playthings in Africa. Reflections.
Arrival of the men. Fervent thankfulness. An end of the weary
waiting. Jacob Wainwright takes service under the Doctor.
Preparations for the journey. Flagging and illness. Great heat.
Approaches Lake Tanganyika. The borders of Fipa. Lepidosirens
and Vultures. Capes and islands of Lake Tanganyika. High
mountains. Large Bay

CHAPTER X.

False guides. Very difficult travelling. Donkey dies of tsetse
bites. The Kasonso family. A hospitable chief. The River Lofu.
The nutmeg tree. Famine. Ill. Arrives at Chama's town. A
difficulty. An immense snake. Account of Casembe's death. The
flowers of the Babisa country. Reaches the River Lopoposi.
Arrives at Chituñkué's. Terrible marching. The Doctor is borne
through the flooded country

CHAPTER XI.

Entangled amongst the marshes of Bangweolo. Great privations.
Obliged to return to Chituñkué's. At the chiefs mercy. Agreeably
surprised with the chief. Start once more. Very difficult march.
Robbery exposed. Fresh attack of illness. Sends scouts out to
find villages. Message to Chirubwé. An ant raid. Awaits news
from Matipa. Distressing perplexity. The Bougas of Bangweolo.
Constant rain above and flood below. Ill. Susi and Chuma sent as
envoys to Matipa. Reach Bangweolo. Arrive at Matipa's islet.
Matipa's town. The donkey suffers in transit. Tries to go on to
Kabinga's. Dr. Livingstone makes a demonstration. Solution of
the transport difficulty. Susi and detachment sent to Kabinga's.
Extraordinary extent of flood. Reaches Kabinga's. An upset.
Crosses the Chambezé. The River Muanakazi. They separate into
companies by land and water. A disconsolate lion. Singular
caterpillars. Observations on fish. Coasting along the southern
flood of Lake Bangweolo. Dangerous state of Dr. Livingstone

CHAPTER XII.

Dr. Livingstone rapidly sinking. Last entries in his diary. Susi
and Chuma's additional details. Great agony in his last illness.
Carried across rivers and through flood. Inquiries for the Hill
of the Four Rivers. Kalunganjovu's kindness. Crosses the Mohlamo
into the district of Ilala in great pain. Arrives at Chitambo's
village. Chitambo comes to visit the dying traveller. The last
night. Livingstone expires in the act of praying. The account
of what the men saw. Remarks on his death. Council of the men.
Leaders selected. The chief discovers that his guest is dead.
Noble conduct of Chitambo. A separate village built by the men
wherein to prepare the body for transport. The preparation of
the corpse. Honour shown by the natives to Dr. Livingstone.
Additional remarks on the cause of death. Interment of the heart
at Chitambo's in Ilala of the Wabisa. An inscription and
memorial sign-posts left to denote spot

CHAPTER XIII.

They begin the homeward march from Ilala. Illness of all the
men. Deaths. Muanamazungu. The Luapula. The donkey killed by a
lion. A disaster at N'kossu's. Native surgery. Approach
Chawende's town. Inhospitable reception. An encounter. They take
the town. Leave Chawende's. Reach Chiwaie's. Strike the old
road. Wire drawing. Arrive at Kumbakumba's. John Wainwright
disappears. Unsuccessful search. Reach Tanganyika. Leave the
Lake. Cross the Lambalamfipa range. Immense herds of game. News
of East-Coast Search Expedition. Confirmation of news. They
reach Baula. Avant-couriers sent forwards to Unyanyembé. Chuma
meets Lieut. Cameron. Start for the coast. Sad death of Dr.
Dillon. Clever precautions. The body is effectually concealed.
Girl killed by a snake. Arrival on the coast. Concluding remarks

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Full-page Illustrations.

1. EVENING. ILALA. 29TH APRIL, 1873
2. UGUHA HEAD-DRESSES
3. CHUMA AND SUSI. (From a Photograph by MAULL & Co.)
4. MANYUEMA HUNTERS KILLING SOKOS
5. PORTRAIT OF A YOUNG SOKO
6. A DANGEROUS PRIZE
7. FACSIMILE OF A PORTION OF DR. LIVINGSTONE'S JOURNAL
8. THE MASSACRE OF THE MANYUEMA WOMEN AT NYANGWE
9. THE MANYUEMA AMBUSH
10. "THE MAIN STREAM CAME UP TO SUSI'S MOUTH"
11. THE LAST MILES OF DR. LIVINGSTONE'S TRAVELS
12. FISH EAGLE ON HIPPOPOTAMUS TRAP
13. THE LAST ENTRY IN DR. LIVINGSTONE'S JOURNALS
14. TEMPORARY VILLAGE IN WHICH DR. LIVINGSTONE'S BODY
WAS PREPARED

Smaller Illustrations.

1. LINES OF GREEN SCUM ON LAKE TANGANYIKA
2. MODE OF CATCHING ANTS
3. DR. LIVINGSTONE'S MOSQUITO CURTAIN
4. MATIPA AND HIS WIFE
5. AN OLD SERVANT DESTROYED
6. KAWENDÉ SURGERY

MAP OF CONJECTURAL GEOGRAPHY OF CENTRAL AFRICA,
FROM DR. LIVINGSTONE'S NOTES

CHAPTER I.

Bad beginning of the new year. Dangerous illness. Kindness of
Arabs. Complete helplessness. Arrive at Tanganyika. The Doctor
is conveyed in canoes. Kasanga Islet. Cochin-China fowls.
Beaches Ujiji. Receives some stores. Plundering hands. Slow
recovery. Writes despatches. Refusal of Arabs to take letters.
Thani bin Suellim. A den of slavers. Puzzling current in Lake
Tanganyika. Letters sent off at last. Contemplates visiting the
Manyuema. Arab depredations. Starts for new explorations in
Manyuema, 12th July, 1869. Voyage on the Lake. Kabogo East.
Crosses Tanganyika. Evil effects of last illness. Elephant
hunter's superstition. Dugumbé. The Lualaba reaches the
Manyuema. Sons of Moenékuss. Sokos first heard of. Manyuema
customs. Illness.

[The new year opened badly enough, and from letters he wrote
subsequently concerning the illness which now attacked him, we gather
that it left evils behind, from which he never quite recovered. The
following entries were made after he regained sufficient strength, but
we see how short they necessarily were, and what labour it was to make
the jottings which relate to his progress towards the western shore of
Lake Tanganyika. He was not able at any time during this seizure to
continue the minute maps of the country in his pocket-books, which for
the first time fail here.]

_1st January, 1869._--I have been wet times without number, but the
wetting of yesterday was once too often: I felt very ill, but fearing
that the Lofuko might flood, I resolved to cross it. Cold up to the
waist, which made me worse, but I went on for 2-1/2 hours E.

_3rd January, 1869._--I marched one hour, but found I was too ill to go
further. Moving is always good in fever; now I had a pain in the chest,
and rust of iron sputa: my lungs, my strongest part, were thus affected.
We crossed a rill and built sheds, but I lost count of the days of the
week and month after this. Very ill all over.

_About 7th January, 1869._--Cannot walk: Pneumonia of right lung, and I
cough all day and all night: sputa rust of iron and bloody: distressing
weakness. Ideas flow through the mind with great rapidity and vividness,
in groups of twos and threes: if I look at any piece of wood, the bark
seems covered over with figures and faces of men, and they remain,
though I look away and turn to the same spot again. I saw myself lying
dead in the way to Ujiji, and all the letters I expected there useless.
When I think of my children and friends, the lines ring through my head
perpetually:

"I shall look into your faces,
And listen to what you say,
And be often very near you
When you think I'm far away."

Mohamad Bogharib came up, and I have got a cupper, who cupped my chest.

_8th and 9th January, 1869._--Mohamad Bogharib offered to carry me. I am
so weak I can scarcely speak. We are in Marungu proper now--a pretty but
steeply-undulating country. This is the first time in my life I have
been carried in illness, but I cannot raise myself to the sitting
posture. No food except a little gruel. Great distress in coughing all
night long; feet swelled and sore. I am carried four hours each day on a
kitanda or frame, like a cot; carried eight hours one day. Then sleep in
a deep ravine. Next day six hours, over volcanic tufa; very rough. We
seem near the brim of Tanganyika. Sixteen days of illness. May be 23rd
of January; it is 5th of lunar month. Country very undulating; it is
perpetually up and down. Soil red, and rich knolls of every size and
form. Trees few. Erythrinas abound; so do elephants. Carried eight hours
yesterday to a chief's village. Small sharp thorns hurt the men's feet,
and so does the roughness of the ground. Though there is so much slope,
water does not run quickly off Marungu. A compact mountain-range flanks
the undulating country through which we passed, and may stop the water
flowing. Mohamad Bogharib is very kind to me in my extreme weakness; but
carriage is painful; head down and feet up alternates with feet down and
head up; jolted up and down and sideways--changing shoulders involves a
toss from one side to the other of the kitanda. The sun is vertical,
blistering any part of the skin exposed, and I try to shelter my face
and head as well as I can with a bunch of leaves, but it is dreadfully
fatiguing in my weakness.

I had a severe relapse after a very hot day. Mohamad gave me medicines;
one was a sharp purgative, the others intended for the cure of the
cough.

_14th February, 1869._--Arrived at Tanganyika. Parra is the name of the
land at the confluence of the River Lofuko: Syde bin Habib had two or
three large canoes at this place, our beads were nearly done, so I sent
to Syde to say that all the Arabs had served me except himself. Thani
bin Suellim by his letter was anxious to send a canoe as soon as I
reached the Lake, and the only service I wanted of Syde was to inform
Thani, by one of his canoes, that I was here very ill, and if I did not
get to Ujiji to get proper food and medicine I should die. Thani would
send a canoe as soon as he knew of my arrival I was sure: he replied
that he too would serve me: and sent some flour and two fowls: he would
come in two days and see what he could do as to canoes.

_15th February, 1869._--The cough and chest pain diminished, and I feel
thankful; my body is greatly emaciated. Syde came to-day, and is
favourable to sending me up to Ujiji. Thanks to the Great Father in
Heaven.

_24th February, 1869._--We had remarkably little rain these two months.

_25th February, 1869._--I extracted twenty _Funyés_, an insect like a
maggot, whose eggs had been inserted on my having been put into an old
house infested by them; as they enlarge they stir about and impart a
stinging sensation; if disturbed, the head is drawn in a little. When a
poultice is put on they seem obliged to come out possibly from want of
air: they can be pressed out, but the large pimple in which they live is
painful; they were chiefly in my limbs.

_26th February, 1869._--Embark, and sleep at Katonga after seven hours'
paddling.

_27th February, 1869._--Went 1-3/4 hour to Bondo or Thembwé to buy food.
Shore very rough, like shores near Capréra, but here all is covered with
vegetation. We were to cross to Kabogo, a large mass of mountains on the
eastern side, but the wind was too high.

_28th February, 1869._--Syde sent food back to his slaves.

_2nd March, 1869._--Waves still high, so we got off only on _3rd_ at 1h.
30m. A.M. 6-1/2 hours, and came to M. Bogharib, who cooked bountifully.

_6th March, 1869._--5 P.M. Off to Toloka Bay--three hours; left at 6
A.M., and came, in four hours, to Uguha, which is on the west side of
Tanganyika.

_7th March, 1869._--Left at 6 P.M., and went on till two canoes ran on
rocks in the way to Kasanga islet. Rounded a point of land, and made for
Kasanga with a storm in our teeth; fourteen hours in all. We were
received by a young Arab Muscat, who dined us sumptuously at noon: there
are seventeen islets in the Kasanga group.

_8th March, 1869._--On Kasanga islet. Cochin-China fowls[1] and Muscovy
ducks appear, and plenty of a small milkless breed of goats. Tanganyika
has many deep bays running in four or five miles; they are choked up
with aquatic vegetation, through which canoes can scarcely be propelled.
When the bay has a small rivulet at its head, the water in the bay is
decidedly brackish, though the rivulet be fresh, it made the Zanzibar
people remark on the Lake water, "It is like that we get near the
sea-shore--a little salt;" but as soon as we get out of the shut-in bay
or lagoon into the Lake proper the water is quite sweet, and shows that
a current flows through the middle of the Lake lengthways.

Patience was never more needed than now: I am near Ujiji, but the slaves
who paddle are tired, and no wonder; they keep up a roaring song all
through their work, night and day. I expect to get medicine, food, and
milk at Ujiji, but dawdle and do nothing. I have a good appetite, and
sleep well; these are the favourable symptoms; but am dreadfully thin,
bowels irregular, and I have no medicine. Sputa increases; hope to hold
out to Ujiji. Cough worse. Hope to go to-morrow.

_9th March, 1869._--The Whydah birds have at present light breasts and
dark necks. Zahor is the name of our young Arab host.

_11th March, 1869._--Go over to Kibizé islet, 1-1/2 hour from Kasanga.
Great care is taken not to encounter foul weather; we go a little way,
then wait for fair wind in crossing to east side of Lake.

_12th March, 1869._--People of Kibizé dress like those in Rua, with
cloth made of the Muabé or wild-date leaves; the same is used in
Madagascar for the "lamba."[2] Their hair is collected up to the top of
the head.

From Kibizé islet to Kabogo River on east side of Lake ten hours; sleep
there. Syde slipped past us at night, but we made up to him in four
hours next morning.

_13th March, 1869._--At Rombolé; we sleep, then on.

[At last he reached the great Arab settlement at Ujiji, on the eastern
shore of Tanganyika. It was his first visit, but he had arranged that
supplies should be forwarded thither by caravans bound inland from
Zanzibar. Most unfortunately his goods were made away with in all
directions--not only on this, but on several other occasions. The
disappointment to a man shattered in health, and craving for letters and
stores, must have been severe indeed.]

_14th March, 1869._--Go past Malagarasi River, and reach Ujiji in 3-1/2
hours. Found Haji Thani's agent in charge of my remaining goods.
Medicines, wine, and cheese had been left at Unyanyembé, thirteen days
east of this. Milk not to be had, as the cows had not calved, but a
present of Assam tea from Mr. Black, the Inspector of the Peninsular and
Oriental Company's affairs, had come from Calcutta, besides my own
coffee and a little sugar. I bought butter; two large pots are sold for
two fathoms of blue calico, and four-year-old flour, with which we made
bread. I found great benefit from the tea and coffee, and still more
from flannel to the skin.

_15th March, 1869._--Took account of all the goods left by the
plunderer; sixty-two out of eighty pieces of cloth (each of twenty-four
yards) were stolen, and most of my best beads. The road to Unyembé[3] is
blocked up by a Mazitu or Watuta war, so I must wait till the Governor
there gets an opportunity to send them. The Musa sent with the buffaloes
is a genuine specimen of the ill-conditioned, English-hating Arab. I was
accosted on arriving by, "You must give me five dollars a month for all
my time;" this though he had brought nothing--the buffaloes all
died--and did nothing but receive stolen goods. I tried to make use of
him to go a mile every second day for milk, but he shammed sickness so
often on that day I had to get another to go; then he made a regular
practice of coming into my house, watching what my two attendants were
doing, and going about the village with distorted statements against
them.

I clothed him, but he tried to make bad blood between the respectable
Arab who supplied me with milk and myself, telling him that I abused
him, and then he would come back, saying that he abused me! I can
account for his conduct only by attributing it to that which we call
ill-conditioned: I had to expel him from the house.

I repaired a house to keep out the rain, and on the _23rd_ moved into
it. I gave our Kasanga host a cloth and blanket; he is ill of pneumonia
of both lungs.

_28th March, 1869._--Flannel to the skin and tea very beneficial in the
cure of my disease; my cough has ceased, and I walk half a mile. I am
writing letters for home.

_8th April, 1869._--Visited Moené Mokaia, who sent me two fowls and
rice; gave him two cloths. He added a sheep.

_13th April, 1869._--Employed Suleyman to write notes to Governor of
Unyembé, Syde bin Salem Burashid, to make inquiries about the theft of
my goods, as I meant to apply to Syed Majid, and wished to speak truly
about his man Musa bin Salum, the chief depredator.

Wrote also to Thani for boat and crew to go down Tanganyika.

Syde bin Habib refused to allow his men to carry my letters to the
coast; as he suspected that I would write about his doings in Rua.

_27th April, 1869._--Syde had three canoes smashed in coming up past
Thembwé; the wind and waves drove them on the rocks, and two were
totally destroyed: they are heavy unmanageable craft, and at the mercy
of any storm if they cannot get into a shut bay, behind the reeds and
aquatic vegetation. One of the wrecks is said to have been worth 200
dollars (40_l._).

The season called Masika commenced this month with the usual rolling
thunder, and more rain than in the month preceding.

I have been busy writing letters home, and finished forty-two, which in
some measure will make up for my long silence. The Ujijians are
unwilling to carry my letters, because, they say, Seyed Majid will order
the bearer to return with others: he may say, "You know where he is, go
back to him," but I suspect they fear my exposure of their ways more
than anything else.[4]

_16th May, 1869._--Thani bin Suellim sent me a note yesterday to say
that he would be here in two days, or say three; he seems the most
active of the Ujijians, and I trust will help me to get a canoe and men.

The malachite at Katañga is loosened by fire, then dug out of four
hills: four manehs of the ore yield one maneh of copper, but those who
cultivate the soil get more wealth than those who mine the copper.

[No change of purpose was allowed to grow out of sickness and
disappointment. Here and there, as in the words written on the next day,
we find Livingstone again with his back turned to the coast and gazing
towards the land of the Manyuema and the great rivers reported there.]
_17th May, 1869._--Syde bin Habib arrived to-day with his cargo of
copper and slaves. I have to change house again, and wish I were away,
now that I am getting stronger. Attendants arrive from Parra or Mparra.

[The old slave-dealer, whom he met at Casembe's, and who seems to have
been set at liberty through Livingstone's instrumentality, arrives at
Ujiji at last.]

_18th May, 1869._--Mohamad bin Saleh arrived to-day. He left this when
comparatively young, and is now well advanced in years.

The Bakatala at Lualaba West killed Salem bin Habib. _Mem._--Keep clear
of them. Makwamba is one of the chiefs of the rock-dwellers, Ngulu is
another, and Masika-Kitobwé on to Baluba. Sef attached Kilolo N'tambwé.

_19th May, 1869._--The emancipation of our West-Indian slaves was the
work of but a small number of the people of England--the philanthropists
and all the more advanced thinkers of the age. Numerically they were a
very small minority of the population, and powerful only from the
superior abilities of the leading men, and from having the right, the
true, and just on their side. Of the rest of the population an immense
number were the indifferent, who had no sympathies to spare for any
beyond their own fireside circles. In the course of time sensation
writers came up on the surface of society, and by way of originality
they condemned almost every measure and person of the past.
"Emancipation was a mistake;" and these fast writers drew along with
them a large body, who would fain be slaveholders themselves. We must
never lose sight of the fact that though the majority perhaps are on the
side of freedom, large numbers of Englishmen are not slaveholders only
because the law forbids the practice. In this proclivity we see a great
part of the reason of the frantic sympathy of thousands with the rebels
in the great Black war in America. It is true that we do sympathize
with brave men, though we may not approve of the objects for which they
fight. We admired Stonewall Jackson as a modern type of Cromwell's
Ironsides; and we praised Lee for his generalship, which, after all, was
chiefly conspicuous by the absence of commanding abilities in his
opponents, but, unquestionably, there existed besides an eager desire
that slaveocracy might prosper, and the Negro go to the wall. The
would-be slaveholders showed their leanings unmistakably in reference to
the Jamaica outbreak; and many a would-be Colonel Hobbs, in lack of
revolvers, dipped his pen in gall and railed against all Niggers who
could not be made slaves. We wonder what they thought of their hero,
when informed that, for very shame at what he had done and written, he
had rushed unbidden out of the world.

_26th May, 1869._--Thani bin Suellim came from Unyanyembé on the 20th.
He is a slave who has risen to freedom and influence; he has a
disagreeable outward squint of the right eye, teeth protruding from the
averted lips, is light-coloured, and of the nervous type of African. He
brought two light boxes from Unyembé, and charged six fathoms for one
and eight fathoms for the other, though the carriage of both had been
paid for at Zanzibar. When I paid him he tried to steal, and succeeded
with one cloth by slipping it into the hands of a slave. I gave him two
cloths and a double blanket as a present. He discovered afterwards what
he knew before, that all had been injured by the wet on the way here,
and sent two back openly, which all saw to be an insult. He asked a
little coffee, and I gave a plateful; and he even sent again for more
coffee after I had seen reason to resent his sending back my present. I
replied, "He won't send coffee back, for I shall give him none." In
revenge he sends round to warn all the Ujijians against taking my
letters to the coast; this is in accordance with their previous conduct,
for, like the Kilwa people on the road to Nyassa, they have refused to
carry my correspondence.

This is a den of the worst kind of slave-traders; those whom I met in
Urungu and Itawa were gentlemen slavers: the Ujiji slavers, like the
Kilwa and Portuguese, are the vilest of the vile. It is not a trade, but
a system of consecutive murders; they go to plunder and kidnap, and
every trading trip is nothing but a foray. Moené Mokaia, the headman of
this place, sent canoes through to Nzigé, and his people, feeling their
prowess among men ignorant of guns, made a regular assault but were
repulsed, and the whole, twenty in number, were killed. Moené Mokaia is
now negotiating with Syde bin Habib to go and revenge this, for so much
ivory, and all he can get besides. Syde, by trying to revenge the death
of Salem bin Habib, his brother, on the Bakatala, has blocked up one
part of the country against me, and will probably block Nzigé, for I
cannot get a message sent to Chowambé by anyone, and may have to go to
Karagwé on foot, and then from Rumanyika down to this water.

[In reference to the above we may add that there is a vocabulary of
Masai words at the end of a memorandum-book. Livingstone compiled this
with the idea that it would prove useful on his way towards the coast,
should he eventually pass through the Masai country. No doubt some of
the Arabs or their slaves knew the language, and assisted him at his
work.]

_29th May, 1869._--Many people went off to Unyembé, and their houses
were untenanted; I wished one, as I was in a lean-to of Zahor's, but the
two headmen tried to secure the rent for themselves, and were defeated
by Mohamad bin Saleh. I took my packet of letters to Thani, and gave two
cloths and four bunches of beads to the man who was to take them to
Unyanyembé; an hour afterwards, letters, cloths, and beads were
returned: Thani said he was afraid of English letters; he did not know
what was inside. I had sewed them up in a piece of canvas, that was
suspicious, and he would call all the great men of Ujiji and ask them if
it would be safe to take them; if they assented he would call for the
letters, if not he would not send them. I told Mohamad bin Saleh, and he
said to Thani that he and I were men of the Government, and orders had
come from Syed Majid to treat me with all respect: was this conduct
respectful? Thani then sent for the packet, but whether it will reach
Zanzibar I am doubtful. I gave the rent to the owner of the house and
went into it on 31st May. They are nearly all miserable Suaheli at
Ujiji, and have neither the manners nor the sense of Arabs.

[We see in the next few lines how satisfied Livingstone was concerning
the current in the Lake: he almost wishes to call Tanganyika _a river_.
Here then is a problem left for the future explorer to determine.
Although the Doctor proved by experiments during his lengthy stay at
Ujiji that the set is towards the north, his two men get over the
difficulty thus: "If you blow upon the surface of a basin of water on
one side, you will cause the water at last to revolve round and round;
so with Tanganyika, the prevailing winds produce a similar
circulation.". They feel certain there is no outlet, because at one time
or another they virtually completed the survey of the coast line and
listened to native testimony besides. How the phenomenon of sweet water
is to be accounted for we do not pretend to say. The reader will see
further on that Livingstone grapples with the difficulty which this Lake
affords, and propounds an exceedingly clever theory.]

Tanganyika has encroached on the Ujiji side upwards of a mile, and the
bank, which was in the memory of men now living, garden ground, is
covered with about two fathoms of water: in this Tanganyika resembles
most other rivers in this country, as the Upper Zambesi for instance,
which in the Barotsé country has been wearing eastwards for the last
thirty years: this Lake, or river, has worn eastwards too.

_1st June, 1869._--I am thankful to feel getting strong again, and wish
to go down Tanganyika, but cannot get men: two months must elapse ere we
can face the long grass and superabundant water in the way to Manyuema.

[Illustration: Lines of Green Scum]

The green scum which forms on still water in this country is of
vegetable origin--confervæ. When the rains fall they swell the lagoons,
and the scum is swept into the Lake; here it is borne along by the
current from south to north, and arranged in long lines, which bend from
side to side as the water flows, but always N.N.W. or N.N.E., and not
driven, as here, by the winds, as plants floating above the level of the
water would be.

_7th June, 1869._--It is remarkable that all the Ujiji Arabs who have
any opinion on the subject, believe that all the water in the north, and
all the water in the south, too, flows into Tanganyika, but where it
then goes they have no conjecture. They assert, as a matter of fact,
that Tanganyika, Usigé water, and Loanda, are one and the same piece of
river.

Thani, on being applied to for men and a canoe to take me down this line
of drainage, consented, but let me know that his people would go no
further than Uvira, and then return. He subsequently said Usigé, but I
wished to know what I was to do when left at the very point where I
should be most in need. He replied, in his silly way, "My people are
afraid; they won't go further; get country people," &c. Moenegheré sent
men to Loanda to force a passage through, but his people were repulsed
and twenty killed.

Three men came yesterday from Mokamba, the greatest chief in Usigé,
with four tusks as a present to his friend Moenegheré, and asking for
canoes to be sent down to the end of Urundi country to bring butter and
other things, which the three men could not bring: this seems an
opening, for Mokamba being Moenegheré's friend I shall prefer paying
Moenegheré for a canoe to being dependent on Thani's skulkers. If the
way beyond Mokamba is blocked up by the fatal skirmish referred to, I
can go from Mokamba to Rumanyika, three or four or more days distant,
and get guides from him to lead me back to the main river beyond Loanda,
and by this plan only three days of the stream will be passed over
unvisited. Thani would evidently like to receive the payment, but
without securing to me the object for which I pay. He is a poor thing, a
slaveling: Syed Majid, Sheikh Suleiman, and Korojé, have all written to
him, urging an assisting deportment in vain: I never see him but he begs
something, and gives nothing, I suppose he expects me to beg from him. I
shall be guided by Moenegheré.

I cannot find anyone who knows where the outflow of the unvisited Lake
S.W. of this goes; some think that it goes to the Western Ocean, or, I
should say, the Congo. Mohamad Bogharib goes in a month to Manyuema, but
if matters turn out as I wish, I may explore this Tanganyika line first.
One who has been in Manyuema three times, and was of the first party
that ever went there, says that the Manyuema are not cannibals, but a
tribe west of them eats some parts of the bodies of those slain in war.
Some people south of Moenékuss[5], chief of Manyuema, build strong clay
houses.

_22nd June, 1869._--After listening to a great deal of talk I have come
to the conclusion that I had better not go with Moenegheré's people to
Mokamba. I see that it is to be a mulcting, as in Speke's case: I am to
give largely, though I am not thereby assured of getting down the river.
They say, "You must give much, because you are a great man: Mokamba will
say so"--though Mokamba knows nothing about me! It is uncertain whether
I can get down through by Loanda, and great risk would be run in going
to those who cut off the party of Moenegheré, so I have come to the
conclusion that it will be better for me to go to Manyuema about a
fortnight hence, and, if possible, trace down the western arm of the
Nile to the north--if this arm is indeed that of the Nile, and not of
the Congo. Nobody here knows anything about it, or, indeed, about the
eastern or Tanganyika line either; they all confess that they have but
one question in their minds in going anywhere, they ask for ivory and
for nothing else, and each trip ends as a foray. Moenegheré's last trip
ended disastrously, twenty-six of his men being cut off; in extenuation
he says that it was not his war but Mokamba's: he wished to be allowed
to go down through Loanda, and as the people in front of Mokamba and
Usigé own his supremacy, he said, "Send your force with mine and let us
open the way," so they went on land and were killed. An attempt was made
to induce Syde bin Habib to clear the way, and be paid in ivory, but
Syde likes to battle with those who will soon run away and leave the
spoil to him.

The Manyuema are said to be friendly where they have not been attacked
by Arabs: a great chief is reported as living on a large river flowing
northwards, I hope to make my way to him, and I feel exhilarated at the
thought of getting among people not spoiled by contact with Arab
traders. I would not hesitate to run the risk of getting through Loanda,
the continuation of Usigé beyond Mokamba's, had blood not been shed so
very recently there; but it would at present be a great danger, and to
explore some sixty miles of the Tanganyika line only. If I return
hither from Manyuema my goods and fresh men from Zanzibar will have
arrived, and I shall be better able to judge as to the course to be
pursued after that. Mokamba is about twenty, miles beyond Uvira; the
scene of Moenegheré's defeat, is ten miles beyond Mokamba; so the
unexplored part cannot be over sixty miles, say thirty if we take
Baker's estimate of the southing of his water to be near the truth.

Salem or Palamotto told me that he was sent for by a headman near to
this to fight his brother for him: he went and demanded prepayment; then
the brother sent him three tusks to refrain: Salem took them and came
home. The Africans have had hard measures meted out to them in the
world's history!

_28th June, 1869._--The current in Tanganyika is well marked when the
lighter-coloured water of a river flows in and does not at once mix--the
Luishé at Ujiji is a good example, and it shows by large light greenish
patches on the surface a current of nearly a mile an hour north. It
begins to flow about February, and continues running north till November
or December. Evaporation on 300 miles of the south is then at its
strongest, and water begins to flow gently south till arrested by the
flood of the great rains there, which takes place in February and March.
There is, it seems, a reflux for about three months in each year, flow
and reflow being the effect of the rains and evaporation on a lacustrine
river of some three hundred miles in length lying south of the equator.
The flow northwards I have myself observed, that again southwards rests
on native testimony, and it was elicited from the Arabs by pointing out
the northern current: they attributed the southern current to the effect
of the wind, which they say then blows south. Being cooled by the rains,
it comes south into the hot valley of this great Riverein Lake, or
lacustrine river.

In going to Moenékuss, the paramount chief of the Manyuema, forty days
are required. The headmen of trading parties remain with this chief (who
is said by all to be a very good man), and send their people out in all
directions to trade. Moenemogaia says that in going due north from
Moenékuss they come to a large river, the Robumba, which flows into and
is the Luama, and that this again joins the Lualaba, which retains its
name after flowing with the Lufira and Lofu into the still unvisited
Lake S.S.W. of this: it goes thence due north, probably into Mr. Baker's
part of the eastern branch of the Nile. When I have gone as far north
along Lualaba as I can this year, I shall be able to judge as to the
course I ought to take after receiving my goods and men from Zanzibar,
and may the Highest direct me, so that I may finish creditably the work
I have undertaken. I propose to start for Manyuema on the 3rd July.

The dagala or nsipé, a small fish caught in great numbers in every
flowing water, and very like whitebait, is said to emit its eggs by the
mouth, and these immediately burst and the young fish manages for
itself. The dagala never becomes larger than two or three inches in
length. Some, putrefied, are bitter, as if the bile were in them in a
good quantity. I have eaten them in Lunda of a pungent bitter taste,
probably arising from the food on which the fish feeds. Men say that
they have seen the eggs kept in the sides of the mouth till ready to go
off as independent fishes. The nghédé-dégé, a species of perch, and
another, the ndusi, are said to do the same. The Arabs imagine that fish
in general fall from the skies, but they except the shark, because they
can see the young when it is cut open.

_10th July, 1869._--After a great deal of delay and trouble about a
canoe, we got one from Habee for ten dotis or forty yards of calico, and
a doti or four yards to each of nine paddlers to bring the vessel back.
Thani and Zahor blamed me for not taking their canoes for nothing; but
they took good care not to give them, but made vague offers, which
meant, "We want much higher pay for our dhows than Arabs generally
get:" they showed such an intention to fleece me that I was glad to get
out of their power, and save the few goods I had. I went a few miles,
when two strangers I had allowed to embark (from being under obligations
to their masters), worked against each other: so I had to let one land,
and but for his master would have dismissed the other: I had to send an
apology to the landed man's master for politeness' sake.

[It is necessary to say a few words here, so unostentatiously does
Livingstone introduce this new series of explorations to the reader. The
Manyuema country, for which he set out on the 12th of July, 1869, was
hitherto unknown. As we follow him we shall see that in almost every
respect both the face of the country and the people differ from other
regions lying nearer to the East Coast. It appears that the Arabs had an
inkling of the vast quantities of ivory which might be procured there,
and Livingstone went into the new field with the foremost of those
hordes of Ujijian traders who, in all probability, will eventually
destroy tribe after tribe by slave-trading and pillage, as they have
done in so many other regions.]

Off at 6 A.M., and passed the mouth of the Luishé, in Kibwé Bay; 3-1/2
hours took us to Rombola or Lombola, where all the building wood of
Ujiji is cut.

_12th July, 1869._--Left at 1.30 A.M., and pulled 7-1/2 hours to the
left bank of the Malagarasi River. We cannot go by day, because about 11
A.M. a south-west wind commences to blow, which the heavy canoes cannot
face; it often begins earlier or later, according to the phases of the
moon. An east wind blows from sunrise till 10 or 11 A.M., and the
south-west begins. The Malagarasi is of considerable size at its
confluence, and has a large islet covered with eschinomena, or pith hat
material, growing in its way.

Were it not for the current Tanganyika would be covered with green scum
now rolling away in miles of length and breadth to the north; it would
also be salt like its shut-in bays. The water has now fallen two feet
perpendicularly. It took us twelve hours to ascend to the Malagarasi
River from Ujiji, and only seven to go down that distance. Prodigious
quantities of confervæ pass us day and night in slow majestic flow. It
is called Shuaré. But for the current Tanganyika would be covered with
"Tikatika" too, like Victoria Nyanza.

_13th July, 1869._--Off at 3.15 A.M., and in five hours reached Kabogo
Eiver; from this point the crossing is always accomplished: it is about
thirty miles broad. Tried to get off at 6 P.M., but after two miles the
south wind blew, and as it is a dangerous wind and the usual one in
storms, the men insisted on coming back, for the wind, having free
scope along the entire southern length of Tanganyika, raises waves
perilous to their heavy craft; after this the clouds cleared all away,
and the wind died off too; the full moon shone brightly, and this is
usually accompanied by calm weather here. Storms occur at new moon most
frequently.

_14th July, 1869._--Sounded in dark water opposite the high fountain
Kabogo, 326 fathoms, but my line broke in coming up, and we did not see
the armed end of the sounding lead with sand or mud on it: this is 1965
feet.

People awaking in fright utter most unearthly yells, and they are joined
in them by all who sleep near. The first imagines himself seized by a
wild beast, the rest roar because they hear him doing it: this indicates
the extreme of helpless terror.

_15th July, 1869._--After pulling all night we arrived at some islands
and cooked breakfast, then we went on to Kasengë islet on their south,
and came up to Mohamad Bogharib, who had come from Tongwé, and intended
to go to Manyuema. We cross over to the mainland, that is, to the
western shore of the Lake, about 300 yards off, to begin our journey on
the 21st. Lunars on 20th. Delay to prepare food for journey. Lunars
again 22nd.

A strong wind from the East to-day. A current sweeps round this islet
Kiséngé from N.E. to S.E., and carries trees and duckweed at more than
a mile an hour in spite of the breeze blowing across it to the West. The
wind blowing along the Lake either way raises up water, and in a calm it
returns, off the shore. Sometimes it causes the current to go
southwards. Tanganyika narrows at Uvira or Vira, and goes out of sight
among the mountains there; then it appears as a waterfall into the Lake
of Quando seen by Banyamwezi.

_23rd July, 1869._--I gave a cloth to be kept for Kasanga, the chief of
Kasengé, who has gone to fight with the people of Goma.

_1st August, 1869._--Mohamad killed a kid as a sort of sacrifice, and
they pray to Hadrajee before eating it. The cookery is of their very
best, and I always get a share; I tell them that I like the cookery, but
not the prayers, and it is taken in good part.

_2nd August, 1869._--We embarked from the islet and got over to the
mainland, and slept in a hooked-thorn copse, with a species of black
pepper plant, which we found near the top of Mount Zomba, in the
Manganja country,[6] in our vicinity; it shows humidity of climate.

_3rd August, 1869._--Marched 3-1/4 hours south, along Tanganyika, in a
very undulating country; very fatiguing in my weakness. Passed many
screw-palms, and slept at Lobamba village.

_4th August, 1869._--A relative of Kasanga engaged to act as our guide,
so we remained waiting for him, and employed a Banyamwezi smith to make
copper balls with some bars of that metal presented by Syde bin Habib. A
lamb wasstolen, and all declared that the deed must have been done by
Banyamwezi. "At Guha people never steal," and I believe this is true.

_7th August, 1869._--The guide having arrived, we marched 2-1/4 hours
west and crossed the River Logumba, about forty yards broad and knee
deep, with a rapid current between deep cut banks; it rises in the
western Kabogo range, and flows about S.W. into Tanganyika. Much dura or
_Holcus sorghum_ is cultivated on the rich alluvial soil on its banks by
the Guha people.

_8th August, 1869._--West through open forest; very undulating, and the
path full of angular fragments of quartz. We see mountains in the
distance.

_9th-10th August, 1869._--Westwards to Makhato's village, and met a
company of natives beating a drum as they came near; this is the peace
signal; if war is meant the attack is quiet and stealthy. There are
plenty of Masuko trees laden with fruit, but unripe. It is cold at
night, but dry, and the people sleep with only a fence at their heads,
but I have a shed built at every camp as a protection for the loads, and
sleep in it.

Any ascent, though gentle, makes me blow since the attack of pneumonia;
if it is inclined to an angle of 45°, 100 or 150 yards make me stop to
pant in distress.

_11th August, 1869._--Came to a village of Ba Rua, surrounded by hills
of some 200 feet above the plain; trees sparse.

_12th-13th August, 1869._--At villages of Mekhéto. Guha people. Remain
to buy and prepare food, and because many are sick.

_16th August, 1869._--West and by north through much forest reach
Kalalibébé; buffalo killed.

_17th August, 1869._--To a high mountain, Golu or Gulu, and sleep at its
base.

_18th August, 1869._--Cross two rills flowing into River Mgoluyé. Kagoya
and Moishé flow into Lobumba.

_19th August, 1869._--To the River Lobumba, forty-five yards Avide,
thigh deep, and rapid current. Logumba and Lobumba are both from Kabogo
Mounts: one goes into Tanganyika, and the other, or Lobumba, into and is
the Luamo: prawns are found in this river. The country east of the
Lobumba is called Lobanda, that west of it, Kitwa.

_21st August, 1869._--Went on to the River Loungwa, which has worn for
itself a rut in new red sandstone twenty feet deep, and only three or
four feet wide at the lips.

_25th August, 1869._--We rest because all are tired; travelling at this
season is excessively fatiguing. It is very hot at even 10 A.M., and 2½
or 3 hours tires the strongest--carriers especially so: during the rains
five hours would not have fatigued so much as three do now. We are now
on the same level as Tanganyika. The dense mass of black smoke rising
from the burning grass and reeds on the Lobumba, or Robumba, obscures
the sun, and very sensibly lowers the temperature of the sultriest day;
it looks like the smoke in Martin's pictures. The Manyuema arrows here
are very small, and made of strong grass stalks, but poisoned, the large
ones, for elephants and buffaloes, are poisoned also.

_31st August, 1869._--Course N.W. among Palmyras and Hyphené Palms, and
many villages swarming with people. Crossed Kibila, a hot fountain about
120°, to sleep at Kolokolo River, five yards wide, and knee deep: midway
we passed the River Kanzazala. On asking the name of a mountain on our
right I got three names for it--Kaloba, Chingedi, and Kihomba, a fair
specimen of the superabundance of names in this country!

_1st September, 1869._--West in flat forest, then cross Kishila River,
and go on to Kundé's villages. The Katamba is a fine rivulet. Kundé is
an old man without dignity or honour: he came to beg, but offered
nothing.

_2nd September, 1869._--We remained at Katamba to hunt buffaloes and
rest, as I am still weak. A young elephant was killed, and I got the
heart: the Arabs do not eat it, but that part is nice if well cooked.

A Lunda slave, for whom I interceded to be freed of the yoke, ran away,
and as he is near the Barna, his countrymen, he will be hidden. He told
his plan to our guide, and asked to accompany him back to Tanganyika,
but he is eager to deliver him up for a reward: all are eager to press
each other down in the mire into which they are already sunk.

_5th September, 1869._--Kundé's people refused the tusks of an elephant
killed by our hunter, asserting that they had killed it themselves with
a hoe: they have no honour here, as some have elsewhere.

_7th September, 1869._--W. and N.W., through forest and immense fields
of cassava, some three years old, with roots as thick as a stout man's
leg.

_8th September, 1869._--Across five rivers and through many villages.
The country is covered with ferns and gingers, and miles and miles of
cassava. On to village of Karun-gamagao.

_9th September, 1869._--Rest again to shoot meat, as elephants and
buffaloes are very abundant: the Suaheli think that adultery is an
obstacle to success in killing this animal: no harm can happen to him
who is faithful to his wife, and has the proper charms inserted under
the skin of his forearms.

_10th September, 1869._--North and north-west, over four rivers, and.
past the village of Makala, to near that of Pyana-mosindé.

_12th September, 1869._--We had wandered, and now came back to our path
on hilly ground. The days are sultry and smoking. We came to some
villages of Pyana-mosindé; the population prodigiously large. A sword
was left at the camp, and at once picked up; though the man was traced
to a village it was refused, till he accidentally cut his foot with it,
and became afraid that worse would follow, elsewhere it would have been
given up at once: Pyana-mosindé came out and talked very sensibly.

_13th September, 1869._--Along towards the Moloni or Mononi; cross seven
rills. The people seized three slaves who lagged behind, but hearing a
gun fired at guinea-fowls let them go. Route N.

_14th September, 1869._--Up and down hills perpetually. We went down
into some deep dells, filled with gigantic trees, and I measured one
twenty feet in circumference, and sixty or seventy feet high to the
first branches; others seemed fit to be ship's spars. Large lichens
covered many and numerous new plants appeared on the ground.

_15th September, 1869._--Got clear of the mountains after 1-1/2 hour, and
then the vast valley of Mamba opened out before us; very beautiful, and
much of it cleared of trees. Met Dugumbé carrying 18,000 lbs. of ivory,
purchased in this new field very cheaply, because no traders had ever
gone into the country beyond Bambarré, or Moenékuss's district before.
We were now in the large bend of the Lualaba, which is here much larger
than at Mpwéto's, near Moero Lake. River Kesingwé.

_16th September, 1869._--To Kasangangazi's. We now came to the first
palm-oil trees (_Elais Guineensis_) in our way since we left Tanganyika.
They had evidently been planted at villages. Light-grey parrots, with
red tails, also became common, whose name, Kuss or Koos, gives the chief
his name, Moenékuss ("Lord of the Parrot"); but the Manyuema
pronunciation is Monanjoosé. Much reedy grass, fully half an inch in
diameter in the stalk on our route, and over the top of the range
Moloni, which we ascended: the valleys are impassable.

_17th September, 1869._--Remain to buy food at Kasanga's, and rest the
carriers. The country is full of pahn-oil palms, and very beautiful. Our
people are all afraid to go out of sight of the camp for necessary
purposes, lest the Manyuema should kill them. Here was the barrier to
traders going north, for the very people among whom we now are, murdered
anyone carrying a tusk, till last year, when Moene-mokaia, or Katomba,
got into friendship with Moenékuss, who protected his people, and always
behaved in a generous sensible manner. Dilongo, now a chief here, came
to visit us: his elder brother died, and he was elected; he does not
wash in consequence, and is very dirty.

Two buffaloes were killed yesterday. The people have their bodies
tattooed with new and full moons, stars, crocodiles, and Egyptian
gardens.

_19th September, 1869._--We crossed several rivulets three yards to
twelve yards, and calf deep. The mountain where we camped is called
Sangomélambé.

_20th September, 1869._--Up to a broad range of high mountains of light
grey granite; there are deep dells on the top filled with gigantic
trees, and having running rills in them. Some trees appear with enormous
roots, buttresses in fact like mangroves in the coast swamps, six feet
high at the trunk and flattened from side to side to about three inches
in diameter. There are many villages dotted over the slopes which we
climbed; one had been destroyed, and revealed the hard clay walls and
square forms of Manyuema houses. Our path lay partly along a ridge, with
a deep valley on each side: one on the left had a valley filled with
primeval forests, into which elephants when wounded escape completely.
The forest was a dense mass, without a bit of ground to be seen except a
patch on the S.W., the bottom of this great valley was 2000 feet below
us, then ranges of mountains with villages on their bases rose as far as
they could reach. On our right there was another deep but narrow gorge,
and mountains much higher than on our ridge close adjacent. Our ridge
looked like a glacier, and it wound from side to side, and took us to
the edge of deep precipices, first on the right, then on the left, till
down below we came to the villages of Chief Monandenda. The houses here
are all well filled with firewood on shelves, and each has a bed on a
raised platform in an inner room.

The paths are very skilfully placed on the tops of the ridges of hills,
and all gullies are avoided. If the highest level were not in general
made the ground for passing through the country the distances would at
least be doubled, and the fatigue greatly increased. The paths seem to
have been used for ages: they are worn deep on the heights; and in
hollows a little mound rises on each side, formed by the feet tossing a
little soil on one side.

_21st September, 1869._--Cross five or six rivulets, and as many
villages, some burned and deserted, or inhabited. Very many people come
running to see the strangers. Gigantic trees all about the villages.
Arrive at Bambarré or Moenékuss.

About eighty hours of actual travelling, say at 2' per hour = say 160'
or 140'. Westing from 3rd August to 21st September. My strength
increased as I persevered. From Tanganyika west bank say =

29° 30' east - 140' = 2° 20,'
2 20
-------
27° 10' Long.

Chief village of Moenékuss.

Observations show a little lower altitude than Tanganyika.

_22nd September, 1869._--Moenékuss died lately, and left his two sons to
fill his place. Moenembagg is the elder of the two, and the most
sensible, and the spokesman on all important occasions, but his younger
brother, Moenemgoi, is the chief, the centre of authority. They showed
symptoms of suspicion, and Mohamad performed the ceremony of mixing
blood, which is simply making a small incision on the forearm of each
person, and then mixing the bloods, and making declarations of
friendship. Moenembagg said, "Your people must not steal, we never do,"
which is true: blood in a small quantity was then conveyed from one to
the other by a fig-leaf. "No stealing of fowls or of men," said the
chief: "Catch the thief and bring him to me, one who steals a person is
a pig," said Mohamad. Stealing, however, began on our side, a slave
purloining a fowl, so they had good reason to enjoin honesty on us! They
think that we have come to kill them: we light on them as if from
another world: no letters come to tell who we are, or what we want. We
cannot conceive their state of isolation and helplessness, with nothing
to trust to but their charms and idols--both being bits of wood. I got a
large beetle hung up before an idol in the idol house of a deserted and
burned village; the guardian was there, but the village destroyed.

I presented the two brothers with two table cloths, four bunches of
beads, and one string of neck-beads; they were well satisfied.

A wood here when burned emits a horrid fæcal smell, and one would think
the camp polluted if one fire was made of it. I had a house built for me
because the village huts are inconvenient, low in roof, and low
doorways; the men build them, and help to cultivate the soil, but the
women have to keep them well filled with firewood and supplied with
water. They carry the wood, and almost everything else in large baskets,
hung to the shoulders, like the Edinburgh fishwives. A man made a long
loud prayer to Mulungu last night after dark for rain.

The sons of Moenékuss have but little of their father's power, but they
try to behave to strangers as he did. All our people are in terror of
the Manyéma, or Manyuema, man-eating fame: a woman's child had crept
into a quiet corner of the hut to eat a banana--she could not find him,
and at once concluded that the Manyuema had kidnapped him to eat him,
and with a yell she ran through the camp and screamed at the top of her
shrill voice, "Oh, the Manyuema have stolen my child to make meat of
him! Oh, my child eaten--oh, oh!"

_26th-28th September, 1869._--A Lunda slave-girl was sent off to be sold
for a tusk, but the Manyuema don't want slaves, as we were told in
Lunda, for they are generally thieves, and otherwise bad characters. It
is now clouded over and preparing for rain, when sun comes overhead.
Small-pox comes every three or four years, and kills many of the people.
A soko alive was believed to be a good charm for rain; so one was
caught, and the captor had the ends of two fingers and toes bitten off.
The soko or gorillah always tries to bite off these parts, and has been
known to overpower a young man and leave him without the ends of fingers
and toes. I saw the nest of one: it is a poor contrivance; no more
architectural skill shown than in the nest of our Cushat dove.

_29th September, 1869._--I visited a hot fountain, an hour west of our
camp, which has five eyes, temperature 150°, slightly saline taste, and
steam issues constantly. It is called Kasugwé Colambu. Earthquakes are
well known, and to the Manyuema they seem to come from the east to west;
pots rattle and fowls cackle on these occasions.

_2nd October, 1869._--A rhinoceros was shot, and party sent off to the
River Luamo to buy ivory.

_5th October, 1869._--An elephant was killed, and the entire population
went off to get meat, which was given freely at first, but after it was
known how eagerly the Manyuema sought it, six or eight goats were
demanded for a carcase and given.

_9th October, 1869._--The rite of circumcision is general among all the
Manyuema; it is performed on the young. If a headman's son is to be
operated on, it is tried on a slave first; certain times of the year are
unpropitious, as during a drought for instance; but having by this
experiment ascertained the proper time, they go into the forest, beat
drums, and feast as elsewhere: contrary to all African custom they are
not ashamed to speak about the rite, even before women.

Two very fine young men came to visit me to-day. After putting several
preparatory inquiries as to where our country lay, &c., they asked
whether people died with us, and where they went to after death. "Who
kills them?" "Have you no charm (Buanga) against death?" It is not
necessary to answer such questions save in a land never visited by
strangers. Both had the "organs of intelligence" largely developed. I
told them that we prayed to the Great Father, "Mulungu," and He hears us
all; they thought this to be natural.

_14th October, 1869._--An elephant killed was of the small variety, and
only 5 feet 8 inches high at the withers. The forefoot was in
circumference 3 feet 9 inches, which doubled gives 7 feet 6 inches; this
shows a deviation from the usual rule "twice round the forefoot = the
height of the animal." Heart 1-1/2 foot long, tusks 6 feet 8 inches in
length.

_15th October, 1869._--Fever better, and thankful. Very cold and rainy.

_18th October, 1869._--Our Hassani returned from Moené Kirumbo's; then
one of Dugumbé's party (also called Hassani) seized ten goats and ten
slaves before leaving, though great kindness had been shown: this is
genuine Suaheli or Nigger-Moslem tactics--four of his people were killed
in revenge.

A whole regiment of Soldier ants in my hut were put into a panic by a
detachment of Driver ants called Sirufu. The Chungu or black soldiers
rushed out with their eggs and young, putting them down and running for
more. A dozen Sirafu pitched on one Chungu and killed him. The Chungu
made new quarters for themselves. When the white ants cast off their
colony of winged emigrants a canopy is erected like an umbrella over the
ant-hill. As soon as the ants fly against the roof they tumble down in a
shower and their wings instantly become detached from their bodies. They
are then helpless, and are swept up in baskets to be fried, when they
make a very palatable food.

[Illustration: Catching Ants.]

_24th-25th October, 1869._--Making copper rings, as these are highly
prized by Manyuema. Mohamad's Tembé fell. It had been begun on an
unlucky day, the 26th of the moon; and on another occasion on the same
day, he had fifty slaves swept away by a sudden flood of a dry river in
the Obena country: they are great observers of lucky and unlucky days.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] On showing Chuma and Susi some immense Cochin-China fowls at a
poultry show, they said that they were not larger than those which
they saw when with Dr. Livingstone on these islands. Muscovy ducks
abound throughout Central Africa.--ED.

[2] The natural dress of the Malagash.

[3] The same as Unyanyembé, the half-way settlement on the great
caravan road from the coast to the interior.

[4] These letters must have been destroyed purposely by the Arabs, for
they never arrived at Zanzibar.--ED.

[5] It is curious that this name occurs amongst the Zulu tribes south
of the Zambesi, and, as it has no vowel at the end, appears to be of
altogether foreign origin.--ED.

[6] In 1859.

CHAPTER II.

_1st November, 1869._--Being now well rested, I resolved to go west to
Lualaba and buy a canoe for its exploration. Our course was west and
south-west, through a country surpassingly beautiful, mountainous, and
villages perched on the talus of each great mass for the sake of quick
drainage. The streets often run east and west, in order that the bright
blazing sun may lick up the moisture quickly from off them. The dwelling
houses are generally in line, with public meeting houses at each end,
opposite the middle of the street, the roofs are low, but well thatched
with a leaf resembling the banana leaf, but more tough; it seems from
its fruit to be a species of Euphorbia. The leaf-stack has a notch made
in it of two or three inches lengthways, and this hooks on to the
rafters, which are often of the leaf-stalks of palms, split up so as to
be thin; the water runs quickly off this roof, and the walls, which are
of well-beaten clay, are screened from the weather. Inside, the
dwellings are clean and comfortable, and before the Arabs came bugs were
unknown--as I have before observed, one may know where these people have
come by the presence or absence of these nasty vermin: the human tick,
which infests all Arab and Suaheli houses, is to the Manyuema unknown.

In some cases, where the south-east rains are abundant, the Manyuema
place the back side of the houses to this quarter, and prolong the low
roof down, so that the rain does not reach the walls. These clay walls
stand for ages, and men often return to the villages they left in
infancy and build again the portions that many rains have washed away.
The country generally is of clayey soil, and suitable for building. Each
housewife has from twenty-five to thirty earthen pots slung to the
ceiling by very neat cord-swinging tressels; and often as many neatly
made baskets hung up in the same fashion, and much firewood.

_5th November, 1869._--In going we crossed the River Luela, of twenty
yards in width, five times, in a dense dripping forest. The men of one
village always refused to accompany us to the next set of hamlets, "They
were at war, and afraid of being killed and eaten." They often came five
or six miles through the forests that separate the districts, but when
we drew near to the cleared spaces cultivated by their enemies they
parted civilly, and invited us to come the same way back, and they would
sell us all the food we required.

The Manyuema country is all surpassingly beautiful. Palms crown the
highest heights of the mountains, and their gracefully bended fronds
wave beautifully in the wind; and the forests, usually about five miles
broad, between groups of villages, are indescribable. Climbers of cable
size in great numbers are hung among the gigantic trees, many unknown
wild fruits abound, some the size of a child's head, and strange birds
and monkeys are everywhere. The soil is excessively rich, and the
people, although isolated by old feuds that are never settled,
cultivate largely. They have selected a kind of maize that bends its
fruit-stalk round into a hook, and hedges some eighteen feet high are
made by inserting poles, which sprout like Robinson Crusoe's hedge, and
never decay. Lines of climbing plants are tied so as to go along from
pole to pole, and the maize cobs are suspended to these by their own
hooked fruit-stalk. As the corn cob is forming, the hook is turned
round, so that the fruit-leaves of it hang down and form a thatch for
the grain beneath, or inside it. This upright granary forms a
solid-looking, wall round the villages, and the people are not stingy,
but take down maize and hand it to the men freely.

The women are very naked. They bring loads of provisions to sell,
through the rain, and are eager traders for beads. Plantains, cassava,
and maize, are the chief food. The first rains had now begun, and the
white ants took the hint to swarm and colonize.

_6th, 7th, and 8th November, 1869._--We came to many large villages, and
were variously treated; one headman presented me with a parrot, and on
my declining it, gave it to one of my people; some ordered us off, but
were coaxed to allow us to remain over night. They have no restraint;
some came and pushed off the door of my hut with a stick while I was
resting, as we should do with a wild-beast cage.

Though reasonably willing to gratify curiosity, it becomes tiresome to
be the victim of unlimited staring by the ugly, as well as by the
good-looking. I can bear the women, but ugly males are uninteresting,
and it is as much as I can stand when a crowd will follow me wherever I
move. They have heard of Dugumbé Hassani's deeds, and are evidently
suspicious of our intentions: they say, "If you have food at home, why
come so far and spend your beads to buy it here?" If it is replied, on
the strength of some of Mohamad's people being present, "We want to buy
ivory too;" not knowing its value they think that this is a mere
subterfuge to plunder them. Much palm-wine to-day at different parts
made them incapable of reasoning further; they seemed inclined to fight,
but after a great deal of talk we departed without collision.

_9th November, 1869._--We came to villages where all were civil, but
afterwards arrived where there were other palm-trees and palm-toddy, and
people low and disagreeable in consequence. The mountains all around are
grand, and tree-covered. I saw a man with two great great toes: the
double toe is usually a little one.

_11th November, 1869._--We had heard that the Manyuema were eager to buy
slaves, but that meant females only to make wives of them: they prefer
goats to men. Mohamad had bought slaves in Lunda in order to get ivory
from these Manyuema, but inquiry here and elsewhere brought it out
plainly that they would rather let the ivory lie unused or rot than
invest in male slaves, who are generally criminals--at least in Lunda. I
advised my friend to desist from buying slaves who would all "eat off
their own heads," but he knew better than to buy copper, and on our
return he acknowledged that I was right.

_15th November, 1869._--We came into a country where Dugumbé's slaves
had maltreated the people greatly, and they looked on us as of the same
tribe, and we had much trouble in consequence. The country is swarming
with villages. Hassani of Dugumbé got the chief into debt, and then
robbed him of ten men and ten goats to clear off the debt: The Dutch did
the same in the south of Africa.

_17th November, 1869._--Copious rains brought us to a halt at Muana
Balangé's, on the banks of the Luamo River. Moerekurambo had died
lately, and his substitute took seven goats to the chiefs on the other
side in order to induce them to come in a strong party and attack us for
Hassani's affair.

_20th to 25th November, 1869._--We were now only about ten miles from
the confluence of the Luamo and Lualaba, but all the people had been
plundered, and some killed by the slaves of Dugumbé. The Luamo is here
some 200 yards broad and deep; the chiefs everywhere were begged to
refuse us a passage. The women were particularly outspoken in asserting
our identity with the cruel strangers, and when one lady was asked in
the midst of her vociferation just to look if I were of the same colour
with Dugumbé, she replied with a bitter little laugh, "Then you must be
his father!"

It was of no use to try to buy a canoe, for all were our enemies. It was
now the rainy season, and I had to move with great caution. The worst
our enemies did, after trying to get up a war in vain, was to collect as
we went by in force fully armed with their large spears and huge wooden
shields, and show us out of their districts. All are kind except those
who have been abused by the Arab slaves. While waiting at Luamo a man,
whom we sent over to buy food, got into a panic and fled he knew not
whither; all concluded that he had been murdered, but some Manyuema whom
we had never seen found him, fed him, and brought him home unscathed: I
was very glad that no collision had taken place. We returned to Bambarré
19th December, 1869.

_20th December, 1869._--While we were away a large horde of Ujijians
came to Bambarré, all eager to reach the cheap ivory, of which a rumour
had spread far and wide; they numbered 500 guns, and invited Mohamad to
go with them, but he preferred waiting for my return from the west. We
now resolved to go due north; he to buy ivory, and I to reach another
part of the Lualaba and buy a canoe.

Wherever the dense primeval forest has been cleared off by man, gigantic
grasses usurp the clearances. None of the sylvan vegetation can stand
the annual grass-burnings except a species of Bauhinia, and occasionally
a large tree which sends out new wood below the burned places. The
parrots build thereon, and the men make a stair up 150 feet by tying
climbing plants (called Binayoba) around, at about four feet distance,
as steps: near the confluence of the Luamo, men build huts on this same
species of tree for safety against the arrows of their enemies.

_21st December, 1869._--The strong thick grass of the clearances dries
down to the roots at the surface of the soil, and fire does it no harm.
Though a few of the great old burly giants brave the fires, none of the
climbers do: they disappear, but the plants themselves are brought out
of the forests and ranged along the plantations like wire fences to keep
wild beasts off; the poles of these vegetable wire hedges often take
root, as also those in stages for maize.

_22nd, 23rd, and 24th December, 1869._--Mohamad presented a goat to be
eaten on our Christmas. I got large copper bracelets made of my copper
by Manyuema smiths, for they are considered very valuable, and have
driven iron bracelets quite out of fashion.

_25th December, 1869._--We start immediately after Christmas: I must try
with all my might to finish my exploration before next Christmas.

_26th December, 1869._--I get fever severely, and was down all day, but
we march, as I have always found that moving is the best remedy for
fever: I have, however, no medicine whatever. We passed over the neck of
Mount Kinyima, north-west of Moenékuss, through very slippery forest,
and encamped on the banks of the Lulwa Rivulet.

_28th December, 1869._--Away to Monangoi's village, near the Luamo
River, here 150 or more yards wide and deep. A man passed us, bearing a
human finger wrapped in a leaf; it was to be used as a charm, and
belonged to a man killed in revenge: the Arabs all took this as clear
evidence of cannibalism: I hesitated, however, to believe it.

_29th, 30th, and 31st December, 1869._--Heavy rains. The Luamo is called
the Luassé above this. We crossed in canoes.

_1st January, 1870._--May the Almighty help me to finish, the work in
hand, and retire through the Basango before the year is out. Thanks for
all last year's loving kindness.

Our course was due north, with the Luassé flowing in a gently undulating
green country on our right, and rounded mountains in Mbongo's country on
our left.

_2nd January, 1870._--Rested a day at Mbongo's, as the people were
honest.

_3rd January, 1870._--Reached a village at the edge of a great forest,
where the people were excited and uproarious, but not ill-bred, they ran
alongside the path with us shouting and making energetic remarks to each
other about us. A newly-married couple stood in a village where we
stopped to inquire the way, with arms around each other very lovingly,
and no one joked or poked fun at them. We marched five hours through
forest and crossed three rivulets and much stagnant water which the sun
by the few rays he darts in cannot evaporate. We passed several huge
traps for elephants: they are constructed thus--a log of heavy wood,
about 20 feet long, has a hole at one end for a climbing plant to pass
through and suspend it, at the lower end a mortice is cut out of the
side, and a wooden lance about 2 inches broad by 1-1/2 thick, and about
4 feet long, is inserted firmly in the mortice; a latch down on the
ground, when touched by the animal's foot, lets the beam run down on to
his body, and the great weight of the wood drives in the lance and kills
the animal. I saw one lance which had accidentally fallen, and it had
gone into the stiff clay soil two feet.

_4th January, 1870._--- The villagers we passed were civil, but like
noisy children, all talked and gazed. When surrounded by 300 or 400,
some who have not been accustomed to the ways of wild men think that a
fight is imminent; but, poor things, no attack is thought of, if it does
not begin on our side. Many of Mohamad's people were dreadfully afraid
of being killed and eaten; one man out in search of ivory seemed to have
lost sight of his companions, for they saw him running with all his
might to a forest with no path in it; he was searched for for several
days, and was given up as a murdered man, a victim of the cannibal
Manyuema! On the seventh day after he lost his head, he was led into
camp by a headman, who not only found him wandering but fed and lodged
and restored him to his people.

[With reference to the above we may add that nothing can exceed the
terror in which cannibal nations are held by other African tribes. It
was common on the River Shiré to hear Manganja and Ajawa people speak of
tribes far away to the north who eat human bodies, and on every occasion
the fact was related with the utmost horror and disgust.]

The women here plait the hair into the form of a basket behind; it is
first rolled into a very long coil, then wound round something till it
is about 8 or 10 inches long, projecting from the back of the head.

_5th, 6th, and 7th January, 1870._--Wettings by rain and grass
overhanging our paths, with bad water, brought on choleraic symptoms;
and opium from Mohamad had no effect in stopping it: he, too, had
rheumatism. On suspecting the water as the cause, I had all I used
boiled, and this was effectual, but I was greatly reduced in flesh, and
so were many of our party.

We proceeded nearly due north, through wilderness and many villages and
running rills; the paths are often left to be choked up by the
overbearing vegetation, and then the course of the rill is adopted as
the only clear passage; it has also this advantage, it prevents
footmarks being followed by enemies: in fact the object is always to
make approaches to human dwellings as difficult as possible, even the
hedges around villages sprout out and grow a living fence, and this is
covered by a great mass of a species of calabash with its broad leaves,
so that nothing appears of the fence outside.

_11th January, 1870._--The people are civil, but uproarious from the
excitement of having never seen strangers before; all visitors from a
distance came with their large wooden shields; many of the men are
handsome and tall but the women are plainer than at Bambarré.

_12th January, 1870._--Cross the Lolindé, 35 yards and knee deep,
flowing to join Luamo far down: dark water. (_13th._) Through the hills
Chimunémuné; we see many albinos and partial lepers and syphilis is
prevalent. It is too trying to travel during the rains.

_14th January, 1870._--The Muabé palm had taken possession of a broad
valley, and the leaf-stalks, as thick as a strong man's arm and 20 feet
long, had fallen off and blocked up all passage except by one path made
and mixed up by the feet of buffaloes and elephants. In places like this
the leg goes into elephants' holes up to the thigh and it is grievous;
three hours of this slough tired the strongest: a brown stream ran
through the centre, waist deep, and washed off a little of the adhesive
mud. Our path now lay through a river covered with tikatika, a living
vegetable bridge made by a species of glossy leafed grass which felts
itself into a mat capable of bearing a man's weight, but it bends in a
foot or fifteen inches every step; a stick six feet long could not reach
the bottom in certain holes we passed. The lotus, or sacred lily, which
grows in nearly all the shallow waters of this country, sometimes
spreads its broad leaves over the bridge so as to lead careless
observers to think that it is the bridge builder, but the grass
mentioned is the real agent. Here it is called Kintéfwétéfwé; on
Victoria Nyanza Titatika.

_15th January, 1870._--Choleraic purging again came on till all the
water used was boiled, but I was laid up by sheer weakness near the hill
Chanza.

_20th and 21st January. 1870._--Weakness and illness goes on because we
get wet so often; the whole party suffers, and they say that they will
never come here again. The Manyango Rivulet has fine sweet water, but
the whole country is smothered with luxuriant vegetation.

_27th, 29th, and 30th January, 1870._--Rest from sickness in camp. The
country is indescribable from rank jungle of grass, but the rounded
hills are still pretty; an elephant alone can pass through it--these are
his head-quarters. The stalks are from half an inch to an inch and a
half in diameter, reeds clog the feet, and the leaves rub sorely on the
face and eyes: the view is generally shut in by this megatherium grass,
except when we come to a slope down to a valley or the bed of a rill.

We came to a village among fine gardens of maize, bananas, ground-nuts,
and cassava, but the villagers said, "Go on to next village;" and this
meant, "We don't want you here." The main body of Mohamad's people was
about three miles before us, but I was so weak I sat down in the next
hamlet and asked for a hut to rest in. A woman with leprous hands gave
me hers, a nice clean one, and very heavy rain came on: of her own
accord she prepared dumplings of green maize, pounded and boiled; which
are sweet, for she said that she saw I was hungry. It was excessive
weakness from purging, and seeing that I did not eat for fear of the
leprosy, she kindly pressed me: "Eat, you are weak only from hunger;
this will strengthen you." I put it out of her sight, and blessed her
motherly heart.

I had ere this come to the conclusion that I ought not to risk myself
further in the rains in my present weakness, for it may result in
something worse, as in Marungu and Liemba.

The horde mentioned as having passed Bambarré was now somewhere in our
vicinity, and it was impossible to ascertain from the Manyuema where the
Lualaba lay.

In going north on 1st February we came to some of this horde belonging
to Katomba or Moene-mokaia, who stated that the leader was anxious for
advice as to crossing Lualaba and future movements. He supposed that
this river was seven days in front of him, and twelve days in front of
us. It is a puzzle from its north-westing and low level: it is possibly
Petherick's Bahr Ghazal. Could get no latitude.

_2nd February, 1870._--I propose to cross it, and buy an exploring
canoe, because I am recovering my strength; but we now climb over the
bold hills Bininango, and turn south-west towards Katomba to take
counsel: he knows more than anyone else about the country, and his
people being now scattered everywhere seeking ivory, I do not relish
their company.

_3rd February, 1870._--Caught in a drenching rain, which made me fain to
sit, exhausted as I was, under an umbrella for an hour trying to keep
the trunk dry. As I sat in the rain a little tree-frog, about half an
inch long, leaped on to a grassy leaf, and began a tune as loud as that
of many birds, and very sweet; it was surprising to hear so much music
out of so small a musician. I drank some rain-water as I felt faint--in
the paths it is now calf deep. I crossed a hundred yards of slush waist
deep in mid channel, and full of holes made by elephants' feet, the path
hedged in by reedy grass, often intertwined and very tripping. I
stripped off my clothes on reaching my hut in a village, and a fire
during night nearly dried them. At the same time I rubbed my legs with
palm oil, and in the morning had a delicious breakfast of sour goat's
milk and porridge.

_5th February, 1870._--The drenching told on me sorely, and it was
repeated after we had crossed the good-sized rivulets Mulunkula and many
villages, and I lay on an enormous boulder under a Muabé palm, and slept
during the worst of the pelting. I was seven days southing to Mamohela,
Katomba's camp, and quite knocked up and exhausted. I went into winter
quarters on 7th February, 1870.

_7th February, 1870._--This was the camp of the headman of the ivory
horde now away for ivory. Katomba, as Moene-mokaia is called, was now all
kindness. We were away from his Ujijian associates, and he seemed to
follow his natural bent without fear of the other slave-traders, who all
hate to see me as a spy on their proceedings. Rest, shelter, and boiling
all the water I used, and above all the new species of potato called
Nyumbo, much famed among the natives as restorative, soon put me all to
rights. Katomba supplied me liberally with nyumbo; and, but for a
slightly medicinal taste, which is got rid of by boiling in two waters,
this vegetable would be equal to English potatoes.

_11th February, 1870._--First of all it was proposed to go off to the
Lualaba in the north-west, in order to procure _Holcus sorghum_ or dura
flour, that being, in Arab opinion, nearly equal to wheat, or as they
say "heating," while the maize flour we were obliged to use was cold or
cooling.

_13th February, 1870._--I was too ill to go through mud waist deep, so I
allowed Mohamad (who was suffering much) to go away alone in search of
ivory. As stated above, shelter and nyumbo proved beneficial.

_22nd February, 1870._--Falls between Vira and Baker's Water seen by
Wanyamwezi. This confirms my conjecture on finding Lualaba at a lower
level than Tanganyika. Bin Habib went to fight the Batusi, but they were
too strong, and he turned.

_1st March, 1870._--Visited my Arab friends in their camp for the first
time to-day. This is Kasessa's country, and the camp is situated between
two strong rivulets, while Mamohela is the native name, Mount Bombola
stands two miles from it north, and Mount Bolunkela is north-east the
same distance. Wood, water, and grass, the requisites of a camp abound,
and the Manyuema bring large supplies of food every day; forty large
baskets of maize for a goat; fowls and bananas and nyumbo very cheap.

_25th March, 1870._--Iron bracelets are the common medium of exchange,
and coarse beads and cowries: for a copper bracelet three large fowls
are given, and three and a half baskets of maize; one basket three feet
high is a woman's load, and they are very strong.

The Wachiogoné are a scattered tribe among the Maarabo or Suaheli, but
they retain their distinct identity as a people.

The Mamba fish has breasts with milk, and utters a cry; its flesh is
very white, it is not the crocodile which goes by the same name, but is
probably the Dugong or Peixe Mulher of the Portuguese(?). Full-grown
leeches come on the surface in this wet country.

Some of Katomba's men returned with forty-three tusks. An animal with
short horns and of a reddish colour is in the north; it is not known to
the Arabs(?).

Joseph, an Arab from Oman, says that the Simoom is worse in Sham
(Yemen?) than in Oman: it blows for three or four hours. Butter eaten
largely is the remedy against its ill effects, and this is also smeared
on the body: in Oman a wetted cloth is put over the head, body, and
legs, while this wind blows.

_1st May, 1870._--An elephant was killed which had three tusks; all of
good size.[7]

Rains continued; and mud and mire from the clayey soil of Manyuema were
too awful to be attempted.

_24th May, 1870._--I sent to Bambarré for the cloth and beads I left
there. A party of Thani's people came south and said that they had
killed forty Manyuema, and lost four of theirown number; nine villages
were burned, and all this about a single string of beads which a man
tried to steal!

_June, 1870._--Mohamad bin Nassur and Akila's men brought 116 tusks from
the north, where the people are said to be all good and obliging:
Akila's chief man had a large deep ulcer on the foot from the mud. When
we had the people here, Kassessa gave ten goats and one tusk to hire
them to avenge a feud in which his elder brother was killed, and they
went; the spoils secured were 31 captives, 60 goats, and about 40
Manyuema killed: one slave of the attacking party was killed, and two
badly wounded. Thani's man, Yahood, who was leader in the other case of
40 killed, boasted before me of the deed. I said, "You were sent here
not to murder, but to trade;" he replied, "We are sent to murder." Bin
Nassur said, "The English are always killing people;" I replied, "Yes,
but only slavers who do the deeds that were done yesterday."

Various other tribes sent large presents to the Arabs to avert assaults,
and tusks too were offered.

The rains had continued into June, and fifty-eight inches fell.

_26th June, 1870._--Now my people failed me; so, with only three
attendants, Susi, Chuma, and Gardner, I started off to the north-west
for the Lualaba. The numbers of running rivulets to be crossed were
surprising, and at each, for some forty yards, the path had been worked
by the feet of passengers into adhesive mud: we crossed fourteen in one
day--some thigh deep; most of them run into the Liya, which we crossed,
and it flows to the Lualaba. We passed through many villages, for the
paths all lead through human dwellings. Many people presented bananas,
and seemed surprised when I made a small return gift; one man ran after
me with a sugar-cane; I paid for lodgings too: here the Arabs never do.

_28th June, 1870._--The driver ants were in millions in some part of
the way; on this side of the continent they seem less fierce than I have
found them in the west.

_29th June, 1870._--At one village musicians with calabashes, having
holes in them, flute-fashion, tried to please me by their vigorous
acting, and by beating drums in time.

_30th June, 1870._--We passed through the nine villages burned for a
single string of beads, and slept in the village of Malola.

_July, 1870._--While I was sleeping quietly here, some trading Arabs
camped at Nasangwa's, and at dead of night one was pinned to the earth
by a spear; no doubt this was in revenge for relations slain in the
forty mentioned: the survivors now wished to run a muck in all
directions against the Manyuema.

When I came up I proposed to ask the chief if he knew the assassin, and
he replied that he was not sure of him, for he could only conjecture who
it was; but death to all Manyuemas glared from the eyes of half-castes
and slaves. Fortunately, before this affair was settled in their way, I
met Mohamad Bogharib coming back from Kasonga's, and he joined in
enforcing peace: the traders went off, but let my three people know,
what I knew long before, that they hated having a spy in me on their
deeds. I told some of them who were civil tongued that ivory obtained by
bloodshed was unclean evil--"unlucky" as they say: my advice to them
was, "Don't shed human blood, my friends; it has guilt not to be wiped
off by water." Off they went; and afterwards the bloodthirsty party got
only one tusk and a half, while another party, which avoided shooting
men, got fifty-four tusks!

From Mohamad's people I learned that the Lualaba was not in the N.W.
course I had pursued, for in fact it flows W.S.W. in another great bend,
and they had gone far to the north without seeing it, but the country
was exceedingly difficult from forest and water. As I had already seen,
trees fallen across the path formed a breast-high wall which had to be
climbed over: flooded rivers, breast and neck deep, had to be crossed,
the mud was awful, and nothing but villages eight or ten miles apart.

In the clearances around these villages alone could the sun be seen. For
the first time in my life my feet failed me, and now having but three
attendants it would have been unwise to go further in that direction.
Instead of healing quietly as heretofore, when torn by hard travel,
irritable-eating ulcers fastened on both feet; and I limped back to
Bambarré on 22nd.

The accounts of Ramadân (who was desired by me to take notes as he went
in the forest) were discouraging, and made me glad I did not go. At one
part, where the tortuous river was flooded, they were five hours in the
water, and a man in a small canoe went before them sounding for places
not too deep for them, breast and chin deep, and Hassani fell and hurt
himself sorely in a hole. The people have goats and sheep, and love them
as they do children.

[Fairly baffled by the difficulties in his way, and sorely troubled by
the demoralised state of his men, who appear not to have been proof
against the contaminating presence of the Arabs, the Doctor turns back
at this point.]

_6th July, 1870._--Back to Mamohela, and welcomed by the Arabs, who all
approved of my turning back. Katomba presented abundant provisions for
all the way to Bambarré. Before we reached this, Mohamad made a forced
march, and Moene-mokaia's people came out drunk: the Arabs assaulted
them, and they ran off.

_23rd July, 1870._--The sores on my feet now laid me up as
irritable-eating ulcers. If the foot were put to the ground, a discharge
of bloody ichor flowed, and the same discharge happened every night with
considerable pain, that prevented sleep: the wailing of the slaves
tortured with these sores is one of the night sounds of a slave-camp:
they eat through everything--muscle, tendon, and bone, and often lame
permanently if they do not kill the poor things. Medicines have very
little effect on such wounds: their periodicity seems to say that they
are allied to fever. The Arabs make a salve of bees'-wax and sulphate of
copper, and this applied hot, and held on by a bandage affords support,
but the necessity of letting the ichor escape renders it a painful
remedy: I had three ulcers, and no medicine. The native plan of support
by means of a stiff leaf or bit of calabash was too irritating, and so
they continued to eat in and enlarge in spite of everything: the
vicinity was hot, and the pain increased with the size of the wound.

_2nd August, 1870._--An eclipse at midnight: the Moslems called loudly
on Moses. Very cold.

On _17th August, 1870,_ Monanyembé, the chief who was punished by
Mohamad Bogharib, lately came bringing two goats; one he gave to
Mohamad, the other to Moenékuss' son, acknowledging that he had killed
his elder brother: he had killed eleven persons over at Linamo in our
absence, in addition to those killed in villages on our S.E. when we
were away. It transpired that Kandahara, brother of old Moenékuss, whose
village is near this, killed three women and a child, and that a trading
man came over from Kasangangayé, and was murdered too, for no reason but
to eat his body. Mohamad ordered old Kandahara to bring ten goats and
take them over to Kasangangayé to pay for the murdered man. When they
tell of each other's deeds they disclose a horrid state of bloodthirsty
callousness. The people over a hill N.N.E. of this killed a person out
hoeing; if a cultivator is alone, he is almost sure of being slain. Some
said that people in the vicinity, or hyænas, stole the buried dead; but
Posho's wife died, and in Wanyamesi fashion was thrown out of camp
unburied. Mohamad threatened an attack if Manyuema did not cease
exhuming the dead; it was effectual, neither men nor hyænas touched
her, though exposed now for seven days.

The head of Moenékuss is said to be preserved in a pot in his house, and
all public matters are gravely communicated to it, as if his spirit
dwelt therein: his body was eaten, the flesh was removed from the head
and eaten too; his father's head is said to be kept also: the foregoing
refers to Bambarré alone. In other districts graves show that sepulture
is customary, but here no grave appears: some admit the existence of the
practice here; others deny it. In the Metamba country adjacent to the
Lualaba, a quarrel with a wife often ends in the husband killing her and
eating her heart, mixed up in a huge mess of goat's flesh: this has the
charm character. Fingers are taken as charms in other parts, but in
Bambarré alone is the depraved taste the motive for cannibalism.

_Bambarré, 18th August, 1870._--I learn from Josut and Moenepembé, who
have been to Katañga and beyond, that there is a Lake N.N.W. of the
copper mines, and twelve days distant; it is called Chibungo, and is
said to be large. Seven days west of Katañga flows another Lualaba,
the dividing line between Rua and Lunda or Londa; it is very large,
and as the Lufira flows into Chibungo, it is probable that the Lualaba
West and the Lufira form the Lake. Lualaba West and Lufira rise by
fountains south of Katañga, three or four days off. Luambai and Lunga
fountains are only about ten miles distant from Lualaba West and
Lufira fountains: a mound rises between them, the most remarkable in
Africa. Were this spot in Armenia it would serve exactly the
description of the garden of Eden in Genesis, with its four rivers,
the Gihon, Pison, Hiddekel, and Euphrates; as it is, it possibly gave
occasion to the story told to Herodotus by the Secretary of Minerva in
the City of Saïs, about two hills with conical tops, Crophi and Mophi.
"Midway between them," said he, "are the fountains of the Nile,
fountains which it is impossible to fathom: half the water runs
northward into Egypt; half to the south towards Ethiopia."

Four fountains rising so near to each other would readily be supposed to
have one source, and half the water flowing into the Nile and the other
half to the Zambesi, required but little imagination to originate,
seeing the actual visitor would not feel bound to say how the division
was effected. He could only know the fact of waters rising at one spot,
and separating to flow north and south. The conical tops to the mound
look like invention, as also do the names.

A slave, bought on Lualaba East, came from Lualaba West in about twelve
days: these two Lualabas may form the loop depicted by Ptolemy, and
upper and lower Tanganyika be a third arm of the Nile.

Patience is all I can exercise: these irritable ulcers hedge me in now,
as did my attendants in June, but all will be for the best, for it is in
Providence and not in me.

The watershed is between 700 and 800 miles long from west to east, or
say from 22° or 23° to 34° or 35° East longitude. Parts of it are
enormous sponges; in other parts innumerable rills unite into rivulets,
which again form rivers--Lufira, for instance, has nine rivulets, and
Lekulwé other nine. The convex surface of the rose of a garden
watering-can is a tolerably apt similitude, as the rills do not spring
off the face of it, and it is 700 miles across the circle; but in the
numbers of rills coming out at different heights on the slope, there is
a faint resemblance, and I can at present think of no other example.

I am a little thankful to old Nile for so hiding his head that all
"theoretical discoverers" are left out in the cold. With all real
explorers I have a hearty sympathy, and I have some regret at being
obliged, in a manner compelled, to speak somewhat disparagingly of the
opinions formed by my predecessors. The work of Speke and Grant is part
of the history of this region, and since the discovery of the sources
of the Nile was asserted so positively, it seems necessary to explain,
not offensively, I hope, wherein their mistake lay, in making a somewhat
similar claim. My opinions may yet be shown to be mistaken too, but at
present I cannot conceive how. When Speke discovered Victoria Nyanza in
1858, he at once concluded that therein lay the sources of the Nile. His
work after that was simply following a foregone conclusion, and as soon
as he and Grant looked towards the Victoria Nyanza, they turned their
backs on the Nile fountains; so every step of their splendid achievement
of following the river down took them further and further away from the
Caput Nili. When it was perceived that the little river that leaves the
Nyanza, though they called it the White Nile, would not account for that
great river, they might have gone west and found headwaters (as the
Lualaba) to which it can bear no comparison. Taking their White Nile at
80 or 90 yards, or say 100 yards broad, the Lualaba, far south of the
latitude of its point of departure, shows an average breadth of from
4000 to 6000 yards, and always deep.

Considering that more than sixteen hundred years have elapsed since
Ptolemy put down the results of early explorers, and emperors, kings,
philosophers--all the great men of antiquity in short longed to know the
fountains whence flowed the famous river, and longed in
vain--exploration does not seem to have been very becoming to the other
sex either. Madame Tinné came further up the river than the centurions
sent by Nero Cæsar, and showed such indomitable pluck as to reflect
honour on her race. I know nothing about her save what has appeared in
the public papers, but taking her exploration along with what was done
by Mrs. Baker, no long time could have elapsed before the laurels for
the modern re-discovery of the sources of the Nile should have been
plucked by the ladies. In 1841 the Egyptian Expedition under D'Arnauld
and Sabatier reached lat. 4° 42': this was a great advance into the
interior as compared with Linant in 1827, 13° 30' N., and even on the
explorations of Jomard(?); but it turned when nearly a thousand miles
from the sources.

[The subjoined account of the soko--which is in all probability an
entirely new species of chimpanzee, and _not_ the gorilla, is
exceedingly interesting, and no doubt Livingstone had plenty of stories
from which to select. Neither Susi nor Chuma can identify the soko of
Manyuema with the gorilla, as we have it stuffed in the British Museum.
They think, however, that the soko is quite as large and as strong as
the gorilla, judging by the specimens shown to them, although they could
have decided with greater certainty, if the natives had not invariably
brought in the dead sokos disembowelled; as they point out, and as we
imagine from Dr. Livingstone's description, the carcase would then
appear much less bulky. Livingstone gives an animated sketch of a soko
hunt.]

_24th August, 1870._--Four gorillas or sokos were killed yesterday: an
extensive grass-burning forced them out of their usual haunt, and coming
on the plain they were speared. They often go erect, but place the hand
on the head, as if to steady the body. When seen thus, the soko is an
ungainly beast. The most sentimental young lady would not call him a
"dear," but a bandy-legged, pot-bellied, low-looking villain, without a
particle of the gentleman in him. Other animals, especially the
antelopes, are graceful, and it is pleasant to see them, either at rest
or in motion: the natives also are well made, lithe and comely to
behold, but the soko, if large, would do well to stand for a picture of
the Devil.

He takes away my appetite by his disgusting bestiality of appearance.
His light-yellow face shows off his ugly whiskers, and faint apology for
a beard; the forehead villainously low, with high ears, is well in the
back-ground of the great dog-mouth; the teeth are slightly human, but
the canines show the beast by their large development. The hands, or
rather the fingers, are like those of the natives. The flesh of the feet
is yellow, and the eagerness with which the Manyuema devour it leaves
the impression that eating sokos was the first stage by which they
arrived at being cannibals; they say the flesh is delicious. The soko is
represented by some to be extremely knowing, successfully stalking men
and women while at their work, kidnapping children, and running up trees
with them--he seems to be amused by the sight of the young native in his
arms, but comes down when tempted by a bunch of bananas, and as he lifts
that, drops the child: the young soko in such a case would cling closely
to the armpit of the elder. One man was cutting out honey from a tree,
and naked, when a soko suddenly appeared and caught him, then let him
go: another man was hunting, and missed in his attempt to stab a soko:
it seized the spear and broke it, then grappled with the man, who called
to his companions, "Soko has caught me," the soko bit off the ends of
his fingers and escaped unharmed. Both men are now alive at Bambarré.

The soko is so cunning, and has such sharp eyes, that no one can stalk
him in front without being seen, hence, when shot, it is always in the
back; when surrounded by men and nets, he is generally speared in the
back too, otherwise he is not a very formidable beast: he is nothing, as
compared in power of damaging his assailant, to a leopard or lion, but
is more like a man unarmed, for it does not occur to him to use his
canine teeth, which are long and formidable. Numbers of them come down
in the forest, within a hundred yards of our camp, and would be unknown
but for giving tongue like fox-hounds: this is their nearest approach to
speech. A man hoeing was stalked by a soko, and seized; he roared out,
but the soko giggled and grinned, and left him as if he had done it in
play. A child caught up by a soko is often abused by being pinched and
scratched, and let fall.

The soko kills the leopard occasionally, by seizing both paws, and
biting them so as to disable them, he then goes up a tree, groans over
his wounds, and sometimes recovers, while the leopard dies: at other
times, both soko and leopard die. The lion kills him at once, and
sometimes tears his limbs off, but does not eat him. The soko eats no
flesh--small bananas are his dainties, but not maize. His food consists
of wild fruits, which abound: one, Staféné, or Manyuema Mamwa, is like
large sweet sop but indifferent in taste and flesh. The soko brings
forth at times twins. A very large soko was seen by Mohamad's hunters
sitting picking his nails; they tried to stalk him, but he vanished.
Some Manyuema think that their buried dead rise as sokos, and one was
killed with holes in his ears, as if he had been a man. He is very
strong and fears guns but not spears: he never catches women.

Sokos collect together, and make a drumming noise, some say with hollow
trees, then burst forth into loud yells which are well imitated by the
natives' embryotic music. If a man has no spear the soko goes away
satisfied, but if wounded he seizes the wrist, lops off the fingers, and
spits them out, slaps the cheeks of his victim, and bites without
breaking the skin: he draws out a spear (but never uses it), and takes
some leaves and stuffs them into his wound to staunch the blood; he does
not wish an encounter with an armed man. He sees women do him no harm,
and never molests them; a man without a spear is nearly safe from him.
They beat hollow trees as drums with hands, and then scream as music to
it; when men hear them, they go to the sokos; but sokos never go to men
with hostility. Manyuema say, "Soko is a man, and nothing bad in him."

They live in communities of about ten, each having his own female; an
intruder from another camp is beaten off with their fists and loud
yells. If one tries to seize the female of another, he is caught on the
ground, and all unite in boxing and biting the offender. A male often
carries a child, especially if they are passing from one patch of forest
to another over a grassy space; he then gives it to the mother.

I now spoke with my friend Mohamad, and he offered to go with me to see
Lualaba from Luamo, but I explained that merely to see and measure its
depth would not do, I must see whither it went. This would require a
number of his people in lieu of my deserters, and to take them away from
his ivory trade, which at present is like gold digging, I must make
amends, and I offered him 2000 rupees, and a gun worth 700 rupees, R.
2700 in all, or 270_l._ He agreed, and should he enable me to finish up
my work in one trip down Lualaba, and round to Lualaba West, it would be
a great favour.

[How severely he felt the effects of the terrible illnesses of the last
two years may be imagined by some few words here, and it must ever be
regretted that the conviction which he speaks of was not acted up to.]

The severe pneumonia in Marunga, the choleraic complaint in Manyuema,
and now irritable ulcers warn me to retire while life lasts. Mohamad's
people went north, and east, and west, from Kasonga's: sixteen marches
north, ten ditto west, and four ditto E. and S.E. The average march was
6-1/2 hours, say 12' about 200' N. and W., lat. of Kasongo, say 4°
south. They may have reached 1°, 2° S. They were now in the Baléggé
country, and turned. It was all dense forest, they never saw the sun
except when at a village, and then the villages were too far apart. The
people were very fond of sheep, which they call ngombé, or ox, and tusks
are never used. They went off to where an elephant had formerly been
killed, and brought the tusks rotted and eaten or gnawed by "Déré" (?)--a
Rodent, probably the _Aulocaudatus Swindermanus_. Three large rivers
were crossed, breast and chin deep; in one they were five hours, and a
man in a small canoe went ahead sounding for water capable of being
waded. Much water and mud in the forest. This report makes me thankful I
did not go, for I should have seen nothing, and been worn out by fatigue
and mud. They tell me that the River Metunda had black water, and took
two hours to cross it, breast deep. They crossed about forty smaller
rivers over the River Mohunga, breast deep. The River of Mbité also is
large. All along Lualaba and Metumbé the sheep have hairy dew-laps, no
wool, Tartar breed (?), small thin tails.

A broad belt of meadow-land, with no trees, lies along Lualaba, beyond
that it is all dense forest, and trees so large, that one lying across
the path is breast high: clearances exist only around the villages. The
people are very expert smiths and weavers of the "Lamba," and make fine
large spears, knives, and needles. Market-places, called "Tokos," are
numerous all along Lualaba; to these the Barua of the other bank come
daily in large canoes, bringing grass-cloth, salt, flour, cassava,
fowls, goats, pigs, and slaves. The women are beautiful, with straight
noses, and well-clothed; when the men of the districts are at war, the
women take their goods to market as if at peace and are never molested:
all are very keen traders, buying one thing with another, and changing
back again, and any profit made is one of the enjoyments of life.

I knew that my deserters hoped to be fed by Mohamad Bogharib when we
left the camp at Mamohela, but he told them that he would not have them;
this took them aback, but they went and lifted his ivory for him, and
when a parley was thus brought about, talked him over, saying that they
would go to me, and do all I desired: they never came, but, as no one
else would take them, I gave them three loads to go to Bambarré; there
they told Mohamad that I would not give them beads, and they did not
like to steal; they were now trying to get his food by lies. I invited
them three times to come and take beads, but having supplies of food
from the camp women, they hoped to get the upper hand with me, and take
what they liked by refusing to carry or work. Mohamad spoke long to
them, but speaking mildly makes them imagine that the spokesman is
afraid of them. They kept away from my work and would fain join
Mohamad's, but he won't have them. I gave beads to all but the
ringleaders. Their conduct looks as if a quarrel had taken place between
us, but no such excuse have they.

I am powerless, as they have left me, and think that they may do as they
like, and the "Manyuema are bad" is the song. Their badness consists in
being dreadfully afraid of guns, and the Arabs can do just as they like
with them and their goods. If spears alone were used the Manyuema would
be considered brave, for they fear no one, though he has many spears.
They tell us truly "that were it not for our guns not one of us would
return to our own country." Moene-mokaia killed two Arab agents, and took
their guns; this success led to their asserting, in answer to the
remonstrances of the women, "We shall take their goats, guns, and women
from them." The chief, in reporting the matter to Moenemger(?) at Luamo,
said, "The Englishman told my people to go away as he did not like
fighting, but my men were filled with 'malofu,' or palm-toddy, and
refused to their own hurt." Elsewhere they made regular preparation to
have a fight with Dugumbé's people, just to see who was strongest--they
with their spears and wooden shields, and the Arabs with what in
derision they called tobacco-pipes (guns). They killed eight or nine
Arabs.

No traders seem ever to have come in before this. Banna brought copper
and skins for tusks, and the Babisa and Baguha coarse beads. The Bavira
are now enraged at seeing Ujijians pass into their ivory field, and no
wonder; they took the tusks which cost them a few strings of beads, and
received weight for weight in beads, thick brass wire, and loads of
calico.

FOOTNOTES:

[7] Susi and Chuma say that the third tusk grew out from the base of
the trunk, that is, midway between the other two.--ED.

CHAPTER III.

Bambarré, _25th August, 1870._--One of my waking dreams is that the
legendary tales about Moses coming up into Inner Ethiopia with Merr his
foster-mother, and founding a city which he called in her honour
"Meroe," may have a substratum of fact. He was evidently a man of
transcendent genius, and we learn from the speech of St. Stephen that
"he was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, and was mighty in
words and in deeds." His deeds must have been well known in Egypt, for
"he supposed that his brethren would have understood how that God by His
hand would deliver them, but they understood not." His supposition could
not be founded on his success in smiting a single Egyptian; he was too
great a man to be elated by a single act of prowess, but his success on
a large scale in Ethiopia afforded reasonable grounds for believing that
his brethren would be proud of their countryman, and disposed to follow
his leadership, but they were slaves. The notice taken of the matter by
Pharaoh showed that he was eyed by the great as a dangerous, if not
powerful, man. He "dwelt" in Midian for some time before his gallant
bearing towards the shepherds by the well, commended him to the priest
or prince of the country. An uninteresting wife, and the want of
intercourse with kindred spirits during the long forty years' solitude
of a herdsman's life, seem to have acted injuriously on his spirits, and
it was not till he had with Aaron struck terror into the Egyptian mind,
that the "man Moses" again became "very great in the eyes of Pharaoh and
his servants." The Ethiopian woman whom he married could scarcely be the
daughter of Renel or Jethro, for Midian was descended from Keturah,
Abraham's concubine, and they were never considered Cushite or
Ethiopian. If he left his wife in Egypt she would now be some fifty or
sixty years old, and all the more likely to be despised by the proud
prophetess Miriam as a daughter of Ham.

I dream of discovering some monumental relics of Meroe, and if anything
confirmatory of sacred history does remain, I pray to be guided
thereunto. If the sacred chronology would thereby be confirmed, I would
not grudge the toil and hardships, hunger and pain, I have endured--the
irritable ulcers would only be discipline.

Above the fine yellow clay schist of Manyuema the banks of Tanganyika
reveal 50 feet of shingle mixed with red earth; above this at some parts
great boulders lie; after this 60 feet of fine clay schist, then 5
strata of gravel underneath, with a foot stratum of schist between them.
The first seam of gravel is about 2 feet, the second 4 feet, and the
lowest of all about 30 feet thick. The fine schist was formed in still
water, but the shingle must have been produced in stormy troubled seas
if not carried hither and thither by ice and at different epochs.

This Manyuema country is unhealthy, not so much from fever as from
debility of the whole system, induced by damp, cold, and indigestion:
this general weakness is ascribed by some to maize being the common
food, it shows itself in weakness of bowels and choleraic purging. This
may be owing to bad water, of which there is no scarcity, but it is so
impregnated with dead vegetable matter as to have the colour of tea.
Irritable ulcers fasten on any part abraded by accident, and it seems to
be a spreading fungus, for the matter settling on any part near becomes
a fresh centre of propagation. The vicinity of the ulcer is very tender,
and it eats in frightfully if not allowed rest. Many slaves die of it,
and its periodical discharges of bloody ichor makes me suspect it to be
a development of fever. I have found lunar caustic useful: a plaister of
wax, and a little finely-ground sulphate of copper is used by the Arabs,
and so is cocoa-nut oil and butter. These ulcers are excessively
intractable, there is no healing them before they eat into the bone,
especially on the shins.

Rheumatism is also common, and it cuts the natives off. The traders fear
these diseases, and come to a stand if attacked, in order to use rest in
the cure. "Taema," or Tape-worm, is frequently met with, and no remedy
is known among the Arabs and natives for it.

[Searching in his closely-written pocket-books we find many little
mementoes of his travels; such, for instance, as two or three tsetse
flies pressed between the leaves of one book; some bees, some leaves and
moths in another, but, hidden away in the pocket of the note-book which
Livingstone used during the longest and most painful illness he ever
underwent lies a small scrap of printed paper which tells a tale in its
own simple way. On one side there is written in his well-known hand:--]

"Turn over and see a drop of comfort found when suffering
from irritable eating ulcers on the feet in Manyuema,
August, 1870."

[On the reverse we see that the scrap was evidently snipped off a list
of books advertised at the end of some volume which, with the tea and
other things sent to Ujiji, had reached him before setting out on this
perilous journey. The "drop of comfort" is as follows:--]

"A NARRATIVE OF AN EXPEDITION TO THE ZAMBESI AND ITS
TRIBUTARIES,

"And the discovery of Lakes Shirwa and Nyassa.

"_Fifth Thousand. With Map and Illustrations_. 8vo. 21s.

"'Few achievements in our day have made a greater impression
than that of the adventurous missionary who unaided crossed the
Continent of Equatorial Africa. His unassuming simplicity, his
varied intelligence, his indomitable pluck, his steady religious
purpose, form a combination of qualities rarely found in one
man. By common consent, Dr. Livingstone has come to be regarded
as one of the most remarkable travellers of his own or of any
other age.'--_British Quarterly Review_."

[The kindly pen of the reviewer served a good turn when there was "no
medicine" but the following:--]

I was at last advised to try malachite, rubbed down with water on a
stone, and applied with a feather: this is the only thing that has any
beneficial effect.

_9th September, 1870._--A Londa slave stole ten goats from the Manyuema;
he was bound, but broke loose, and killed two goats yesterday. He was
given to the Manyuema. The Balonda evidently sold their criminals only.
He was shorn of his ears and would have been killed, but Monangoi said:
"Don't let the blood of a freeman touch our soil."

_26th September, 1870._--I am able now to report the ulcers healing. For
eighty days I have been completely laid up by them, and it will be long
ere the lost substance will be replaced. They kill many slaves; and an
epidemic came to us which carried off thirty in our small camp.[8]

[We come to a very important note under the next date. It may be
necessary to remind the reader that when Livingstone left the
neighbourhood of Lake Nyassa and bent his steps northwards, he believed
that the "Chambezé" River, which the natives reported to be ahead of
him, was in reality the Zambezi, for he held in his hand a map
manufactured at home, and so conveniently manipulated as to clear up a
great difficulty by simply inserting "New Zambezi" in the place of the
Chambezé. As we now see, Livingstone handed back this addled
geographical egg to its progenitor, who, we regret to say, has not only
smashed it in wrath, but has treated us to so much of its savour in a
pamphlet written against the deceased explorer, that few will care to
turn over its leaves.

However, the African traveller has a warning held up before him which
may be briefly summed up in a caution to be on the look out for constant
repetitions in one form or another of the same name. Endless confusion
has arisen from Nyassas and Nyanzas, from Chiroas and Kiroas and
Shirwas, to say nothing of Zambesis and Ohambezés. The natives are just
as prone to perpetuate Zambezi or Lufira in Africa as we are to multiply
our Avons and Ouses in England.]

_4th October, 1870._--A trading party from Ujiji reports an epidemic
raging between the coast and Ujiji, and very fatal. Syde bin Habib and
Dugumbé are coming, and they have letters and perhaps people for me, so
I remain, though the irritable ulcers are well-nigh healed. I fear that
my packet for the coast may have fared badly, for the Lewalé has kept
Musa Kamaal by him, so that no evidence against himself or the dishonest
man Musa bin Saloom should be given: my box and guns, with despatches, I
fear will never be sent. Zahor, to whom I gave calico to pay carriers,
has been sent off to Lobemba.

Mohamad sowed rice yesterday, and has to send his people (who were
unsuccessful among the Balégga) away to the Metambé, where they got
ivory before.

I cannot understand very well what a "Theoretical Discoverer" is. If
anyone got up and declared in a public meeting that he was the
theoretical discoverer of the philosopher's stone, or of perpetual
motion for watches, should we not mark him as a little wrong in the
head? So of the Nile sources. The Portuguese crossed the Chambezé some
seventy years before I did, but to them it was a branch of the Zambezi
and nothing more. Cooley put it down as the New Zambesi, and made it run
backwards, up-hill, between 3000 and 4000 feet! I was misled by the
similarity of names and a map, to think it the eastern branch of the
Zambezi. I was told that it formed a large water in the south-west, this
I readily believed to be the Liambai, in the Barotsé Valley, and it took
me eighteen months of toil to come back again to the Chambezé in Lake
Bangweolo, and work out the error into which I was led--twenty-two
months elapsed ere I got back to the point whence I set out to explore
Chambezé, Bangweolo, Luapula, Moero, and Lualaba. I spent two full years
at this work, and the Chief Casembe was the first to throw light on the
subject by saying, "It is the same water here as in the Chambezé, the
same in Moero and Lualaba, and one piece of water is just like another.
Will you draw out calico from it that you wish to see it? As your chief
desired you to see Bangweolo, go to it, and if in going north you see a
travelling party, join it; if not, come back to me, and I will send you
safely by my path along Moero."

The central Lualaba I would fain call the Lake River Webb; the western,
the Lake River Young. The Lufira and Lualaba West form a Lake, the
native name of which, "Chibungo," must give way to Lake Lincoln. I wish
to name the fountain of the Liambai or Upper Zambesi, Palmerston
Fountain, and adding that of Sir Bartle Frere to the fountain of Lufira,
three names of men who have done more to abolish slavery and the
slave-trade than any of their contemporaries.

[Through the courtesy of the Earl of Derby we are able to insert a
paragraph here which occurs in a despatch written to Her Majesty's
Foreign Office by Dr. Livingstone a few weeks before his death. He
treats more fully in it upon the different names that he gave to the
most important rivers and lakes which he discovered, and we see how he
cherished to the last the fond memory of old well-tried friendships, and
the great examples of men like President Lincoln and Lord Palmerston.]

"I have tried to honour the name of the good Lord Palmerston, in fond
remembrance of his long and unwearied labour for the abolition of the
Slave Trade; and I venture to place the name of the good and noble
Lincoln on the Lake, in gratitude to him who gave freedom to 4,000,000
of slaves. These two great men are no longer among us; but it pleases
me, here in the wilds, to place, as it were, my poor little garland of
love on their tombs. Sir Bartle Frere having accomplished the grand work
of abolishing slavery in Scindiah, Upper India, deserves the gratitude
of every lover of human kind.

"Private friendship guided me in the selection of other names where
distinctive epithets were urgently needed. 'Paraffin' Young, one of my
teachers in chemistry, raised himself to be a merchant prince by his
science and art, and has shed pure white light in many lowly cottages,
and in some rich palaces. Leaving him and chemistry, I went away to try
and bless others. I, too, have shed light of another kind, and am fain
to believe that I have performed a small part in the grand revolution
which our Maker has been for ages carrying on, by multitudes of
conscious, and many unconscious agents, all over the world. Young's
friendship never faltered.

"Oswell and Webb were fellow-travellers, and mighty hunters. Too much
engrossed myself with mission-work to hunt, except for the children's
larder, when going to visit distant tribes, I relished the sight of fair
stand-up fights by my friends with the large denizens of the forest, and
admired the true Nimrod class for their great courage, truthfulness, and
honour. Being a warm lover of natural history, the entire butcher tribe,
bent only on making 'a bag,' without regard to animal suffering, have
not a single kindly word from me. An Ambonda man, named Mokantju, told
Oswell and me in 1851 that the Liambai and Kafué rose as one fountain
and then separated, but after a long course came together again in the
Zambezi above Zumbo."

_8th October, 1870._--Mbarawa and party came yesterday from Katomba at
Mamohela. He reports that Jangeongé (?) with Moeneokela's men had been
killing people of the Metamba or forest, and four of his people were
slain. He intended fighting, hence his desire to get rid of me when I
went north: he got one and a half tusks, but little ivory, but Katomba's
party got fifty tusks; Abdullah had got two tusks, and had also been
fighting, and Katomba had sent a fighting party down to Lolindé; plunder
and murder is Ujijian trading. Mbarawa got his ivory on the Lindi, or as
he says, "Urindi," which has black water, and is very large: an arrow
could not be shot across its stream, 400 or 500 yards wide, it had to be
crossed by canoes, and goes into Lualaba. It is curious that all think
it necessary to say to me, "The Manyuema are bad, very bad;" the Balégga
will be let alone, because they can fight, and we shall hear nothing of
their badness.

_10th October, 1870._--I came out of my hut to-day, after being confined
to it since the 22nd July, or eighty days, by irritable ulcers on the
feet. The last twenty days I suffered from fever, which reduced my
strength, taking away my voice, and purging me. My appetite was good,
but the third mouthful of any food caused nausea and vomiting--purging
took place and profuse sweating; it was choleraic, and how many Manyuema
died of it we could not ascertain. While this epidemic raged here, we
heard of cholera terribly severe on the way to the coast. I am thankful
to feel myself well.

Only one ulcer is open, the size of a split pea: malachite was the
remedy most useful, but the beginning of the rains may have helped the
cure, as it does to others; copper rubbed down is used when malachite
cannot be had. We expect Syde bin Habib soon: he will take to the river,
and I hope so shall I. The native traders reached people who had horns
of oxen, got from the left bank of the Lualaba. Katomba's people got
most ivory, namely, fifty tusks; the others only four. The Metamba or
forest is of immense extent, and there is room for much ivory to be
picked up at five or seven bracelets of copper per tusk, if the slaves
sent will only be merciful. The nine villages destroyed, and 100 men
killed, by Katomba's slaves at Nasangwa's, were all about a string of
beads fastened to a powder horn, which a Manyuema man tried in vain to
steal!

Katomba gets twenty-five of the fifty tusks brought by his people. We
expect letters, and perhaps men by Syde bin Habib. No news from the
coast had come to Ujiji, save a rumour that some one was building a
large house at Bagamoio, but whether French or English no one can say:
possibly the erection of a huge establishment on the mainland may be a
way of laboriously proving that it is more healthy than the island. It
will take a long time to prove by stone and lime that the higher lands,
200 miles inland, are better still, both for longevity and work.[9] I am
in agony for news from home; all I feel sure of now is that my friends
will all wish me to complete my task. I join in the wish now, as better
than doing it in vain afterwards.

The Manyuema hoeing is little better than scraping the soil, and cutting
through the roots of grass and weeds, by a horizontal motion of the hoe
or knife; they leave the roots of maize, ground-nuts, sweet potatoes,
and dura, to find their way into the rich soft soil, and well they
succeed, so there is no need for deep ploughing: the ground-nuts and
cassava hold their own against grass for years, and bananas, if cleared
of weeds, yield abundantly. Mohamad sowed rice just outside the camp
without any advantage being secured by the vicinity of a rivulet, and it
yielded forone measure of seed one hundred and twenty measures of
increase. This season he plants along the rivulet called "Bondé," and on
the damp soil.

The rain-water does not percolate far, for the clay retains it about two
feet beneath the surface: this is a cause of unhealthiness to man. Fowls
and goats have been cut off this year in large numbers by an epidemic.

The visits of the Ujijian traders must be felt by the Manyuema to be a
severe infliction, for the huts are appropriated, and no leave asked:
firewood, pots, baskets, and food are used without scruple, and anything
that pleases is taken away; usually the women flee into the forest, and
return to find the whole place a litter of broken food. I tried to pay
the owners of the huts in which I slept, but often in vain, for they hid
in the forest, and feared to come near. It was common for old men to
come forward to me with a present of bananas as I passed, uttering with
trembling accents, "Bolongo, Bolongo!" ("Friendship, Friendship!"), and
if I stopped to make a little return present, others ran for plantains
or palm-toddy. The Arabs' men ate up what they demanded, without one
word of thanks, and turned round to me and said, "They are bad, don't
give them anything." "Why, what badness is there in giving food?" I
replied. "Oh! they like you, but hate us." One man gave me an iron ring,
and all seemed inclined to be friendly, yet they are undoubtedly
bloodthirsty to other Manyuema, and kill each other.

I am told that journeying inland the safe way to avoid tsetse in going
to Meréré's is to go to Mdongé, Makindé, Zungoméro, Masapi, Irundu,
Nyangoré, then turn north to the Nyannugams, and thence to Nyémbé, and
so on south to Meréré's. A woman chief lies in the straight way to
Meréré, but no cattle live in the land. Another insect lights on the
animals, and when licked off bites the tongue, or breeds, and is fatal
as well as tsetse: it is larger in size. Tipo Tipo and Syde bin Ali
come to Nyémbé, thence to Nsama's, cross Lualaba at Mpwéto's, follow
left bank of that river till they cross the next Lualaba, and so into
Lunda of Matiamvo. Much ivory may be obtained by this course, and it
shows enterprise. Syde bin Habib and Dugumbé will open up the Lualaba
this year, and I am hoping to enter the West Lualaba, or Young's River,
and if possible go up to Katanga. The Lord be my guide and helper. I
feel the want of medicine strongly, almost as much as the want of men.

_16th October, 1870._--Moenemgoi, the chief, came to tell me that
Monamyembo had sent five goats to Lohombo to get a charm to kill him.
"Would the English and Kolokolo (Mohamad) allow him to be killed while
they were here?" I said that it was a false report, but he believes it
firmly: Monamyembo sent his son to assure us that he was slandered, but
thus quarrels and bloodshed feuds arise!

The great want of the Manyuema is national life, of this they have none:
each headman is independent of every other. Of industry they have no
lack, and the villagers are orderly towards each other, but they go no
further. If a man of another district ventures among them, it is at his
peril; he is not regarded with more favour as a Manyuema than one of a
herd of buffaloes is by the rest: and he is almost sure to be killed.

Moenékuss had more wisdom than his countrymen: his eldest son went over
to Monamyembo (one of his subjects) and was there murdered by five spear
wounds. The old chief went and asked who had slain his son. All
professed ignorance, whilst some suggested "perhaps the Bahombo did it,"
so he went off to them, but they also denied it and laid it at the door
of Monamdenda, from whom he got the same reply when he arrived at his
place--no one knew, and so the old man died. This, though he was
heartbroken, was called witchcraft by Monamyembo. Eleven people were
murdered, and after this cruel man was punished he sent a goat with the
confession that he had killed Moenékuss' son. This son had some of the
father's wisdom: the others he never could get to act like men of sense.

_19th October, 1870._--Bambarré. The ringleading deserters sent Chuma to
say that they were going with the people of Mohamad (who left to-day),
to the Metamba, but I said that I had nought to say to them. They would
go now to the Metamba, whom, on deserting, they said they so much
feared, and they think nothing of having left me to go with only three
attendants, and get my feet torn to pieces in mud and sand. They
probably meant to go back to the women at Mamohela, who fed them in the
absence of their husbands. They were told by Mohamad that they must not
follow his people, and he gave orders to bind them, and send them back
if they did. They think that no punishment will reach them whatever they
do: they are freemen, and need not work or do anything but beg.
"English," they call themselves, and the Arabs fear them, though the
eagerness with which they engaged in slave-hunting showed them to be
genuine niggers.

_20th October, 1870._--The first heavy rain of this season fell
yesterday afternoon. It is observable that the permanent halt to which
the Manyuema have come is not affected by the appearance of superior men
among them: they are stationary, and improvement is unknown. Moenékuss
paid smiths to teach his sons, and they learned to work in copper and
iron, but he never could get them to imitate his own generous and
obliging deportment to others; he had to reprove them perpetually for
mean shortsightedness, and when he died he virtually left no successor,
for his sons are both narrowminded, mean, shortsighted creatures,
without dignity or honour. All they can say of their forefathers is that
they came from Lualaba up Luamo, then to Luelo, and thence here. The
name seems to mean "forest people"--_Manyuema_.

The party under Hassani crossed the Logumba at Kanyingéré's, and went
N. and N.N.E. They found the country becoming more and more mountainous,
till at last, approaching Moreré, it was perpetually up and down. They
slept at a village on the top, and could send for water to the bottom
only once, it took so much time to descend and ascend. The rivers all
flowed into Kereré or Lower Tanganyika. There is a hot fountain whose
water could not be touched nor stones stood upon. The Balégga were very
unfriendly, and collected in thousands. "We come to buy ivory," said
Hassani, "and if there is none we go away." "Nay," shouted they, "you
come to die here!" and then they shot with arrows; when musket-balls
were returned they fled, and would not come to receive the captives.

_25th October, 1870._--Bambarré. In this journey I have endeavoured to
follow with unswerving fidelity the line of duty. My course has been an
even one, turning neither to the right hand nor to the left, though my
route has been tortuous enough. All the hardship, hunger, and toil were
met with the full conviction that I was right in persevering to make a
complete work of the exploration of the sources of the Nile. Mine has
been a calm, hopeful endeavour to do the work that has been given me to
do, whether I succeed or whether I fail. The prospect of death in
pursuing what I knew to be right did not make me veer to one side or the
other. I had a strong presentiment during the first three years that I
should never live through the enterprise, but it weakened as I came near
to the end of the journey, and an eager desire to discover any evidence
of the great Moses having visited these parts bound me, spell-bound me,
I may say, for if I could bring to light anything to confirm the Sacred
Oracles, I should not grudge one whit all the labour expended. I have to
go down the Central Lualaba or Webb's Lake River, then up the Western or
Young's Lake River to Katanga head waters and then retire. I pray that
it may be to my native home.

Syde bin Habib, Dugumbé, Juma Merikano, Abdullah Masendi are coming in
with 700 muskets, and an immense store of beads, copper, &c. They will
cross Lualaba and trade west of it: I wait for them because they may
have letters for me.

_28th October, 1870._--Moenemokata, who has travelled further than most
Arabs, said to me, "If a man goes with a good-natured, civil tongue, he
may pass through the worst people in Africa unharmed:" this is true, but
time also is required: one must not run through a country, but give the
people time to become acquainted with you, and let their first fears
subside.

_29th October, 1870._--The Manyuema buy their wives from each other; a
pretty girl brings ten goats. I saw one brought home to-day; she came
jauntily with but one attendant, and her husband walking behind. They
stop five days, then go back and remain other five days at home: then
the husband fetches her again. Many are pretty, and have perfect forms
and limbs.

_31st October, 1870._--Monangoi, of Luamo, married to the sister of
Moenékuss, came some time ago to beg that Kanyingeré might be attacked
by Mohamad's people: no fault has he, "but he is bad." Monangoi, the
chief here, offered two tusks to effect the same thing; on refusal, he
sends the tusks to Katomba, and may get his countryman spoiled by him.
"He is bad," is all they can allege as a reason. Meantime this chief
here caught a slave who escaped, a prisoner from Moene-mokia's, and sold
him or her to Moene-mokia for thirty spears and some knives; when asked
about this captive, he said, "She died:" it was simply theft, but he
does not consider himself bad.

_2nd November, 1870._--The plain without trees that flanks the Lualaba
on the right bank, called Mbuga, is densely peopled, and the
inhabitants are all civil and friendly. From fifty to sixty large canoes
come over from the left bank daily to hold markets; these people too
"are good," but the dwellers in the Metamba or dense forest are
treacherous and murder a single person without scruple: the dead body is
easily concealed, while on the plain all would become aware of it.

I long with intense desire to move on and finish my work, I have also an
excessive wish to find anything that may exist proving the visit of the
great Moses and the ancient kingdom of Tirhaka, but I pray give me just
what pleases Thee my Lord, and make me submissive to Thy will in all
things.

I received information about Mr. Young's search trip up the Shiré and
Nyassa only in February 1870, and now take the first opportunity of
offering hearty thanks in a despatch to Her Majesty's Government, and
all concerned in kindly inquiring after my fate.

Musa and his companions were fair average specimens for heartlessness
and falsehood of the lower classes of Mohamadans in East Africa. When we
were on the Shiré we used to swing the ship into mid-stream every night,
in order to let the air which was put in motion by the water, pass from
end to end. Musa's brother-in-law stepped into the water one morning, in
order to swim off for a boat, and was seized by a crocodile, the poor
fellow held up his hand imploringly, but Musa and the rest allowed him
to perish. On my denouncing his heartlessness, Musa-replied, "Well, no
one tell him go in there." When at Senna a slave woman was seized by a
crocodile: four Makololo rushed in unbidden, and rescued her, though
they knew nothing about her: from long intercourse with both Johanna men
and Makololo I take these incidents as typical of the two races. Those
of mixed blood possess the vices of both races, and the virtues of
neither.

A gentleman of superior abilities[10] has devoted life and fortune to
elevate the Johanna men, but fears that they are "an unimprovable race."

The Sultan of Zanzibar, who knows his people better than any stranger,
cannot entrust any branch of his revenue to even the better class of his
subjects, but places all his customs, income, and money affairs, in the
hands of Banians from India, and his father did before him.

When the Mohamadan gentlemen of Zanzibar are asked "why their sovereign
places all his pecuniary affairs and fortune in the hands of aliens?"
they frankly avow that if he allowed any Arab to farm his customs, he
would receive nothing but a crop of lies.

Burton had to dismiss most of his people at Ujiji for dishonesty:
Speke's followers deserted at the first approach of danger. Musa fled in
terror on hearing a false report from a half-caste Arab about the
Mazitu, 150 miles distant, though I promised to go due west, and not
turn to the north till far past the beat of that tribe. The few
liberated slaves with whom I went on had the misfortune to be Mohamadan
slaves in boyhood, but did fairly till we came into close contact with
Moslems again. A black Arab was released from a twelve years' bondage by
Casembe, through my own influence and that of the Sultan's letter: we
travelled together for a time, and he sold the favours of his female
slaves to my people for goods which he perfectly well knew were stolen
from me. He received my four deserters, and when I had gone off to Lake
Bangweolo with only four attendants, the rest wished to follow, but he
dissuaded them by saying that I had gone into a country where there was
war: he was the direct cause of all my difficulties with these liberated
slaves, but judged by the East African Moslem standard, as he ought to
be, and not by ours, he isa very good man, and I did not think it
prudent to come to a rupture with the old blackguard.

"Laba" means in the Manyuema dialect "medicine;" a charm, "boganga:"
this would make Lualaba mean the River of Medicine or charms. Hassani
thought that it meant "great," because it seemed to mean flowing greatly
or grandly.

Casembe caught all the slaves that escaped from Mohamad, and placed them
in charge of Fungafunga; so there is little hope for fugitive slaves so
long as Casembe lives: this act is to the Arabs very good: he is very
sensible, and upright besides.

_3rd November, 1870._--Got a Kondohondo, the large double-billed
Hornbill (the _Buceros cristata_), Kakomira, of the Shiré, and the
Sassassa of Bambarré. It is good eating, and has fat of an orange tinge,
like that of the zebra; I keep the bill to make a spoon of it.

An ambassador at Stamboul or Constantinople was shown a hornbill spoon,
and asked if it were really the bill of the Phoenix. He replied that he
did not know, but he had a friend in London who knew all these sort of
things, so the Turkish ambassador in London brought the spoon to
Professor Owen. He observed something in the divergences of the fibres
of the horn which he knew before, and went off into the Museum of the
College of Surgeons, and brought a preserved specimen of this very bird.
"God is great--God is great," said the Turk, "this is the Phoenix of
which we have heard so often." I heard the Professor tell this at a
dinner of the London Hunterian Society in 1857.

There is no great chief in Manyuema or Balégga; all are petty headmen,
each of whom considers himself a chief: it is the ethnic state, with no
cohesion between the different portions of the tribe. Murder cannot be
punished except by a war, in which many fall, and the feud is made
worse, and transmitted to their descendants.

The heathen philosophers were content with mere guesses at the future
of the soul. The elder prophets were content with the Divine support in
life and in death. The later prophets advance further, as Isaiah: "Thy
dead men shall live, together with my dead body shall they arise. Awake,
and sing, ye that dwell in the dust: for thy dew is as the dew of herbs.
The earth also shall cast out her dead." This, taken with the sublime
spectacle of Hades in the fourteenth chapter, seems a forecast of the
future, but Jesus instructed Mary and her sister and Lazarus; and Martha
without hesitation spoke of the resurrection at the last day as a
familiar doctrine, far in advance of the Mosaic law in which she had
been reared.

The Arabs tell me that Monyungo, a chief, was sent for five years among
the Watuta to learn their language and ways, and he sent his two sons
and a daughter to Zanzibar to school. He kills many of his people, and
says they are so bad that if not killed they would murder strangers.
Once they were unruly, when he ordered some of them to give their huts
to Mohamad; on refusing, he put fire to them, and they soon called out,
"Let them alone; we will retire." He dresses like an Arab, and has ten
loaded guns at his sitting-place, four pistols, two swords, several
spears, and two bundles of the Batuta spears: he laments that his father
filed his teeth when he was young. The name of his very numerous people
is Bawungu, country Urungu: his other names are Ironga, Mohamu.

The Basango, on the other hand, consider their chief as a deity, and
fear to say aught wrong, lest he should hear them: they fear both before
him and when out of sight.

The father of Meréré never drank pombe or beer, and assigned as a reason
that a great man who had charge of people's lives should never become
intoxicated so as to do evil. Bangé he never smoked, but in council
smelled at a bunch of it, in order to make his people believe that it
had a great effect on him. Meréré drinks pombe freely, but never uses
bangé: he alone kills sheep; he is a lover of mutton and beef, but
neither goats nor fowls are touched by him.

_9th November, 1870._--I sent to Lohombo for dura, and planted some
Nyumbo. I long excessively to be away and finish my work by the two
Lacustrine rivers, Lualaba of Webb and Young, but wait only for Syde and
Dugumbé, who may have letters, and as I do not intend to return hither,
but go through Karagwé homewards, I should miss them altogether. I groan
and am in bitterness at the delay, but thus it is: I pray for help to do
what is right, but sorely am I perplexed, and grieved and mourn: I
cannot give up making a complete work of the exploration.

_10th November, 1870._--A party of Katomba's men arrived on their way to
Ujiji for carriers, they report that a foray was made S.W. of Mamohela
to recover four guns, which were captured from Katomba; three were
recovered, and ten of the Arab party slain. The people of Manyuema
fought very fiercely with arrows, and not till many were killed and
others mutilated would they give up the guns; they probably expected
this foray, and intended to fight till the last. They had not gone in
search of ivory while this was enacting, consequently Mohamad's men have
got the start of them completely, by going along Lualaba to Kasongo's,
and then along the western verge of the Metamba or forest to Loindé or
Rindi River. The last men sent took to fighting instead of trading, and
returned empty; the experience gained thus, and at the south-west, will
probably lead them to conclude that the Manyuema are not to be shot down
without reasonable cause. They have sown rice and maize at Mamohela, but
cannot trade now where they got so much ivory before. Five men were
killed at Rindi or Loindé, and one escaped: the reason of this outbreak
by men who have been so peaceable is not divulged, but anyone seeing the
wholesale plunder to which the houses and gardens were subject can
easily guess the rest. Mamohela's camp had several times been set on
fire at night by the tribes which suffered assault, but did not effect
all that was intended. The Arabs say that the Manyuema now understand
that every gunshot does not kill; the next thing they will learn will
be to grapple in close quarters in the forest, where their spears will
outmatch the guns in the hands of slaves, it will follow, too, that no
one will be able to pass through this country; this is the usual course
of Suaheli trading; it is murder and plunder, and each slave as he rises
in his owner's favour is eager to show himself a mighty man of valour,
by cold-blooded killing of his countrymen: if they can kill a
fellow-nigger, their pride boils up. The conscience is not enlightened
enough to cause uneasiness, and Islam gives less than the light of
nature.

I am grievously tired of living here. Mohamad is as kind as he can be,
but to sit idle or give up before I finish my work are both intolerable;
I cannot bear either, yet I am forced to remain by want of people.

_11th November, 1870._--I wrote to Mohamad bin Saleh at Ujiji for
letters and medicines to be sent in a box of China tea, which is half
empty: if he cannot get carriers for the long box itself, then he is to
send these, the articles of which I stand in greatest need.

The relatives of a boy captured at Monanyembé brought three goats to
redeem him: he is sick and emaciated; one goat was rejected. The boy
shed tears when he saw his grandmother, and the father too, when his
goat was rejected. "So I returned, and considered all the oppressions
that are done under the sun: and behold the tears of such as were
oppressed, and they had no comforter; and on the side of their
oppressors there was power; but they had no comforter."--Eccles. iv. 1.
The relations were told either to bring the goat, or let the boy die;
this was hard-hearted. At Mamohela ten goats are demanded for a captive,
and given too; here three are demanded. "He that is higher than the
highest regardeth, and there be higher than they. Marvel not at the
matter."

I did not write to the coast, for I suspect that the Lewalé Syde bin
Salem Buraschid destroys my letters in order to quash the affair of
robbery by his man Saloom, he kept the other thief, Kamaels, by him for
the same purpose. Mohamad writes to Bin Saleh to say that I am here and
well; that I sent a large packet of letters in June 1869, with money,
and received neither an answer, nor my box from Unyanyembé, and this is
to be communicated to the Consul by a friend at Zanzibar. If I wrote, it
would only be to be burned; this is as far as I can see at present: the
friend who will communicate with the Consul is Mohamad bin Abdullah the
Wuzeer, Seyd Suleiman is the Lewalé of the Governor of Zanzibar,
Suleiman bin Ali or _Sheikh_ Suleiman the Secretary.

The Mamohela horde is becoming terrified, for every party going to trade
has lost three or four men, and in the last foray they saw that the
Manyuema can fight, for they killed ten men: they will soon refuse to go
among those whom they have forced to become enemies.

One of the Bazula invited a man to go with him to buy ivory; he went
with him, and on getting into the Zulas country the stranger was asked
by the guide if his gun killed men, and how it did it: whilst he was
explaining the matter he was stabbed to death. No one knows the reason
of this, but the man probably lost some of his relations elsewhere: this
is called murder without cause. When Syde and Dugumbé come, I hope to
get men and a canoe to finish my work among those who have not been
abused by Ujijians, and still retain their natural kindness of
disposition; none of the people are ferocious without cause; and the
sore experience which they gain from slaves with guns in their hands
usually ends in sullen hatred of all strangers.

The education of the world is a terrible one, and it has come down with
relentless rigour on Africa from the most remote times! What the African
will become after this awfully hard lesson is learned, is among the
future developments of Providence. When He, who is higher than the
highest, accomplishes His purposes, this will be a wonderful country,
and again something like what it was of old, when Zerah and Tirhaka
flourished, and were great.

The soil of Manyuema is clayey and remarkably fertile, the maize sown in
it rushes up to seed, and everything is in rank profusion if only it be
kept clear of weeds, but the Bambarré people are indifferent
cultivators, planting maize, bananas and plantains, and ground-nuts
only--no dura, a little cassava, no pennisetum, meleza, pumpkins,
melons, or nyumbo, though they all flourish in other districts: a few
sweet potatoes appear, but elsewhere all these native grains and roots
are abundant and cheap. No one would choose this as a residence, except
for the sake of Moenékuss. Oil is very dear, while at Lualaba a gallon
may be got for a single string of beads, and beans, ground-nuts,
cassava, maize, plantains in rank profusion. The Balégga, like the
Bambarré people, trust chiefly to plantains and ground-nuts; to play
with parrots is their great amusement.

_13th November, 1870._--The men sent over to Lohombo, about thirty miles
off, got two and a half loads of dura for a small goat, but the people
were unwilling to trade. "If we encourage Arabs to trade, they will come
and kill us with their guns," so they said, and it is true: the slaves
are overbearing, and when this is resented, then slaughter ensues. I got
some sweet plantains and a little oil, which is useful in cooking, and
with salt, passes for butter on bread, but all were unwilling to trade.
Monangoi was over near Lohombo, and heard of a large trading party
coming, and not far off; this may be Syde and Dugumbé, but reports are
often false. When Katomba's men were on the late foray, they were
completely overpowered, and compelled by the Manyuema to lay down their
guns and powder-horns, on pain of being instantly despatched by bow-shot:
they were mostly slaves, who could only draw the trigger and make a
noise. Katomba had to rouse out all the Arabs who could shoot, and when
they came they killed many, and gained the lost day; the Manyuema did
not kill anyone who laid down his gun and powder-horn. This is the
beginning of an end which was easily perceived when it became not a
trading, but a foray of a murdering horde of savages.

The foray above mentioned was undertaken by Katomba for twenty goats
from Kassessa!--ten men lost for twenty goats, but they will think twice
before they try another foray.

A small bird follows the "Sassassa" or _Buceros cristata_. It screams
and pecks at his tail till he discharges the contents of his bowels, and
then leaves him; it is called "play" by the natives, and by the Suaheli
"Utané" or "Msaha"--fun or wit; he follows other birds in the same
merciless way, screaming and pecking to produce purging; Manyuema call
this bird "Mambambwa." The buffalo bird warns its big friend of danger,
by calling "Chachacha," and the rhinoceros bird cries out, "Tye, tye,
tye, tye," for the same purpose. The Manyuema call the buffalo bird
"Mojela," and the Suaheli, "Chassa." A climbing plant in Africa is known
as "Ntulungopé," which mixed with flour of dura kills mice; they swarm
in our camp and destroy everything, but Ntulungopé is not near this.

The Arabs tell me that one dollar a day is ample for provisions for a
large family at Zanzibar; the food consists of wheat, rice, flesh of
goats or ox, fowls, bananas, milk, butter, sugar, eggs, mangoes, and
potatoes. Ambergris is boiled in milk and sugar, and used by the Hindoos
as a means of increasing blood in their systems; a small quantity is a
dose; it is found along the shore of the sea at Barawa or Brava, and at
Madagascar, as if the sperm whale got rid of it while alive. Lamoo or
Amu is wealthy, and well supplied with everything, as grapes, peaches,
wheat, cattle, camels, &c. The trade is chiefly with Madagascar: the
houses are richly furnished with furniture, dishes from India, &c. At
Garaganza there are hundreds of Arab traders, there too all fruits
abound, and the climate is healthy, from its elevation. Why cannot we
missionaries imitate these Arabs in living on heights?

_24th November, 1870._--Herpes is common at the plantations in Zanzibar,
but the close crowding of the houses in the town they think prevents it;
the lips and mouth are affected, and constipation sets in for three
days, all this is cured by going over to the mainland. Affections of the
lungs are healed by residence at Bariwa or Brava, and also on the
mainland. The Tafori of Halfani took my letters from Ujiji, but who the
person employed is I do not know.

_29th November, 1870._--_Safura_ is the name of the disease of clay or
earth eating, at Zanzibar; it often affects slaves, and the clay is said
to have a pleasant odour to the eaters, but it is not confined to
slaves, nor do slaves eat in order to kill themselves; it is a diseased
appetite, and rich men who have plenty to eat are often subject to it.
The feet swell, flesh is lost, and the face looks haggard; the patient
can scarcely walk for shortness of breath and weakness, and he continues
eating till he dies. Here many slaves are now diseased with safura; the
clay built in walls is preferred, and Manyuema women when pregnant often
eat it. The cure is effected by drastic purges composed as follows: old
vinegar of cocoa-trees is put into a large basin, and old slag red-hot
cast into it, then "Moneyé," asafoetida, half a rupee in weight,
copperas, sulph. ditto: a small glass of this, fasting morning and
evening, produces vomiting and purging of black dejections, this is
continued for seven days; no meat is to be eaten, but only old rice or
dura and water; a fowl in course of time: no fish, butter, eggs, or
beef for two years on pain of death. Mohamad's father had skill in the
cure, and the above is his prescription. Safura is thus a disease _per
se_; it is common in Manyuema, and makes me in a measure content to wait
for my medicines; from the description, inspissated bile seems to be the
agent of blocking up the gall-duct and duodenum and the clay or earth
may be nature trying to clear it away: the clay appears unchanged in the
stools, and in large quantity. A Banyamwezi carrier, who bore an
enormous load of copper, is now by safura scarcely able to walk; he took
it at Lualaba where food is abundant, and he is contented with his lot.
Squeeze a finger-nail, and if no blood appears beneath it, safura is the
cause of the bloodlessness.

FOOTNOTES:

[8] A precisely similar epidemic broke out at the settlement at
Magomero, in which fifty-four of the slaves liberated by Dr.
Livingstone and Bishop Mackenzie died. This disease is by far the most
fatal scourge the natives suffer from, not even excepting small-pox.
It is common throughout Tropical Africa. We believe that some
important facts have recently been brought to light regarding it, and
we can only trust sincerely that the true nature of the disorder will
be known in time, so that it may be successfully treated: at present
change of air and high feeding on a meat diet are the best remedies we
know.--ED.

[9] Dr. Livingstone never ceased to impress upon Europeans the utter
necessity of living on the high table-lands of the interior, rather
than on the sea-board or the banks of the great arterial rivers. Men
may escape death in an unhealthy place, but the system is enfeebled
and energy reduced to the lowest ebb. Under such circumstances life
becomes a misery, and important results can hardly be looked for when
one's vitality is preoccupied in wrestling with the unhealthiness of
the situation, day and night.--ED.

[10] Mr. John Sunley, of Pomoné, Johanna, an island in the Comoro
group.

CHAPTER IV.

Degraded state of the Manyuema. Want of writing materials.
Lion's fat a specific against tsetse. The Neggeri. Jottings
about Meréré. Various sizes of tusks. An epidemic. The strangest
disease of all! The New Year. Detention at Bambarré. Goître.
News of the cholera. Arrival of coast caravan. The
parrot's-feather challenge. Murder of James. Men arrive as
servants. They refuse to go north. Parts at last with
malcontents. Receives letters from Dr. Kirk and the Sultan.
Doubts as to the Congo or Nile. Katomba presents a young soko.
Forest scenery. Discrimination of the Manyuema. They "want to
eat a white one." Horrible bloodshed by Ujiji traders. Heartsore
and sick of blood. Approach Nyangwé. Reaches the Lualaba.

_6th December, 1870._--Oh, for Dugumbé or Syde to come! but this delay
may be all for the best. The parrots all seize their food, and hold it
with the left hand, the lion, too, is left-handed; he strikes with the
left, so are all animals left-handed save man.

I noticed a very pretty woman come past this quite jauntily about a
month ago, on marriage with Monasimba. Ten goats were given; her friends
came and asked another goat, which being refused, she was enticed away,
became sick of rheumatic fever two days afterwards, and died yesterday.
Not a syllable of regret for the beautiful young creature does one hear,
but for the goats: "Oh, our ten goats!"--they cannot grieve too
much--"Our ten goats--oh! oh!"

Basanga wail over those who die in bed, but not over those who die in
battle: the cattle are a salve for all sores. Another man was killed
within half a mile of this: they quarrelled, and there is virtually no
chief. The man was stabbed, the village burned, and the people all fled:
they are truly a bloody people!

A man died near this, Monasimba went to his wife, and after washing he
may appear among men. If no widow can be obtained, he must sit naked
behind his house till some one happens to die, all the clothes he wore
are thrown away. They are the lowest of the low, and especially in
bloodiness: the man who killed a woman without cause goes free, he
offered his grandmother to be killed in his stead, and after a great
deal of talk nothing was done to him!

_8th December, 1870._--Suleiman-bin-Juma lived on the mainland,
Mosessamé, opposite Zanzibar: it is impossible to deny his power of
foresight, except by rejecting all evidence, for he frequently foretold
the deaths of great men among Arabs, and he was pre-eminently a good
man, upright and sincere: "Thirti," none like him now for goodness and
skill. He said that two middle-sized white men, with straight noses and
flowing hair down to the girdle behind, came at times, and told him
things to come. He died twelve years ago, and left no successor; he
foretold his own decease three days beforehand by cholera. "Heresi," a
ball of hair rolled in the stomach of a lion, is a grand charm to the
animal and to Arabs. Mohamad has one.

_10th December, 1870._--I am sorely let and hindered in this Manyuema.
Rain every day, and often at night; I could not travel now, even if I
had men, but I could make some progress; this is the sorest delay I ever
had. I look above for help and mercy.

[The wearied man tried to while away the time by gaining little scraps
of information from the Arabs and the natives, but we cannot fail to see
what a serious stress was all the time put upon his constitution under
these circumstances; the reader will pardon the disjointed nature of
his narrative, written as it was under the greatest disadvantage.]

Lion's fat is regarded as a sure preventive of tsetse or bungo. This was
noted before, but I add now that it is smeared on the ox's tail, and
preserves hundreds of the Banyamwesi cattle in safety while going to the
coast; it is also used to keep pigs and hippopotami away from gardens:
the smell is probably the efficacious part in "Heresi," as they call it.

_12th December, 1870._--It may be all for the best that I am so
hindered, and compelled to inactivity.

An advance to Lohombo was the furthest point of traders for many a day,
for the slaves returning with ivory were speared mercilessly by
Manyuema, because they did not know guns could kill, and their spears
could. Katomba coming to Moenékuss was a great feat three or four years
ago; then Dugumbé went on to Lualaba, and fought his way, so I may be
restrained now in mercy till men come.

The Neggeri, an African animal, attacks the tenderest parts of man and
beast, cuts them off, and retires contented: buffaloes are often
castrated by him. Men who know it, squat down, and kill him with knife
or gun. The Zibu or mbuidé flies at the tendon Achilles; it is most
likely the Ratel.

The Fisi ea bahari, probably the seal, is abundant in the seas, but the
ratel or badger probably furnished the skins for the Tabernacle: bees
escape from his urine, and he eats their honey in safety; lions and all
other animals fear his attacks of the heel.

The Babemba mix a handful (about twenty-five to a measure) of castor-oil
seeds with the dura and meleza they grind, and usage makes them like it,
the nauseous taste is not perceptible in porridge; the oil is needed
where so much farinaceous or starchy matter exists, and the bowels are
regulated by the mixture: experience has taught them the need of a fatty
ingredient.

[Dr. Livingstone seems to have been anxious to procure all the
information possible from the Arabs respecting the powerful chief
Meréré, who is reported to live on the borders of the Salt Water Lake,
which lies between Lake Tanganyika and the East Coast. It would seem as
if Meréré held the most available road for travellers passing to the
south-west from Zanzibar, and although the Doctor did not go through his
country, he felt an interest no doubt in ascertaining as much as he
could for the benefit of others.]

Goambari is a prisoner at Meréré's, guarded by a thousand or more men,
to prevent him intriguing with Monyungo, who is known as bloodthirsty.
In the third generation Charura's descendants numbered sixty able-bodied
spearmen, Garahenga or Kimamuré killed many of them. Charura had six
white attendants with him, but all died before he did, and on becoming
chief he got all his predecessor's wives. Meréré is the son of a woman
of the royal stock, and of a common man, hence he is a shade or two
darker than Charura's descendants, who are very light coloured, and have
straight noses. They shave the head, and straight hair is all cut off;
they drink much milk, warm, from the teats of the cows, and think that
it is strengthening by its heat.

_December 23rd, 1870._--Bambarré people suffer hunger now because they
will not plant cassava; this trading party eats all the maize, and sends
to a distance for more, and the Manyuema buy from them with malofu, or
palm-toddy. Rice is all coming into ear, but the Manyuema planted none:
maize is ripening, and mice are a pest. A strong man among the Manyuema
does what he pleases, and no chief interferes: for instance, a man's
wife for ten goats was given off to a Mené man, and his child, now
grown, is given away, too; he comes to Mohamad for redress! Two
elephants killed were very large, but have only small tusks: they come
from the south in the rains. All animals, as elephants, buffaloes, and
zebras, are very large in the Basango country; tusks are full in the
hollows, and weigh very heavy, and animals are fat and good in flesh:
eleven goats are the exchange for the flesh of an elephant.

[The following details respecting ivory cannot fail to be interesting
here: they are very kindly furnished by Mr. F.D. Blyth, whose long
experience enables him to speak with authority upon the subject. He
says, England imports about 550 tons of ivory annually,--of this 280
tons pass away to other countries, whilst the remainder is used by our
manufacturers, of whom the Sheffield cutlers alone require about 170
tons. The whole annual importation is derived from the following
countries, and in the quantities given below, as near as one can
approach to actual figures:

Bombay and Zanzibar export 160 tons.
Alexandria and Malta 180 "
West Coast of Africa 140 "
Cape of Good Hope 50 "
Mozambique 20 "

The Bombay merchants collect ivory from all the southern countries of
Asia, and the East Coast of Africa, and after selecting that which is
most suited to the wants of the Indian and Chinese markets, ship the
remainder to Europe.

From Alexandria and Malta we receive ivory collected from Northern and
Central Africa, from Egypt, and the countries through which the Nile
flows.

Immediately after the Franco-German war the value of ivory increased
considerably; and when we look at the prices realized on large Zanzibar
tusks at the public sales, we can well understand the motive power which
drove the Arab ivory hunters further and further into the country from
which the chief supply was derived when Dr. Livingstone met them.

In 1867 their price varied from £39 to £42.
" 1868 " " " " 39 " 42.
" 1869 " " " " 41 " 44.
" 1870 " " " " do. " do.
" 1871 " " " " do. " do.
" 1872 " " " " 58 " 61.
" 1873 " " " " 68 " 72.
" 1874 " " " " 53 " 58.

Single tusks vary in weight from 1 lb. to 165 lbs.: the average of a
pair of tusks may be put at 28 lbs., and therefore 44,000 elephants,
large and small, must be killed yearly to supply the ivory which _comes
to England alone_, and when we remember that an enormous quantity goes
to America, to India and China, for consumption there, and of which we
have no account, some faint notion may be formed of the destruction that
goes on amongst the herds of elephants.

Although naturalists distinguish only two living species of elephants,
viz. the African and the Asiatic, nevertheless there is a great
difference in the size, character, and colour of their tusks, which may
arise from variations in climate, soil, and food. The largest tusks are
yielded by the African elephant, and find their way hither from the port
of Zanzibar: they are noted for being opaque, soft or "mellow" to work,
and free from cracks or defects.

The tusks from India, Ceylon, &c, are smaller in size, partly of an
opaque character, and partly translucent (or, as it is technically
called "bright"), and harder and more cracked, but those from Siam and
the neighbouring countries are very "bright," soft, and fine grained;
they are much sought after for carvings and ornamental work. Tusks from
Mozambique and the Cape of Good Hope seldom exceed 70 lbs. in weight
each: they are similar in character to the Zanzibar kind.

Tusks which come through Alexandria and Malta differ considerably in
quality: some resemble those from Zanzibar, whilst others are white and
opaque, harder to work, and more cracked at the points; and others again
are very translucent and hard, besides being liable to crack: this
latter description fetches a much lower price in the market.

From the West Coast of Africa we get ivory which is always translucent,
with a dark outside or coating, but partly hard and partly soft.

The soft ivory which comes from Ambriz, the Gaboon River, and the ports
south of the equator, is more highly valued than any other, and is
called "silver grey": this sort retains its whiteness when exposed to
the air, and is free from that tendency to become yellowish in time
which characterises Asiatic and East African ivory.

Hard tusks, as a rule, are proportionately smaller in diameter, sharper,
and less worn than soft ones, and they come to market much more cracked,
fetching in consequence a lower price.

In addition to the above a few tons of Mammoth ivory are received from
time to time from the Arctic regions and Siberia, and although of
unknown antiquity, some tusks are equal in every respect to ivory which
is obtained in the present day from elephants newly killed; this, no
doubt, is owing to the preservative effects of the ice in which the
animals have been imbedded for many thousands of years. In the year 1799
the entire carcase of a mammoth was taken from the ice, and the skeleton
and portions of the skin, still covered with reddish hair, are preserved
in the Museum of St. Petersburg: it is said that portions of the flesh
were eaten by the men who dug it out of the ice.]

_24th December, 1870._--Between twenty-five and thirty slaves have died
in the present epidemic, and many Manyuema; two yesterday at Kandawara.
The feet swell, then the hands and face, and in a day or two they drop
dead; it came from the East, and is very fatal, for few escape who take
it.

A woman was accused of stealing maize, and the chief here sent all his
people yesterday, plundered all she had in her house and garden, and
brought her husband bound in thongs till he shall pay a goat: she is
said to be innocent.

Monangoi does this by fear of the traders here; and, as the people tell
him, as soon as they are gone the vengeance he is earning by injustice
on all sides will be taken: I told the chief that his head would be cut
off as soon as the traders leave, and so it will be; and Kasessa's also.

Three men went from Katomba to Kasongo's to buy Viramba, and a man was
speared belonging to Kasongo, these three then fired into a mass of men
who collected, one killed two, another three, and so on; so now that
place is shut up from traders, and all this country will be closed as
soon as the Manyuema learn that guns are limited in their power of
killing, and especially in the hands of slaves, who cannot shoot, but
only make a noise. These Suaheli are the most cruel and bloodthirsty
missionaries in existence, and withal so impure in talk and acts,
spreading disease everywhere. The Lord sees it.

_28th December, 1870._--Moenembegg, the most intelligent of the two sons
of Moenékuss, in power, told us that a man was killed and eaten a few
miles from this yesterday: hunger was the reason assigned. On speaking
of tainted meat, he said that the Manyuema put meat in water for two
days to make it putrid and smell high. The love of high meat is the only
reason I know for their cannibalism, but the practice is now hidden on
account of the disgust that the traders expressed against open
man-eating when they first arrived.

Lightning was very near us last night. The Manyuema say that when it is
so loud fishes of large size fall with it, an opinion shared by the
Arabs, but the large fish is really the _Clarias Capensis_ of Smith, and
it is often seen migrating in single file along the wet grass for miles:
it is probably this that the Manyuema think falls from the lightning.

The strangest disease I have seen in this country seems really to be
broken-heartedness, and it attacks free men who have been captured and
made slaves. My attention was drawn to it when the elder brother of Syde
bin Habib was killed in Rua by a night attack, from a spear being
pitched through his tent into his side. Syde then vowed vengeance for
the blood of his brother, and assaulted all he could find, killing the
elders, and making the young men captives. He had secured a very large
number, and they endured the chains until they saw the broad River
Lualaba roll between them and their free homes; they then lost heart.
Twenty-one were unchained as being now safe; however, all ran away at
once, but eight, with many others still in chains, died in three days
after crossing. They ascribed their only pain to the heart, and placed
the hand correctly on the spot, though many think that the organ stands
high up under the breast bone. Some slavers expressed surprise to me
that they should die, seeing they had plenty to eat and no work. One
fine boy of about twelve years was carried, and when about to expire,
was kindly laid down on the side of the path, and a hole dug to deposit
the body in. He, too, said he had nothing the matter with him, except
pain in his heart: as it attacks only the free (who are captured and
never slaves), it seems to be really broken-hearts of which they die.

[Livingstone's servants give some additional particulars in answer to
questions put to them about this dreadful history. The sufferings
endured by these unfortunate captives, whilst they were hawked about in
different directions, must have been shocking indeed; many died because
it was impossible for them to carry a burden on the head whilst marching
in the heavy yoke or "taming stick," which weighs from 30 lbs. to 40
lbs. as a rule, and the Arabs knew that if once the stick were taken
off, the captive would escape on the first opportunity. Children for a
time would keep up with wonderful endurance, but it happened sometimes
that the sound of dancing and the merry tinkle of the small drums would
fall on their ears in passing near to a village; then the memory of home
and happy days proved too much for them; they cried and sobbed, the
"broken-heart" came on, and they rapidly sank.

The adults as a rule came into the slave-sticks from treachery, and had
never been slaves before. Very often the Arabs would promise a present
of dried fish to villagers if they would act as guides to some distant
point, and as soon as they were far enough away from their friends they
were seized and pinned into the yoke from which there is no escape.
These poor fellows would expire in the way the Doctor mentions, talking
to the last of their wives and children who would never know what had
become of them. On one occasion twenty captives succeeded in escaping as
follows. Chained together by the neck, and in the custody of an Arab
armed with a gun, they were sent off to collect wood; at a given signal,
one of them called the guard to look at something which he pretended he
had found: when he stooped down they threw themselves upon him and
overpowered him, and after he was dead managed to break the chain and
make off in all directions.]

Rice sown on 19th October was in ear in seventy days. A leopard killed
my goat, and a gun set for him went off at 10 P.M.--the ball broke both
hind legs and one fore leg, yet he had power to spring up and bite a man
badly afterwards; he was a male, 2 feet 4 inches at withers, and 6 feet
8 inches from tip of nose to end of tail.

_1st January, 1871._--O Father! help me to finish this work to Thy
honour.

Still detained at Bambarré, but a caravan of 500 muskets is reported
from the coast: it may bring me other men and goods.

Rain daily. A woman was murdered without cause close by the camp; the
murderer said she was a witch and speared her: the body is exposed till
the affair is settled, probably by a fine of goats.

The Manyuema are the most bloody, callous savages I know; one puts a
scarlet feather from a parrot's tail on the ground, and challenges those
near to stick it in the hair: he who does so must kill a man or woman!

Another custom is that none dare wear the skin of the musk cat, Ngawa,
unless he has murdered somebody: guns alone prevent them from killing us
all, and for no reason either.

_16th January, 1871._--Ramadân ended last night, and it is probable my
people and others from the coast will begin to travel after three days
of feasting. It has been so rainy I could have done little though I had
had people.

_22nd January, 1871._--A party is reported to be on the way hither. This
is likely enough, but reports are so often false that doubts arise.
Mohamad says he will give men when the party of Hassani comes, or when
Dugumbé arrives.

_24th January, 1871._--Mohamad mentioned this morning that Moene-mokaia,
and Moeneghera his brother, brought about thirty slaves from Katañga to
Ujiji, affected with swelled thyroid glands or "_Goître_," and that
drinking the water of Tanganyika proved a perfect cure to all in a very
few days. Sometimes the swelling went down in two days after they began
to use the water, in their ordinary way of cooking, washing, and
drinking: possibly some ingredient of the hot fountain that flows into
it affects the cure, for the people on the Lofubu, in Nsama's country,
had the swelling. The water in bays is decidedly brackish, while the
body of Tanganyika is quite fresh.

The odour of putrid elephant's meat in a house kills parrots: the
Manyuema keep it till quite rotten, but know its fatal effects on their
favourite birds.

_27th January, 1871._--Safari or caravan reported to be near, and my men
and goods at Ujiji.

_28th January, 1871._--A safari, under Hassani and Ebed, arrived with
news of great mortality by cholera (_Towny_), at Zanzibar, and my
"brother," whom I conjecture to be Dr. Kirk, has fallen. The men I wrote
for have come to Ujiji, but did not know my whereabouts; when told by
Katomba's men they will come here, and bring my much longed for letters
and goods. 70,000 victims in Zanzibar alone from cholera, and it spread
inland to the Masoi and Ugogo! Cattle shivered, and fell dead: the
fishes in the sea died in great numbers; here the fowls were first
seized and died, but not from cholera, only from its companion. Thirty
men perished in our small camp, made still smaller by all the able men
being off trading at the Metamba, and how many Manyuema died we do not
know; the survivors became afraid of eating the dead.

Formerly the Cholera kept along the sea-shore, now it goes far inland,
and will spread all over Africa; this we get from Mecca filth, for
nothing was done to prevent the place being made a perfect cesspool of
animals' guts and ordure of men.[11] A piece of skin bound round the
chest of a man, and half of it hanging down, prevents waste of strength,
and he forgets and fattens.

Ebed's party bring 200 frasilahs of all sorts of beads; they will cross
Lualaba, and open a new field on the other, or Young's Lualaba: all
Central Africa will soon be known: the evils inflicted by these Arabs
are enormous, but probably not greater than the people inflict on each
other. Meréré has turned against the Arabs, and killed one; robbing
several others of all they had, though he has ivory sufficient to send
down 7000 lbs. to the coast, and receive loads of goods for 500 men in
return. He looks as if insane, and probably is so, and will soon be
killed. His insanity may be the effect of pombe, of which he drinks
largely, and his people may have told him that the Arabs were plotting
with Goambari. He restored Mohamad's ivory and slaves, and sent for the
other traders who had fled, saying his people had spoken badly, and he
would repay all losses.

The Watuta (who are the same as the Mazitu) came stealing Banyamwezi
cattle, and Mtéza's men went out to them, and twenty-two were killed,
but the Lewale's people did nothing. The Governor's sole anxiety is to
obtain ivory, and no aid is rendered to traders. Seyed Suleiman the
Wazeer is the author of the do-nothing policy, and sent away all the
sepoys as too expensive, consequently the Wagogo plunder traders
unchecked. It is reported that Egyptian Turks came up and attacked
Mtéza, but lost many people, and fled. The report of a Moslem Mission to
his country was a falsehood, though the details given were
circumstantial: falsehood is so common, one can believe nothing the
Arabs say, unless confirmed by other evidence: they are the followers of
the Prince of lies--Mohamad, whose cool appropriation of the knowledge
gained at Damascus, and from the Jews, is perfectly disgusting. All his
deeds were done when unseen by any witnesses. It is worth noticing that
all admit the decadence of the Moslem power, and they ask how it is so
fallen? They seem sincere in their devotion and in teaching the Koran,
but its meaning is comparatively hid from most of the Suaheli. The
Persian Arabs are said to be gross idolators, and awfully impure. Earth
from a grave at Kurbelow (?) is put in the turban and worshipped: some
of the sects won't say "Amen."

Moenyegumbé never drank more than a mouthful of pombe. When young, he
could make his spear pass right through an elephant, and stick in the
ground on the other side. He was a large man, and all his members were
largely developed, his hands and fingers were all in proportion to his
great height; and he lived to old age with strength unimpaired: Goambari
inherits his white colour and sharp nose, but not his wisdom or courage.
Meréré killed five of his own people for exciting him against the Arabs.
The half-caste is the murderer of many of Charura's descendants. His
father got a daughter of Moenyegumbé for courage in fighting the Babema
of Ubena.

Cold-blooded murders are frightfully common here. Some kill people in
order to be allowed to wear the red tail feathers of a parrot in their
hair, and yet they are not ugly like the West Coast Negroes, for many
men have as finely formed heads as could be found in London. We English,
if naked, would make but poor figures beside the strapping forms and
finely shaped limbs of Manyuema men and women. Their cannibalism is
doubtful, but my observations raise grave suspicions. A Scotch jury
would say, "Not proven." The women are not guilty.

_4th February, 1871._--Ten of my men from the coast have come near to
Bambarré, and will arrive to-day. I am extremely thankful to hear it,
for it assures me that my packet of letters was not destroyed; they know
at home by this time what has detained me, and the end to which I
strain.

Only one letter reached, and forty are missing! James was killed to-day
by an arrow: the assassin was hid in the forest till my men going to buy
food came up.[12] I propose to leave on the 12th. I have sent Dr. Kirk a
cheque for Rs. 4000: great havoc was made by cholera, and in the midst
of it my friend exerted himself greatly to get men off to me with goods;
the first gang of porters all died.

_8th February, 1871._--The ten men refusing to go north are influenced
probably by Shereef, and my two ringleaders, who try this means to
compel me to take them.

_9th February, 1871._--The man who contrived the murder of James came
here, drawn by the pretence that he was needed to lead a party against
the villages, which he led to commit the outrage. His thirst for blood
is awful: he was bound, and word sent to bring the actual murderers
within three days, or he suffers death. He brought five goats, thinking
that would smooth the matter over.

_11th February, 1871._--Men struck work for higher wages: I consented to
give them six dollars a month if they behaved well; if ill I diminish
it, so we hope to start to-morrow. Another hunting quelled by Mohamad
and me.

The ten men sent are all slaves of the Banians, who are English
subjects, and they come with a lie in their mouth: they will not help
me, and swear that the Consul told them not to go forward, but to force
me back, and they spread the tale all over the country that a certain
letter has been sent to me with orders to return forthwith. They swore
so positively that I actually looked again at Dr. Kirk's letter to see
if his orders had been rightly understood by me. But for Mohamad
Bogharib and fear of pistol-shot they would gain their own and their
Banian masters' end to baffle me completely; they demand an advance of
one dollar, or six dollars a month, though this is double freeman's pay
at Zanzibar. Their two headmen, Shereef and Awathé, refused to come past
Ujiji, and are revelling on my goods there.

_13th February, 1871._--Mabruki being seized with choleraic purging
detains us to-day. I gave Mohamad five pieces Americano, five ditto
Kaniké,[13] and two frasilahs samisami beads. He gives me a note to
Hassani for twenty thick copper bracelets. Yesterday crowds came to eat
the meat of the man who misled James to his death spot: but we want the
men who set the Mbanga men to shoot him: they were much disappointed
when they found that no one was killed, and are undoubtedly cannibals.

_16th, February, 1871._--Started to-day. Mabruki making himself out
very ill, Mohamad roused him out by telling him I travelled when much
worse. The chief gave me a goat, and Mohamad another, but in coming
through the forest on the neck of the mountain the men lost three, and
have to go back for them, and return to-morrow. Simon and Ibram were
bundled out of the camp, and impudently followed me: when they came
up, I told them to be off.

_17th February, 1871._--Waiting at a village on the Western slope for
the men to come up with the goats, if they have gone back to the camp.
Mohamad would not allow the deserters to remain among his people, nor
would I. It would only be to imbue the minds of my men with their want
of respect for all English, and total disregard of honesty and honour:
they came after me with inimitable effrontery, believing that though I
said I would not take them, they were so valuable, I was only saying
what I knew to be false. The goats were brought by a Manyuema man, who
found one fallen into a pitfall and dead; he ate it, and brought one of
his own in lieu of it. I gave him ten strings of beads, and he presented
a fowl in token of goodwill.

_18th February, 1871._--Went on to a village on the Lulwa, and on the
19th reached Moenemgoi, who dissuaded me so earnestly against going to
Moenekurumbo for the cause of Molembalemba that I agreed not to venture.

_20th February, 1871._--To the ford with only one canoe now, as two men
of Katomba were swept away in the other, and drowned. They would not
sell the remaining canoe, so I go N.W. on foot to Moené Lualaba, where
fine large canoes are abundant. The grass and mud are grievous, but my
men lift me over the waters.

_21st February, 1871._--Arrived at Monandewa's village, situated on a
high ridge between two deep and difficult gullies. These people are
obliging and kind: the chief's wife made a fire for me in the evening
unbidden.

_22nd February, 1871._--On N.W. to a high hill called Chibandé a Yundé,
with a spring of white water at the village on the top. Famine from some
unknown cause here, but the people are cultivating now on the plain
below with a will.

_23rd February, 1871._--On to two large villages with many banana plants
around, but the men said they were in fear of the traders, and shifted
their villages to avoid them: we then went on to the village
Kahombogola, with a feeble old man as chief. The country is beautiful
and undulating: light-green grass covers it all, save at the brooks,
where the eye is relieved by the dark-green lines of trees. Grass tears
the hands and wets the extremities constantly. The soil is formed of the
débris of granitic rocks; rough and stony, but everywhere fertile. One
can rarely get a bare spot to sit down and rest.

_24th February, 1871._--To a village near Lolandé River. Then across
the Loengadyé, sleeping on the bank of the Luha, and so to Mamohela,
where we were welcomed by all the Arabs, and I got a letter from Dr.
Kirk and another from the Sultan, and from Mohamad bin Nassib who was
going to Karagwé: all anxious to be kind. Katomba gave flour, nuts,
fowls, and goat. A new way is opened to Kasongo's, much shorter than
that I followed. I rest a few days, and then go on.

_25th February, 1871._--So we went on, and found that it was now known
that the Lualaba flowed west-south-west, and that our course was to be
west across this other great bend of the mighty river. I had to suspend
my judgment, so as to be prepared to find it after all perhaps the
Congo. No one knew anything about it except that when at Kasongo's nine
days west, and by south it came sweeping round and flowed north and
north and by east.

Katomba presented a young soko or gorillah that had been caught while
its mother was killed; she sits eighteen inches high, has fine long
black hair all over, which was pretty so long as it was kept in order by
her dam. She is the least mischievous of all the monkey tribe I have
seen, and seems to know that in me she has a friend, and sits quietly on
the mat beside me. In walking, the first thing observed is that she does
not tread on the palms of her hands, but on the backs of the second line
of bones of the hands: in doing this the nails do not touch the ground,
nor do the knuckles; she uses the arms thus supported crutch fashion,
and hitches herself along between them; occasionally one hand is put
down before the other, and alternates with the feet, or she walks
upright and holds up a hand to any one to carry her. If refused, she
turns her face down, and makes grimaces of the most bitter human
weeping, wringing her hands, and sometimes adding a fourth hand or foot
to make the appeal more touching. Grass or leaves she draws around her
to make a nest, and resents anyone meddling with her property. She is a
most friendly little beast, and came up to me at once, making her
chirrup of welcome, smelled my clothing, and held out her hand to be
shaken. I slapped her palm without offence, though she winced. She began
to untie the cord with which she was afterwards bound, with fingers and
thumbs, in quite a systematic way, and on being interfered with by a man
looked daggers, and screaming tried to beat him with her hands: she was
afraid of his stick, and faced him, putting her back to me as a friend.
She holds out her hand for people to lift her up and carry her, quite
like a spoiled child; then bursts into a passionate cry, somewhat like
that of a kite, wrings her hands quite naturally, as if in despair. She
eats everything, covers herself with a mat to sleep, and makes a nest of
grass or leaves, and wipes her face with a leaf.

I presented my double-barrelled gun which is at Ujiji to Katomba, as he
has been very kind when away from Ujiji: I pay him thus for all his
services. He gave me the soko, and will carry it to Ujiji for me; I have
tried to refund all that the Arabs expended on me.

_1st March, 1871._--I was to start this morning, but the Arabs asked me
to take seven of their people going to buy biramba, as they know the new
way: the offer was gladly accepted.

_2nd to 5th March, 1871._--Left Mamohela, and travelled over fine grassy
plains, crossing in six hours fourteen running rills, from three to ten
or fifteen feet broad, and from calf to thigh deep. Tree-covered
mountains on both sides. The natives know the rills by names, and
readily tell their courses, and which falls into which, before all go
into the great Lualaba; but without one as a guide, no one can put them
in a map. We came to Monanbunda's villages, and spent the night. Our
next stage was at Monangongo's. A small present of a few strings of
beads satisfies, but is not asked: I give it invariably as
acknowledgment for lodgings. The headman of our next stage hid himself
in fear, as we were near to the scene of Bin Juma's unprovoked slaughter
of five men, for tusks that were not stolen, but thrown down. Our path
lay through dense forest, and again, on 5th, our march was in the same
dense jungle of lofty trees and vegetation that touch our arms on each
side. We came to some villages among beautiful tree-covered hills,
called Basilañgé or Mobasilangé. The villages are very pretty, standing
on slopes. The main street generally lies east and west, to allow the
bright sun to stream his clear hot rays from one end to the other, and
lick up quickly the moisture from the frequent showers which is not
drained off by the slopes. A little verandah is often made in front of
the door, and here at dawn the family gathers round a fire, and, while
enjoying the heat needed in the cold that always accompanies the first
darting of the light or sun's rays across the atmosphere, inhale the
delicious air, and talk over their little domestic affairs. The various
shaped leaves of the forest all around their village and near their
nestlings are bespangled with myriads of dewdrops. The cocks crow
vigorously, and strut and ogle; the kids gambol and leap on the backs of
their dams quietly chewing the cud; other goats make believe fighting.
Thrifty wives often bake their new clay pots in a fire, made by lighting
a heap of grass roots: the next morning they extract salt from the
ashes, and so two birds are killed with one stone. The beauty of this
morning scene of peaceful enjoyment is indescribable. Infancy gilds the
fairy picture with its own lines, and it is probably never forgotten,
for the young, taken up from slavers, and treated with all philanthropic
missionary care and kindness, still revert to the period of infancy as
the finest and fairest they have known. They would go back to freedom
and enjoyment as fast as would our own sons of the soil, and be heedless
to the charms of hard work and no play which we think so much better
for them if not for us.

In some cases we found all the villages deserted; the people had fled at
our approach, in dread of repetitions of the outrages of Arab slaves.
The doors were all shut: a bunch of the leaves of reeds or of green
reeds placed across them, means "no entrance here." A few stray chickens
wander about wailing, having hid themselves while the rest were caught
and carried off into the deep forest, and the still smoking fires tell
the same tale of recent flight from the slave-traders.

Many have found out that I am not one of their number, so in various
cases they stand up and call out loudly, "Bolongo, Bolongo!"
"Friendship, Friendship!" They sell their fine iron bracelets eagerly
for a few beads; for (bracelets seem out of fashion since beads came
in), but they are of the finest quality of iron, and were they nearer
Europe would be as eagerly sought and bought as horse-shoe nails are for
the best gun-barrels. I overhear the Manyuema telling each other that I
am the "good one." I have no slaves, and I owe this character to the
propagation of a good name by the slaves of Zanzibar, who are anything
but good themselves. I have seen slaves belonging to the seven men now
with us slap the cheeks of grown men who had offered food for sale; it
was done in sheer wantonness, till I threatened to thrash them if I saw
it again; but out of my sight they did it still, and when I complained
to the masters they confessed that all the mischief was done by slaves;
for the Manyuema, on being insulted, lose temper and use their spears on
the nasty curs, and then vengeance is taken with guns. Free men behave
better than slaves; the bondmen are not responsible. The Manyuema are
far more beautiful than either the bond or free of Zanzibar; I overhear
the remark often, "If we had Manyuema wives what beautiful children we
should beget." The men are usually handsome, and many of the women are
very pretty; hands, feet, limbs, and forms perfect in shape and the
colour light-brown, but the orifices of the nose are widened by
snuff-takers, who ram it up as far as they can with the finger and
thumb: the teeth are not filed, except a small space between the two
upper front teeth.

_5th March, 1871._--We heard to-day that Mohamad's people passed us on
the west, with much ivory. I lose thus twenty copper rings I was to take
from them, and all the notes they were to make for me of the rivers they
crossed.

_6th March, 1871._--Passed through very large villages, with many forges
in active work; some men followed us, as if to fight, but we got them to
turn peaceably: we don't know who are enemies, so many have been
maltreated and had relatives killed. The rain of yesterday made the
paths so slippery that the feet of all were sorely fatigued, and on
coming to Manyara's, I resolved to rest on 7th near Mount Kimazi. I gave
a cloth and beads in lieu of a fine fat goat from the chief, a clever,
good man.

_9th March, 1871._--We marched about five hours across a grassy plain
without trees--buga or prairie. The torrid sun, nearly vertical, sent
his fierce rays down, and fatigued us all: we crossed two Sokoyé streams
by bridges, and slept at a village on a ridge of woodland overlooking
Kasonga. After two hours this morning, we came to villages of this
chief, and at one were welcomed by the Safari of Salem Mokadam, and I
was given a house. Kasonga is a very fine young man, with European
features, and "very clever and good." He is clever, and is pronounced
good, because he eagerly joins the Arabs in marauding! Seeing the
advantage of firearms, he has bought four muskets. Mohamad's people were
led by his, and spent all their copper for some fifty frasilahs of good
ivory. From this party men have been sent over Lualaba, and about fifty
frasilahs obtained: all praise Kasonga. We were now only six miles from
Lualaba, and yet south of Mamohela; this great river, in fact, makes a
second great sweep to the west of some 130 miles, and there are at least
30' of southing; but now it comes rolling majestically to the north, and
again makes even easting. It is a mighty stream, with many islands in
it, and is never wadeable at any point or at any time of the year.

_10th March, 1871._--Mohamad's people are said to have gone to Luapanya,
a powerful chief, who told them they were to buy all their ivory from
him: he had not enough, and they wanted to go on to a people who have
ivory door-posts; but he said, "You shall go neither forward nor
backwards, but remain here," and he then called an immense body of
archers, and said, "You must fight these." The consequence was they
killed Luapanya and many of his people, called Bahika, then crossed a
very large river, the Morombya or Morombwé, and again the Pembo River,
but don't seem to have gone very far north. I wished to go from this in
canoes, but Kasonga has none, so I must tramp for five or six days to
Moené Lualaba to buy one, if I have credit with Abed.

_11th March, 1871._--I had a long, fierce oration from Amur, in which I
was told again and again that I should be killed and eaten--the people
wanted a "white one" to eat! I needed 200 guns; and "must not go to
die." I told him that I was thankful for advice, if given by one who had
knowledge, but his vehement threats were dreams of one who had never
gone anywhere, but sent his slaves to kill people. He was only
frightening my people, and doing me an injury. I told him that Baker had
only twelve people, and came near to this: to this he replied "Were the
people cannibals?" &c. &c.

I left this noisy demagogue, after saying I thanked him for his
warnings, but saw he knew not what he was saying. The traders from Ujiji
are simply marauders, and their people worse than themselves, they
thirst for blood more than for ivory, each longs to be able to tell a
tale of blood, and the Manyuema are an easy prey. Hassani assaulted the
people at Moené Lualaba's, and now they keep to the other bank, and I am
forced to bargain with Kasonga for a canoe, and he sends to a friend for
one to be seen on the 13th. This Hassani declared to me that he would
not begin hostilities, but he began nothing else; the prospect of
getting slaves overpowers all else, and blood flows in horrid streams.
The Lord look on it! Hassani will have some tale to tell Mohamad
Bogharib.

[At the outset of his explorations Livingstone fancied that there were
degrees in the sufferings of slaves, and that the horrors perpetrated by
the Portuguese of Tette were unknown in the system of slave hunting
which the Arabs pursue: we now see that a further acquaintance with the
slave-trade of the Interior has restored the balance of infamy, and that
the same tale of murder and destruction is common wherever the traffic
extends, no matter by whom it is carried on.]

_15th March, 1871._--Falsehood seems ingrained in their constitutions:
no wonder that in all this region they have never tried to propagate
Islamism; the natives soon learn to hate them, and slaving, as carried
on by the Kilwans and Ujijians, is so bloody, as to prove an effectual
barrier against proselytism.

My men are not come back: I fear they are engaged in some broil. In
confirmation of what I write, some of the party here assaulted a village
of Kasonga's, killed three men and captured women and children; they
pretended that they did not know them to be his people, but they did not
return the captives.

_20th March, 1871._--I am heartsore, and sick of human blood.

_21st March, 1871._--Kasongo's brother's child died, and he asked me to
remain to-day while he buried the dead, and he would give me a guide
to-morrow; being rainy I stop willingly. Dugumbé is said to purpose
going down the river to Kanagumbé River to build on the land Kanagumbé,
which is a loop formed by the river, and is large. He is believed to
possess great power of divination, even of killing unfaithful women.

_22nd March, 1871._--I am detained another day by the sickness of one of
the party. Very cold rain yesterday from the north-west. I hope to go
to-morrow towards the Lakoni, or great market of this region.

_23rd March, 1871._--Left Kasongo, who gave me a goat and a guide. The
country is gently undulating, showing green slopes fringed with wood,
with grass from four to six feet. We reached Katenga's, about five miles
off. There are many villages, and people passed us carrying loads of
provisions, and cassava, from the chitoka or market.

_24th March, 1871._--Great rain in the night and morning, and sickness
of the men prevented our march.

_25th March, 1871._--Went to Mazimwé, 7-1/2 miles off.

_26th March, 1871._--Went four miles and crossed the Kabwimaji; then a
mile beyond Kahembai, which flows into the Kunda, and it into the
Lualaba; the country is open, and low hills appear in the north. We met
a party from the traders at Kasenga, chiefly Materéka's people under
Salem and Syde bin Sultan; they had eighty-two captives, and say they
fought ten days to secure them and two of the Malongwana, and two of the
Banyamwezi. They had about twenty tusks, and carried one of their men
who broke his leg in fighting; we shall be safe only when past the
bloodshed and murder.

_27th March, 1871._--We went along a ridge of land overhanging a fine
valley of denudation, with well-cultivated hills in the distance (N.),
where Hassani's feat of bloodshed was performed. There are many villages
on the ridge, some rather tumbledown ones, which always indicate some
misrule. Our march was about seven miles. A headman who went with us
plagued another chief to give me a goat; I refused to take what was not
given willingly, but the slaves secured it; and I threatened our
companion, Kama, with dismissal from our party if he became a tool in
slave hands. The arum is common.

_28th March, 1871._--The Banian slaves are again trying compulsion--I
don't know what for. They refused to take their bead rations, and made
Chakanga spokesman: I could not listen to it, as he has been concocting
a mutiny against me. It is excessively trying, and so many difficulties
have been put in my way I doubt whether the Divine favour and will is on
my side.

We came six miles to-day, crossing many rivulets running to the Kunda,
which also we crossed in a canoe; it is almost thirty yards wide and
deep: afterwards, near the village where we slept, we crossed the Luja
about twenty yards wide, going into the Kunda and Lualaba. I am greatly
distressed because there is no law here; they probably mean to create a
disturbance at Abed's place, to which we are near: the Lord look on it.

_29th March, 1871._--Crossed the Liya, and next day the Moangoi, by two
well-made wattle bridges at an island in its bed: it is twenty yards,
and has a very strong current, which makes all the market people fear
it. We then crossed the Molembé in a canoe, which is fifteen yards, but
swelled by rains and many rills. Came 7-1/2 miles to sleep at one of the
outlying villages of Nyangwé: about sixty market people came past us
from the Chitoka or marketplace, on the banks of Lualaba; they go
thither at night, and come away about mid-day, having disposed of most of
their goods by barter. The country is open, and dotted over with trees,
chiefly a species of Bauhinia, that resists the annual grass burnings;
there are trees along the watercourses, and many villages, each with a
host of pigs. This region is low as compared with Tanganyika; about
2000 feet above the sea.

The headman's house, in which I was lodged, contained the housewife's
little conveniences, in the shape of forty pots, dishes, baskets,
knives, mats, all of which she removed to another house: I gave her four
strings of beads, and go on to-morrow. Crossed the Kunda River and seven
miles more brought us to Nyañgwé, where we found Abed and Hassani had
erected their dwellings, and sent their people over Lualaba, and as far
west as the Loéki or Lomamé. Abed said that my words against
bloodshedding had stuck into him, and he had given orders to his people
to give presents to the chiefs, but never fight unless actually
attacked.

_31st March, 1871._--I went down to take a good look at the Lualaba
here. It is narrower than it is higher up, but still a mighty river, at
least 3000 yards broad, and always deep: it can never be waded at any
point, or at any time of the year; the people unhesitatingly declare
that if any one tried to ford it, he would assuredly be lost. It has
many large islands, and at these it is about 2000 yards or one mile. The
banks are steep and deep: there is clay, and a yellow-clay schist in
their structure; the other rivers, as the Luya and Kunda, have gravelly
banks. The current is about two miles an hour away to the north.

FOOTNOTES:

[11] The epidemic here mentioned reached Zanzibar Island from the
interior of Africa by way of the Masai caravan route and Pangani. Dr.
Kirk says it again entered Africa from Zanzibar, and followed the
course of the caravans to Ujiji and Manyuema.--ED.

[12] The men give indisputable proof that his body was eaten by the
Manyuema who lay in ambush.--ED.

[13] Kaniké is a blue calico.

CHAPTER V.

The Chitoka or market gathering. The broken watch. Improvises
ink. Builds a new house at Nyañgwé on the bank of the Lualaba.
Marketing. Cannibalism. Lake Kamalondo. Dreadful effect of
slaving. News of country across the Lualaba. Tiresome
frustration. The Bakuss. Feeble health. Busy scene at market.
Unable to procure canoes. Disaster to Arab canoes. Rapids in
Lualaba. Project for visiting Lake Lincoln and the Lomamé.
Offers large reward for canoes and men. The slave's mistress.
Alarm of natives at market. Fiendish slaughter of women by
Arabs. Heartrending scene. Death on land and in the river.
Tagamoio's assassinations. Continued slaughter across the river.
Livingstone becomes desponding.

_1st April, 1871._--The banks are well peopled, but one must see the
gathering at the market, of about 3000, chiefly women, to judge of their
numbers. They hold market one day, and then omit attendance here for
three days, going to other markets at other points in the intervals. It
is a great institution in Manyuema: numbers seem to inspire confidence,
and they enforce justice for each other. As a rule, all prefer to buy
and sell in the market, to doing business anywhere else; if one says,
"Come, sell me that fowl or cloth," the reply is, "Come to the
'Chitoka,' or marketplace."

_2nd April, 1871._--To-day the market contained over a thousand people,
carrying earthen pots and cassava, grass cloth, fishes, and fowls; they
were alarmed at my coming among them and were ready to flee, many stood
afar off in suspicion; some came from the other side of the river with
their goods. To-morrow market is held up river.

_3rd April, 1871._--I tried to secure a longitude by fixing a weight on
the key of the watch, and so helping it on: I will try this in a quiet
place to-morrow. The people all fear us, and they have good reason for
it in the villainous conduct of many of the blackguard half-castes which
alarms them: I cannot get a canoe, so I wait to see what will turn up.
The river is said to overflow all its banks annually, as the Nile does
further down. I sounded across yesterday. Near the bank it is 9 feet,
the rest 15 feet, and one cast in the middle was 20 feet: between the
islands 12 feet, and 9 feet again in shore: it is a mighty river truly.
I took distances and altitudes alternately with a bullet for a weight on
the key of the chronometer, taking successive altitudes of the sun and
distances of the moon. Possibly the first and last altitudes may give
the rate of going, and the frequent distances between may give
approximate longitude.

_4th April, 1871._--Moon, the fourth of the Arabs, will appear in three
or four days. This will be a guide in ascertaining the day of observing
the lunars, with the weight.

The Arabs ask many questions about the Bible, and want to know how many
prophets have appeared, and probably say that they believe in them all;
while we believe all but reject Mohamad. It is easy to drive them into a
corner by questioning, as they don't know whither the inquiries lead,
and they are not offended when their knowledge is, as it were, admitted.
When asked how many false prophets are known, they appeal to my
knowledge, and evidently never heard of Balaam, the son of Beor, or of
the 250 false prophets of Jezebel and Ahab, or of the many lying
prophets referred to in the Bible.

_6th April, 1871._--Ill from drinking two cups of very sweet malofu, or
beer, made from bananas: I shall touch it no more.

_7th April, 1871._--Made this ink with the seeds of a plant, called by
the Arabs Zugifaré; it is known in India, and is used here by the
Manyuema to dye virambos and ornament faces and heads.[14] I sent my
people over to the other side to cut wood to build a house for me; the
borrowed one has mud walls and floors, which are damp, foul, smelling,
and unwholesome. I shall have grass walls, and grass and reeds on the
floor of my own house; the free ventilation will keep it sweet. This is
the season called Masika, the finishing rains, which we have in large
quantities almost every night, and I could scarcely travel even if I had
a canoe; still it is trying to be kept back by suspicion, and by the
wickedness of the wicked.

Some of the Arabs try to be kind, and send cooked food every day: Abed
is the chief donor. I taught him to make a mosquito-curtain of thin
printed calico, for he had endured the persecution of these insects
helplessly, except by sleeping on a high stage, when they were unusually
bad. The Manyuema often bring evil on themselves by being untrustworthy.
For instance, I paid one to bring a large canoe to cross the Lualaba, he
brought a small one, capable of carrying three only, and after wasting
some hours we had to put off crossing till next day.

_8th April, 1871._--Every headman of four or five huts is a mologhwé, or
chief, and glories in being called so. There is no political cohesion.
The Ujijian slavery is an accursed system; but it must be admitted that
the Manyuema, too, have faults, the result of ignorance of other people:
their isolation has made them as unconscious of danger in dealing with
the cruel stranger, as little dogs in the presence of lions. Their
refusal to sell or lend canoes for fear of blame by each other will be
ended by the party of Dugumbé, which has ten headmen, taking them by
force; they are unreasonable and bloody-minded towards each other: every
Manyuema would like every other headman slain; they are subjected to
bitter lessons and sore experience. Abed went over to Mologhwé Kahembé
and mixed blood with him; he was told that two large canoes were
hollowed out, and nearly ready to be brought for sale; if this can be
managed peaceably it is a great point gained, and I may get one at our
Arabs' price, which may be three or four times the native price. There
is no love lost among the three Arabs here.

_9th April, 1871._--Cut wood for my house. The Loéki is said by slaves
who have come thence to be much larger than the Lualaba, but on the
return of Abed's people from the west we shall obtain better
information.

_10th April, 1871._--Chitoka, or market, to-day. I counted upwards of
700 passing my door. With market women it seems to be a pleasure of life
to haggle and joke, and laugh and cheat: many come eagerly, and retire
with careworn faces; many are beautiful, and many old; all carry very
heavy loads of dried cassava and earthen pots, which they dispose of
very cheaply for palm-oil, fish, salt, pepper, and relishes for their
food. The men appear in gaudy lambas, and carry little save their iron
wares, fowls, grass cloth, and pigs.

Bought the fish with the long snouts: very good eating.

_12th April, 1871._--New moon last night; fourth Arab month: I am at a
loss for the day of the month. My new house is finished; a great
comfort, for the other was foul and full of vermin: bugs (Tapazi, or
ticks), that follow wherever Arabs go, made me miserable, but the Arabs
are insensible to them; Abed alone had a mosquito-curtain, and he never
could praise it enough. One of his remarks is, "If slaves think you
fear them, they will climb over you." I clothed mine for nothing, and
ever after they have tried to ride roughshod over me, and mutiny on
every occasion!

_14th April, 1871._--Kahembé came over, and promises to bring a canoe;
but he is not to be trusted; he presented Abed with two slaves, and is
full of fair promises about the canoe, which he sees I am anxious to
get. They all think that my buying a canoe means carrying war to the
left bank; and now my Banian slaves encourage the idea: "He does not
wish slaves nor ivory," say they, "but a canoe, in order to kill
Manyuema." Need it be wondered at that people, who had never heard of
strangers or white men before I popped down among them, believed the
slander? The slaves were aided in propagating the false accusation by
the half-caste Ujijian slaves at the camp. Hassani fed them every day;
and, seeing that he was a bigoted Moslem, they equalled him in prayers
in his sitting-place seven or eight times a day! They were adepts at
lying, and the first Manyuema words they learned were used to propagate
falsehood.

I have been writing part of a despatch, in case of meeting people from
the French settlement on the Gaboon at Loéki, but the canoe affair is
slow and tedious: the people think only of war: they are a bloody-minded
race.

_15th April, 1871._--The Manyuema tribe, called Bagenya, occupy the left
bank, opposite Nyañgwé. A spring of brine rises in the bed of a river,
named Lofubu, and this the Bayenga inspissate by boiling, and sell the
salt at market. The Lomamé is about ten days west of Lualaba, and very
large; the confluence of Lomamé, or Loéki, is about six days down below
Nyañgwé by canoe; the river Nyanzé is still less distant.

_16th April, 1871._--On the Nyanzé stands the principal town and market
of the chief, Zurampela. Rashid visited him, and got two slaves on
promising to bring a war-party from Abed against Chipangé, who by
similar means obtained the help of Salem Mokadam to secure eighty-two
captives: Rashid will leave this as soon as possible, sell the slaves,
and leave Zurampela to find out the fraud! This deceit, which is an
average specimen of the beginning of half-caste dealings, vitiates his
evidence of a specimen of cannibalism which he witnessed; but it was
after a fight that the victims were cut up, and this agrees with the
fact that the Manyuema eat only those who are killed in war. Some have
averred that captives, too, are eaten, and a slave is bought with a goat
to be eaten; but this I very strongly doubt.

_17th April, 1871._--Rainy.

_18th April, 1871._--I found that the Lepidosiren is brought to market
in pots with water in them, also white ants roasted, and the large
snail, achetina, and a common snail: the Lepidosiren is called
"_sembé_."

Abed went a long way to examine a canoe, but it was still further, and
he turned back.

_19th April, 1871._--Dreary waiting, but Abed proposes to join and trade
along with me: this will render our party stronger, and he will not
shoot people in my company; we shall hear Katomba's people's story too.

_20th April, 1871._--Katomba a chief was to visit us yesterday, but
failed, probably through fear.

The chief Mokandira says that Loéki is small where it joins Lualaba, but
another, which they call Lomamé, is very much larger, and joins Lualaba
too: rapids are reported on it.

_21st April, 1871._--A common salutation reminds me of the Bechuana's "U
le hatsi" (thou art on earth); "Ua tala" (thou lookest); "Ua boka," or
byoka (thou awakest); "U ri ho" (thou art here); "U li koni" (thou art
here)--about pure "Sichuana," and "Nya," No, is identical. The men here
deny that cannibalism is common: they eat only those killed in war, and,
it seems, in revenge, for, said Mokandira, "the meat is not nice; it
makes one dream of the dead man." Some west of Lualaba eat even those
bought for the purpose of a feast; but I am not quite positive on this
point: all agree in saying that human flesh is saltish, and needs but
little condiment. And yet they are a fine-looking race; I would back a
company of Manyuema men to be far superior in shape of head and
generally in physical form too against the whole Anthropological
Society. Many of the women are very light-coloured and very pretty; they
dress in a kilt of many folds of gaudy lambas.

_22nd April, 1871._--In Manyuema, here Kusi, Kunzi, is north; Mhuru,
south; Nkanda, west, or other side Lualaba; Mazimba, east. The people
are sometimes confused in name by the directions; thus Bankanda is only
"the other side folk." The Bagenya Chimburu came to visit me, but I did
not see him, nor did I know Moené Nyañgwé till too late to do him
honour; in fact, every effort was made to keep me in the dark while the
slavers of Ujiji made all smooth for themselves to get canoes. All
chiefs claim the privilege of shaking hands, that is, they touch the
hand held out with their palm, then clap two hands together, then touch
again, and clap again, and the ceremony concludes: this frequency of
shaking hands misled me when the great man came.

_24th April, 1871._--Old feuds lead the Manyuema to entrap the traders
to fight: they invite them to go to trade, and tell them that at such a
village plenty of ivory lies; then when the trader goes with his people,
word is sent that he is coming to fight, and he is met by enemies, who
compel him to defend himself by their onslaught. We were nearly
entrapped in this way by a chief pretending to guide us through the
country near Basilañgé; he would have landed us in a fight, but we
detected his drift, changed our course so as to mislead any messengers
he might have sent, and dismissed him with some sharp words.

Lake Kamolondo is about twenty-five miles broad. The Lufira at Katanga
is a full bow-shot wide; it goes into Kamolondo. Chakomo is east of
Lufira Junction. Kikonzé Kalanza is on the west of it, and Mkana, or the
underground dwellings, still further west: some are only two days from
Katanga. The Chorwé people are friendly. Kamolondo is about ten days
distant from Katanga.

_25th April, 1871._--News came that four men sent by Abed to buy ivory
had been entrapped, and two killed. The rest sent for aid to punish the
murderers, and Abed wished me to send my people to bring the remaining
two men back. I declined; because, no matter what charges I gave, my
Banian slaves would be sure to shed human blood. We can go nowhere but
the people of the country ask us to kill their fellow-men, nor can they
be induced to go to villages three miles off, because there, in all
probability, live the murderers of fathers, uncles, or grandfathers--a
dreadful state truly. The traders are as bloodthirsty every whit as the
Manyuema, where no danger exists, but in most cases where the people can
fight they are as civil as possible. At Moeré Mpanda's, the son of
Casembe, Mohamad Bogharib left a debt of twenty-eight slaves and eight
bars of copper, each seventy pounds, and did not dare to fire a shot
because they saw they had met their match: here his headmen are said to
have bound the headmen of villages till a ransom was paid in tusks! Had
they only gone three days further to the Babisa, to whom Moene-mokaia's
men went, they would have got fine ivory at two rings a tusk, while they
had paid from ten to eighteen. Here it is as sad a tale to tell as was
that of the Manganja scattered and peeled by the Waiyau agents of the
Portuguese of Tétte. The good Lord look on it.

_26th April, 1871._--Chitovu called nine slaves bought by Abed's people
from the Kuss country, west of the Lualaba, and asked them about their
tribes and country for me. One, with his upper front teeth extracted,
was of the tribe Maloba, on the other side of the Loéki, another comes
from the River Lombadzo, or Lombazo, which is west of Loéki (this may be
another name for the Lomamé), the country is called Nanga, and the tribe
Noñgo, chief Mpunzo. The Malobo tribe is under the chiefs Yunga and
Lomadyo. Another toothless boy said that he came from the Lomamé: the
upper teeth extracted seem to say that the tribe have cattle; the
knocking out the teeth is in imitation of the animals they almost
worship. No traders had ever visited them; this promises ivory to the
present visitors: all that is now done with the ivory there is to make
rude blowing horns and bracelets.

_27th April, 1871._--Waiting wearily and anxiously; we cannot move
people who are far off and make them come near with news. Even the
owners of canoes say, "Yes, yes; we shall bring them," but do not stir;
they doubt us, and my slaves increase the distrust by their lies to the
Manyuema.

_28th April, 1871._--Abed sent over Manyuema to buy slaves for him and
got a pretty woman for 300 cowries and a hundred strings of beads; she
can be sold again to an Arab for much more in ivory. Abed himself gave
$130 for a woman-cook, and she fled to me when put in chains for some
crime: I interceded, and she was loosed: I advised her not to offend
again, because I could not beg for her twice.

Hassani with ten slaves dug at the malachite mines of Katanga for three
months, and gained a hundred frasilahs of copper, or 3500 lbs. We hear
of a half-caste reaching the other side of Lomamé, probably from Congo
or Ambriz, but the messengers had not seen him.

_1st May, 1871._--Katomba's people arrived from the Babisa, where they
sold all their copper at two rings for a tusk, and then found that
abundance of ivory still remained: door-posts and house-pillars had been
made of ivory which now was rotten. The people of Babisa kill elephants
now and bring tusks by the dozen, till the traders get so many that in
this case they carried them by three relays. They dress their hair like
the Bashukulompo, plaited into upright basket helmets: no quarrel
occurred, and great kindness was shown to the strangers. A river having
very black water, the Nyengeré, flows into Lualaba from the west, and it
becomes itself very large: another river or water, Shamikwa, falls into
it from the south-west, and it becomes still larger: this is probably
the Lomamé. A short-horned antelope is common.

_3rd May, 1871._--Abed informs me that a canoe will come in five days.
Word was sent after me by the traders south of us not to aid me, as I
was sure to die where I was going: the wish is father to the thought!
Abed was naturally very anxious to get first into the Babisa ivory
market, yet he tried to secure a canoe for me before he went, but he was
too eager, and a Manyuema man took advantage of his desire, and came
over the river and said that he had one hollowed out, and he wanted
goats and beads to hire people to drag it down to the water. Abed on my
account advanced five goats, a thousand cowries, and many beads, and
said that he would tell me what he wished in return: this was debt, but
I was so anxious to get away I was content to take the canoe on any
terms. However, it turned out that the matter on the part of the headman
whom Abed trusted was all deception: he had no canoe at all, but knew of
one belonging to another man, and wished to get Abed and me to send men
to see it--in fact, to go with their guns, and he would manage to
embroil them with the real owner, so that some old feud should be
settled to his satisfaction. On finding that I declined to be led into
his trap, he took a female slave to the owner, and on his refusal to
sell the canoe for her, it came out that he had adopted a system of
fraud to Abed. He had victimized Abed, who was naturally inclined to
believe his false statements, and get off to the ivory market. His
people came from the Kuss country in the west with sixteen tusks, and a
great many slaves bought and not murdered for. The river is rising fast,
and bringing down large quantities of aquatic grass, duckweed, &c. The
water is a little darker in colour than at Cairo. People remove and
build their huts on the higher forest lands adjacent. Many white birds
(the paddy bird) appear, and one Ibis religiosa; they pass north.

The Bakuss live near Lomamé; they were very civil and kind to the
strangers, but refused passage into the country. At my suggestion, the
effect of a musket-shot was shown on a goat: they thought it
supernatural, looked up to the clouds, and offered to bring ivory to buy
the charm that could draw lightning down. When it was afterwards
attempted to force a path, they darted aside on seeing the Banyamwezi's
followers putting the arrows into the bowstrings, but stood in mute
amazement looking at the guns, which mowed them down in large numbers.
They thought that muskets were the insignia of chieftainship. Their
chiefs all go with a long straight staff of rattan, having a quantity of
black medicine smeared on each end, and no weapons in their hands: they
imagined that the guns were carried as insignia of the same kind; some,
jeering in the south, called them big tobacco-pipes; they have no fear
on seeing a gun levelled at them.

They use large and very long spears very expertly in the long grass and
forest of their country, and are terrible fellows among themselves, and
when they become acquainted with firearms will be terrible to the
strangers who now murder them. The Manyuema say truly, "If it were not
for your guns, not one of you would ever return to your country." The
Bakuss cultivate more than the southern Manyuema, especially Pennisetum
and dura, or _Holeus sorghum;_ common coffee is abundant, and they use
it, highly scented with vanilla, which must be fertilized by insects;
they hand round cups of it after meals. Pineapples too are abundant.
They bathe regularly twice a day: their houses are of two storeys. The
women have rather compressed heads, but very pleasant countenances; and
ancient Egyptian, round, wide-awake eyes. Their numbers are prodigious;
the country literally swarms with people, and a chief's town extends
upwards of a mile. But little of the primeval forest remains. Many large
pools of standing water have to be crossed, but markets are held every
eight or ten miles from each other, and to these the people come from
far, for the market is as great an institution as shopping is with the
civilized. Illicit intercourse is punished by the whole of the
offender's family being enslaved.

The Bakuss smelt copper from the ore and sell it very cheaply to the
traders for beads. The project of going in canoes now appeared to the
half-castes so plausible, that they all tried to get the Bagenya on the
west bank to lend them, and all went over to mix blood and make friends
with the owners, then all slandered me as not to be trusted, as they
their blood-relations were; and my slaves mutinied and would go no
further. They mutinied three times here, and Hassani harboured them till
I told him that, if an English officer harboured an Arab slave he would
be compelled by the Consul to refund the price, and I certainly would
not let him escape; this frightened him; but I was at the mercy of
slaves who had no honour, and no interest in going into danger.

_16th May, 1871._--Abed gave me a frasilah of Matunda beads, and I
returned fourteen fathoms of fine American sheeting, but it was an
obligation to get beads from one whose wealth depended on exchanging
beads for ivory.

_16th May, 1871._--At least 3000 people at market to-day, and my going
among them has taken away the fear engendered by the slanders of slaves
and traders, for all are pleased to tell me the names of the fishes and
other things. Lepidosirens are caught by the neck and lifted out of the
pot to show their fatness. Camwood ground and made into flat cakes for
sale and earthen balls, such as are eaten in the disease safura or
earth-eating, are offered and there is quite a roar of voices in the
multitude, haggling. It was pleasant to be among them compared to being
with the slaves, who were all eager to go back to Zanzibar: some told me
that they were slaves, and required a free man to thrash them, and
proposed to go back to Ujiji for one. I saw no hope of getting on with
them, and anxiously longed for the arrival of Dugumbé; and at last Abed
overheard them plotting my destruction. "If forced to go on, they would
watch till the first difficulty arose with the Manyuema, then fire off
their guns, run away, and as I could not run as fast as they, leave me
to perish." Abed overheard them speaking loudly, and advised me strongly
not to trust myself to them any more, as they would be sure to cause my
death. He was all along a sincere friend, and I could not but take his
words as well-meant and true.

_18th May, 1871._--Abed gave me 200 cowries and some green beads. I was
at the point of disarming my slaves and driving them away, when they
relented, and professed to be willing to go anywhere; so, being eager to
finish my geographical work, I said I would run the risk of their
desertion, and gave beads to buy provisions for a start north. I cannot
state how much I was worried by these wretched slaves, who did much to
annoy me, with the sympathy of all the slaving crew. When baffled by
untoward circumstances the bowels plague me too, and discharges of blood
relieve the headache, and are as safety-valves to the system. I was
nearly persuaded to allow Mr. Syme to operate on me when last in
England, but an old friend told me that his own father had been operated
on by the famous John Hunter, and died in consequence at the early age
of forty. His advice saved me, for this complaint has been my
safety-valve.

The Zingifuré, or red pigment, is said to be a cure for itch common
among both natives and Arab slaves and Arab children.

_20th May, 1871._--Abed called Kalonga the headman, who beguiled him as
I soon found, and delivered the canoe he had bought formally to me, and
went off down the Lualaba on foot to buy the Babisa ivory. I was to
follow in the canoe and wait for him in the River Luéra, but soon I
ascertained that the canoe was still in the forest, and did not belong
to Kalonga. On demanding back the price he said, "Let Abed come and I
will give it to him;" then when I sent to force him to give up the
goods, all his village fled into the forest: I now tried to buy one
myself from the Bagenya, but there was no chance; so long as the
half-caste traders needed any they got all--nine large canoes, and I
could not secure one.

_24th May, 1871._--The market is a busy scene--everyone is in dead
earnest--little time is lost in friendly greetings; vendors of fish run
about with potsherds full of snails or small fishes or young _Clarias
capensis_ smoke-dried and spitted on twigs, or other relishes to
exchange for cassava roots dried after being steeped about three days in
water--potatoes, vegetables, or grain, bananas, flour, palm-oil, fowls,
salt, pepper; each is intensely eager to barter food for relishes, and
makes strong assertions as to the goodness or badness of everything: the
sweat stands in beads on their faces--cocks crow briskly, even when
slung over the shoulder with their heads hanging down, and pigs squeal.
Iron knobs, drawn out at each end to show the goodness of the metal, are
exchanged for cloth of the Muabé palm. They have a large funnel of
basket-work below the vessel holding the wares, and slip the goods down
if they are not to be seen. They deal fairly, and when differences arise
they are easily settled by the men interfering or pointing to me: they
appeal to each other, and have a strong sense of natural justice. With
so much food changing hands amongst the three thousand attendants much
benefit is derived; some come from twenty to twenty-five miles. The men
flaunt about in gaudy-coloured lambas of many folded kilts--the women
work hardest--the potters slap and ring their earthenware all round, to
show that there is not a single flaw in them. I bought two finely shaped
earthen bottles of porous earthenware, to hold a gallon each, for one
string of beads, the women carry huge loads of them in their funnels
above the baskets, strapped to the shoulders and forehead, and their
hands are full besides; the roundness of the vessels is wonderful,
seeing no machine is used: no slaves could be induced to carry half as
much as they do willingly. It is a scene of the finest natural acting
imaginable. The eagerness with which all sorts of assertions are
made--the eager earnestness with which apparently all creation, above,
around, and beneath, is called on to attest the truth of what they
allege--and then the intense surprise and withering scorn cast on those
who despise their goods: but they show no concern when the buyers turn
up their noses at them. Little girls run about selling cups of water for
a few small fishes to the half-exhausted wordy combatants. To me it was
an amusing scene. I could not understand the words that flowed off their
glib tongues, but the gestures were too expressive to need
interpretation.

_27th May, 1871._--Hassani told me that since he had come, no Manyuema
had ever presented him with a single mouthful of food, not even a potato
or banana, and he had made many presents. Going from him into the market
I noticed that one man presented a few small fishes, another a sweet
potato and a piece of cassava, and a third two small fishes, but the
Manyuema are not a liberal people. Old men and women who remained in the
half-deserted villages we passed through in coming north, often ran
forth to present me with bananas, but it seemed through fear; when I sat
down and ate the bananas they brought beer of bananas, and I paid for
all. A stranger in the market had ten human under jaw-bones hung by a
string over his shoulder: on inquiry he professed to have killed and
eaten the owners, and showed with his knife how he cut up his victim.
When I expressed disgust he and others laughed. I see new faces every
market-day. Two nice girls were trying to sell their venture, which was
roasted white ants, called "Gumbé."

_30th May, 1871._--The river fell four inches during the last four days;
the colour is very dark brown, and large quantities of aquatic plants
and trees float down. Mologhwé, or chief Ndambo, came and mixed blood
with the intensely bigoted Moslem, Hassani: this is to secure the nine
canoes. He next went over to have more palaver about them, and they do
not hesitate to play me false by detraction. The Manyuema, too, are
untruthful, but very honest; we never lose an article by them: fowls and
goats are untouched, and if a fowl is lost, we know that it has been
stolen by an Arab slave. When with Mohamad Bogharib, we had all to keep
our fowls at the Manyuema villages to prevent them being stolen by our
own slaves, and it is so here. Hassani denies complicity with them, but
it is quite apparent that he and others encourage them in mutiny.

_5th June, 1871._--The river rose again six inches and fell three. Rain
nearly ceased, and large masses of fleecy clouds float down here from
the north-west, with accompanying cold.

_7th June, 1871._--I fear that I must march on foot, but the mud is
forbidding.

_11th June, 1871._--New moon last night, and I believe Dugumbé will
leave Kasonga's to-day. River down three inches.

_14th June, 1871._--Hassani got nine canoes, and put sixty-three persons
in three; I cannot get one. Dugumbé reported near, but detained by his
divination, at which he is an expert; hence his native name is
"Molembalemba"--"writer, writing."

_16th June, 1871._--The high winds and drying of soap and sugar tell
that the rains are now over in this part.

_18th June, 1871._--Dugumbé arrived, but passed to Moené Nyañgwé's, and
found that provisions were so scarce, and dear there, as compared with
our market, that he was fain to come back to us. He has a large party
and 500 guns. He is determined to go into new fields of trade, and has
all his family with him, and intends to remain six or seven years,
sending regularly to Ujiji for supplies of goods.

_20th June, 1871._--Two of Dugumbé's party brought presents of four
large fundos of beads each. All know that my goods are unrighteously
detained by Shereef and they show me kindness, which I return by some
fine calico which I have. Among the first words Dugumbé said to me were,
"Why your own slaves are your greatest enemies: I will buy you a canoe,
but the Banian slaves' slanders have put all the Manyuema against you."
I knew that this was true, and that they were conscious of the sympathy
of the Ujijian traders, who hate to have me here.

_24th June, 1871._--Hassani's canoe party in the river were foiled by
narrows, after they had gone down four days. Rocks jut out on both
sides, not opposite, but alternate to each other; and the vast mass of
water of the great river jammed in, rushes round one promontory on to
another, and a frightful whirlpool is formed in which the first canoe
went and was overturned, and five lives lost. Had I been there, mine
would have been the first canoe, for the traders would have made it a
point of honour to give me the precedence (although actually to make a
feeler of me), while they looked on in safety. The men in charge of
Hassani's canoes were so frightened by this accident that they at once
resolved to return, though they had arrived in the country of the ivory:
they never looked to see whether the canoes could be dragged past the
narrows, as anyone else would have done. No better luck could be
expected after all their fraud and duplicity in getting the canoes; no
harm lay in obtaining them, but why try to prevent me getting one?

_27th June, 1871._--In answer to my prayers for preservation, I was
prevented going down to the narrows, formed by a dyke of mountains
cutting across country, and jutting a little ajar, which makes the water
in an enormous mass wheel round behind it helplessly, and if the canoes
reach the rock against which the water dashes, they are almost certainly
overturned. As this same dyke probably cuts across country to Lomamé, my
plan of going to the confluence and then up won't do, for I should have
to go up rapids there. Again, I was prevented from going down Luamo, and
on the north of its confluence another cataract mars navigation in the
Lualaba, and my safety is thereby secured. We don't always know the
dangers that we are guided past.

_28th June, 1871._--The river has fallen two feet: dark brown water, and
still much wreck floating down.

Eight villages are in flames, set fire to by a slave of Syde bin Habib,
called Manilla, who thus shows his blood friends of the Bagenya how well
he can fight against the Mohombo, whose country the Bagenya want! The
stragglers of this camp are over on the other side helping Manilla, and
catching fugitives and goats. The Bagenya are fishermen by taste and
profession, and sell the produce of their nets and weirs to those who
cultivate the soil, at the different markets. Manilla's foray is for an
alleged debt of three slaves, and ten villages are burned.

_30th June, 1871._--Hassani pretended that he was not aware of Manilla's
foray, and when I denounced it to Manilla himself, he showed that he was
a slave, by cringing and saying nothing except something about the debt
of three slaves.

_1st July, 1871._--I made known my plan to Dugumbé, which was to go
west with his men to Lomamé, then by his aid buy a canoe and go up Lake
Lincoln to Katanga and the fountains, examine the inhabited caves, and
return here, if he would let his people bring me goods from Ujiji; he
again referred to all the people being poisoned in mind against me, but
was ready to do everything in his power for my success. My own people
persuaded the Bagenya not to sell a canoe: Hassani knows it all, but
swears that he did not join in the slander, and even points up to Heaven
in attestation of innocence of all, even of Manilla's foray. Mohamadans
are certainly famous as liars, and the falsehood of Mohamad has been
transmitted to his followers in a measure unknown in other religions.

_2nd July, 1871._--The upper stratum of clouds is from the north-west,
the lower from the south-east; when they mix or change places the
temperature is much lowered, and fever ensues. The air evidently comes
from the Atlantic, over the low swampy lands of the West Coast. Morning
fogs show that the river is warmer than the air.

_4th July, 1871._--Hassani off down river in high dudgeon at the cowards
who turned after reaching the ivory country. He leaves them here and
goes himself, entirely on land. I gave him hints to report himself and
me to Baker, should he meet any of his headmen.

_5th July, 1871._--The river has fallen three feet in all, that is one
foot since 27th June.

I offer Dugumbé $2000, or 400_l._, for ten men to replace the Banian
slaves, and enable me to go up the Lomamé to Katanga and the underground
dwellings, then return and go up by Tanganyika to Ujiji, and I added
that I would give all the goods I had at Ujiji besides: he took a few
days to consult with his associates.

_6th July, 1871._--Mokandira, and other headmen, came with a present of
a pig and a goat on my being about to depart west. I refused to receive
them till my return, and protested against the slander of my wishing to
kill people, which they all knew, but did not report to me: this refusal
and protest will ring all over the country.

_7th July, 1871._--I was annoyed by a woman frequently beating a slave
near my house, but on my reproving her she came and apologized. I told
her to speak softly to her slave, as she was now the only mother the
girl had; the slave came from beyond Lomamé, and was evidently a lady in
her own land; she calls her son Mologwé, or chief, because his father
was a headman.

Dugumbé advised my explaining my plan of procedure to the slaves, and he
evidently thinks that I wish to carry it towards them with a high hand.
I did explain all the exploration I intended to do: for instance, the
fountains of Herodotus--beyond Katanga--Katanga itself, and the
underground dwellings, and then return. They made no remarks, for they
are evidently pleased to have me knuckling down to them; when pressed on
the point of proceeding, they say they will only go with Dugumbé's men
to the Lomamé, and then return. River fallen three inches since the 5th.

_10th July, 1871._--Manyuema children do not creep, as European children
do, on their knees, but begin by putting forward one foot and using one
knee. Generally a Manyuema child uses both feet and both hands, but
never both knees: one Arab child did the same; he never crept, but got
up on both feet, holding on till he could walk.

New moon last night of seventh Arab month.

_11th July, 1871._--I bought the different species of fish brought to
market, in order to sketch eight of them, and compare them with those of
the Nile lower down: most are the same as in Nyassa. A very active
species of Glanis, of dark olive-brown, was not sketched, but a spotted
one, armed with offensive spikes in the dorsal and pectoral fins, was
taken. Sesamum seed is abundant just now and cakes are made of
ground-nuts, as on the West Coast. Dugumbé's horde tried to deal in the
market in a domineering way. "I shall buy that," said one. "These are
mine," said another; "no one must touch them but me," but the
market-women taught them that they could not monopolize, but deal
fairly. They are certainly clever traders, and keep each other in
countenance, they stand by each other, and will not allow overreaching,
and they give food astonishingly cheap: once in the market they have no
fear.

_12th and 13th July 1871._--The Banian slaves declared before Dugumbé
that they would go to the River Lomamé, but no further: he spoke long to
them, but they will not consent to go further. When told that they would
thereby lose all their pay, they replied, "Yes, but not our lives," and
they walked off from him muttering, which is insulting to one of his
rank. I then added, "I have goods at Ujiji; I don't know how many, but
they are considerable, take them all, and give me men to finish my work;
if not enough, I will add to them, only do not let me be forced to
return now I am so near the end of my undertaking." He said he would
make a plan in conjunction with his associates, and report to me.

_14th July, 1871._--I am distressed and perplexed what to do so as not
to be foiled, but all seems against me.

_15th July, 1871._--The reports of guns on the other side of the Lualaba
all the morning tell of the people of Dugumbé murdering those of Kimburu
and others who mixed blood with Manilla. "Manilla is a slave, and how
dares he to mix blood with chiefs who ought only to make friends with
free men like us"--this is their complaint. Kimburu gave Manilla three
slaves, and he sacked ten villages in token of friendship; he proposed
to give Dugumbé nine slaves in the same operation, but Dugumbé's people
destroy his villages, and shoot and make his people captives to punish
Manilla; to make an impression, in fact, in the country that they alone
are to be dealt with--"make friends with us, and not with Manilla or
anyone else"--such is what they insist upon.

About 1500 people came to market, though many villages of those that
usually come from the other side were now in flames, and every now and
then a number of shots were fired on the fugitives.

It was a hot, sultry day, and when I went into the market I saw Adie and
Manilla, and three of the men who had lately come with Dugumbé. I was
surprised to see these three with their guns, and felt inclined to
reprove them, as one of my men did, for bringing weapons into the
market, but I attributed it to their ignorance, and, it being very hot,
I was walking away to go out of the market, when I saw one of the
fellows haggling about a fowl, and seizing hold of it. Before I had got
thirty yards out, the discharge of two guns in the middle of the crowd
told me that slaughter had begun: crowds dashed off from the place, and
threw down their wares in confusion, and ran. At the same time that the
three opened fire on the mass of people near the upper end of the
marketplace volleys were discharged from a party down near the creek on
the panic-stricken women, who dashed at the canoes. These, some fifty or
more, were jammed in the creek, and the men forgot their paddles in the
terror that seized all. The canoes were not to be got out, for the creek
was too small for so many; men and women, wounded by the balls, poured
into them, and leaped and scrambled into the water, shrieking. A long
line of heads in the river showed that great numbers struck out for an
island a full mile off: in going towards it they had to put the left
shoulder to a current of about two miles an hour; if they had struck
away diagonally to the opposite bank, the current would have aided them,
and, though nearly three miles off, some would have gained land: as it
was, the heads above water showed the long line of those that would
inevitably perish.

Shot after shot continued to be fired on the helpless and perishing.
Some of the long line of heads disappeared quietly; whilst other poor
creatures threw their arms high, as if appealing to the great Father
above, and sank. One canoe took in as many as it could hold, and all
paddled with hands and arms: three canoes, got out in haste, picked up
sinking friends, till all went down together, and disappeared. One man
in a long canoe, which could have held forty or fifty, had clearly lost
his head; he had been out in the stream before the massacre began, and
now paddled up the river nowhere, and never looked to the drowning.
By-and-bye all the heads disappeared; some had turned down stream
towards the bank, and escaped. Dugumbé put people into one of the
deserted vessels to save those in the water, and saved twenty-one, but
one woman refused to be taken on board from thinking that she was to be
made a slave of; she preferred the chance of life by swimming, to the
lot of a slave: the Bagenya women are expert in the water, as they are
accustomed to dive for oysters, and those who went down stream may have
escaped, but the Arabs themselves estimated the loss of life at between
330 and 400 souls. The shooting-party near the canoes were so reckless,
they killed two of their own people; and a Banyamwezi follower, who got
into a deserted canoe to plunder, fell into the water, went down, then
came up again, and down to rise no more.

My first impulse was to pistol the murderers, but Dugumbé protested
against my getting into a blood-feud, and I was thankful afterwards that
I took his advice. Two wretched Moslems asserted "that the firing was
done by the people of the English;" I asked one of them why he lied so,
and he could utter no excuse: no other falsehood came to his aid as he
stood abashed, before me, and so telling him not to tell palpable
falsehoods, I left him gaping.

After the terrible affair in the water, the party of Tagamoio, who was
the chief perpetrator, continued to fire on the people there and fire
their villages. As I write I hear the loud wails on the left bank over
those who are there slain, ignorant of their many friends now in the
depths of Lualaba. Oh, let Thy kingdom come! No one will ever know the
exact loss on this bright sultry summer morning, it gave me the
impression of being in Hell. All the slaves in the camp rushed at the
fugitives on land, and plundered them: women were for hours collecting
and carrying loads of what had been thrown down in terror.

Some escaped to me, and were protected: Dugumbé saved twenty-one, and
of his own accord liberated them, they were brought to me, and
remained over night near my house. One woman of the saved had a
musket-ball through the thigh, another in the arm. I sent men with our
flag to save some, for without a flag they might have been victims,
for Tagamoio's people were shooting right and left like fiends. I
counted twelve villages burning this morning. I asked the question of
Dugumbé and others, "Now for what is all this murder?" All blamed
Manilla as its cause, and in one sense he was the cause; but it is
hardly credible that they repeat it is in order to be avenged on
Manilla for making friends with headmen, he being a slave. I cannot
believe it fully. The wish to make an impression in the country as to
the importance and greatness of the new comers was the most potent
motive; but it was terrible that the murdering of so many should be
contemplated at all. It made me sick at heart. Who could accompany the
people of Dugumbé and Tagamoio to Lomamé and be free from
blood-guiltiness?

I proposed to Dugumbé to catch the murderers, and hang them up in the
marketplace, as our protest against the bloody deeds before the
Manyuema. If, as he and others added, the massacre was committed by
Manilla's people, he would have consented; but it was done by
Tagamoio's people, and others of this party, headed by Dugumbé. This
slaughter was peculiarly atrocious, inasmuch as we have always heard
that women coming to or from market have never been known to be
molested: even when two districts are engaged in actual hostilities,
"the women," say they, "pass among us to market unmolested," nor has one
ever been known to be plundered by the men. These Nigger Moslems are
inferior to the Manyuema in justice and right. The people under Hassani
began the superwickedness of capture and pillage of all
indiscriminately. Dugumbé promised to send over men to order Tagamoio's
men to cease firing and burning villages; they remained over among the
ruins, feasting on goats and fowls all night, and next day (16th)
continued their infamous work till twenty-seven villages were destroyed.

_16th July, 1871._--I restored upwards of thirty of the rescued to their
friends: Dugumbé seemed to act in good faith, and kept none of them; it
was his own free will that guided him. Women are delivered to their
husbands, and about thirty-three canoes left in the creek are to be kept
for the owners too.

12 A.M.--Shooting still going on on the other side, and many captives
caught. At 1 P.M. Tagamoio's people began to cross over in canoes,
beating their drums, firing their guns, and shouting, as if to say, "See
the conquering heroes come;" they are answered by the women of Dugumba's
camp lullilooing, and friends then fire off their guns in joy. I count
seventeen villages in flames, and the smoke goes straight up and forms
clouds at the top of the pillar, showing great heat evolved, for the
houses are full of carefully-prepared firewood. Dugumbé denies having
sent Tagamoio on this foray, and Tagamoio repeats that he went to punish
the friends made by Manilla, who, being a slave, had no right to make
war and burn villages, that could only be done by free men. Manilla
confesses to me privately that he did wrong in that, and loses all his
beads and many friends in consequence.

2 P.M.--An old man, called Kabobo, came for his old wife; I asked her if
this were her husband, she went to him, and put her arm lovingly around
him, and said "Yes." I gave her five strings of beads to buy food, all
her stores being destroyed with her house; she bowed down, and put her
forehead to the ground as thanks, and old Kabobo did the same: the tears
stood in her eyes as she went off. Tagamoio caught 17 women, and other
Arabs of his party, 27; dead by gunshot, 25. The heads of two headmen
were brought over to be redeemed by their friends with slaves.

3 P.M.--Many of the headmen who have been burned out by the foray came
over to me, and begged me to come back with them, and appoint new
localities for them to settle in again, but I told them that I was so
ashamed of the company in which I found myself, that I could scarcely
look the Manyuema in the face. They had believed that I wished to kill
them--what did they think now? I could not remain among bloody
companions, and would flee away, I said, but they begged me hard not to
leave until they were again settled.

The open murder perpetrated on hundreds of unsuspecting women fills me
with unspeakable horror: I cannot think of going anywhere with the
Tagamoio crew; I must either go down or up Lualaba, whichever the Banian
slaves choose.

4 P.M.--Dugumbé saw that by killing the market people he had committed a
great error, and speedily got the chiefs who had come over to me to meet
him at his house, and forthwith mix blood: they were in bad case. I
could not remain to see to their protection, and Dugumbé, being the best
of the whole horde, I advised them to make friends, and then appeal to
him as able to restrain to some extent his infamous underlings. One
chief asked to have his wife and daughter restored to him first, but
generally they were cowed, and the fear of death was on them. Dugumbé
said to me, "I shall do my utmost to get all the captives, but he must
make friends now, in order that the market may not be given up." Blood
was mixed, and an essential condition was, "You must give us chitoka,"
or market. He and most others saw that in theoretically punishing
Manilla, they had slaughtered the very best friends that strangers had.
The Banian slaves openly declare that they will go only to Lomamé, and
no further. Whatever the Ujijian slavers may pretend, they all hate to
have me as a witness of their cold-blooded atrocities. The Banian slaves
would like to go with Tagamoio, and share in his rapine and get slaves.
I tried to go down Lualaba, then up it, and west, but with bloodhounds
it is out of the question. I see nothing for it but to go back to Ujiji
for other men, though it will throw me out of the chance of discovering
the fourth great Lake in the Lualaba line of drainage, and other things
of great value.

At last I said that I would start for Ujiji, in three days, on foot. I
wished to speak to Tagamoio about the captive relations of the chiefs,
but he always ran away when he saw me coming.

_17th July, 1871._--All the rest of Dugumbé's party offered me a share
of every kind of goods they had, and pressed me not to be ashamed to
tell them what I needed. I declined everything save a little gunpowder,
but they all made presents of beads, and I was glad to return
equivalents in cloth. It is a sore affliction, at least forty-five days
in a straight line--equal to 300 miles, or by the turnings and windings
600 English miles, and all after feeding and clothing the Banian slaves
for twenty-one months! But it is for the best though; if I do not trust
to the riffraff of Ujiji, I must wait for other men at least ten months
there. With help from above I shall yet go through Rua, see the
underground excavations first, then on to Katanga, and the four ancient
fountains eight days beyond, and after that Lake Lincoln.

_18th July, 1871._--The murderous assault on the market people felt
to me like Gehenna, without the fire and brimstone; but the heat was
oppressive, and the firearms pouring their iron bullets on the
fugitives, was not an inapt representative of burning in the bottomless
pit.

The terrible scenes of man's inhumanity to man brought on severe
headache, which might have been serious had it not been relieved by a
copious discharge of blood; I was laid up all yesterday afternoon, with
the depression the bloodshed made,--it filled me with unspeakable
horror. "Don't go away," say the Manyuema chiefs to me; but I cannot
stay here in agony.

_19th July, 1871._--Dugumbé sent me a fine goat, a maneh of gunpowder, a
maneh of fine blue beads, and 230 cowries, to buy provisions in the way.
I proposed to leave a doti Merikano and one of Kaniké to buy specimens
of workmanship. He sent me two very fine large Manyuema swords, and two
equally fine spears, and said that I must not leave anything; he would
buy others with his own goods, and divide them equally with me: he is
very friendly.

River fallen 4-1/2 feet since the 5th ult.

A few market people appear to-day, formerly they came in crowds: a very
few from the west bank bring salt to buy back the baskets from the camp
slaves, which they threw away in panic, others carried a little food for
sale, about 200 in all, chiefly those who have not lost relatives: one
very beautiful woman had a gunshot wound in her upper arm tied round
with leaves. Seven canoes came instead of fifty; but they have great
tenacity and hopefulness, an old established custom has great charms for
them, and the market will again be attended if no fresh outrage is
committed. No canoes now come into the creek of death, but land above,
at Ntambwé's village: this creek, at the bottom of the long gentle slope
on which the market was held, probably led to its selection.

A young Manyuema man worked for one of Dugumbé's people preparing a
space to build on; when tired, he refused to commence to dig a pit, and
was struck on the loins with an axe, and soon died: he was drawn out of
the way, and his relations came, wailed over him, and buried him: they
are too much awed to complain to Dugumbé!!

CHAPTER VI.

Leaves for Ujiji. Dangerous journey through forest. The Manyuema
understand Livingstone's kindness. Zanzibar slaves. Kasongo's.
Stalactite caves. Consequences of eating parrots. Ill. Attacked
in the forest. Providential deliverance. Another extraordinary
escape. Taken for Mohamad Bogharib. Running the gauntlet for
five hours. Loss of property. Reaches place of safety. Ill.
Mamohela. To the Luamo. Severe disappointment. Recovers. Severe
marching. Reaches Ujiji. Despondency. Opportune arrival of Mr.
Stanley. Joy and thankfulness of the old traveller. Determines
to examine north end of Lake Tanganyika. They start. Reach the
Lusizé. No outlet. "Theoretical discovery" of the real outlet.
Mr. Stanley ill. Returns to Ujiji. Leaves stores there.
Departure for Unyanyembé with Mr. Stanley. Abundance of
game.--Attacked by bees. Serious illness of Mr. Stanley.
Thankfulness at reaching Unyatiyembé.

_20th July, 1871._--I start back for Ujiji. All Dugumbé's people came to
say good bye, and convoy me a little way. I made a short march, for
being long inactive it is unwise to tire oneself on the first day, as it
is then difficult to get over the effects.

_21st July, 1871._--One of the slaves was sick, and the rest falsely
reported him to be seriously ill, to give them time to negotiate for
women with whom they had cohabited: Dugumbé saw through the fraud, and
said "Leave him to me: if he lives, I will feed him; if he dies, we
will bury him: do not delay for any one, but travel in a compact body,
as stragglers now are sure to be cut off." He lost a woman of his party,
who lagged behind, and seven others were killed besides, and the forest
hid the murderers. I was only too anxious to get away quickly, and on
the 22nd started off at daylight, and went about six miles to the
village of Mañkwara, where I spent the night when coming this way. The
chief Mokandira convoyed us hither: I promised him a cloth if I came
across from Lomamé. He wonders much at the underground houses, and never
heard of them till I told him about them. Many of the gullies which were
running fast when we came were now dry. Thunder began, and a few drops
of rain fell.

_23rd-24th July, 1871._--We crossed the River Kunda, of fifty yards, in
two canoes, and then ascended from the valley of denudation, in which it
flows to the ridge Lobango. Crowds followed, all anxious to carry loads
for a few beads. Several market people came to salute, who knew that we
had no hand in the massacre, as we are a different people from the
Arabs. In going and coming they must have a march of 25 miles with loads
so heavy no slave would carry them. They speak of us as "good:" the
anthropologists think that to be spoken of as wicked is better. Ezekiel
says that the Most High put His comeliness upon Jerusalem: if He does
not impart of His goodness to me I shall never be good: if He does not
put of His comeliness on me I shall never be comely in soul, but be like
these Arabs in whom Satan has full sway--the god of this world having
blinded their eyes.

_25th July, 1871._--We came over a beautiful country yesterday, a vast
hollow of denudation, with much cultivation, intersected by a ridge some
300 feet high, on which the villages are built: this is Lobango. The
path runs along the top of the ridge, and we see the fine country below
all spread out with different shades of green, as on a map. The colours
show the shapes of the different plantations in the great hollow drained
by the Kunda. After crossing the fast flowing Kahembai, which flows into
the Kunda, and it into Lualaba, we rose on to another intersecting
ridge, having a great many villages burned by Matereka or Salem
Mokadam's people, since we passed them in our course N.W. They had
slept on the ridge after we saw them, and next morning, in sheer
wantonness, fired their lodgings,--their slaves had evidently carried
the fire along from their lodgings, and set fire to houses of villages
in their route as a sort of horrid Moslem Nigger joke; it was done only
because they could do it without danger of punishment: it was such fun
to make the Mashensé, as they call all natives, houseless. Men are worse
than beasts of prey, if indeed it is lawful to call Zanzibar slaves men.
It is monstrous injustice to compare free Africans living under their
own chiefs and laws, and cultivating their own free lands, with what
slaves afterwards become at Zanzibar and elsewhere.

_26th July, 1871._--Came up out of the last valley of denudation--that
drained by Kahembai, and then along a level land with open forest. Four
men passed us in hot haste to announce the death of a woman at their
village to her relations living at another. I heard of several deaths
lately of dysentery. Pleurisy is common from cold winds from N.W.
Twenty-two men with large square black shields, capable of completely
hiding the whole person, came next in a trot to receive the body of
their relative and all her gear to carry her to her own home for burial:
about twenty women followed them, and the men waited under the trees
till they should have wound the body up and wept over her. They smeared
their bodies with clay, and their faces with soot. Reached our friend
Kama.

_27th July, 1871._--Left Kama's group of villages and went through many
others before we reached Kasongo's, and were welcomed by all the Arabs
of the camp at this place. Bought two milk goats reasonably, and rest
over Sunday. (_28th and 29th_). They asked permission to send a party
with me for goods to Ujiji; this will increase our numbers, and perhaps
safety too, among the justly irritated people between this and Bambarré.
All are enjoined to help me, and of course I must do the same to them.
It is colder here than at Nyañgwé. Kasongo is off guiding an ivory or
slaving party, and doing what business he can on his own account; he has
four guns, and will be the first to maraud on his own account.

_30th July, 1871._--They send thirty tusks to Ujiji, and seventeen
Manyuema volunteers to carry thither and back: these are the very first
who in modern times have ventured fifty miles from the place of their
birth. I came only three miles to a ridge overlooking the River Shokoyé,
and slept at village on a hill beyond it.

_31st July, 1871._--Passed through the defile between Mount Kimazi and
Mount Kijila. Below the cave with stalactite pillar in its door a fine
echo answers those who feel inclined to shout to it. Come to Mangala's
numerous villages, and two slaves being ill, rest on Wednesday.

_1st August, 1871._--A large market assembles close to us.

_2nd August, 1871._--Left Mangala's, and came through a great many
villages all deserted on our approach on account of the vengeance taken
by Dugumbé's party for the murder of some of their people. Kasongo's men
appeared eager to plunder their own countrymen: I had to scold and
threaten them, and set men to watch their deeds. Plantains are here very
abundant, good, and cheap. Came to Kittetté, and lodge in a village of
Loembo. About thirty foundries were passed; they are very high in the
roof, and thatched with leaves, from which the sparks roll off as sand
would. Rain runs off equally well.

_3rd August, 1871._--Three slaves escaped, and not to abandon ivory we
wait a day, Kasongo came up and filled their places.

I have often observed effigies of men made of wood in Manyuema; some of
clay are simply cones with a small hole in the top; on asking about them
here, I for the first time obtained reliable information. They are
called Bathata--fathers or ancients--and the name of each is carefully
preserved. Those here at Kittetté were evidently the names of chiefs,
Molenda being the most ancient, whilst Mbayo Yamba, Kamoanga, Kitambwé,
Noñgo, Aulumba, Yengé Yengé, Simba Mayañga, Loembwé, are more recently
dead. They were careful to have the exact pronunciation of the names.
The old men told me that on certain occasions they offer goat's flesh to
them: men eat it, and allow no young person or women to partake. The
flesh of the parrot is only eaten by very old men. They say that if
eaten by young men their children will have the waddling gait of the
bird. They say that originally those who preceded Molenda came from
Kongolakokwa, which conveys no idea to my mind. It was interesting to
get even this little bit of history here. (Nkoñgolo = Deity; Nkoñgolokwa
as the Deity.)

_4th August, 1871._--Came through miles of villages all burned because
the people refused a certain Abdullah lodgings! The men had begun to
re-thatch the huts, and kept out of our way, but a goat was speared by
some one in hiding, and we knew danger was near. Abdullah admitted that
he had no other reason for burning them than the unwillingness of the
people to lodge him and his slaves without payment, with the certainty
of getting their food stolen and utensils destroyed.

_5th and 6th August, 1871._--Through many miles of palm-trees and
plantains to a Boma or stockaded village, where we slept, though the
people were evidently suspicious and unfriendly.

_7th August, 1871._--To a village, ill and almost every step in pain.
The people all ran away, and appeared in the distance armed, and refused
to come near--then came and threw stones at us, and afterwards tried to
kill those who went for water. We sleep uncomfortably, the natives
watching us all round. Sent men to see if the way was clear.

_8th August, 1871._--They would come to no parley. They knew their
advantage, and the wrongs they had suffered from Bin Juma and Mohamad's
men when they threw down the ivory in the forest. In passing along the
narrow path with a wall of dense vegetation touching each hand, we came
to a point where an ambush had been placed, and trees cut down to
obstruct us while they speared us; but for some reason it was abandoned.
Nothing could be detected; but by stooping down to the earth and peering
up towards the sun, a dark shade could sometimes be seen: this was an
infuriated savage, and a slight rustle in the dense vegetation meant a
spear. A large spear from my right lunged past and almost grazed my
back, and stuck firmly into the soil. The two men from whom it came
appeared in an opening in the forest only ten yards off and bolted, one
looking back over his shoulder as he ran. As they are expert with the
spear I don't know how it missed, except that he was too sure of his aim
and the good hand of God was upon me.

I was behind the main body, and all were allowed to pass till I, the
leader, who was believed to be Mohamad Bogharib, or Kolokolo himself,
came up to the point where they lay. A red jacket they had formerly seen
me wearing was proof to them, that I was the same that sent Bin Juma to
kill five of their men, capture eleven women and children, and
twenty-five goats. Another spear was thrown at me by an unseen
assailant, and it missed me by about a foot in front. Guns were fired
into the dense mass of forest, but with no effect, for nothing could be
seen; but we heard the men jeering and denouncing us close by: two of
our party were slain.

Coming to a part of the forest cleared for cultivation I noticed a
gigantic tree, made still taller by growing on an ant-hill 20 feet high;
it had fire applied near its roots, I heard a crack which told that the
fire had done its work, but felt no alarm till I saw it come straight
towards me: I ran a few paces back, and down it came to the ground one
yard behind me, and breaking into several lengths, it covered me with a
cloud of dust. Had the branches not previously been rotted off, I could
scarcely have escaped.

Three times in one day was I delivered from impending death.

My attendants, who were scattered in all directions, came running back
to me, calling out, "Peace! peace! you will finish all your work in
spite of these people, and in spite of everything." Like them, I took it
as an omen of good success to crown me yet, thanks to the "Almighty
Preserver of men."

We had five hours of running the gauntlet, waylaid by spearmen, who all
felt that if they killed me they would be revenging the death of
relations. From each hole in the tangled mass we looked for a spear; and
each moment expected to hear the rustle which told of deadly weapons
hurled at us. I became weary with the constant strain of danger,
and--as, I suppose, happens with soldiers on the field of battle--not
courageous, but perfectly indifferent whether I were killed or not.

When at last we got out of the forest and crossed the Liya on to the
cleared lands near the villages of Monan-bundwa, we lay down to rest,
and soon saw Muanampunda coming, walking up in a stately manner unarmed
to meet us. He had heard the vain firing of my men into the bush, and
came to ask what was the matter. I explained the mistake that Munangonga
had made in supposing that I was Kolokolo, the deeds of whose men he
knew, and then we went on to his village together.

In the evening he sent to say that if I would give him all my people who
had guns, he would call his people together, burn off all the vegetation
they could fire, and punish our enemies, bringing me ten goats instead
of the three milch goats I had lost. I again explained that the attack
was made by a mistake in thinking I was Mohamad Bogharib, and that I had
no wish to kill men: to join in his old feud would only make matters
worse. This he could perfectly understand.

I lost all my remaining calico, a telescope, umbrella, and five spears,
by one of the slaves throwing down the load and taking up his own bundle
of country cloth.

_9th August, 1871._--Went on towards Mamohela, now deserted by the
Arabs. Monanponda convoyed me a long way, and at one spot, with grass
all trodden down, he said, "Here we killed a man of Moezia and ate his
body." The meat cut up had been seen by Dugumbé.

_10th August, 1871._--In connection with this affair the party that came
through from Mamalulu found that a great fight had taken place at
Muanampunda's, and they saw the meat cut up to be cooked with bananas.
They did not like the strangers to look at their meat, but said, "Go on,
and let our feast alone," they did not want to be sneered at. The same
Muanampunda or Monambonda told me frankly that they ate the man of
Moezia: they seem to eat their foes to inspire courage, or in revenge.
One point is very remarkable; it is not want that has led to the custom,
for the country is full of food: nobody is starved of farinaceous food;
they have maize, dura, pennisetum, cassava and sweet potatoes, and for
fatty ingredients of diet, the palm-oil, ground-nuts, sessamum, and a
tree whose fruit yields a fine sweet oil: the saccharine materials
needed are found in the sugar-cane, bananas, and plantains.

Goats, sheep, fowls, dogs, pigs, abound in the villages, whilst the
forest affords elephants, zebras, buffaloes, antelopes, and in the
streams there are many varieties of fish. The nitrogenous ingredients
are abundant, and they have dainties in palm-toddy, and tobacco or
Bangé: the soil is so fruitful that mere scraping off the weeds is as
good as ploughing, so that the reason for cannibalism does not lie in
starvation or in want of animal matter, as was said to be the case with
the New Zealanders. The only feasible reason I can discover is a
depraved appetite, giving an extraordinary craving for meat which we
call "high." They are said to bury a dead body for a couple of days in
the soil in a forest, and in that time, owing to the climate, it soon
becomes putrid enough for the strongest stomachs.

The Lualaba has many oysters in it with very thick shells. They are
called _Makessi_, and at certain seasons are dived for by the Bagenya
women: pearls are said to be found in them, but boring to string them
has never been thought of. _Kanone_, Ibis religiosa. _Uruko_, Kuss name
of coffee.

The Manyuema are so afraid of guns, that a man borrows one to settle any
dispute or claim: he goes with it over his shoulder, and quickly
arranges the matter by the pressure it brings, though they all know that
he could not use it.

_Gulu_, Deity above, or heaven. _Mamvu_, earth or below. _Gulu_ is a
person, and men, on death, go to him. _Nkoba,_ lightning. _Nkongolo_,
Deity (?). _Kula_ or _Nkula_, salt spring west of Nyangwé. _Kalunda_,
ditto. _Kiria_, rapid down river. _Kirila_, islet in sight of Nyangwé.
_Magoya_, ditto.

_Note_.--The chief Zurampela is about N.W. of Nyangwé, and three days
off. The Luivé River, of very red water, is crossed, and the larger
Mabila River receives it into its very dark water before Mabila enters
Lualaba.

A ball of hair rolled in the stomach of a lion, as calculi are, is a
great charm among the Arabs: it scares away other animals, they say.

Lion's fat smeared on the tails of oxen taken through a country
abounding in tsetse, or bungo, is a sure preventive; when I heard of
this, I thought that lion's fat would be as difficult of collection as
gnat's brains or mosquito tongues, but I was assured that many lions
are killed on the Basango highland, and they, in common with all beasts
there, are extremely fat: so it is not at all difficult to buy a
calabash of the preventive, and Banyamwezi, desirous of taking cattle to
the coast for sale, know the substance, and use it successfully (?).

_11th August, 1871._--Came on by a long march of six hours across plains
of grass and watercourses, lined with beautiful trees, to Kassessa's,
the chief of Mamohela, who has helped the Arabs to scourge several of
his countrymen for old feuds: he gave them goats, and then guided them
by night to the villages, where they got more goats and many captives,
each to be redeemed with ten goats more. During the last foray, however,
the people learned that every shot does not kill, and they came up to
the party with bows and arrows, and compelled the slaves to throw down
their guns and powder-horns. They would have shown no mercy had Manyuema
been thus in slave power; but this is a beginning of the end, which will
exclude Arab traders from the country. I rested half a day, as I am
still ill. I do most devoutly thank the Lord for sparing my life three
times in one day. The Lord is good, a stronghold in the day of trouble,
and He knows them that trust in Him.

[The brevity of the following notes is fully accounted for: Livingstone
was evidently suffering too severely to write more.]

_12th August, 1871._--Mamohela camp all burned off. We sleep at Mamohela
village.

_13th August, 1871._--At a village on the bank of River Lolindi, I am
suffering greatly. A man brought a young, nearly full-fledged, kite from
a nest on a tree: this is the first case of their breeding, that I am
sure of, in this country: they are migratory into these intertropical
lands from the south, probably.

_14th August, 1871._--Across many brisk burns to a village on the side
of a mountain range. First rains 12th and 14th, gentle; but near Luamo,
it ran on the paths, and caused dew.

_15th August, 1871._--To Muanambonyo's. Golungo, a bush buck, with
stripes across body, and two rows of spots along the sides (?)

_16th August, 1871._--To Luamo River. Very ill with bowels.

_17th August, 1871._--Cross river, and sent a message to my friend.
Katomba sent a bountiful supply of food back.

_18th August, 1871._--Reached Katomba, at Moenemgoi's, and was welcomed
by all the heavily-laden Arab traders. They carry their trade spoil in
three relays. Kenyengeré attacked before I came, and 150 captives were
taken and about 100 slain; this is an old feud of Moenemgoi, which the
Arabs took up for their own gain. No news whatever from Ujiji, and M.
Bogharib is still at Bambarré, with all my letters.

_19th-20th August, 1871._--Rest from weakness. (_21st August, 1871._) Up
to the palms on the west of Mount Kanyima Pass. (_22nd August, 1871._)
Bambarré. (_28th August, 1871._) Better and thankful. Katomba's party
has nearly a thousand frasilahs of ivory, and Mohamad's has 300
frasilahs.

_29th August, 1871._--Ill all night, and remain. (_30th August, 1871._)
Ditto, ditto; but go on to Monandenda's on River Lombonda.

_31st August, 1871._--Up and half over the mountain range, (_1st
September, 1871_) and sleep in dense forest, with several fine running
streams.

_2nd September, 1871._--Over the range, and down on to a marble-capped
hill, with a village on top.

_3rd September, 1871._--Equinoctial gales. On to Lohombo.

_5th September, 1871._--To Kasangangazi's. (_6th September, 1871._)
Rest. (_7th September, 1871._) Mamba's. Rest on 8th. (_9th September,
1871._) Ditto ditto. People falsely accused of stealing; but I disproved
it to the confusion of the Arabs, who wish to be able to say, "the
people of the English steal too." A very rough road from Kasangangazi's
hither, and several running rivulets crossed.

_10th September, 1871._--Manyuema boy followed us, but I insisted on his
father's consent, which was freely given: marching proved too hard for
him, however, and in a few days he left.

Down into the valley of the Kapemba through beautiful undulating
country, and came to village of Amru: this is a common name, and is used
as "man," or "comrade," or "mate."

_11th September, 1871._--Up a very steep high mountain range, Moloni or
Mononi, and down to a village at the bottom on the other side, of a man
called Molembu.

_12th September, 1871._--Two men sick. Wait, though I am now
comparatively sound and well. Dura flour, which we can now procure,
helps to strengthen me: it is nearest to wheaten flour; maize meal is
called "cold," and not so wholesome as the _Holeus sorghum_ or dura. A
lengthy march through a level country, with high mountain ranges on each
hand; along that on the left our first path lay, and it was very
fatiguing. We came to the Rivulet Kalangai. I had hinted to Mohamad that
if he harboured my deserters, it might go hard with him; and he came
after me for two marches, and begged me not to think that he did
encourage them. They came impudently into the village, and I had to
drive them out: I suspected that he had sent them. I explained, and he
gave me a goat, which I sent back for.

_13th September, 1871._--This march back completely used up the Manyuema
boy: he could not speak, or tell what he wanted cooked, when he arrived.
I did not see him go back, and felt sorry for the poor boy, who left us
by night. People here would sell nothing, so I was glad of the goat.

_14th September, 1871._--To Pyanamosindé's. _(15th September, 1871.)_ To
Karungamagao's; very fine undulating green country. _(16th and 17th
September, 1871.)_ Rest, as we could get food to buy.

_(18th September, 1871.)_ To a stockaded village, where the people
ordered us to leave. We complied, and went out half a mile and built
our sheds in the forest: I like sheds in the forest much better than
huts in the villages, for we have no mice or vermin, and incur no
obligation.

_19th September, 1871._--Found that Barua are destroying all the
Manyuema villages not stockaded.

_20th September, 1871._--We came to Kunda's on the River Katemba,
through great plantations of cassava, and then to a woman chief's, and
now regularly built our own huts apart from the villages, near the hot
fountain called Kabila which is about blood-heat, and flows across the
path. Crossing this we came to Mokwaniwa's, on the River Gombezé, and
met a caravan, under Nassur Masudi, of 200 guns. He presented a fine
sheep, and reported that Seyed Majid was dead--he had been ailing and
fell from some part of his new house at Darsalam, and in three days
afterwards expired. He was a true and warm friend to me and did all he
could to aid me with his subjects, giving me two Sultan's letters for
the purpose. Seyed Burghash succeeds him; this change causes anxiety.
Will Seyed Burghash's goodness endure now that he has the Sultanate?
Small-pox raged lately at Ujiji.

_22nd September, 1871._--Caravan goes northwards, and we rest, and eat
the sheep kindly presented.

_23rd September, 1871._--We now passed through the country of mixed
Barua and Baguha, crossed the River Loñgumba twice and then came near
the great mountain mass on west of Tanganyika. From Mokwaniwa's to
Tanganyika is about ten good marches through open forest. The Guha
people are not very friendly; they know strangers too well to show
kindness: like Manyuema, they are also keen traders. I was sorely
knocked up by this march from Nyañgwé back to Ujiji. In the latter part
of it, I felt as if dying on my feet. Almost every step was in pain, the
appetite failed, and a little bit of meat caused violent diarrhoea,
whilst the mind, sorely depressed, reacted on the body. All the traders
were returning successful: I alone had failed and experienced worry,
thwarting, baffling, when almost in sight of the end towards which I
strained.

_3rd October, 1871._--I read the whole Bible through four times whilst I
was in Manyuema.

_8th October, 1871._--The road covered with angular fragments of quartz
was very sore to my feet, which are crammed into ill-made French shoes.
How the bare feet of the men and women stood out, I don't know; it was
hard enough on mine though protected by the shoes. We marched in the
afternoons where water at this season was scarce. The dust of the march
caused ophthalmia, like that which afflicted Speke: this was my first
touch of it in Africa. We now came to the Lobumba River, which flows
into Tanganyika, and then to the village Loanda and sent to Kasanga, the
Guha chief, for canoes. The Loñgumba rises, like the Lobumba, in the
mountains called Kabogo West. We heard great noises, as if thunder, as
far as twelve days off, which were ascribed to Kabogo, as if it had
subterranean caves into which the waves rushed with great noise, and it
may be that the Loñgumba is the outlet of Tanganyika: it becomes the
Luassé further down, and then the Luamo before it joins the Lualaba: the
country slopes that way, but I was too ill to examine its source.

_9th October, 1871._--On to islet Kasengé. After much delay got a good
canoe for three dotis, and on _15th October, 1871_ went to the islet
Kabiziwa.

_18th October, 1871._--Start for Kabogo East, and _19th_ reach it 8 A.M.

_20th October, 1871._--Rest men.

_22nd October, 1871._--To Rombola.

_23rd October, 1871._--At dawn, off and go to Ujiji. Welcomed by all the
Arabs, particularly by Moenyegheré. I was now reduced to a skeleton,
but the market being held daily, and all kinds of native food brought to
it, I hoped that food and rest would soon restore me, but in the evening
my people came and told me that Shereef had sold off all my goods, and
Moenyegheré confirmed it by saying, "We protested, but he did not leave
a single yard of calico out of 3000, nor a string of beads out of 700
lbs." This was distressing. I had made up my mind, if I could not get
people at Ujiji, to wait till men should come from the coast, but to
wait in beggary was what I never contemplated, and I now felt miserable.
Shereef was evidently a moral idiot, for he came without shame to shake
hands with me, and when I refused, assumed an air of displeasure, as
having been badly treated; and afterwards came with his "Balghere,"
good-luck salutation, twice a day, and on leaving said, "I am going to
pray," till I told him that were I an Arab, his hand and both ears would
be cut off for thieving, as he knew, and I wanted no salutations from
him. In my distress it was annoying to see Shereef's slaves passing from
the market with all the good things that my goods had bought.

_24th October, 1871._--My property had been sold to Shereef's friends at
merely nominal prices. Syed bin Majid, a good man, proposed that they
should be returned, and the ivory be taken from Shereef; but they would
not restore stolen property, though they knew it to be stolen.
Christians would have acted differently, even those of the lowest
classes. I felt in my destitution as if I were the man who went down
from Jerusalem to Jericho, and fell among thieves; but I could not hope
for Priest, Levite, or good Samaritan to come by on either side, but one
morning Syed bin Majid said to me, "Now this is the first time we have
been alone together; I have no goods, but I have ivory; let me, I pray
you, sell some ivory, and give the goods to you." This was encouraging;
but I said, "Not yet, but by-and-bye." I had still a few barter goods
left, which I had taken the precaution to deposit with Mohamad bin Saleh
before going to Manyuema, in case of returning in extreme need. But when
my spirits were at their lowest ebb, the good Samaritan was close at
hand, for one morning Susi came running at the top of his speed and
gasped out, "An Englishman! I see him!" and off he darted to meet him.
The American flag at the head of a caravan told of the nationality of
the stranger. Bales of goods, baths of tin, huge kettles, cooking pots,
tents, &c, made me think "This must be a luxurious traveller, and not
one at his wits' end like me." _(28th October, 1871.)_ It was Henry
Moreland Stanley, the travelling correspondent of the _New York Herald,_
sent by James Gordon Bennett, junior, at an expense of more than
4000_l._, to obtain accurate information about Dr. Livingstone if
living, and if dead to bring home my bones. The news he had to tell to
one who had been two full years without any tidings from Europe made my
whole frame thrill. The terrible fate that had befallen France, the
telegraphic cables successfully laid in the Atlantic, the election of
General Grant, the death of good Lord Clarendon--my constant friend, the
proof that Her Majesty's Government had not forgotten me in voting
1000_l_. for supplies, and many other points of interest, revived
emotions that had lain dormant in Manyuema. Appetite returned, and
instead of the spare, tasteless, two meals a day, I ate four times
daily, and in a week began to feel strong. I am not of a demonstrative
turn; as cold, indeed, as we islanders are usually reputed to be, but
this disinterested kindness of Mr. Bennett, so nobly carried into effect
by Mr. Stanley, was simply overwhelming. I really do feel extremely
grateful, and at the same time I am a little ashamed at not being more
worthy of the generosity. Mr. Stanley has done his part with untiring
energy; good judgment in the teeth of very serious obstacles. His
helpmates turned out depraved blackguards, who, by their excesses at
Zanzibar and elsewhere, had ruined their constitutions, and prepared
their systems to be fit provender for the grave. They had used up their
strength by wickedness, and were of next to no service, but rather
downdrafts and unbearable drags to progress.

_16th November, 1871._--As Tanganyika explorations are said by Mr.
Stanley to be an object of interest to Sir Roderick, we go at his
expense and by his men to the north of the Lake.

[Dr. Livingstone on a previous occasion wrote from the interior of
Africa to the effect that Lake Tanganyika poured its waters into the
Albert Nyanza Lake of Baker. At the time perhaps he hardly realized the
interest that such an announcement was likely to occasion. He was now
shown the importance of ascertaining by actual observation whether the
junction really existed, and for this purpose he started with Mr.
Stanley to explore the region of the supposed connecting link in the
North, so as to verify the statements of the Arabs.]

_16th November, 1871._--Four hours to Chigoma.

_20th and 21st November, 1871._--Passed a very crowded population, the
men calling to us to land to be fleeced and insulted by way of Mahonga
or Mutuari: they threw stones in rage, and one, apparently slung,
lighted close to the canoe. We came on until after dark, and landed
under a cliff to rest and cook, but a crowd came and made inquiries,
then a few more came as if to investigate more perfectly: they told us
to sleep, and to-morrow friendship should be made. We put our luggage on
board and set a watch on the cliff. A number of men came along, cowering
behind rocks, which then aroused suspicion, and we slipped off quietly;
they called after us, as men baulked of their prey. We went on five
hours and slept, and then this morning came on to Magala, where the
people are civil, but Mukamba had war with some one. The Lake narrows to
about ten miles, as the western mountains come towards the eastern
range, that being about N.N.W. magnetic. Many stumps of trees killed by
water show an encroachment by the Lake on the east side. A transverse
range seems to shut in the north end, but there is open country to the
east and west of its ends.

_24th November, 1871._--To Point Kizuka in Mukamba's country. A
Molongwana came to us from Mukamba and asserted most positively that all
the water of Tanganyika flowed into the River Lusizé, and then on to
Ukerewé of Mtéza; nothing could be more clear than his statements.

_25th November, 1871._--We came on about two hours to some villages on a
high bank where Mukamba is living. The chief, a young good-looking man
like Mugala, came and welcomed us. Our friend of yesterday now declared
as positively as before that the water of Lusizé flowed into Tanganyika,
and not the way he said yesterday! I have not the smallest doubt but
Tanganyika discharges somewhere, though we may be unable to find it.
Lusizé goes to or comes from Luanda and Karagwé. This is hopeful, but I
suspend my judgment. War rages between Mukamba and Wasmashanga or
Uasmasané, a chief between this and Lusizé: ten men were killed of
Mukamba's people a few days ago. Vast numbers of fishermen ply their
calling night and day as far as we can see. Tanganyika closes in except
at one point N. and by W. of us. The highest point of the western range,
about 7000 feet above the sea, is Sumburuza. We are to go to-morrow to
Luhinga, elder brother of Mukamba, near Lusizé, and the chief follows us
next day.

_26th November, 1871._--Sunday. Mr. Stanley has severe fever. I gave
Mukamba 9 dotis and 9 fundos. The end of Tanganyika seen clearly is
rounded off about 4' broad from east to west.

_27th November, 1871._--Mr. Stanley is better. We started at sunset
westwards, then northwards for seven hours, and at 4 A.M. reached
Lohinga, at the mouth of the Lusizé.

_28th November, 1871._--Shot an _Ibis religiosa._ In the afternoon
Luhinga, the superior of Mukambé, came and showed himself very
intelligent. He named eighteen rivers, four of which enter Tanganyika,
and the rest Lusizé: all come into, none leave Tanganyika.[15] Lusizé is
said to rise in Kwangeregéré in the Kivo lagoon, between Mutumbé and
Luanda. Nyabungu is chief of Mutumbé. Luhinga is the most intelligent
and the frankest chief we have seen here.

_29th November, 1871._--We go to see the Lusizé Eiver in a canoe. The
mouth is filled with large reedy sedgy islets: there are three branches,
about twelve to fifteen yards broad, and one fathom deep, with a strong
current of 2' per hour: water discoloured. The outlet of the Lake is
probably by the Loñgumba River into Lualaba as the Luamo, but this as
yet must be set down as a "theoretical discovery."

_30th November, 1871._--A large present of eggs, flour, and a sheep came
from Mukamba. Mr. Stanley went round to a bay in the west, to which the
mountains come sheer down.

_1st December, 1871, Friday._--Latitude last night 3° 18' 3" S. I gave
fifteen cloths to Lohinga, which pleased him highly. Kuansibura is the
chief who lives near Kivo, the lagoon from which the Lusizé rises: they
say it flows under a rock.

_2nd December, 1871._--Ill from bilious attack.

_3rd December, 1871._--Better and thankful. Men went off to bring
Mukamba, whose wife brought us a handsome present of milk, beer, and
cassava. She is a good-looking young woman, of light colour and full
lips, with two children of eight or ten years of age. We gave them
cloths, and sheasked beads, so we made them a present of two fundos. By
lunars I was one day wrong to-day.

_4th December, 1871._--Very heavy rain from north all night. Baker's
Lake cannot be as near as he puts it in his map, for it is unknown to
Lohingé. He thinks that he is a hundred years old, but he is really
about forty-five! Namataranga is the name of birds which float high in
air in large flocks.

_5th December, 1871._--We go over to a point on our east. The bay is
about 12' broad: the mountains here are very beautiful. We visited the
chief Mukamba, at his village five miles north of Lohinga's; he wanted
us to remain a few days, but I declined. We saw two flocks of _Ibis
religiosa,_ numbering in all fifty birds, feeding like geese.

_6th December, 1871._--Remain at Luhinga's.

_7th December, 1871._--Start and go S.W. to Lohanga: passed the point
where Speke turned, then breakfasted at the marketplace.

_8th December, 1871._--Go on to Mukamba; near the boundary of Babembé
and Bavira. We pulled six hours to a rocky islet, with two rocks covered
with trees on its western side. The Babembé are said to be dangerous, on
account of having been slaughtered by the Malongwana. The Lat. of these
islands is 3° 41' S.

_9th December, 1871._--Leave New York Herald Islet and go S. to Lubumba
Cape. The people now are the Basansas along the coast. Some men here
were drunk and troublesome: we gave them a present and left them about
4-1/2 in afternoon and went to an islet at the north end in about three
hours, good pulling, and afterwards in eight hours to the eastern shore;
this makes the Lake, say, 28 or 30 miles broad. We coasted along to
Mokungos and rested.

_10th December, 1871._--Kisessa is chief of all the islet Mozima. His
son was maltreated at Ujiji and died in consequence; this stopped the
dura trade, and we were not assaulted because not Malongwana.

_11th December, 1871._--Leave Mokungo at 6 A.M. and coast along 6-1/2
hours to Sazzi.

_12th December, 1871._--Mr. Stanley ill with fever. Off, and after three
hours, stop at Masambo village.

_13th December, 1871._--Mr. Stanley better. Go on to Ujiji. Mr. Stanley
received a letter from Consul Webb (American) of 11th June last, and
telegrams from Aden up to 29th April.

_14th December, 1871._--Many people off to fight Mirambo at Unyanyembé:
their wives promenade and weave green leaves for victory.

_15th December, 1871._--At Ujiji. Getting ready to march east for my
goods.

_16th December, 1871._--Engage paddlers to Tongwé and a guide.

_17th December, 1871._--S. _18th._--Writing. _19th-20th._--Still
writing despatches. Packed up the large tin box with Manyuema swords and
spear heads, for transmission home by Mr. Stanley. Two chronometers and two
watches--anklets of Nzigé and of Manyuema. Leave with Mohamad bin Saleh
a box with books, shirts, paper, &c.; also large and small beads, tea,
coffee and sugar.

_21st December, 1871._--Heavy rains for planting now.

_22nd December, 1871._--Stanley ill of fever.

_23rd December, 1871._--Do. very ill. Rainy and uncomfortable.

_24th December, 1871._--S. _25th.--Christmas_. I leave here one bag of
beads in a skin, 2 bags of Sungo mazi 746 and 756 blue. Gardner's bag of
beads, soap 2 bars in 3 boxes (wood). 1st, tea and matunda; 2nd, wooden
box, paper and shirts; 3rd, iron box, shoes, quinine, 1 bag of coffee,
sextant stand, one long wooden box empty. These are left with Mohamad
bin Saleh at Ujiji, Christmas Day, 1871. Two bags of beads are already
here and table cloths.

_26th December, 1871._--Had but a sorry Christmas yesterday.

_27th December, 1871.--Mem_. To send Moenyegheré some coffee and tell
his wishes to Masudi.

_27th December, 1871._--Left Ujiji 9 A.M., and crossed goats, donkeys,
and men over Luiché. Sleep at the Malagarasi.

_29th December, 1871._--Crossed over the broad bay of the Malagarasi to
Kagonga and sleep.

_30th December, 1871._--Pass Viga Point, red sandstone, and cross the
bay of the River Lugufu and Nkala village, and transport the people and
goats: sleep.

_31st December, 1871._--Send for beans, as there are no provisions in
front of this. Brown water of the Lugufu bent away north: the high wind
is S.W. and W. Having provisions we went round Munkalu Point. The water
is slightly discoloured for a mile south of it, but brown water is seen
on the north side of bay bent north by a current.

_1st January, 1872._--May the Almighty help me to finish my work this
year for Christ's sake! We slept in Mosehezi Bay. I was storm-stayed in
Kifwé Bay, which is very beautiful--still as a millpond. We found 12 or
13 hippopotami near a high bank, but did not kill any, for our balls are
not hardened. It is high rocky tree-covered shore, with rocks bent and
twisted wonderfully; large slices are worn off the land with hillsides
clad with robes of living green, yet very, very steep.

_2nd January, 1872._--A very broad Belt of large tussocks of reeds lines
the shore near Mount Kibanga or Boumba. We had to coast along to the
south. Saw a village nearly afloat, the people having there taken refuge
from their enemies. There are many hippopotami and crocodiles in
Tanganyika. A river 30 yards wide, the Kibanga, flows in strongly. We
encamped on an open space on a knoll and put up flags to guide our land
party to us.

_3rd January, 1872._--We send off to buy food. Mr. Stanley shot a fat
zebra, its meat was very good.

_4th January, 1872._--The Ujijians left last night with their canoes. I
gave them 14 fundos of beads to buy food on the way. We are now waiting
for our land party. I gave headmen here at Burimba 2 dotis and a
Kitamba. Men arrived yesterday or 4-1/2 days from the Lugufu.

_5th January, 1872._--Mr. Stanley is ill of fever. I am engaged in
copying notes into my journal. All men and goats arrived safely.

_6th January, 1872._--Mr. Stanley better, and we prepare to go.

_7th January, 1872._--Mr. Stanley shot a buffalo at the end of our first
march up. East and across the hills. The River Luajeré is in front. We
spend the night at the carcase of the buffalo.

_8th January, 1872._--We crossed the river, which is 30 yards wide and
rapid. It is now knee and waist deep. The country is rich and beautiful,
hilly and tree-covered, reddish soil, and game abundant.

_9th January, 1872._--Rainy, but we went on E. and N.N.E. through a
shut-in valley to an opening full of all kinds of game. Buffalo cows
have calves now: one was wounded. Rain came down abundantly.

_10th January, 1872._--Across a very lovely green country of open forest
all fresh, and like an English gentleman's park. Game plentiful.
Tree-covered mountains right and left, and much brown hæmatite on the
levels. Course E. A range of mountains appears about three miles off on
our right.

_11th January, 1872._--Off through open forest for three hours east,
then cook, and go on east another three hours, over very rough rocky,
hilly country. River Mtambahu.

_12th January, 1872._--Off early, and pouring rain came down; as we
advance the country is undulating. We cross a rivulet 15 yards wide
going north, and at another of 3 yards came to a halt; all wet and
uncomfortable.

The people pick up many mushrooms and manendinga roots, like turnips.
There are buffaloes near us in great numbers.

_13th January, 1872._--Fine morning. Went through an undulating hilly
country clothed with upland trees for three hours, then breakfast in an
open glade, with bottom of rocks of brown hæmatite, and a hole with
rain-water in it. We are over 1000 feet higher than Tanganyika. It
became cloudy, and we finished our march in a pouring rain, at a rivulet
thickly clad with aquatic trees on banks. Course E.S.E.

_14th January, 1872._--Another fine morning, but miserably wet
afternoon. We went almost 4' E.S.E., and crossed a strong rivulet 8 or
10 yards wide: then on and up to a ridge and along the top of it, going
about south. We had breakfast on the edge of the plateau, looking down
into a broad lovely valley. We now descended, and saw many reddish
monkeys, which made a loud outcry: there was much game, but scattered,
and we got none. Miserably wet crossing another stream, then up a valley
to see a deserted Boma or fenced village.

_15th January, 1872._--Along a valley with high mountains on each hand,
then up over that range on our left or south. At the top some lions
roared. We then went on on high land, and saw many hartebeests and
zebra, but did not get one, though a buffalo was knocked over. We
crossed a rivulet, and away over beautiful and undulating hills and
vales, covered with many trees and jambros fruit. Sleep at a running
rill.

_16th January, 1872._--A very cold night after long-continued and heavy
rain. Our camp was among brakens. Went E. and by S. along the high land,
then we saw a village down in a deep valley into which we descended.
Then up another ridge in a valley and along to a village well
cultivated--up again 700 feet at least, and down to Meréra's village,
hid in a mountainous nook, about 140 huts with doors on one side. The
valleys present a lovely scene of industry, all the people being eagerly
engaged in weeding and hoeing to take advantage of the abundant rains
which have drenched us every afternoon.

_17th January, 1872._--We remain at Meréra's to buy food for our men
and ourselves.

_18th January, 1872._--March, but the Mirongosi wandered and led us
round about instead of S.S.E. We came near some tree-covered hills, and
a river Monya Mazi--Mtamba River in front. I have very sore feet from
bad shoes.

_19th January, 1872._--Went about S.E. for four hours, and crossed the
Mbamba River and passed through open forest. There is a large rock in
the river, and hills thickly tree-covered, 2' East and West, down a
steep descent and camp. Came down River Mpokwa over rough country with
sore feet, to ruins of a village Basivira and sleep. _21st._--Rest.
_22nd._--Rest. Mr. Stanley shot two zebras yesterday, and a she giraffe
to-day, the meat of the giraffe was 1000 lbs. weight, the two zebras
about 800 lbs.

_23rd January, 1872._--Rest. Mr. Stanley has fever. _24th._--Ditto.
_25th_.--Stanley ill. _26th_.--Stanley better and off.

_26th January, 1872._--Through low hills N.E. and among bamboos to open
forest--on in undulating bushy tract to a river with two rounded hills
east, one having three mushroom-shaped trees on it.

_27th January, 1872._--On across long land waves and the only bamboos
east of Mpokwa Rill to breakfast. In going on a swarm of bees attacked a
donkey Mr. Stanley bought for me, and instead of galloping off, as did
the other, the fool of a beast rolled down, and over and over. I did the
same, then ran, dashed into a bush like an ostrich pursued, then ran
whisking a bush round my head. They gave me a sore head and face, before
I got rid of the angry insects: I never saw men attacked before: the
donkey was completely knocked up by the stings on head, face, and lips,
and died in two days, in consequence. We slept in the stockade of
Misonghi.

_28th January, 1872._--We crossed the river and then away E. to near a
hill. Crossed two rivers, broad and marshy, and deep with elephants
plunging. Rain almost daily, but less in amount now. Bombay says his
greatest desire is to visit Speke's grave ere he dies: he has a square
head with the top depressed in the centre.

_29th January, 1872._--We ascended a ridge, the edge of a flat basin
with ledges of dark brown sandstone, the brim of ponds in which were
deposited great masses of brown hæmatite, disintegrated into gravel,
flat open forest with short grass. We crossed a rill of light-coloured
water three times and reached a village. After this in 1-1/2 hour we
came to Meréra's.

_30th January, 1872._--At Meréra's, the second of the name. Much rain
and very heavy; food abundant. Baniayamwezi and Yukonongo people here.

_31st January, 1872._--Through scraggy bush, then open forest with short
grass, over a broad rill and on good path to village Mwaro; chief
Kamirambo.

_1st February, 1872._--We met a caravan of Syde bin Habib's people
yesterday who reported that Mirambo has offered to repay all the goods
he has robbed the Arabs of, all the ivory, powder, blood, &c., but his
offer was rejected. The country all around is devastated, and Arab force
is at Simba's. Mr. Stanley's man Shaw is dead. There is very great
mortality by small-pox amongst the Arabs and at the coast. We went over
flat upland forest, open and bushy, then down a deep descent and along
N.E. to a large tree at a deserted stockade.

_2nd February, 1872._--Away over ridges of cultivation and elephant's
footsteps. Cultivators all swept away by Basavira. Very many elephants
feed here. We lost our trail and sent men to seek it, then came to the
camp in the forest. Lunched at rill running into Ngombé Nullah.

Ukamba is the name of the Tsetse fly here.

_3rd February, 1872._--Mr. Stanley has severe fever, with great pains in
the back and loins: an emetic helped him a little, but resin of jalap
would have cured him quickly. Rainy all day.

_4th February, 1872._--Mr. Stanley so ill that we carried him in a cot
across flat forest and land covered with short grass for three hours,
about north-east, and at last found a path, which was a great help. As
soon as the men got under cover continued rains began. There is a camp
of Malongwana here.

_5th February, 1872._--Off at 6 A.M. Mr. Stanley a little better, but
still carried across same level forest; we pass water in pools, and one
in hæmatite. Saw a black rhinoceros, and come near people.

_6th February, 1872._--Drizzly morning, but we went on, and in two hours
got drenched with cold N.W. rain: the paths full of water we splashed
along to our camp in a wood. Met a party of native traders going to
Mwara.

_7th February, 1872._--Along level plains, and clumps of forest, and
hollows filled at present with water, about N.E., to a large pool of
Ngombé Nullah. Send off two men to Unyanyembé for letters and medicine.

_8th February, 1872._--Removed from the large pool of the nullah, about
an hour north, to where game abounds. Saw giraffes and zebras on our
way. The nullah is covered with lotus-plants, and swarms with
crocodiles.

_9th February, 1872._--Remained for game, but we were unsuccessful. An
eland was shot by Mr. Stanley, but it was lost. Departed at 2 P.M., and
reached Manyara, a kind old chief. The country is flat, and covered with
detached masses of forest, with open glades and flats.

_10th February, 1872._--Leave Manyara and pass along the same park-like
country, with but little water. The rain sinks into the sandy soil at
once, and the collection is seldom seen. After a hard tramp we came to a
pool by a sycamore-tree, 28 feet 9 inches in circumference, with broad
fruit-laden branches. Ziwané.

_11th February, 1872._--Rain nearly all night. Scarcely a day has
passed without rain and thunder since we left Tanganyika Across a flat
forest again, meeting a caravan for Ujiji. The grass is three feet high,
and in seed. Reach Chikuru, a stockaded village, with dura plantations
around it and pools of rain-water.

_12th February, 1872._--Rest.

_13th February, 1872._--Leave Chikuru, and wade across an open flat with
much standing-water. They plant rice on the wet land round the villages.
Our path lies through an open forest, where many trees are killed for
the sake of the bark, which is used as cloth, and for roofing and beds.
Mr. Stanley has severe fever.

_14th February, 1872._--Across the same flat open forest, with scraggy
trees and grass three feet long in tufts. Came to a Boma. N.E. Gunda.

_15th February, 1872._--Over the same kind of country, where the water
was stagnant, to camp in the forest.

_16th February, 1872._--Camp near Kigando, in a rolling country with
granite knolls.

_17th February, 1872._--Over a country, chiefly level, with stagnant
water; rounded hills were seen. Cross a rain torrent and encamp in a new
Boma, Magonda.

_18th February, 1872._--Go through low tree-covered hills of granite,
with blocks of rock sticking out: much land cultivated, and many
villages. The country now opens out and we come to the Tembé,[16] in the
midst of many straggling villages. Unyanyembé. Thanks to the Almighty.

FOOTNOTES:

[14] The reader will best judge of the success of the experiment by
looking at a specimen of the writing. An old sheet of the _Standard_
newspaper, made into rough copy-books, sufficed for paper in the
absence of all other material, and by writing across the print no
doubt the notes were tolerably legible at the time. The colour of the
decoction used instead of ink has faded so much that if Dr.
Livingstone's handwriting had not at all times been beautifully clear
and distinct it would have been impossible to decipher this part of
his diary.--Ed.

[15] Thus the question of the Lusizé was settled at once: the previous
notion of its outflow to the north proved a myth.--ED.

[16] Tembé, a flat-roofed Arab house.

CHAPTER VII.

Determines to continue his work. Proposed route. Refits.
Robberies discovered. Mr. Stanley leaves. Parting messages.
Mteza's people arrive. Ancient geography. Tabora. Description of
the country. The Banyamwezi. A Baganda bargain. The population
of Unyanyembé. The Mirambo war. Thoughts on Sir S. Baker's
policy. The cat and the snake. Firm faith. Feathered neighbours.
Mistaken notion concerning mothers. Prospects for missionaries.
Halima. News of other travellers. Chuma is married.

By the arrival of the fast Ramadân on the 14th November, and a Nautical
Almanac, I discovered that I was on that date twenty-one days too fast
in my reckoning. Mr. Stanley used some very strong arguments in favour
of my going home, recruiting my strength, getting artificial teeth, and
then returning to finish my task; but my judgment said, "All your
friends will wish you to make a complete work of the exploration of the
sources of the Nile before you retire." My daughter Agnes says, "Much as
I wish you to come home, I would rather that you finished your work to
your own satisfaction than return merely to gratify me." Rightly and
nobly said, my darling Nannie. Vanity whispers pretty loudly, "She is a
chip of the old block." My blessing on her and all the rest.

It is all but certain that four full-grown gushing fountains rise on the
watershed eight days south of Katanga, each of which at no great
distance off becomes a large river; and two rivers thus formed flow
north to Egypt, the other two to Inner Ethiopia; that is, Lufira or
Bartle Frere's River, flows into Kamolondo, and that into Webb's
Lualaba, the main line of drainage. Another, on the north side of the
sources, Sir Paraffin Young's Lualaba, flows through Lake Lincoln,
otherwise named Chibungo and Lomamé, and that too into Webb's Lualaba.
Then Liambai Fountain, Palmerston's, forms the Upper Zambesi; and the
Lunga (Lunga), Oswell's Fountain, is the Kafué; both flowing into Inner
Ethiopia. It may be that these are not the fountains of the Nile
mentioned to Herodotus by the secretary of Minerva, in Sais, in Egypt;
but they are worth discovery, as in the last hundred of the seven
hundred miles of the watershed, from which nearly all the Nile springs
do unquestionably arise.

I propose to go from Unyanyembé to Fipa; then round the south end of
Tanganyika, Tambeté, or Mbeté; then across the Chambezé, and round south
of Lake Bangweolo, and due west to the ancient fountains; leaving the
underground excavations till after visiting Katanga. This route will
serve to certify that no other sources of the Nile can come from the
south without being seen by me. No one will cut me out after this
exploration is accomplished; and may the good Lord of all help me to
show myself one of His stout-hearted servants, an honour to my children,
and, perhaps, to my country and race.

Our march extended from 26th December, 1871, till 18th February, 1872,
or fifty-four days. This was over 300 miles, and thankful I am to reach
Unyanyembé, and the Tembé Kwikuru.

I find, also, that the two headmen selected by the notorious, but covert
slave-trader, Ludha Damji, have been plundering my stores from the 20th
October, 1870, to 18th February, 1872, or nearly sixteen months. One has
died of small-pox, and the other not only plundered my stores, but has
broken open the lock of Mr. Stanley's storeroom, and plundered his
goods. He declared that all my goods were safe, but when the list was
referred to, and the goods counted, and he was questioned as to the
serious loss, he at last remembered a bale of seven pieces of merikano,
and three kaniké--or 304 yards, that he evidently had hidden. On
questioning him about the boxes brought, he was equally ignorant, but at
last said, "Oh! I remember a box of brandy where it went, and every one
knows as well as I."

_18th February, 1872._--This, and Mr. Stanley's goods being found in his
possession, make me resolve to have done with him. My losses by the
robberies of the Banian employed slaves are more than made up by Mr.
Stanley, who has given me twelve bales of calico; nine loads = fourteen
and a half bags of beads; thirty-eight coils of brass wire; a tent;
boat; bath; cooking pots; twelve copper sheets; air beds; trowsers;
jackets, &c. Indeed, I am again quite set up, and as soon as he can send
men, not slaves, from the coast I go to my work, with a fair prospect of
finishing it.

_19th February, 1872._--Rest. Receive 38 coils of brass wire from Mr.
Stanley, 14-1/2 bags of beads, 12 copper sheets, a strong canvas tent,
boat-trowsers, nine loads of calico, a bath, cooking pots, a medicine
chest, a good lot of tools, tacks, screw nails, copper nails, books,
medicines, paper, tar, many cartridges, and some shot.

_20th February, 1872._--To my great joy I got four flannel shirt from
Agnes, and I was delighted to find that two pairs of fine English boots
had most considerately been sent by my friend Mr. Waller. Mr. Stanley
and I measured the calico and found that 733-3/4 yards were wanting,
also two frasilahs of samsam, and one case of brandy. Othman pretended
sickness, and blamed the dead men, but produced a bale of calico hidden
in Thani's goods; this reduced the missing quantity to 436-1/2 yards.

_21st February, 1872._--Heavy rains. I am glad we are in shelter. Masudi
is an Arab, near to Ali bin Salem at Bagamoio. Bushir is an Arab, for
whose slave he took a bale of calico. Masudi took this Chirongozi, who
is not a slave, as a pagazi or porter. Robbed by Bushir at the 5th camp
from Bagamoio. Othman confessed that he knew of the sale of the box of
brandy, and brought also a shawl which he had forgotten: I searched him,
and found Mr. Stanley's stores which he had stolen.

_22nd February, 1872._--Service this morning, and thanked God for safety
thus far. Got a packet of letters from an Arab.

_23rd February, 1872._--Send to Governor for a box which he has kept for
four years: it is all eaten by white ants: two fine guns and a pistol
are quite destroyed, all the wood-work being eaten. The brandy bottles
were broken to make it appear as if by an accident, but the corks being
driven in, and corks of maize cobs used in their place, show that a
thief has drunk the brandy and then broken the bottles. The tea was
spoiled, but the china was safe, and the cheese good.

_24th February, 1872._--Writing a despatch to Lord Granville against
Banian slaving, and in favour of an English native settlement transfer.

_25th February, 1872._--A number of Batusi women came to-day asking for
presents. They are tall and graceful in form, with well-shaped small
heads, noses, and mouths. They are the chief owners of cattle here. The
war with Mirambo is still going on. The Governor is ashamed to visit me.

_26th February, 1872._--Writing journal and despatch.

_27th February, 1872._--Moene-mokaia is ill of heart disease and liver
abscess. I sent him some blistering fluid. To-day we hold a Christmas
feast.

_28th February, 1872._--Writing journal. Syde bin Salem called; he is a
China-looking man, and tried to be civil to us.

_5th March, 1872._--My friend Moene-mokaia came yesterday; he is very
ill of abscess in liver, which has burst internally. I gave him some
calomel and jalap to open his bowels. He is very weak; his legs are
swollen, but body emaciated.

_6th March, 1872._--Repairing tent, and receiving sundry stores,
Moenem-okaia died.

_7th March, 1872._--Received a machine for filling cartridges.

_8th and 9th March, 1872._--Writing.

_10th March, 1872._--Writing. Gave Mr. Stanley a cheque for 5000 rupees
on Stewart and Co., Bombay. This 500_l._ is to be drawn if Dr. Kirk has
expended the rest of the 1000_l._ If not, then the cheque is to be
destroyed by Mr. Stanley.

_12th March, 1872._--Writing.

_13th March, 1872._--Finished my letter to Mr. Bennett of the _New York
Herald_, and Despatch No. 3 to Lord Granville.

_14th March, 1872._--Mr. Stanley leaves. I commit to his care my journal
sealed with five seals: the impressions on them are those of an American
gold coin, anna, and half anna, and cake of paint with royal arms.
Positively not to be opened.

[We must leave each heart to know its own bitterness, as the old
explorer retraces his steps to the Tembé at Kwihara, there to hope and
pray that good fortune may attend his companion of the last few months
on his journey to the coast; whilst Stanley, duly impressed with the
importance of that which he can reveal to the outer world, and laden
with a responsibility which by this time can be fully comprehended,
thrusts on through every difficulty.

There is nothing for it now but to give Mr. Stanley time to get to
Zanzibar, and to shorten by any means at hand the anxious period which
must elapse before evidence can arrive that he has carried out the
commission entrusted to him.

As we shall see, Livingstone was not without some material to afford him
occupation. Distances were calculated from native report; preparations
were pushed on for the coming journey to Lake Bangweolo; apparatus was
set in order. Travellers from all quarters dropped in from time to time:
each contributed something about his own land; whilst waifs and strays
of news from the expedition sent by the Arabs against Mirambo kept the
settlement alive. To return to his Diary.

How much seems to lie in their separating, when we remember that with
the last shake of the hand, and the last adieu, came the final parting
between Livingstone and all that could represent the interest felt by
the world in his travels, or the sympathy of the white man!]

_15th March, 1872._--Writing to send after Mr. Stanley by two of his
men, who wait here for the purpose. Copied line of route, observations
from Kabuiré to Casembe's, the second visit, and on to Lake Bangweolo;
then the experiment of weight on watch-key at Nyañgwé and Lusizé.

_16th March, 1872._--Sent the men after Mr. Stanley, and two of mine to
bring his last words, if any.

[Sunday was kept in the quiet of the Tembé, on the 17th March. Two days
after, and his birthday again comes round--that day which seems always
to have carried with it such a special solemnity. He has yet time to
look back on his marvellous deliverances, and the venture he is about to
launch forth upon.]

_19th March, 1872._--Birthday. My Jesus, my king, my life, my all; I
again dedicate my whole self to Thee. Accept me, and grant, Gracious
Father, that ere this year is gone I may finish my task. In Jesus' name
I ask it. Amen, so let it be.

DAVID LIVINGSTONE.

[Many of his astronomical observations were copied out at this time, and
minute records taken of the rainfall. Books saved up against a rainy day
were read in the middle of the "Masika" and its heavy showers.]

_21st March, 1872._--Read Baker's book. It is artistic and clever.
He does good service in exploring the Nile slave-trade; I hope he may be
successful in suppressing it.

The Batusi are the cattle herds of all this Unyanyembé region. They are
very polite in address. The women have small compact, well-shaped heads
and pretty faces; colour, brown; very pleasant to speak to; well-shaped
figures, with small hands and feet; the last with high insteps, and
springy altogether. Plants and grass are collected every day, and a fire
with much smoke made to fumigate the cattle and keep off flies: the
cattle like it, and the valleys are filled with smoke in the evening in
consequence. The Baganda are slaves in comparison; black, with a tinge
of copper-colour sometimes; bridgeless noses, large nostrils and lips,
but well-made limbs and feet.

[We see that the thread by which he still draws back a lingering word or
two from Stanley has not parted yet.]

_25th March, 1872._--Susi brought a letter back from Mr. Stanley. He had
a little fever, but I hope he will go on safely.

_26th March, 1872._--Rain of Masika chiefly by night. The Masika of 1871
began on 23rd of March, and ended 30th of April.

_27th March, 1872._--Reading. Very heavy rains.

_28th March, 1872._--Moenyembegu asked for the loan of a "doti." He is
starving, and so is the war-party at M'Futu; chaining their slaves
together to keep them from running away to get food anywhere.

_29th, 30th, 31st March, 1872._--Very rainy weather. Am reading 'Mungo
Park's Travels;' they look so truthful.

_1st April, 1872._--Read Young's 'Search after Livingstone;' thankful
for many kind words about me. He writes like a gentleman.

_2nd April, 1872._--Making a sounding-line out of lint left by Mr.
Stanley. Whydah birds are now building their nests. The cock-bird brings
fine grass seed-stalks off the top of my Tembé. He takes the end inside
the nest and pulls it all in, save the ear. The hen keeps inside,
constantly arranging the grass with all her might, sometimes making the
whole nest move by her efforts. Feathers are laid in after the grass.

_4th April, 1872._--We hear that Dugumbé's men have come to Ujiji with
fifty tusks. He went down Lualaba with three canoes a long way and
bought much ivory. They were not molested by Monangungo as we were.

My men whom I had sent to look for a book left by accident in a hut some
days' journey off came back stopped by a flood in their track. Copying
observations for Sir T. Maclear.

_8th April, 1872._--An Arab called Seyed bin Mohamad Magibbé called. He
proposes to go west to the country west of Katanga (Urangé).

[It is very interesting to find that the results of the visit paid by
Speke and Grant to Mtéza, King of Uganda, have already become well
marked. As we see, Livingstone was at Unyanyembé when a large trading
party dropped in on their way back to the king, who, it will be
remembered, lives on the north-western shores of the Victoria Nyassa.]

_9th April, 1872._--About 150 Waganga of Mtéza carried a present to
Seyed Burghash, Sultan of Zanzibar, consisting of ivory and a young
elephant.[17] He spent all the ivory in buying return presents of
gunpowder, guns, soap, brandy, gin, &c., and they have stowed it all in
this Tembé. This morning they have taken everything out to see if
anything is spoilt. They have hundreds of packages.

One of the Baganda told me yesterday that the name of the Deity is
Dubalé in his tongue.

_15th April, 1872._--Hung up the sounding-line on poles 1 fathom apart
and tarred it. 375 fathoms of 5 strands.

Ptolemy's geography of Central Africa seems to say that the science was
then (second century A.D.) in a state of decadence from what was known
to the ancient Egyptian priests as revealed to Herodotus 600 years
before his day (or say B.C. 440). They seem to have been well aware by
the accounts of travellers or traders that a great number of springs
contributed to the origin of the Nile, but none could be pointed at
distinctly as the "Fountains," except those I long to discover, or
rather rediscover. Ptolemy seems to have gathered up the threads of
ancient explorations, and made many springs (six) flow into two Lakes
situated East and West of each other--the space above them being
unknown. If the Victoria Lake were large, then it and the Albert would
probably be the Lakes which Ptolemy meant, and it would be pleasant to
call them Ptolemy's sources, rediscovered by the toil and enterprise of
our countrymen Speke, Grant, and Baker--but unfortunately Ptolemy has
inserted the small Lake "Coloe," nearly where the Victoria Lake stands,
and one cannot say where his two Lakes are. Of Lakes Victoria,
Bangweolo, Moero, Kamolondo--Lake Lincoln and Lake Albert, which two did
he mean? The science in his time was in a state of decadence. Were two
Lakes not the relics of a greater number previously known? What says the
most ancient map known of Sethos II.'s time?

_16th April, 1872._--Went over to visit Sultan bin Ali near
Tabora--country open, plains sloping very gently down from low rounded
granite hills covered with trees. Rounded masses of the light grey
granite crop out all over them, but many are hidden by the trees: Tabora
slopes down from some of the same hills that overlook Kwihara, where I
live. At the bottom of the slope swampy land lies, and during the Masika
it is flooded and runs westwards. The sloping plain on the North of the
central drain is called Kazé--that on the South is Tabora, and
this is often applied to the whole space between the hills north and
south. Sultan bin Ali is very hospitable. He is of the Bedawee Arabs,
and a famous marksman with his long Arab gun or matchlock. He often
killed hares with it, always hitting them in the head. He is about
sixty-five years of age, black eyed, six feet high and inclined to
stoutness, and his long beard is nearly all grey. He provided two
bountiful meals for self and attendants.

Called on Mohamad bin Nassur--recovering from sickness. He presented a
goat and a large quantity of guavas. He gave the news that came from
Dugumbé's underling Nseréré, and men now at Ujiji; they went S.W. to
country called Nombé, it is near Rua, and where copper is smelted. After
I left them on account of the massacre at Nyañgwé, they bought much
ivory, but acting in the usual Arab way, plundering and killing, they
aroused the Bakuss' ire, and as they are very numerous, about 200 were
killed, and none of Dugumbé's party. They brought fifty tusks to Ujiji.
We dare not pronounce positively on any event in life, but this looks
like prompt retribution on the perpetrators of the horrible and
senseless massacre of Nyañgwé. It was not vengeance by the relations of
the murdered ones we saw shot and sunk in the Lualaba, for there is no
communication between the people of Nyañgwé and the Bakuss or people of
Nombé of Lomamé--that massacre turned my heart completely against
Dugumbé's people. To go with them to Lomamé as my slaves were willing to
do, was so repugnant I preferred to return that weary 400 or 600 miles
to Ujiji. I mourned over my being baffled and thwarted all the way, but
tried to believe that it was all for the best--this news shows that had
I gone with these people to Lomamé, I could not have escaped the Bakuss
spears, for I could not have run like the routed fugitives. I was
prevented from going in order to save me from death. Many escapes from
danger I am aware of: some make me shudder, as I think how near to
death's door I came. But how many more instances of Providential
protecting there may be of which I know nothing! But I thank most
sincerely the good Lord of all for His goodness to me.

_18th April, 1872._--I pray the good Lord of all to favour me so as to
allow me to discover the ancient fountains of Herodotus, and if there
is anything in the underground excavations to confirm the precious old
documents (τἁ βιβλἱα), the Scriptures of truth, may He permit
me to bring it to light, and give me wisdom to make a proper use of it.

Some seem to feel that their own importance in the community is enhanced
by an imaginary connection with a discovery or discoverer of the Nile
sources, and are only too happy to figure, if only in a minor part, as
theoretical discoverers--a theoretical discovery being a contradiction
in terms.

The cross has been used--not as a Christian emblem certainly, but from
time immemorial as the form in which the copper ingot of Katañga is
moulded--this is met with quite commonly, and is called Handiplé
Mahandi. Our capital letter I (called Vigera) is the large form of the
bars of copper, each about 60 or 70 lbs. weight, seen all over Central
Africa and from Katañga.

_19th April, 1872._--A roll of letters and newspapers, apparently, came
to-day for Mr. Stanley. The messenger says he passed Mr. Stanley on the
way, who said, "Take this to the Doctor;" this is erroneous. The Prince
of Wales is reported to be dying of typhoid fever: the Princess Louise
has hastened to his bedside.

_20th April, 1872._--Opened it on 20th, and found nine 'New York
Heralds' of December 1-9, 1871, and one letter for Mr. Stanley, which. I
shall forward, and one stick of tobacco.

_21st April, 1872._--Tarred the tent presented by Mr. Stanley.

_23rd April, 1872._--Visited Kwikuru, and saw the chief of all the
Banyamwezi (around whose Boma it is), about sixty years old, and
partially paralytic. He told me that he had gone as far as Katañga by
the same Fipa route I now propose to take, when a little boy following
his father, who was a great trader.

The name Banyamwezi arose from an ivory ornament of the shape of the new
moon hung to the neck, with a horn reaching round over either shoulder.
They believe that they came from the sea-coast, Mombas (?) of old, and
when people inquired for them they said, "We mean the men of the moon
ornament." It is very popular even now, and a large amount of ivory is
cut down in its manufacture; some are made of the curved tusks of
hippopotami. The Banyamwezi have turned out good porters, and they do
most of the carrying work of the trade to and from the East Coast; they
are strong and trustworthy. One I saw carried six frasilahs, or 200
lbs., of ivory from Unyanyembé to the sea-coast.

The prefix "_Nya_" in Nyamwezi seems to mean place or locality, as Mya
does on the Zambesi. If the name referred to the "moon ornament," as the
people believe, the name would be Ba or Wamwezi, but Banyamwezi means
probably the Ba--they or people--Nya, place--Mwezi, moon, people of the
moon locality or moon-land.

_Unyanyembé_, place of hoes.

Unyambéwa.

Unyangoma, place of drums.

Nyangurué, place of pigs.

Nyangkondo.

Nyarukwé.

It must be a sore affliction to be bereft of one's reason, and the more
so if the insanity takes the form of uttering thoughts which in a sound
state we drive from us as impure.

_25th and 26th April, 1872._--A touch of fever from exposure.

_27th April, 1872._--Better, and thankful. Zahor died of small-pox here,
after collecting much ivory at Fipa and Urungu. It is all taken up by
Lewalé.[18]

The rains seem nearly over, and are succeeded by very cold easterly
winds; these cause fever by checking the perspiration, and are well
known as eminently febrile. The Arabs put the cause of the fever to the
rains drying up. In my experience it is most unhealthy during the rains
if one gets wet; the chill is brought on, the bowels cease to act, and
fever sets in. Now it is the cold wind that operates, and possibly this
is intensified by the malaria of the drying-up surface. A chill from
bathing on the 25th in cold water gave me a slight attack.

_1st May, 1872._--Unyanyembé: bought a cow for 11 dotis of merikano (and
2 kaniké for calf), she gives milk, and this makes me independent.

Headman of the Baganda from whom I bought it said, "I go off to pray."
He has been taught by Arabs, and is the first proselyte they have
gained. Baker thinks that the first want of Africans is to teach them to
_want_. Interesting, seeing he was bored almost to death by Kamrasi
wanting everything he had.

Bought three more cows and calves for milk, they give good quantity
enough for me and mine, and are small shorthorns: one has a hump--two
black with white spots and one white--one black with white face: the
Baganda were well pleased with the prices given, and so am I. Finished a
letter for the _New York Herald,_ trying to enlist American zeal to stop
the East Coast slave-trade: I pray for a blessing on it from the
All-Gracious. [Through a coincidence a singular interest attaches to
this entry. The concluding words of the letter he refers to are as
follows:--]

"All I can add in my loneliness is, may Heaven's rich blessing come down
on everyone, American, English, or Turk, who will help to heal the open
sore of the world."

[It was felt that nothing could more palpably represent the man, and
this quotation has consequently been inscribed upon the tablet erected
to his memory near his grave in Westminster Abbey. It was noticed some
time after selecting it that Livingstone wrote these words exactly one
year before his death, which, as we shall see, took place on the 1st
May, 1873.]

_3rd May, 1872._--The entire population of Unyanyembé called Arab is
eighty males, many of these are country born, and are known by the
paucity of beard and bridgeless noses, as compared with men from Muscat;
the Muscatees are more honourable than the mainlanders, and more
brave--altogether better looking and better everyway.

If we say that the eighty so-called Arabs here have twenty dependants
each, 1500 or 1600 is the outside population of Unyanyembé in connection
with the Arabs. It is called an ivory station, that means simply that
elephant's tusks are the chief articles of trade. But little ivory comes
to market, every Arab who is able sends bands of his people to different
parts to trade: the land being free they cultivate patches of maize,
dura, rice, beans, &c., and after one or two seasons, return with what
ivory they may have secured. Ujiji is the only mart in the country, and
it is chiefly for oil, grain, goats, salt, fish, beef, native produce of
all sorts, and is held daily. A few tusks are sometimes brought, but it
can scarcely be called an ivory mart for that. It is an institution
begun and carried on by the natives in spite of great drawbacks from
unjust Arabs. It resembles the markets of Manyuema, but is attended
every day by about 300 people. No dura has been brought lately to Ujiji,
because a Belooch man found the son of the chief of Mbwara Island
peeping in at his women, and beat the young man, so that on returning
home he died. The Mbwara people always brought much grain before that,
but since that affair never come.

The Arabs send a few freemen as heads of a party of slaves to trade.
These select a friendly chief, and spend at least half these goods
brought in presents on him, and in buying the best food the country
affords for themselves. It happens frequently that the party comes back
nearly empty handed, but it is the Banians that lose, and the Arabs are
not much displeased. This point is not again occupied if it has been a
dead loss.

_4th May, 1872._--Many palavers about Mirambu's death having taken place
and being concealed. Arabs say that he is a brave man, and the war is
not near its end. Some northern natives called Bagoyé get a keg of
powder and a piece of cloth, go and attack a village, then wait a month
or so eating the food of the captured place, and come back for stores
again: thus the war goes on. Prepared tracing paper to draw a map for
Sir Thomas Maclear. Lewalé invites me to a feast.

_7th May, 1872._--New moon last night. Went to breakfast with Lewalé. He
says that the Mirambo war is virtually against himself as a Seyed Majid
man. They wish to have him removed, and this would be a benefit.

The Banyamwezi told the Arabs that they did not want them to go to
fight, because when one Arab was killed all the rest ran away and the
army got frightened.

"Give us your slaves only and we will fight," say they.

A Magohé man gave charms, and they pressed Mirambo sorely. His brother
sent four tusks as a peace-offering, and it is thought that the end is
near. His mother was plundered, and lost all her cattle.

_9th May, 1872._--No fight, though it was threatened yesterday: they all
like to talk a great deal before striking a blow. They believe that in
the multitude of counsellors there is safety. Women singing as they
pound their grain into meal,--"Oh, the march of Bwanamokolu to Katañga!
Oh, the march to Katañga and back to Ujiji!--Oh, oh, oh!" Bwanamokolu
means the great or old gentleman. Batusi women are very keen traders,
and very polite and pleasing in their address and pretty way of
speaking.

I don't know how the great loving Father will bring all out right at
last, but He knows and will do it.

The African's idea seems to be that they are within the power of a power
superior to themselves--apart from and invisible: good; but frequently
evil and dangerous. This may have been the earliest religious feeling of
dependence on a Divine power without any conscious feeling of its
nature. Idols may have come in to give a definite idea of superior
power, and the primitive faith or impression obtained by Revelation
seems to have mingled with their idolatry without any sense of
incongruity. (See Micah in Judges.)[19]

The origin of the primitive faith in Africans and others, seems always
to have been a divine influence on their dark minds, which has proved
persistent in all ages. One portion of primitive belief--the continued
existence of departed spirits--seems to have no connection whatever with
dreams, or, as we should say, with "ghost seeing," for great agony is
felt in prospect of bodily mutilation or burning of the body after
death, as that is believed to render return to one's native land
impossible. They feel as if it would shut them off from all intercourse
with relatives after death. They would lose the power of doing good to
those onceloved, and evil to those who deserved their revenge. Take the
case of the slaves in the yoke, singing songs of hate and revenge
against those who sold them into slavery. They thought it right so to
harbour hatred, though most of the party had been sold for
crimes--adultery, stealing, &c.--which they knew to be sins.

If Baker's expedition should succeed in annexing the valley of the Nile
to Egypt, the question arises,--Would not the miserable condition of the
natives, when subjected to all the atrocities of the White Nile
slave-traders, be worse under Egyptian dominion? The villages would be
farmed out to tax-collectors, the women, children and boys carried off
into slavery, and the free thought and feeling of the population placed
under the dead weight of Islam. Bad as the situation now is, if Baker
leaves it matters will grow worse. It is probable that actual experience
will correct the fancies he now puts forth as to the proper mode of
dealing with Africans.

_10th May, 1872._--Hamees Wodin Tagh, my friend, is reported slain by
the Makoa of a large village he went to fight. Other influential Arabs
are killed, but full information has not yet arrived. He was in youth a
slave, but by energy and good conduct in trading with the Masai and far
south of Nyassa, and elsewhere, he rose to freedom and wealth. He had
good taste in all his domestic arrangements, and seemed to be a good
man. He showed great kindness to me on my arrival at Chitimbwa's.

_11th May, 1872._--A serpent of dark olive colour was found dead at my
door this morning, probably killed by a cat. Puss approaches very
cautiously, and strikes her claws into the head with a blow delivered as
quick as lightning; then holds the head down with both paws, heedless of
the wriggling mass of coils behind it; she then bites the neck and
leaves it, looking with interest to the disfigured head, as if she knew
that therein had lain the hidden power of mischief. She seems to
possess a little of the nature of the _Ichneumon_, which was sacred in
Egypt from its destroying serpents. The serpent is in pursuit of mice
when killed by puss.

_12th May, 1872._--Singeri, the headman of the Baganda here, offered me
a cow and calf yesterday, but I declined, as we were strangers both, and
this is too much for me to take. I said that I would take ten cows at
Mtésa's if he offered them. I gave him a little medicine (arnica) for
his wife, whose face was burned by smoking over gunpowder. Again he
pressed the cow and calf in vain.

The reported death of Hamees Wodin Tagh is contradicted. It was so
circumstantial that I gave it credit, though the false reports in this
land are one of its most marked characteristics. They are "enough to
spear a sow."

_13th May, 1872._--He will keep His word--the gracious One, full of
grace and truth--no doubt of it. He said, "Him that cometh unto me, I
will in nowise cast out," and "Whatsoever ye shall ask in my name I
will give it." He WILL keep His word: then I can come and humbly
present my petition, and it will be all right. Doubt is here
inadmissible, surely.--D.L.

Ajala's people, sent to buy ivory in Uganda, were coming back with some
ten tusks and were attacked at Ugalla by robbers, and one free man
slain: the rest threw everything down and fled. They came here with
their doleful tale to-day.

_14th May, 1872._--People came from Ujiji to-day, and report that many
of Mohamad Bogharib's slaves have died of small-pox--Fundi and Suliman
amongst them. Others sent out to get firewood have been captured by the
Waha. Mohamad's chief slave, Othman, went to see the cause of their
losses received a spear in the back, the point coming out at his
breast. It is scarcely possible to tell how many of the slaves have
perished since they were bought or captured, but the loss has been
grievous.

Lewalé off to Mfutu to loiter and not to fight. The Bagoyé don't wish
Arabs to come near the scene of action, because, say they, "When one
Arab is killed all the rest ran away, and they frighten us thereby. Stay
at M'futu; we will do all the fighting." This is very acceptable advice.

_16th May, 1872._--A man came from Ujiji to say one of the party at
Kasongo's reports that a marauding party went thence to the island of
Bazula north of them. They ferried them to an island, and in coming back
they were assaulted by the islanders in turn. They speared two in canoes
shoving off, and the rest, panic-struck, took to the water, and
thirty-five were slain. It was a just punishment, and shows what the
Manyuema can do, if aroused to right their wrongs. No news of Baker's
party; but Abed and Hassani are said to be well, and far down the
Lualaba. Nassur Masudi is at Kasongo's, probably afraid by the Zula
slaughter to go further. They will shut their own market against
themselves. Lewalé sends off letters to the Sultan to-day. I have no
news to send, but am waiting wearily.

_17th May, 1872._--Ailing. Making cheeses for the journey: good, but
sour rather, as the milk soon turns in this climate, and we don't use
rennet, but allow the milk to coagulate of itself, and it does thicken
in half a day.

_18th-19th May, 1872._--One of Dugumbé's men came to-day from Ujiji. He
confirms the slaughter of Matereka's people, but denies that of
Dugumbé's men. They went to Lomamé about eleven days west, and found it
to be about the size of Luamo; it comes from a Lake, and goes to
Lualaba, near the Kisingité, a cataract. Dugumbé then sent his people
down Lualaba, where much ivory is to be obtained. They secured a great
deal of copper--1000 thick bracelets--on the south-west of Nyangwé, and
some ivory, but not so much as they desired. No news of Abed. Lomamé
water is black, and black scum comes up in it.

_20th May, 1872._--Better. Very cold winds. The cattle of the Batusi
were captured by the Arabs to prevent them going off with the Baganda:
my four amongst them. I sent over for them and they were returned this
morning. Thirty-five of Mohamad's slaves died of small-pox.

_21st May, 1872._--The genuine Africans of this region have flattened
nose-bridges; the higher grades of the tribes have prominent
nose-bridges, and are on this account greatly admired by the Arabs. The
Batusi here, the Balunda of Casembe, and Itawa of Nsama, and many
Manyuema have straight noses, but every now and then you come to
districts in which the bridgeless noses give the air of the low English
bruiser class, or faces inclining to King Charles the Second's spaniels.
The Arab progeny here have scanty beards, and many grow to a very great
height--tall, gaunt savages; while the Muscatees have prominent
nose-bridges, good beards, and are polite and hospitable.

I wish I had some of the assurance possessed by others, but I am
oppressed with the apprehension that after all it may turn out that I
have been following the Congo; and who would risk being put into a
cannibal pot, and converted into black man for it?

_22nd May, 1872._--Baganga are very black, with a tinge of copper colour
in some. Bridgeless noses all.

_23rd May, 1872._--There seems but little prospect of Christianity
spreading by ordinary means among Mohamadans. Their pride is a great
obstacle, and is very industriously nurtured by its votaries. No new
invention or increase of power on the part of Christians seems to
disturb the self-complacent belief that ultimately all power and
dominion in this world will fall into the hands of Moslems. Mohamad will
appear at last in glory, with all his followers saved by him. When Mr.
Stanley's Arab boy from Jerusalem told the Arab bin Saleh that he was a
Christian, he was asked, "Why so, don't you know that all the world will
soon be Mohamadan? Jerusalem is ours; all the world is ours, and in a
short time we shall overcome all." Theirs are great expectations!

A family of ten Whydah birds _(Vidua purpurea)_ come to the
pomegranate-trees in our yard. The eight young ones, full-fledged, are
fed by the dam, as young pigeons are. The food is brought up from the
crop without the bowing and bending of the pigeon. They chirrup briskly
for food: the dam gives most, while the redbreasted cock gives one or
two, and then knocks the rest away.

_24th May, 1872._--Speke at Kasengé islet inadvertently made a general
statement thus: "The mothers of these savage people have infinitely less
affection than many savage beasts of my acquaintance. I have seen a
mother bear, galled by frequent shots, obstinately meet her death by
repeatedly returning under fire whilst endeavouring to rescue her young
from the grasp of intruding men. But here, for a simple loin-cloth or
two, human mothers eagerly exchanged their little offspring, delivering
them into perpetual bondage to my Beluch soldiers."--_Speke_, pp. 234,5.
For the sake of the little story of "a bear mother," Speke made a
general assertion on a very small and exceptional foundation. Frequent
inquiries among the most intelligent and far-travelled Arabs failed to
find confirmation of this child-selling, except in the very rare case of
a child cutting the upper front teeth before the under, and because this
child is believed to be "moiko" (_unlucky_), and certain to bring death
into the family. It is called an Arab child, and sold to the first Arab,
or even left at his door. This is the only case the Arabs know of
child-selling. Speke had only two Beluch soldiers with him, and the idea
that they loaded themselves with infants, at once stamps the tale as
fabulous. He may have seen one sold, an extremely rare and exceptional
case; but the inferences drawn are just like that of the Frenchman who
thought the English so partial to suicide in November, that they might
be seen suspended from trees in the common highways.

In crossing Tanganyika three several times I was detained at the islet
Kasengé about ten weeks in all. On each occasion Arab traders were
present, all eager to buy slaves, but none were offered, and they
assured me that they had never seen the habit alleged to exist by Speke,
though they had heard of the "unlucky" cases referred to. Everyone has
known of poor little foundlings in England, but our mothers are not
credited with less affection than she-bears.

I would say to missionaries, Come on, brethren, to the real heathen. You
have no idea how brave you are till you try. Leaving the coast tribes,
and devoting yourselves heartily to the savages, as they are called, you
will find, with some drawbacks and wickednesses, a very great deal to
admire and love. Many statements made about them require confirmation.
You will never see women selling their infants: the Arabs never did, nor
have I. An assertion of the kind was made by mistake.

Captive children are often sold, but not by their mothers. Famine
sometimes reduces fathers to part with them, but the selling of
children, as a general practice, is quite unknown, and, as Speke put it,
quite a mistake.

_25th and 26th May, 1872._--Cold weather. Lewalé sends for all Arabs to
make a grand assault, as it is now believed that Mirambo is dead, and
only his son, with few people, remains.

Two Whydah birds, after their nest was destroyed several times, now try
again in another pomegranate-tree in the yard. They put back their eggs,
as they have the power to do, and build again.

The trout has the power of keeping back the ova when circumstances are
unfavourable to their deposit. She can quite absorb the whole, but
occasionally the absorbents have too much to do; the ovarium, and
eventually the whole abdomen, seems in a state of inflammation, as when
they are trying to remove a mortified human limb; and the poor fish,
feeling its strength leaving it, true to instinct, goes to the entrance
to the burn where it ought to have spawned, and, unable to ascend, dies.
The defect is probably the want of the aid of a milter.

_27th May, 1872._--Another pair of the kind (in which the cock is
redbreasted) had ten chickens, also rebuilds afresh. The red cock-bird
feeds all the brood. Each little one puts his head on one side as he
inserts his bill, chirruping briskly, and bothering him. The young ones
lift up a feather as a child would a doll, and invite others to do the
same, in play. So, too, with another pair. The cock skips from side to
side with a feather in his bill, and the hen is pleased: nature is full
of enjoyment. Near Kasanganga's I saw boys shooting locusts that settled
on the ground with little bows and arrows.

Cock Whydah bird died in the night. The brood came and chirruped to it
for food, and tried to make it feed them, as if not knowing death!

A wagtail dam refused its young a caterpillar till it had been
killed--she ran away from it, but then gave it when ready to be
swallowed. The first smile of an infant with its toothless gums is one
of the pleasantest sights in nature. It is innocence claiming kinship,
and asking to be loved in its helplessness.

_28th May, 1872._--Many parts of this interior land present most
inviting prospects for well-sustained efforts of private benevolence.
Karagué, for instance, with its intelligent friendly chief Rumainyika
(Speke's Rumanika), and Bouganda, with its teeming population, rain, and
friendly chief, who could easily be swayed by an energetic prudent
missionary. The evangelist must not depend on foreign support other
than an occasional supply of beads and calico; coffee is indigenous, and
so is sugar-cane. When detained by ulcerated feet in Manyuema I made
sugar by pounding the cane in the common wooden mortar of the country,
squeezing out the juice very hard and boiling it till thick; the defect
it had was a latent acidity, for which I had no lime, and it soon all
fermented. I saw sugar afterwards at Ujiji made in the same way, and
that kept for months. Wheat and rice are cultivated by the Arabs in all
this upland region; the only thing a missionary needs in order to secure
an abundant supply is to follow the Arab advice as to the proper season
for sowing. Pomegranates, guavas, lemons and oranges are abundant in
Unyanyembé; mangoes flourish, and grape vines are beginning to be
cultivated; papaws grow everywhere. Onions, radishes, pumpkins and
watermelons prosper, and so would most European vegetables, if the
proper seasons were selected for planting, and the most important point
attended to in bringing the seeds. These must never be soldered in tins
or put in close boxes; a process of sweating takes place when they are
confined, as in a box or hold of the ship, and the power of vegetating
is destroyed, but garden seeds put up in common brown paper, and hung in
the cabin on the voyage, and not exposed to the direct rays of the sun
afterwards, I have found to be as good as in England.

It would be a sort of Robinson Crusoe life, but with abundant materials
for surrounding oneself with comforts, and improving the improvable
among the natives. Clothing would require but small expense: four suits
of strong tweed served me comfortably for five years. Woollen clothing
is the best; if all wool, it wears long and prevents chills. The
temperature here in the beginning of winter ranges from 62° to 75° Fahr.
In summer it seldom goes above 84°, as the country generally is from
3600 to 4000 feet high. Gently undulating plains with outcropping
tree-covered granite hills on the ridges and springs in valleys will
serve as a description of the country.

_29th May, 1872._--Halima ran away in a quarrel with Ntaoéka: I went
over to Sultan bin Ali and sent a note after her, but she came back of
her own accord, and only wanted me to come outside and tell her to
enter. I did so, and added, "You must not quarrel again." She has been
extremely good ever since I got her from Katombo or Moene-mokaia: I
never had to reprove her once. She is always very attentive and clever,
and never stole, nor would she allow her husband to steal. She is the
best spoke in the wheel; this her only escapade is easily forgiven, and
I gave her a warm cloth for the cold, by way of assuring her that I had
no grudge against her. I shall free her, and buy her a house and garden
at Zanzibar, when we get there.[20] Smokes or haze begins, and birds,
stimulated by the cold, build briskly.

_30th May, 1872, Sunday._--Sent over to Sultan bin Ali, to write another
note to Lewalé, to say first note not needed.

_31st May, 1872._--The so-called Arab war with Mirambo drags its slow
length along most wearily. After it is over then we shall get Banyamwezi
pagazi in abundance. It is not now known whether Mirambo is alive or
not: some say that he died long ago, and his son keeps up his state
instead.

In reference to this Nile source I have been kept in perpetual doubt and
perplexity. I know too much to be positive. Great Lualaba, or Lualubba,
as Manyuema say, may turn out to be the Congo and Nile, a shorter river
after all--the fountains flowing north and south seem in favour of its
being the Nile. Great westing is in favour of the Congo. It would be
comfortable to be positive like Baker. "Every drop from the passing
shower to the roaring mountain torrent must fall into Albert Lake, a
giant at its birth." How soothing to be positive.

_1st June, 1872._--Visited by Jemadar Hamees from Katanga, who gives the
following information.

UNYANYEMBÉ, _Tuesday_.--Hamees bin Jumaadarsabel, a Beluch, came here
from Katanga to-day. He reports that the three Portuguese traders, Jão,
Domasiko, and Domasho, came to Katanga from Matiamvo. They bought
quantities of ivory and returned: they were carried in Mashilahs[21] by
slaves. This Hamees gave them pieces of gold from the rivulet there
between the two copper or malachite hills from which copper is dug. He
says that Tipo Tipo is now at Katanga, and has purchased much ivory from
Kayomba or Kayombo in Rua. He offers to guide me thither, going first to
Meréré's, where Amran Masudi has now the upper hand, and Meréré offers
to pay all the losses he has caused to Arabs and others. Two letters
were sent by the Portuguese to the East Coast, one is in Amran's hands.
Hamees Wodin Tagh is alive and well. These Portuguese went nowhere from
Katanga, so that they have not touched the sources of the Nile, for
which I am thankful.

Tipo Tipo has made friends with Merosi, the Monyamwezé headman at
Katanga, by marrying his daughter, and has formed the plan of assaulting
Casembe in conjunction with him because Casembe put six of Tipo Tipo's
men to death. He will now be digging gold at Katanga till this man
returns with gunpowder.

[Many busy calculations are met with here which are too involved to be
given in detail. At one point we see a rough conjecture as to the length
of the road through Fipa.]

On looking at the projected route by Meréré's I seethat it will be a
saving of a large angle into Fipa = 350 into Basango country S.S.W. or
S. and by W., this comes into Lat. 10' S., and from this W.S.W. 400' to
Long. of Katanga, skirting Bangweolo S. shore in 12° S. = the whole
distance = 750', say 900'.

[Further on we see that he reckoned on his work occupying him till
1874.]

If Stanley arrived the 1st of May at Zanzibar:--allow = 20 days to get
men and settle with them = May 20th, men leave Zanzibar 22nd of May =
now 1st of June.

On the road may be 10 days
Still to come 30 days, June 30 "
--
Ought to arrive 10th or 15th of July 40 "

14th of June = Stanley being away now 3 months; say he left Zanzibar
24th of May = at Aden 1st of June = Suez 8th of June, near Malta 14th of
June.

Stanley's men may arrive in July next. Then engage pagazi half a month =
August, 5 months of this year will remain for journey, the whole of 1873
will be swallowed up in work, but in February or March, 1874, please the
Almighty Disposer of events, I shall complete my task and retire.

_2nd June, 1872._--A second crop here, as in Angola. The lemons and
pomegranates are flowering and putting out young fruits anew, though the
crops of each have just been gathered. Wheat planted a month ago is now
a foot high, and in three months will be harvested. The rice and dura
are being reaped, and the hoes are busy getting virgin land ready.
Beans, and Madagascar underground beans, voandzeia and ground-nuts are
ripe now. Mangoes are formed; the weather feels cold, min. 62°, max.
74°, and stimulates the birds to pair and build, though they are of
broods scarcely weaned from being fed by their parents. Bees swarm and
pass over us. Sky clear, with fleecy clouds here and there.

_7th June, 1872._--Sultan bin Ali called. He says that the path by Fipa
is the best, it has plenty of game, and people are friendly.[22] By
going to Amran I should get into the vicinity of Meréré, and possibly be
detained, as the country is in a state of war. The Beluch would
naturally wish to make a good thing of me, as he did of Speke. I gave
him a cloth and arranged the Sungomazé beads, but the box and beads
weigh 140 lbs., or two men's loads. I visited Lewalé. Heard of Baker
going to Unyoro Water, Lake Albert. Lewalé praises the road by
Moeneyungo and Meréré, and says he will give a guide, but he never went
that way.

_10th June, 1872._--Othman, our guide from Ujiji hither, called to-day,
and says positively that the way by Fipa is decidedly the shortest and
easiest: there is plenty of game, and the people are all friendly. He
reports that Mirambo's headman, Merungwé, was assaulted and killed, and
all his food, cattle, and grain used. Mirambo remains alone. He has, it
seems, inspired terror in the Arab and Banyamwezi mind by his charms,
and he will probably be allowed to retreat north by flight, and the war
for a season close; if so, we shall get plenty of Banyamwezi pagazi, and
be off, for which I earnestly long and pray.

_13th June, 1872._--Sangara, one of Mr. Stanley's men, returned from
Bagamoio, and reports that my caravan is at Ugogo. He arrived to-day,
and reports that Stanley and the American Consul acted like good
fellows, and soon got a party of over fifty off, as he heard while at
Bagamoio, and he left. The main body, he thinks, are in Ugogo. Hecame
on with the news, but the letters were not delivered to him. I do most
fervently thank the good Lord of all for His kindness to me through
these gentlemen. The men will come here about the end of this month.
Bombay happily pleaded sickness as an excuse for not re-engaging, as
several others have done. He saw that I got a clear view of his
failings, and he could not hope to hoodwink me.

After Sangara came, I went over to Kukuru to see what the Lewalé had
received, but he was absent at Tabora. A great deal of shouting, firing
of guns, and circumgyration by the men who had come from the war just
outside the stockade of Nkisiwa (which is surrounded by a hedge of dark
euphorbia and stands in a level hollow) was going on as we descended the
gentle slope towards it. Two heads had been put up as trophies in the
village, and it was asserted that Marukwé, a chief man of Mirambo, had
been captured at Uvinza, and his head would soon come too. It actually
did come, and was put up on a pole.

I am most unfeignedly thankful that Stanley and Webb have acted nobly.

_14th June, 1872._--On 22nd June Stanley was 100 days gone: he must be
in London now.

Seyed bin Mohamad Margibbé called to say that he was going off towards
Katanga to-morrow by way of Amran. I feel inclined to go by way of Fipa
rather, though I should much like to visit Meréré. By the bye, he says
too that the so-called Portuguese had filed teeth, and are therefore
Mambarré.

_15th June, 1872._--Lewalé doubts Sangara on account of having brought
no letters. Nothing can be believed in this land unless it is in black
and white, and but little even then; the most circumstantial details are
often mere figments of the brain. The one half one hears may safely be
called false, and the other half doubtful or _not proven._

Sultan bin Ali doubts Sangara's statements also, but says, "Let us wait
and see the men arrive, to confirm or reject them." I incline to belief,
because he says that he did not see the men, but heard of them at
Bagamoio.

_16th June, 1872._--Nsaré chief, Msalala, came selling from Sakuma on
the north--a jocular man, always a favourite with the ladies. He offered
a hoe as a token of friendship, but I bought it, as we are, I hope, soon
going off, and it clears the tent floor and ditch round it in wet
weather.

Mirambo made a sortie against a headman in alliance with the Arabs, and
was quite successful, which shows that he is not so much reduced as
reports said.

Boiling points to-day about 9 A.M. There is a full degree of difference
between boiling in an open pot and in Casella's apparatus.

205°.1 open pot }
} 69° air.
206°.1 Casella }

About 200 Baguha came here, bringing much ivory and palm oil for sale
because there is no market nor goods at Ujiji for the produce. A few
people came also from Buganda, bringing four tusks and an invitation to
Seyed Burghash to send for two housefuls of ivory which Mtéza has
collected.

_18th June, 1872._--Sent over a little quinine to Sultan bin Ali--he is
ailing of fever--and a glass of "Moiko" the shameful!

The Ptolemaic map defines people according to their food. The
Elephantophagi, the Struthiophagi, the Ichthyophagi, and Anthropophagi.
If we followed the same sort of classification our definition would be
the drink, thus:--the tribe of stout-guzzlers, the roaring
potheen-fuddlers, the whisky-fishoid-drinkers, the vin-ordinaire
bibbers, the lager-beer-swillers, and an outlying tribe of the brandy
cocktail persuasion.

[His keen enjoyment in noticing the habits of animals and birds serves
a good purpose whilst waiting wearily and listening to disputed rumours
concerning the Zanzibar porters. The little orphan birds seem to get on
somehow or other; perhaps the Englishman's eye was no bad protection,
and his pity towards the fledglings was a good lesson, we will hope, to
the children around the Tembé at Kwihara--]

_19th June, 1872._--Whydahs, though full fledged, still gladly take a
feed from their dam, putting down the breast to the ground and cocking
up the bill and chirruping in the most engaging manner and winning way
they know. She still gives them a little, but administers a friendly
shove off too. They all pick up feathers or grass, and hop from side to
side of their mates, as if saying, "Come, let us play at making little
houses." The wagtail has shaken her young quite off, and has a new nest.
She warbles prettily, very much like a canary, and is extremely active
in catching flies, but eats crumbs of bread-and-milk too. Sun-birds
visit the pomegranate flowers and eat insects therein too, as well as
nectar. The young whydah birds crouch closely together at night for
heat. They look like a woolly ball on a branch. By day they engage in
pairing and coaxing each other. They come to the same twig every night.
Like children they try and lift heavy weights of feathers above their
strength.

[How fully he hoped to reach the hill from which he supposed the Nile to
flow is shown in the following words written at this time:--]

I trust in Providence still to help me. I know the four rivers Zambesi,
Kafué, Luapula, and Lomamé, their fountains must exist in one region.

An influential Muganda is dead of dysentery: no medicine had any effect
in stopping the progress of the disease. This is much colder than his
country. Another is blind from ophthalmia.

Great hopes are held that the war which has lasted a full year will now
be brought to a close, and Mirambo either be killed or flee. As he is
undoubtedly an able man, his flight may involve much trouble and
guerilla warfare.

Clear cold weather, and sickly for those who have only thin clothing,
and not all covered.

The women work very hard in providing for their husbands' kitchens. The
rice is the most easily prepared grain: three women stand round a huge
wooden mortar with pestles in their hands, a gallon or so of the
unhusked rice--called Mopunga here and paddy in India--is poured in, and
the three heavy pestles worked in exact time; each jerks up her body as
she lifts the pestle and strikes it into the mortar with all her might,
lightening the labour with some wild ditty the while, though one hears
by the strained voice that she is nearly out of breath. When the husks
are pretty well loosened, the grain is put into a large plate-shaped
basket and tossed so as to bring the chaff to one side, the vessel is
then heaved downwards and a little horizontal motion given to it which
throws the refuse out; the partially cleared grain is now returned to
the mortar, again pounded and cleared of husks, and a semicircular toss
of the vessel sends all the remaining unhusked grain to one side, which
is lifted out with the hand, leaving the chief part quite clean: they
certainly work hard and well. The maize requires more labour by far: it
is first pounded to remove the outer scales from the grain, then steeped
for three days in water, then pounded, the scales again separated by the
shallow-basket tossings, then pounded fine, and the fine white flour
separated by the basket from certain hard rounded particles, which are
cooked as a sort of granular porridge--"Mtyéllé."

When Ntaoéka chose to follow us rather than go to the coast, I did not
like to have a fine-looking woman among us unattached, and proposed that
she should marry one of my three worthies, Chuma, Gardner, or Mabruki,
but she smiled at the idea. Chuma was evidently too lazy ever to get a
wife; the other two were contemptible in appearance, and she has a good
presence and is buxom. Chuma promised reform: "he had been lazy, he
admitted, because he had no wife." Circumstances led to the other women
wishing Ntaoéka married, and on my speaking to her again she consented.
I have noticed her ever since working hard from morning to night: the
first up in the cold mornings, making fire and hot water, pounding,
carrying water, wood, sweeping, cooking.

_21st June, 1872._--No jugglery or sleight-of-hand, as was recommended
to Napoleon III., would have any effect in the civilization of the
Africans; they have too much good sense for that. Nothing brings them to
place thorough confidence in Europeans but a long course of well-doing.
They believe readily in the supernatural as effecting any new process or
feat of skill, for it is part of their original faith to ascribe
everything above human agency to unseen spirits. Goodness or
unselfishness impresses their minds more than any kind of skill or
power. They say, "You have different hearts from ours; all black men's
hearts are bad, but yours are good." The prayer to Jesus for a new heart
and right spirit at once commends itself as appropriate. Music has great
influence on those who have musical ears, and often leads to conversion.

[Here and there he gives more items of intelligence from the war which
afford a perfect representation of the rumours and contradictions which
harass the listener in Africa, especially if he is interested, as
Livingstone was, in the re-establishment of peace between the
combatants.]

Lewalé is off to the war with Mirambo; he is to finish it now! A
continuous fusilade along his line of march west will expend much
powder, but possibly get the spirits up. If successful, we shall get
Banyamwezi pagazi in numbers.

Mirambo is reported to have sent 100 tusks and 100 slaves towards the
coast to buy gunpowder. If true, the war is still far from being
finished; but falsehood is fashionable.

_26th June, 1872._--Went over to Kwikuru and engaged Mohamad bin Seyde
to speak to Nkasiwa for pagazi; he wishes to go himself. The people sent
by Mirambo to buy gunpowder in Ugogo came to Kitambi, he reported the
matter to Nkasiwa that they had come, and gave them pombe. When Lewalé
heard it, he said, "Why did Kitambi not kill them; he is a partaker in
Mirambo's guilt?" A large gathering yesterday at M'futu to make an
assault on the last stockade in hostility.

[A few notes in another pocket-book are placed under this date. Thus:--]

_24th June, 1872._--A continuous covering of forests is a sign of a
virgin country. The earlier seats of civilization are bare and treeless
according to Humboldt. The civilization of the human race sets bounds to
the increase of forests. It is but recently that sylvan decorations
rejoice the eyes of the Northern Europeans. The old forests attest the
youthfulness of our civilization. The aboriginal woods of Scotland are
but recently cut down. (Hugh Miller's _Sketches_, p. 7.)

Mosses often evidence the primitive state of things at the time of the
Roman invasion. Roman axe like African, a narrow chisel-shaped tool,
left sticking in the stumps.

The medical education has led me to a continual tendency to suspend the
judgment. What a state of blessedness it would have been had I possessed
the dead certainty of the homoeopathic persuasion, and as soon as I
found the Lakes Bangweolo, Moero, and Kamolondo pouring out their waters
down the great central valley, bellowed out, "Hurrah! Eureka!" and gone
home in firm and honest belief that I had settled it, and no mistake.
Instead of that I am even now not at all "cock-sure" that I have not
been following down what may after all be the Congo.

_25th June, 1872._--Send over to Tabora to try and buy a cow from
Basakuma, or northern people, who have brought about 100 for sale. I got
two oxen for a coil of brass wire and seven dotis of cloth.

FOOTNOTES:

[17] This elephant was subsequently sent by Dr. Kirk to Sir Philip
Wodehouse, Governor of Bombay. When in Zanzibar it was perfectly tame.
We understand it is now in the possession of Sir Solar Jung, to whom
it was presented by Sir Philip Wodehouse.--Ed.

[18] Lewalé appears to be the title by which the Governor of the town
is called.

[19] Judges xviii.

[20] Halima followed the Doctor's remains to Zanzibar. It does seem
hard that his death leaves her long services entirely unrequited.--ED.

[21] The Portuguese name for palanquin.

[22] It will be seen that this was fully confirmed afterwards by
Livingstone's men: the fact may be of importance to future
travellers.--ED.

CHAPTER VIII.

Letters arrive at last. Sore intelligence. Death of an old
friend. Observations on the climate. Arab caution. Dearth of
missionary enterprise. The slave trade and its horrors.
Progressive barbarism. Carping benevolence. Geology of Southern
Africa. The fountain sources. African elephants. A venerable
piece of artillery. Livingstone on Materialism. Bin Nassib. The
Baganda leave at last. Enlists a new follower.

[And now the long-looked for letters came in by various hands, but with
little regularity. It is not here necessary to refer to the withdrawal
of the Livingstone Relief Expedition which took place as soon as Mr.
Stanley confronted Lieutenant Dawson on his way inland. Suffice it to
say that the various members of this Expedition, of which his second
son, Mr. Oswell Livingstone, was one, had already quitted Africa for
England when these communications reached Unyanyembé.]

_27th June, 1872._--Received a letter from Oswell yesterday, dated
Bagamoio, 14th May, which awakened thankfulness, anxiety, and deep
sorrow.

_28th June, 1872._--Went over to Kwikuru yesterday to speak about
pagazi. Nkasiwa was off at M'futu to help in the great assault on
Mirambo, which is hoped to be the last. But Mohamad bin Seyed promised
to arrange with the chief on his return. I was told that Nkasiwa has the
head of Morukwé in a kirindo or band-box, made of the inner bark of a
tree, and when Morukwé's people have recovered they will come and redeem
it with ivory and slaves, and bury it in his grave, as they did the head
of Ishbosheth in Abner's grave in Hebron.

Dugumbé's man, who went off to Ujiji to bring ivory, returned to-day,
having been attacked by robbers of Mirambo. The pagazi threw down all
their loads and ran; none were killed, but they lost all.

_29th June, 1872._--Received a packet from Sheikh bin Nasib containing a
letter for him and one 'Pall Mall Gazette,' one Overland Mail and four
Punches. Provision has been made for my daughter by Her Majesty's
Government of 300_l._, but I don't understand the matter clearly.

_2nd July, 1872._--Make up a packet for Dr. Kirk and Mr. Webb, of
Zanzibar: explain to Kirk, and beg him to investigate and punish, and
put blame on right persons. Write Sir Bartle Frere and Agnes: send large
packet of astronomical observations and sketch map to Sir Thomas Maclear
by a native, Suleiman.

_3rd July, 1872._--Received a note from Oswell, written in April last,
containing the sad intelligence of Sir Roderick's departure from among
us. Alas! alas! this is the only time in my life I ever felt inclined to
use the word, and it bespeaks a sore heart: the best friend I ever
had--true, warm, and abiding--he loved me more than I deserved: he looks
down on me still. I must feel resigned to the loss by the Divine Will,
but still I regret and mourn.

Wearisome waiting, this; and yet the men cannot be here before the
middle or end of this month. I have been sorely let and hindered in this
journey, but it may have been all for the best. I will trust in Him to
whom I commit my way.

_5th July, 1872._--Weary! weary!

_7th July, 1872._--Waiting wearily here, and hoping that the good and
loving Father of all may favour me, and help me to finish my work
quickly and well.

Temperature at 6 A.M. 61°; feels cold. Winds blow regularly from the
east; if it changes to N.W. brings a thick mantle of cold grey clouds. A
typhoon did great damage at Zanzibar, wrecking ships and destroying
cocoa-nuts, carafu, and all fruits: happened five days after Seyed
Burghash's return from Mecca.

At the Loangwa of Zumbo we came to a party of hereditary hippopotamus
hunters, called Makembwé or Akombwé. They follow no other occupation,
but when their game is getting scanty at one spot they remove to some
other part of the Loangwa, Zambesi, or Shiré, and build temporary huts
on an island, where their women cultivate patches: the flesh of the
animals they kill is eagerly exchanged by the more settled people for
grain. They are not stingy, and are everywhere welcome guests. I never
heard of any fraud in dealing, or that they had been guilty of an
outrage on the poorest: their chief characteristic is their courage.
Their hunting is the bravest thing I ever saw. Each canoe is manned by
two men; they are long light craft, scarcely half an inch in thickness,
about eighteen inches beam, and from eighteen to twenty feet long. They
are formed for speed, and shaped somewhat like our racing boats. Each
man uses a broad short paddle, and as they guide the canoe slowly down
stream to a sleeping hippopotamus not a single ripple is raised on the
smooth water; they look as if holding in their breath, and communicate
by signs only. As they come near the prey the harpooner in the bow lays
down his paddle and rises slowly up, and there he stands erect,
motionless, and eager, with the long-handled weapon poised at arm's
length above his head, till coming close to the beast he plunges it with
all his might in towards the heart. During this exciting feat he has to
keep his balance exactly. His neighbour in the stern at once backs his
paddle, the harpooner sits down, seizes his paddle, and backs too to
escape: the animal surprised and wounded seldom returns the attack at
this stage of the hunt. The next stage, however, is full of danger.

The barbed blade of the harpoon is secured by a long and very strong
rope wound round the handle: it is intended to come out of its socket,
and while the iron head is firmly fixed in the animal's body the rope
unwinds and the handle floats on the surface. The hunter next goes to
the handle and hauls on the rope till he knows that he is right over the
beast: when he feels the line suddenly slacken he is prepared to deliver
another harpoon the instant that hippo.'s enormous jaws appear with a
terrible grunt above the water. The backing by the paddles is again
repeated, but hippo. often assaults the canoe, crunches it with his
great jaws as easily as a pig would a bunch of asparagus, or shivers it
with a kick by his hind foot. Deprived of their canoe the gallant
comrades instantly dive and swim to the shore under water: they say that
the infuriated beast looks for them on the surface, and being below they
escape his sight. When caught by many harpoons the crews of several
canoes seize the handles and drag him hither and thither till, weakened
by loss of blood, he succumbs.

This hunting requires the greatest skill, courage, and nerve that can be
conceived--double armed and threefold brass, or whatever the Æneid says.
The Makombwé are certainly a magnificent race of men, hardy and active
in their habits, and well fed, as the result of their brave exploits;
every muscle is well developed, and though not so tall as some tribes,
their figures are compact and finely proportioned: being a family
occupation it has no doubt helped in the production of fine physical
development. Though all the people among whom they sojourn would like
the profits they secure by the flesh and curved tusks, and no game is
preserved, I have met with no competitors to them except the Wayeiye of
Lake Ngami and adjacent rivers.

I have seen our dragoon officers perform fencing and managing their
horses so dexterously that every muscle seemed trained to its fullest
power and efficiency, and perhaps had they been brought up as Makombwé
they might have equalled their daring and consummate skill: but we have
no sport, except perhaps Indian tiger shooting, requiring the courage
and coolness this enterprise demands. The danger may be appreciated if
one remembers that no sooner is blood shed in the water than all the
crocodiles below are immediately drawn up stream by the scent, and are
ready to act the part of thieves in a London crowd, or worse.

_8th July, 1872._--At noon, wet bulb 66°, dry 74°. These observations
are taken from thermometers hung four feet from the ground on the cool
side (south) of the house, and beneath an earthen roof with complete
protection from wind and radiation. Noon known by the shadows being
nearly perpendicular. To show what is endured by a traveller, the
following register is given of the heat on a spot, four feet from the
ground, protected from the wind by a reed fence, but exposed to the
sun's rays, slanting a little.

Noon. Wet Bulb 78° Dry Bulb 102°
2 P.M. 77° 99°
3 P.M. 78° 102°
4 P.M. 72° 88° (Agreeable marching now.)
6 P.M. 66° 77°

_9th July, 1872._--Clear and cold the general weather: cold is
penetrating. War forces have gone out of M'futu and built a camp. Fear
of Mirambo rules them all: each one is nervously anxious not to die, and
in no way ashamed to own it. The Arabs keep out of danger: "Better to
sleep in a whole skin" is their motto.

_Noon_.--Spoke to Singeri about the missionary reported to be coming:
he seems to like the idea of being taught and opening up the country by
way of the Nile. I told him that all the Arabs confirmed Mtesa's
cruelties, and that his people were more to blame than he: it was guilt
before God. In this he agreed fully, but said, "What Arab was killed?"
meaning, if they did not suffer how can they complain?

6 A.M. Wet Bulb 55° Dry Bulb 57° min. 55°
9 A.M. 74° 82°
Noon. 74° 98° (Now becomes too hot to march.)
3.30 P.M. 75° 90°

_10th July, 1872._

6 A.M. 59° 65° min. 55°
Noon. 67° 77° shady.
3 P.M. 69° 81° cloudy.
5 P.M. 65° 75° cloudy.

_10th July, 1872._--No great difficulty would be encountered in
establishing a Christian Mission a hundred miles or so from the East
Coast. The permission of the Sultan of Zanzibar would be necessary,
because all the tribes of any intelligence claim relationship, or have
relations with him; the Banyamwezi even call themselves his subjects,
and so do others. His permission would be readily granted, if
respectfully applied for through the English Consul. The Suaheli, with
their present apathy on religious matters, would be no obstacle. Care to
speak politely, and to show kindness to them, would not be lost labour
in the general effect of the Mission on the country, but all discussion
on the belief of the Moslems should be avoided; they know little about
it. Emigrants from Muscat, Persia, and India, who at present possess
neither influence nor wealth, would eagerly seize any formal or
offensive denial of the authority of their Prophet to fan their own
bigotry, and arouse that of the Suaheli. A few now assume an air of
superiority in matters of worship, and would fain take the place of
Mullams or doctors of the law, by giving authoritative dicta as to the
times of prayer; positions to be observed; lucky and unlucky days; using
cabalistic signs; telling fortunes; finding from the Koran when an
attack may be made on any enemy, &c.; but this is done only in the field
with trading parties. At Zanzibar, the regular Mullams supersede them.

No objection would be made to teaching the natives of the country to
read their own languages in the Roman character. No Arab has ever
attempted to teach them the Arabic-Koran, they are called _guma_, hard,
or difficult as to religion. This is not wonderful, since the Koran is
never translated, and a very extraordinary desire for knowledge would be
required to sustain a man in committing to memory pages and chapters of,
to him, unmeaning gibberish. One only of all the native chiefs,
Monyumgo, has sent his children to Zanzibar to be taught to read and
write the Koran; and he is said to possess an unusual admiration of such
civilization as he has seen among the Arabs. To the natives, the chief
attention of the Mission should be directed. It would not be desirable,
or advisable, to refuse explanation to others; but I have avoided giving
offence to intelligent Arabs, who have pressed me, asking if I believed
in Mohamad by saying, "No I do not: I am a child of Jesus bin Miriam,"
avoiding anything offensive in my tone, and often adding that Mohamad
found their forefathers bowing down to trees and stones, and did good to
them by forbidding idolatry, and teaching the worship of the only One
God. This, they all know, and it pleases them to have it recognised.

It might be good policy to hire a respectable Arab to engage free
porters, and conduct the Mission to the country chosen, and obtain
permission from the chief to build temporary houses. If this Arab were
well paid, it might pave the way for employing others to bring supplies
of goods and stores not produced in the country, as tea, coffee, sugar.
The first porters had better all go back, save a couple or so, who have
behaved especially well. Trust to the people among whom you live for
general services, as bringing wood, water, cultivation, reaping, smith's
work, carpenter's work, pottery, baskets, &c. Educated free blacks from
a distance are to be avoided: they are expensive, and are too much of
gentlemen for your work. You may in a few months raise natives who will
teach reading to others better than they can, and teach you also much
that the liberated never know. A cloth and some beads occasionally will
satisfy them, while neither the food, the wages, nor the work will
please those who, being brought from a distance, naturally consider
themselves missionaries. Slaves also have undergone a process which has
spoiled them for life; though liberated young, everything of childhood
and opening life possesses an indescribable charm. It is so with our own
offspring, and nothing effaces the fairy scenes then printed on the
memory. Some of my liberados eagerly bought green calabashes and
tasteless squash, with fine fat beef, because this trash was their early
food; and an ounce of meat never entered their mouths. It seems
indispensable that each Mission should raise its own native agency. A
couple of Europeans beginning, and carrying on a Mission without a staff
of foreign attendants, implies coarse country fare, it is true, but this
would be nothing to those who, at home amuse themselves with fastings,
vigils, &c. A great deal of power is thus lost in the Church. Fastings
and vigils, without a special object in view, are time run to waste.
They are made to minister to a sort of self-gratification, instead of
being turned to account for the good of others. They are like groaning
in sickness. Some people amuse themselves when ill with continuous
moaning. The forty days of Lent might be annually spent in visiting
adjacent tribes, and bearing unavoidable hunger and thirst with a good
grace. Considering the greatness of the object to be attained, men
might go without sugar, coffee, tea, &c. I went from September 1866 to
December 1868 without either. A trader, at Casembe's, gave me a dish
cooked with honey, and it nauseated from its horrible sweetness, but at
100 miles inland, supplies could be easily obtained.

The expenses need not be large. Intelligent Arabs inform me that, in
going from Zanzibar to Casembe's, only 3000 dollars' worth are required
by a trader, say between 600_l._ or 700_l._, and he may be away three or
more years; paying his way, giving presents to the chiefs, and filling
200 or 300 mouths. He has paid for, say fifty muskets, ammunition,
flints, and may return with 4000 lbs. of ivory, and a number of slaves
for sale; all at an outlay of 600_l._ or 700_l._ With the experience I
have gained now, I could do all I shall do in this expedition for a like
sum, or at least for 1000_l._ less than it will actually cost me.

_12th July, 1872._--Two men come from Syde bin Habib report fighting as
going on at discreet distances against Mirambo.

Sheikh But, son of Mohamad bin Saleh, is found guilty of stealing a tusk
of 2-1/2 frasilahs from the Lewalé. He has gone in disgrace to fight
Mirambo: his father is disconsolate, naturally. Lewalé has been
merciful.

When endeavouring to give some account of the slave-trade of East
Africa, it was necessary to keep far within the truth, in order not to
be thought guilty of exaggeration; but in sober seriousness the subject
does not admit of exaggeration. To overdraw its evils is a simple
impossibility. The sights I have seen, though common incidents of the
traffic, are so nauseous that I always strive to drive them from memory.
In the case of most disagreeable recollections I can succeed, in time,
in consigning them to oblivion, but the slaving scenes come back
unbidden, and make me start up at dead of night horrified by their
vividness. To some this may appear weak and unphilosophical, since it is
alleged that the whole human race has passed through the process of
development. We may compare cannibalism to the stone age, and the times
of slavery to the iron and bronze epochs--slavery is as natural a step
in human development as from bronze to iron.

Whilst speaking of the stone age I may add that in Africa I have never
been fortunate enough to find one flint arrowhead or any other flint
implement, though I had my eyes about me as diligently as any of my
neighbours. No roads are made; no lands levelled; no drains digged; no
quarries worked, nor any of the changes made on the earth's surface that
might reveal fragments of the primitive manufacture of stone. Yet but
little could be inferred from the negative evidence, were it not
accompanied by the fact that flint does not exist in any part south of
the equator. Quartz might have been used, but no remains exist, except
the half-worn millstones, and stones about the size of oranges, used for
chipping and making rough the nether millstone. Glazed pipes and
earthenware used in smelting iron, show that iron was smelted in the
remotest ages in Africa. These earthenware vessels, and fragments of
others of a finer texture, were found in the delta of the Zambesi and in
other parts in close association with fossil bones, which, on being
touched by the tongue, showed as complete an absence of animal matter as
the most ancient fossils known in Europe. They were the bones of
animals, as hippopotami, water hogs, antelopes, crocodiles, identical
with those now living in the country. These were the primitive fauna of
Africa, and if vitrified iron from the prodigious number of broken
smelting furnaces all over the country was known from the remotest
times, the Africans seem to have had a start in the race, at a time when
our progenitors were grubbing up flints to save a miserable existence by
the game they might kill. Slave-trading seems to have been coeval with
the knowledge of iron. The monuments of Egypt show that this curse has
venerable antiquity. Some people say, "If so ancient, why try to stop
an old established usage now?" Well, some believe that the affliction
that befel the most ancient of all the patriarchs, Job, was small-pox.
Why then stop the ravages of this venerable disease in London and New
York by vaccination?

But no one expects any benevolent efforts from those who cavil and carp
at efforts made by governments and peoples to heal the enormous open
sore of the world. Some profess that they would rather give "their mite"
for the degraded of our own countrymen than to "niggers"! Verily it is
"a mite," and they most often forget, and make a gift of it to
themselves. It is almost an axiom that those who do most for the heathen
abroad are most liberal for the heathen at home. It is to this class we
turn with hope. With others arguments are useless, and the only answer I
care to give is the remark of an English sailor, who, on seeing
slave-traders actually at their occupation, said to his companion,
"Shiver my timbers, mate, if the devil don't catch these fellows, we
might as well have no devil at all."

In conversing with a prince at Johanna, one of the Comoro islands lying
off the north end of Madagascar, he took occasion to extol the wisdom of
the Arabs in keeping strict watch over their wives. On suggesting that
their extreme jealousy made them more like jailers than friends of their
wives, or, indeed, that they thus reduced themselves to the level of the
inferior animals, and each was like the bull of a herd and not like a
reasonable man--"fuguswa"--and that they gave themselves a vast deal of
trouble for very small profit; he asserted that the jealousy was
reasonable because all women were bad, they could not avoid going
astray. And on remarking that this might be the case with Arab women,
but certainly did not apply to English women, for though a number were
untrustworthy, the majority deserved all the confidence their husbands
could place in them, he reiterated that women were universally bad. He
did not believe that women ever would be good; and the English allowing
their wives to gad about with faces uncovered, only showed their
weakness, ignorance, and unwisdom.

The tendency and spirit of the age are more and more towards the
undertaking of industrial enterprises of such magnitude and skill as to
require the capital of the world for their support and execution--as the
Pacific Railroad, Suez Canal, Mont Cenis Tunnel, and railways in India
and Western Asia, Euphrates Railroad, &c. The extension and use of
railroads, steamships, telegraphs, break down nationalities and bring
peoples geographically remote into close connection commercially and
politically. They make the world one, and capital, like water, tends to
a common level.

[Geologists will be glad to find that the Doctor took pains to arrange
his observations at this time in the following form.]

A really enormous area of South Central Africa is covered with volcanic
rocks, in which are imbedded angular fragments of older strata, possibly
sandstone, converted into schist, which, though carried along in the
molten mass, still retain impressions of plants of a low order, probably
the lowest--Silurian--and distinct ripple marks and raindrops in which
no animal markings have yet been observed. The fewness of the organic
remains observed is owing to the fact that here no quarries are worked,
no roads are made, and as we advance north the rank vegetation covers up
everything. The only stone buildings in the country north of the Cape
colony are the church and mission houses at Kuruman. In the walls there
the fragments, with impressions of fossil leaves, have been broken
through in the matrix, once a molten mass of lava. The area which this
basalt covers extends from near the Vaal River in the south, to a point
some sixty miles beyond the Victoria Falls, and the average breadth is
about 150 miles. The space is at least 100,000 square miles. Sandstone
rocks stand up in it at various points like islands, but all are
metamorphosed, and branches have flowed off from the igneous sea into
valleys and defiles, and one can easily trace the hardening process of
the fire as less and less, till at the outer end of the stream the rocks
are merely hardened. These branches equal in size all the rocks and
hills that stand like islands, so that we are justified in assuming the
area as at least 100,000 square miles of this basaltic sea.

The molten mass seems to have flowed over in successive waves, and the
top of each wave was covered with a dark vitreous scum carrying scoriæ
with angular fragments. This scum marks each successive overflow, as a
stratum from twelve to eighteen inches or more in thickness. In one part
sixty-two strata are revealed, but at the Victoria Falls (which are
simply a rent) the basaltic rock is stratified as far as our eyes could
see down the depth of 310 feet. This extensive sea of lava was probably
sub-aerial, because bubbles often appear as coming out of the rock into
the vitreous scum on the surface of each wave: in some cases they have
broken and left circular rings with raised edges, peculiar to any
boiling viscous fluid. In many cases they have cooled as round pustules,
as if a bullet were enclosed; on breaking them the internal surface is
covered with a crop of beautiful crystals of silver with their heads all
directed to the centre of the bubble, which otherwise is empty.

These bubbles in stone may be observed in the bed of the Kuruman River,
eight or ten miles north of the village; and the mountain called
"Amhan," west-north-west of the village, has all the appearance of
having been an orifice through which the basalt boiled up as water or
mud does in a geyser.

The black basaltic mountains on the east of the Bamangwato, formerly
called the Bakaa, furnish further evidence of the igneous eruptions
being sub-aerial, for the basalt itself is columnar at many points, and
at other points the tops of the huge crystals appear in groups, and the
apices not flattened, as would have been the case had they been
developed under the enormous pressure of an ocean. A few miles on their
south a hot salt fountain boils forth and tells of interior heat.
Another, far to the south-east, and of fresh water, tells the same tale.

Subsequently to the period of gigantic volcanic action, the outflow of
fresh lime-water from the bowels of the earth seems to have been
extremely large. The land now so dry that one might wander in various
directions (especially westwards, to the Kalahari), and perish for lack
of the precious fluid as certainly as if he were in the interior of
Australia, was once bisected in all directions by flowing streams and
great rivers, whose course was mainly to the south. These river beds are
still called by the natives "_melapo_" in the south, but in the north
"_wadys_," both words meaning the same thing, "river beds in which no
water ever now flows." To feed these a vast number of gushing fountains
poured forth for ages a perennial supply. When the eye of the fountain
is seen it is an oval or oblong orifice, the lower portion distinctly
water worn, and there, by diminished size, showing that as ages elapsed
the smaller water supply had a manifestly lesser erosive power. In the
sides of the mountain Amhan, already mentioned, good specimens of these
water-worn orifices still exist, and are inhabited by swarms of bees,
whose hives are quite protected from robbers by the hardness of the
basaltic rocks. The points on which the streams of water fell are
hollowed by its action, and the space around which the water splashed is
covered by calcareous tufa, deposited there by the evaporation of the
sun.

Another good specimen of the ancient fountains is in a cave near
Kolobeng, called "_Lepélolé_," a word by which the natives there
sometimes designate the sea. The wearing power of the primeval waters is
here easily traced in two branches--the upper or more ancient ending in
the characteristic oval orifice, in which I deposited a Father Mathew's
leaden temperance token: the lower branch is much the largest, as that
by which the greatest amount of water flowed for a much longer period
than the other. The cave Lepélolé was believed to be haunted, and no one
dared to enter till I explored it as a relief from more serious labour.
The entrance is some eight or more feet high, and five or six wide, in
reddish grey sandstone rock, containing in its substance banks of well
rounded shingle. The whole range, with many of the adjacent hills on the
south, bear evidence of the scorching to which the contiguity of the
lava subjected them. In the hardening process the silica was sometimes
sweated out of this rock, and it exists now as pretty efflorescences of
well-shaped crystals. But not only does this range, which stands eight
or ten miles north of Kolobeng, exhibit the effects of igneous action,
it shows on its eastern slope the effects of flowing water, in a large
pot-hole called Löe, which has the reputation of having given exit to all
the animals in South Africa, and also to the first progenitors of the
whole Bechuana race. Their footsteps attest the truth of this belief. I
was profane enough to be sceptical, because the large footstep of the
first man Matsieng was directed as if going into instead of out of this
famous pot-hole. Other huge pot-holes are met with all over the country,
and at heights on the slopes of the mountains far above the levels of
the ancient rivers.

Many fountains rose in the courses of the ancient river beds, and the
outflow was always in the direction of the current of the parent stream.
Many of these ancient fountains still contain water, and form the stages
on a journey, but the primitive waters seem generally to have been laden
with lime in solution: this lime was deposited in vast lakes, which are
now covered with calcareous tufa. One enormous fresh-water lake, in
which probably sported the Dyconodon, was let off when the remarkable
rent was made in the basalt which now constitutes the Victoria Falls.
Another seems to have gone to the sea when a similar fissure was made at
the falls of the Orange River. It is in this calcareous tufa alone that
fossil animal remains have yet been found. There are no marine
limestones except in friths which the elevation of the west and east
coasts have placed far inland in the Coanza and Somauli country, and
these contain the same shells as now live in the adjacent seas.

Antecedently to the river system, which seems to have been a great
southern Nile flowing from the sources of the Zambesi away south to the
Orange River, there existed a state of fluvial action of greater
activity than any we see now: it produced prodigious beds of
well-rounded shingle and gravel. It is impossible to form an idea of
their extent. The Loangwa flows through the bed of an ancient lake,
whose banks are sixty feet thick, of well-rounded shingle. The Zambesi
flows above the Kebrabasa, through great beds of the same formation, and
generally they are of hard crystalline rocks; and it is impossible to
conjecture what the condition of the country was when the large
pot-holes were formed up the hillsides, and the prodigious attrition
that rounded the shingle was going on. The land does not seem to have
been submerged, because marine limestones (save in the exceptional cases
noted) are wanting; and torrents cutting across the ancient river beds
reveal fresh-water shells identical with those that now inhabit its
fresh waters. The calcareous tufa seems to be the most recent rock
formed. At the point of junction of the great southern prehistoric Nile
with an ancient fresh-water lake near Buchap, and a few miles from
Likatlong, a mound was formed in an eddy caused by some conical lias
towards the east bank of this rent within its bed, and the dead animals
were floated into the eddy and sank; their bones crop out of the white
tufa, and they are so well preserved that even the black tartar on
buffalo and zebra's teeth remain: they are of the present species of
animals that now inhabit Africa. This is the only case of fossils of
these animals being found _in situ_. In 1855 I observed similar fossils
in banks of gravel in transitu all down the Zambesi above Kebrabasa; and
about 1862 a bed of gravel was found in the delta with many of the same
fossils that had come to rest in the great deposit of that river, but
where the Zambesi digs them out is not known. In its course below the
Victoria Falls I observed tufaceous rocks: these must contain the bones,
for were they carried away from the great tufa Lake bottom of Seshéké,
down the Victoria Falls, they would all be ground into fine silt. The
bones in the river and in the delta were all associated with pieces of
coarse pottery, exactly the same as the natives make and use at the
present day: with it we found fragments of a fine grain, only
occasionally seen among Africans, and closely resembling ancient
cinerary urns: none were better baked than is customary in the country
now. The most ancient relics are deeply worn granite, mica-schist, and
sandstone millstones; the balls used for chipping and roughing them, of
about the shape and size of an orange, are found lying near them. No
stone weapons or tools ever met my eyes, though I was anxious to find
them, and looked carefully over every ancient village we came to for
many years. There is no flint to make celts, but quartz and rocks having
a slaty cleavage are abundant. It is only for the finer work that they
use iron tongs, hammers, and anvils and with these they turn out work
which makes English blacksmiths declare Africans never did. They are
very careful of their tools: indeed, the very opposites to the flint
implement men, who seem sometimes to have made celts just for the
pleasure of throwing them away: even the Romans did not seem to know the
value of their money.

The ancient Africans seem to have been at least as early as the
Asiatics in the art of taming elephants. The Egyptian monuments show
them bringing tame elephants and lions into Egypt; and very ancient
sculptures show the real African species, which the artist must have
seen. They refused to sell elephants, which cost them months of hard
labour to catch and tame, to a Greek commander of Egyptian troops for a
few brass pots: they were quite right. Two or three tons of fine fat
butcher-meat were far better than the price, seeing their wives could
make any number of cooking pots for nothing.

_15th July, 1872._--Reported to-day that twenty wounded men have been
brought into M'futu from the field of fighting. About 2000 are said to
be engaged on the Arab side, and the side of Mirambo would seem to be
strong, but the assailants have the disadvantage of firing against a
stockade, and are unprotected, except by ant-hills, bushes, and ditches
in the field. I saw the first kites to-day: one had spots of white
feathers on the body below, as if it were a young one--probably come
from the north.

_17th July, 1872._--Went over to Sultan bin Ali yesterday. Very kind, as
usual; he gave me guavas and a melon--called "matanga." It is reported
that one of Mirambo's chief men, Sorura, set sharp sticks in concealed
holes, which acted like Bruce's "craw-taes" at Bannockburn, and wounded
several, probably the twenty reported. This has induced the Arabs to
send for a cannon they have, with which to batter Mirambo at a distance.
The gun is borne past us this morning: a brass 7-pounder, dated 1679.
Carried by the Portuguese Commander-in-Chief to China 1679, or 193 years
ago--and now to beat Mirambo, by Arabs who have very little interest in
the war.

Some of his people, out prowling two days ago, killed a slave. The war
is not so near an end as many hoped.

* * * * *

[Mtesa's people on their way back to Uganda were stuck fast at
Unyanyembé the whole of this time: it does not appear at all who the
missionary was to whom he refers.]

* * * * *

Lewalé sends off the Baganda in a great hurry, after detaining them for
six months or more till the war ended, and he now gets pagazi of
Banyamwezi for them. This haste (though war is not ended) is probably
because Lewalé has heard of a missionary through me.

Mirambo fires now from inside the stockade alone.

_19th July, 1872._--Visited Salim bin Seff, and was very hospitably
entertained. He was disappointed that I could not eat largely. They live
very comfortably: grow wheat, whilst flour and fruits grace their board.
Salim says that goat's flesh at Zanzibar is better than beef, but here
beef is better than goat's flesh. He is a stout, jolly fellow.

_20th July, 1872._--High cold winds prevail. Temperature, 6 A.M., 57°;
noon, on the ground, 122°. It may be higher, but I am afraid to risk the
thermometer, which is graduated to 140° only.

_21st July, 1872._--Bought two milch cows (from a Motusi), which, with
their calves, were 17 dotis or 34 fathoms. The Baganda are packing up to
leave for home. They take a good deal of brandy and gin for Mtesa from
the Moslems. Temperature at noon, 96°.

Another nest of wagtails flown. They eat bread crumbs. The whydahs are
busy pairing. Lewalé returns to-day from M'futu on his own private
business at Kwikuru. The success of the war is a minor consideration
with all. I wish my men would come, and let me off from this weary
waiting.

Some philosophising is curious. It represents our Maker forming the
machine of the universe: setting it a-going, and able to do nothing more
outside certain of His own laws. He, as it were, laid the egg of the
whole, and, like an ostrich, left it to be hatched by the sun. We can
control laws, but He cannot! A fire set to this house would consume it,
but we can throw on water and consume the fire. We control the elements,
fire and water: is He debarred from doing the same, and more, who has
infinite wisdom and knowledge? He surely is greater than His own laws.
Civilization is only what has been done with natural laws. Some foolish
speculations in morals resemble the idea of a Muganda, who said last
night, that if Mtesa didn't kill people now and then, his subjects would
suppose that he was dead!

_23rd July, 1872._--The departure of the Baganda is countermanded, for
fear of Mirambo capturing their gunpowder.

Lewalé interdicts them from going; he says, "You may go, but leave all
the gunpowder here, because Mirambo will follow and take it all to fight
with us." This is an afterthought, for he hurried them to go off. A few
will go and take the news and some goods to Mtesa, and probably a lot of
Lewalé's goods to trade at Karagwé.

The Baganda are angry, for now their cattle and much of their property
are expended here; but they say, "We are strangers, and what can we do
but submit?" The Banyamwesi carriers would all have run away on the
least appearance of danger. No troops are sent by Seyed Burghash, though
they were confidently reported long ago. All trade is at a standstill.

_24th July, 1872._--The Bagohé retire from the war. This month is
unlucky. I visited Lewalé and Nkasiwa, putting a blister on the latter,
for paralytic arm, to please him. Lewalé says that a general flight from
the war has taken place. The excuse is hunger.

He confirms the great damage done by a cyclone at Zanzibar to shipping,
houses, cocoa-nut palms, mango-trees, and clove-trees, also houses and
dhows, five days after Burghash returned. Sofeu volunteers to go with
us, because Mohamad Bogharib never gave him anything, and Bwana Mohinna
has asked him to go with him. I have accepted his offer, and will
explain to Mohamad, when I see him, that this is what he promised me in
the way of giving men, but never performed.

_27th July, 1872._--At dawn a loud rumbling in the east as if of
thunder, possibly a slight earthquake; no thunder-clouds visible.

Bin Nassib came last night and visited me before going home to his own
house; a tall, brown, polite Arab. He says that he lately received a
packet for Mr. Stanley from the American Consul, sealed in tin, and sent
it back: this is the eleventh that came to Stanley. A party of native
traders who went with the Baganda were attacked by Mirambo's people, and
driven back with the loss of all their goods and one killed. The
fugitives returned this morning sorely downcast. A party of twenty-three
loads left for Karagwé a few days ago, and the leader alone has
returned; he does not know more than that one was killed. Another was
slain on this side of M'futu by Mirambo's people yesterday, the country
thus is still in a terribly disturbed state. Sheikh bin Nassib says that
the Arabs have rooted out fifty-two headmen who were Mirambo's allies.

_28th July, 1872._--To Nkasiwa; blistered him, as the first relieved the
pain and pleased him greatly; hope he may derive benefit.

Cold east winds, and clouded thickly over all the sky.

_29th July, 1872._--Making flour of rice for the journey. Visited Sheikh
bin Nassib, who has a severe attack of fever; he cannot avoid going to
the war. He bought a donkey with the tusk he stole from Lewalé, and it
died yesterday; now Lewalé says, "Give me back my tusk;" and the Arab
replies, "Give me back my donkey." The father must pay, but his son's
character is lost as well as the donkey. Bin Nassib gave me a present of
wheaten bread and cakes.

_30th July, 1872._--Weary waiting this, and the best time for travelling
passes over unused. High winds from the east every day bring cold, and,
to the thinly-clad Arabs, fever. Bin Omari called: goes to Katanga with
another man's goods to trade there.

_31st July, 1872._--We heard yesterday from Sahib bin Nassib that the
caravan of his brother Kisessa was at a spot in Ugogo, twelve days off.
My party had gone by another route. Thankful for even this in my
wearisome waiting.

CHAPTER IX.

Short years in Baganda. Boys' playthings in Africa. Reflections.
Arrival of the men. Fervent thankfulness. An end of the weary
waiting. Jacob Wainwright takes service under the Doctor.
Preparations for the journey. Flagging and illness. Great heat.
Approaches Lake Tanganyika. The borders of Fipa. Lepidosirens
and vultures. Capes and islands of Lake Tanganyika. Higher
mountains. Large bay.

_1st August, 1872._--A large party of Baganda have come to see what is
stopping the way to Mtesa, about ten headmen and their followers; but
they were told by an Arab in Usui that the war with Mirambo was over.
About seventy of them come on here to-morrow, only to be despatched back
to fetch all the Baganda in Usui, to aid in fighting Mirambo. It is
proposed to take a stockade near the central one, and therein build a
battery for the cannon, which seems a wise measure. These arrivals are a
poor, slave-looking people, clad in bark-cloth, "Mbuzu," and having
shields with a boss in the centre, round, and about the size of the
ancient Highlanders' targe, but made of reeds. The Baganda already here
said that most of the new-comers were slaves, and would be sold for
cloths. Extolling the size of Mtesa's country, they say it would take a
year to go across it. When I joked them about it, they explained that a
year meant five months, three of rain, two of dry, then rain again. Went
over to apply medicine to Nkasiwa's neck to heal the outside; the
inside is benefited somewhat, but the power will probably remain
incomplete, as it now is.

_3rd August, 1872._--Visited Salem bin Seff, who is ill of fever. They
are hospitable men. Called on Sultan bin Ali and home. It is he who
effected the flight of all the Baganda pagazi, by giving ten strings of
beads to Motusi to go and spread a panic among them by night; all
bolted.

_4th August, 1872._--Wearisome waiting, and the sun is now rainy at
mid-day, and will become hotter right on to the hot season in November,
but this delay may be all for the best.

_5th August, 1872._--Visited Nkasiwa, and recommended shampooing the
disabled limbs with oil or flour. He says that the pain is removed. More
Baganda have come to Kwihara, and will be used for the Mirambo war.

In many parts one is struck by the fact of the children having so few
games. Life is a serious business, and amusement is derived from
imitating the vocations of the parents--hut building, making little
gardens, bows and arrows, shields and spears. Elsewhere boys are very
ingenious little fellows, and have several games; they also shoot birds
with bows, and teach captured linnets to sing. They are expert in making
guns and traps for small birds, and in making and using bird-lime. They
make play guns of reed, which go off with a trigger and spring, with a
cloud of ashes for smoke. Sometimes they make double-barrelled guns of
clay, and have cotton-fluff as smoke. The boys shoot locusts with small
toy guns very cleverly. A couple of rufous, brown-headed, and dirty
speckle-breasted swallows appeared to-day for the first time this
season, and lighted on the ground. This is the kind that builds here in
houses, and as far south as Shupanga, on the Zambesi, and at Kuraman.
Sun-birds visit a mass of spiders' web to-day; they pick out the young
spiders. Nectar is but part of their food. The insects in or at the
nectar could not be separated, and hence have been made an essential
part of their diet. On closer inspection, however, I see that whilst
seeming to pick out young spiders--and they probably do so--they end in
detaching the outer coating of spiders' web from the inner stiff paper
web, in order to make a nest between the two. The outer part is a thin
coating of loose threads: the inner is tough paper, impervious web, just
like that which forms the wasps' hive, but stronger. The hen brings fine
fibres and places them round a hole 1-1/2 inch in diameter, then works
herself in between the two webs and brings cotton to line the inside
formed by her body.

--What is the atonement of Christ? It is Himself: it is the inherent
and everlasting mercy of God made apparent to human eyes and ears. The
everlasting love was disclosed by our Lord's life and death. It showed
that God forgives, because He loves to forgive. He works by smiles if
possible, if not by frowns; pain is only a means of enforcing love.

If we speak of strength, lo! He is strong. The Almighty; the Over Power;
the Mind of the Universe. The heart thrills at the idea of His
greatness.

--All the great among men have been remarkable at once for the grasp
and minuteness of their knowledge. Great astronomers seem to know every
iota of the Knowable. The Great Duke, when at the head of armies, could
give all the particulars to be observed in a cavalry charge, and took
care to have food ready for all his troops. Men think that greatness
consists in lofty indifference to all trivial things. The Grand Llama,
sitting in immovable contemplation of nothing, is a good example of what
a human mind would regard as majesty; but the Gospels reveal Jesus, the
manifestation of the blessed God over all as minute in His care of all.
He exercises a vigilance more constant, complete, and comprehensive,
every hour and every minute, over each of His people than their utmost
selflove could ever attain. His tender love is more exquisite than a
mother's heart can feel.

_6th August, 1872._--Wagtails begin to discard their young, which feed
themselves. I can think of nothing but "when will these men come?" Sixty
days was the period named, now it is eighty-four. It may be all for the
best, in the good Providence of the Most High.

_9th August, 1872._--I do most devoutly thank the Lord for His goodness
in bringing my men near to this. Three came to-day, and how thankful I
am I cannot express. It is well--the men who went with Mr. Stanley came
again to me. "Bless the Lord, my soul, and all that is within me, bless
His holy name." Amen.

_10th August, 1872._--Sent back the three men who came from the Safari,
with 4 dotis and 3 lbs. of powder. Called on the Lewalé to give the news
as a bit of politeness; found that the old chief Nksiwa had been bumped
by an ox, and a bruise on the ribs may be serious at his age: this is
another delay from the war. It is only half-heartedly that anyone goes.

[At last this trying suspense was put an end to by the arrival of a
troop of fifty-seven men and boys, made up of porters hired by Mr.
Stanley on the coast, and some more Nassick pupils sent from Bombay to
join Lieut. Dawson. We find the names of John and Jacob Wainwright
amongst the latter on Mr. Stanley's list.

Before we incorporate these new recruits on the muster-roll of Dr.
Livingstone's servants, it seems right to point to five names which
alone represented at this time the list of his original followers; these
were Susi, Chuma, and Amoda, who joined him in 1864 on the Zambesi, that
is eight years previously, and Mabruki and Gardner, Nassick boys hired
in 1866. We shall see that the new comers by degrees became accustomed
to the hardships of travel, and shared with the old servants all the
danger of the last heroic march home. Nor must we forget that it was to
the intelligence and superior education of Jacob Wainwright (whom we now
meet with for the first time) that we were indebted for the earliest
account of the eventful eighteen months during which he was attached to
the party.

And now all is pounding, packing, bargaining, weighing, and disputing
amongst the porters. Amidst the inseparable difficulties of an African
start, one thankful heart gathers, comfort and courage:--]

_15th August, 1872._--The men came yesterday (14th), having been
seventy-four days from Bagamoio. Most thankful to the Giver of all good
I am. I have to give them a rest of a few days, and then start.

_16th August, 1872._--An earthquake--"Kiti-ki-sha!"--about 7.0 P.M.
shook me in my katanda with quick vibrations. They gradually became
fainter: it lasted some 50 seconds, and was observed by many.

_17th August, 1872._--Preparing things.

_18th August, 1872._--Fando to be avoided as extortionate. Went to bid
adieu to Sultan bin Ali, and left goods with him for the return journey,
and many cartridges full and empty, nails for boat, two iron pillars,
&c.[23]

_19th August, 1872._--Waiting for pagazi. Sultan bin Ali called; is
going off to M'futu._20th August, 1872._--Weighed all the loads again,
and gave an equal load of 50 lbs. to each, and half loads to the
Nassickers. Mabruki Speke is left at Taborah with Sultan bin Ali. He has
long been sick, and is unable to go with us.

_21st August, 1872._--Gave people an ox, and to a discarded wife a
cloth, to avoid exposure by her husband stripping her. She is somebody's
child!

_22nd August, 1872._--Sunday. All ready, but ten pagazi lacking.

_23rd August, 1872._--Cannot get pagasi. Most are sent off to the war.

[At last the start took place. It is necessary to mention that Dr.
Livingstone's plan in all his travels was to make one short stage the
first day, and generally late in the afternoon. This, although nothing
in point of distance, acted like the drill-sergeant's "Attention!" The
next morning everyone was ready for the road, clear of the town,
unencumbered with parting words, and by those parting pipes, of terrible
memory to all hurrying Englishmen in Africa!]

_25th August, 1872._--Started and went one hour to village of Manga or
Yuba by a granite ridge; the weather clear, and a fine breeze from the
east refreshes. It is important to give short marches at first. Marched
1-1/4 hour.

_26th August, 1872._--Two Nassickers lost a cow out of ten head of
cattle. Marched to Borna of Mayonda. Sent back five men to look after
the cow. Cow not found: she was our best milker.

_27th August, 1872._--Started for Ebulua and Kasekéra of Mamba. Cross
torrent, now dry, and through forest to village of Ebulua; thence to
village of Kasekéra, 3-1/2 hours. Direction, S. by W.

_28th August, 1872._--Reached Mayolé village in 2 hours and rested; S.
and by W. Water is scarce in front. Through flat forest to a
marshy-looking piece of water, where we camp, after a march of 1-1/2
hour; still S. by W.

_29th August, 1872._--On through level forest without water. Trees
present a dry, wintry aspect; grass dry, but some flowers shoot out, and
fresh grass where the old growth has been burnt off.

_30th August, 1872._--The two Nassickers lost all the cows yesterday,
from sheer laziness. They were found a long way off, and one cow
missing. Susi gave them ten cuts each with a switch. Engaging pagazi and
rest.

_31st August, 1872._--The Baganda boy Kassa was followed to Gunda, and I
delivered him to his countrymen. He escaped from Mayolé village this
morning, and came at 3 P.M., his clothes in rags by running through the
forest eleven hours, say twenty-two miles, and is determined not to
leave us. Pass Kisari's village, one and a half mile distant, and on to
Penta or Phintá to sleep, through perfectly flat forest. 3 hours S. by
W.

_1st September, 1872._--The same flat forest to Chikulu, S. and by W., 4
hours 25 m. Manyara called, and is going with us to-morrow. Jangiangé
presented a leg of Kongolo or Taghetsé, having a bunch of white hair
beneath the orbital sinus. Bought food and served out rations to the men
for ten days, as water is scarce, and but little food can be obtained at
the villages. The country is very dry and wintry-looking, but flowers
shoot out. First clouds all over to-day. It is hot now. A flock of small
swallows now appears: they seem tailless and with white bellies.

_2nd September, 1872._--The people are preparing their ten days' food.
Two pagazi ran away with 24 dotis of the men's calico. Sent after them,
but with small hopes of capturing them.

_3rd September, 1872._--Unsuccessful search.

_4th September, 1872._--Leave Chikulu's, and pass a large puff-adder in
the way. A single blow on the head killed it, so that it did not stir.
About 3 feet long, and as thick as a man's arm, a short tail, and flat
broad head. The men say this is a very good sign for our journey, though
it would have been a bad sign, and suffering and death, had one trodden
on it. Come to Liwané; large tree and waters. S.S.W. 4-1/2 hours.

_5th September, 1872._--A long hot tramp to Manyara's. He is a kind old
man. Many of the men very tired and sick. S.S.W. 5-3/4 hours.

_6th September, 1872._--Rest the caravan, as we shall have to make
forced marches on account of tsetse fly.

_7th September, 1872._--Obliged to remain, as several are ill with
fever.

_8th September, 1872._--On to N'gombo nullah. Very hot and people ill.
Tsetse. A poor woman of Ujiji followed one of Stanley's men to the
coast. He cast her off here, and she was taken by another; but her
temper seems too excitable. She set fire to her hut by accident, and in
the excitement quarrelled all round; she is a somebody's bairn
nevertheless, a tall, strapping young woman, she must have been the
pride of her parents.

_9th September, 1872._--Telekéza[24] at broad part of the nullah, then
went on two hours and passed the night in the forest.

_10th September, 1872._--On to Mwéras, and spent one night there by a
pool in the forest. Village two miles off.

_11th September, 1872._--On 8-1/2 hours to Telekéza. Sun very hot, and
marching fatiguing to all.

Majwara has an insect in the aqueous chamber of his eye. It moves about
and is painful.

We found that an old path from Mwaro has water, and must go early
to-morrow morning, and so avoid the roundabout by Morefu. We shall thus
save two days, which in this hot weather is much for us. We hear that
Simba has gone to fight with Fipa. Two Banyamwezi volunteer. _12th
September, 1872._--We went by this water till 2 P.M., then made a march,
and to-morrow get to villages. Got a buffalo and remain overnight. Water
is in hæmatite. I engaged four pagazi here, named Motepatonzé, Nsakusi,
Muanamazungu, and Mayombo.

_15th September, 1872._--On to near range of hills. Much large game
here. Ill.

_16th September, 1872._--Climbed over range about 200 feet high; then on
westward to stockaded villages of Kamirambo. His land begins at the
M'toni.

_17th September, 1872._--To Metambo River: 1-1/4 broad, and marshy. Here
begins the land of Méréra. Through forest with many strychnus trees,
3-1/4 hours, and arrive at Méréra's.

_18th September, 1872._--Remain at Méréra's to prepare food.

[There is a significant entry here: the old enemy was upon him. It would
seem that his peculiar liability during these travels to one prostrating
form of disease was now redoubled. The men speak of few periods of even
comparative health from this date.]

_19th September, 1872._--Ditto, ditto, because I am ill with bowels,
having eaten nothing for eight days. Simba wants us to pass by his
village, and not by the straight path.

_20th September, 1872._--Went to Simba's; 3-1/2 hours. About north-west.
Simba sent a handsome present of food, a goat, eggs, and a fowl, beans,
split rice, dura, and sesame. I gave him three dotis of superior cloth.

_21st September, 1872._--Rest here, as the complaint does not yield to
medicine or time; but I begin to eat now, which is a favourable symptom.
Under a lofty tree at Simba's, a kite, the common brown one, had two
pure white eggs in its nest, larger than a fowl's, and very spherical.
The Banyamwesi women are in general very coarse, not a beautiful woman
amongst them, as is so common among the Batusi; squat, thick-set
figures, and features too; a race of pagazi. On coming inland from
sea-coast, the tradition says, they cut the end of a cone shell, so as
to make it a little of the half-moon shape; this is their chief
ornament. They are generally respectful in deportment, but not very
generous; they have learned the Arab adage, "Nothing for nothing," and
are keen slave-traders. The gingerbread palm of Speke is the _Hyphene_;
the Borassus has a large seed, very like the Coco-de-mer of the
Seychelle Islands, in being double, but it is very small compared to it.

_22nd September, 1872._--Preparing food, and one man pretends inability
to walk; send for some pagazi to carry loads of those who carry him.
Simba sends copious libations of pombe.

_23rd September, 1872._--The pagazi, after demanding enormous pay,
walked off. We went on along rocky banks of a stream, and, crossing it,
camped, because the next water is far off.

_24th September, 1872._--Recovering and thankful, but weak; cross broad
sedgy stream, and so on to Boma Misonghi, W. and by S.

_25th September, 1872._--Got a buffalo and M'juré, and remain to eat
them. I am getting better slowly. The M'juré, or water hog, was all
eaten by hyænas during night; but the buffalo is safe.

_26th September, 1872._--Through forest, along the side of a sedgy
valley. Cross its head water, which has rust of iron in it, then W.
and by S. The forest has very much tsetse. Zebras calling loudly, and
Senegal long claw in our camp at dawn, with its cry,
"O-o-o-o-o-o-o-o-o-o."

_27th September, 1872._--On at dawn. No water expected, but we crossed
three abundant supplies before we came to hill of our camp. Much game
about here. Getting well again--thanks. About W. 3-3/4 hours. No people,
or marks of them. Flowers sprouting in expectation of rains; much land
burned off, but grass short yet.

_28th September, 1872._--At two hills with mushroom-topped trees on
west side. Crossed a good stream 12 feet broad and knee deep.

Buffaloes grazing. Many of the men sick. Whilst camping, a large musk
cat broke forth among us and was killed. (Ya bude--musk). Musk cat
(N'gawa), black with white stripes; from point of nose to tip of tail, 4
feet; height at withers, 1 foot 6 inches.

_29th September, 1872._--Through much bamboo and low hills to M'pokwa
ruins and river. The latter in a deep rent in alluvial soil. Very hot,
and many sick in consequence. Sombala fish abundant. Course W.

_30th September, 1872._--Away among low tree-covered hills of granite
and sandstone. Found that Bangala had assaulted the village to which we
went a few days ago, and all were fugitives. Our people found plenty of
Batatas[25] in the deserted gardens. A great help, for all were hungry.

_1st October, 1872, Friday_--On through much deserted cultivation in
rich damp soil. Surrounded with low tree-covered ranges. We saw a few
people, but all are in terror.

_2nd October, 1872._--Obtained M'tama in abundance for brass wire, and
remained to grind it. The people have been without any for some days,
and now rejoice in plenty. A slight shower fell at 5 A.M., but not
enough to lay the dust.

_3rd October, 1872._--Southwards, and down a steep descent into a rich
valley with much green maize in ear; people friendly; but it was but one
hour's march, so we went on through hilly country S.W. Men firing off
ammunition, had to be punished. We crossed the Katuma River in the
bottom of a valley; it is 12 feet broad, and knee deep; camped in a
forest. Farjella shot a fine buffalo. The weather disagreeably hot and
sultry.

_4th October, 1872._--Over the same hilly country; the grass is burnt
off, but the stalks are disagreeable. Came to a fine valley with a large
herd of zebras feeding quietly; pretty animals. We went only an hour and
a half to-day, as one sick man is carried, and it is hot and trying for
all. I feel it much internally, and am glad to more slowly.

_5th October, 1872._--Up and down mountains, very sore on legs and
lungs. Trying to save donkey's strength I climbed and descended, and as
soon as I mounted, off he set as hard as he could run, and he felt not
the bridle; the saddle was loose, but I stuck on till we reached water
in a bamboo hollow with spring.

_6th October, 1872._--A long bamboo valley with giraffes in it. Range on
our right stretches away from us, and that on the left dwindled down;
all covered with bamboos, in tufts like other grasses; elephants eat
them. Travelled W. and by S. 2-3/4 hours. Short marches on account of
carrying one sick man.

_7th October, 1872._--Over fine park-like country, with large belts of
bamboo and fine broad shady trees. Went westwards to the end of the
left-hand range. Went four hours over a level forest with much hæmatite.
Trees large and open. Large game evidently abounds, and waters generally
are not far apart. Our neighbour got a zebra, a rhinoceros, and two
young elephants.

_8th October, 1872._--Came on early as sun is hot, and in two hours saw
the Tanganyika from a gentle hill. The land is rough, with angular
fragments of quartz; the rocks of mica schist are tilted up as if away
from the Lake's longer axis. Some are upright, and some have basalt
melted into the layers, and crystallized in irregular polygons. All are
very tired, and in coming to a stockade we were refused admittance,
because Malongwana had attacked them lately, and we might seize them
when in this stronghold. Very true; so we sit ontside in the shade of a
single palm (Borassus).

_9th October, 1872._--Rest, because all are tired, and several sick.
This heat makes me useless, and constrains me to lie like a log.
Inwardly I feel tired too. Jangeangé leaves us to-morrow, having found
canoes going to Ujiji.

_10th October, 1872._--People very tired, and it being moreover Sunday
we rest. Gave each a keta of beads. Usowa chief Ponda.

_11th October, 1872._--Reach Kalema district after 2-3/4 hours over
black mud all deeply cracked, and many deep torrents now dry. Kalema is
a stockade. We see Tanganyika, but a range of low hills intervenes. A
rumour of war to-morrow.

_12th October, 1872._--We wait till 2 P.M., and then make a forced march
towards Fipa. The people cultivate but little, for fear of enemies; so
we can buy few provisions. We left a broad valley with a sand river in
it, where we have been two days, and climbed a range of hills parallel
to Tanganyika, of mica schist and gneiss, tilted away from the Lake. We
met a buffalo on the top of one ridge, it was shot into and lay down,
but we lost it. Course S.W. to brink of Tanganyika water.

_13th October, 1872._--Our course went along the top of a range of hills
lying parallel with the Lake. A great part of yesterday was on the same
range. It is a thousand feet above the water, and is covered with trees
rather scraggy. At sunset the red glare on the surface made the water
look like a sea of reddish gold; it seemed so near that many went off to
drink, but were three or four hours in doing so. One cannot see the
other side on account of the smokes in the air, but this morning three
capes jut out, and the last bearing S.E. from our camp seems to go near
the other side. Very hot weather. To the town of Fipa to-morrow. Course
about S. Though we suffer much from the heat by travelling at this
season, we escape a vast number of running and often muddy rills, also
muddy paths which would soon knock the donkey up. A milk-and-water sky
portends rain. Tipo Tipo is reported to be carrying it with a high hand
in Nsama's country, Itawa, insisting that all the ivory must be brought
as his tribute--the conqueror of Nsama. Our drum is the greatest object
of curiosity we have to the Banyamwezi. A very great deal of cotton is
cultivated all along the shores of Lake Tanganyika; it is the Pernambuco
kind, with the seeds clinging together, but of good and long fibre, and
the trees are left standing all the year to enable them to become large;
grain and ground-nuts are cultivated between them. The cotton is
manufactured into coarse cloth, which is the general clothing of all.

_14th October, 1872._--Crossed two deep gullies with sluggish water in
them, and one surrounding an old stockade. Camp on a knoll, overlooking
modern stockade and Tanganyika very pleasantly. Saw two beautiful
sultanas with azure blue necks. We might have come here yesterday, but
were too tired. Mukembé land is ruled by chief Kariaria; village,
Mokaria. Mount M'Pumbwé goes into the Lake. N'Tambwé Mount; village,
Kafumfwé. Kapufi is the chief of Fipa.

Noon, and about fifty feet above Lake; clouded over. Temperature 91°
noon; 94° 3 P.M.

_15th October, 1872._--Rest, and kill an ox. The dry heat is
distressing, and all feel it sorely. I am right glad of the rest, but
keep on as constantly as I can. By giving dura and maize to the donkeys,
and riding on alternate days, they hold on; but I feel the sun more than
if walking. The chief Kariaria is civil.

_16th October, 1872._--Leave Mokaia and go south. We crossed several
bays of Tanganyika, the path winding considerably. The people set fire
to our camp as soon as we started.

_17th October, 1872._--Leave a bay of Tanganyika, and go on to Mpimbwé;
two lions growled savagely as we passed. Game is swarming here, but my
men cannot shoot except to make a noise. We found many lepidosirens in a
muddy pool, which a group of vultures were catching and eating. The men
speared one of them, which had scales on; its tail had been bitten off
by a cannibal brother: in length it was about two feet: there were
curious roe-like portions near its backbone, yellow in colour; the flesh
was good. We climbed up a pass at the east end of Mpimbwé mountain, and
at a rounded mass of it found water.

_18th October, 1872._--Went on about south among mountains all day till
we came down, by a little westing, to the Lake again, where there were
some large villages, well stockaded, with a deep gully half round them.
Ill with my old complaint again. Bubwé is the chief here. Food dear,
because Simba made a raid lately. The country is Kilando.

_19th October, 1872._--Remained to prepare food and rest the people. Two
islets, Nkoma and Kalengé, are here, the latter in front of us.

_20th October, 1872._--We got a water-buck and a large buffalo, and
remained during the forenoon to cut up the meat, and started at 2 P.M.

Went on and passed a large arm of Tanganyika, having a bar of hills on
its outer border. Country swarming with large game. Passed two bomas,
and spent the night near one of them. Course east and then south.

_21st October, 1872._--Mokassa, a Moganda boy, has a swelling of the
ankle, which prevents his walking. We went one hour to find wood to make
a litter for him. The bomas round the villages are plastered with mud,
so as to intercept balls or arrows. The trees are all cut down for these
stockades, and the flats are cut up with deep gullies. A great deal of
cotton is cultivated, of which the people make their cloth. There is an
arm of Tanganyika here called Kafungia.

I sent a doti to the headman of the village, where we made the litter,
to ask for a guide to take us straight south instead of going east to
Fipa, which is four days off and out of our course. Tipo Tipo is said
to be at Morero, west of Tanganyika.

_22nd October, 1872._--Turned back westwards, and went through the hills
down to some large islets in the Lake, and camped in villages destroyed
by Simba. A great deal of cotton is cultivated here, about thirty feet
above the Lake.

_23rd October, 1872._--First east, and then passed two deep bays, at one
of which we put up, as they had food to sell. The sides of the
Tanganyika Lake are a succession of rounded bays, answering to the
valleys which trend down to the shore between the numerous ranges of
hills. In Lake Nyassa they seem made by the prevailing winds. We only
get about one hour and a half south and by east. Rain probably fell last
night, for the opposite shore is visible to-day. The mountain range of
Banda slopes down as it goes south. This is the district of Motoshi.
Wherever buffaloes are to be caught, falling traps are suspended over
the path in the trees near the water.

_24th October, 1872._--There are many rounded bays in mountainous Fipa.
We rested two hours in a deep shady dell, and then came along a very
slippery mountain-side to a village in a stockade. It is very hot
to-day, and the first thunderstorm away in the east. The name of this
village is Lindé.

_25th October, 1872._--The coast runs south-south-east to a cape. We
went up south-east, then over a high steep hill to turn to south again,
then down into a valley of Tanganyika, over another stony side, and down
to a dell with a village in it. The west coast is very plain to-day;
rain must have fallen there.

_26th October, 1872._--Over hills and mountains again, past two deep
bays, and on to a large bay with a prominent islet on the south side of
it, called Kitanda, from the chiefs name. There is also a rivulet of
fine water of the same name here.

_27th October, 1872._--Remained to buy food, which is very dear. We
slaughtered a tired cow to exchange for provisions.

_28th October, 1872._--Left Kitanda, and came round the cape, going
south. The cape furthest north bore north-north-west. We came to three
villages and some large spreading trees, where we were invited by the
headman to remain, as the next stage along the shore is long. Morilo
islet is on the other or western side, at the crossing-place. The people
brought in a leopard in great triumph. Its mouth and all its claws were
bound with grass and bands of bark, as if to make it quite safe, and its
tail was curled round: drumming and lullilooing in plenty.

The chief Mosirwa, or Kasamané, paid us a visit, and is preparing a
present of food. One of his men was bitten by the leopard in the arm
before he killed it. Molilo or Morilo islet is the crossing-place of
Banyamwezi when bound for Casembe's country, and is near to the Lofuko
River, on the western shore of the Lake. The Lake is about twelve or
fifteen miles broad, at latitude 7° 52' south. Tipo Tipo is ruling in
Itawa, and bound a chief in chains, but loosed him on being requested to
do so by Syde bin Ali. It takes about three hours to cross at Morilo.

_29th October, 1872._--Crossed the Thembwa Rivulet, twenty feet broad
and knee deep, and sleep on its eastern bank. Fine cold water over stony
bottom. The mountains now close in on Tanganyika, so there is no path
but one, over which luggage cannot be carried. The stage after this is
six hours up hill before we come to water. This forced me to stop after
only a short crooked march of two and a quarter hours. We are now on the
confines of Fipa. The next march takes us into Burungu.

_30th October, 1872._--The highest parts of the mountains are from 500
feet to 700 feet higher than the passes, say from 1300 feet to 1500 feet
above the Lake. A very rough march to-day; one cow fell, and was
disabled. The stones are collected in little heaps and rows, which
shows that all these rough mountains were cultivated. We arrive at a
village on the Lake shore. Kirila islet is about a quarter of a mile
from the shore. The Megunda people cultivated these hills in former
times. Thunder all the morning, and a few drops of rain fell. It will
ease the men's feet when it does fall. They call out earnestly for it,
"Come, come with hail!" and prepare their huts for it.

_31st October, 1872._--Through a long pass after we had climbed over
Winelao. Came to an islet one and a half mile long, called Kapessa, and
then into a long pass. The population of Megunda must have been
prodigious, for all the stones have been cleared, and every available
inch of soil cultivated.

The population are said to have been all swept away by the Matuta.

Going south we came to a very large arm of the Lake, with a village at
the end of it in a stockade. This arm is seven or eight miles long and
about two broad. We killed a cow to-day, and found peculiar flat worms
in the substance of the liver, and some that were rounded.

FOOTNOTES:

[23] Without entering into the merits of a disputed point as to
whether the men on their return journey would have been brought to a
standstill at Unyanyembé but for the opportune presence of Lieutenant
Cameron and his party, it will be seen nevertheless that this entry
fully bears out the assertion of the men that they had cloth laid by
in store here for the journey to the coast.

It seems that by an unfortunate mistake a box of desiccated milk, of
which the Doctor was subsequently in great need, was left behind
amongst these goods. The last words written by him will remind one of
the circumstance. On their return the unlucky box was the first thing
that met Susi's eye!--ED.

[24] Midday halt.

[25] Sweet potatoes.

CHAPTER X.

_1st November, 1872._--We hear that an eruption of Babemba, on the
Baulungu, destroyed all the food. We tried to buy food here, but
everything is hidden in the mountains, so we have to wait to-day till
they fetch it. If in time, we shall make an afternoon's march. Raining
to-day. The Eiver Mulu from Chingolao gave us much trouble in crossing
from being filled with vegetation: it goes into Tanganyika. Our course
south and east.

_2nd November, 1872._--Deceived by a guide, who probably feared his
countrymen in front. Went round a stony cape, and then to a land-locked
harbour, three miles long by two broad. Here was a stockade, where our
guide absconded. They told us that if we continued our march we should
not get water for four hours, so we rested, having marched four and a
quarter hours.

_3rd November, 1872._--We marched this morning to a village where food
was reported. I had to punish two useless men for calling out, "Posho!
posho! posho!" (rations) as soon as I came near. One is a confirmed
bangé-smoker;[26]the blows were given slightly, but I promised that the
next should be severe. The people of Liemba village having a cow or two,
and some sheep and goats, eagerly advised us to go on to the next
village, as being just behind a hill, and well provisioned. Four very
rough hills were the penalty of our credulity, taking four hours of
incessant toil in these mountain fastnesses. They hide their food, and
the paths are the most difficult that can be found, in order to wear out
their enemies. To-day we got to the River Luazi, having marched five and
a half hours, and sighting Tanganyika near us twice.

_4th November, 1872._--All very tired. We tried to get food, but it is
very dear, and difficult to bargain for. Goods are probably brought from
Fipa. A rest will be beneficial to us.

_5th November, 1872._--We went up a high mountain, but found that one of
the cows could not climb up, so I sent back and ordered it to be
slaughtered, waiting on the top of the mountain whilst the people went
down for water.

_6th November, 1872._--Pass a deep narrow bay and climb a steep
mountain. Too much for the best donkey. After a few hours' climb we look
down on the Lake, with its many bays. A sleepy glare floats over it.
Further on we came on a ledge of rocks, and looked sheer down 500 feet
or 600 feet into its dark green waters. We saw three zebras and a young
python here, and fine flowers.

_7th November, 1872, Sunday._--Remained, but the headman forbade his
people to sell us food. We keep quiet except to invite him to a parley,
which he refuses, and makes loud lullilooing in defiance, as if he were
inclined to fighting. At last, seeing that we took no notice of him, he
sent us a present; I returned three times its value.

_8th November, 1872._--The large donkey is very ill, and unable to climb
the high mountain in our front. I left men to coax him on, and they did
it well. I then sent some to find a path out from the Lake mountains,
for they will kill us all; others were despatched to buy food, but the
Lake folks are poor except in fish.

Swifts in flocks were found on the Lake when we came to it, and there
are small migrations of swallows ever since. Though this is the very
hottest time of year, and all the plants are burnt off or quite dried,
the flowers persist in bursting out of the hot dry surface, generally
without leaves. A purple ginger, with two yellow patches inside, is very
lovely to behold, and it is alternated with one of a bright canary
yellow; many trees, too, put on their blossoms. The sun makes the soil
so hot that the radiation is as if it came from a furnace. It burns the
feet of the people, and knocks them up. Subcutaneous inflammation is
frequent in the legs, and makes some of my most hardy men useless. We
have been compelled to slowness very much against my will. I too was
ill, and became better only by marching on foot. Riding exposes one to
the bad influence of the sun, while by walking the perspiration modifies
beneficially the excessive heat. It is like the difference in effect of
cold if one is in activity or sitting, and falling asleep on a
stage-coach. I know ten hot fountains north of the Orange River; the
further north the more hot and numerous they become.

[Just here we find a note, which does not bear reference to anything
that occurred at this time. Men, in the midst of their hard earnest
toil, perceive great truths with a sharpness of outline and a depth of
conviction which is denied to the mere idle theorist: he says:--]

The spirit of Missions is the spirit of our Master: the very genius of
His religion. A diffusive philanthropy is Christianity itself. It
requires perpetual propagation to attest its genuineness.

_9th November, 1872._--We got very little food, and kill a calf to fill
our mouths a little. A path east seems to lead out from these mountains
of Tanganyika. We went on east this morning in highland open forest,
then descended by a long slope to a valley in which there is water. Many
Milenga gardens, but the people keep out of sight. The highlands are of
a purple colour from the new leaves coming out. The donkey began to eat
to my great joy. Men sent off to search for a village return
empty-handed, and we must halt. I am ill and losing much blood.

_10th November, 1872._--Out from the Lake mountains, and along high
ridges of sandstone and dolomite. Our guide volunteered to take the men
on to a place where food can be bought--a very acceptable offer. The
donkey is recovering; it was distinctly the effects of tsetse, for the
eyes and all the mouth and nostrils swelled. Another died at Kwihara
with every symptom of tsetse poison fully developed.

[The above remarks on the susceptibility of the donkey to the bite of
the tsetse fly are exceedingly important. Hitherto Dr. Livingstone had
always maintained, as the result of his own observations, that this
animal, at all events, could be taken through districts in which horses,
mules, dogs, and oxen would perish to a certainty. With the keen
perception and perseverance of one who was exploring Africa with a view
to open it up for Europeans, he laid great stress on these experiments,
and there is no doubt that the distinct result which he here arrived at
must have a very significant bearing on the question of travel and
transport.

Still passing through the same desolate country, we see that he makes a
note on the forsaken fields and the watch-towers in them. Cucumbers are
cultivated in large quantities by the natives of Inner Africa, and the
reader will no doubt call to mind the simile adopted by Isaiah some 2500
years ago, as he pictured the coming desolation of Zion, likening her to
a "lodge in a garden of cucumbers."[27]]

_11th November, 1872._--Over
gently undulating country, with many old gardens and watch-houses, some
of great height, we reached the River Kalambo, which I know as falling
into Tanganyika. A branch joins it at the village of Mosapasi; it is
deep, and has to be crossed by a bridge, whilst the Kalambo is shallow,
and say twenty yards wide, but it spreads out a good deal.

[Their journey of the _12th_ and _13th_ led them over low ranges of
sandstone and hæmatite, and past several strongly stockaded villages.
The weather was cloudy and showery--a relief, no doubt, after the
burning heat of the last few weeks. They struck the Halochéché River, a
rapid stream fifteen yards wide and thigh deep, on its way to the Lake,
and arrived at Zombé's town, which is built in such a manner that the
river runs through it, whilst a stiff palisade surrounds it. He says:--]

It was entirely surrounded by M'toka's camp, and a constant fight
maintained at the point where the line of stakes was weakened by the
river running through. He killed four of the enemy, and then Chitimbwa
and Kasonso coming to help him, the siege was raised.

M'toka compelled some Malongwana to join him, and plundered many
villages; he has been a great scourge. He also seems to have made an
attack upon an Arab caravan, plundering it of six bales of cloth and one
load of beads, telling them that if they wanted to get their things back
they must come and help him conquer Zombé. The siege lasted three
months, till the two brothers of Zombé, before-mentioned, came, and then
a complete rout ensued. M'toka left nearly all his guns behind him; his
allies, the Malongwana, had previously made their escape. It is two
months since this rout, so we have been prevented by a kind Providence
from coming soon enough. He was impudent and extortionate before, and
much more now that he has been emboldened by success in plundering.

_16th November, 1872._--After waiting some time for the men I sent men
back yesterday to look after the sick donkey, they arrived, but the
donkey died this morning. Its death was evidently caused by tsetse bite
and bad usage by one of the men, who kept it forty-eight hours without
water. The rain, no doubt, helped to a fatal end; it is a great loss to
me.

_17th November, 1872._--We went on along the bottom of a high ridge that
flanks the Lake on the west, and then turned up south-east to a village
hung on the edge of a deep chasm in which flows the Aeezy.

_18th November, 1872._--We were soon overwhelmed in a pouring rain, and
had to climb up the slippery red path which is parallel and near to
Mbétté's. One of the men picked up a little girl who had been deserted
by her mother. As she was benumbed by cold and wet he carried her; but
when I came up he threw her into the grass. I ordered a man to carry
her, and we gave her to one of the childless women; she is about four
years old, and not at all negro-looking. Our march took us about S.W. to
Kampamba's, the son of Kasonso, who is dead.

_19th November, 1872._--I visited Kampamba. He is still as agreeable as
he was before when he went with us to Liemba. I gave him two cloths as a
present. He has a good-sized village. There are heavy rains now and then
every day.

_20th, 21st, and 23rd November, 1872._--The men turn to stringing beads
for future use, and to all except defaulters I give a present of 2
dotis, and a handful of beads each. I have diminished the loads
considerably, which pleases them much. We have now 3-1/2 loads of
calico, and 120 bags of beads. Several go idle, but have to do any odd
work, such as helping the sick or anything they are ordered to do. I
gave the two Nassickers who lost the cow and calf only 1 doti, they were
worth 14 dotis. One of our men is behind, sick with dysentery. I am
obliged to leave him, but have sent for him twice, and have given him
cloth and beads.

_24th November, 1872._--Left Kampamba's to-day, and cross a meadow S.E.
of the village in which the River Muanani rises. It flows into the
Kapondosi and so on to the Lake. We made good way with Kiteneka as our
guide, who formerly accompanied Kampamba and ourselves to Liemba. We
went over a flat country once covered with trees, but now these have all
been cut down, say 4 to 5 feet from the ground, most likely for
clearing, as the reddish soil is very fertile. Long lines of hills of
denudation are in the distance, all directed to the Lake.

We came at last to Kasonso's successor's village on the River Molulwé,
which is, say, thirty yards wide, and thigh deep. It goes to the Lofu.
The chief here gave a sheep--a welcome present, for I was out of flesh
for four days. Kampamba is stingy as compared with his father.

_25th November, 1872._--We came in an hour's march to a rivulet called
the Casembe--the departed Kasonso lived here. The stream is very deep,
and flows slowly to the Lofu. Our path lay through much pollarded
forest, troublesome to walk in, as the stumps send out leafy shoots.

_26th November, 1872._--Started at daybreak. The grass was loaded with
dew, and a heavy mist hung over everything. Passed two villages of
people come out to cultivate this very fertile soil, which they manure
by burning branches of trees. The Rivulet Loela flows here, and is also
a tributary of the Lofu.

_27th November, 1872._--As it is Sunday we stay here at N'dari's
village, for we shall be in an uninhabited track to-morrow, beyond the
Lofu. The headman cooked six messes for us and begged us to remain for
more food, which we buy. He gave us a handsome present of flour and a
fowl, for which I return him a present of a doti. Very heavy rain and
high gusts of wind, which wet us all.

_28th November, 1872._--We came to the River Lofu in a mile. It is
sixty feet across and very deep. We made a bridge, and cut the banks
down, so that the donkey and cattle could pass over. It took us two
hours, during which time we hauled them all across with a rope. We were
here misled by our guide, who took us across a marsh covered with tufts
of grass, but with deep water between that never dries; there is a path
which goes round it. We came to another village with a river which must
be crossed--no stockade here, and the chief allowed us to camp in his
town. There are long low lines of hills all about. A man came to the
bridge to ask for toll-fee: as it was composed of one stick only, and
unfit for our use because rotten, I agreed to pay provided he made it
fit for our large company; but if I re-made and enlarged it, I said he
ought to give me a goat for the labour. He slunk away, and we laid large
trees across, where previously there was but one rotten pole.

_29th November, 1872._--Crossed the Loozi in two branches, and climbed
up the gentle ascent of Malembé to the village of Chiwé, whom I formerly
called Chibwé, being misled by the Yao tongue. Ilamba is the name of the
rill at his place. The Loozi's two branches were waist deep. The first
was crossed by a natural bridge of a fig-tree growing across. It runs
into the Lofu, which river rises in Isunga country at a mountain called
Kwitetté. The Chambezé rises east of this, and at the same place as
Louzua.

Chiwé presented a small goat with crooked legs and some millet flour,
but he grumbled at the size of the fathom cloth I gave. I offered
another fathom, and a bundle of needles, but he grumbled at this too,
and sent it back. On this I returned his goat and marched.

[The road lay through the same country among low hills, for several
miles, till they came on the _1st December_ to a rivulet called Lovu
Katanta, where curiously enough they found a nutmeg-tree in full
bearing. A wild species is found at Angola on the West Coast and it was
probably of this description, and not the same species as that which is
cultivated in the East. In two places he says:--]

Who planted the nutmeg-tree on the Katanta?

[Passing on with heavy rain pouring down, they now found themselves in
the Wemba country, the low tree-covered hills exhibiting here and there
"fine-grained schist and igneous rocks of red, white, and green
colour."]

_3rd December, 1872._--No food to be got on account of M'toka's and Tipo
Tipo's raids.

A stupid or perverse guide took us away to-day N.W. or W.N.W. The
villagers refused to lead us to Chipwité's, where food was to be had; he
is S.W. 1-1/2 day off. The guide had us at his mercy, for he said, "If
you go S.W. you will be five days without food or people." We crossed
the Kañomba, fifteen yards wide, and knee deep. Here our guide
disappeared, and so did the path. We crossed the Lampussi twice; it is
forty yards wide, and knee deep; our course is W.N.W. for about 4-1/2
hours to-day. We camped and sent men to search for a village that has
food. My third barometer (aneroid) is incurably injured by a fall, the
man who carried it slipped upon a clayey path.

_4th December, 1872._--Waiting for the return of our men in a green
wooded valley on the Lampussi River. Those who were sent yesterday
return without anything; they were directed falsely by the country
people, where nought could be bought. The people themselves are living
on grubs, roots, and fruits. The young plasterer Sphex is very fat on
coming out of its clay house, and a good relish for food. A man came to
us demanding his wife and child; they are probably in hiding; the slaves
of Tipo Tipo have been capturing people. One sinner destroyeth much
good!

_5th December, 1872._--The people eat mushrooms and leaves. My men
returned about 5 P.M. with two of Kafimbé's men bringing a present of
food to me. A little was bought, and we go on to-morrow to sleep two
nights on the way, and so to Kafimbé, who is a brother of Nsama's, and
fights him.

_6th December, 1872._--We cross the Lampussi again, and up to a mountain
along which we go, and then down to some ruins. This took us five hours,
and then with 2-1/4 more hours we reach Sintila. We hasten along as fast
as hungry men (four of them sick) can go to get food.

_1th December, 1872._--Off at 6.15 A.M. A leopard broke in upon us last
night and bit a woman. She screamed, and so did the donkey, and it ran
off. Our course lay along between two ranges of low hills, then, where
they ended, we went by a good-sized stream thirty yards or so across,
and then down into a valley to Kafimbé's.

_8th December, 1872._--Very heavy rains. I visited Kafimbé. He is an
intelligent and pleasant young man, who has been attacked several times
by Kitandula, the successor of Nsama of Itawa, and compelled to shift
from Motononga to this rivulet Motosi, which flows into the Kisi and
thence into Lake Moero.

_9th December, 1872._--Send off men to a distance for food, and wait of
course. Here there is none for either love or money. To-day a man came
from the Arab party at Kumba-Kumba's with a present of M'chelé and a
goat. He reports that they have killed Casembe, whose people concealed
from him the approach of the enemy till they were quite near. Having no
stockade, he fell an easy prey to them. The conquerors put his head and
all his ornaments on poles. His pretty wife escaped over Mofwé, and the
slaves of the Arabs ran riot everywhere. We sent a return present of two
dotis of cloth, one jorah of Kaniké, one doti of coloured cloth, three
pounds of beads, and a paper of needles.

_10th December, 1872._--Left Kafimbé's. He gave us three men to take us
into Chama's village, and came a mile along the road with us. Our road
took us by a winding course from one little deserted village to another.

_11th December, 1872._--Being far from water we went two hours across a
plain dotted with villages to a muddy rivulet called the Mukubwé (it
runs to Moero), where we found the village of a nephew of Nsama. This
young fellow was very liberal in gifts of food, and in return I gave him
two cloths. An Arab, Juma bin Seff, sent a goat to-day. They have been
riding it roughshod over all the inhabitants, and confess it.

_12th December, 1872._--Marenza sent a present of dura flour and a fowl,
and asked for a little butter as a charm. He seems unwilling to give us
a guide, though told by Kafimbé to do so. Many Garaganza about: they
trade in leglets, ivory, and slaves. We went on half-an-hour to the
River Mokoé, which is thirty yards wide, and carries off much water into
Malunda, and so to Lake Moero.

When palm-oil palms are cut down for toddy, they are allowed to lie
three days, then the top shoot is cut off smoothly, and the toddy begins
to flow; and it flows for a month, or a month and a half or so, lying on
the soil.

[The note made on the following day is written with a feeble hand, and
scarce one pencilled word tallies with its neighbour in form or
distinctness--in fact, it is seen at a glance what exertion it cost him
to write at all. He says no more than "Ill" in one place, but this is
the evident explanation; yet with the same painstaking determination of
old, the three rivers which they crossed have their names recorded, and
the hours of marching and the direction are all entered in his pocket
book.]

_13th December, 1872._--Westward about by south, and crossed a river,
Mokobwé, thirty-five yards. Ill, and after going S.W. camped in a
deserted village, S.W. travelling five hours. River Mekanda 2nd. Meñomba
3, where we camp.

_14th December, 1872._--Guides turned N.W. to take us to a son of
Nsama, and so play the usual present into his hands. I objected when I
saw their direction, but they said, "The path turns round in front."
After going a mile along the bank of the Meñomba, which has much water,
Susi broke through and ran south, till he got a S. by W. path, which we
followed, and came to a village having plenty of food. As we have now
camped in village, we sent the men off to recall the fugitive women, who
took us for Komba-Komba's men. Crossed the Luperé, which runs into the
Makobwé.

A leech crawling towards me in the village this morning elicited the
Bemba idea that they fall from the clouds or sky--"mulu." It is called
here "Mosunda a maluzé," or leech of the rivers; "Luba" is the Zanzibar
name. In one place I counted nineteen leeches in our path, in about a
mile; rain had fallen, and their appearance out of their hiding-places
suddenly after heavy rain may have given rise to the idea of their fall
with it as fishes do, and the thunder frog is supposed to do. Always too
cloudy and rainy for observations of stars.

_15th December, 1872._--The country is now level, covered with trees
pollarded for clothing, and to make ashes of for manure. There are many
deserted villages, few birds. Cross the Eiver Lithabo, thirty yards wide
and thigh deep, running fast to the S.W., joined by a small one near.
Reached village of Chipala, on the Rivulet Chikatula, which goes to
Moipanza. The Lithabo goes to Kalongwesi by a S.W. course.

_16th December, 1872._--Off at 6 A.M. across the Chikatula, and in
three-quarters of an hour crossed the Lopanza, twelve yards wide and
waist deep, being now in flood. The Lolela was before us in
half-an-hour, eight yards wide and thigh deep, both streams perennial
and embowered in tall umbrageous trees that love wet; both flow to the
Kalongwesi.

We came to quite a group of villages having food, and remain, as we got
only driblets in the last two camps. Met two Banyamwezi carrying salt to
Lobemba, of Moambu. They went to Kabuiré for it, and now retail it on
the way back.

At noon we got to the village of Kasiané, which is close to two
rivulets, named Lopanza and Lolela. The headman, a relative of Nsama,
brought me a large present of flour of dura, and I gave him two fathoms
of calico.

Floods by these sporadic rainfalls have discoloured waters, as seen in
Lopanza and Lolela to-day. The grass is all springing up quickly, and
the Maleza growing fast. The trees generally in full foliage. Different
shades of green, the dark prevailing; especially along rivulets, and the
hills in the distance are covered with dark blue haze. Here, in Lobemba,
they are gentle slopes of about 200 or 300 feet, and sandstone crops out
over their tops. In some parts clay schists appear, which look as if
they had been fused or were baked by intense heat.

The pugnacious spirit is one of the necessities of life. When people
have little or none of it, they are subjected to indignity and loss. My
own men walk into houses where we pass the nights without asking any
leave, and steal cassava without shame. I have to threaten and thrash to
keep them honest, while if we are at a village where the natives are a
little pugnacious they are as meek as sucking doves. The peace plan
involves indignity and wrong. I give little presents to the headmen, and
to some extent heal their hurt sensibilities. This is indeed much
appreciated, and produces profound hand-clapping.

_17th December, 1872._--It looked rainy, but we waited half-an-hour, and
then went on one hour and a half, when it set in and forced us to seek
shelter in a village. The head of it was very civil, and gave us two
baskets of cassava, and one of dura. I gave a small present first. The
district is called Kisinga, and flanks the Kalongwezé.

_18th December, 1872._--Over same flat pollarded forest until we
reached the Kalongwesé Kiver on the right bank, and about a quarter of a
mile east of the confluence of the Luéna or Kisaka. This side of the
river is called Kisinga, the other is Chama's and Kisinga too. The Luena
comes from Jangé in Casembe's land, or W.S.W. of this. The Kalongwesé
comes from the S.E. of this, and goes away N.W. The donkey sends a foot
every now and then through the roof of cavities made apparently by ants,
and sinks down 18 inches or more and nearly falls. These covered hollows
are right in the paths.

_19th December, 1872._--So cloudy and wet that no observations can be
taken for latitude and longitude at this real geographical point. The
Kalongwesé is sixty or eighty yards wide and four yards deep, about a
mile above the confluence of the Luéna. We crossed it in very small
canoes, and swamped one twice, but no one was lost. Marched S. about
1-1/4 hour.

_20th December, 1872._--Shut in by heavy clouds. Wait to see if it will
clear up. Went on at 7.15, drizzling as we came near the Mozumba or
chiefs stockade. A son of Chama tried to mislead us by setting out west,
but the path being grass-covered I objected, and soon came on to the
large clear path. The guide ran off to report to the son, but we kept on
our course, and he and the son followed us. We were met by a party, one
of whom tried to regale us by vociferous singing and trumpeting on an
antelope's horn, but I declined the deafening honour. Had we suffered
the misleading we should have come here to-morrow afternoon.

A wet bed last night, for it was in the canoe that was upset. It was so
rainy that there was no drying it.

_21st December, 1872._--Arrived at Chama's. Heavy clouds drifting past,
and falling drizzle. Chama's brother tried to mislead us yesterday, in
hopes of making us wander hopelessly and helplessly. Failing in this,
from my refusal to follow a grass-covered path, he ran before us to the
chief's stockade, and made all the women flee, which they did, leaving
their chickens damless. We gave him two handsome cloths, one for himself
and one for Chama, and said we wanted food only, and would buy it. They
are accustomed to the bullying of half-castes, who take what they like
for nothing. They are alarmed at our behaviour to-day, so we took quiet
possession of the stockade, as the place that they put us in was on the
open defenceless plain. Seventeen human skulls ornament the stockade.
They left their fowls, and pigeons. There was no bullying. Our women
went in to grind food, and came out without any noise. This flight seems
to be caused by the foolish brother of the chief, and it is difficult to
prevent stealing by my horde. The brother came drunk, and was taking off
a large sheaf of arrows, when we scolded and prevented him.

_22nd December, 1872._--We crossed a rivulet at Chama's village ten
yards wide and thigh deep, and afterwards in an hour and a half came to
a sedgy stream which we could barely cross. We hauled a cow across
bodily. Went on mainly south, and through much bracken.

_23rd December, 1872._--Off at 6 A.M. in a mist, and in an hour and a
quarter came to three large villages by three rills called Misangwa, and
much sponge; went on to other villages south, and a stockade.

_24th December, 1872._--Cloud in sky with drifting clouds from S. and
S.W. Very wet and drizzling. Sent back Chama's arrows, as his foolish
brother cannot use them against us now; there are 215 in the bundle.
Passed the Lopopussi running west to the Lofubu about seven yards wide,
it flows fast over rocks with heavy aquatic plants. The people are not
afraid of us here as they were so distressingly elsewhere: we hope to
buy food here.

_25th December, 1872, Christmas Day._--I thank the good Lord for the
good gift of His Son Christ Jesus our Lord. Slaughtered an ox, and gave
a fundo and a half to each of the party. This is our great day, so we
rest. It is cold and wet, day and night. The headman is gracious and
generous, which is very pleasant compared with awe, awe, and refusing to
sell, or stop to speak, or show the way.

The White Nile carrying forward its large quasi-tidal wave presents a
mass of water to the Blue Nile, which acts as a buffer to its rapid
flood. The White Nile being at a considerable height when the Blue
rushes down its steep slopes, presents its brother Nile with a soft
cushion into which it plunges, and is restrained by the _vis inertiæ_ of
the more slowly moving river, and, both united, pass on to form the
great inundation of the year in Lower Egypt. The Blue River brings down
the heavier portion of the Nile deposit, while the White River comes
down with the black finely divided matter from thousands of square miles
of forest in Manyuema, which probably gave the Nile its name, and is in
fact the real fertilizing ingredient in the mud that is annually left.
Some of the rivers in Manyuema, as the Luia and Machila, are of inky
blackness, and make the whole main stream of a very Nilotic hue. An
acquaintance with these dark flowing rivers, and scores of rills of
water tinged as dark as strong tea, was all my reward for plunging
through the terrible Manyuema mud or "glaur."

_26th December, 1872._--Along among the usual low tree-covered hills of
red and yellow and green schists--paths wet and slippery. Came to the
Lofubu, fifteen yards broad and very deep, water clear, flowing
north-west to join Luéna or Kisaka, as the Lopopussi goes west too into
Lofubu it becomes large as we saw. We crossed by a bridge, and the
donkey swam with men on each side of him. We came to three villages on
the other side with many iron furnaces. Wet and drizzling weather made
us stop soon. A herd of buffaloes, scared by our party, rushed off and
broke the trees in their hurry, otherwise there is no game or marks of
game visible.

_27th December, 1872._--Leave the villages on the Lofubu. A cascade
comes down on our left. The country undulating deeply, the hills, rising
at times 300 to 400 feet, are covered with stunted wood. There is much
of the common bracken fern and hart's-tongue. We cross one rivulet
running to the Lofubu, and camp by a blacksmith's rill in the jungle. No
rain fell to-day for a wonder, but the lower tier of clouds still drifts
past from N.W.

I killed a Naia Hadje snake seven feet long here, he reared up before me
and turned to fight. The under north-west stratum of clouds is composed
of fluffy cottony masses, the edges spread out as if on an electrical
machine--the upper or south-east is of broad fields like striated cat's
hair. The N.W. flies quickly, the S.E. slowly away where the others come
from. No observations have been possible through most of this month.
People assert that the new moon will bring drier weather, and the clouds
are preparing to change the N.W. lower stratum into S.E., ditto, ditto,
and the N.W. will be the upper tier.

A man, ill and unable to come on, was left all night in the rain,
without fire. We sent men back to carry him. Wet and cold. We are
evidently ascending as we come near the Chambezé. The N.E. clouds came
up this morning to meet the N.W. and thence the S.E. came across as if
combating the N.W. So as the new moon comes soon, it may be a real
change to drier weather.

4 P.M.--The man carried in here is very ill; we must carry him
to-morrow.

_29th December, 1872._--Our man Chipangawazi died last night and was
buried this morning. He was a quiet good man, his disease began at
Kampamba's. New moon last night.

_29th, or 1st January, 1873._--I am wrong two days.

_29th December, 1872._--After the burial and planting four branches of
Moriñga at the corners of the grave we went on southwards 3-1/4 hours to
a river, the Luongo, running strongly west and south to the Luapula,
then after one hour crossed it, twelve yards wide and waist deep. We met
a man with four of his kindred stripping off bark to make bark-cloth: he
gives me the above information about the Luongo.

_1st January, 1873. (30th.)_--Came on at 6 A.M. very cold. The rains
have ceased for a time. Arrive at the village of the man who met us
yesterday. As we have been unable to buy food, through the illness and
death of Chipangawazi, I camp here.

_2nd January, 1873._--Thursday--Wednesday was the 1st, I was two days
wrong.

_3rd January, 1873._--The villagers very anxious to take us to the west
to Chikumbi's, but I refused to follow them, and we made our course to
the Luongo. Went into the forest south without a path for 1-1/2 hour,
then through a flat forest, much fern and no game. We camped in the
forest at the Situngula Rivulet. A little quiet rain through the night.
A damp climate this--lichens on all the trees, even on those of 2 inches
diameter. Our last cow died of injuries received in crossing the Lofubu.
People buy it for food, so it is not an entire loss.

_4th January, 1873._--March south one hour to the Lopoposi or Lopopozi
stream of 25 or 30 feet, and now breast deep, flowing fast southwards to
join the Chambezé. Camped at Ketebé's at 2 P.M. on the Rivulet Kizima
after very heavy rain.

_5th January, 1873._--A woman of our party is very ill; she will require
to be carried to-morrow.

_6th January, 1873._--Ketebé or Kapesha very civil and generous. He sent
three men to guide us to his elder brother Chungu. The men drum and sing
harshly for him continually. I gave him half-a-pound of powder, and he
lay on his back rolling and clapping his hands, and all his men
lulliloed; then he turned on his front, and did the same. The men are
very timid--no wonder, the Arab slaves do as they choose with them. The
women burst out through, the stockade in terror when my men broke into
a chorus as they were pitching my tent. Cold, cloudy, and drizzling.
Much cultivation far from the stockades.

The sponges here are now full and overflowing, from the continuous and
heavy rains. Crops of mileza, maize, cassava, dura, tobacco, beans,
ground-nuts, are growing finely. A border is made round each patch,
manured by burning the hedge, and castor-oil plants, pumpkins,
calabashes, are planted in it to spread out over the grass.

_7th January, 1873._--A cold rainy day keeps us in a poor village very
unwillingly. 3 P.M. Fair, after rain all the morning--on to the Rivulet
Kamalopa, which runs to Kamolozzi and into Kapopozi.

_8th January, 1873._--Detained by heavy continuous rains in the village
Moenje. We are near Lake Bangweolo and in a damp region. Got off in the
afternoon in a drizzle; crossed a rill six feet wide, but now very deep,
and with large running sponges on each side; it is called the Kamalopa,
then one hour beyond came to a sponge, and a sluggish rivulet 100 yards
broad with broad sponges on either bank waist deep, and many leeches.
Came on through flat forest as usual S.W. and S.

[We may here call attention to the alteration of the face of the country
and the prominent notice of "sponges." His men speak of the march from
this point as one continual plunge in and out of morass, and through
rivers which were only distinguishable from the surrounding waters by
their deep currents and the necessity for using canoes. To a man reduced
in strength and chronically affected with dysenteric symptoms ever
likely to be aggravated by exposure, the effect may be well conceived!
It is probable that had Dr. Livingstone been at the head of a hundred
picked Europeans, every man would have been down within the next
fortnight. As it is, we cannot help thinking of his company of
followers, who must have been well led and under the most thorough
control to endure these marches at all, for nothing cows the African so
much as rain. The next day's journey may be taken as a specimen of the
hardships every one had to endure:--]

_9th January, 1873._--Mosumba of Chungu. After an hour we crossed the
rivulet and sponge of Nkulumuna, 100 feet of rivulet and 200 yards of
flood, besides some 200 yards of sponge full and running off; we then,
after another hour, crossed the large rivulet Lopopozi by a bridge which
was 45 feet long, and showed the deep water; then 100 yards of flood
thigh deep, and 200 or 300 yards of sponge. After this we crossed two
rills called Liñkanda and their sponges, the rills in flood 10 or 12
feet broad and thigh deep. After crossing the last we came near the
Mosumba, and received a message to build our sheds in the forest, which
we did.

Chungu knows what a nuisance a Safari (caravan) makes itself. Cloudy
day, and at noon heavy rain from N.W. The headman on receiving two
cloths said he would converse about our food and show it to-morrow. No
observations can be made, from clouds and rain.

_10th January, 1873._--Mosumba of Chungu. Rest to-day and get an insight
into the ford: cold rainy weather. When we prepared to visit Chungu, we
received a message that he had gone to his plantations to get millet. He
then sent for us at 1 P.M. to come, but on reaching the stockade we
heard a great Kelélé, or uproar, and found it being shut from terror. We
spoke to the inmates but in vain, so we returned. Chungu says that we
should put his head on a pole like Casembe's! We shall go on without him
to-morrow. The terror guns have inspired is extreme.

_11th January, 1873._--Chungu sent a goat and big basket of flour, and
excused his fears because guns had routed Casembe and his head was put
on a pole; it was his young men that raised the noise. We remain to buy
food, as there is scarcity at Mombo, in front. Cold and rainy weather,
never saw the like; but this is among the sponges of the Nile and near
the northern shores of Bangweolo.

_12th January, 1873._--A dry day enabled us to move forward an hour to a
rivulet and sponge, but by ascending it we came to its head and walked
over dryshod, then one hour to another broad rivulet--Pinda, sluggish,
and having 100 yards of sponge on each side. This had a stockaded
village, and the men in terror shut the gates. Our men climbed over and
opened them, but I gave the order to move forward through flat forest
till we came to a running rivulet of about twenty feet, but with 100
yards of sponge on each side. The white sand had come out as usual and
formed the bottom. Here we entered a village to pass the night. We
passed mines of fine black iron ore ("motapo"); it is magnetic.

_13th January, 1873._--Storm-stayed by rain and cold at the village on
the Rivulet Kalambosi, near the Chambezé. Never was in such a spell of
cold rainy weather except in going to Loanda in 1853. Sent back for
food.

_14th January, 1873._--Went on dry S.E. and then S. two hours to River
Mozinga, and marched parallel to it till we came to the confluence of
Kasié. Mosinga, 25 feet, waist deep, with 150 yards of sponge on right
bank and about 50 yards on left. There are many plots of cassava, maize,
millet, dura, ground-nuts, voandzeia, in the forest, all surrounded with
strong high hedges skilfully built, and manured with wood ashes. The
villagers are much afraid of us. After 4-1/2 hours we were brought up by
the deep rivulet Mpanda, to be crossed to-morrow in canoes. There are
many flowers in the forest: marigolds, a white jonquil-looking flower
without smell, many orchids, white, yellow, and pink Asclepias, with
bunches of French-white flowers, clematis--_Methonica gloriosa_,
gladiolus, and blue and deep purple polygalas, grasses with white starry
seed-vessels, and spikelets of brownish red and yellow. Besides these
there are beautiful blue flowering bulbs, and new flowers of pretty
delicate form and but little scent. To this list may be added balsams,
compositæ of blood-red colour and of purple; other flowers of liver
colour, bright canary yellow, pink orchids on spikes thickly covered all
round, and of three inches in length; spiderworts of fine blue or yellow
or even pink. Different coloured asclepedials; beautiful yellow and red
umbelliferous flowering plants; dill and wild parsnips; pretty flowery
aloes, yellow and red, in one whorl of blossoms; peas, and many other
flowering plants which I do not know. Very few birds or any kind of
game. The people are Babisa, who have fled from the west and are busy
catching fish in basket traps.

_15th January, 1873._--Found that Chungu had let us go astray towards
the Lake, and into an angle formed by the Mpandé and Lopopussi, and the
Lake-full of rivulets which are crossed with canoes. Chisupa, a headman
on the other side of the Mpanda, sent a present and denounced Chungu for
heartlessness. We explained to one man our change of route and went
first N.E., then E. to the Monsinga, which we forded again at a deep
place full of holes and rust-of-iron water, in which we floundered over
300 yards. We crossed a sponge thigh deep before we came to the Mosinga,
then on in flat forest to a stockaded village; the whole march about
east for six hours.

_16th January, 1873._--Away north-east and north to get out of the many
rivulets near the Lake back to the River Lopopussi, which now looms
large, and must be crossed in canoes. We have to wait in a village till
these are brought, and have only got 1-3/4 hour nearly north.

We were treated scurvily by Chungu. He knew that we were near the
Chambezé, but hid the knowledge and himself too. It is terror of guns.

_17th January, 1873._--We are troubled for want of canoes, but have to
treat gently with the owners, otherwise they would all run away, as
they have around Chungu's, in the belief that we should return to punish
their silly headman. By waiting patiently yesterday, we drew about
twenty canoes towards us this morning, but all too small for the donkey,
so we had to turn away back north-west to the bridge above Chungu's. If
we had tried to swim the donkey across alongside a canoe it would have
been terribly strained, as the Lopopussi is here quite two miles wide
and full of rushes, except in the main stream. It is all deep, and the
country being very level as the rivulets come near to the Lake, they
become very broad. Crossed two sponges with rivulets in their centre.

Much cultivation in the forest. In the second year the mileza and maize
are sickly and yellow white; in the first year, with fresh wood ashes,
they are dark green and strong. Very much of the forest falls for
manure. The people seem very eager cultivators. Possibly mounds have the
potash brought up in forming.

_18th January, 1873._--We lost a week by going to Chungu (a worthless
terrified headman), and came back to the ford of Lopopussi, which we
crossed, only from believing him to be an influential man who would
explain the country to us. We came up the Lopopussi three hours
yesterday, after spending two hours in going down to examine the canoes.
We hear that Sayde bin Ali is returning from Katanga with much ivory.

_19th January, 1873._--After prayers we went on to a fine village, and
on from it to the Mononsé, which, though only ten feet of deep stream
flowing S., had some 400 yards of most fatiguing, plunging, deep sponge,
which lay in a mass of dark-coloured rushes, that looked as if burnt
off: many leeches plagued us. We were now two hours out. We went on two
miles to another sponge and village, but went round its head dryshod,
then two hours more to sponge Lovu. Flat forest as usual.

_20th January, 1873._--Tried to observe lunars in vain; clouded over
all, thick and muggy. Came on disappointed and along the Lovu 1-1/2
mile. Crossed it by a felled tree lying over it. It is about six feet
deep, with 150 yards of sponge. Marched about 2-1/2 hours: very
unsatisfactory progress.

[In answer to a question as to whether Dr. Livingstone could possibly
manage to wade so much, Susi says that he was carried across these
sponges and the rivulets on the shoulders of Chowpéré or Chumah.]

_21st January, 1873._--Fundi lost himself yesterday, and we looked out
for him. He came at noon, having wandered in the eager pursuit of two
herds of eland; having seen no game for a long time, he lost himself in
the eager hope of getting one. We went on 2-1/2 hours, and were brought
up by the River Malalanzi, which is about 15 feet wide, waist deep, and
has 300 yards or more of sponge. Guides refused to come as Chituñkùe,
their headman, did not own them. We started alone: a man came after us
and tried to mislead us in vain.

_22nd January, 1873._--We pushed on through many deserted gardens and
villages, the man evidently sent to lead us astray from our S.E. course;
he turned back when he saw that we refused his artifice. Crossed another
rivulet, possibly the Lofu, now broad and deep, and then came to another
of several deep streams but sponge, not more than fifty feet in all.
Here we remained, having travelled in fine drizzling rain all the
morning. Population all gone from the war of Chitoka with this
Chituñkùe.

No astronomical observations worth naming during December and January;
impossible to take any, owing to clouds and rain.

It is trying beyond measure to be baffled by the natives lying and
misleading us wherever they can. They fear us very, greatly, and with a
terror that would gratify an anthropologist's heart. Their
unfriendliness is made more trying by our being totally unable to
observe for our position. It is either densely clouded, or continually
raining day and night. The country is covered with brackens, and
rivulets occur at least one every hour of the march. These are now deep,
and have a broad selvage of sponge. The lower stratum of clouds moves
quickly from the N.W.; the upper move slowly from S.E., and tell of rain
near.

_23rd January, 1873._--We have to send back to villages of Chituñkùe to
buy food. It was not reported to me that the country in front was
depopulated for three days, so I send a day back. I don't know where we
are, and the people are deceitful in their statements; unaccountably so,
though we deal fairly and kindly. Rain, rain, rain as if it never tired
on this watershed. The showers show little in the gauge, but keep
everything and every place wet and sloppy.

Our people return with a wretched present from Chituñkùe; bad flour and
a fowl, evidently meant to be rejected. He sent also an exorbitant
demand for gunpowder, and payment of guides. I refused his present, and
must plod on without guides, and this is very difficult from the
numerous streams.

_24th January, 1873._--Went on E. and N.E. to avoid the deep part of a
large river, which requires two canoes, but the men sent by the chief
would certainly hide them. Went 1-3/4 hour's journey to a large stream
through drizzling rain, at least 300 yards of deep water, amongst sedges
and sponges of 100 yards. One part was neck deep for fifty yards, and
the water cold. We plunged in elephants' footprints 1-1/2 hour, then
came on one hour to a small rivulet ten feet broad, but waist deep,
bridge covered and broken down. Carrying me across one of the broad deep
sedgy rivers is really a very difficult task. One we crossed was at
least 2000 feet broad, or more than 300 yards. The first part, the main
stream, came up to Susi's mouth, and wetted my seat and legs. One held
up my pistol behind, then one after another took a turn, and when he
sank into a deep elephant's foot-print, he required two to lift him, so
as to gain a footing on the level, which was over waist deep. Others
went on, and bent down the grass, to insure some footing on the side of
the elephants' path. Every ten or twelve paces brought us to a clear
stream, flowing fast in its own channel, while over all a strong current
came bodily through all the rushes and aquatic plants. Susi had the
first spell, then Farijala, then a tall, stout, Arab-looking man, then
Amoda, then Chanda, then Wadé Salé, and each time I was lifted off
bodily, and put on another pair of stout willing shoulders, and fifty
yards put them out of breath: no wonder! It was sore on the women folk
of our party. It took us full an hour and a half for all to cross over,
and several came over turn to help me and their friends. The water was
cold, and so was the wind, but no leeches plagued us. We had to hasten
on the building of sheds after crossing the second rivulet, as rain
threatened us. After 4 P.M. it came on a pouring cold rain, when we were
all under cover. We are anxious about food. The Lake is near, but we are
not sure of provisions, as there have been changes of population. Our
progress is distressingly slow. Wet, wet, wet; sloppy weather, truly,
and no observations, except that the land near the Lake being very
level, the rivers spread out into broad friths and sponges. The streams
are so numerous that there has been a scarcity of names. Here we have
Loon and Luéna. We had two Loous before, and another Luena.

_25th January, 1873._--Kept in by rain. A man from Unyanyembé joined us
this morning. He says that he was left sick. Rivulets and sponges again,
and through flat forest, where, as usual, we can see the slope of the
land by the leaves being washed into heaps in the direction which the
water in the paths wished to take. One and a half hours more, and then
to the River Loou, a large stream with bridge destroyed. Sent to make
repairs before we go over it, and then passed. The river is deep, and
flows fast to the S.W., having about 200 yards of safe flood flowing in
long grass--clear water. The men built their huts, and had their camp
ready by 3 P.M. A good day's work, not hindered by rain. The country all
depopulated, so we can buy nothing. Elephants and antelopes have been
here lately.

_26th January, 1873._--I arranged to go to our next River Luena, and
ascend it till we found it small enough for crossing, as it has much
"Tinga-tinga," or yielding spongy soil; but another plan was formed by
night, and we were requested to go down the Loou. Not wishing to appear
overbearing, I consented until we were, after two hours' southing,
brought up by several miles of Tinga-tinga. The people in a fishing
village ran away from us, and we had to wait for some sick ones. The
women are collecting mushrooms. A man came near us, but positively
refused to guide us to Matipa, or anywhere else.

The sick people compelled us to make an early halt.

_27th January, 1873._--On again through streams, over sponges and
rivulets thigh deep. There are marks of gnu and buffalo. I lose much
blood, but it is a safety-valve for me, and I have no fever or other
ailments.

_28th January, 1873._--A dreary wet morning, and no food that we know of
near. It is drop, drop, drop, and drizzling from the north-west. We
killed our last calf but one last night to give each a mouthful. At 9.30
we were allowed by the rain to leave our camp, and march S.E. for two
hours to a strong deep rivulet ten feet broad only, but waist deep, and
150 yards of flood all deep too. Sponge about forty yards in all, and
running fast out. Camped by a broad prairie or Bouga.

_29th January, 1873._--No rain in the night, for a wonder. We tramped
1-1/4 hour to a broad sponge, having at least 300 yards of flood, and
clear water flowing S.W., but no usual stream. All was stream flowing
through the rushes, knee and thigh deep. On still with the same,
repeated again and again, till we came to broad branching sponges, at
which I resolved to send out scouts S., S.E., and S.W. The music of the
singing birds, the music of the turtle doves, the screaming of the
frankolin proclaim man to be near.

_30th January, 1873._--Remain waiting for the scouts. Manuasera returned
at dark, having gone about eight hours south, and seen the Lake and two
islets. Smoke now appeared in the distance, so he turned, and the rest
went on to buy food where the smoke was. Wet evening.

FOOTNOTES:

[26] Bangé or hemp in time produces partial idiotcy if smoked in
excess. It is used amongst all the Interior tribes.

[27] Isaiah i. 8.

CHAPTER XI.

Entangled amongst the marshes of Bangweolo. Great privations.
Obliged to return to Chituñkuè's. At the chief's mercy.
Agreeably surprised with the chief. Start once more. Very
difficult march. Robbery exposed. Fresh attack of illness. Sends
scouts out to find villages. Message to Chirubwé. An ant raid.
Awaits news from Matipa. Distressing perplexity. The Bougas of
Bangweolo. Constant rain above and flood below. Ill. Susi and
Chuma sent as envoys to Matipa. Reach Bangweolo. Arrive at
Matipa's islet. Matipa's town. The donkey suffers in transit.
Tries to go on to Kabinga's. Dr. Livingstone makes a
demonstration. Solution of the transport difficulty. Susi and
detachment sent to Kabinga's. Extraordinary extent of flood.
Reaches Kabinga's. An upset. Crosses the Chambezé. The River
Muanakazi. They separate into companies by land and water. A
disconsolate lion. Singular caterpillars. Observations on fish.
Coasting along the southern flood of Lake Bangweolo. Dangerous
state of Dr. Livingstone.

_1st February, 1873._--Waiting for the scouts. They return
unsuccessful--forced to do so by hunger. They saw a very large river
flowing into the Lake, but did not come across a single soul. Killed our
last calf, and turn back for four hard days' travel to Chituñkuè's. I
send men on before us to bring food back towards us.

_2nd February, 1873._--March smartly back to our camp of 28th ult. The
people bear their hunger well. They collect mushrooms and plants, and
often get lost in this flat featureless country.

_3rd February, 1873._--Return march to our bridge on the Lofu, five
hours. In going we went astray, and took six hours to do the work of
five. Tried lunars in vain. Either sun or moon in clouds. On the Luéna.

_4th February, 1873._--Return to camp on the rivulet with much
_Methonica gloriosa_ on its banks. Our camp being on its left bank of
26th. It took long to cross the next river, probably the Kwalé, though
the elephants' footprints are all filled up now. Camp among deserted
gardens, which afford a welcome supply of cassava and sweet potatoes.
The men who were sent on before us slept here last night, and have
deceived us by going more slowly without loads than we who are loaded.

_5th February, 1873._--Arrived at Chituñkuè's, crossing two broad deep
brooks, and on to the Malalenzi, now swollen, having at least 200 yards
of flood and more than 300 yards of sponge. Saluted by a drizzling
shower. We are now at Chituñkuè's mercy.

We find the chief more civil than we expected. He said each chief had
his own land and his own peculiarities. He was not responsible for
others. We were told that we had been near to Matipa and other chiefs:
he would give us guides if we gave him a cloth and some powder.

We returned over these forty-one miles in fifteen hours, through much
deep water. Our scouts played us false both in time and beads: the
headmen punished them. I got lunars, for a wonder. Visited Chitunkubwé,
as his name properly is. He is a fine jolly-looking man, of a European
cast of countenance, and very sensible and friendly. I gave him two
cloths, for which he seemed thankful, and promised good guides to
Matipa's. He showed me two of Matipa's men who had heard us firing guns
to attract one of our men who had strayed; these men followed us. It
seems we had been close to human habitations, but did not know it. We
have lost half a month by this wandering, but it was all owing to the
unfriendliness of some and the fears of all. I begged for a more
northerly path, where the water is low. It is impossible to describe
the amount of water near the Lake. Rivulets without number. They are so
deep as to damp all ardour. I passed a very large striped spider in
going to visit Chitunkubwé. The stripes were of yellowish green, and it
had two most formidable reddish mandibles, the same shape as those of
the redheaded white ant. It seemed to be eating a kind of ant with a
light-coloured head, not seen elsewhere. A man killed it, and all the
natives said that it was most dangerous. We passed gardens of dura;
leaves all split up with hail, and forest leaves all punctured.

_6th February, 1873._--Chitunkubwé gave a small goat and a large basket
of flour as a return present. I gave him three-quarters of a pound of
powder, in addition to the cloth.

_7th February, 1873._--This chief showed his leanings by demanding
prepayment for his guides. This being a preparatory step to their
desertion I resisted, and sent men to demand what he meant by his words;
he denied all, and said that his people lied, not he. We take this for
what it is worth. He gives two guides to-morrow morning, and visits us
this afternoon.

_8th February, 1873._--The chief dawdles, although he promised great
things yesterday. He places the blame on his people, who did not prepare
food on account of the rain. Time is of no value to them. We have to
remain over to-day. It is most trying to have to wait on frivolous
pretences. I have endured such vexatious delays. The guides came at last
with quantities of food, which they intend to bargain with my people on
the way. A Nassicker who carried my saddle was found asleep near my
camp.

_9th February, 1873._--Slept in a most unwholesome, ruined village. Rank
vegetation had run over all, and the soil smelled offensively. Crossed a
sponge, then a rivulet, and sponge running into the Miwalé Eiver, then
by a rocky passage we crossed the Mofiri, or great Tinga-tinga, a water
running strongly waist and breast deep, above thirty feet broad here,
but very much broader below. After this we passed two more rills and the
River Methonua, but we build a camp above our former one. The human
ticks called "papasi" by the Suaheli, and "karapatos" by the Portuguese,
made even the natives call out against their numbers and ferocity.

_10th February, 1873._--Back again to our old camp on the Lovu or Lofu
by the bridge. We left in a drizzle, which continued from 4 A.M. to 1
P.M. We were three hours in it, and all wetted, just on reaching camp by
200 yards, of flood mid-deep; but we have food.

_11th February, 1873._--Our guides took us across country, where we saw
tracks of buffaloes, and in a meadow, the head of a sponge, we saw a
herd of Hartebeests. A drizzly night was followed by a morning of cold
wet fog, but in three hours we reached our old camp: it took us six
hours to do this distance before, and five on our return. We camped on a
deep bridged stream, called the Kiachibwé.

_12th February, 1873._--We crossed the Kasoso, which joins the Mokisya,
a river we afterwards crossed: it flows N.W., then over the Mofungwé.
The same sponges everywhere.

_13th February, 1873._--In four hours we came within sight of the Luéna
and Lake, and saw plenty of elephants and other game, but very shy. The
forest trees are larger. The guides are more at a loss than we are, as
they always go in canoes in the flat rivers and rivulets. Went E., then
S.E. round to S.

_14th February, 1873._--Public punishment to Chirango for stealing
beads, fifteen cuts; diminished his load to 40 lbs., giving him blue and
white beads to be strung. The water stands so high in the paths that I
cannot walk dryshod, and I found in the large bougas or prairies in
front, that it lay knee deep, so I sent on two men to go to the first
villages of Matipa for large canoes to navigate the Lake, or give us a
guide to go east to the Chambezé, to go round on foot. It was Halima
who informed on Chirango, as he offered her beads for a cloth of a kind
which she knew had not hitherto been taken out of the baggage. This was
so far faithful in her, but she has an outrageous tongue. I remain
because of an excessive hæmorrhagic discharge.

[We cannot but believe Livingstone saw great danger in these constant
recurrences of his old disorder: we find a trace of it in the solemn
reflections which he wrote in his pocket-book, immediately under the
above words:--]

If the good Lord gives me favour, and permits me to finish my work, I
shall thank and bless Him, though it has cost me untold toil, pain, and
travel; this trip has made my hair all grey.

_15th February, 1873, Sunday._--Service. Killed our last goat while
waiting for messengers to return from Matipa's. Evening: the messenger
came back, having been foiled by deep tinga-tinga and bouga. He fired
his gun three times, but no answer came, so as he had slept one night
away he turned, but found some men hunting, whom he brought with him.
They say that Matipa is on Chirubé islet, a good man too, but far off
from this.

_16th February, 1873._--Sent men by the hunter's canoe to Chirubé, with
a request to Matipa to convey us west if he has canoes, but, if not, to
tell us truly, and we will go east and cross the Chambezé where it is
small. Chitunkubwé's men ran away, refusing to wait till we had
communicated with Matipa. Here the water stands underground about
eighteen inches from the surface. The guides played us false, and this
is why they escaped.

_17th February, 1873._--The men will return to-morrow, but they have to
go all the way out to the islet of Chirubé to Matipa's.

Suffered a furious attack at midnight from the red Sirafu or Driver
ants. Our cook fled first at their onset. I lighted a candle, and
remembering Dr. Van der Kemp's idea that no animal will attack man
unprovoked, I lay still. The first came on my foot quietly, then some
began to bite between the toes, then the larger ones swarmed over the
foot and bit furiously, and made the blood start out. I then went out of
the tent, and my whole person was instantly covered as close as
small-pox (not confluent) on a patient. Grass fires were lighted, and my
men picked some off my limbs and tried to save me. After battling for an
hour or two they took me into a hut not yet invaded, and I rested till
they came, the pests, and routed me out there too! Then came on a steady
pour of rain, which held on till noon, as if trying to make us
miserable. At 9 A.M. I got back into my tent. The large Sirafu have
mandibles curved like reaping-sickles, and very sharp--as fine at the
point as the finest needle or a bee's sting. Their office is to remove
all animal refuse, cockroaches, &c., and they took all my fat. Their
appearance sets every cockroach in a flurry, and all ants, white and
black, get into a panic. On man they insert the sharp curved mandibles,
and then with six legs push their bodies round so as to force the points
by lever power. They collect in masses in their runs and stand with
mandibles extended, as if defying attack. The large ones stand thus at
bay whilst the youngsters hollow out a run half an inch wide, and about
an inch deep. They remained with us till late in the afternoon, and we
put hot ashes on the defiant hordes. They retire to enjoy the fruits of
their raid, and come out fresh another day.

_18th February, 1873._--We wait hungry and cold for the return of the
men who have gone to Matipa, and hope the good Lord will grant us
influence with this man.

Our men have returned to-day, having obeyed the native who told them to
sleep instead of going to Matipa. They bought food, and then believed
that the islet Chirubé was too far off, and returned with a most lame
story. We shall make the best of it by going N.W., to be near the islets
and buy food, till we can communicate with Matipa. If he fails us by
fair means, we must seize canoes and go by force. The men say fear of me
makes them act very cowardly. I have gone amongst the whole population
kindly and fairly, but I fear I must now act rigidly, for when they hear
that we have submitted to injustice, they at once conclude that we are
fair game for all, and they go to lengths in dealing falsely that they
would never otherwise attempt. It is, I can declare, not my nature, nor
has it been my practice, to go as if "my back were up."

_19th February, 1873._--A cold wet morning keeps us in this
uncomfortable spot. When it clears up we go to an old stockade, to be
near an islet to buy food. The people, knowing our need, are
extortionate. We went on at 9 A.M. over an extensive water-covered
plain. I was carried three miles to a canoe, and then in it we went
westward, in branches of the Luena, very deep and flowing W. for three
hours. I was carried three miles to a canoe, and we were then near
enough to hear Bangweolo bellowing. The water on the plain is four,
five, and seven feet deep. There are rushes, ferns, papyrus, and two
lotuses, in abundance. Many dark grey caterpillars clung to the grass
and were knocked off as we paddled or poled. Camped in an old village of
Matipa's, where, in the west, we see the Luena enter Lake Bangweolo; but
all is flat prairie or buga, filled with fast-flowing water, save a few
islets covered with palms and trees. Rain continued sprinkling us from
the N.W. all the morning. Elephants had run riot over the ruins, eating
a species of grass now in seed. It resembles millet, and the donkey is
fond of it. I have only seen this and one other species of grass in seed
eaten by the African elephant. Trees, bulbs, and fruits are his
dainties, although ants, whose hills he overturns, are relished. A large
party in canoes came with food as soon as we reached our new quarters:
they had heard that we were in search of Matipa. All are eager for
calico, though they have only raw cassava to offer. They are clothed in
bark-cloth and skins. Without canoes no movement can be made in any
direction, for it is water everywhere, water above and water below.

_20th February, 1873._--I sent a request to a friendly man to give me
men, and a large canoe to go myself to Matipa; he says that he will let
me know to-day if he can. Heavy rain by night and drizzling by day. No
definite answer yet, but we are getting food, and Matipa will soon hear
of us as he did when we came and returned back for food. I engaged
another man to send a canoe to Matipa, and I showed him his payment, but
retain it here till he comes back.

_21st February, 1873._--The men engaged refuse to go to Matipa's, they
have no honour. It is so wet we can do nothing. Another man spoken to
about going, says that they run the risk of being killed by some hostile
people on another island between this and Matipa's.

_22nd February, 1873._--A wet morning. I was ill all yesterday, but
escape fever by hæmorrhage. A heavy mantle of N.W. clouds came floating
over us daily. No astronomical observation can possibly be taken. I was
never in such misty cloudy weather in Africa. A man turned up at 9 A.M.
to carry our message to Matipa; Susi and Chumah went with him. The good
Lord go with them, and lend me influence and grant me help.

_23rd February, 1873, Sunday._--Service. Rainy.

_24th February, 1873._--Tried hard for a lunar, but the moon was lost in
the glare of the sun.

_25th February, 1873._--For a wonder it did not rain till 4 P.M. The
people bring food, but hold out for cloth, which is inconvenient.

Susi and Chumah not appearing may mean that the men are preparing canoes
and food to transport us.

_25th February, 1873._--Susi returned this morning with good news from
Matipa, who declares his willingness to carry us to Kabendé for the five
bundles of brass wire I offered. It is not on Chirubé, but amid the
swamps of the mainland on the Lake's north side. Immense swampy plains
all around except at Kabendé. Matipa is at variance with his brothers on
the subject of the lordship of the lands and the produce of the
elephants, which are very numerous. I am devoutly thankful to the Giver
of all for favouring me so far, and hope that He may continue His kind
aid.

No mosquitoes here, though Speke, at the Victoria Nyanza, said they
covered the bushes and grass in myriads, and struck against the hands
and face most disagreeably.

_27th February, 1873._--Waiting for other canoes to be sent by Matipa.
His men say that there is but one large river on the south of Lake
Bangweolo, and called Luomba. They know the mountains on the south-east
as I do, and on the west, but say they don't know any on the middle of
the watershed. They plead their youth as an excuse for knowing so
little.

Matipa's men proposed to take half our men, but I refused to divide our
force; they say that Matipa is truthful.

_28th February, 1873._--No night rain after 8 P.M., for a wonder. Baker
had 1500 men in health on 15th June, 1870, at lat. 9° 26' N., and 160 on
sick list; many dead. Liberated 305 slaves. His fleet was thirty-two
vessels; wife and he well. I wish that I met him. Matipa's men not
having come, it is said they are employed bringing the carcase of an
elephant to him. I propose to go near to him to-morrow, some in canoes
and some on foot. The good Lord help me. New moon this evening.

_1st March, 1873._--Embarked women and goods in canoes, and went three
hours S.E. to Bangweolo. Stopped on an island where people were drying
fish over fires. Heavy rain wetted us all as we came near the islet, the
drops were as large as half-crowns by the marks they made. We went over
flooded prairie four feet deep, and covered with rushes, and two
varieties of lotus or sacred lily; both are eaten, and so are papyrus.
The buffaloes are at a loss in the water. Three canoes are behind. The
men are great cowards. I took possession of all the paddles and punting
poles, as the men showed an inclination to move off from our islet. The
water in the country is prodigiously large: plains extending further
than the eye can reach have four or five feet of clear water, and the
Lake and adjacent lands for twenty or thirty miles are level. We are on
a miserable dirty fishy island called Motovinza; all are damp. We are
surrounded by scores of miles of rushes, an open sward, and many lotus
plants, but no mosquitoes.

_2nd March, 1873._--It took us 7-1/2 hours' punting to bring us to an
island, and then the miserable weather rained constantly on our landing
into the Boma (stockade), which is well peopled. The prairie is ten
hours long, or about thirty miles by punting. Matipa is on an island
too, with four bomas on it. A river, the Molonga, runs past it, and is a
protection.[28]

The men wear a curious head-dress of skin or hair, and large upright
ears.

_3rd March, 1873._--Matipa paid off the men who brought us here. He says
that five Sangos or coils (which brought us here) will do to take us to
Kabendé, and I sincerely hope that they will. His canoes are off,
bringing the meat of an elephant. There are many dogs in the village,
which they use in hunting to bring elephants to bay. I visited Matipa at
noon. He is an old man, slow of tongue, and self-possessed; he
recommended our crossing to the south bank of the Lake to his brother,
who has plenty of cattle, and to goalong that side where there are few
rivers and plenty to eat. Kabendé's land was lately overrun by
Banyamwezi, who now inhabit that country, but as yet have no food to
sell. Moanzabamba was the founder of the Babisa tribe, and used the
curious plaits of hair which form such a singular head-dress here like
large ears. I am rather in a difficulty, as I fear I must give the five
coils for a much shorter task; but it is best not to appear unfair,
although I will be the loser. He sent a man to catch a Sampa for me, it
is the largest fish in the Lake, and he promised to have men ready to
take my men over to-morrow. Matipa never heard from any of the elders of
his people that any of his forefathers ever saw a European. He knew
perfectly about Pereira, Lacerda, and Monteiro, going to Casembe, and my
coming to the islet Mpabala. No trace seems to exist of Captain
Singleton's march.[29] The native name of Pereira is "Moenda Mondo:" of
Lacerda, "Charlie:" of Monteiro's party, "Makabalwé," or the donkey men,
but no other name is heard. The following is a small snatch of Babisa
lore. It was told by an old man who came to try for some beads, and
seemed much interested about printing. He was asked if there were any
marks made on the rocks in any part of the country, and this led to his
story. Lukerenga came from the west a long time ago to the River
Lualaba. He had with him a little dog. When he wanted to pass over he
threw his mat on the water, and this served as a raft, and they crossed
the stream. When he reached the other side there were rocks at the
landing place, and the mark is still to be seen on the stone, not only
of his foot, but of a stick which he cut with his hatchet, and of his
dog's feet; the name of the place is Uchéwa.

_4th March, 1873._--Sent canoes off to bring our men over tothe island
of Matipa. They brought ten, but the donkey could not come as far
through the "tinga-tinga" as they, so they took it back for fear that it
should perish. I spoke to Matipa this morning to send more canoes, and
he consented. We move outside, as the town swarms with mice, and is very
closely built and disagreeable. I found mosquitoes in the town.

_5th March, 1873._--Time runs on quickly. The real name of this island
is Masumbo, and the position may be probably long. 31° 3'; lat. 10° 11'
S. Men not arrived yet. Matipa very slow.

_6th March, 1873._--Building a camp outside the town for quiet and
cleanliness, and no mice to run over us at night. This islet is some
twenty or thirty feet above the general flat country and adjacent water.

At 3 P.M. we moved up to the highest part of the island where we can see
around us and have the fresh breeze from the Lake. Rainy as we went up,
as usual.

_7th March, 1873._--We expect our men to-day. I tremble for the donkey!
Camp sweet and clean, but it, too, has mosquitoes, from which a curtain
protects me completely--a great luxury, but unknown to the Arabs, to
whom I have spoken about it. Abed was overjoyed by one I made for him;
others are used to their bites, as was the man who said that he would
get used to a nail through the heel of his shoe. The men came at 3 P.M.,
but eight had to remain, the canoes being too small. The donkey had to
be tied down, as he rolled about on his legs and would have forced his
way out. He bit Mabruki Speke's lame hand, and came in stiff from lying
tied all day. We had him shampooed all over, but he could not eat
dura--he feels sore. Susi did well under the circumstances, and we had
plenty of flour ready for all. Chanza is near Kabinga, and this last
chief is coming to visit me in a day or two.

_8th March, 1873._--I press Matipa to get a fleet of canoes equal to
our number, but he complains of their being stolen by rebel subjects. He
tells me his brother Kabinga would have been here some days ago but for
having lost a son, who was killed by an elephant: he is mourning for him
but will come soon. Kabinga is on the other side of the Chambezé. A
party of male and female drummers and dancers is sure to turn up at
every village; the first here had a leader that used such violent antics
perspiration ran off his whole frame. I gave a few strings of beads, and
the performance is repeated to-day by another lot, but I rebel and allow
them to dance unheeded. We got a sheep for a wonder for a doti; fowls
and fish alone could be bought, but Kabinga has plenty of cattle.

[Illustration: Dr. Livingstone's Mosquito Curtain.]

There is a species of carp with red ventral fin, which is caught and
used in very large quantities: it is called "pumbo." The people dry it
over fires as preserved provisions. Sampa is the largest fish in the
Lake, it is caught by a hook. The Luéna goes into Bangweolo at
Molandangao. A male Msobé had faint white stripes across the back and
one well-marked yellow stripe along the spine. The hip had a few faint
white spots, which showed by having longer hair than the rest; a kid of
the same species had a white belly.

The eight men came from Motovinza this afternoon, and now all our party
is united. The donkey shows many sores inflicted by the careless people,
who think that force alone can be used to inferior animals.

_11th March, 1873._--Matipa says "Wait; Kabinga is coming, and he has
canoes." Time is of no value to him. His wife is making him pombe, and
will drown all his cares, but mine increase and plague me. Matipa and
his wife each sent me a huge calabash of pombe; I wanted only a little
to make bread with.

By putting leaven in a bottle and keeping it from one baking to another
(or three days) good bread is made, and the dough being surrounded by
banana leaves or maize leaves (or even forest leaves of hard texture and
no taste, or simply by broad leafy grass), is preserved from burning in
an iron pot. The inside of the pot is greased, then the leaves put in
all round, and the dough poured in to stand and rise in the sun.

Better news comes: the son of Kabinga is to be here to-night, and we
shall concoct plans together.

_12th March, 1873._--The news was false, no one came from Kabinga. The
men strung beads to-day, and I wrote part of my despatch for Earl
Granville.

_13th March, 1873._--- I went to Matipa, and proposed to begin the
embarkation of my men at once, as they are many, and the canoes are only
sufficient to take a few at a time. He has sent off a big canoe to reap
his millet, when it returns he will send us over to see for ourselves
where we can go. I explained the danger of setting my men astray.

_14th March, 1873._--Rains have ceased for a few days. Went down to
Matipa and tried to take his likeness for the sake of the curious hat he
wears.

_15th March, 1873._--Finish my despatch so far.

_16th March, 1873, Sunday._--Service. I spoke sharply to Matipa for his
duplicity. He promises everything and does nothing: he has in fact no
power over his people. Matipa says that a large canoe will come
to-morrow, and next day men will go to Kabinga to reconnoitre. There may
be a hitch there which we did not take into account; Kabinga's son,
killed by an elephant, may have raised complications: blame may be
attached to Matipa, and in their dark minds it may appear all important
to settle the affair before having communication with him. Ill all day
with my old complaint.

[Illustration: Matipa and his Wife.]

_17th March, 1873._--The delay is most trying. So many detentions have
occurred they ought to have made me of a patient spirit.

As I thought, Matipa told us to-day that it is reported he has some
Arabs with him who will attack all the Lake people forthwith, and he is
anxious that we shall go over to show them that we are peaceful.

_18th March, 1873._--Sent off men to reconnoitre at Kabinga's and to
make a camp there. Rain began again after nine days' dry weather, N.W.
wind, but in the morning fleecy clouds came from S.E. in patches. Matipa
is acting the villain, and my men are afraid of him: they are all
cowards, and say that they are afraid of me, but this is only an excuse
for their cowardice.

_19th March, 1873._--Thanks to the Almighty Preserver of men for sparing
me thus far on the journey of life. Can I hope for ultimate success? So
many obstacles have arisen. Let not Satan prevail over me, Oh! my good
Lord Jesus.[30]

8 A.M. Got about twenty people off to canoes. Matipa not friendly. They
go over to Kabinga on S.W. side of the Chambezé, and thence we go
overland. 9 A.M. Men came back and reported Matipa false again; only one
canoe had come. I made a demonstration by taking quiet possession of his
village and house; fired a pistol through the roof and called my men,
ten being left to guard the camp; Matipa fled to another village. The
people sent off at once and brought three canoes, so at 11 A.M. my men
embarked quietly. They go across the Chambezé and build a camp on its
left bank. All Kabinga's cattle are kept on an island called Kalilo,
near the mouth of the Chambezé, and are perfectly wild: they are driven
into the water like buffaloes, and pursued when one is wanted for meat.
No milk is ever obtained of course.

_20th March, 1873._--Cold N.W. weather, but the rainfall is small, as
the S.E. stratum comes down below the N.W. by day. Matipa sent two large
baskets of flour (cassava), a sheep, and a cock. He hoped that we should
remain with him till the water of the over-flood dried, and help him to
fight his enemies, but I explained our delays, and our desire to
complete our work and meet Baker.

_21st March, 1873._--Very heavy N.W. rain and thunder by night, and by
morning. I gave Matipa a coil of thick brass wire, and his wife a string
of large neck beads, and explained my hurry to be off. He is now all
fair, and promises largely: he has been much frightened by our warlike
demonstration. I am glad I had to do nothing but make a show of force.

_22nd March, 1873._--Susi not returned from Kabinga. I hope that he is
getting canoes, and men also, to transport us all at one voyage. It is
flood as far as the eye can reach; flood four and six feet deep, and
more, with three species of rushes, two kinds of lotus, or sacred lily,
papyrus, arum, &c. One does not know where land ends, and Lake begins:
the presence of land-grass proves that this is not always overflowed.

_23rd March, 1873._--Men returned at noon. Kabinga is mourning for his
son killed by an elephant, and keeps in seclusion. The camp is formed on
the left bank of the Chambezé.

_24th March._--The people took the canoes away, but in fear sent for
them. I got four, and started with all our goods, first giving a present
that no blame should follow me. We punted six hours to a little islet
without a tree, and no sooner did we land than a pitiless pelting rain
came on. We turned up a canoe to get shelter. We shall reach the
Chambezé to-morrow. The wind tore the tent out of our hands, and damaged
it too; the loads are all soaked, and with the cold it is bitterly
uncomfortable. A man put my bed into the bilge, and never said "Bale
out," so I was for a wet night, but it turned out better than I
expected. No grass, but we made a bed of the loads, and a blanket
fortunately put into a bag.

_25th March, 1873._--Nothing earthly will make me give up my work in
despair. I encourage myself in the Lord my God, and go forward.

We got off from our miserably small islet of ten yards at 7 A.M., a
grassy sea on all sides, with a few islets in the far distance. Four
varieties of rushes around us, triangular and fluted, rise from eighteen
inches to two feet above the water. The caterpillars seem to eat each
other, and a web is made round others; the numerous spiders may have
been the workmen of the nest. The wind on the rushes makes a sound like
the waves of the sea. The flood extends out in slightly depressed arms
of the Lake for twenty or thirty miles, and far too broad to be seen
across; fish abound, and ant-hills alone lift up their heads; they have
trees on them. Lukutu flows from E. to W. to the Chambezé, as does the
Lubanseusi also. After another six hours' punting, over the same
wearisome prairie or Bouga, we heard the merry voices of children. It
was a large village, on a flat, which seems flooded at times, but much
cassava is planted on mounds, made to protect the plants from the water,
which stood in places in the village, but we got a dry spot for the
tent. The people offered us huts. We had as usual a smart shower on the
way to Kasenga, where we slept. We passed the Islet Luangwa.

_26th March, 1873._--We started at 7.30, and got into a large stream out
of the Chambezé, called Mabziwa. One canoe sank in it, and we lost a
slave girl of Amoda. Fished up three boxes, and two guns, but the boxes
being full of cartridges were much injured; we lost the donkey's saddle
too. After this mishap we crossed the Lubanseusi, near its confluence
with the Chambezé, 300 yards wide and three fathoms deep, and a slow
current. We crossed the Chambezé. It is about 400 yards wide, with a
quick clear current of two knots, and three fathoms deep, like the
Lubanseusé; but that was slow in current, but clear also. There is one
great lock after another, with thick mats of hedges, formed of aquatic
plants between. The volume of water is enormous. We punted five hours,
and then camped.

_27th March, 1873._--I sent canoes and men back to Matipa's to bring all
the men that remained, telling them to ship them at once on arriving,
and not to make any talk about it. Kabinga keeps his distance from us,
and food is scarce; at noon he sent a man to salute me in his name.

_28th March, 1873._--Making a pad for a donkey, to serve instead of a
saddle. Kabinga attempts to sell a sheep at an exorbitant price, and
says that he is weeping over his dead child. Mabruki Speke's hut caught
fire at night, and his cartridge box was burned.

_29th March, 1873._--I bought a sheep for 100 strings of beads. I wished
to begin the exchange by being generous, and told his messenger so; then
a small quantity of maize was brought, and I grumbled at the meanness of
the present: there is no use in being bashful, as they are not ashamed
to grumble too. The man said that Kabinga would send more when he had
collected it.

_30th March, 1873, Sunday._--A lion roars mightily. The fish-hawk utters
his weird voice in the morning, as if he lifted up to a friend at a
great distance, in a sort of falsetto key.

5 P.M. Men returned, but the large canoe having been broken by the
donkey, we have to go back and pay for it, and take away about twenty
men now left. Matipa kept all the payment from his own people, and so
left us in the lurch; thus another five days is lost.

_31st March, 1873._--I sent the men back to Matipa's for all our party.
I give two dotis to repair the canoe. Islanders are always troublesome,
from a sense of security in their fastnesses. Made stirrups of thick
brass wire four-fold; they promise to do well. Sent Kabinga a cloth, and
a message, but he is evidently a niggard, like Matipa: we must take him
as we find him, there is no use in growling. Seven of our men returned,
having got a canoe from one of Matipa's men. Kabinga, it seems, was
pleased with the cloth, and says that he will ask for maize from his
people, and buy it for me; he has rice growing. He will send a canoe to
carry me over the next river.

_3rd April, 1873._--Very heavy rain last night. Six inches fell in a
short time. The men at last have come from Matipa's.

_4th April, 1873._--Sent over to Kabinga to buy a cow, and got a fat one
for 2-1/2 dotis, to give the party a feast ere we start. The kambari
fish of the Chambezé is three feet three inches in length.

Two others, the "polwé" and "lopatakwao," all go up the Chambezé to
spawn when the rains begin. Casembe's people make caviare of the spawn
of the "pumbo."

[The next entry is made in a new pocket-book, numbered XVII. For the
first few days pen and ink were used, afterwards a well-worn stump of
pencil, stuck into a steel penholder and attached to a piece of bamboo,
served his purpose.]

_5th April, 1873._--March from Kabinga's on the Chambezé, our luggage in
canoes, and men on land. We punted on flood six feet deep, with many
ant-hills all about, covered with trees. Course S.S.E. for five miles,
across the River Lobingela, sluggish, and about 300 yards wide.

_6th April, 1873._--Leave in the same way, but men were sent from
Kabinga to steal the canoes, which we paid his brother Mateysa
handsomely for. A stupid drummer, beating the alarm in the distance,
called us inland; we found the main body of our people had gone on, and
so by this, our party got separated,[31] and we pulled and punted six or
seven hours S.W. in great difficulty, as the fishermen we saw refused to
show us where the deep water lay. The whole country S. of the Lake was
covered with water, thickly dotted over with lotus-leaves and rushes. It
has a greenish appearance, and it might be well on a map to show the
spaces annually flooded by a broad wavy band, twenty, thirty, and even,
forty miles out from the permanent banks of the Lake: it might be
coloured light green. The broad estuaries fifty or more miles, into
which the rivers form themselves, might be coloured blue, but it is
quite impossible at present to tell where land ends, and Lake begins; it
is all water, water everywhere, which seems to be kept from flowing
quickly off by the narrow bed of the Luapula, which has perpendicular
banks, worn deep down in new red sandstone. It is the Nile apparently
enacting its inundations, even at its sources. The amount of water
spread out over the country constantly excites my wonder; it is
prodigious. Many of the ant-hills are cultivated and covered with dura,
pumpkins, beans, maize, but the waters yield food plenteously in fish
and lotus-roots. A species of wild rice grows, but the people neither
need it nor know it. A party of fishermen fled from us, but by coaxing
we got them to show us deep water. They then showed us an islet, about
thirty yards square, without wood, and desired us to sleep there. We
went on, and then they decamped.

Pitiless pelting showers wetted everything; but near sunset we saw two
fishermen paddling quickly off from an ant-hill, where we found a hut,
plenty of fish, and some firewood. There we spent the night, and watched
by turns, lest thieves should come and haul away our canoes and
goods. Heavy rain. One canoe sank, wetting everything in her. The leaks
in her had been stopped with clay, and a man sleeping near the stern had
displaced this frail caulking. We did not touch the fish, and I cannot
conjecture who has inspired fear in all the inhabitants.

_7th April, 1873._--Went on S.W., and saw two men, who guided us to the
River Muanakazi, which forms a connecting link between the River
Lotingila and the Lolotikila, about the southern borders of the flood.
Men were hunting, and we passed near large herds of antelopes, which
made a rushing, plunging sound as they ran and sprang away among the
waters. A lion had wandered into this world of water and ant-hills, and
roared night and morning, as if very much disgusted: we could sympathise
with him! Near to the Muanakazi, at a broad bank in shallow water near
the river, we had to unload and haul. Our guides left us, well pleased
with the payment we had given them. The natives beating a drum on our
east made us believe them to be our party, and some thought that they
heard two shots. This misled us, and we went towards the sound through
papyrus, tall rushes, arums, and grass, till tired out, and took refuge
on an ant-hill for the night. Lion roaring. We were lost in stiff grassy
prairies, from three to four feet deep in water, for five hours. We
fired a gun in the stillness of the night, but received no answer; so on
the _8th_ we sent a small canoe at daybreak to ask for information and
guides from the village where the drums had been beaten. Two men came,
and they thought likewise that our party was south-east; but in that
direction the water was about fifteen inches in spots and three feet in
others, which caused constant dragging of the large canoe all day, and
at last we unloaded at another branch of the Muanakazi with a village of
friendly people. We slept there.

All hands at the large canoe could move her only a few feet. Putting
all their strength to her, she stopped at every haul with a jerk, as if
in a bank of adhesive plaister. I measured the crown of a papyrus plant
or palm, it was three feet across horizontally, its stalk eight feet in
height. Hundreds of a large dark-grey hairy caterpillar have nearly
cleared off the rushes in spots, and now live on each other. They can
make only the smallest progress by swimming or rather wriggling in the
water: their motion is that of a watch-spring thrown down, dilating and
contracting.

_9th April, 1873._--After two hours' threading the very winding, deep
channel of this southern branch of the Muanakazi, we came to where our
land party had crossed it and gone on to Gandochité, a chief on the
Lolotikila. My men were all done up, so I hired a man to call some of
his friends to take the loads; but he was stopped by his relations in
the way, saying, "You ought to have one of the traveller's own people
with you." He returned, but did not tell us plainly or truly till this
morning.

[The recent heavy exertions, coupled with constant exposure and extreme
anxiety and annoyance, no doubt brought on the severe attack which is
noticed, as we see in the words of the next few days.]

_10th April, 1873._--The headman of the village explained, and we sent
two of our men, who had a night's rest with the turnagain fellow of
yesterday. I am pale, bloodless, and; weak from bleeding profusely ever
since the 31st of March last: an artery gives off a copious stream, and
takes away my strength. Oh, how I long to be permitted by the Over Power
to finish my work.

_12th April, 1873._--Cross the Muanakazi. It is about 100 or 130 yards
broad, and deep. Great loss of _aíµa_ made me so weak I could hardly
walk, but tottered along nearly two hours, and then lay down quite
done. Cooked coffee--our last--and went on, but in an hour I was
compelled to lie down. Very unwilling to be carried, but on being
pressed I allowed the men to help me along by relays to Chinama, where
there is much cultivation. We camped in a garden of dura.

_13th April, 1873._--Found that we had slept on the right bank of the
Lolotikila, a sluggish, marshy-looking river, very winding, but here
going about south-west. The country is all so very flat that the rivers
down here are of necessity tortuous. Fish and other food abundant, and
the people civil and reasonable. They usually partake largely of the
character of the chief, and this one, Gondochité, is polite. The sky is
clearing, and the S.E. wind is the lower stratum now. It is the dry
season well begun. Seventy-three inches is a higher rainfall than has
been observed anywhere else, even in northern Manyuema; it was lower by
inches than here far south on the watershed. In fact, this is the very
heaviest rainfall known in these latitudes; between fifty and sixty is
the maximum.

One sees interminable grassy prairies with lines of trees, occupying
quarters of miles in breadth, and these give way to bouga or prairie
again. The bouga is flooded annually, but its vegetation consists of dry
land grasses. Other bouga extend out from the Lake up to forty miles,
and are known by aquatic vegetation, such as lotus, papyrus, arums,
rushes of different species, and many kinds of purely aquatic subaqueous
plants which send up their flowers only to fructify in the sun, and then
sink to ripen one bunch after another. Others, with great
cabbage-looking leaves, seem to remain always at the bottom. The young
of fish swarm, and bob in and out from the leaves. A species of soft
moss grows on most plants, and seems to be good fodder for fishes,
fitted by hooked or turned-up noses to guide it into their maws.

One species of fish has the lower jaw turned down into a hook, which
enables the animal to hold its mouth close to the plant, as it glides up
or down, sucking in all the soft pulpy food. The superabundance of
gelatinous nutriment makes these swarmers increase in bulk with
extraordinary rapidity, and the food supply of the people is plenteous
in consequence. The number of fish caught by weirs, baskets, and nets
now, as the waters decline, is prodigious. The fish feel their element
becoming insufficient for comfort, and retire from one bouga to another
towards the Lake; the narrower parts are duly prepared by weirs to take
advantage of their necessities; the sun heat seems to oppress them and
force them to flee. With the south-east aerial current comes heat and
sultriness. A blanket is scarcely needed till the early hours of the
morning, and here, after the turtle doves and cocks give out their
warning calls to the watchful, the fish-eagle lifts up his remarkable
voice. It is pitched in a high falsetto key, very loud, and seems as if
he were calling to some one in the other world. Once heard, his weird
unearthly voice can never be forgotten--it sticks to one through life.

We were four hours in being ferried over the Loitikila, or Lolotikila,
in four small canoes, and then two hours south-west down its left bank
to another river, where our camp has been formed. I sent over a present
to the headman, and a man returned with the information that he was ill
at another village, but his wife would send canoes to-morrow to transport
us over and set us on our way to Muanazambamba, south-west, and over
Lolotikila again.

_14th April, 1873._--At a branch of the Lolotikila.

_15th April, 1873._--Cross Lolotikila again (where it is only fifty
yards) by canoes, and went south-west an hour. I, being very weak, had
to be carried part of the way. Am glad of resting; _aíµa_ flow
copiously last night. A woman, the wife of the chief, gave a present of
a goat and maize.

_16th April, 1873._--Went south-west two and a half hours, and crossed
the Lombatwa River of 100 yards in width, rush deep, and flowing fast in
aquatic vegetation, papyrus, &c., into the Loitikila. In all about three
hours south-west.

_17th April, 1873._--A tremendous rain after dark burst all our now
rotten tents to shreds. Went on at 6.35 A.M. for three hours, and I, who
was suffering severely all night, had to rest. We got water near the
surface by digging in yellow sand. Three hills now appear in the
distance. Our course, S.W. three and three-quarter hours to a village on
the Kazya River. A Nyassa man declared that his father had brought the
heavy rain of the 16th on us. We crossed three sponges.

_18th April, 1873._--On leaving the village on the Kazya, we forded it
and found it seventy yards broad, waist to breast deep all over. A large
weir spanned it, and we went on the lower side of that. Much papyrus and
other aquatic plants in it. Fish are returning now with the falling
waters, and are guided into the rush-cones set for them. Crossed two
large sponges, and I was forced to stop at a village after travelling
S.W. for two hours: very ill all night, but remembered that the bleeding
and most other ailments in this land are forms of fever. Took two
scruple doses of quinine, and stopped it quite.

_19th April, 1873._--A fine bracing S.E. breeze kept me on the donkey
across a broad sponge and over flats of white sandy soil and much
cultivation for an hour and a half, when we stopped at a large village
on the right bank of,[32] and men went over to the chief Muanzambamba to
ask canoes to cross to-morrow. I am excessively weak, and but for the
donkey could not move a hundred yards. It is not all pleasure this
exploration. The Lavusi hills are a relief tothe eye in this flat
upland. Their forms show an igneous origin. The river Kazya comes from
them and goes direct into the Lake. No observations now, owing to great
weakness; I can scarcely hold the pencil, and my stick is a burden. Tent
gone; the men build a good hut for me and the luggage. S.W. one and a
half hour.

_20th April, 1873, Sunday._--Service. Cross over the sponge, Moenda, for
food and to be near the headman of these parts, Moanzambamba. I am
excessively weak. Village on Moenda sponge, 7 A.M. Cross Lokulu in a
canoe. The river is about thirty yards broad, very deep, and flowing in
marshes two knots from S.S.B. to N.N.W. into Lake.

FOOTNOTES:

[28] It will be observed that these islets were in reality slight
eminences standing above water on the flooded plains which border on
Lake Bangweolo. The men say that the actual deep-water Lake lay away
to their right, and on being asked why Dr. Livingstone did not make a
short cut across to the southern shore, they explain that the canoes
could not live for an hour on the Lake, but were merely suited for
punting about over the flooded land.--Ed.

[29] Defoe's book, 'Adventures of Captain Singleton,' is alluded to.
It would almost appear as if Defoe must have come across some unknown
African traveller who gave him materials for this work.--Ed.

[30] This was written on his last birthday.--ED.

[31] Dr. Livingstone's object was to keep the land party marching
parallel to him whilst he kept nearer to the Lake in a canoe.--ED.

[32] He leaves room for a name which perhaps in his exhausted state he
forgot to ascertain.

CHAPTER XII.

Dr. Livingstone rapidly sinking. Last entries in his diary. Susi
and Chumah's additional details. Great agony in his last
illness. Carried across rivers and through flood. Inquiries for
the Hill of the Four Rivers. Kalunganjovu's kindness. Crosses
the Mohlamo into the district of Ilala in great pain. Arrives at
Chitambo's village. Chitambo comes to visit the dying traveller.
The last night. Livingstone expires in the act of praying. The
account of what the men saw. Remarks on his death. Council of
the men. Leaders selected. The chief discovers that his guest is
dead. Noble conduct of Chitambo. A separate village built by the
men wherein to prepare the body for transport. The preparation
of the corpse. Honour shown by the natives to Dr. Livingstone.
Additional remarks on the cause of death. Interment of the heart
at Chitambo's in Ilala of the Wabisa. An inscription and
memorial sign-posts left to denote spot.

[We have now arrived at the last words written in Dr. Livingstone's
diary: a copy of the two pages in his pocket-book which contains them is,
by the help of photography, set before the reader. It is evident that he
was unable to do more than make the shortest memoranda, and to mark on
the map which he was making the streams which enter the Lake as he
crossed them. From the _22nd_ to the _27th_ April he had not strength to
write down anything but the several dates. Fortunately Susi and Chumah
give a very clear and circumstantial account of every incident which
occurred on these days, and we shall therefore add what they say, after
each of the Doctor's entries. He writes:--]

_21st April, 1873._--Tried to ride, but was forced to lie down, and they
carried me back to vil. exhausted.

[The men explain this entry thus:--This morning the Doctor tried if he
were strong enough to ride on the donkey, but he had only gone a short
distance when he fell to the ground utterly exhausted and faint. Susi
immediately undid his belt and pistol, and picked up his cap which had
dropped off, while Chumah threw down his gun and ran to stop the men on
ahead. When he got back the Doctor said, "Chumah, I have lost so much
blood, there is no more strength left in my legs: you must carry me." He
was then assisted gently to his shoulders, and, holding the man's head
to steady himself, was borne back to the village and placed in the hut
he had so recently left. It was necessary to let the Chief Muanazawamba
know what had happened, and for this purpose Dr. Livingstone despatched
a messenger. He was directed to ask him to supply a guide for the next
day, as he trusted then to have recovered so far as to be able to march:
the answer was, "Stay as long as you wish, and when you want guides to
Kalunganjovu's you shall have them."]

_22nd April, 1873._--Carried on kitanda over Buga S.W. 2-1/4.[33]

[His servants say that instead of rallying, they saw that his strength
was becoming less and less, and in order to carry him they made a
kitanda of wood, consisting of two side pieces of seven feet in length,
crossed with rails three feet long, and about four inches apart, the
whole lashed strongly together. This framework was covered with grass,
and a blanket laid on it. Slung from a pole, and borne between two
strong men, it made a tolerable palanquin, and on this the exhausted
traveller was conveyed to the next village through a flooded grass
plain. To render the kitanda more comfortable another blanket was
suspended across the pole, so as to hang down on either side, and allow
the air to pass under whilst the sun's rays were fended off fromthe
sick man. The start was deferred this morning until the dew was off the
heads of the long grass sufficiently to ensure his being kept tolerably
dry.

The excruciating pains of his dysenteric malady caused him the greatest
exhaustion as they marched, and they were glad enough to reach another
village in 2-1/4 hours, having travelled S.W. from the last point. Here
another hut was built. The name of the halting-place is not remembered
by the men, for the villagers fled at their approach; indeed the noise
made by the drums sounding the alarm had been caught by the Doctor some
time before, and he exclaimed with thankfulness on hearing it, "Ah, now
we are near!" Throughout this day the following men acted as bearers of
the kitanda: Chowpéré, Songolo, Chumah, and Adiamberi. Sowféré, too,
joined in at one time.]

_23rd April, 1873._--(No entry except the date.)

[They advanced another hour and a half through the same expanse of
flooded treeless waste, passing numbers of small fish-weirs set in such
a manner as to catch the fish on their way back to the Lake, but seeing
nothing of the owners, who had either hidden themselves or taken to
flight on the approach of the caravan. Another village afforded them a
night's shelter, but it seems not to be known by any particular name.]

_24th April, 1873._--(No entry except the date.)

[But one hour's march was accomplished to-day, and again they halted
amongst some huts--place unknown. His great prostration made progress
exceedingly painful, and frequently when it was necessary to stop the
bearers of the kitanda, Chumah had to support the Doctor from falling.]

_25th April, 1873._--(No entry except the date.)

[In an hour's course S.W. they arrived at a village in which they found
a few people. Whilst his servants were busy completing the hut for the
night's encampment, the Doctor, who was lying in a shady place on the
kitanda, ordered them to fetch one of the villagers. The chief of the
place had disappeared, but the rest of his people seemed quite at their
ease, and drew near to hear what was going to be said. They were asked
whether they knew of a hill on which four rivers took their rise. The
spokesman answered that they had no knowledge of it; they themselves,
said he, were not travellers, and all those who used to go on trading
expeditions were now dead. In former years Malenga's town, Kutchinyama,
was the assembling place of the Wabisa traders, but these had been swept
off by the Mazitu. Such as survived had to exist as best they could
amongst the swamps and inundated districts around the Lake. Whenever an
expedition was organised to go to the coast, or in any other direction,
travellers met at Malenga's town to talk over the route to be taken:
then would have been the time, said they, to get information about every
part. Dr. Livingstone was here obliged to dismiss them, and explained
that he was too ill to continue talking, but he begged them to bring as
much food as they could for sale to Kalunganjovu's.]

_26th April, 1873._--(No entry except the date.)

[They proceeded as far as Kalunganjovu's town, the chief himself coming
to meet them on the way dressed in Arab costume and wearing a red fez.
Whilst waiting here Susi was instructed to count over the bags of beads,
and, on reporting that twelve still remained in stock, Dr. Livingstone
told him to buy two large tusks if an opportunity occurred, as he might
run short of goods by the time they got to Ujiji, and could then
exchange them with the Arabs there for cloth, to spend on their way to
Zanzibar.]

To-day, the _27th April, 1873,_ he seems to have been almost dying. No
entry at all was made in his diary after that which follows, and it must
have taxed him to the utmost to write:--

"Knocked up quite, and remain--recover--sent to buy milch goats. We are
on the banks of the Molilamo."

They are the last words that David Livingstone wrote.

From this point we have to trust entirely to the narrative of the men.
They explain the above sentence as follows: Salimané, Amisi, Hamsani,
and Laedé, accompanied by a guide, were sent off to endeavour if
possible to buy some milch goats on the upper part of the Molilamo.[34]
They could not, however, succeed; it was always the same story--the
Mazitu had taken everything. The chief, nevertheless, sent a substantial
present of a kid and three baskets of ground-nuts, and the people were
willing enough to exchange food for beads. Thinking he could eat some
Mapira corn pounded up with ground-nuts, the Doctor gave instructions to
the two women M'sozi and M'toweka, to prepare it for him, but he was not
able to take it when they brought it to him.

_28th April, 1873._--Men were now despatched in an opposite direction,
that is to visit the villages on the right bank of the Molilamo as it
flows to the Lake; unfortunately they met with no better result, and
returned empty handed.

On the _29th April_, Kalunganjovu and most of his people came early to
the village. The chief wished to assist his guest to the utmost, and
stated that as he could not be sure that a sufficient number of canoes
would be forthcoming unless he took charge of matters himself, he should
accompany the caravan to the crossing place, which was about an hour's
march from the spot. "Everything should be done for his friend," he
said.

They were ready to set out. On Susi's going to the hut, Dr. Livingstone
told him that he was quite unable to walk to the door to reach the
kitanda, and he wished the men to break down one side of the little
house, as the entrance was too narrow to admit it, and in this manner to
bring it to him where he was: this was done, and he was gently placed
upon it, and borne out of the village.

Their course was in the direction of the stream, and they followed it
till they came to a reach where the current was uninterrupted by the
numerous little islands which stood partly in the river and partly in
the flood on the upper waters. Kalunganjovu was seated on a knoll, and
actively superintended the embarkation, whilst Dr. Livingstone told his
bearers to take him to a tree at a little distance off, that he might
rest in the shade till most of the men were on the other side. A good
deal of care was required, for the river, by no means a large one in
ordinary times, spread its waters in all directions, so that a false
step, or a stumble in any unseen hole, would have drenched the invalid
and the bed also on which he was carried.

The passage occupied some time, and then came the difficult task of
conveying the Doctor across, for the canoes were not wide enough to
allow the kitanda to be deposited in the bottom of either of them.
Hitherto, no matter how weak, Livingstone had always been able to sit in
the various canoes they had used on like occasions, but now he had no
power to do so. Taking his bed off the kitanda, they laid it in the
bottom of the strongest canoe, and tried to lift him; but he could not
bear the pain of a hand being passed under his back. Beckoning to
Chumah, in a faint voice he asked him to stoop down over him as low as
possible, so that he might clasp his hands together behind his head,
directing him at the same how to avoid putting any pressure on the
lumbar region of the back; in this way he was deposited in the bottom of
the canoe, and quickly ferried across the Mulilamo by Chowpéré, Susi,
Farijala, and Chumah. The same precautions were used on the other side:
the kitanda was brought close to the canoe, so as to prevent any
unnecessary pain in disembarking.

Susi now hurried on ahead to reach Chitambo's village, and superintend
the building of another house. For the first mile or two they had to
carry the Doctor through swamps and plashes, glad to reach something
like a dry plain at last.

It would seem that his strength was here at its very lowest ebb. Chumah,
one of his bearers on these the last weary miles the great traveller was
destined to accomplish, says that they were every now and then implored
to stop and place their burden on the ground. So great were the pangs of
his disease during this day that he could make no attempt to stand, and
if lifted for a few yards a drowsiness came over him, which alarmed them
all excessively. This was specially the case at one spot where a tree
stood in the path. Here one of his attendants was called to him, and, on
stooping down, he found him unable to speak from faintness. They
replaced him in the kitanda, and made the best of their way on the
journey. Some distance further on great thirst oppressed him; he asked
them if they had any water, but, unfortunately for once, not a drop was
to be procured. Hastening on for fear of getting too far separated from
the party in advance, to their great comfort they now saw Farijala
approaching with some which Susi had thoughtfully sent off from
Chitambo's village.

Still wending their way on, it seemed as if they would not complete
their task, for again at a clearing the sick man entreated them to place
him on the ground, and to let him stay where he was. Fortunately at this
moment some of the outlying huts of the village came in sight, and they
tried to rally him by telling him that he would quickly be in the house
that the others had gone on to build, but they were obliged as it was to
allow him to remain for an hour in the native gardens outside the town.

On reaching their companions it was found that the work was not quite
finished, and it became necessary therefore to lay him under the broad
eaves of a native hut till things were ready.

Chitambo's village at this time was almost empty. When the crops are
growing it is the custom to erect little temporary houses in the fields,
and the inhabitants, leaving their more substantial huts, pass the time
in watching their crops, which are scarcely more safe by day than by
night; thus it was that the men found plenty of room and shelter ready
to their hand. Many of the people approached the spot where he lay whose
praises had reached them in previous years, and in silent wonder they
stood round him resting on their bows. Slight drizzling showers were
falling, and as soon as possible his house was made ready and banked
round with earth.

Inside it, the bed was raised from the floor by sticks and grass,
occuping a position across and near to the bay-shaped end of the hut: in
the bay itself bales and boxes were deposited, one of the latter doing
duty for a table, on which the medicine chest and sundry other things
were placed. A fire was lighted outside, nearly opposite the door,
whilst the boy Majwara slept just within to attend to his master's wants
in the night.

On the _30th April, 1873,_ Chitambo came early to pay a visit of
courtesy, and was shown into the Doctor's presence, but he was obliged
to send him away, telling him to come again on the morrow, when he hoped
to have more strength to talk to him, and he was not again disturbed. In
the afternoon he asked Susi to bring his watch to the bedside, and
explained to him the position in which to hold his hand, that it might
lie in the palm whilst he slowly turned the key.

So the hours stole on till nightfall. The men silently took to their
huts, whilst others, whose duty it was to keep watch, sat round the
fires, all feeling that the end could not be far off. About 11 P.M.
Susi, whose hut was close by, was told to go to his master. At the time
there were loud shouts in the distance, and, on entering, Dr.
Livingstone said, "Are our men making that noise?" "No," replied Susi;
"I can hear from the cries that the people are scaring away a buffalo
from their dura fields." A few minutes afterwards he said slowly, and
evidently wandering, "Is this the Luapula?" Susi told him they were in
Chitambo's village, near the Mulilamo, when he was silent for a while.
Again, speaking to Susi, in Suaheli this time, he said, "Sikun'gapi
kuenda Luapula?" (How many days is it to the Luapula?)

"Na zani zikutatu, Bwana" (I think it is three days, master), replied
Susi.

A few seconds after, as if in great pain, he half sighed, half said, "Oh
dear, dear!" and then dozed off again.

It was about an hour later that Susi heard Majwara again outside the
door, "Bwana wants you, Susi." On reaching the bed the Doctor told him
he wished him to boil some water, and for this purpose he went to the
fire outside, and soon returned with the copper kettle full. Calling him
close, he asked him to bring his medicine-chest and to hold the candle
near him, for the man noticed he could hardly see. With great difficulty
Dr. Livingstone selected the calomel, which he told him to place by his
side; then, directing him to pour a little water into a cup, and to put
another empty one by it, he said in a low feeble voice, "All right; you
can go out now." These were the last words he was ever heard to speak.

It must have been about 4 A.M. when Susi heard Majwara's step once
more. "Come to Bwana, I am afraid; I don't know if he is alive." The
lad's evident alarm made Susi run to arouse Chumah, Chowperé, Matthew,
and Muanyaséré, and the six men went immediately to the hut.

Passing inside they looked towards the bed. Dr. Livingstone was not
lying on it, but appeared to be engaged in prayer, and they
instinctively drew backwards for the instant. Pointing to him, Majwara
said, "When I lay down he was just as he is now, and it is because I
find that he does not move that I fear he is dead." They asked the lad
how long he had slept? Majwara said he could not tell, but he was sure
that it was some considerable time: the men drew nearer.

A candle stuck by its own wax to the top of the box, shed a light
sufficient for them to see his form. Dr. Livingstone was kneeling by the
side of his bed, his body stretched forward, his head buried in his
hands upon the pillow. For a minute they watched him: he did not stir,
there was no sign of breathing; then one of them, Matthew, advanced
softly to him and placed his hands to his cheeks. It was sufficient;
life had been extinct some time, and the body was almost cold:
Livingstone was dead.

His sad-hearted servants raised him tenderly up, and laid him full
length on the bed, then, carefully covering him, they went out into the
damp night air to consult together. It was not long before the cocks
crew, and it is from this circumstance--coupled with the fact that Susi
spoke to him some time shortly before midnight--that we are able to
state with tolerable certainty that he expired early on the 1st of May.

It has been thought best to give the narrative of these closing hours as
nearly as possible in the words of the two men who attended him
constantly, both here and in the many illnesses of like character which
he endured in his last six years' wanderings; in fact from the first
moment of the news arriving in England, it was felt to be indispensable
that they should come home to state what occurred.

* * * * *

The men have much to consider as they cower around the watch-fire, and
little time for deliberation. They are at their furthest point from home
and their leader has fallen at their head; we shall see presently how
they faced their difficulties.

* * * * *

Several inquiries will naturally arise on reading this distressing
history; the foremost, perhaps, will be with regard to the entire
absence of everything like a parting word to those immediately about
him, or a farewell line to his family and friends at home. It must be
very evident to the reader that Livingstone entertained very grave
forebodings about his health during the last two years of his life, but
it is not clear that he realized the near approach of death when his
malady suddenly passed into a more dangerous stage.

It may be said, "Why did he not take some precautions or give some
strict injunctions to his men to preserve his note-books and maps, at
all hazards, in the event of his decease? Did not his great ruling
passion suggest some such precaution?"

Fair questions, but, reader, you have all--every word written, spoken,
or implied.

Is there, then, no explanation? Yes; we think past experience affords
it, and it is offered to you by one who remembers moreover how
Livingstone himself used to point out to him in Africa the peculiar
features of death by malarial poisoning.

In full recollection of eight deaths in the Zambesi and Shiré districts,
not a single parting word or direction in any instance can be recalled.
Neither hope nor courage give way as death approaches. In most cases a
comatose state of exhaustion supervenes, which, if it be not quickly
arrested by active measures, passes into complete insensibility: this is
almost invariably the closing scene.

In Dr. Livingstone's case we find some departure from the ordinary
symptoms.[35] He, as we have seen by the entry of the 18th April was
alive to the conviction that malarial poison is the basis of every
disorder in Tropical Africa, and he did not doubt but that he was fully
under its influence whilst suffering so severely. As we have said, a man
of less endurance in all probability would have perished in the first
week of the terrible approach to the Lake, through the flooded country
and under the continual downpour that he describes. It tried every
constitution, saturated every man with fever poison, and destroyed
several, as we shall see a little further on. The greater vitality in
his iron system very likely staved off for a few days the last state of
coma to which we refer, but there is quite sufficient to show us that
only a thin margin lay between the heavy drowsiness of the last few days
before reaching Chitambo's and the final and usual symptom that brings
on unconsciousness and inability to speak.

On more closely questioning the men one only elicits that they imagine
he hoped to recover as he had so often done before, and if this really
was the case it will in a measure account for the absence of anything
like a dying statement, but still they speak again and again of his
drowsiness, which in itself would take away all ability to realize
vividly the seriousness of the situation. It may be that at the last a
flash of conviction for a moment lit up the mind--if so, what greater
consolation can those have who mourn his loss, than the account that the
men give of what they saw when they entered the hut?

Livingstone had not merely turned himself, he had risento pray; he
still rested on his knees, his hands were clasped under his head: when
they approached him he seemed to live. He had not fallen to right or
left when he rendered up his spirit to God. Death required no change of
limb or position; there was merely the gentle settling forwards of the
frame unstrung by pain, for the Traveller's perfect rest had come. Will
not time show that the men were scarcely wrong when they thought "he yet
speaketh"--aye, perhaps far more clearly to us than he could have done
by word or pen or any other means!

Is it, then, presumptuous to think that the long-used fervent prayer of
the wanderer sped forth once more--that the constant supplication became
more perfect in weakness, and that from his "loneliness" David
Livingstone, with a dying effort, yet again besought Him for whom He
laboured to break down the oppression and woe of the land?

* * * * *

Before daylight the men were quietly told in each hut what had happened,
and that they were to assemble. Coming together as soon as it was light
enough to see, Susi and Chumah said that they wished everybody to be
present whilst the boxes were opened, so that in case money or valuables
were in them, all might be responsible. Jacob Wainwright (who could
write, they knew) was asked to make some notes which should serve as an
inventory, and then the boxes were brought out from the hut.

Before he left England in 1865, Dr. Livingstone arranged that his
travelling equipment should be as compact as possible. An old friend
gave him some exceedingly well-made tin-boxes, two of which lasted out
the whole of his travels. In these his papers and instruments were safe
from wet and from white ants, which have to be guarded against more than
anything else. Besides the articles mentioned below, a number of letters
and despatches in various stages were likewise enclosed, and one can
never sufficiently extol the good feeling which after his death
invested all these writings with something like a sacred care in the
estimation of his men. It was the Doctor's custom to carry a small
metallic note-book in his pocket: a quantity of these have come to hand
filled from end to end, and as the men preserved every one that they
found, we have a daily entry to fall back upon. Nor was less care shown
for his rifles, sextants, his Bible and Church-service, and the medicine
chest.

Jacob's entry is as follows, and it was thoughtfully made at the back
end of the same note-book that was in use by the Doctor when he died. It
runs as follows:--

"11 o'clock night, 28th April.

"In the chest was found about a shilling and half, and in other chest
his hat, 1 watch, and 2 small boxes of measuring instrument, and in each
box there was one. 1 compass, 3 other kind of measuring instrument. 4
other kind of measuring instrument. And in other chest 3 drachmas and
half half scrople."

A word is necessary concerning the first part of this. It will be
observed that Dr. Livingstone made his last note on the 27th April.
Jacob, referring to it as the only indication of the day of the month,
and fancying, moreover, that it was written on the _preceding day,_
wrote down "28th April." Had he observed that the few words opposite the
27th in the pocket-book related to the stay at Kalunganjovu's village,
and not to any portion of the time at Chitambo's, the error would have
been avoided. Again, with respect to the time. It was about 11 o'clock
P.M. when Susi last saw his master alive, and therefore this time is
noted, but both he and Chumah feel quite sure, from what Majwara said,
that death did not take place till some hours after.

It was not without some alarm that the men realised their more
immediate difficulties: none could see better than they what
complications might arise in an hour.

They knew the superstitious horror connected with the dead to be
prevalent in the tribes around them, for the departed spirits of men are
universally believed to have vengeance and mischief at heart as their
ruling idea in the land beyond the grave. All rites turn on this belief.
The religion of the African is a weary attempt to propitiate those who
show themselves to be still able to haunt and destroy, as war comes or
an accident happens.

On this account it is not to be wondered at that chief and people make
common cause against those who wander through their territory, and have
the misfortune to lose one of their party by death. Who is to tell the
consequences? Such occurrences are looked on as most serious offences,
and the men regarded their position with no small apprehension.

Calling the whole party together, Susi and Chumah placed the state of
affairs before them, and asked what should be done. They received a
reply from those whom Mr. Stanley had engaged for Dr. Livingstone, which
was hearty and unanimous. "You," said they, "are old men in travelling
and in hardships; you must act as our chiefs, and we will promise to
obey whatever you order us to do." From this moment we may look on Susi
and Chumah as the Captains of the caravan. To their knowledge of the
country, of the tribes through which they were to pass, but, above all,
to the sense of discipline and cohesion which was maintained throughout,
their safe return to Zanzibar at the head of their men must, under God's
good guidance, be mainly attributed.

All agreed that Chitambo ought to be kept in ignorance of Dr.
Livingstone's decease, or otherwise a fine so heavy would be inflicted
upon them as compensation for damage done that their means would be
crippled, and they could hardly expect to pay their way to the coast. It
was decided that, come what might, the body _must be borne to Zanzibar._
It was also arranged to take it secretly, if possible, to a hut at some
distance off, where the necessary preparations could be carried out, and
for this purpose some men were now despatched with axes to cut wood,
whilst others went to collect grass. Chumah set off to see Chitambo, and
said that they wanted to build a place outside the village, if he would
allow it, for they did not like living amongst the huts. His consent was
willingly given.

Later on in the day two of the men went to the people to buy food, and
divulged the secret: the chief was at once informed of what had
happened, and started for the spot on which the new buildings were being
set up. Appealing to Chumah, he said, "Why did you not tell me the
truth? I know that your master died last night. You were afraid to let
me know, but do not fear any longer. I, too, have travelled, and more
than once have been to Bwani (the Coast), before the country on the road
was destroyed by the Mazitu. I know that you have no bad motives in
coming to our land, and death often happens to travellers in their
journeys." Reassured by this speech, they told him of their intention to
prepare the body and to take it with them. He, however, said it would be
far better to bury it there, for they were undertaking an impossible
task; but they held to their resolution. The corpse was conveyed to the
new hut the same day on the kitanda carefully covered with cloth and a
blanket.

_2nd May, 1873._--The next morning Susi paid a visit to Chitambo, making
him a handsome present and receiving in return a kind welcome. It is
only right to add, that the men speak on all occasions with gratitude of
Chitambo's conduct throughout, and say that he is a fine generous
fellow. Following out his suggestion, it was agreed that all honours
should be shown to the dead, and the customary mourning was arranged
forthwith.

At the proper time, Chitambo, leading his people, and accompanied by his
wives, came to the new settlement. He was clad in a broad red cloth,
which covered the shoulders, whilst the wrapping of native cotton cloth,
worn round the waist, fell as low as his ankles. All carried bows,
arrows, and spears, but no guns were seen. Two drummers joined in the
loud wailing lamentation, which so indelibly impresses itself on the
memories of people who have heard it in the East, whilst the band of
servants fired volley after volley in the air, according to the strict
rule of Portuguese and Arabs on such occasions.

As yet nothing had been done to the corpse.

A separate hut was now built, about ninety feet from the principal one.
It was constructed in such a manner that it should be open to the air at
the top, and sufficiently strong to defy the attempts of any wild beast
to break through it. Firmly driven boughs and saplings were planted side
by side and bound together, so as to make a regular stockade. Close to
this building the men constructed their huts, and, finally, the whole
settlement had another high stockade carried completely around it.

Arrangements were made the same day to treat the corpse on the following
morning. One of the men, Saféné, whilst in Kalunganjovu's district,
bought a large quantity of salt: this was purchased of him for sixteen
strings of beads, there was besides some brandy in the Doctor's stores,
and with these few materials they hoped to succeed in their object.

Farijala was appointed to the necessary task. He had picked up some
knowledge of the method pursued in making _post-mortem_ examinations,
whilst a servant to a doctor at Zanzibar, and at his request, Carras,
one of the Nassick boys, was told off to assist him. Previous to this,
however, early on the 3rd May, a special mourner arrived. He came with
the anklets which are worn on these occasions, composed of rows of
hollow seed-vessels, fitted with rattling pebbles, and in low monotonous
chant sang, whilst he danced, as follows:

Lélo kwa Engérésé,
Muana sisi oa konda:
Tu kamb' tamb' Engérésé.

which translated is--

To-day the Englishman is dead,
Who has different hair from ours:
Come round to see the Englishman.

His task over, the mourner and his son, who accompanied him in the
ceremony, retired with a suitable present of beads.

The emaciated remains of the deceased traveller were soon afterwards
taken to the place prepared. Over the heads of Farijala and
Carras--Susi, Chumah, and Muanyaséré held a thick blanket as a kind of
screen, under which the men performed their duties. Tofiké and John
Wainwright were present. Jacob Wainwright had been asked to bring his
Prayer Book with him, and stood apart against the wall of the enclosure.

In reading about the lingering sufferings of Dr. Livingstone as
described by himself, and subsequently by these faithful fellows, one is
quite prepared to understand their explanation, and to see why it was
possible to defer these operations so long after death: they say that
his frame was little more than skin and bone. Through an incision
carefully made, the viscera were removed, and a quantity of salt was
placed in the trunk. All noticed one very significant circumstance in
the autopsy. A clot of coagulated blood, as large as a man's hand, lay
in the left side,[36] whilst Farijalapointed to the state of the lungs,
which they describe as dried up, and covered with black and white
patches.

The heart, with the other parts removed, were placed in a tin box, which
had formerly contained flour, and decently and reverently buried in a
hole dug some four feet deep on the spot where they stood. Jacob was
then asked to read the Burial Service, which he did in the presence of
all. The body was left to be fully exposed to the sun. No other means
were taken to preserve it, beyond placing some brandy in the mouth and
some on the hair; nor can one imagine for an instant that any other
process would have been available either for Europeans or natives,
considering the rude appliances at their disposal. The men kept watch
day and night to see that no harm came to their sacred charge. Their
huts surrounded the building, and had force been used to enter its
strongly-barred door, the whole camp would have turned out in a moment.
Once a day the position of the body was changed, but at no other time
was any one allowed to approach it.

No molestation of any kind took place during the fourteen days'
exposure. At the end of this period preparations were made for retracing
their steps. The corpse, by this time tolerably dried, was wrapped round
in some calico, the leg being bent inwards at the knees to shorten the
package. The next thing was to plan something in which to carry it, and,
in the absence of planking or tools, an admirable substitute was found
by stripping from a Myonga tree enough of the bark in one piece to form
a cylinder, and in it their master was laid. Over this case a piece of
sailcloth was sewn, and the whole package was lashed securely to a pole,
so as to be carried by two men.

Jacob Wainwright was asked to carve an inscription on the large Mvula
tree which stands by the place where the body rested, stating the name
of Dr. Livingstone and the date of his death, and, before leaving, the
men gave strict injunctions to Chitambo to keep the grass cleared away,
so as to save it from the bush-fires which annually sweep over the
country and destroy so many trees. Besides this, they erected close to
the spot two high thick posts, with an equally strong cross-piece, like
a lintel and door-posts in form, which they painted thoroughly with the
tar that was intended for the boat: this sign they think will remain for
a long time from the solidity of the timber. Before parting with
Chitambo, they gave him a large tin biscuit-box and some newspapers,
which would serve as evidence to all future travellers that a white man
had been at his village.

The chief promised to do all he could to keep both the tree and the
timber sign-posts from being touched, but added, that he hoped the
English would not be long in coming to see him, because there was always
the risk of an invasion of Mazitu, when he would have to fly, and the
tree might be cut down for a canoe by some one, and then all trace would
be lost. All was now ready for starting.

FOOTNOTES:

[33] Two hours and a quarter in a south-westerly direction.

[34] The name Molilamo is allowed to stand, but in Dr. Livingstone's
Map we find it Lulimala, and the men confirm, this pronunciation.--ED.

[35] The great loss of blood may have had a bearing on the case.

[36] It has been suggested by one who attended Dr. Livingstone
professionally in several dangerous illnesses in Africa, that the
ultimate cause of death was acute splenitis.--ED.

CHAPTER XIII.

They begin the homeward march from Ilala. Illness of all the
men. Deaths. Muanamazungu. The Luapula. The donkey killed by a
lion. A disaster at N'Kossu's. Native surgery. Approach
Chawende's town. Inhospitable reception. An encounter. They take
the town. Leave Chawende's. Reach Chiwaie's. Strike the old
road. Wire drawing. Arrive at Kumbakumba's. John Wainwright
disappears. Unsuccessful search. Reach Tanganyika. Leave the
Lake. Cross the Lambalamfipa range. Immense herds of game. News
of East-Coast Search Expedition. Confirmation of news. They
reach Baula. Avant-couriers sent forwards to Unyanyembé. Chumah
meets Lieutenant Cameron. Start for the coast. Sad death of Dr.
Dillon. Clever precautions. The body is effectually concealed.
Girl killed by a snake. Arrival on the coast. Concluding
remarks.

The homeward march was then begun. Throughout its length we shall
content ourselves with giving the approximate number of days occupied in
travelling and halting. Although the memories of both men are
excellent--standing the severest test when they are tried by the light
of Dr. Livingstone's journals, or "set on" at any passage of his
travels--they kept no precise record of the time spent at villages where
they were detained by sickness, and so the exactness of a diary can no
longer be sustained.

To return to the caravan. They found on this the first day's journey
that some other precautions were necessary to enable the bearers of the
mournful burden to keep to their task. Sending to Chitambo's village,
they brought thence the cask of tar which they had deposited with the
chief, and gave a thick coating to the canvas outside. This answered
all purposes; they left the remainder at the next village, with orders
to send it back to head-quarters, and then continued their course
through Ilala, led by their guides in the direction of the Luapula.

A moment's inspection of the map will explain the line of country to be
traversed. Susi and Chumah had travelled with Dr. Livingstone in the
neighbourhood of the north-west shores of Bangweolo in previous years.
The last fatal road from the north might be struck by a march in a due
N.E. direction, if they could but hold out so far without any serious
misfortune; but in order to do this they must first strike northwards so
as to reach the Luapula, and then crossing it at some part not
necessarily far from its exit from the Lake, they could at once lay
their course for the south end of Tanganyika.

There were, however, serious indications amongst them. First one and
then the other dropped out of the file, and by the time they reached a
town belonging to Chitambo's brother--and on the third day only since
they set out--half their number were _hors de combat_. It was impossible
to go on. A few hours more and all seemed affected. The symptoms were
intense pain in the limbs and face, great prostration, and, in the bad
cases, inability to move. The men attributed it to the continual wading
through water before the Doctor's death. They think that illness had
been waiting for some further slight provocation, and that the previous
days' tramp, which was almost entirely through plashy Bougas or swamps,
turned the scale against them.

Susi was suffering very much. The disease settled in one leg, and then
quickly shifted to the other. Songolo nearly died. Kaniki and Bahati,
two of the women, expired in a few days, and all looked at its worst. It
took them a good month to rally sufficiently to resume their journey.

Fortunately in this interval the rains entirely ceased, and the natives
day by day brought an abundance of food to the sick men. From them they
heard that the districts they were now in were notoriously unhealthy,
and that many an Arab had fallen out from the caravan march to leave his
bones in these wastes. One day five of the party made an excursion to
the westward, and on their return reported a large deep river flowing
into the Luapula on the left bank. Unfortunately no notice was taken of
its name, for it would be of considerable geographical interest.

At last they were ready to start again, and came to one of the border
villages in Ilala the same night, but the next day several fell ill for
the second time, Susi being quite unable to move.

Muanamazungu, at whose place these relapses occurred, was fully aware of
everything that had taken place at Chitambo's, and showed the men the
greatest kindness. Not a day passed without his bringing them some
present or other, but there was a great disinclination amongst the
people to listen to any details connected with Dr. Livingstone's death.
Some return for their kindness was made by Farijala shooting three
buffaloes near the town: meat and goodwill go together all over Africa,
and the liberal sportsman scores points at many a turn. A cow was
purchased here for some brass bracelets and calico, and on the twentieth
day all were sufficiently strong on their legs to push forwards.

The broad waters of the long-looked for Luapula soon hove in sight.
Putting themselves under a guide, they were conducted to the village of
Chisalamalama, who willingly offered them canoes for the passage across
the next day.[37]

As one listens to the report that the men give of this mighty river, he
instinctively bends his eyes on a dark burden laid in the canoe! How
ardently would he have scanned it whose body thus passes across these
waters, and whose spirit, in its last hours' sojourn in this world,
wandered in thought and imagination to its stream!

It would seem that the Luapula at this point is double the width of the
Zambesi at Shupanga. This gives a breadth of fully four miles. A man
could not be seen on the opposite bank: trees looked small: a gun could
be heard, but no shouting would ever reach a person across the
river--such is the description given by men who were well able to
compare the Luapula with the Zambesi. Taking to the canoes, they were
able to use the "m'phondo," or punting pole, for a distance through
reeds, then came clear deep water for some four hundred yards, again a
broad reedy expanse, followed by another deep part, succeeded in turn by
another current not so broad as those previously paddled across, and
then, as on the starting side, gradually shoaling water, abounding in
reeds. Two islands lay just above the crossing-place. Using pole and
paddle alternately, the passage took them fully two hours across this
enormous torrent, which carries off the waters of Bangweolo towards the
north.

A sad mishap befell the donkey the first night of camping beyond the
Luapula, and this faithful and sorely-tried servant was doomed to end
his career at this spot!

According to custom, a special stable was built for him close to the
men. In the middle of the night a great disturbance, coupled with the
shouting of Amoda, aroused the camp. The men rushed out and found the
stable broken down and the donkey gone. Snatching, some logs, they set
fire to the grass, as it was pitch dark, and by the light saw a lion
close to the body of the poor animal, which was quite dead. Those who
had caught up their guns on the first alarm fired a volley, and the
lion made off. It was evident that the donkey had been seized by the
nose, and instantly killed. At daylight the spoor showed that the guns
had taken effect. The lion's blood lay in a broad track (for he was
apparently injured in the back, and could only drag himself along); but
the footprints of a second lion were too plain to make it advisable to
track him far in the thick cover he had reached, and so the search was
abandoned. The body of the donkey was left behind, but two canoes
remained near the village, and it is most probable that it went to make
a feast at Chisalamalama's.

[Illustration: An old Servant destroyed.]

Travelling through incessant swamp and water, they were fain to make
their next stopping-place in a spot where an enormous ant-hill spread
itself out,--a small island in the waters. A fire was lit, and by
employing hoes, most of them dug something like a form to sleep in on
the hard earth.

Thankful to leave such a place, their guide led them next day to the
village of Kawinga, whom they describe as a tall man, of singularly
light colour, and the owner of a gun, a unique weapon in these parts,
but one already made useless by wear and tear. The next village,
N'kossu's, was much more important. The people, called Kawendé, formerly
owned plenty of cattle, but now they are reduced: the Banyamwesi have
put them under the harrow, and but few herds remain. We may call
attention to the somewhat singular fact, that the hump quite disappears
in the Lake breed; the cows would pass for respectable shorthorns.[38]

A present was made to the caravan of a cow; but it seems that the rule,
"first catch your hare," is in full force in N'kossu's pastures. The
animals are exceedingly wild, and a hunt has to be set on foot whenever
beef is wanted; it was so in this case. Saféné and Muanyaséré with their
guns essayed to settle the difficulty. The latter, an old hunter as we
have seen, was not likely to do much harm; but Saféné, firing wildly at
the cow, hit one of the villagers, and smashed the bone of the poor
fellow's thigh. Although it was clearly an accident, such things do not
readily settle themselves down on this assumption in Africa. The chief,
however, behaved very well. He told them a fine would have to be paid on
the return of the wounded man's father, and it had better be handed to
him, for by law the blame would fall on him, as the entertainer of the
man who had brought about the injury. He admitted that he had ordered
all his people to stand clear of the spot where the disaster occurred,
but he supposed that in this instance his orders had not been heard.
They had not sufficient goods in any case to respond to the demand; the
process adopted to set the broken limb is a sample of native surgery,
which must not be passed over.

[Illustration: Kawendé Surgery.]

First of all a hole was dug, say two feet deep and four in length, in
such a manner that the patient could sit in it with his legs out before
him. A large leaf was then bound round the fractured thigh, and earth
thrown in, so that the patient was buried up to the chest. The next act
was to cover the earth which lay over the man's legs with a thick layer
of mud; then plenty of sticks and grass were collected, and a fire lit
on the top directly over the fracture. To prevent the smoke smothering
the sufferer, they held a tall mat as a screen before his face, and the
operation went on. After some time the heat reached the limbs
underground. Bellowing with fear and covered with perspiration, the man
implored them to let him out. The authorities concluding that he had
been under treatment a sufficient time, quickly burrowed down and lifted
him from the hole. He was now held perfectly fast, whilst two strong men
stretched the wounded limb with all their might! Splints, duly prepared
were afterwards bound round it, and we must hope that in due time
benefit accrued, but as the ball had passed through the limb, we must
have our doubts on the subject. The villagers told Chuma that after the
Wanyamwesi engagements they constantly treated bad gunshot-wounds in
this way with perfect success.

Leaving N'kossu's, they rested one night at another village belonging to
him, and then made for the territory of the Wa Ussi. Here they met with
a surly welcome, and were told they must pass on. No doubt the
intelligence that they were carrying their master's body had a great
deal to do with it, for the news seemed to spread with the greatest
rapidity in all directions. Three times they camped in the forest, and
for a wonder began to find some dry ground. The path lay in the direct
line of Chawendé's town, parallel to the north shore of the Lake, and at
no great distance from it.

Some time previously a solitary Unyamwesi had attached himself to the
party at Chitankooi's, where he had been left sick by a passing caravan
of traders: this man now assured them the country before them was well
known to him.

Approaching Chawendé's, according to native etiquette, Amoda and Sabouri
went on in front to inform the chief, and to ask leave to enter his
town. As they did not come back, Muanyaséré and Chuma set off after
them to ascertain the reason of the delay. No better success seemed to
attend this second venture, so shouldering their burdens, all went
forward in the track of the four messengers.

In the mean time, Chuma and Muanyaséré met Amoda and Sabouri coming back
towards them with five men. They reported that they had entered the
town, but found it a very large stockaded place; moreover, two other
villages of equal size were close to it. Much pombe drinking was going
on. On approaching the chief, Amoda had rested his gun against the
principal hut innocently enough. Chawendé's son, drunk and quarrelsome,
made this a cause of offence, and swaggering up, he insolently asked
them how they dared to do such a thing. Chawendé interfered, and for the
moment prevented further disagreeables; in fact, he himself seems to
have been inclined to grant the favour which was asked: however, there
was danger brewing, and the men retired.

When the main body met them returning, tired with their fruitless
errand, a consultation took place. Wood there was none. To scatter about
and find materials with which to build shelter for the night, would only
offer a great temptation to these drunken excited people to plunder the
baggage. It was resolved to make for the town.

When they reached the gate of the stockade they were flatly refused
admittance, those inside telling them to go down to the river and camp
on the bank. They replied that this was impossible: that they were
tired, it was very late, and nothing could be found there to give them
shelter. Meeting with no different answer, Saféné said, "Why stand
talking to them? let us get in somehow or other;" and, suiting the
action to the word, they pushed the men back who stood in the gateway.
Saféné got through, and Muanyaséré climbed over the top of the stockade,
followed by Chuma, who instantly opened the gate wide and let his
companions through. Hostilities might still have been averted had
better counsel prevailed.

The men began to look about for huts in which to deposit their things,
when the same drunken fellow drew a bow and fired at Muanyaséré. The man
called out to the others to seize him, which was done in an instant. A
loud cry now burst forth that the chief's son was in danger, and one of
the people, hurling a spear, wounded Sabouri slightly in the thigh: this
was the signal for a general scrimmage.

Chawendé's men fled from the town; the drums beat the assembly in all
directions, and an immense number flocked to the spot from the two
neighbouring villages, armed with their bows, arrows, and spears. An
assault instantly began from the outside. N'chisé was shot with an arrow
in the shoulder through the palisade, and N'taru in the finger. Things
were becoming desperate. Putting the body of Dr. Livingstone and all
their goods and chattels in one hut, they charged out of the town, and
fired on the assailants, killing two and wounding several others.
Fearing that they would only gather together in the other remaining
villages and renew the attack at night, the men carried these quickly
one by one and subsequently burnt six others which were built on the
same side of the river, then crossing over, they fired on the canoes
which were speeding towards the deep water of Bangweolo, through the
channel of the Lopupussi, with disastrous results to the fugitive
people.

Returning to the town, all was made safe for the night. By the fortunes
of war, sheep, goats, fowls, and an immense quantity of food fell into
their hands; and they remained for a week to recruit. Once or twice they
found men approaching at night to throw fire on the roofs of the huts
from outside, but with this exception they were not interfered with. On
the last day but one a man approached and called to them at the top of
his voice not to set fire to the chief's town (it was his that they
occupied); for the bad son had brought all this upon them; he added that
the old man had been overruled, and they were sorry enough for his bad
conduct.

Listening to the account given of this occurrence, one cannot but lament
the loss of life and the whole circumstances of the fight. Whilst on the
one hand we may imagine that the loss of a cool, conciliatory, brave
leader was here felt in a grave degree, we must also see that it was
known far and wide that this very loss was now a great weakness to his
followers. There is no surer sign of mischief in Africa than these
trumpery charges of bewitching houses by placing things on them: some
such over-strained accusation is generally set in the front rank when
other difficulties are to come: drunkenness is pretty much the same
thing in all parts of the world, and gathers misery around it as easily
in an African village as in an English city. Had the cortége submitted
to extortion and insult, they felt that their night by the river would
have been a precarious one--even if they had been in a humour to sleep
in a swamp when a town was at hand. These things gave occasion to them
to resort to force. The desperate nature of their whole enterprise in
starting for Zanzibar perhaps had accumulated its own stock of
determination, and now it found vent under evil provocation. If there is
room for any other feeling than regret, it lies in the fact that, on
mature consideration and in sober moments, the people who suffered, cast
the real blame on the right shoulders.

For the next three days after leaving Chawendé's they were still in the
same inundated fringe of Bouga, which surrounds the Lake, and on each
occasion had to camp at nightfall wherever a resting-place could be
found in the jungle, reaching Chama's village on the fourth day. A delay
of forty-eight hours was necessary, as Susi's wife fell ill; and for
the next few marches she was carried in a kitanda. They met an Unyamwesi
man here, who had come from Kumbakumba's town in the Wa Ussi district.
He related to them how on two occasions the Wanyamwesi had tried to
carry Chawendé's town by assault, but had been repulsed both times. It
would seem that, with the strong footing these invaders have in the
country, armed as they are besides with the much-dreaded guns, it can
only be a matter of time before the whole rule, such as it is, passes
into the hands of the new-comers.

The next night was spent in the open, before coming to the scattered
huts of Ngumbu's, where a motley group of stragglers, for the most part
Wabisa, were busy felling the trees and clearing the land for
cultivation. However, the little community gave them a welcome, in spite
of the widespread report of the fighting at Chawendé's, and dancing and
drumming were kept up till morning.

One more night was passed in the plain, and they reached a tributary of
the Lopupussi River, called the M'Pamba; it is a considerable stream,
and takes one up to the chest in crossing. They now drew near to
Chiwaie's town, which they describe as a very strong place, fortified
with a stockade and ditch. Shortly before reaching it, some villagers
tried to pick a quarrel with them for carrying flags. It was their
invariable custom to make the drummer-boy, Majwara, march at their head,
whilst the Union Jack and the red colours of Zanzibar were carried in a
foremost place in the line. Fortunately a chief of some importance came
up and stopped the discussion, or there might have been more mischief,
for the men were in no temper to lower their flag, knowing their own
strength pretty well by this time. Making their settlement close to
Chiwaie's, they met with much kindness, and were visited by crowds of
the inhabitants.

Three days' journey brought them to Chiwaie's uncle's village; sleeping
two nights in the jungle they made Chungu's, and in another day's march
found themselves, to their great delight, at Kapesha's. They knew their
road from this point, for on the southern route with Dr. Livingstone
they had stopped here, and could therefore take up the path that leads
to Tanganyika. Hitherto their course had been easterly, with a little
northing, but now they turned their backs to the Lake, which they had
held on the right-hand since crossing the Luapula, and struck almost
north.

From Kapesha's to Lake Bangweolo is a three days' march as the crow
flies, for a man carrying a burden. They saw a large quantity of iron
and copper wire being made here by a party of Wanyamwesi. The process is
as follows:--A heavy piece of iron, with a funnel-shaped hole in it, is
firmly fixed in the fork of a tree. A fine rod is then thrust into it,
and a line attached to the first few inches which can be coaxed through.
A number of men haul on this line, singing and dancing in tune, and thus
it is drawn through the first drill; it is subsequently passed through
others to render it still finer, and excellent wire is the result.
Leaving Kapesha they went through many of the villages already
enumerated in Dr. Livingstone's Diary. Chama's people came to see them
as they passed by him, and after some mutterings and growlings Casongo
gave them leave to buy food at his town. Reaching Chama's head-quarters
they camped outside, and received a civil message, telling them to
convey his orders to the people on the banks of the Kalongwesi that the
travellers must be ferried safely across. They found great fear and
misery prevailing in the neighbourhood from the constant raids made by
Kumbakumba's men.

Leaving the Kalangwésé behind them they made for M'sama's son's town,
meeting four men on the way who were going from Kumbakumba to Chama to
beat up recruits for an attack on the Katanga people. The request was
sure to be met with alarm and refusal, but it served very well to act
the part taken by the wolf in the fable. A grievance would immediately
be made of it, and Chama "eaten up" in due course for daring to gainsay
the stronger man. Such is too frequently the course of native
oppression. At last Kumbakumba's town came in sight. Already the large
district of Itawa has tacitly allowed itself to be put under the harrow
by this ruffianly Zanzibar Arab. Black-mail is levied in all directions,
and the petty chiefs, although really under tribute to Nsama, are
sagacious enough to keep in with the powers that be. Kumbakumba showed
the men a storehouse full of elephants' tusks. A small detachment was
sent off to try and gain tidings of one of the Nassick boys, John, who
had mysteriously disappeared a day or two previously on the march. At
the time no great apprehensions were felt, but as he did not turn up the
grass was set on fire in order that he might see the smoke if he had
wandered, and guns were fired. Some think he purposely went off rather
than carry a load any further; whilst others fear he may have been
killed. Certain it is that after a five days' search in all directions
no tidings could be gained either here or at Chama's, and nothing more
was heard of the poor fellow.

Numbers of slaves were collected here. On one occasion they saw five
gangs bound neck to neck by chains, and working in the gardens outside
the towns.

* * * * *

The talk was still about the break up of Casembe's power, for it will be
recollected that Kumbakumba and Pemba Motu had killed him a short time
before; but by far the most interesting news that reached them was that
a party of Englishmen, headed by Dr. Livingstone's son, on their way to
relieve his father, had been seen at Bagamoio some months previously.

The chief showed them every kindness during their five days' rest, and
was most anxious that no mishap should by any chance occur to their
principal charge. He warned them to beware of hyænas, at night more
especially, as the quarter in which they had camped had no stockade
round it as yet.

Marching was now much easier, and the men quickly found they had crossed
the watershed. The Lovu ran in front of them on its way to Tanganyika.
The Kalongwesé, we have seen, flows to Lake Moero in the opposite
direction. More to their purpose it was perhaps to find the terror of
Kumbakumba dying away as they travelled in a north-easterly direction,
and came amongst the Mwambi. As yet no invasion had taken place. A young
chief, Chungu, did all he could for them, for when the Doctor explored
these regions before, Chungu had been much impressed with him: and now,
throwing off all the native superstition, he looked on the arrival of
the dead body as a cause of real sorrow.

Asoumani had some luck in hunting, and a fine buffalo was killed near
the town. According to native game laws (which in some respects are
exceedingly strict in Africa), Chungu had a right to a fore leg--had it
been an elephant the tusk next the ground would have been his, past all
doubt--in this instance, however, the men sent in a plea that theirs was
no ordinary case, and that hunger had laws of its own; they begged to be
allowed to keep the whole carcase, and Chungu not only listened to their
story, but willingly waived his claim to the chief's share.

It is to be hoped that these sons of Tafuna, the head and father of the
Amambwi a lungu, may hold their own. They seem a superior race, and this
man is described as a worthy leader. His brothers Kasonso, Chitimbwa,
Sombé, and their sister Mombo, are all notorious for their reverence for
Tafuna. In their villages an abundance of coloured homespun cloth speaks
for their industry; whilst from the numbers of dogs and elephant-spears
no further testimony is needed to show that the character they bear as
great hunters is well deserved.

The steep descent to the Lake now lay before them, and they came to
Kasakalawé's. Here it was that the Doctor had passed weary months of
illness on his first approach to Tanganyika in previous years. The
village contained but few of its old inhabitants, but those few received
them hospitably enough and mourned the loss of him who had been so well
appreciated when alive. So they journeyed on day by day till the
southern end of the Lake was rounded.

The previous experience of the difficult route along the heights
bordering on Tanganyika made them determine to give the Lake a wide
berth this time, and for this purpose they held well to the eastward,
passing a number of small deserted villages, in one of which they camped
nearly every night. It was necessary to go through the Fipa country, but
they learnt from one man and another that the chief, Kafoofi, was very
anxious that the body should not be brought near to his town--indeed, a
guide was purposely thrown in their way who led them past it by a
considerable détour. Kafoofi stands well with the coast Arabs. One,
Ngombesassi by name, was at the time living with him, accompanied by his
retinue of slaves. He had collected a very large quantity of ivory
further in the interior, but dared not approach nearer at present to
Unyanyembé with it to risk the chance of meeting one of Mirambo's
hordes.

This road across the plain seems incomparably the best, No difficulty
whatever was experienced, and one cannot but lament the toil and
weariness which Dr. Livingstone endured whilst holding a course close to
Tanganyika, although one must bear in mind that by no other means at the
time could he complete his survey of this great inland sea, or acquaint
us with its harbours, its bays, and the rivers which find their way
into it on the east; these are details which will prove of value when
small vessels come to navigate it in the future.

The chief feature after leaving this point was a three days' march over
Lambalamfipa, an abrupt mountain range, which crosses the country east
and west, and attains, it would seem, an altitude of some 4000 feet.
Looking down on the plain from its highest passes a vast lake appears to
stretch away in front towards the north, but on descending this resolves
itself into a glittering plain, for the most part covered with saline
incrustations. The path lay directly across this. The difficulties they
anticipated had no real existence, for small villages were found, and
water was not scarce, although brackish. The first demand for toll was
made near here, but the headman allowed them to pass for fourteen
strings of beads. Susi says that this plain literally swarms with herds
of game of all kinds: giraffe and zebra were particularly abundant, and
lions revelled in such good quarters. The settlements they came to
belonged chiefly to elephant hunters. Farijala and Muanyaséré did well
with the buffalo, and plenty of beef came into camp.

They gained some particulars concerning a salt-water lake on their
right, at no very considerable distance. It was reported to them to be
smaller than Tanganyika, and goes by the name Bahari ya Muarooli--the
sea of Muarooli--for such is the name of the paramount chief who lives
on its shore, and if we mistake not the very Meréré, or his successor,
about whom Dr. Livingstone from time to time showed such interest. They
now approached the Likwa River, which flows to this inland sea: they
describe it as a stream running breast high, with brackish water; little
satisfaction was got by drinking from it.

Just as they came to the Likwa, a long string of men was seen on the
opposite side filing down to the water, and being uncertain of their
intentions, precautions were quickly taken to ensure the safety of the
baggage. Dividing themselves into three parties, the first detachment
went across to meet the strangers, carrying the Arab flag in front.
Chuma headed another band at a little distance in the rear of these,
whilst Susi and a few more crouched in the jungle, with the body
concealed in a roughly-made hut. Their fears, however, were needless: it
turned out to be a caravan bound for Fipa to hunt elephants and buy
ivory and slaves. The new arrivals told them that they had come straight
through Unyanyembé from Bagamoio, on the coast, and that the Doctor's
death had already been reported there by natives of Fipa.

As we notice with what rapidity the evil tidings spread (for the men
found that it had preceded them in all directions), one of the great
anxieties connected with African travel and exploration seems to be
rather increased than diminished. It shows us that it is never wise to
turn an entirely deaf ear when the report of a disaster comes to hand,
because in this instance the main facts were conveyed across country,
striking the great arterial caravan route at Unyanyembé, and getting at
once into a channel that would ensure the intelligence reaching
Zanzibar. On the other hand, false reports never lag on their
journey:--how often has Livingstone been killed in former years! Nor is
one's perplexity lessened by past experience, for we find the oldest and
most sagacious travellers when consulted are, as a rule, no more to be
depended on than the merest tyro in guessing.

With no small satisfaction, the men learnt from the outward-bound
caravan that the previous story was a true one, and they were assured
that Dr. Livingstone's son with two Englishmen and a quantity of goods
had already reached Unyanyembé.

The country here showed all the appearance of a salt-pan: indeed a
quantity of very good salt was collected by one of the men, who thought
he could turn an honest bunch of beads with it at Unyanyembé.

Petty tolls were levied on them. Kampama's deputy required four dotis,
and an additional tax of six was paid to the chief of the Kanongo when
his town was reached.

The Lungwa River bowls away here towards Tanganyika. It is a quick
tumbling stream, leaping amongst the rocks and boulders, and in its
deeper pools it affords cool delight to schools of hippopotami. The men,
who had hardly tasted good water since crossing Lambalamfipa, are loud
in its praise. Muanyasere improved relations with the people at the next
town by opportunely killing another buffalo, and all took a three days'
rest. Yet another caravan met them, bound likewise for the interior, and
adding further particulars about the Englishmen at Unyanyembé. This
quickened the pace till they found at one stage they were melting two
days of the previous outward journey into one.

Arriving at Baula, Jacob Wainwright, the scribe of the party, was
commissioned to write an account of the distressing circumstances of the
Doctor's death, and Chuma, taking three men with him, pressed on to
deliver it to the English party in person. The rest of the cortége
followed them through the jungle to Chilunda's village. On the outskirts
they came across a number of Wagogo hunting elephants with dogs and
spears, but although they were well treated by them, and received
presents of honey and food, they thought it better to keep these men in
ignorance of the fact that they were in charge of the dead body of their
master.

The Manyara River was crossed on its way to Tanganyika before they got
to Chikooloo, Leaving this village behind them, they advanced to the
Ugunda district, now ruled by Kalimangombi, the son of Mbéréké, the
former chief, and so on to Kasekéra, which, it will be remembered, is
not far from Unyanyembé.

_20th October, 1873._--We will here run on ahead with Chuma on his way
to communicate with the new arrivals. He reached the Arab settlement
without let or hindrance. Lieut. Cameron was quickly put in possession
of the main facts of Dr. Livingstone's death by reading Jacob's letter,
and Chuma was questioned concerning it in the presence of Dr. Dillon and
Lieut. Murphy. It was a disappointment to find that the reported arrival
of Mr. Oswell Livingstone was entirely erroneous; but Lieut. Cameron
showed the wayworn men every kindness. Chuma rested one day before
setting out to relieve his comrades to whom he had arranged to make his
way as soon as possible. Lieut. Cameron expressed a fear that it would
not be safe for him to carry the cloth he was willing to furnish them
with if he had not a stronger convoy, as he himself had suffered too
sorely from terrified bearers on his way thither; but the young fellows
were pretty well acquainted with native marauders by this time, and set
off without apprehension.

And now the greater part of their task is over. The weather-beaten
company wind their way into the old well-known settlement of Kwihara. A
host of Arabs and their attendant slaves meet them as they sorrowfully
take their charge to the same Tembé in which the "weary waiting" was
endured before, and then they submit to the systematic questioning which
the native traveller is so well able to sustain.

News in abundance was offered in return. The porters of the Livingstone
East-Coast Aid Expedition had plenty to relate to the porters sent by
Mr. Stanley. Mirambo's war dragged on its length, and matters had
changed very little since they were there before, either for better or
for worse. They found the English officers extremely short of goods; but
Lieut. Cameron, no doubt with the object of his Expedition full in view,
very properly felt it a first duty to relieve the wants of the party
that had performed this Herculean feat of bringing the body of the
traveller he had been sent to relieve, together with every article
belonging to him at the time of his death, as far as this main road to
the coast.

In talking to the men about their intentions, Lieut. Cameron had serious
doubts whether the risk of taking the body of Dr. Livingstone through
the Ugogo country ought to be run. It very naturally occurred to him
that Dr. Livingstone might have felt a wish during life to be buried in
the same land in which the remains of his wife lay, for it will be
remembered that the grave of Mrs. Livingstone is at Shupanga, on the
Zambesi. All this was put before the men, but they steadily adhered to
their first conviction--that it was right at all risks to attempt to
bear their master home, and therefore they were no longer urged to bury
him at Kwihara.

To the new comers it was of great interest to examine the boxes which
the men had conveyed from Bangweolo. As we have seen, they had carefully
packed up everything at Chitambo's--books, instruments, clothes, and all
which would bear special interest in time to come from having been
associated with Livingstone in his last hours.

It cannot be conceded for a moment that these poor fellows would have
been right in forbidding this examination, when we consider the relative
position in which natives and English officers must always stand to each
other; but it is a source of regret to relate that the chief part of
Livingstone's instruments were taken out of the packages and
appropriated for future purposes. The instruments with which all his
observations had been made throughout a series of discoveries extending
over seven years--aneroid barometers, compasses, thermometers, the
sextant and other things, have gone on a new series of travels, to incur
innumerable risks of loss, whilst one only of his thermometers comes to
hand.

We could well have wished these instruments safe in England with the
small remnant of Livingstone's personal property, which was allowed to
be shipped from Zanzibar.

The Doctor had deposited four bales of cloth as a reserve stock with the
Arabs, and these were immediately forthcoming for the march down.

The termination here of the ill-fated Expedition need not be commented
upon. One can only trust that Lieut. Cameron may be at liberty to pursue
his separate investigations in the interior under more favourable
auspices. The men seemed to anticipate his success, for he is generous
and brave in the presence of the natives, and likely to win his way
where others undoubtedly would have failed.

Ill-health had stuck persistently to the party, and all the officers
were suffering from the various forms of fever. Lieut. Cameron gave the
men to understand that it was agreed Lieut. Murphy should return to
Zanzibar, and asked if they could attach his party to their march; if
so, the men who acted as carriers should receive 6 dollars a man for
their services. This was agreed to. Susi had arranged that they should
avoid the main path of the Wagogo; inasmuch, as if difficulty was to be
encountered anywhere, it would arise amongst these lawless pugnacious
people.

By making a ten days' détour at "Jua Singa," and travelling by a path
well known to one of their party through the jungle of Poli ya vengi,
they hoped to keep out of harm's way, and to be able to make the cloth
hold out with which they were supplied. At length the start was
effected, and Dr. Dillon likewise quitted the Expedition to return to
the coast. It was necessary to stop after the first day's march, for a
long halt; for one of the women was unable to travel, they found, and
progress was delayed till she, the wife of Chowpéréh, could resume the
journey. There seem to have been some serious misunderstandings between
the leaders of Dr. Livingstone's party and Lieut. Murphy soon after
setting out, which turned mainly on the subject of beginning the day's
march. The former, trained in the old discipline of their master, laid
stress on the necessity of very early rising to avoid the heat of the
day, and perhaps pointed out more bluntly than pleasantly that if the
Englishmen wanted to improve their health, they had better do so too.
However, to a certain extent, this was avoided by the two companies
pleasing themselves.

Making an early start, the body was carried to Kasekéra, by Susi's party
where, from an evident disinclination to receive it into the village, an
encampment was made outside. A consultation now became necessary. There
was no disguising the fact that, if they kept along the main road,
intelligence would precede them concerning that in which they were
engaged, stirring up certain hostility and jeopardising the most
precious charge they had. A plan was quickly hit upon. Unobserved, the
men removed the corpse of the deceased explorer from the package in
which it had hitherto been conveyed, and buried the bark case in the hut
in the thicket around the village in which they had placed it. The
object now was to throw the villagers off their guard, by making believe
that they had relinquished the attempt to carry the body to Zanzibar.
They feigned that they had abandoned their task, having changed their
minds, and that it must be sent back to Unyanyembé to be buried there.
In the mean time the corpse of necessity had to be concealed in the
smallest space possible, if they were actually to convey it secretly for
the future; this was quickly managed.

Susi and Chuma went into the wood and stripped off a fresh length of
bark from an N'gombe tree; in this the remains, conveniently prepared as
to length, were placed, the whole being surrounded with calico in such
a manner as to appear like an ordinary travelling bale, which was then
deposited with the rest of the goods. They next proceeded to gather a
faggot of mapira-stalks, cutting them in lengths of six feet or so, and
swathing them round with cloth to imitate a dead body about to be
buried. This done, a paper, folded so as to represent a letter, was duly
placed in a cleft stick, according to the native letter-carrier's
custom, and six trustworthy men were told off ostensibly to go with the
corpse to Unyanyembé. With due solemnity the men set out; the villagers
were only too thankful to see it, and no one suspected the ruse. It was
near sundown. The bearers of the package held on their way, till fairly
beyond all chance of detection, and then began to dispose of their load.
The mapira-sticks were thrown one by one far away into the jungle, and
when all were disposed of, the wrappings were cunningly got rid of in
the same way. Going further on, first one man, and then another, sprung
clear from the path into the long grass, to leave no trace of footsteps,
and the whole party returned by different ways to their companions, who
had been anxiously awaiting them during the night. No one could detect
the real nature of the ordinary-looking bale which, henceforth, was
guarded with no relaxed vigilance, and eventually disclosed the bark
coffin and wrappings, containing Dr. Livingstone's body, on the arrival
at Bagamoio. And now, devoid of fear, the people of Kasekéra asked them
all to come and take up their quarters in the town; a privilege which
was denied them so long as it was known that they had the remains of the
dead with them.

But a dreadful event was about to recall to their minds how many fall
victims to African disease!

Dr. Dillon now came on to Kasekéra suffering much from dysentery--a few
hours more, and he shot himself in his tent by means of a loaded rifle.

Those who knew the brave and generous spirit in which this hard-working
volunteer set out with Lieut. Cameron, fully hoping to relieve Dr.
Livingstone, will feel that he ended his life by an act alien indeed to
his whole nature. The malaria imbibed during their stay at Unyanyembé
laid upon him the severest form of fever, accompanied by delirium, under
which he at length succumbed in one of its violent paroxysms. His
remains are interred at Kasekéra.

We must follow Susi's troop through a not altogether eventless journey
to the sea. Some days afterwards, as they wended their way through a
rocky place, a little girl in their train, named Losi, met her death in
a shocking way. It appears that the poor child was carrying a water-jar
on her head in the file of people, when an enormous snake dashed across
the path, deliberately struck her in the thigh, and made for a hole in
the jungle close at hand. This work of a moment was sufficient, for the
poor girl fell mortally wounded. She was carried forward, and all means
at hand were applied, but in less than ten minutes the last symptom
(foaming at the mouth) set in, and she ceased to breathe.

Here is a well-authenticated instance which goes far to prove the truth
of an assertion made to travellers in many parts of Africa. The natives
protest that one species of snake will deliberately chase and overtake
his victim with lightning speed, and so dreadfully dangerous is it, both
from the activity of its poison and its vicious propensities, that it is
perilous to approach its quarters. Most singular to relate, an Arab came
to some of the men after their arrival at Zanzibar and told them that he
had just come by the Unyanyembé road, and that, whilst passing the
identical spot where this disaster occurred, one of the men was attacked
by the same snake, with precisely the same results; in fact, when
looking for a place in which to bury him they saw the grave of Losi, and
the two lie side by side.

Natal colonists will probably recognise the Mamba in this snake; it is
much to be desired that specimens should be procured for purposes of
comparison. In Southern Africa so great is the dread it inspires that
the Kaffirs will break up a Kraal and forsake the place if a Mamba takes
up his quarters in the vicinity, and, from what we have seen above, with
no undue caution.

Susi, to whom this snake is known in the Shupanga tongue as "Bubu,"
describes it as about twelve feet long, dark in colour, of a dirty blue
under the belly, with red markings like the wattles of a cock on the
head. The Arabs go so far as to say that it is known to oppose the
passage of a caravan at times. Twisting its tail round a branch, it will
strike one man after another in the head with fatal certainty. Their
remedy is to fill a pot with boiling water, which is put on the head and
carried under the tree! The snake dashes his head into this and is
killed--the story is given for what it is worth.

It would seem that at Ujiji the natives, as in other places, cannot bear
to have snakes killed. The "Chatu," a species of python, is common, and,
from being highly favoured, becomes so tame as to enter houses at night.
A little meal is placed on the stool, which the uncanny visitor laps up,
and then takes its departure--the men significantly say they never saw
it with their own eyes. Another species utters a cry, much like the
crowing of a young cock; this is well authenticated. Yet another black
variety has a spine like a blackthorn at the end of the tail, and its
bite is extremely deadly.

At the same time it must be added that, considering the enormous number
of reptiles in Africa, it rarely occurs that anyone is bitten, and a few
months' residence suffices to dispel the dread which most travellers
feel at the outset.

_February, 1874._--No further incident occurred worthy of special
notice. At last the coast town of Bagamoio came in sight, and before
many hours were over, one of Her Majesty's cruisers conveyed the Acting
Consul, Captain Prideaux, from Zanzibar to the spot which the cortége
had reached. Arrangements were quickly made for transporting the remains
of Dr. Livingstone to the Island some thirty miles distant, and then it
became perhaps rather too painfully plain to the men that their task was
finished.

One word on a subject which will commend itself to most before we close
this long eventful history.

We saw what a train of Indian Sepoys, Johanna men, Nassick boys, and
Shupanga canoemen, accompanied Dr. Livingstone when he started from
Zanzibar in 1866 to enter upon his last discoveries: of all these, five
only could answer to the roll-call as they handed over the dead body of
their leader to his countrymen on the shore whither they had returned,
and this after eight years' desperate service.

Once more we repeat the names of these men. Susi and James Chuma have
been sufficiently prominent throughout--hardly so perhaps has Amoda,
their comrade ever since the Zambesi days of 1864: then we have Abram
and Mabruki, each with service to show from the time he left the Nassiok
College with the Doctor in 1865. Nor must we forget Ntoaéka and Halima,
the two native girls of whom we have heard such a good character: they
cast in their lot with the wanderers in Manyuema. It does seem strange
to hear the men say that no sooner did they arrive at their journey's
end than they were so far frowned out of notice, that not so much as a
passage to the Island was offered them when their burden was borne away.
We must hope that it is not too late--even for the sake of
consistency--to put it on record that _whoever_ assisted Livingstone,
whether white or black, has not been overlooked in England. Surely those
with whom he spent his last years must not pass away into Africa again
unrewarded, and lost to sight.

Yes, a very great deal is owing to these five men, and we say it
emphatically. If the nation has gratified a reasonable wish in learning
all that concerns the last days on earth of a truly noble countryman and
his wonderful enterprise, the means of doing so could never have been
placed at our disposal but for the ready willingness which made Susi and
Chuma determine, if possible, to render an account to some of those whom
they had known as their master's old companions. If the Geographer finds
before him new facts, new discoveries, new theories, as Livingstone
alone could record them, it is right and proper that he should feel the
part these men have played in furnishing him with such valuable matter.
For we repeat that nothing but such leadership and staunchness as that
which organized the march home from Ilala, and distinguished it
throughout, could have brought Livingstone's bones to our land or his
last notes and maps to the outer world. To none does the feat seem so
marvellous as to those who know Africa and the difficulties which must
have beset both the first and the last in the enterprise. Thus in his
death, not less than in his life, David Livingstone bore testimony to
that goodwill and kindliness which exists in the heart of the African.

FOOTNOTES:

[37] The men consider it five days' march "only carrying a gun" from
the Molilamo to the bank of the Luapula--this in rough reckoning, at
the rate of native travelling, would give a distance of say 120 to 150
miles.--ED.

[38] This comparison was got at from the remarks made by Susi and
Chuma at an agricultural show; they pointed out the resemblance borne
by the shorthorns and by the Alderney bulls to several breeds near
Lake Bemba.--ED.

THE END.

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Last Journals of David Livingstone, in Central Africa, from 1865 to His Death, Volume II (of 2), 1869-1873 - Continued By A Narrative Of His Last Moments And Sufferings, Obtained From His Faithful Servants Chuma And Susi" ***

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