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Title: Henry the Sixth - A Reprint of John Blacman's Memoir with Translation and Notes
Author: Blakman, John
Language: English
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HENRY THE SIXTH
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
C. F. CLAY, MANAGER
LONDON: FETTER LANE, E.C. 4
NEW YORK: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
BOMBAY }
CALCUTTA } MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD.
MADRAS }
TORONTO: J. M. DENT AND SONS, LTD.
TOKYO: MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
Henry the Sixth
A REPRINT OF
JOHN BLACMAN'S MEMOIR
WITH TRANSLATION
AND NOTES
BY
M. R. JAMES, LITT. D., F.B.A., F.S.A.
PROVOST OF ETON
FORMERLY PROVOST OF KING'S COLLEGE
CAMBRIDGE
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
1919
CONTENTS
PREFACE PAGE vii
TEXT 1
TRANSLATION 23
NOTES 45
SPECIAL NOTES
I. A PRAYER TO HENRY VI IN ENGLISH VERSE 50
II. ON THE MANUSCRIPT MIRACLES OF HENRY VI. 51
III. ON JOHN BLACMAN'S BOOKS 55
PREFACE
The tract on the Personality of King Henry VI (as I may perhaps be
allowed to call it), which is here reprinted, has hitherto been almost
inaccessible to ordinary students. It is not known to exist at all in
manuscript. We depend ultimately for our knowledge of it upon a printed
edition issued by Robert Coplande of London, of which the date is said
to be 1510. Of this there may be two copies in existence. This text was
reprinted by Thomas Hearne in 1732, in his edition of the Chronicles of
Thomas Otterbourne and John Whethamstede, of which 150 copies were
issued.
I have here reprinted Hearne's text, and have collated it with
Coplande's. This I was enabled to do through the great kindness of the
authorities of St Cuthbert's College at Ushaw, who most generously lent
me a copy of the tract preserved in their Library. This copy I will
endeavour to describe.
It is in a modern binding lettered: _Hylton's Lives of British Saints.
Blackman's Life of Henry VI_. The pressmark is
XVIII
C 4
7
The size is 185 × 130 mm. There are 32 lines to a full page.
_Collation_: A6 B4.
_Signatures_: A I (2 not signed): A III (4-6 not signed).
B I (2 not signed): B III (4 not signed). Ab I _a_ has the title at
top:
¶Collectarium Mansuetudinum et bono-
rum morum regis Henrici. VI. ex col-
lecti[=o]e magistri Joannis blak
man bacchalaurei theo
logie / et post Car
tusie monachi
Londini.
Below this is a woodcut measuring 99 × 76, and representing a bearded
king in hat with crown about it, clad in ermine tippet, and dalmatic
over long robe. He holds a closed book in his _R._ hand, a sceptre in
his _L._: on the _L._ wrist is a maniple. His head is turned towards
_R._ On _R._ a tree, plants across the foreground: a mound on _L._ with
two trees seen over it.
I feel confident that the woodcut is not intended for a portrait of
Henry VI, and that it really represents some Old Testament personage:
but I have not attempted to trace it in other books.
It has a border in three pieces. Those on _R._ and _L._ are 115 mm. in
height and contain small figures of prophets standing on tall shafts:
that at bottom was designed to be placed vertically, and contains a
half-length figure of a prophet springing out of foliage, and with
foliage above.
On A I _b_ the woodcut is repeated without the border.
Then follows the text as given by me. After it, on B IV _a_, is Robert
Coplande's device, measuring 80 × 95; a wreath of roses and leaves,
comprised within two concentric circles: within it the printer's mark.
Outside in the upper _L._ corner a rose slipped and leaved: in the upper
_R._ corner, a pomegranate.
Below, a scroll inscribed: Robert (_rose_) Coplande.
On B IV _b_ the woodcut of the king, without border.
Below it, in a neat hand:
R. Johnson. prec. 1d.
1523.
For the rest, the volume contains:
Capgrave's _New Legende_, beginning imperfectly in the Table
De S. Esterwino abbate. fo. xxxviii.
This is preceded by two inserted leaves of paper: on the first are the
missing items of the Table, supplied in a rough hand of cent. XVI. On
the second, in a hand of cent. XVIII, is:
Printed at London by Richard Pynson
Printer to the Kings Noble Grace the 20th
day of February 1516. Vid. Page 133.
Newcastle upon Tyne.
This book was found in the Town Clerk's
Office about the latter end (of) the year 1765.
(?) A P G.
At the end of the Table (before A I) is written in a hand of cent. XVI:
The abbridgement of henry the syxthes lyfe ys fastned to the ende
of this booke.
At top of A I (cent. XVI) is: T. T. Collected by Caxton.
On A VIII _b_, B II _a_ is the name (cent. XVI):
Alexander Ridley of ye brom hills.
He has written a good many marginal notes in the book.
_Collation_: Table 2 ff. A8 B4 C8 D4 E8 F4 G8 H4 I8 K4 L8
(i-iii signed) M4 N8 (as L) O4 (i-iii signed) P8 (as L) Q4 R8 (as
L) S4 (i-iii signed: ii, iii both numbered i) T8 (+ 1: 4 leaves
CIX-CXII on the 11000 Virgins inserted after CVII* instead of after
CVIII) U6 (6 blank unnumbered) X8 (Life of S. Byrgette) Y6.
Followed by tract of Walter Hylton: 'to a deuoute man in temperall
estate howe he shulde rule hym' etc. A8 B8 (leaves not numbered).
On CXIX _b_ is Pynson's device: no date.
On CXXXIII _a_ (Life of S. Byrgette) the date M.CCCCCXVI. XX Feb. On the
verso Pynson's device with break in lower border.
At the end of Hylton's tract B VIII _a_ the date MCCCCCXVI last daye of
Feb.
On the verso Pynson's device with break in lower border.
Hearne's preface to _Otterbourne_ (I, p. xliv) contains some interesting
matter bearing on the tract, which I summarize here.
No one, he says, except John Blakman has yet written a special
life of Henry VI, and Blakman's is not an _opus absolutum_ but a
"fragmentum duntaxat operis longe majoris alicubi forte nunc etiam
latentis."
Vita haecce qualiscunque in lucem prodiit Londini A.D. M.D.X. a
Roberto Coplandio ... excusus. Eiusdem exemplaria adeo rara sunt ut
vix reperias in bibliothecis etiam instructissimis. Penes se autem
habet amicus excultissimus Jacobus Westus, qui pro necessitudine
illa quae inter nos intercedit, non tantum mutuo dedit, sed et
licentiam concessit exscribendi. Id quod feci.
West had acquired his copy by purchase, among a number of printed books
formerly the property of Archbishop Sancroft.
On p. xlix Hearne tells us that Sancroft had written the following note
in his copy of the tract:
Hunc libellum conscribendum curavit Henricus VIIus, cum Julio papa
II agens de Henrico VI in Sanctorum numerum referendo. De quo vide
Jac. Waraei annales H. 7. Aº 1504.
Ware (and Hearne) print the Bull of Julius, directing an inquiry into
Henry's sanctity and miracles. I may add that some part of the results
of this negotiation may be seen in the manuscript collection of Henry
VIth's miracles preserved in the Royal MS. 13. C. VIII and in the MS.
Harley 423 (a partial copy of the other), both in the British Museum.[1]
Furthermore Hearne reprints what is properly called a _Memoria_ of King
Henry VI such as is to be found in a fairly large number of Books of
Hours or Primers both manuscript and printed. Hearne's text is taken
from _Horae_ printed by Wynkyn de Worde 1510, f. cli _a_, and is as
follows.
_A prayer to holy kynge Henry._
Rex Henricus sis amicus nobis in angustia
Cuius prece nos a nece saluemur perpetua
Lampas morum spes egrorum ferens medicamina
Sis tuorum famulorum ductor ad celestia.
Pax in terra non sit guerra orbis per confinia
Virtus crescat et feruescat charitas per omnia
Non sudore uel dolore moriamur subito
Sed viuamus et plaudamus celis sine termino.
_Ver._ Ora pro nobis deuote rex Henrice.
_Resp._ Ut per te cuncti superati sint inimici.
Oremus. Presta, quesumus, omnipotens et misericors deus, ut qui
deuotissimi regis Henrici merita miraculis fulgentia pie mentis
affectu recolimus in terris, eius et omnium sanctorum tuorum
intercessionibus ab omni per te febre, morbo, ac improuisa morte
ceterisque eruamur malis, et gaudia sempiterna adipisci mereamur.
Per Christum dominum nostrum. Amen.
Here is another form, which occurs in the Fitzwilliam MS. 55 (a Norfolk
book of about 1480):
_Antiphon_. Rex Henricus pauper(um?) et ecclesie defensor ad
misericordiam semper pronus in caritate feruidus pietati deditus
clerum decorauit, quem deus sic beatificauit.
_Vers._ Ora pro nobis deuote Henrice.
_Resp._ Ut digni efficiamur promissionibus Christi.
Oremus. Deus sub cuius ineffabili maiestate vniuersi reges
regnant et imperant, qui deuotissimum Henricum Anglorum regem
caritate feruidum, miseris et afflictis semper compassum, omni
bonitate clemenciaque conspicuum, ut pio (pie) creditur inter
angelos connumerare dignatus es: concede propicius ut eo cum
omnibus sanctis interuenientibus hostium nostrorum superbia
conteratur, morbus et quod malum est procul pellatur, palma
donetur et gratia sancti spiritus nobis misericordiam tuam
poscentibus ubique adesse dignetur. Qui uiuis, etc.
Yet another form is seen in a manuscript (V. III. 7) in Bishop Cosin's
Library at Durham, of cent. XV late: it is written, with a good many
other miscellaneous verses, at the end of the book.
O rex Henrice vincas virtute pudice
Anglorum vere cum recto nomine sexte
[Es] wynsorie natus et ibi de fonte leuatus
Atque coronatus in Westm(ynster) veneratus
Et post ffrancorum rex es de iure creatus
Post mortem carnis miracula plurima pandis
Confirmante deo qui te preelegit ab euo
Et tibi concessit plures sanare per illum
Cecos et claudos cum debilitate retentos
Atque paraliticos egrotos spasmaticosque
In neruis plures contracti te mediante
In te sperantes sanantur et auxiliantur
Et laudes domino per te semper tribuantur.
Ora pro nobis dei electe rex Anglie Henrice sexte.
Ut digni, etc.
Oremus. Omnipotens eterne deus qui electis tuis multa mirabilia
operaris: concede quaesumus ut electi tui Anglorum regis Henrici
sexti meritis et precibus mediantibus et intercedentibus mereamur
ab omnibus angustiis anime et doloribus membrorum liberemur(-ari).
Et cum illo in vita perpetua gloriari. Per, etc.
These three forms of _Memoriae_ are probably not all that exist; but
they will suffice as representative specimens of the popular devotions
used in honour of our Founder.
Besides the _Memoria_ Hearne gives two prayers, attributed to the King
himself, and largely identical in language with that which is prefixed
to Blakman's tract. He takes them from the same printed _Horae_ of 1510
whence the _Memoria_ comes. They are on p. lv _a_ and run thus:
_Two lytell prayers whiche King Henry the syxte made._
Domine Ihesu Christe, qui me creasti, redemisti, et preordinasti
ad hoc quod sum: tu scis quid de me facere vis: fac de me secundum
voluntatem tuam cum misericordia.
Domine Ihesu Christe, qui solus es sapientia: tu scis que michi
peccatori expediunt: prout tibi placere[2] et sicut in oculis tue
maiestatis videtur, de me ita fiat cum misericordia tua. Amen.
Pater noster. Aue Maria.
Of John Blacman or Blakman, the author of our tract, not a great deal is
known. He was admitted Fellow of Merton College, Oxford, in 1436, and of
Eton in 1447: he was Cantor of Eton College, and, as we read in the
title of his book, a bachelor of Divinity, and later a Carthusian monk.
But before he 'entered religion' he held an important post in University
circles, for, in 1452, on the death of Nicholas Close, he was appointed
by the Provosts of Eton and King's (who at that time owned this piece of
patronage) Warden of King's Hall at Cambridge, that royal foundation
which was eventually absorbed into Trinity College. As Warden (I quote
from Mr W. W. Rouse Ball's privately printed account of King's Hall) he
introduced into the College "some scheme of reorganization, which
involved a division of the Society into four classes, fellows, scholars,
commoners, and servi-commoners.... The scheme, whatever it was, was
abandoned on Blacman's resignation" which took effect on 11 July 1457.
Blacman then entered the Carthusian house of Witham in Somerset, and
subsequently that of London, where he probably died. When, and for how
long, he held the post of spiritual director or confessor to Henry VI, I
have no evidence to show.
Of one thing about him, namely, his literary possessions, we know more.
The Bodleian manuscript Laud. Misc. 154 contains two lists, one short,
and one long and elaborate, of books given by him to the Witham
Charterhouse. Several of these exist in the Bodleian and other
libraries, and one, a notable copy of the Polychronicon, which contains
the earliest known picture of Windsor Castle (and of Eton), very
probably drawn by Blacman himself, has in recent years been acquired by
the library of Eton College. The full list of Blacman's books is given
in a separate note.
In reprinting Hearne's text I have retained his spelling, which does not
correspond completely with that of Coplande's print. Hearne gives _æ_
for _e_ throughout, and expands contractions without notice. Had I had
access to the original tract before Hearne's text was put into type, I
should have retained the medieval spelling; but I did not think it worth
while to make the change _après coup_. The actual words of the text
represent Blacman as faithfully as possible; and that is the chief
matter.
I need not, I think, say much by way of commending this little memorial
of our Founder to the _pietas_ of the many who have owed and still owe
to his bounty such pleasant and peaceful years, and such opportunities
for the gaining of knowledge and the forming of friendships, as he
himself never enjoyed. The evils which his weak rule brought upon
England have faded out of being: the good which in his boyhood he
devised for coming generations lives after him. _Pro eo quod laborauit
anima eius, uidebit et saturabitur._
M. R. J.
Footnotes:
[1] See a special Note on these.
[2] Read _placet_, as in a vellum-printed Paris _Horae_ of 1572 (?),
reported to Hearne by a friend.
Mr Cosmo Gordon of King's College tells me that these prayers also occur
in W. de Worde's Primer of 1494 (sig. F 8 _b_). In this edition the
words read "prout tibi placeret," but a copy at Lambeth in which the
page has been reset, has "prout tibi placet." The prayers also occur in
some Sarum _Horae_ printed in France, e.g. Jean Jehannot's of 1498, of
which there is a copy in the Sandars collection in the University
Library.
COLLECTARIUM
MANSUETUDINUM ET BONORUM MORUM
REGIS
HENRICI VI.
EX COLLECTIONE
Magistri JOANNIS BLAKMAN bacchalaurei theologiæ,
et post Cartusiæ monachi Londini.
[A II _a_] _Oratio ejus devota._
Domine Jesu Christe, qui me creasti, redemisti, et ad id quod sum
prædestinasti, tu scis, quid de me facturus sis, fac de me secundum tuam
misericordissimam voluntatem. Nam scio et veraciter confiteor, quod in
tua manu cuncta sunt posita, et non est qui possit tibi resistere: quia
Dominus universorum tu es. Ergo Deus omnipotens, misericors & clemens,
in potestate cujus sunt regna omnia atque dominationes, et cui omnes
cogitationes, verba et opera nostra præterita, præsentia et futura
continue sunt cognita et aperta, qui solus habes scientiam & sapientiam
incomprehensibilem. Tu scis, Domine, quæ michi misero peccatori
expediunt: prout tibi placet, et in oculis tuæ divinæ majestatis videtur
de me fieri, ita de me fiat. Suscipe, pater clemens et misericors Deus
omnipotens, preces mei indignissimi servi tui: et perveniant ad aures
misericordiæ tuæ orationes, quas offero coram te et omnibus sanctis
tuis. Amen.
PROHEMIUM.
Scriptum est, quod neminem laudabimus ante mortem suam, sed in fine erit
denudatio operum ejus, unde, cessante jam omni impedimento veræ laudis,
Quia coeli gloriam Dei omnipotentis enarrant, & omnia quæ fecit
Dominus ipsum in factura sua laudant, idcirco in laudem Dei &
serenissimi principis regis Henrici. VI. corpore jam defuncti, quem
licet minime peritus laudare anticipavi, aliqua tractare necessarium
duxi. Maxime quia sanctos Dei laudare, quorum in cathologo istum puto
regem eximium, ob sancta sua merita quoad vixit per eum exercitata,
merito computari, omnipotentis Dei laus est & gloria, ex cujus
coelesti dono est, ut sancti sint. De prænobili ejus prosapia, quomodo
scilicet ex nobilissimo sanguine & [A II _b_] stirpe regia antiqua Angliæ
secundum carnem progenitus erat, et qualiter in duabus regionibus,
Angliæ s. & Franciæ, ut verus utriusque regni heres coronatus fuerat,
tacere curavi, quasi manifestum & notum. Maxime propter casum ejus
infaustissimum, qui eidem inopinate postea evenit.
_Virtutum ejus commendatio._
Verum ut de virtutibus non paucis istius regis, quibus Deus omnipotens
animam ejus insignivit, aliquid edicam, &[3] pro modulo meo Deo propicio
prout noverim, & ex relatu fidedignorum, quondam ei assistencium,
didicerim, propalabo. Fuerat enim, quasi alter Job, vir simplex, &
rectus, Dominum Deum omnino timens, & à malo recedens. Erat autem vir
simplex, sine omni plica dolositatis aut falsitatis, ut omnibus constat.
Nulli enim dolose egerat: aut falsum aliquod cuiquam proferre solebat:
sed veridica semper exercuerat eloquia. Fuerat & rectus et justus, per
lineam justiciæ semper in actis suis procedens. Nulli vero injuriam
facere voluit scienter. Deo & omnipotenti quod suum erat fidelissime
tribuerat. quia decimas & oblationes, Deo et ecclesiæ debitas,
amplissime persolvere studuit. simul cum religiosissimo cultu etiam hoc
peregit, ita quod ipse & regalibus infulis trabeatus, diademateque regio
coronatus, tam profundas sibi instituit exhibere Domino inclinativas
supplicationes, ac si fuisset juvenis quispiam religiosus.
_Timor Domini inerat ei._
Quod & princeps iste timorem habuerat filialem ad Dominum, patet in
quammultis ejus actis et devotionibus. Primo referre solebat quidam
Angliæ reverendus antistes, se per decem annos confessoris sui officio
functum apud ipsum regem Henricum fuisse. Sed neque per tantum tempus
mortalis alicujus [A III _a_] criminis maculam animam ejus tetigisse
asserebat. O! quanta vigilantia! O! quanta diligentia placendi Deo in
tam sublimi et juvenili persona reperta est! Attendite reges & principes
universi, juvenes et virgines & populi quique, & laudate Dominum in
sanctis ejus. Hunc quoque regem virtute imitamini, qui malum fecisse
poterat & non fecit: sed omnino dum vixit refugit, in quantum potuit,
propter Dei displicentiam, hujuscemodi malum vel noxam.
_Cultor Dei sedulus erat._
Sedulus & verissimus Dei cultor erat rex iste, magis Deo et devotioni
orationum deditus, quam mundanis vel temporalibus rebus tractandis, aut
vanis ludis vel occupationibus exercendis: qualibus ut frivola ab eo
despectis, aut in orationibus, aut in scripturarum vel cronicarum
lectionibus assidue erat occupatus, ex quibus non pauca eloquia
hauserat, ad ipsius aliorumque consolationem spiritualem. Unde omni
statui, omnique conditioni hominum et ætati sedulus hortator & consultor
extiterat, juvenibus consulens, ut à vitiis declinarent, et virtutis
viam assequerentur. Provectæque ætatis viros et presbiteros, ut virtutis
complementum, braviumque æternæ vitæ prosequendo attingerent, ammonuit,
proferens id psalmi: _Ite de virtute in virtutem: videbitur enim hinc
Deus deorum in Syon._
_Devota habitudo ejus in ecclesia._
In ecclesia vel oratorio nunquam sedere sibi complacuit super sedile,
aut huc illuc ve, ut moris est mundanorum, deambulare: sed nudato semper
capite, dum divina saltem celebrarentur officia, rarissime regios
erigens artus, quasi continue coram libro genua flectens, oculis ac
manibus erectis, missalia, oracula, epistolas, euangelia
internis visibus[4] promere gestiebat cum celebrante. Nonnullis etiam
solebat clericis destinare epistolas [A III _b_] exhortatorias, coelestibus
plenas sacramentis et saluberrimis admonitionibus, in stuporem multorum.
Item & ubic[~u]que fuerat rex iste, semper devotissimus sanctæ crucis,
aliorumque Christianæ religionis sacramentorum vel sacrorum, cultor et
sedulus adorator extiterat. In hujusmodi enim opere nudato capite
devotius insedere[5] solebat, etiam in itineribus equitando. ita quod
regale caputium terram petere ultro sæpius faciebat, etiam dextrario
insidens, nisi id manus suorum sitius[6] apprehenderet. Unde et maluit
sanctæ crucis signorum seriem in corona sua regia situari, quam florum
vel foliorum similitudines quasc[~u]que, juxta illud sapientis: _Corona
aurea super caput ejus, expressa signo sanctitatis_. &c. Tempestive
valde, et quasi in initio divinorum officiorum solebat interesse. Sed et
de prolixa protractione divinorum officiorum nusquam fastidium passus
erat, quanquam ultra meridiem protelabantur.
Item in ecclesia nullatenus accipites,[7] gladios, basillardos,[8]
contractus, confabulationes ve fieri sinebat: sed orationibus etiam
suis potentatibus & proceribus, juxta illud Salvatoris eloquium, _Domus
mea domus orationis est_, jussit crebrius esse vacandum, quod et
fecerunt devote.
_Pudicitia ejus._
Pudicus enim & purus fuerat rex iste H. ab ineunte ætate sua. Omnem vero
lasciviam verbo & opere dum juvenis erat declinaverat, quoadusque
duxerat, nubilibus venientibus annis, prænobilem dominam, dominam
Margaretam, regis Ceciliæ[9] filiam, ex qua unicum tantummodo procreavit
filium, Edwardum s. prænobilem & virtuosum principem, cum qua & cui
conjugale foedus syncerissime omnino servaverat, etiam in ipsius
dominæ absentia, quæ aliquando perlonga fuerat: nullam aliam à sua
feminam tota sua [A IV _a_] vita impudice tangens. Non etiam ad præfatam
suam conjugem effrenate, vel more impudicorum, habere solebat accessum dum
insimul commanserunt: sed tantummodo ut ratio et rei necessitas, servata
semper inter eos honestate conjugali et cum magna gravitate.
_Exemplum._
In argumentum vero suæ servatæ pudicitiæ, omnino consueverat effugere
nuditatem et virorum et mulierum incantius[10] aspicere. ne, ut David,
amore illicito caperetur, cujus animam, prout legimus, oculi deprædati
fuerant. Propterea princeps iste pepigerat cum oculis suis foedus, ut
nec saltem impudice quamlibet aspicerat[11] feminam.
_Aliud exemplum._
Unde semel contigit, quod tempore natalis Domini choreas, vel
spectaculum quoddam generosarum juvencularum, resolutis sinibus suis
nudatas mamillas proponentium, quidam adduceret magnus dominus coram eo,
ut ante regis aspectum juvenes illæ mulierculæ sic denudatæ
tripudiarent, ad probandum forsan eum, vel ad alliciendum regis
juvenilem animum. Sed rex iste non improvidus, nec diabolicæ fraudis
ignarus, his spretis præstigiis, nimium indignatus, oculos avertens,
dorsum ejus citius posuit, et ad cameram suam exivit dicens, =Fy fy, for
shame, forsothe ye be to blame.=
Aliàs juxta Bathoniam equitans, ubi calida sunt balnea, quibus, ut
dicitur, se refocillant et lavant se homines illius patriæ ex
consuetudine, dum introspiceret rex balnea, vidit homines in eis quasi
in toto nudos et vestibus plene exutos. Ad quod indignans rex citius
abiit, nuditatem hujusmodi quasi grande facinus abhorrens, non immemor
illius Francisci Petrarchæ assertionis: _Nuditas beluina in hominibus
non placet: sed pudori amictûs honestate consulitur._ Præteria,[12] non
tantum sibiipsi, sed et domesticis suis, de castimonia magnam [A IV _b_]
cautionem adhibere solebat. Nam ante nuptias suas adoloscens[13]
castitatis alumnus existens, curiose per secretas suæ cameræ fenestras
aspicere solebat, ne feminarum introeuntium stulta debacharetur
insolentia, in suorum saltem domesticorum ruinam. Eandem etiam cautionem
adhibuerat idem rex duobus suis fratribus utriuis,[14] Dominis
videlicet Jaspere[15] et Edmundo, dum pueri et juvenes erant: quibus pro
tunc actissimam[16] & securissimam providebat custodiam, eos ponens sub
tutela virtuosorum et honestissimorum sacerdotum, tum ad erudiendum, tum
ad virtuose vivendum, et conversandum, ne scilicet indomitæ
adolescentulationes succrescerent, si omnino suppressore carerent. Non
minorem iterum diligentiam adhibere solebat rex iste, ut dicitur, circa
alios sibi attinentes, ut vitia declinarent vel vitarent simul cum
contione viciosorum vel dissolutorum, et virtutes apprehenderent,
ammonens eos.
_Contra avaritiam._
_Liberalitas ejus._
Contra pestem avaritiæ, qua quamplurimi inficiuntur et languent, etiam
terreni principes, Rex iste H. de quo loquimur, cautissimus, et
erectissimus omnino fuerat. Quia nec donariis præfulgidis sibi donatis,
nec excellentissimis divitiis, quas ipse possiderat[17] aliquotiens
illicito amore captus fuerat. Sed ad pauperes omnino liberalis erat,
eorum inopiam sublevando. Alios etiam quamplures largitate ditabat
donorum, aut officiorum, vel saltem omnem ab eis egestatem amovebat.
Nequaquam suos opprimebat subditos immoderatis exactionibus, ut ceteri
agunt principes et magnates: sed tanquam pius pater inter filios
conversatus, eos decentissime ex suis relevans, propriis contentus
maluit [A V _a_] sic juste inter eos vivere quam ipsi deficerent egestate,
sua suppressi crudelitate. Quod de suis contentus fuerat, alienarum rerum
minime cupidus, patet variis exemplis verissimis. Unde quidam magnus
dominus optulit eidem regi preciosum coopertorium, ad lectum suum
cameralem, undique nobilibus aureis in magna multitudine stratum, cum
talibus verbis dicens: _De talibus sit vobis cura._ Sed regis animus,
coelestia et spiritualia magis inhians, hujusmodi terrena postponens,
minime attendebat hujusmodi munera.
Aliàs venientibus ad eundem regem executoribus reverendissimi domini
cardinalis et episcopi Winto[=n]. sui avunculi, cum prægrandi summa,
duorum videlicet millium lib. auri eidem regi conferend'. ad suos
usus, & ad necessaria regni pondera sublevanda, penitus respuit munus,
nec quoquomodo habere voluit, dicens, _ipse fuerat pergratus mihi
avunculus, & multum nobis beneficus, dum vixerat: Dominus retribuat ei.
facite vos de bonis suis prout tenemini. nos nolumus ea recipere._ Ad
quod dictum regium attoniti executores illi, supplicaverunt magestati
regiæ, ut saltem reciperet donum illud de manibus eorum, ad dotationem
duorum collegiorum suorum, quæ tunc quasi de novo fundasset, apud
Cantabrigiam et Eton. Cui supplicationi et donationi libentissime
favebat rex, mandans, ut, pro relevamine animæ præfati sui avunculi,
conferrent donum prædictis collegiis. Qui concito gradu mandatum regium
expleverunt.
Item in suæ liberalitatis ostentationem, qua cum aliis pollebat
virtutibus rex iste, in confusionem avariciæ largissimus erat in donis,
ut sui quondam testabantur. Donaverat enim uni de capellanis suis, dum
audierat eum intentum ad sacerdotalia vestimenta resarcienda, plus quam
decem mutatoria casularia de pannis suis sericis, ad missas in ecclesia,
cui tunc præerat idem sacerdos, celebrandas. Aliàs audiens unum de
famulis suis multis furtive expoliatum [A V _b_] bonis, misit ei idem rex,
in recompensationem sui dampni, XX nobilia, cum hoc consulens, ut ammodo
magis providus esset de custodia bonorum suorum, et nec quicquam juris
ageret cum fure illo. Ecce quomodo misericordia & veritas obviaverunt
sibi, justicia & pax osculatæ sunt in nostro terreno principe.
O! rara[18] pietas & piissima charitas in homine inventa! Unde & idem
princeps, tandem utroque privatus regno, Angliæ videlicet & Franciæ,
quibus ante imperaverat, cum rebus & bonis suis, non fracto, sed æquo id
tulit animo, omnia temporalia parvipendens, dummodo Christum lucraretur
et æterna. Non tantum in temporalibus distribuendis largus, sed etiam in
ecclesiasticis et spiritualibus benefitiis[19] conferendis, multum cautus
et providus erat rex iste & discretus, ne indignis, vel quoad seipsum
indigne, i. symoniace, talia conferret, prout res ostendit in personis
ab eo promotis: immunis semper erat à symonia. Nam virtuti semper
intendens, virtuosorum promotioni omnino vacabat, atque eos plurimum
amabat. Accensæ vero charitatis perurgebatur affectu, quando successori
celeberrimi cardinalis Winto[=n] dixerat præfatus rex H. magistro
Wilelmo Waynflet: _Accipe Wintonicam intronizationem, ut sis illic,
sicut solent prædecessores præsules esse. sis longævus super terram, et
in virtutis via succrescens et proficiens._ Episcopos etiam Wurcestriæ
et Cestriæ[20] simul, cum multis aliis, pari liberalitate promovit, ut
res satis innotuit. Unde ad ampliandum domum Dei, et cultum divinum,
duo præclara principatus sui tempore fundavit collegia prædicta, quæ
amplissimis dotavit prædiis et redditibus, ad sustentationem pauperum
scholarium non paucorum, in quibus non tam divina cotidie devotissime
celebrantur officia, ad Dei omnipotentis laudem, quam scolastica dogmata
cum ceteris actibus continue exercentur, ad scientiæ incrementum. Ad
istorum vero duorum collegiorum [A VI _a_] iniciationem et fundamen,
perquisivit ubique optimos lapides vivos, optime expeditos in virtute &
scientia juvenculos, et sacerdotes qui ceteris præessent ut doctores &
tutores. Unde quoad presbyteros habendos dixerat rex suo legato in hac
causa, _Minorascere eos potius tolleramus in musicalibus, quam in
scripturarum scientiis._ Et quo ad pueros vel juvenculos, ei adductos ad
scholatizand'. voluit eos rex omnino educari et nutriri, tam in virtute,
quam in scientiis. Unde cum aliquos eorum sibi obviam habuit aliquoties
in castro de Wyndesoor, quo interdum irent, ad servos regis, eis notos,
visitandos, comperto quod sui essent, admouit[21] eos de virtutis via
prosequenda, dando cum verbis etiam pecunias ad alliciendum eos, dicens:
_Sitis boni pueri, mites et docibiles, et servi Domini._ Et si aliquos
eorum curiam suam visitare deprehenderit, aliquando cohibuit corripiendo
eos, ne hoc amodo iterarent, ne agnelli sui perditos suorum curialium
actus vel mores saperent: vel proprios bonos mores in parte vel in toto
amitterent, more agnorum vel ovium, quæ inter vepres vel spinas
pascentes, sua vellera dilaniant, et sæpius in toto amittunt.
_Humilitas regis._
Loquendo de magna regis istius humilitate, sciendum, quod multum clarus
fuerat virtute illa humilitatis. Non enim erubuit rex iste piissimus
sacerdoti, celebranti coram eo, diligens minister fieri, respondendo ad
missam, _Amen._ _Sed libera nos_, et similia. Ita vero fecit etiam michi
communiter indigno sacerdoti. In mensa etiam succinctam faciens
refectionem, quasi religiosus cum concitata surrectione silentium
servans stando Deo gratias totiens quotiens devotissime persolvit. Unde
etiam, teste magistro doctore Tow[=n]. instituit idem rex, quod per
elemosinarium suum quidam discus, V. Christi vulnerum, quasi
sanguinerubentium, repræsentativus, [A VI _b_] mensæ suæ, quando se
reficere habuit, ante omnia alia fercula poneretur, quibus effigiebus
devotius intentis,[22] ante quorumlibet ciborum attactum mirabiles Deo
persolvebat devotiones.
Item equitando semel in strata quadam, jacente extra cemiterium ad
orientem cujusdam ecclesiæ, ubi pixis super altare pendens carebat
sacramento eucharistiæ, eo igitur non nudante caput, ut semper aliàs vel
ante assolet agere cum magna devotione propter reverentiam sacramenti:
admirantibus inde suis dominis et compluribus magnatibus, rationem
reddit rex dicens: _Scio,_ inquit, _ibi non esse Dominum meum Iesum
Christum, ob cujus honorem tanta facerem._ Quod ita repertum est ut
dixit. unde et dicunt, qui eidem secreti erant, quod rex iste
frequenter viderat Dominum nostrum Iesum, in forma humana repræsentantem
se in sacramento altaris inter manus sacerdotis.
Consueverat etiam, ex permaxima humilitate & devotione, nocte et
Dominicæ resurrectionis tempore propria manu gerere magnum tortum, ob
reverentiam Dominicæ resurrectionis et fidem.
_Humilitas regis._
De ipsius etiam humilitate in incessu, in vestibus et aliis corporalibus
indumentis, in verbis et ceteris corporis gestibus compluribus,
constat, quam[23] obtusis sotularibus et ocreis à juventute uti
consueverat adinstar coloni. Togam etiam longam cum capucio rotulato ad
modum burgensis, et talarem tunicam ultra genua demissam, caligas,
ocreas, calceos omnino pulli coloris &c. omnimoda curiositate per
eum prohebita[24] in consuetudine habuit.
Voluit etiam in principalibus anni festis, sed maxime quando ex
consuetudine coronaretur, indui ad nudum corpus suum aspero cilitio, ut
per asperitatem talem corpus ejus [B I _a_] arctaretur à lascivia, potius
vero ut omnis arrogantia vel inanis gloria, quæ ex hujusmodi oriri solet,
reprimeretur.
_Labor et exercitium ejus._
De occupatione regis, qua[25] bene dies et tempora transigerat,[26]
compluribus notum est adhuc viventibus, quod omnino dies solemnes, &
Dominicos in divinis officiis audiendis, et devotis orationibus ex parte
sua pro se et populo suo omnino dedicare solebat, ne sabbata ejus hostes
deriderent. Et ad similiter agendum etiam alios inducere diligenter
studuit. unde et nonnulli, quondam eidem assistentes, asserunt, quod
tota ejus exultatio et gaudium erat in Dei laudibus et divinis servitiis
rite & devote persolvendis. Ceteros vero dies etiam minus solemnes, non
in ocio aut vanitatibus, non in commessationibus aut ebrietatibus, non
in vaniloquiis aut ceteris nocivis dictis aut loquelis (quæ amnia[27]
semper dum viveret declinabat,) immo paucissimis eloquiis, ut verbis
ædificariis vel ceteris utilibus omnino usus fuerat: Sed dies illos aut
in regni negotiis cum consilio suo tractandis, prout rei exposcerat
necessitas, aut in scripturarum lectionibus, vel in scriptis aut
cronicis legendis non minus diligenter expendit. Unde et de eo testatus
est miles quidam honorandus, quondam sibi camerarius fidelissimus,
dominus Ricardus Tunstall, verbis et scriptis suis testimonium de eo
dedit dicens: _In lege Domini fuit voluntas ejus die ac nocte._ In hujus
etiam rei testimonium ipse Dominus rex graviter conquestus est michi in
camera sua apud Eltham, quando solus cum eo ibidem essem in sanctis suis
libris cum eo laborans, ejus salubribus monitis & profundissimæ
devotionis suspiriis intendens: dato pro tunc interim sono super hostio
regio à quodam potentissimo regni duce, rex ait: _Sic inquietant me, ut
vix raptim per dies et noctes valeam sine [B I _b_] strepitu aliquorum
sacrorum dogmatum lectione refici._ Simile etiam quoddam huic semel
contigit, me præsente apud Wyndesor. In attestationem etiam suæ eximiæ
devotionis ad Deum, dicunt complures adhuc superstites, eidem etiam
principi quondam familiares, quod quasi continue oculos suos ad coelum
attollere consueverat, quasi coelicola quidam aut raptus, nec seipsum
pro tempore, nec se circumstantes sentiens, quasi esset homo extaticus,
vel subcoelestis, conversationem suam in coelis habens, juxta illud
apostoli, _Conversatio nostra in coelis est._
_Juramenta ejus._
Item nulla unquam habere solebat alia juramenta, ad confirmanda dicta
sua veredica, quam hæc verba proferendo, =Forsothe, and forsothe.= Ut
ceteros[28] faceret, quos alloquibatur,[29] de dictis suis. Unde et
quamplures, tam magnates, quam plebeos,[30] à gravibus juramentis, tum
blande consulendo, tum dure corripiendo, compescuit. Quoniam
abhominabilis erat eis[31] quisque jurans. Audiens autem rex quendam
magnum dominum, sibi camerarium, ex abrupto et improvise graviter
jurare, graviter increpavit eum, dicens: _Prohdolor! vos dominus familiæ
multæ dum juramenta sic editis contra Dei mandatum, pessimum exhibitis[32]
exemplum servis et subditis vestris. ipsos enim similia facere provocatis._
_Pietas et patientia ejus._
De patientia istius regis, & benignissima ejus misericordia, quas per
totam suam vitam in transgredientes sibi exercuit, dum regnaret,
complurima verissime dici possunt.
Primo, cum semel descenderet à villa sancti Albani Londonias per
Crepylgate, videns supra portam ibi quartarium hominis positum super
sudem sublimem, quæsivit, quid hoc esset? Et respondentibus [B II _a_] sibi
dominis suis, quod erat IIII. pars cujusdam proditoris sui, qui falsus
fuerat regiæ majestati, ait rex, _Auferatur. Nolo enim aliquem
Christianum tam crudeliter pro me tractari,_ & continuo sublatum est
quartarium. Qui hoc vidit, testimonium dicit.
Item IIII. nobiles generosos, de proditione & crimine læsæ majestatis
regiæ convictos, et super hac re legittime per judices condemnatos, et
morte turpissima plectissima"[33] plectendos piissime relaxavit, et à
morte illa acerbissima eripuit, cartulam suæ perdonationis pro eis
liberandis ad locum supplicii citissime emittens.
Aliis tribus magnis dominis regni, in necessitate ejusdem[34] regis
conspirantibus, infinita quasi multitudine armatorum hominum congregata,
ambitione quadam regii culminis intentata, prout res postea manifestius
claruit, rex iste non minorem exhibuit misericordiam. Condonabat enim
omnibus tam capitaneis, quam ceteris sibi subditis, quod ei tunc maligne
intenderant, dummodo se ei submitterent.
Consimilem etiam misericordiam compluribus aliis ostendit, specialiter
autem duobus, mortem ei intendentibus, quorum unus collo suo grave
vulnus inflixit, volens excerebrasse, vel decollasse eum, quod tamen rex
patientissime tulit, dicens, =Forsothe, & forsothe, ye do fouly to smyte
a kynge enoynted so.=
Alter vero cum sicca[35] percussit eum in latere, dum in turri fuerat
carcere detentus, qui post hoc commissum facinus putans, se regem ex suo
ictu nephario occidisse, timens se capiendum fore, citissime aufugit,
deprehensum tamen eum, & eidem regi postea adductum, convalescens rex,
et è carcere illo eductus, et ad regalia fastigia, Deo favente et
agente, iterum sublimatus sine bellis post longa exilia et diutinam ejus
incarcerationem, pardonavit eum ex summa sua clementia, sicut et
prædictum suum persecutorem.
Unde et famuli quondam eidem regi asserunt, quod nullam personam,
quantumcunque [B II _b_] sibi noxiam, voluit aliquoties mulctari. Quod
etiam in quam multis liquet personis, quibus valde fuerat gratiosus et
misericors imitator effectus illius qui ait: _Misericordiam volo, & nolo
mortem peccatoris, sed magis ut convertatur & vivat._ qui etiam, ut
apostolus ait, _Omnium hominum salutem affectabat._ nec mirum. Quoniam
etiam non inerat ejus animæ vana illa gloriatio, qua etiam venatores
potiuntur captis bestiis ex nimia complacentia, videlicet ut intueretur
appetitum animal in interitu suo cum truculentia contaminari, nec cædi
innocui quadrupedes[36] aliquando voluit interesse. Quid plura? Certe
inter quos et quibus tam benignus et misericors extiterat rex iste, hos
tandem invenit ingratissimos, ut Christus Judæos. Nam quem dextera Dei
in tantam sublimaverat gloriam, ut supra habetur, isti patriales,[37]
insimul conglobati, rabie quadam crudilissima[38] præfatum regem
misericordissimum potestate regia privaverunt, et à suo regno et
regimine expulerunt, qui tandem post latebras, quas ad tempus, propter
sui tutelam, secretioribus fovebat locis, inventus etiam captus, velut
proditor & maleficus Londonium adductus in turri ibidem incarceratus
erat, ubi famem, sitim, obprobria, irrisiones, blasphemeas,[39] aliasque
injurias complurimas, ut verus Christi sequester, patienter tolleravit,
et tandem mortis ibi corporis violentiam sustinuit propter regnum, ut
tunc sperabatur, ab aliis pacifice possidendum. Anima autem ipsius, ut
pie credimus, ex miraculorum, ubi corpus ejus humatur, diutina
continuatione, cum Deo in coelestibus vivente, ubi, post istius seculi
ærumnas, cum justis in æterno Dei contuitu feliciter gaudet, pro terreno
& transitorio regno hoc patienter amisso, æternum jam possidens in ævum.
_Revelationes ei ostensæ._ [B III _a_]
Præterea, de coelestibus sacramentis, eidem regi ostensis, silendum
esse non puto. In turri enim Londoniarum detentus, interrogatus erat à
quodam sibi capellano erga festum Paschæ, quomodo anima ejus concordaret
in hoc sacratissimo tempore cum instantibus suis tribulationibus
inevitabiliter emergentibus? Et respondit rex dicens, _Regnum
coelorum, cui me semper ab infantia mea devovi, appellans exposco. De
regno isto transitorio & terrestri non magna nobis cura est. Cognatus
noster de Marchia se interponit, ut sibi placet. Hoc ipsum tantummodo
requiro, quatinus sacramenta Paschalia & ecclesiastica cum aliis
Christicolis in die coenæ recipiam, ut moris nostri est,_ unde &
propter nimiam suam devotionem, quam ad Deum, et ad ejus sacramenta,
semper habuerat, non incongrue videtur, quod coelestibus sacramentis
fuisset sæpius illustratus, & in suis tribulationibus consolatus. Fertur
enim à nonnullis secretioribus sibi personis, quibus solebat secreta sua
reserare, quod frequenter viderat Dominum Iesum in manibus celebrantis
tractatum in forma humana ei apparere sub sacramento. Dixerat iterum
apud Waltha[=m] olim existens cuidam in secretis, aliis tamen à retro
hoc audientibus, de multiplici revelatione Dominica sibi facta per tres
annos continuos in festo sancti Edwardi, quod in vigilia Epiphaniæ
accidit de gloria Domini, in effigie humana apparentis, de ejus corona,
& de assumptione beatæ Mariæ in corpore & anima ostentione.
Item de absentia sacramenti à pixide, dum per quoddam equitaret
cimiterium, propter quod desiit à veneratione solita sacramenti, ut
supra habetur.
In ipso etiam arcto guerrarum discrimine in boriæ partibus, deficiente
ad tempus pane commilitonibus vel turbis suis, dicitur ab inde
venientibus, quod de exigua [B III _b_] tritici annona meritis ejus et
precibus à[40] Deo multiplicati fuerant panes, ut querentibus[41] et
petentibus sufficientia cum superfluo respondebat suis, ceteris vero
suis hostibus penuriam panum patientibus.
Insuper continuata longo tempore dira ac ingratissima suorum rebellione,
post plurima bella à suis rebellantibus ei gravissime illata, tandem cum
paucis ad locum secretum, à suis fidelibus sibi provisum, fugit. unde
dum per aliquod spacium diliteret,[42] vox corporalis insonuit per XVII.
dies antequam caperetur insinuans ei, quod proditione traderetur, ac
sine honore, quasi fur aut exul quidam, Londonias, & per medium ejus
manu duceretur, multa ac varia pravorum hominum ingeniis mala exquisita
subiturus, et infra turrim illic incarcerandus, quæ omnia ex beatæ Mariæ
virginis revelatione, Sanctorumque Joannis baptistæ, Dunstani, &
Ancelmi, quorum consolationibus ad tunc, sicut etiam aliàs, potitus
fuit, per eosdem ad patientiam edoctus & confirmatus ad hæc et similia
patienter tolleranda. Quæ cum quibusdam de suis tunc retulerat,
videlicet magistris Bedon & Mannynge, incrudeli[43] illi minime credere
voluerunt, sed diliramenta et vana quædam deputaverunt, quoadusque rei
exitus eos certos fecit.
Fertur etiam, quod rex iste, dum in turri fuisset inclusus, viderit
mulierem quandam à dextra sua infantulum submergere nitentem, quam per
nuncium ammonuit, ne tantum flagitium & Deo odiosum peccatum
perpetraret. Cujus ammonitione correpta illa, ab incepto opere cessavit.
Item quæsito ab eodem rege H. dum in turri fuerat incarceratus, quare
injuste vendicaverat et possiderat[44] coronam Angliæ tot annis,
respondere solebat, _Pater meus rex fuerat Angliæ[45] pacifice,
coronam Angliæ possidens per totum regni sui tempus. Et suus pater,
avus meus, ejusdem regni rex fuit. Et ego puer, quasi in cunabilis[46]
[B IV _a_] pacifice, et sine omni interruptione coronatus approbatus fueram
rex à toto regno, coronam Angliæ gerens quasi per_ XL. _annos,
singulis mihi dominis homagium regium facientibus, et fidem michi
præstantibus sicut & aliis antecessoribus meis. Vnde, et cum
Psalmista dicere possum_: Funes ceciderunt michi in præclaris: etenim
hereditas mea præclara est michi. Justum enim adjutorium meum à
Domino, qui salvos facit rectos corde.
Laus Deo.
Footnotes:
[3] _omitte_ et.
[4] _Lege_, vocibus.
[5] incedere M. R. J.
[6] _Sic, pro_ citius.
[7] _Sic. Lege_, ancipites. [_potius_ accipitres M. R. J.]
[8] _Id est_, pugiones, =daggers=.
[9] _Potius_, Siciliæ.
[10] _Sic. L._ incautius.
[11] _Sic. L._ aspiceret.
[12] _Sic._
[13] _Sic._
[14] _F._ uterinis.
[15] _Sic. Potius_, Jaspero.
[16] _Sic. L._ artissimam.
[17] _Sic._
[18] _L._ cara M. R. J.
[19] _Sic._
[20] Cicestriae M. R. J.
[21] _Sic. L._ admonuit.
[22] _An_, intentus?
[23] _F._ quoniam.
[24] _Sic._
[25] _F._ quam.
[26] _Sic, perinde ac si_ transegerat _reponend. esset_. _Rectius tamen
forsitan_ transigeret.
[27] _Sic, pro_ omnia.
[28] _Sic. F._ certos.
[29] _Sic._
[30] _Sic._
[31] _F._ ei.
[32] _Sic._
[33] _Sic. Sed delend. ni fallor._
[34] [_Sic. qu._ necem M. R. J.]
[35] _Sic. pro_ sica.
[36] _Sic. F._ quadrupedis.
[37] [=pr]iales.
[38] _Sic._
[39] _Sic._
[40] _F._ adeo.
[41] _Malim cum diphthongo._
[42] _Sic, pro_ deliteret.
[43] _Sic, pro_ increduli.
[44] _Sic._
[45] _Commate forsitan post_ Angliæ _non post_ pacifice _distingui malint
alii. Sed distinctioni nostræ favet Codex, quo usus sum._
[46] _Sic, pro_ cunabulis.
A COMPILATION
OF THE MEEKNESS
AND GOOD LIFE
OF
KING HENRY VI.
GATHERED BY
Master JOHN BLAKMAN, Bachelor of
Divinity and afterward monk of the
Charterhouse of London.
_A devout Prayer of his._
O Lord Jesu Christ, who didst create me, redeem me, and foreordain me
unto that which now I am: Thou knowest what Thou wilt do with me: deal
with me according to thy most compassionate will. I know and confess in
sincerity that in thy hand all things are set, and there is none that
can withstand Thee: Thou art Lord of all. Thou therefore, God Almighty
compassionate and pitiful, in whose power are all realms and lordships,
and unto whom all our thoughts, words, and works, such as have been,
are, and shall be, are continually open and known, who only hast wisdom
and knowledge incomprehensible: Thou knowest, Lord, what is profitable
for me poor sinner: be it so done with me as pleaseth Thee and as
seemeth good in the eyes of thy divine Majesty.
Receive, O compassionate Father and merciful God Almighty, the prayer of
me thy most unworthy servant; and let my supplications, which I offer
before Thee and thy saints, come unto the ears of thy mercy. Amen.
PROLOGUE.
It is written that we are to praise no man before his death, but that in
the end shall be the exposing of his works: hence, now that every
obstacle to sincere praise is out of the way, and inasmuch as the
heavens declare the glory of Almighty God, and all things that the Lord
hath made praise Him by the fashion of them, I have therefore thought
fit to treat of some matters to the praise of God and of the serene
prince King Henry VI now deceased; whom, though I be of little skill, I
have taken in hand to celebrate; and this especially because to praise
the saints of God, (in the register of whom I take that excellent king
to be rightly included on account of the holy virtues by him exercised
all his life long) is to praise and glorify Almighty God, of whose
heavenly gift it cometh that they are saints.
Now of his most noble descent, how he was begotten according to the
flesh of the highest blood and the ancient royal stock of England, and
how in the two lands of England and France he was crowned as the
rightful heir of each realm, I have purposely said nothing, as of a
matter plainly known to all, and not least known because of that most
unhappy fortune which befell him against all expectation in
after-times.
_A commendation of his virtues._
But that I may set forth somewhat concerning the many virtues of that
king, wherewith Almighty God adorned his soul, I will according to my
small ability, with God's help, publish such things as I have known and
have learned from the relation of men worthy of credit who were formerly
attendant on him.
He was, like a second Job, a man simple and upright, altogether fearing
the Lord God, and departing from evil. He was a simple man, without any
crook of craft or untruth, as is plain to all. With none did he deal
craftily, nor ever would say an untrue word to any, but framed his
speech always to speak truth.
He was both upright and just, always keeping to the straight line of
justice in his acts. Upon none would he wittingly inflict any injustice.
To God and the Almighty he rendered most faithfully that which was His,
for he took pains to pay in full the tithes and offerings due to God and
the church: and this he accompanied with most sedulous devotion, so that
even when decked with the kingly ornaments and crowned with the royal
diadem he made it a duty to bow before the Lord as deep in prayer as any
young monk might have done.
_The fear of the Lord was in him._
And that this prince cherished a son's fear towards the Lord is plain
from many an act and devotion of his. In the first place, a certain
reverend prelate of England used to relate that for ten years he held
the office of confessor to King Henry: but he declared that never
throughout that long time had any blemish of mortal sin touched his
soul.
O what great watchfulness, O what care to please God was found in this
creature so high-placed and so young! Consider it, all ye kings and
princes, young men and maidens, and all peoples, and praise the Lord in
His saints. Imitate, too, this king in virtue, who could have done ill
and did it not, but utterly eschewed, to his power, while he lived, in
view of the displeasure of God, all evil and injury of this sort.
_He was a diligent worshipper of God._
A diligent and sincere worshipper of God was this king, more given to
God and to devout prayer than to handling worldly and temporal things,
or practising vain sports and pursuits: these he despised as trifling,
and was continually occupied either in prayer or the reading of the
scriptures or of chronicles, whence he drew not a few wise utterances to
the spiritual comfort of himself and others. So to every sort and
condition and age of men he was a diligent exhorter and adviser,
counselling the young to leave vice and follow the path of virtue; and
admonishing men of mature age and elders (_or_ priests) to attain the
perfection of virtue and lay hold on the prize of eternal life, with
those words of the Psalm 'Go from strength to strength[47]; hence shall
the God of gods be beheld in Sion.'
_His devout habit in church._
In church or chapel he was never pleased to sit upon a seat or to walk
to and fro as do men of the world; but always with bared head, at least
while the divine office was being celebrated, and hardly ever raising
his royal person, kneeling one may say continuously before his book,
with eyes and hands upturned, he was at pains to utter with the
celebrant (but with the inward voice) the mass-prayers, epistles, and
gospels. To some clerics also he used to address letters of exhortation
full of heavenly mysteries and most salutary advice, to the great wonder
of many.
Moreover, wherever this king was, he always showed himself a venerator
and most devout adorer of the Holy Cross and of other symbols and holy
things of the Christian religion. When engaged in such devotion he went
always with bared head, even when riding on a journey: so that many
times he would let his royal cap drop to the ground even from his
horse's back, unless it were quickly caught by his servants. So too he
preferred a row of signs of the Holy Cross to be set in his royal crown
rather than any likenesses of flowers or leaves, according to that word
of the wise: 'A crown of gold _was_ upon his head marked with the sign
of holiness.' He would be at the divine office quite early, nay at the
very beginning: nor did he ever grow weary at the lengthy prolonging of
it, even though it were continued until after noonday.
Moreover he would never suffer hawks, swords, or daggers to be brought
into church, or business agreements or conferences to be carried on
there: even his great men and nobles he enjoined to give themselves
frequently to prayer, according to the word of the Saviour 'My house is
a house of prayer': and they obeyed him devoutly.
_His chastity._
This king Henry was chaste and pure from the beginning of his days. He
eschewed all licentiousness in word or deed while he was young; until he
was of marriageable age, when he espoused the most noble lady, Lady
Margaret, daughter of the King of Sicily, by whom he begat but one only
son, the most noble and virtuous prince Edward; and with her and toward
her he kept his marriage vow wholly and sincerely, even in the absences
of the lady, which were sometimes very long: never dealing unchastely
with any other woman. Neither when they lived together did he use his
wife unseemly, but with all honesty and gravity.
_Example._
It is an argument of his watch upon his modesty that he was wont utterly
to avoid the unguarded sight of naked persons, lest like David he should
be snared by unlawful desire, for David's eyes, as we read, made havoc
of his soul. Therefore this prince made a covenant with his eyes that
they should never look unchastely upon any woman.
_Another example._
Hence it happened once, that at Christmas time a certain great lord
brought before him a dance or show of young ladies with bared bosoms who
were to dance in that guise before the king, perhaps to prove him, or to
entice his youthful mind. But the king was not blind to it, nor unaware
of the devilish wile, and spurned the delusion, and very angrily averted
his eyes, turned his back upon them, and went out to his chamber,
saying:
Fy, fy, for shame, forsothe ye be to blame.
At another time, riding by Bath, where are warm baths in which they say
the men of that country customably refresh and wash themselves, the
king, looking into the baths, saw in them men wholly naked with every
garment cast off. At which he was displeased, and went away quickly,
abhorring such nudity as a great offence, and not unmindful of that
sentence of Francis Petrarch 'the nakedness of a beast is in men
unpleasing, but the decency of raiment makes for modesty.'
Besides, he took great precautions to secure not only his own chastity
but that of his servants. For before he was married, being as a youth a
pupil of chastity, he would keep careful watch through hidden windows of
his chamber, lest any foolish impertinence of women coming into the
house should grow to a head, and cause the fall of any of his household.
And like pains did he apply in the case of his two half-brothers, the
Lords Jasper and Edmund, in their boyhood and youth: providing for them
most strict and safe guardianship, putting them under the care of
virtuous and worthy priests, both for teaching and for right living and
conversation, lest the untamed practices of youth should grow rank if
they lacked any to prune them. Not less diligence did he use, I am told,
towards others dependent on him, advising them to eschew vice and avoid
the talk of the vicious and dissolute, and to lay hold on virtue.
_Against avarice._
_His liberality._
Against that pest of avarice with which so many are infected and
diseased, even princes of the earth, this king Henry of whom we speak
was most wary and alert. For neither by the splendid presents given to
him nor by the ample wealth which he owned was he ever entrapped into
the unlawful love of them, but was most liberal to the poor in
lightening their wants; and enriched very many others with great gifts
or offices, or at least put all neediness far from them. Never did he
oppress his subjects with unreasonable exactions as do other rulers and
princes, but behaving himself among them like a kind father, relieved
them from his own resources in a most comely sort, and contenting
himself with what he had, preferred to live uprightly among them, rather
than that they should pine in poverty, trodden down by his harshness.
Now that he was content with his own substance and in no way coveted
that of others is shown by many true instances. Among them is this: a
certain great lord offered the said king a precious coverlet for the
bed in his chamber, which was all over set with gold nobles in great
number, and then he said: 'Be you careful of these and their like.' But
the mind of the king thirsting rather for heavenly and spiritual things
and making the things of earth of less account, regarded lightly the
gift.
At another time when the executors of his uncle, the most reverend lord
cardinal the bishop of Winchester came to the king with a very great
sum, namely £2000 of gold to pay him, for his own uses, and to relieve
the burdens and necessities of the realm, he utterly refused the gift,
nor would receive it by any manner of means, saying: 'He was a very dear
uncle to me and most liberal in his lifetime. The Lord reward him. Do ye
with his goods as ye are bound: we will receive none of them.' The
executors were amazed at this his saying, and entreated the king's
majesty that he would at least accept that gift at their hands for the
endowment of his two colleges which he had then newly founded, at
Cambridge and Eton. This petition and gift the king gladly accepted, and
ordered them to make the gift to the said colleges for the relief of the
soul of his said uncle; and they fulfilled the king's command with all
speed.
Moreover to show the liberality for which with other virtues he was
distinguished, to the confusion of avarice he was very bountiful in his
gifts, as his former servants bore witness. For to one of his chaplains
he gave, on hearing that he was busy repairing his priestly vestments,
more than ten changes of chasubles of his own silk for the saying of
masses in the church which that priest then held.
At another time, hearing that one of his servants had lost much of his
substance by theft, the king sent him in compensation for his loss
twenty nobles, advising him at the same time to be henceforth more
careful in keeping his stuff, and not to take the law of the thief. See
how mercy and truth met together, how righteousness and peace kissed
each other, in the person of our earthly prince. O what loving pity and
pitiful love to be found in a man!
The same prince when in the end he lost both the realms, England and
France, which he had ruled before, along with all his wealth and goods,
endured it with no broken spirit but with a calm mind, making light of
all temporal things, if he might but gain Christ and things eternal.
Not only in the distribution of secular goods was he bountiful, but also
in conferring ecclesiastical and spiritual benefices he was very wary,
thoughtful, and discreet, lest he should give them to unworthy persons,
or, as touched himself, in an unworthy, I mean a simoniacal, way, as was
proved in those whom he did promote. From simony he was always free.
Having his eyes always fixed on virtue, he was wholly concerned to
prefer virtuous men, and to these he was greatly attached.
But most strongly was the said king Henry moved by the passion of
enkindled affection when he said to Master William Waynflete, the
successor of the most renowned cardinal of Winchester: 'Receive the
enthronement of Winchester, so to be there as was the custom of the
bishops before you. Be your days long in the land, and grow and go
forward in the path of virtue.'
With like bounty did he prefer the bishops of Worcester and of
Chichester together, and many others also, as is sufficiently known.
Also to enlarge the house of God and His worship, in the time when he
bore rule he founded the two noble colleges before mentioned, which he
endowed with large lands and revenues, for the maintenance of poor
scholars not a few; wherein not only are the divine offices celebrated
daily in the most devout manner, to the praise of Almighty God, but also
scholastic teaching and the other arts pertaining thereto are constantly
carried on, to the increase of knowledge. And for the beginning and
foundation of these two colleges he sought out everywhere the best
living stones, that is, boys excellently equipped with virtue and
knowledge, and priests to bear rule over the rest as teachers and
tutors: and as concerned the getting of priests the king said to him
whom he employed in that behalf: 'I would rather have them somewhat weak
in music than defective in knowledge of the scriptures.' And with regard
to the boys or youths who were brought to him to be put to school, the
king's wish was that they should be thoroughly educated and nourished up
both in virtue and in the sciences. So it was that whenever he met any
of them at times in the castle of Windsor, whither they sometimes
repaired to visit servants of the king who were known to them, and when
he ascertained that they were of his boys, he would advise them
concerning the following of the path of virtue and, with his words,
would also give them money to attract them, saying: 'Be you good boys,
gentle and teachable, and servants of the Lord.' And if he discovered
that any of them visited his court, he sometimes restrained them with a
rebuke, bidding them not do so again, lest his young lambs should come
to relish the corrupt deeds and habits of his courtiers, or lose partly
or altogether their own good characters, like lambs or sheep, which, if
they feed among briars and thorns, tear their fleeces and oftentimes
wholly lose them.
_The humility of the king._
When I speak of the great humility of this king, I would have you know
that he was most eminent for that virtue of humility. This pious prince
was not ashamed to be a diligent server to a priest celebrating in his
presence, and to make the responses at the mass, as _Amen_, _Sed libera
nos_, and the rest. He did so commonly even to me, a poor priest. At
table even when he took a slight refection, he would (like a professed
religious) rise quickly, observe silence, and devoutly give thanks to
God standing on every occasion. Also on the testimony of Master Doctor
Towne, he made a rule that a certain dish which represented the five
wounds of Christ as it were red with blood, should be set on his table
by his almoner before any other course, when he was to take refreshment:
and contemplating these images with great fervour he thanked God
marvellous devoutly.
Again, once when riding in a street which lay outside the graveyard to
the east of a certain church, wherein the pyx that hung over the altar
did not contain the sacrament of the Eucharist, he on that account did
not bare his head, as he was wont always at other times to do most
reverently in honour of the sacrament; and when many of his lords and
nobles wondered thereat, he gave them his reason, saying: 'I know that
my Lord Jesus Christ is not there for me to do so in His honour.' And it
was found to be so as he had said. Nay, those who were his privy
servants say that the king often saw our Lord Jesus presenting Himself
in human form in the sacrament of the altar in the hands of the priest.
It was also his custom of his very great humility and devotion to bear
in his own hands a great taper on the eve and at the season of the
Lord's resurrection for his reverence and belief in the same.
_The humility of the king._
Further of his humility in his bearing, in his clothes and other apparel
of his body, in his speech and many other parts of his outward
behaviour;--it is well known that from his youth up he always wore
round-toed shoes and boots like a farmer's. He also customarily wore a
long gown with a rolled hood like a townsman, and a full coat reaching
below his knees, with shoes, boots and foot-gear wholly black, rejecting
expressly all curious fashion of clothing.
Also at the principal feasts of the year, but especially at those when
of custom he wore his crown, he would always have put on his bare body a
rough hair shirt, that by its roughness his body might be restrained
from excess, or more truly that all pride and vain glory, such as is apt
to be engendered by pomp, might be repressed.
_His work and pursuits._
As concerning the employments of the king and how well he passed his
days and his time, it is well known to many yet alive that he used
wholly to devote the high days and Sundays to hearing the divine office
and to devout prayer on his own behalf and his people's, lest his
enemies should scorn his sabbaths; and he was earnest in trying to
induce others to do the like. So that some who were once attendant on
him declare that his whole joy and pleasure was in the due and right
performance of the praise of God and of divine service. The other days
of less solemnity he passed not in sloth or vanities, not in banquetings
or drunkenness, not in vain talk or other mischievous speech or chatter
(all such he ever avoided in his lifetime and indeed used but very brief
speech, of words tending to edification or profitable to others), but
such days he passed not less diligently either in treating of the
business of the realm with his council as need might require, or in
reading of the scriptures or of authors and chronicles. Such witness of
him was borne by an honourable knight who was once his most trusty
chamberlain, Sir Richard Tunstall, who gave this testimony of him both
in speech and in writing: 'His delight was in the law of the Lord by day
and by night.' And to prove this, the Lord King himself complained
heavily to me in his chamber at Eltham, when I was alone there with him
employed together with him upon his holy books, and giving ear to his
wholesome advice and the sighs of his most deep devotion. There came all
at once a knock at the king's door from a certain mighty duke of the
realm, and the king said: 'They do so interrupt me that by day or night
I can hardly snatch a moment to be refreshed by reading of any holy
teaching without disturbance.'
A like thing to this happened once at Windsor when I was there.
Further, to confirm his notable devotion to God, many who yet survive
and were once of his household say that he was wont almost at every
moment to raise his eyes heavenward like a denizen of heaven or one
rapt, being for the time not conscious of himself or of those about him,
as if he were a man in a trance or on the verge of heaven: having his
conversation in heaven, according to that word of the apostle: 'Our
conversation is in heaven.'
_His oath._
Also he would never use any other oath to confirm his own truthful
speech than the uttering of these words: 'Forsothe and forsothe,' to
certify those to whom he spoke of what he said. So also he restrained
many both gentle and simple from hard swearing either by mild admonition
or harsh reproof; for a swearer was his abomination.
When he heard a great lord who was his chamberlain suddenly break out
and swear bitterly, he sternly rebuked him, saying: 'Alas! you, that are
lord of a great household, when you utter oaths like this contrary to
God's commandment, give a most evil example to your servants and those
that are under you, for you provoke them to do the like.'
_His pitifulness and patience._
Of the patience of this king and his most kind compassion which he
showed throughout his life to them that sinned against him, while he was
in power, many things may be related with all truth.
First; once when he was coming down from St Albans to London through
Cripplegate, he saw over the gate there the quarter of a man on a tall
stake, and asked what it was. And when his lords made answer that it was
the quarter of a traitor of his, who had been false to the king's
majesty, he said: 'Take it away. I will not have any Christian man so
cruelly handled for my sake.' And the quarter was removed immediately.
He that saw it bears witness.
Again, four nobles of high birth were convicted of treason and of the
crime of lèse-majesté and were legally condemned therefor by the judges
to suffer a shameful death. These he compassionately released, and
delivered from that bitter death, sending the writ of his pardon for
their delivery to the place of execution by a swift messenger.
To other three great lords of the realm who conspired the death of this
king (_or_ conspired in the king's troubles) and assembled an
innumerable host of armed men, aiming ambitiously to secure the kingly
power, as manifestly appeared afterwards, the king showed no less mercy:
for he forgave all, both the leaders and the men under them, what they
had maliciously designed against him, provided they submitted themselves
to him.
Like compassion he showed to many others, and especially to two who were
compassing his death; one of whom gave him a severe wound in the neck,
and would have brained him, or cut off his head; but the king took it
most patiently, saying: 'Forsothe and forsothe, ye do fouly to smyte a
kynge enoynted so.' The other smote him in the side with a dagger when
he was held prisoner in the Tower, and after the deed, believing that he
had killed the king with his wicked blow, and fearing to be taken, fled
with all speed; but was caught and brought before him, when the king,
now recovered, and set free from that prison, and once more by the
favour and act of God raised to the kingly dignity without a battle
after a long course of exile and imprisonment, pardoned him of his great
clemency, as he did also his aforesaid persecutor.
So the former servants of this king declare that he never would that any
person, however injurious to him, should ever be punished: and this is
plain in the case of many to whom he was exceeding gracious and
merciful; for he was become an imitator of Him who saith, 'I will have
mercy' and 'I will not the death of a sinner but rather that he should
turn and live,' who also, as the apostle saith, 'desired the salvation
of all men.' Nor is this to be wondered at: for in his soul there was
not even that vain satisfaction which hunters take in capturing
beasts,--a misplaced pleasure: he did not care to see the creature, when
taken, cruelly defiled with slaughter, nor would he ever take part in
the killing of an innocent beast.
But what need of more? It is certain that the men among whom and towards
whom the king was so kind and merciful proved at the last wholly
ungrateful to him, as the Jews to Christ. For whereas God's right hand
had raised him to so glorious a place, these [murderous ones], as has
been said, conspiring together with savage rage, deprived even this most
merciful king of his royal power, and drove him from his realm and
governance; and after a long time spent in hiding in secret places
wherein for safety's sake he was forced to keep close, he was found and
taken, brought as a traitor and criminal to London, and imprisoned in
the Tower there; where, like a true follower of Christ, he patiently
endured hunger, thirst, mockings, derisions, abuse, and many other
hardships, and finally suffered a violent death of the body that others
might, as was then the expectation, peaceably possess the kingdom. But
his soul, as we piously believe upon the evidence of the long series of
miracles done in the place where his body is buried, liveth with God in
the heavenly places, where after the troubles of this world he rejoiceth
with the just in the eternal contemplation of God and in the stead of
this earthly and transitory kingdom whereof he patiently bore the loss,
he now possesseth one that endureth for ever.
_The revelations shown to him._
Furthermore I think it not well to pass over the heavenly mysteries
which were shown to this king.
When he was imprisoned in the Tower of London, a certain chaplain of his
asked him, about the time of the feast of Easter, how his soul agreed
at that most holy season with the troubles that pressed upon him and so
sprouted forth that he could by no means avoid them. The king answered
in these words: 'The kingdom of heaven, unto which I have devoted myself
always from a child, do I call and cry for. For this kingdom which is
transitory and of the earth I do not greatly care. Our kinsman of March
thrusts himself into it as is his pleasure. This one thing only do I
require, to receive the sacrament at Easter, and the rites of the church
on Maundy Thursday with the rest of Christendom, as I am accustomed.'
And for the much devotion which he always had to God and His sacraments,
it seems not unsuitable that he should often have been enlightened by
heavenly mysteries and comforted thereby in his afflictions. He is
reported by some in his confidence, to whom he was used to reveal his
secrets, to have often seen the Lord Jesus held in the hands of the
celebrant and appearing to him in human form at the time of the
Eucharist. Again, when he was at Waltham he told some one privately
(though others also _standing_ behind him heard it) of a repeated
revelation from the Lord vouchsafed to him three years running at that
feast of St Edward which falls on the vigil of the Epiphany, of the
glory of the Lord appearing in human form, of His crown, and of a vision
of the assumption of the Blessed Mary both corporal and spiritual.
Also there is the matter of the absence of the sacrament from the pyx
when he rode by a certain churchyard, on account of which he refrained
from his wonted reverence to the sacrament, as is told above.
Also in the extreme pressure of his wars in the parts of the North, it
is told by some who came from that region, that when there was for a
time a scarcity of bread among his fellow-soldiers and troops, out of a
small quantity of wheat, bread was so multiplied by his merits and
prayers that a sufficiency and even a superfluity was forthcoming for
all of his who sought and asked for it, whereas the rest that were
opposed to him had to suffer from lack of meat.
Moreover, after the horrid and ungrateful rebellion of his subjects had
continued a long time, and after these rebels had fought many hard
battles against him, he fled at last with a few followers to a secret
place prepared for him by those that were faithful to him. And, as he
lay hid there for some time, an audible voice sounded in his ears for
some seventeen days before he was taken, telling him how he should be
delivered up by treachery, and brought to London without all honour like
a thief or an outlaw, and led through the midst of it, and should endure
many evils devised by the thoughts of wicked men, and should be
imprisoned there in the Tower: of all which he was informed by
revelation from the Blessed Virgin Mary and Saints John Baptist,
Dunstan, and Anselm (whose consolations he did then as at other times
enjoy) and was thereby strengthened to bear with patience these and like
trials. But when he told this to some of his people, and namely to
Masters Bedon and Mannynge, they were incredulous and believed it not,
but thought all to be but vain wanderings until the event assured them
of the truth.
It is also said that when the king was shut up in the Tower he saw a
woman on his right hand (_or_ out of his window) trying to drown a
little child, and warned her by a messenger not to commit such a crime
and sin, hateful to God; and she, rebuked by this reproof, desisted from
the deed she had begun.
Also, when this king Henry was asked during his imprisonment in the
Tower why he had unjustly claimed and possessed the crown of England for
so many years, he would answer thus: 'My father was king of England, and
peaceably possessed the crown of England for the whole time of his
reign. And his father and my grandfather was king of the same realm. And
I, a child in the cradle, was peaceably and without any protest crowned
and approved as king by the whole realm, and wore the crown of England
some forty years, and each and all of my lords did me royal homage and
plighted me their faith, as was also done to other my predecessors.
Wherefore I too can say with the Psalmist: The lot is fallen unto me in
a fair ground: yea, I have a goodly heritage. For my right help is of
the Lord, who preserveth them that are true of heart.'
Praise be to God.
Footnotes:
[47] _Lit._ from virtue to virtue.
NOTES
The style and literary ability of John Blacman must be rated very low.
In translating him one is forced to neglect his use of particles and
tenses in order to produce a tolerable sense. He uses the pluperfect
apparently as an equivalent of the preterite, and begins sentences with
_unde_ where _unde_ has no meaning at all. There is no shape or
proportion in the composition of his tract as it stands. At the end of
the section on _Pietas et patientia_ he comes to a dignified close, but
immediately continues with a chapter on _Revelationes_ which, one would
think, ought not to have been an afterthought. This chapter ends in
mid-air; there is no kind of finality about it. It must be either
unfinished by the author or mutilated (as Hearne conjectured). If
mutilated, political considerations may have been responsible, for the
subject of the last paragraph is the question of Henry's right to the
crown (and not any revelation vouchsafed to him); and I see signs that
the tract was written before the accession of Henry VII, in the
vagueness of such allusions to the reigning sovereign as are to be found
in it. The clause 'propter regnum, ut tunc sperabatur, ab aliis pacifice
possidendum' is the most overt of these, and no one can say that it is
too explicit. The next sentence speaks of the long series of miracles
done where Henry's body is buried. This may mean that the body is still
at Chertsey, though in after years miracles occurred at Windsor. It will
be remembered that Richard III transferred it hastily from Chertsey to
Windsor because the reports of the miracles were testifying to a growth
of interest in the good king which was not healthy for the dynasty of
York.
So also in the prologue, Blacman will not dwell upon the descent, the
coronation, and so on, of Henry, because these things are known to
everyone and because of his subsequent fall. The latter is the more
cogent reason.
To what has been said of Hearne's connexion with the book, it may be
added that in the new edition of his _Collections_ (Oxf. Hist. Soc. vol.
X. p. 442) he tells us under date July 31, 1731, that "Mr West lately
met with a small Pamphlet in 4to bound up with the Arminian Nunnery, at
Little Gidding, and intituled 'Collectarium mansuetudinum (etc.).' 'Tis
printed in the old black Letter by Cowpland, with the figure of a king
in his Robes,... I do not remember to have ever seen this Book.
Archbishop Usher had seen John Blacman's MSS Collections wch probably
contained a great many other things relating to the Carthusians and
their Benefactors ... (Henry VI) was a pious, tho' very weak Prince. The
Carthusians had most deservedly a great opinion of him,... and did what
they could for his honour."
I think Hearne is mistaken about Ussher, who does no more than quote a
passage from Blacman in his Historia Dogmatica (Opp. XII. 363).
It may further be remarked that Holinshed and other chroniclers make
small extracts from Blacman without naming their source. I have not
discovered who is actually the earliest writer to cite him: but Hall
(1548) does not appear to do so.
* * * * *
p. 4. _quidam Angliæ reverendus antistes._ This bishop who was Henry's
confessor for ten years I suppose to have been William Ayscough, bishop
of Salisbury 1438-1450, who was much in Henry's confidence. It is
remarked in the _Dict. Nat. Biog._ that it was "a novelty in those days
for a bishop to be a king's confessor."
p. 6. _missalia, oracula._ I take these words together and regard them
as a 'refined' way of saying 'orationes in missa' or the like.
_sanctæ crucis signorum seriem in corona._ These crosses on the ring of
the crown are seen alternating with fleur de lys in the (early XVIth
century) representation of Henry in painted glass in the Hacomblen
chantry in King's College Chapel.
p. 8. _Francisci Petrarchæ._ This, Blacman's one literary quotation, is
a garbled one from Petrarch's _De Vita Solitaria_, lib. II. sect. vi. c.
I.
p. 9. _Jaspere et Edmundo._ The sons of Owen Tudor by Katherine, widow
of Henry V.
p. 10. _cardinalis et episcopi Winton._ Cardinal Beaufort, d. 11 April
1447. The gift to Eton and King's was in fact made by a codicil to the
cardinal's will executed two days before his death. See Maxwell Lyte,
_Eton College_, p. 27.
p. 11. _decem mutatoria casularia._ I suppose this to mean enough silk
to make ten or more sets of mass-vestments for a single priest.
_Episcopos Wurcestriæ et Cestriæ._ Chester had no bishop till 1541.
Chichester must be meant. The bishop was doubtless Adam Moleyns 1445-50,
and he of Worcester John Carpenter 1443-76. Both appear in the king's
will as his feoffees for Eton and King's.
p. 12. This is the most interesting page of the tract to those who have
enjoyed King Henry's bounty. A happy thought has of recent years
dictated the use of his words _Sitis boni pueri_ and the rest on the
occasion of the admission of the new King's Scholars at Eton.
p. 13. _Sed libera nos._ It is at this point in the Lord's Prayer that
the congregation responds, at the end of the Prayer of Consecration (or
Canon) of the Roman Mass.
_magistro doctore Town._ William Towne was scholar of Eton in 1443, and
passed on to King's. He died in 1484: his chantry and brass are in one
of the side-chapels on the N. of King's College Chapel.
_quidam discus._ It is not clear to me whether a piece of plate
representing the Five Wounds in enamel is meant, or some edible
'subtilty': probably the former.
p. 14. _cum capucio rotulato._ Perhaps a hood with a liripip (i.e.
tapering into a tail) is meant.
_caligas, ocreas, calceos_: foot-gear for walking, riding and indoor
use respectively.
p. 15. _dominus Ricardus Tunstall._ Sir Richard Tunstall of Thurland in
Westmorland (or Lancashire) appears frequently in the Patent Rolls etc.
of Henry VI, Edward IV and Henry VII. Under Edward IV his lands are
naturally granted to other people and he is attainted. In 1470, at
Henry's restoration, he is 'king's chamberlain' (_Cal. Pat. R._ p. 227).
Under Henry VII he is in favour and holds many important posts.
An entry in William Worcester's Annals (Rolls, _Wars of the English in
France_, II. pt. 2 [785]), wrongly printed, is of interest here. Under
1464 he writes: "Mense Julii, dolo cujusdam monachi Abendoniæ, rex
Henricus in comitatu Lancastriæ capitur per quendam Johannem Talbois et
Ricardum Tunstalle milites, ibidem captus evasit. Dictusque rex Henricus
una cum monacho Thoma Mannyng et Bedone doctore ... versus Londoniam
adducebatur etc." We should certainly read 'et Ricardus T. miles ...
evasit.'
Tunstall was afterwards taken in Wales by Lord Herbert, and confined in
the Tower, but soon pardoned (_Warkeworth's Chron._ Camd. Soc. p. 43).
Another entry (_Three Fifteenth Cent. Chronicles_, Camden Soc. p. 80)
says:
"Kynge Harry was take in the northe contre, and ii doctors with him, the
whiche wer called Doctor Mannynge and Doctor Beden, the whiche were all
thre brought to London."
On the whole episode see Sir J. H. Ramsay, _Lancaster and York_, II. 316.
What follows in the text is Tunstall's story. Blacman adds that he
himself witnessed a similar occurrence.
p. 17. I do not know that the four nobles or the three great lords who
were pardoned can be certainly identified. Nor is it plain whether the
first of the two men who wounded him attacked him when confined in the
Tower.
p. 18. _isti [=pr]iales._ Blacman intends a word of the sense of
'parricidiales.' But either he or the printer has gone wrong.
p. 19. _ex miraculorum ubi corpus ejus humatur diutina continuatione._ A
large collection of Henry's miracles is preserved in two MSS, Royal 13.
c. viii. and Harley 423. The latter is a partial copy of the former.
See a special note on them below.
_Cognatus noster de Marchia_, i.e. Edward IV, Earl of March.
p. 20. _in festo S. Edwardi etc._ The _depositio_ of S. Edward the
Confessor which falls on 5 January.
_vox corporalis._ Probably means a voice audible to the bodily senses.
p. 21. _magistris Bedon et Mannynge._ On these companions of Henry VI at
his capture see above in the note on Tunstall. John Bedon, clerk,
receives a general pardon from Edward IV in 1467 (_Cal. Pat. R._ p. 11).
Holinshed and those who copy him call him Bedle. He may be the John
Bedon who took a B.D. degree at Oxford in 1455. Thomas Mannynge, though
called a monk by Will. Worcester, seems undoubtedly to be the man who
was dean of Windsor from 1452 to 1462, and is indicted (1 Ed. IV, _Rot.
Parl._ V. p. 477 etc.) of treason in the first year of Edward IV: he is
described as late of New Windsor in Berkshire, clerk. On Nov. 7, 1465,
he has a general pardon for all offences up to the 26th of August
previous. Earlier, in 1451 (Aug. 24) when Henry VI grants him the
prebend of Nassington in Lincoln cathedral, he is described as the
king's clerk and chaplain.
On 29 Nov. 1469 he is dead; the king is informed by his executor that
Thomas was in debt and indigent in his life, and had made forfeiture to
the king, so that a licence to administer was necessary.
The Rev. J. N. Dalton, Canon of Windsor, has kindly informed me that no
records in the possession of the Dean and Chapter of Windsor throw light
on Dean Mannynge's life.
_a dextra sua._ Corrupt: I suppose the meaning to be that the king saw
the woman out of his window: _camera_ or _fenestra_ is wanted.
I. A PRAYER TO HENRY VI IN ENGLISH VERSE.
An English prayer in verse to Henry VI from a Primer of 1408 (in which
it has been inserted on the flyleaf) in the Library of St Cuthbert's
College, Ushaw, was printed in the _Ushaw Magazine_ of 1902, p. 279. I
have the kind permission of the authorities to quote it here:
O blyssed king so full of vertue
The flowr of all knyghthood that never was fyled
Thou pray for us to Christe Jhesu
And to hys modyr Mary myld
In all thi warkys thu was never wyld
Bott full of grace and of charyte
Mercyfull ever to man and chylde
Now sweyt kyng Henre pray for me.
O crownyd kyng with sceptur in hand
Most nobyll conqueror I may thee call
For thou hast conqueryd I undyrstand
A hevynly kyngdome most imperyall
Hwar joye haboundeth and grace perpetuell
In presens of the holy Trenite
Off wych grace thou make me parcyall
Now swet kyng Henre praye for me.
All Apostels and Patriarchs shall thee honor
Martyrs and Confessors with all their delygens
And eke Virgynes in the hevynly towr
Ar glad and joyfull of thi presens
Angelys and Archangelys with ample(?) reverence
Schall mynystyr and bryng(?) to the
The well of pety and of pacyens
Now swet kyng Henre praye for me.
Thy prayer I trust is herd in hevyn
With the Fadyr omnipotent
Now blyssyd be thy name to nemyne
For ever att neyd thou art present
In trowbyll or payn wen I am schent
Or stand in warely juberte
Thy socur to me full son thu sentt
Now sweyt kyng Henre praye for me.
Thy trowblas life and grett vexacion
With pacyens that thu had therein
And thi constans in contemplacion
Has mad the hevyn for to wyne
Thy sett is ordenyd with seraphyn
As langhyght ((be)longeth) to thi regalyte
With mor melody than I can myn
Now swet kyng Henre praye for me.
O blessyd kyng so gracios and gud
Thou pray to sett this reme in rest
Unto our Saveyour that dyed on roud
And to hys modyr that madyn blessyd
That alkyn wrangys may be redressyd
To plesor of the Deyte
Thys I besech at my request
Now swet kyng Henre praye for me.
II. ON THE MANUSCRIPT MIRACLES OF HENRY VI.
There are two manuscripts of these Miracles, both in the British Museum.
The first (Royal 13. c. viii.) is the parent of the other (Harley 423).
13. c. viii. is on paper, a fairly well written volume of cent. XV-XVI.
It has the names of Abp Cranmer (Tho. Cant.) and Lord Lumley.
It contains:
1. Letter from the Compiler.
In Christo Ihesu salutem plurimam. Cum acceperis epistolam hanc,
magister venerande ... _ends_: huius fructiferi palmitis Christi
botris expendere non cessabo. Vale et ora ut tecum in eternum
valeat tuus et orator et socius cuius nomen est in libro vite. No
proper name occurs.
2. f. 1 _b_. Salutacio gloriosi militis Christi henrici regis Anglie
sexti cum oraciuncula brevi.
Salue miles preciose rex henrice generose
Palmes vitis celice
In radice caritatis vernans flore sanctitatis
Viteque angelice
Salue flos nobilitatis laus et honor dignitatis
seu corone regie
Pie pater orphanorum vera salus populorum
Robur et ecclesie
Salue forma pietatis exemplar humilitatis
Decus innocencie
Vi oppressis vel turbatis mestis atque desolatis
Scola paciencie
Salue fax superne lucis per quam serui summi ducis
Illustrantur undique
Dum virtute lucis vere meruisti prefulgere
Tantis signis gracie
Salue quem rex seculorum choris iungens angelorum
Ciuem fecit patrie
Te laudare cupientes hac ut semper sint fruentes
Tecum vita glorie. Amen.
_Vers._ Veniant ad te qui detrahebant tibi. Et adorent vestigia pedum
tuorum.
_Oracio._ Salus et saluator omnium in te credencium, piissime domine
Ihesu Christe, qui dilectum famulum tuum regem henricum sextum variis
tribulacionum pressuris opprimi voluisti, ut ex eius pacientissime et
innocentissime vite meritis quasi quibusdam botris uberrimis copiosa tue
gracie dulcedo per miraculorum gloriam distillaret in plebem: largire,
quesumus, eos omnes qui tante eius glorie congratulantes aut illum
propter te aut in illo te pocius glorificando dignis gestiunt collaudare
preconiis ipsius beatitudinis consorcium et hic habere per meritum et in
futuro consequi per effectum: qui cum deo patre et spiritu sancto viuis
et gloriaris deus per omnia secula seculorum. Amen.
3. f. 16. Exemplar epistole a pauperculo quodam monacho olim directe ad
preclarum virum d. Johannem Morgan[48] tunc decanum capelle collegialis
castri de Wyndesore, modo vero episcopum meneuensem cum infrascriptis
quibusdam beati regis henrici miraculis.
Eternam in Christo Ihesu quam sibimet salutem cum reverencia speciali
tanto viro dignissima etc. Richard Combe had brought to the writer of
the letter 'exemplaria quedam pulcerrima' of Henry's miracles, in
English, with a request from a Bishop that he would translate them into
Latin.
4. f. 3 _b_. Another letter from the Dean of Windsor. Indeficientis
votiua salutis preconia, tuas etenim, virorum contemplatissime,
suauissimas kalendis januarii animo quidem gratissimo recepi litteras.
Gives his consent to the translation of the Miracles. Scriptum apud
Regale castrum Wynsor' stilo rudissime profluente 4 Nonas Januarii.
Hec tibi describens tuus est ad vota Johannes.
5. f. 4 _b_. Prologue. Solet plerumque lassascenti stomacho obesse
dapium plenitudo.
Among other matters he apologizes for styling Henry beatissimus,
sanctissimus, and so forth.
6. f. 6. Capitula (28).
7. f. 7. Text. Annotatur hic qualiter puer quidam bis biennis in
molendino aquatico submersus fuerat (et) ad inuocacionem beati regis
henrici resuscitatus a mortuis anno dominice incarnacionis 1481º. qui
erat annus regni Edwardi quarti regis famosissimi vicesimus primus. Et
primo ponitur exordium breue et deinde narracio subinfertur.
Quia sacro dictante eloquio sacramentum regis abscondere bonum esse
didicimus etc.
There are various marginal notes in a large hand, on the proofs of the
Miracles, e.g.:
f. 8. Westwel Cancie, probatum: 9 _b_ somerseschyr' non reperitur: 10
savernak Foreste non inuenitur: 11 Examinentur Thomas Hayward, Johannes
Parmyter, D. Wyllelmus Edwardes: 11 _b_ Holyngton Sowthsex probatum.
After cap. 28 (f. 26) is a slip with a note on Capitula of Lib. II: f.
27 Capitula (58) of Lib. II.
Slip, with title of Prologue: In miracula quedam famosiora et
euidenciora quibus illustrissimum virum Henricum regem Anglie sextum
diuina decorauit clemencia, que et infra biennium post eius in ecclesia
collegiali castri de Wynsore tumulacionem ibidem manifestata noscuntur
pretitulatur hic prologus.
The same in a shorter form in the lower margin of f. 30.
f. 30. Lib. II. Prol. Quanta ex florigero diuine plenitudinis agro, etc.
On f. 32 the capitula are continued, from 59 to 67. A blank unnumbered
leaf follows.
The text proceeds to cap. 30 (de calice et portiforio). (Here the other
copy, Harl. 423, ends; its last leaf is a fragment.) Then follow 11
blank pages: then a slip (recto blank) numbered 148, which has the
beginning of cap. 67.
The text then continues on ff. 59-85.
The miracles up to this point are variously and irregularly numbered:
there seem to be about 40.
Then follows a list of 24 miracles, and text; then on f. 101 a list of
13 miracles, followed by text. At the end of the last is: ·1500·
There is some ground for thinking that this volume was utilized, or to
be utilized, for the process of the canonization of Henry VI which
proved abortive.
The other MS Harl. 423 is of cent. XVI early, and occupies ff. 72-128 in
one of Foxe's volumes. It is plainly a copy of the first part of the
Royal MS.
III. ON JOHN BLACMAN'S BOOKS.
The following lists are found in MS. Laud. Misc. 154, in the Bodleian
library, one on a flyleaf, the other--somewhat mutilated--in the lower
margin of a leaf. The first enumerates the whole contents of each
volume, the second gives the title of one tract only, but supplies the
opening words of the second leaf of each volume, the usual medieval
expedient for identifying a book.
I combine here the data of the two lists, calling the list on the
flyleaf A and that on the lower margin B.
The MS in which they occur is a volume of Nic. de Lyra's commentary on
the Bible: and list B begins by describing it.
(B) 1. Liber domus beate virginis de Witham Cartusiensis ex dono
magistri Johannis Blacman.
(A) Lyra: Genesis ... Job.
_This is MS. Laud. Misc._ 154.
(B) 2, 3. cum duobus comparibus: primi 2º fo. _cognicio intellectiua_.
2º fo. secundi _et cetera R[=o]_.
sed pro ligatura et illuminacione domus soluit xs et vjd.
(A) 2. Lyra: Psalterium--Prov.--Ecclus. Isa.--Malachias.
1, 2 Macc.
3. Lyra: Evv., Paul. Epp., Act., Cath. Epp. Apoc.
capitulaciones epistolarum et euangeliorum secundum cartus'.
_No._ 2 _is Laud. Misc._ 152. _No._ 3 _is not known._
(B) 4. Item librum policronicon. 2º fo. _adhibere._
(A) 4. les pedegrues reg. angl. _b._
tabula noua policronici _a._
policronicon cestrense.
_No. 4 is in Eton College Library MS. 204: formerly Ashburnham
Appendix 105: then belonged to Mr George Dunn._
(B) 5. Item Bartholomeus de casibus consciencie. 2º fo. _hic_ (?)
_suus_ (?) _pars._
(A) 5. magna carta
Bartholomeus de casibus consciencie
principia et fines originalium librorum
forma audiendi confessionem
tituli decretorum libri vjti et Clementis.
(B) 6. Item librum vocatum lucerna consciencie. 2º fo. _malorum ex._
(A) 6. lucerna consciencie
meditaciones Anselmi. credo
ritmicacio tocius scripture sacre
oraciones Anselmi ut apparet
tractatus de virtutibus et viciis
interrogaciones fori penitencialis
Alfonsus contra iudeos.
6. _This is MS. Bodl. 801._
(B) 7. Item librum sancti Thome de veritatibus. 2º fo. _sic dicit
Augustinus._
(A) 7. Sanctus Thomas de veritatibus.
tabula super eodem.
7. _This is MS. Harley 1032._
(B) 8. Item Bibliam. 2º fo. _damasci._
(A) 8. interpretacio nominum hebreorum
biblia
capitulacio epistolarum et euangeliorum per annum.
(B) 9. Item magister historiarum (sententiarum). 2º fo. _pedito post._
(A) 9. magister sententiarum
theorica planetarum
tituli eiusdem libri sententiarum
Item in quibus non tenetur. (i.e. _a list of the passages in the
Sentences which were considered unsound_.)
(B) 10. Item Crisostomus in opere imperfecto. 2º fo. _erat futurus._
(A) 10. Crisostomus in opere imperfecto
tabula eiusdem.
(B) 11. Item vita Alexandri magni. 2º fo. voluminis _que est poª._
(A) 11. Defensorium logicale Ockam
vita Alexandri magni
dialogus inter Mariam et Johannem euangelistam
Ysidorus de ciuitate (? unitate) dei
Augustinus de uisione sancti Pauli apostoli
de celebracione horarum quidam processus
Siluester de decimis
Ieronimus de signis iudicii
Marbodus episcopus de vinculis beati Petri
oracio deuota: _domine Ihesu Christe qui in hoc_
de uirtutibus fide dileccione et humilitate
purgatorium sancti Patricii (_partly erased_)
Seneca de 4or virtutibus cardinalibus
de beneficiis ad Liberalem libri 4
de fortuitorum bonorum contemptu
de remediis fortuitorum
diffiniens virtut' et vic'
regula beati Benedicti.
(B) 12. Item Aristotiles de regimine principum. 2º fo. voluminis _simul
omnia._
(A) 12. Aristoteles de regimine principum
Gwydo de excidio Troianorum
idem in metro.
(B) 13. Item Anticlaudianus. 3º fo. voluminis _affluit exundans._
(A) 13. nova poetria Galfridi Anglici
Anticlaudianus de restitucione.
13. _This is MS. Digby 104 (part)._
(B) 14. Item librum distinccionum. 3º fo. _quia sicut._
(A) 14. notabiles distincciones
sermones dominicales.
(B) 15. Item martilogium. 5º fo. voluminis _Trone est en ancieme._
(A) 15. tractatus gallicus
Martilogium
gesta Karoli in gallicis
miracula beate Marie versificata (_erased_)
miracula beate Marie rithmicata
Alexander Neckam _Qui vult bene disponere_
phale tolum
deuota meditacio in anglicis
themata festiuitatum per annum
tabula concordancie 4or euangelistarum
epistole et euangelia per totum annum
capitula speculi moralis Gregorii
canon pro predicatore
speculum morale Gregorii.
(B) 16. Item pastorale beati Gregorii. 2º fo. _pastoralis cure._
(A) 16. Gregorius in pastoralibus
Anselmus de 12 beatitudinibus
Anselmus de vanitate mundi
quidam processus de sacramento altaris
Athanasius de ymagine domini Ihesu.
(B) 17. Item gesta Romanorum. 2º fo. _tu es._
(A) 17. gesta Romanorum
regula beati Augustini.
(B) 18. Item vite sanctorum. 2º fo. voluminis _Et quod bonum._
(A) 18. narraciones bone exemplace
summa magistri J. Belet de officiis ecclesie
sermo bonus de libro consciencie
compilacio bona de vitis sanctorum
item de officiis ecclesie.
(B) 19. Item tabula Petri Blesensis. 2º fo. voluminis _hospita signa
bonos._
(A) 19. reportorium poeticum
lapidarius cum tractatu herbarum
tabula epistolarum 163 Blesensis
exposicio notabilis super Boecium de consolacione
ars conficiendi colores.
(B) 20. Item meditaciones beati Bernardi. 2º fo. voluminis _de hiis._
(A) 20. moralia dicta originalia bona
meditaciones sancti Bernardi 13
Anselmus de passione Christi 3
Anselmus de amore dei 42
Augustinus de vera innocencia 56
Augustinus de laude psalmorum 100.
_dulcis Ihesu memoria._
(B) 21. Item Boecius de consolacione philosophie. 2º fo. _segetem
necant._
(A) 21. Boecius de consolacione philosophie
Galfridus in noua poetria
canon tabularum Rede.
(B) 22. Item librum vocatum pharetra, 2º fo. _idem de coniugiis._
(A) 22. pharetra
quindenarius Gregorianus.
(B) 23. Item repertorium diuersorum. 2º fo. voluminis _Incipiens
guerras._
(A) 23. Commentaciones prophetiales
liber facescie communis.
_Ex agro veteri_ (i.e. _Matthew of Vendôme's poem on Tobit_)
a chartuary aftre penkarr
tractatus de armis in anglicis
disputacio inter corpus et animam
processus de mundi vanitate
quedam commendacio artium liberalium
utilis tractatus rethorice.
Cirillus de transitu beati Jeronimi
12. capitula Hampol
Bernardus ad Eugenium papam
disputacio inter graciam et intellectum.
(B) 24. _alia manu._ Item Lucidarium cum aliis. 2º fo. _Illa itaque._
(A) 24. _alia manu._ Lucidari
tractatus Petri Alfonsi clericalis disciplina
tractatus de penitencia Roberti Grostest
tractatus inquirendi peccata in foro penitenciali
diuersa notabilia de canone juris.
Another MS which does not occur in the above list is Lambeth 436,
Horologium Sapientiae, of cent. XV, which has in it: Liber cartusie de
Witham. Orate pro Johanne Blacman.
MS. 182 at S. John's College, Oxford, containing lives of saints,
formerly belonged to William and John Blacman.
In Laud Misc. 152, no. 2 in the list, dated 1463, are these doggerel
lines:
Me dedit albus homo John Blacman ipse vocatus
In presente domo qui redditus est graduatus
Extitit Oxonie vir in artibus iste magister,
Cantor et Etonie dignus dum rege minister
Pro quo defuncto seu viuo queso precare
P............ quicumque solet celebrare
Ut deus hunc Hominem Nigrum cognomine dictum
Post vite finem det sumere lucis amictum.
Amen.
In list B the catalogue of books is followed by a short note of
vestments given by Blacman to Witham. The last item is interesting:
Item circa diuersas reparaciones factas in uita sancti Hugonis (_the
founder of the house_) in ecclesia de-laffrery sumptus fert non exiguos.
Footnotes:
[48] Morgan was dean of Windsor 1484-96; bp of S. David's 1496-1504
CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY J. B. PEACE, M.A., AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Transcriber's Notes:
Passages in italics are indicated by _italics_.
Passages in Black Letter font are indicated by =text=.
Long "s" has been modernized.
Letters with macrons are represented by [=x].
Letters with tildes are represented by [~x].
Additional spacing after some of the quotes is intentional to indicate
both the end of a quotation and the beginning of a new paragraph as is
in the original text.
The original text contains two types of footnotes. The set of footnotes
used to mark page breaks in the original document have been placed in
the text of this document. The second set of footnotes are used for
commentary on the text.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Henry the Sixth - A Reprint of John Blacman's Memoir with Translation and Notes" ***
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