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Title: Mary Queen of Scots 1542-1587
Author: Various
Language: English
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    NO. II.

    Mary Queen of Scots

  =ENGLISH HISTORY from Contemporary Writers.= Edited by Prof. F. YORK
  POWELL. In 16mo volumes, averaging 200 pages, with illustrations, neatly
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    elegant cloth cover, top gilt, edges trimmed, 3s.



    No. II.

    Mary Queen of Scots 1542-1587

    _Extracts from the English, Spanish, and Venetian State Papers,
    Buchanan, Knox, Lesley, Melville, The "Diurnal of Occurrents," Nau,
    &c. &c._





    Printed by BALLANTYNE, HANSON & CO.
    At the Ballantyne Press


The life of the Queen of Scots presents so many different lines of
interest, that, in a volume of the present size, it is necessary to
make and adhere to a selection from among the numerous possible
varieties of treatment. The attention of the reader has, therefore,
been concentrated upon the six active years in Mary's life, from her
arrival in Scotland in August 1561, to her imprisonment in Lochleven
Castle in June 1567. Documents bearing on the "English Wooing" and
the other events of Mary's minority and residence in France have,
accordingly, been omitted, except in so far as they are required for
an intelligible introduction to the main theme of the book. Most of
them, indeed, would be more relevant to a volume having for its
subject the history of the Scottish Reformation. It is hoped that
such extracts as have been chosen will, with the connecting notes,
be sufficient to indicate the position of affairs in 1561. The
struggle which had convulsed Scotland for twenty years, was, on its
theoretical side, a contest between Roman Catholicism and
Protestantism. On its practical side, it was a rivalry between two
political parties; the one, headed by the Queen-Dowager, Mary of
Guise, and Cardinal Beaton, aiming at the maintenance of the ancient
alliance with France; and the other, led by the Protestant nobles
and the reformed clergy, striving towards an understanding with
England. Before Mary's arrival, the popular, or English Party, had
made good its position, and the understanding between the nobles and
Queen Elizabeth continued undisturbed. Such wish or power as Mary
possessed for the re-establishment of a definite alliance with
France, was lessened by her personal dislike to Catharine de Medici,
and by her position as nearest heir to the English throne.

The Editor's main aim has been to place before the reader, as fairly
as possible, the evidence for the divergent views of Mary's life and
character. For this purpose, considerable space has been devoted to
the Conferences at York and Westminster, in 1568 and 1569, which,
although themselves outside the period specially chosen, yet refer
to the events that fall within it. The selection of extracts has
also been influenced by a desire to give prominence to the condition
of Scotland at the time, and to the religious difficulty associated
with the person of John Knox; while an attempt has been made to
bring into relief the personality of the rival queens.

The Editor desires to acknowledge the courtesy of the Right Reverend
Monsignor Chisholm, Rector of Blairs College, Bishop-Designate of
Aberdeen, who has sanctioned the reproduction of the Blairs
portrait. He has also to acknowledge the assistance of Professor W.
L. Davidson of Aberdeen; Mr. Herbert Fisher, Fellow of New College;
and the Editor of the series, who have read the proof-sheets. Mr.
Swinburne's translation of Mary's last poem (p. 239) is printed by
kind permission, and Mr. T. F. Henderson has allowed the Editor to
use the Documents first printed in his "Casket Letters and Mary
Queen of Scots."

            R. S. R.

_February 1899_.


    SECT.                                                         PAGE




      IV. MURDER OF RIZZIO TO MURDER OF DARNLEY                     81



     VII. THE DOCUMENTS                                            162

    VIII. THE END                                                  225

          APPENDICES                                               249


  1. QUEEN MARY                                        _Frontispiece_
        (_From the painting preserved in St. Mary's College,
         Blairs, Aberdeen._)

  2. LINLITHGOW PALACE                                              1

  3. HOLYROOD HOUSE                                                20
        (_The north-west end of Holyrood, shown in the
        foreground, contains Queen Mary's rooms._)

  4. QUEEN MARY'S SIGNET RING                                      83
        (_Preserved in the British Museum._)


  5. LOCHLEVEN CASTLE                                             125

  6. HAND-BELL USED BY QUEEN MARY                                 238

        (_Erected by her son, King James, in 1612._)

    _Nos. 1, 2, 3, 5, and 7 are from photographs by Messrs. Wilson,
    Aberdeen; Nos. 4 and 6 by Messrs. Taunt, Oxford. For full
    information regarding Nos. 4 and 6, see "Catalogue of Antiquities"
    &c., exhibited in the Museum of the Archæological Institute of
    Great Britain and Ireland, 1856, pp. 169-182 (Edin. 1859)._


Mary Queen of Scots




  1. Lindsay's account of her birth and her father's death.

  2. Her education and character in France.
    (_a_) Letter of the Privy Council of Scotland.
    (_b_) Conn's List of her accomplishments.

  3. Lesley's account of her Betrothal and Marriage.

  4. Lesley's account of the death of Mary of Guise.

  5. The disputed clause in the Treaty of Edinburgh.

  6. Act of the Scots Parliament establishing the Reformation.

  7. Quotations from the English and Venetian diplomatic correspondence
    (_a_) The Death of Francis II., and its effect on Mary.
    (_b_) The negotiations between Elizabeth and Mary.
    (_c_) The attempt to capture Mary on her way to Leith.

The Birth of the Queen.

_Lindsay of Pitscottie: History of Scotland_, Ed. of 1778, p. 275.

    [Mary was born at Linlithgow on December 2nd, 1542. Her father,
    James V., was dying at Falkland, broken-hearted after the defeat at
    Solway Moss. The reference in the following passage is, of course,
    to the succession of the House of Stewart to the Crown, through
    Marjory Bruce. King James died on December 8th.]


By this the post came to the King out of Linlithgow, showing to him good
tidings, that the Queen was delivered. The King enquired whether it was
a man-child or a woman. The messenger said: "It is a fair daughter." The
King answered: "Adieu, farewell; it came with a lass and it will pass
with a lass." And so he recommended himself to the mercy of Almighty
God, and spake little from that time forth, but turned his back unto his
lords, and his face unto the wall.... In this manner he departed.... He
turned him upon his back, and looked, and beheld all his nobles and
lords about him, and gave a little smile of laughter, then kissed his
hand, and offered the same to all his nobles round about him; thereafter
held up his hands to God, and yielded his spirit to God.

    On the death of James V. the Earl of Arran was made Regent, and
    negotiations were commenced by Henry VIII. for the marriage of the
    infant Queen of Scots to his son, afterwards Edward VI. After much
    discussion, a treaty to this effect was concluded in July 1543
    between the Scots and English Commissioners. The relations of the
    two countries, however, almost immediately became strained, and war
    broke out in the end of the year, and in 1547 a treaty of alliance
    was made between Scotland and France against England, the Scots to
    receive French help against the English forces, and to marry their
    Queen to the Dauphin. Mary landed in France in August 1548. The
    Earl of Arran was made Duke of Chatelherault by Henry II., but
    ceased to be Governor of Scotland in April 1554, when the Queen
    Mother, Mary of Guise, became Regent.


1550--April. Queen Mary's Life in France--Character of the Queen.

_Register of the Privy Council of Scotland._

_Item._--Thereafter the said Master of Erskine shall report to the King
{of France}, how rejoiced the Queen's Grace and my Lord Governor were of
the news of our Sovereign Lady's welfare, and to hear that the King's
Highness was so well contented with her Grace, and that she was so able
to increase in virtue, and that the King's Majesty takes such
consolation, seeing the beginning of her up-bringing to have been so
good, that he hopes some day to see his son the husband of one of the
most virtuous princes that man can desire: beseeching God of His
infinite goodness that His Highness may see not only the thing that his
noble heart desires, but also that our Sovereign Lady be after this so
endued with the graces of God that she may by her birth {offspring} make
his Highness to be called the grandfather of one of the most virtuous
princes in the world, and king long to reign prosperously over both


Her Education and Accomplishments.

_Conaeus._ (_Jebb: De Vita ac Rebus_, vol. ii. p. 15.)

Her main course of study was directed towards the attainment of the best
European languages. So graceful was her French that the judgment of the
most learned men recognised her command of the language; nor did she
neglect Spanish or Italian, although she aimed rather at an useful
knowledge than at a pretentious fluency. She followed Latin more readily
than she spoke it. The charm of her poetry owed nothing to art. Her
penmanship was clear, and (what is rare in a woman) swift. Her
excellence in singing arose from a natural, not an acquired, ability to
modulate her voice: the instruments she played were the cittern, the
harp, and the harpsichord. Being very agile, she danced admirably to a
musical accompaniment, yet with beauty and comeliness, for the silent
and gentle movement of her limbs kept time to the harmony of the chords.
She devoted herself to learning to ride so far as it is necessary for
travelling or for her favourite exercise of hunting, thinking anything
further more fitted for a man than for a woman.... Several tapestries
worked by her with wonderful skill are yet to be seen in France,
dedicated to the altars of God, especially in the monastery in which she
was nurtured on her first arrival in the kingdom.


1558.--April. Mary's Betrothal and Marriage to the Dauphin.

_Lesley's History of Scotland_ (_Bannatyne Club_, pp. 264-5).

All things necessary for the marriage of the Queen of Scots with the
Dauphin being prepared, and the whole nobility and estates of the realm
being convened at Paris, upon the 20th day of April 1558, in the great
hall of the palace of the Louvre, in presence of King Henry of France,
of the Queen his wife, and a great number of cardinals, dukes, earls,
bishops, and noblemen, the "fianzellis," otherwise called the
handfasting {betrothal}, was made with great triumph, by the Cardinal of
Lorraine, between the excellent young Prince Francis, eldest son to the
most valiant, courageous, and victorious prince, Henry, King of France,
and Mary, Queen, inheritor of the realm of Scotland, one of the fairest,
most civil and virtuous princesses of the whole world, with great
solemnity, triumph, and banqueting; and upon the next Sunday, being the
24th of April, the marriage was solemnised and completed betwixt them by
the Cardinal of Bourbon, Archbishop of Rouen, in Notre Dame Kirk of
Paris; where the Bishop of Paris made a very learned and eloquent
sermon, in presence and assistance of the King, Queen, and many
prelates, noblemen, ladies, and gentlemen of all estates and callings,
with most excellent triumph, and the heralds crying with loud voices
three sundry times, "Largess"; casting to the people great quantity of
gold and silver of all kinds and sorts of coin, where there was great
tumult of people, every one troubling and pressing others for greediness
to get some part of the money. After which there were as great
solemnities used in the kirk, with as great dignity and reverence as was
possible, which being done, they entered into the bishop's palace, where
there was a sumptuous and princely dinner prepared for the whole
company; and after they had dined, there was used a princely dancing,
called the ball royal, to the great comfort and pleasure of all being
there present; and how soon the ball was ended, they passed to the great
hall of the palace royal, where they supped with so great magnificence,
pomp, and triumph, that none of the assistance there had ever seen the
like; and there presently was given to the Dauphin the title of King
Dauphin, so that he and the Queen were called the King and Queen


    [In connection with the marriage settlements, an assurance was
    given to the Scots Parliament of the maintenance of its liberties,
    and of the succession of the nearest heir, in case of Mary's death
    without issue. (_Acts_ ii. 508-519.) But, at the same time, Mary
    was induced to sign three documents transferring her rights, in
    case of her decease without issue, to the King of France, his heirs
    and successors. See Labanoff, "Lettres, Instructiones et Mémoires
    de Marie Stuart," vol. i. pp. 50-56.]

    Events moved rapidly between 1558 and Mary's return to Scotland in
    1561. In November 1558 Mary Tudor died, and Henry II. caused
    Francis and Mary to assume the arms of England. In June 1559 Henry
    II. died, and Francis II. succeeded. Meanwhile, in Scotland, the
    Reformation was making progress. In 1559 the Protestants formed
    themselves into "the Congregation of the Lord," and signed the
    National Covenant to abolish Roman Catholicism. After the death of
    Henry II., when it seemed probable that the Guises would guide the
    government of Scotland, the discontent broke into open rebellion.
    The insurgents obtained help from Elizabeth, and proposed a
    marriage between the English Queen and the Earl of Arran, the heir
    of the Duke of Chatelherault, who stood next in the order of
    succession to the Scottish throne. The Queen-Dowager took refuge in
    Edinburgh Castle, and had the assistance of French troops. The
    Lords of the Congregation and their English allies commenced the
    siege of Leith, but with small success. The illness of Mary of
    Guise led to the conclusion of peace, and to the formulating of the
    Treaty of Edinburgh, which was the cause of a long dispute between
    Elizabeth and Mary Stuart.


1560.--June 11. The Death of the Queen Regent.

_Lesley's History of Scotland, Dalrymple's Translation, Scottish
Text Society_, vol. ii. pp. 439-441.

Now the Queen Regent, almost at an end, through force of her sickness,
for she was infected with sore sickness, commands all the nobility of
both the parties to be brought before her, who were in Edinburgh. And to
them she declared and plainly showed the necessity of peace and concord
between them, how great it was. She related the old bond of the
perpetual friendship that was ever between Scots and French, lately
confirmed by the matrimony and marriage of the Queen's daughter, and how
or what way they should keep it with all diligence.... She affirms it
above all things most necessary that they see to it, that as soon as the
conditions are agreed upon, both English and French in haste pass out of
Scotland, lest that if only the Frenchmen go, the Englishmen come in
haste in greater companies upon the Scots borders, and invade them in
earnest. All the gentlemen severally she persuades, that before all they
remember the privilege of their nation and native country. When she had
said this she burst into a torrent of tears. Of those whom she thought
she had in any way offended she very gently asks pardon. And to them by
whom in any way she was offended she wishes all kindness, gives her
blessing, and with all her heart her everlasting benison, as we call it.
To show and plainly declare that what she here said was unfeigned, and
without all kind of dissimulation, she receives all her nobles with all
pleasure, with a pleasant countenance, and even embraces them with the
kiss of love. With all the rest she shakes hands, ... so that there was
none of so hard a heart, or stout a stomach, or adamant a mind in all
that company, whom to think of moved not to tears.... But the next day,
which was Monday, she died and departed this life.

1560.--July. The Treaty of Edinburgh.

_Rymer's F[oe]dera_, vol. xv. p. 594.

    [The Treaty of Edinburgh provided that both the French soldiers who
    had come to help the Queen Regent, and the English soldiers who
    aided the insurgents, should leave the kingdom, and it renounced
    Mary's claim to the throne of England: whether absolutely or only
    with reference to Elizabeth, is a matter of dispute. The clauses to
    which Mary objected are here quoted.]

... It is agreed that the said most Christian King and Queen Mary, and
each of them, abstain henceforth from using the said title and bearing
the arms of the kingdom of England or of Ireland, and that they will
forbid and prohibit their subjects, so that no one in the kingdom of
France and Scotland and their provinces, or in any part of them, do in
any way use the said title or arms, and that they will, as far as
possible, provide and guard that nobody in any way commingle the said
arms with the arms of the kingdoms of France and Scotland.


The Abolition of Roman Catholicism by the Scottish Parliament.

_Acts of Parliament of Scotland_, August 24, 1560.

Therefore it is statute and ordained in this present Parliament ... that
no manner of person or persons say mass, nor yet hear mass, nor be
present thereat, under the pain of confiscation of all their goods,
moveable and unmoveable, and punishing of their bodies at the discretion
of the magistrate within whose jurisdiction such persons happen to be
apprehended, for the first fault; Banishment from the Realm, for the
second fault; and justifying to the deed {_i.e._ capital punishment} for
the third fault. And ordains all sheriffs, stewards, baillies, and their
deputies, provosts and baillies of burghs, and other judges whatsoever
within this realm, to take diligent suit and inquisition within their
bounds, when any such usurped ministry is in use, mass-saying, or they
that be present at the doing thereof, ratifying and approving the same,
and take and apprehend them to the effect that the pains above written
may be executed upon them.

December 15. The Death of Francis II.

_Venetian Calendar_, vol. vii. December 3, 1560.

Michiel Surian, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate.

On the 1st instant I informed your Serenity that the king was worse, and
this last night I wrote that his life was despaired of. He now still
continues lingering without any other hope than in the mercy of God....
The whole Court is now constantly engaged at prayers, and processions
are being made in all the churches of the city.

December 6.

It has pleased our Lord God that the most Christian King, last night a
little before midnight, should pass to a better life, and end the agony
in which he lay from Saturday evening until the day of his death.


1560.--December 6. Mary's Devotion to Francis II.

_Throckmorton to Elizabeth. Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth._

The 6th of this present, at eleven of the clock at night, he departed to
God, leaving as heavy and dolorous a wife, as of right she had good
cause to be, who by long watching with him during his sickness, and
painful diligence about him, and specially by the issue thereof, is not
in best tune of her body, but without danger.


1560.--December 31. Proposals for Mary's Return to Scotland, and for a
Second Marriage.

_Throckmorton to the Council. Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth._

Now that death hath thus disposed of the late French King, whereby the
Scottish Queen is left a widow, one of the special things your Lordships
have to consider, and to have an eye to, is the marriage of that Queen.
During her husband's life there was no great account made of her, for
that being under bond of marriage and subjection of her husband (who
carried the burden and care of all matters) there was offered no great
occasion to know what was in her. But since her husband's death she hath
showed (and so continueth) that she is both of great wisdom for her
years, modesty, and also of great judgment in the wise handling herself
and her matters, which, increasing with her years, cannot but turn
greatly to her commendation, reputation, honour, and great benefit of
her and her country.... Immediately upon her husband's death she changed
her lodging, withdrew herself from all company, and became so solitary
and exempt of all worldliness that she doth not to this day see
daylight, and so will continue out forty days.

1561.--June 13. Mary's Intentions Regarding Religion on her Return.

_Throckmorton to the Queen. Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth._

"Well," said she {Mary}, "I will be plain with you, and tell you what I
would all the world should think of me. The religion that I profess I
take to be most acceptable to God, and, indeed, neither do I know, nor
desire to know, any other. Constancy doth become most folks well, but
none better than princes and such as hath rule over realms, and
especially in the matter of religion. I have been brought up in this
religion, and who might credit me in anything if I should show myself
light in this case?"


_Ibid._, July 11.

The Queen of Scotland, Queen Dowager of France, desires to obtain the
following from her good sister, the Queen of England, and has charged M.
D'Oysel to the same effect:--

1. A passport for her, with a clause that if she arrives in any part of
England, she may tarry there, and purchase provisions and necessaries,
and if it seems good to her, that she may leave her ships and pass by
land to Scotland.

2. Another safe conduct for her to pass through England to Scotland with
her train, and one hundred horses, mules, &c.

3. Another safe conduct, with commission for the said M. D'Oysel to go
and return through England to Scotland.

    [D'Oysel had an interview with Elizabeth, who inquired about the
    ratification of the Treaty of Edinburgh, and declined to grant the
    safe-conduct "except she (Mary) shall first accord to do those
    things that by her promise, under her hand and seal, she is bound
    to do."--_Foreign Calendar, July 13th, 1561._]


1561.--July 26. Throckmorton to Queen Elizabeth.

_Cabala_, pp. 345-349.


... The 20th of this present, in the afternoon, I had access to the said
Queen of Scotland ... the said Queen sat down, and made me sit also by
her; she then commanded all the audience to retire them further off, and
said: Monsieur l'Ambassadeur, I know not well my own infirmity, nor how
far I may with my passion be transported, but I like not to have so many
witnesses of my passions, as the Queen, your mistress, was content to
have when she talked with Monsieur d'Oysel. There is nothing that doth
more grieve me, than that I did so forget myself, as to require of the
Queen, your mistress, that favour which I had no need to ask; I needed
no more to have made her privy to my journey, than she doth me of hers;
I may well enough pass home into my own realm, I think, without her
passport or license; for though the late King, your master (said she),
used all the impeachment he could both to stay me and to catch me when I
came hither, yet you know, Monsieur l'Ambassadeur, I came hither safely,
and I may have as good means to help me home again as I had to come
hither, if I would employ my friends.... Let the Queen, your mistress,
think that it will be thought very strange amongst all princes and
countries, that she should first animate my subjects against me, and now
being widow, to impeach my going into my own country. I ask her nothing
but friendship. I do not trouble her State, nor practise with her
subjects; and yet I know there be in her realm that be inclined enough
to bear offers; I know also they be not of the mind she is of, neither
in religion or other things. The Queen, your mistress, doth say that I
am young and do lack experience! indeed (quoth she), I confess, I am
younger than she is, and do want experience. But I have age enough and
experience to use myself towards my friends and kinsfolks friendly and
uprightly; and I trust my discretion shall not so fail me, that my
passion shall move me to use other language of her than it becometh of a
Queen, and my next kinswoman.... I answered, madam, I have declared unto
you my charge commanded by the Queen, my mistress, and have no more to
say to you on her behalf, but to know your answer for the ratification
of the Treaty. The Queen answered, I have aforetime showed you, and do
now tell you again, that it is not meet to proceed in this matter,
without the advice of the nobles and states of mine own realm, which I
can by no means have until I come amongst them.... But I pray you,
Monsieur l'Ambassadeur (quoth she), tell me how vieth this strange
affection in the Queen, your mistress, towards me? I desire to know it,
to the intent that I may reform myself if I have failed. I answered ...
As soon as the Queen, my mistress, after the death of her sister, came
to the crown of England, you bore the arms of England diversely
quartered with your own, and used in your country notoriously the style
and title of the Queen, my mistress, which was never by you put in use
in Queen Mary's time.... Monsieur l'Ambassadeur (said she), I was then
under the commandment of King Henry, my father, and of the King, my lord
and husband; and whatsoever was done then by their order and
commandments, the same was in like manner continued until both their
deaths, since which time, you know, I neither bore the arms nor used the
title of England.... It were no great dishonour to the Queen my cousin,
your mistress, though I, a Queen also, did bear the arms of England;
for, I am sure, some, inferior to me, and that be not on every side so
well apparented as I am, do bear the arms of England. You cannot deny
(quoth she) but that my grandmother was the King her father's sister,
and (I trow) the eldest sister he had. I do assure you, Monsieur
l'Ambassadeur, and do speak unto you truly as I think, I never meant nor
thought matter against the Queen, my cousin.... And so I took my leave
of the said Queen for that time.


... And to the intent I might better decipher, whether the Queen of
Scotland did mind to continue her voyage, I did, the ... 21st of July
... repair to the said Queen of Scotland to take my leave of her.... The
said Queen made answer, Monsieur l'Ambassadeur, if my preparations were
not so much advanced as they are, peradventure the Queen your mistress's
unkindness might stay my voyage; but now I am determined to adventure
the matter, whatsoever come of it. I trust (quoth she) the wind will be
so favourable, as I shall not need to come on the coast of England; and
if I do, then, Monsieur l'Ambassadeur, the Queen your mistress shall
have me in her hands to do her will of me; and if she be so hard-hearted
as to desire my end, she may then do her pleasure, and make sacrifice of
me; peradventure that casualty might be better for me than to live; in
this matter (quoth she) God's will be fulfilled.


1561.--August 12. The Voyage from France to Scotland.

_Cecil to the Earl of Sussex. Wright's Elizabeth_, vol. i. p. 69.

The Scottish Queen was the 10th of this month at Boulogne, and meaneth
to take shipping at Calais. Neither those in Scotland nor we here do
like her going home. The Queen's Majesty hath three ships in the north
seas to preserve the fishers from pirates. I think they will be sorry to
see her pass.

_Cecil to Throgmorton_, August 26. _Hardwicke's State Papers_, vol.
i. p. 176.

The 19th of this present, in the morning early, she {Mary} arrived at
Leith with her two galleys, her whole train not exceeding sixty persons
of meaner sort.... The Queen's Majesty's ships that were upon the seas
to cleanse them from pirates saw her and saluted her galleys, and
staying her ships examined them of pirates and dismissed them gently.
One Scottish ship they detain, as vehemently suspected of piracy.

_From the Charges against the Countess of Lennox in Foreign
Calendar_, 1562. (May 7.)

She loves not the Queen ... hearing that the Queen of Scots had passed
through the seas, she sat down and gave God thanks, declaring to those
by how he had always preserved that Princess at all times, especially
now, "for when the Queen's ships were almost near taking of the Scottish
Queen, there fell down a mist from heaven that separated them and
preserved her."




  1. Knox's description of Mary's reception, and his opinion of the Queen.

  2. Randolph's account of Mary's public entry into Edinburgh.

  3. Illustrations of the religious difficulty.
    (_a_) Proclamation of the Privy Council.
    (_b_) Randolph's account of Mary's first High Mass.
    (_c_) Popular Songs against the Pope.

  4. Mary on the Treaty of Edinburgh.

  5. The conduct of affairs at the beginning of the reign.
    (_a_) Cecil's opinion.
    (_b_) Randolph's impressions of Murray, Lethington,
        and Knox.
    (_c_) The Huntly Rebellion as narrated by Randolph.
    (_d_) The passing of the sentence on Huntly's embalmed

  6. Knox's account of the Châtelar affair.

  7. Knox's account of the famine of 1563.

  8. Knox on the opening of Parliament.

  9. One of Knox's interviews with the Queen.

  10. Mary's marriage-troubles.
    (_a_) References Selected from the diplomatic correspondence
        from March 1561 to March 1564.
    (_b_) Early suspicions of the Darnley marriage.
    (_c_) Melville's experiences in London.
    (_d_) Further diplomatic correspondence.


The Queen's Arrival in Scotland.

_Laing's Edition of Knox's History of the Reformation in Scotland_,
vol. i. pp. 267-271.


The 19th day of August 1561, betwixt seven and eight hours before noon,
arrived Mary, Queen of Scotland, then widow, with two galleys out of
France. In her company (besides her gentlewomen, called the Maries) were
her uncles, the Duc d'Aumale, the Grand Prior, the Marquess d'Elbeuf.
There accompanied her also D'Amville, son to the Constable of France,
with other gentlemen of inferior condition, besides servants and
officers. The very face of the heaven at the time of her arrival did
manifestly speak what comfort was brought into this country with her (to
wit) sorrow, dolour, darkness, and all impiety; for in the memory of man
that day of the year was never seen a more dolorous face of the heaven,
than was at her arrival, which two days after did so continue: For
besides the surface wet, and corruption of the air, the mist was so
thick and dark that scarce might any man espy another the length of two
pair of butts; the sun was not seen to shine two days before nor two
days after. That forewarning, God gave unto us; but alas! the most part
were blind.... Fires of joy were set forth at night, and a company of
most honest men with instruments of music, and with musicians, gave
their salutations at her chamber window: The melody (as she alleged)
liked her well; and she willed the same to be continued some nights
after with great diligence. The Lords repaired to her from all quarters,
and so was nothing understood but mirth and quietness, till the next
Sunday, which was the 24th of August, when preparations began to be made
for that Idol of the Mass to be said in the Chapel; which pierced the
hearts of all. The Godly began to bolden, and then began openly to
speak, _Shall that Idol be suffered again to take place within this
Realm? It shall not._ The Lord Lindsay (then but Master) with the
Gentlemen of Fife, and others, plainly cried in the close or yard, _The
idolatrous Priests should die the death, according to God's Law_. One
that carried in the candle was evil afraid; but then began flesh and
blood fully to show itself. There durst no Papist, neither yet any that
came out of France, whisper: But the Lord James, the man whom all the
Godly did most reverence, took upon him to keep the Chapel-door. His
best excuse was, that he would stop all Scotsmen to enter in to the
Mass; but it was and is sufficiently known, that the door was kept that
none should have entry to trouble the Priest, who, after the Mass was
ended, was committed to the protection of the Lord John of Coldingham
and the Lord Robert of Holyrood House, who then were both Protestants,
and had communicate at the Table of the Lord. Betwixt them both was the
Priest conveyed to his chamber. And so the Godly departed with grief of
heart, and after noon repaired to the Abbey in great companies, and gave
plain signification, that they could not abide that the land, which God
by His power had purged from Idolatry, should in their eyes be polluted


Knox's Opinion of the Queen.

_Ibid._, p. 286.

John Knox his own judgment, being by some of his familiars demanded what
he thought of the Queen, said, "If there be not in her a proud mind, a
crafty wit, and an indurate heart against God and His truth, my judgment
faileth me."

1561.--2nd September. The Queen's Public Entry into Edinburgh.

_Thomas Randolph to Cecil. Wright's Elizabeth_, vol. i. p. 63.

Upon Tuesday last she made her entry. She dined in the Castle. The first
sight that she saw after she came out of the Castle was a boy of six
years of age, that came as it were from heaven out of a round globe,
that presented unto her a Bible and a Psalter, and the keys of the
gates, and spake unto her the verses which I send you. Then, for the
terrible significations of God upon idolatry, there were burnt Korah,
Dathan, and Abiram, in the time of their sacrifice. They were minded to
have a priest burned at the altar, at the elevation. The Earl of Huntly
stayed {stopped} that pageant, but hath played many as wicked as that
since he came hither. He bare that day the sword.

    [The following are the lines to which Randolph referred. As only
    the first stanza has appeared in print before, the verses are given
    in their original form.]

Illustration: HOLYROOD.


A Ballad of Welcome.

    Welcome, O Souveraine! Welcome, O natyve Quene!
      Welcome to us your subiects great and small!
    Welcome, I say, even from the verie splene,[1]
      To Edinburgh your syttie principall.
      Whereas your people with harts both one and all
    Doth here{in} offer to your excellence
      Two proper volumes[2] in memoriall
    As gyfte most gainand[3] to a godlie prince.

    Wherein your Grace may reade to understande
      The perfett waye unto the hevennes hie,
    And how to Rule your subiects and your land,
      And how your kingdom stablished shalbe,
      Judgment and wysdome therein shall ye see.
    Here shall you find your God his due commande,
      And who the contrarie does wilfullie,
    How them he threatens with his scurge and wand.

    Ane gyfte more precious cold[4] we none present
      Nor yet more needefull to your Excellence,
    Qwylk[5] is Gode's lawes his words and testament
      Trewlie translate with frutefull diligence,
      Qwylk to accepte with humble reverence
    The Provist present most hartelie you exorte
      With the hole subiects due obedience,
    Together with the keyes of their porte.

    In signe that they[6] and all that they possess
      Bodie and good shall ever reddie be
    To serve you as their souveraine hie mistress
      Both daye and {night} after thair bound dutie:
      Besechinge[7] your Grace in this necessitie
    Thair {too} shorte tyme and {their} godwill[8] consether[9]
      Accepte their harts and take it pacientlie
    That may be done, seing all is yours together.

    [1] Spleen.

    [2] The volumes were a Bible and a Psalter "coverit with fine
    purpour velvet." _Cf._ the _Diurnal of Occurrents_, September 2,
    1561, which gives some additional details, and mentions that the
    child "delivered also to her hieness three writings, the tenour
    whereof is uncertain."

    [3] Gainful.

    [4] Could.

    [5] Which.

    [6] MS. to them.

    [7] Beseeching.

    [8] Goodwill.

    [9] Consider.


Illustrations of the Religious Difficulty--Proclamation regarding

_Register of the Privy Council of Scotland_, August 26, 1561.

Forasmuch as the Queen's Majesty has understood the great inconveniences
that may come through the division presently standing in this realm for
the difference in matters of religion, that her Majesty is most desirous
to see pacified by a good order, to the honour of God and the
tranquillity of her realm, and means to take the same by the advice of
her Estates as soon as conveniently may be; and that her Majesty's godly
resolution therein may be greatly hindered in case any tumult or
sedition be raised among the lieges, if any sudden innovation or
alteration be pressed or attempted before that the order may be
established. Therefore ... her Majesty ordains letters to be directed to
charge all and sundry, lieges, ... that none of them take upon hand,
privately or openly, to make any alteration or innovation of the state
of religion, or attempt anything against the form which her Majesty
found public and universally standing at her Majesty's arrival in this
her realm, under the pain of death, ... Attour, her Majesty, by the
advice of the Lords of her Secret Council, commands and charges all her
lieges, that none of them take upon hand to molest or trouble any of her
domestic servants or persons whomsoever come forth of France, in her
Grace's company, at this time, in word, deed, or countenance ... under
the said pain of death....


1561.--November 1. The Queen's first High Mass.

_Thomas Randolph to Cecil. Wright's Elizabeth_, vol. i. p. 83.

Upon All Hallow Day the Queen had a song mass. That night one of her
priests was well beaten for his reward by a servant of the Lord
Robert's. We look to have it proclaimed again that no man, under pain of
confiscation of goods and lands here, say or come unto her own mass,
saving her own household, that came out of France....

It is now called in question whether that the Princess being an idolater
may be obeyed in all civil and politic{al} actions. I think marvellously
of the wisdom of God that gave this unruly, inconstant, and cumbersome
people no more substance than they have, for then would they run wild.


Popular Songs.

    [The stanzas which follow are selected from the popular songs of
    the period. They date from a year or two before Mary's arrival in
    Scotland, but will serve to illustrate the extreme difficulty
    experienced by a Roman Catholic queen in dealing with such a

_The Gude and Godly Ballates._ Reprint of 1868, p. 153.

    The hunt is up, the hunt is up,[10]
      It is now perfect day,
    Jesus, our King, is gone in hunting,
      Who likes to speed, they may.

    A cursed fox lay hid in rocks
      This long and many a day,
    Devouring sheep, while he might creep,
      None might him scare away.

    It did him good to lap the blood
      Of young and tender lambs;
    None could he miss, for all was his,
      The young ones with their dams.

    The hunter is Christ, that huntis in haste,
      The hounds are Peter and Paul;
    The Pope is the fox, Rome is the rocks,
      That rubs us on the gall.



    The Pope, that pagan full of pride,
      He has us blinded long;
    For where the blind the blind does guide,
      No wonder they go wrong;
    Like prince and king, he led the ring
      Of all iniquity;
    "Hay trix, tryme go trix,"
      Under the greenwood tree.

    But his abomination
      The Lord has brought to light;
    His Popish pride, and threefold crown,
      Almost have lost their might.
    His plack pardons are but lardouns[11]
      Of new found vanity;
    "Hay trix, tryme go trix,"
      Under the greenwood tree.

         *       *       *       *       *

    Of late I saw these limmers[12] stand
      Like mad men at mischief,
    Thinking to get the upper hand,
      They look after relief;
    But all in vain, go tell them plain
      That day will never be;
    "Hay trix, tryme go trix,"
      Under the greenwood tree.

    O Jesus! if they thought great glee
      To see God's word down smorit,[13]
    The Congregation made to flee,
      Hypocrisy restorit;
    With masses sung, and bellis rung,
      To their idolatry;
    Marry, God thank you, we shall gar brank[14] you,
      Before that time truly.

    [10] _Original reads_, With huntis up.

    [11] Lumps.

    [12] Worthless persons.

    [13] Smothered.

    [14] Put the barnacles on you, as on a restive horse.


The Conduct of Affairs in the Early Years of the Reign--Randolph on
Mary's Ministers.

_Randolph to Cecil_, October 24, 1561. _Keith's History_, vol. i.
pp. 98-99.

I receive of her Grace at all times very good words. I am borne in hand
{assured} by such as are nearest about her, as the Lord James and the
Laird of Lethington, that they are meant as they are spoken; I see them
above all others in credit, and find in them no alteration, though there
be that complain that they yield too much unto her appetite; which yet I
see not. The Lord James dealeth according to his nature, rudely, homely,
and bluntly; the Laird of Lethington more delicately and finely, yet
nothing swerveth from the other in mind and effect. She is patient to
hear, and beareth much. The Earl Marischal is wary, but speaketh
sometimes to good purpose.... Mr. Knox cannot be otherwise persuaded,
but many men are deceived in this woman; he feareth yet that _posteriora
sunt pejora primis_; his severity keepeth us in marvellous order. I
commend better the success of his doings and preachings than the manner
thereof, tho' I acknowledged his doctrine to be sound: His prayer is
daily for her--"That God will turn her obstinate heart against God and
His truth; or, if the Holy Will be otherwise, to strengthen the hearts
and hands of His chosen and elect, stoutly to withstand the rage of all
tyrants," &c., in words terrible enough.


_Cecil to Challoner (English Ambassador in Spain). Foreign
Calendar_, 1562, June 8, 1562.

In Scotland ... the Earl of Huntly is in no credit with the Queen. The
whole governance rests in Lord James, being Earl of Mar, and the Laird
of Lethington. The others that have credit are the Earls Marshal,
Argyll, Morton, and Glencairn, all Protestants. The Queen quietly
tolerates the reformed religion throughout the realm, who is thought to
be no more devout towards Rome than for the contentation of her uncles.

    [Cecil's suspicion was quite unfounded. Throughout her reign Mary
    was always in correspondence with the Pope, to whom she appealed
    for money to help her in her efforts for the restoration of
    Catholicism in Scotland.]

Mary on the Treaty of Edinburgh.

_Queen Mary to Queen Elizabeth_, January 5, 1562. _Keith's History_,
vol. ii. p. 134.

How prejudicial that Treaty is to such title and interest as by birth
and natural descent of your own lineage may fall to us, by very
inspection of the Treaty itself ye may easily perceive, and how
slenderly a matter of so great consequence is wrapped up in obscure
terms. We know how near we are descended of the blood of England, and
what devices have been attempted to make us, as it were, a stranger from
it. We trust, being so near your cousin, ye would be loth we should
receive so manifest an injury as all utterly to be debarred from that
title which in possibility may fall unto us.


1562.--Randolph's Account of the Huntly Rebellion.

_Randolph to Cecil from Old Aberdeen_, August 31, 1562. _Foreign
Calendar_, 1562.

The Queen in her progress is come to Old Aberdeen, where the university
is.... Her journey is cumbersome, painful, and marvellous long; the
weather extreme foul and cold, all victuals marvellous dear; and the
corn that is, never like to come to ripeness.

_Randolph to Cecil from Spynie, Morayshire_, September 18.

Within these eight or ten days the Queen arrived at Inverness, the
furthest part of her determined journey. She has had just cause for
misliking the Earl of Huntly of long time, whose extortions have been so
great, and other manifest tokens of disobedience such that it was no
longer to be borne. Intending to reform these, she has found in him and
his two eldest sons (the Lairds of Gordon and Findlater) open
disobedience so far that they have taken arms and kept houses against

The first occasion hereof was this. The Laird of Findlater, being
commanded to ward in Edinburgh, broke prison; and being afterwards
summoned to the Assize at Aberdeen, disobeyed also a new command from
the Queen to enter himself prisoner in Stirling Castle. The Queen
thinking this to be done by the advice of his father, refused to come to
his house, she being looked and provided for. He, unadvisedly conceiving
the worst, took the worst way, and supported his sons to manifest
rebellion. At her arrival at Inverness on the 9th, she proposed to lodge
in the castle, which belongs to her, and the keeping only to the Earl of
Huntly, being Sheriff by inheritance of the whole shire, but was refused
entrance, and forced to lodge in the town. That night, the castle being
summoned, answer was given that without the Lord Gordon's command it
should not be delivered.

Next day the country assembled to the assistance of the Queen. The
Gordons, finding themselves not so well served by their friends as they
looked for (who had above 500 men), rendered the castle, not being
twelve or fourteen able persons. The captain was hanged, and his head
set up on the castle, others condemned to perpetual prison, and the rest
received mercy.

The Queen remained there five days, and now journeys homewards as far as
Spynie, a house of the Bishop of Moray.... The Earl of Huntly keeps his
house, and would have it thought that his disobedience came through the
evil behaviour of his sons. The Queen is highly offended....


In all these broils I assure you I never saw her merrier, never
dismayed, nor never thought that so much[15] to be in her that I find.
She repented nothing, but (when the lords and others at Inverness came
in the morning from the watch) that she was not a man, to know what life
it was to lie all night in the fields, or to walk on the causeway with a
jack and knapsack, a Glasgow buckler, and a broad sword.

... His {Huntly's} house is fair, and best furnished of any ... in the
country; his cheer is marvellous great; his mind such as it ought to be
towards his Sovereign.

    [The last sentence is _à propos_ of a visit made by Argyll and
    Randolph to Huntly.]

    [15] So the "Calendar," but Chalmers, in quoting, reads, probably
    correctly, "stomach."


_Randolph to Cecil, from Aberdeen_, September 24.

When he {Huntly} understood that the Queen had caused the captain of the
Castle of Inverness to be hanged, and committed the others to prison, he
thought there was no other way with him but to execute his former
determination or be utterly undone. Therefore he assembled such force as
he could make, and committed them to the care of his son, John Gordon,
purposing to have met the Queen at her return homeward at the water of
Spey, a place where good advantage might have been had. The Queen (being
advertised of their purpose), by the advice of her Council, assembled,
of those they call Highlandmen and other, above 2000, and so increased
as she rode that at the passage of the water they were above 3000. As
she rode forward diverse reports were brought ... some said that there
was not a man to be seen, which was nearest the truth, for when the
night before there were in that wood 1000 horse and foot, they had all
departed, whereof the Queen had advertisement before she came to the
Spey ... what desperate blows would not have been given, when every man
should have fought in the sight of so noble a Queen and so many fair
ladies ... your honour can easily judge.... That night (being Sunday)
the Queen came to a house of the Laird of Banke {Banff?} ... On Tuesday
last she arrived at Old Aberdeen, preparing herself against her entry
the next day into the new town, where she was honourably received with
spectacles, plays, interludes, and others as they could best devise....
They presented her with a cup of silver, double gilt, well wrought, with
500 crowns in it; wine, coals, and wax were sent in, as much as will
serve her while she remains here.


_Ibid. from Aberdeen_, September 30.

Since the Queen's arrival at Aberdeen they have consulted how to reform
this country. It was thought best to begin at the head, and that the
Earl of Huntly shall either submit himself and deliver up his
disobedient son, John Gordon, in whose name all these pageants have been
wrought, or utterly to use all force against him for the subverting of
his house for ever. For this purpose she remains here a good space, and
has levied 120 arquebusiers, and sent to Lothian and Fife for the Master
of Lindsay, Grange, and Ormiston. Her purpose is to take the two houses
held against her, for which purpose she has a cannon within sixteen
miles all ready, and other pieces there are in this town sufficient.

_Ibid. Maitland of Lethington to Cecil from Aberdeen_, October 1.

The Earl of Huntly will plead not guilty, and seems to charge the youth
and folly of his children with whatever is amiss. If any fault be his,
it may be thought to have proceeded from too great simplicity rather
than any craft or malice, especially by so many as have had experience
of how he has always been accustomed to deal.


_Ibid. Randolph to Cecil from Aberdeen_, October 28.

Huntly having assembled 700 persons, marched towards Aberdeen to
apprehend the Queen and do with the rest at his will. She sent forth a
sufficient number against him before he came to the town, so that this
day the Earls of Murray, Athol, Morton, and 2000 others marched to the
place where he was encamped, about twelve miles from hence {viz.
Corrichie}, and environed him, so that after some defence he yielded
himself, as did John Gordon and another son named Adam Gordon, seventeen
years of age, who are brought into this town alive, but the Earl
himself, after he was taken, without either blow or strike, being set on
horseback before him that was his taker, suddenly falleth from his horse
stark dead, without word, that he ever spake, after that he was upon

_Ibid. Randolph to Cecil from Aberdeen_, November 2.

After Huntly was brought into this town it was consulted what should be
done with his corpse. Some thought he should be buried, and nothing else
done; others that he should be beheaded; the last was that his bowels
should be taken out and the body reserved until Parliament, that there
he might be convicted of treason, in which mind they remain. John Gordon
confessed all and lays the fault on his father. He is not yet condemned,
but doubtless will not escape.


_Randolph to Cecil from Edinburgh_, November 18. _Keith's History_,
vol. ii. p. 175.

After the defeat of the Earl of Huntly consultation was had what should
become of his body; it was resolved that it should be kept till the
Parliament, that, according unto the order, judgment might be given
against him in the three estates. His son, John Gordon, within three
days after was beheaded in Aberdeen, and execution done upon certain
others that were taken at the same time.

_Lethington to Cecil from Dundee_, November 14. _Keith's History_,
vol. ii. p. 182.

I am sorry that the soil of my native country did ever produce so
unnatural a subject as the Earl of Huntly hath proved in the end against
his sovereign, being a princess so gentle and benign, and whose
behaviour hath been always such towards all her subjects, and every one
in particular, that wonder is it that any could be found so ungracious
as once to think evil against her.... I have heard it whispered that in
this late storm of yours {Elizabeth's illness} a device was intended
there to prefer some other in the succession to my mistress, which I
cannot think to be true, seeing none is more worthy for all respects,
nor hath so good a title. If her religion hath moved anything, seeing
her behaviour such toward these that be of the religion within her own
realm, yea, and the religion itself, which is a great deal more
increased since she came home than it was before, I see no reason why
those that be zealous of religion should suspect her.


1563.--28th May. The Sentence on the Earl's Body.

_Rutland MSS. at Belvoir, quoted in the Marquess of Huntly's Annals
of Aboyne_, pp. 467-468.

The coffin was set upright, as if the Earl stood upon his feet, and upon
it a piece of good black cloth with his arms fast pinned. His accusation
being read, his proctor answering for him, as if himself had been alive,
the inquest was empanelled. The verdict was given that he was found
guilty, and judgment given thereupon as by the law is accustomed.
Immediately hereupon the good black cloth that hung over the coffin was
taken away, and in its place a worse hanged on, the arms torn in pieces
in sight of the people, and likewise struck out of the herald's book.


1563.--22nd February. The Death of Châtelar.

_Laing's Knox_, vol. ii. pp. 367-369.

    [Châtelar, a musician and poet, had been in the suite of d'Amville,
    who accompanied Mary to Scotland. He addressed poems to the Queen,
    who received them graciously, and replied to them. He went home
    with his master, but returned to Scotland in 1562, and became one
    of the Queen's favourite attendants.]

Amongst the minions of the court there was one named Monsieur Chatelar,
a Frenchman, that at that time passed all others in credit with the
Queen. In dancing of the Purpose (so term they that dance, in the which
man and woman talk secretly ...) in this dance, the Queen chose
Chatelar, and Chatelar took the Queen. Chatelar had the best dress. All
this winter, Chatelar was so familiar in the Queen's cabinet, early and
late, that scarcely could any of the nobility have access unto her. The
Queen would lie upon Chatelar's shoulder, and sometimes privily she
would steal a kiss of his neck. And all this was honest enough; for it
was the gentle entreatment of a stranger. But the familiarity was so
great, that upon a night, he privily did convoy himself under the
Queen's bed; but being espied, he was commanded away. The bruit {report}
arising, the Queen called the Earl of Murray, and bursting into a
womanly affection, charged him, that, as he loved her, he should slay
Chatelar, and let him never speak a word. The other at first made
promise so to do ... but returned and fell upon his knees before the
Queen and said: Madam, I beseech your Grace cause not me to take the
blood of this man upon me; your Grace has entreated him so familiarly
before, that you have offended all your nobility; and now, if he shall
be secretly slain at your own commandment, what shall the world judge of
it? I shall bring him to the presence of justice, and let him suffer by
law according to his deserving. "Oh," said the Queen, "you will never
let him speak." I shall do (said he), madam, what in me lieth to save
your honour.


Poor Chatelar was brought back from Kinghorn to St. Andrews, examined,
put to an assize, and so beheaded, the 22nd day of February, 1563. He
begged license to write to France the cause of his death, which, said
he, in his tongue was, _Pour estre trouve en lieu trop suspect_; that
is, Because I was found in a place too much suspected. At the place of
execution, when he saw that there was no remedy but death, he made a
godly confession, and granted that his declining from the truth of God,
and following of vanity and impiety, was justly recompensed upon him.
But in the end he concluded, looking unto the heavens, with these words,
_O cruel dame!_ that is, cruel mistress! What that complaint imported,
lovers may divine. And so received Chatelar the reward of his dancing,
for he lost his head, that his tongue should not utter the secrets of
our Queen. _Deliver us, O Lord, from the rage of such inordinate

The Famine of 1563.

_Laing's Knox_, vol. ii. pp. 369-70.

The year of God 1563, there was an universal dearth in Scotland. But in
the northland, where, the harvest before, the Queen had travelled, there
was an extreme famine, in the which many died in that country. The
dearth was great over all, but the famine was principally there. The
boll of wheat gave six pounds; the boll of bere, six merks and a half;
the boll of meal, four merks; the boll of oats, fifty shillings; an ox
to draw in the plough, twenty merks; a wether, thirty shillings. And so
all things appertaining to the sustentation of man, in triple and more
exceeded their accustomed prices. And so did God, according to the
threatening of his law, punish the idolatry of our wicked Queen, and our
ingratitude, that suffered her to defile the land with that abomination
again, that God so potently had purged, by the power of his word. For
the riotous feasting, and excessive banqueting, used in Court and
country, wheresoever that wicked woman repaired, provoked God to strike
the staff of bread, and to give his malediction upon the fruits of the
earth. But, O alas! who looked, or yet looks to this very cause of all
our calamities.


1563.--The Meeting of Parliament.

_Laing's Knox_, vol. ii. p. 381.

Such stinking pride of women, as was seen at that Parliament, was never
seen before in Scotland. Three sundry days, the Queen rode to the
Tolbooth; the first day, she made a painted oration, and there might
have been heard amongst her flatterers, "_Vox Dianæ_, the Voice of a
Goddess (for it could not be Dei) and not of a woman. God save that
sweet face. Was there ever Orator spake so properly and so sweetly?"

All things misliking the Preacher, they spake boldly against the
targetting of their taillies {_i.e._ the adornment of their robes with
tassels}, and against the rest of their vanity, which they affirmed
should provoke God's vengeance, not only against these foolish women,
but against the whole realm.... Articles were presented, for orders to
be taken for apparel, and for reformation of other enormities; but all
was winked at.


1563.--May or June. Knox and the Queen.

_Laing's Knox_, vol. ii. p. 386.

    [John Knox had five interviews with the Queen, which are recorded
    in his "History." Soon after Mary's arrival in Scotland, she sent
    for Knox, and they discussed the religious controversy and Knox's
    "Blast against the monstrous Regiment of Women," in which he had
    inveighed against female rule. In the spring of 1562, the Queen
    sent for Knox, who had preached a sermon from the text, "And now,
    understand, O ye kings, and be learned, ye that judge the earth."
    The Reformer gave a _résumé_ of his sermon, and informed the Queen
    that he considered her uncles "enemies unto God," and that "for
    maintenance of their own pomp and worldly glory, they spare not to
    spill the blood of many innocents." The third occasion was about a
    year later, at Lochleven, when the thesis was the rights of
    subjects to rebel, and ended with the threat, "Now, Madam, if ye
    shall deny your duty unto them, who especially crave, that ye
    punish malefactors, think ye to receive full obedience of them? I
    fear, Madam, ye shall not." The malefactors in question were
    recusant Roman Catholics. "Herewith she being somewhat offended,
    passed to her supper." The interview was resumed in the morning,
    but the conversation was more amicable, Mary asking Knox's help in
    reconciling the Earl of Argyle to his wife, who was the Queen's
    half-sister. The fourth discussion, quoted below, was _à propos_ of
    the proposals for Mary's marriage, which were the main political
    theme of the year 1563. Knox had denounced any marriage with a
    Roman Catholic. In December of the same year, the Queen and the
    Reformer met again, Knox undergoing a judicial examination on a
    charge which amounted to incitement to rebel. He defended himself
    by a homily upon "the insatiable cruelty of the Papists," and was
    found innocent by the Council.]

The Provost of Glencludan, Douglas by surname, of Drumlanark, was the
man that gave the charge, that the said John should present himself
before the Queen, which he did soon after dinner. The Lord Ochiltree,
and divers of the faithful, bare him company to the Abbey; but none
passed in to the Queen with him in the cabinet, but John Erskine of Dun,
then superintendent of Angus and Mearns.


The Queen in a vehement fume began to cry out, that never Prince was
used as she was. "I have (said she) borne with you in all your rigorous
manner of speaking, both against myself and against my uncles; yea, I
have sought your favour by all possible means; I offered unto you
presence and audience, whensoever it pleased you to admonish me, and yet
I cannot be quit of you; I vow to God I shall be once revenged." And
with these words scarce could Marnoch, her secret chamber boy, get
napkins to hold her eyes dry, for the tears and the howling, besides
womanly weeping, stayed her speech. The said John did patiently abide
all the first fume, and at opportunity answered, "True it is, Madam,
your Grace and I have been at divers controversies, into the which I
never perceived your Grace to be offended at me; but when it shall
please God to deliver you from that bondage of darkness and error,
wherein ye have been nourished, for the lack of true Doctrine, your
Majesty will find the liberty of my tongue nothing offensive. Without
the Preaching-place (Madam) I think few have occasion to be offended at
me, and there (Madam) I am not master of myself, but must obey him who
commands me to speak plain, and to flatter no flesh upon the face of the
earth...." "But what have you to do (said she) with my marriage? Or,
what are you within the Commonwealth?"


"A subject born within the same (said he) Madam; and albeit I be neither
Earl, Lord, nor Baron within it, yet hath God made me (how abject that
ever I be in your eyes) a profitable and useful member within the same;
yea, Madam, to me it appertaineth no less, to forewarn of such things as
may hurt it, if I foresee them, than it doth to any one of the nobility;
for both my vocation and conscience craveth plainness of me; and
therefore (Madam) to yourself I say, that which I spake in public,
whensoever the nobility of this realm shall be content, and consent,
that you be subject to an unlawful husband, they do as much as in them
lieth to renounce Christ, to banish the Truth, to betray the freedom of
this realm, and perchance shall in the end do small comfort to


At these words, howling was heard, and tears might have been seen in
greater abundance than the matter required. John Erskine of Dun, a man
of meek and gentle spirit, stood beside, and entreated what he could to
mitigate her anger, and gave unto her many pleasant words, of her
beauty, of her excellency; and how that all the princes in Europe would
be glad to seek her favours. But all that was to cast oil into the
flaming fire. The said John stood still, without any alteration of
countenance, for a long time, while that the Queen gave place to her
inordinate passion; and in the end he said, "Madam, in God's presence I
speak, I never delighted in the weeping of any of God's creatures; yea,
I can scarcely well abide the tears of mine own boys, whom my own hands
correct, much less can I rejoice in your Majesty's weeping; But seeing I
have offered unto you no just occasion to be offended, but have spoken
the truth, as my vocation craves of me, I must sustain your Majesty's
tears, rather than I dare hurt my conscience, or betray the Commonwealth
by silence." Herewith was the Queen more offended, and commanded the
said John to pass forth of the cabinet, and to abide further of her
pleasure in the chamber.


The Laird of Dun tarried, and Lord John of Coldingham came into the
cabinet, and so they remained with her near the space of one hour. The
said John stood in the chamber, as one whom men had never seen (so were
all afraid), except that the Lord Ochiltree bare him company; and
therefore he began to make discourse with the ladies, who were there
sitting in all their gorgeous apparel; which when he espied, he merrily
said: "Fair Ladies, how pleasant were this life of yours, if it should
ever abide; and then in the end, that we might pass to Heaven with this
gay gear {clothing}! But fy upon that knave Death, that will come
whether we will or not; and when he hath laid on his arrest, then foul
worms will be busy with this flesh, be it never so fair and so tender;
and the silly {weak} soul I fear shall be so feeble, that it can neither
carry with it gold, garnishing, targating {tassels}, pearls, nor
precious stones." And by such means procured he the company of women,
and so passed the time till that the Laird of Dun willed him to depart
to his house till new advertisement.

The Queen would have had the sentiment of the Lords of the Articles if
that such manner of speaking deserved not punishment. But she was
counselled to desist; and so that storm quieted in appearance, but never
in the heart.

Mary's Second Marriage.

    [The problem of Mary's marriage was one of great difficulty.
    Allusions to it occur in diplomatic correspondence immediately
    after the death of Francis II., and it was constantly in men's
    minds. The Scottish preachers and the Protestant nobles objected to
    a union with a Roman Catholic prince (_cf. supra_, p. 40).
    Catherine de Medici, who was at the head of affairs in France,
    opposed the projected match with Don Carlos of Spain (p. 43).
    Elizabeth of England found a difficulty in every proposal, and was
    especially afraid of the union of Scotland with a foreign power. As
    early as the spring of 1561 Throckmorton warned Elizabeth that, if
    she wished to prevent such a union, "she should make a party in
    Scotland by entertaining a good number of the best there, that all
    Princes, perceiving her to have a great party in that realm, would
    not greatly seek upon a country so much at her devotion" (_Foreign_
    _Calendar_, March 31, 1561). The following extracts indicate the
    course of the controversy, and aim at presenting a connected survey
    of the negotiations.]


_Randolph to Cecil, from Edinburgh_, December 17, 1561. _Keith's
History_, vol. ii. p. 124.

When any purpose falleth in of marriage, she saith that she will none
other husband but the Queen of England. He is right near about her that
hath oftentimes heard her speak it. I desire that it may be in perfect
neighbourhood, since it cannot be in perfect marriage.

1563.--August 20. Instructions for Randolph.

_Foreign Calendar._

He shall always rest upon this argument, that neither Elizabeth nor
England ... can think any mighty Prince a meet husband for her, to
continue the amity that now is with this realm.

_Smith to the English Privy Council, from Paris_, October 13, 1563.
_Foreign Calendar._

They {Catherine de Medici and the Constable of France} hold King Philip
a suspect neighbour. But they most mislike the Spanish marriage with the
Queen of Scots, which they hold to be concluded unto by the said Queen,
taking it to be prejudicial to England and consequently to them.


    [The anxiety about her marriage was supposed to be the cause of an
    illness from which Mary suffered, in the end of 1563. On December
    13 Randolph wrote to Cecil that she "kept her bed, being somewhat
    diseased of overmuch travail she took a night or two before,
    dancing to celebrate her nativity. But," he adds, "for two months
    the Queen has been divers times in great melancholies. Her grief is
    marvellous secret. She is not well, and weeps when there is little
    appearance of occasion." Eight days later, he mentions that "the
    Queen's illness daily increaseth. Her pain is in her right side....
    Some think that the cause of the Queen's sickness is that she
    utterly despairs of the marriage of any of those she looked for, as
    well that neither they abroad are very hasty, nor her subjects at
    home very willing those ways." On the 31st he had an interview with
    her "in her chamber, beside ladies and gentlemen, herself in bed."
    He told her that Elizabeth "could in no point alter her former
    advice, which was that it could not be expedient for her country,
    nor fit for herself, to match in any of those houses, when
    appearance is that dissension may grow, and enmity to be nourished,
    as before time has been." Mary summoned the Earl of Argyll, and
    told him that Randolph would have her marry in England. He asked if
    "the Queen of England were become a man?" "Who is there in that
    country (said she) to whom he {Argyll} would wish her?" He said,
    "To whom she could like best." "That would not please the Duke" {of
    Châtelherault}, said she. "If it please God, and is good for the
    country," said he, "what reck who were displeased?" (_Foreign
    Calendar_, December 13, 21, and 31, 1563). Leicester was the
    husband suggested by Queen Elizabeth, and, during 1564, it became
    evident that either he or Darnley would be the Queen's choice.]


_Randolph to Cecil, from Edinburgh_, March 20, 1564. _Foreign

What troubles have risen in this country for religion, your Honour
knoweth. All things are now grown into such a liberty, and her Grace
taken unto herself such a will to do therein what she list, that of
late, contrary to her own ordinances, as great numbers have repaired to
her chapel to hear mass, as sometimes come to the common churches to the
sermon. To have her mind altered for this freedom, that she desireth to
have all men live as they like, she can hardly be brought, and thinketh
it too great a subjection for her, being a prince in her own country, to
have her will broken therein. The subjects who desire to live in the
true fear and worshipping of God, offer rather their lives again to be
sacrificed, than that they would suffer such abomination, yea, almost
permit herself to enjoy her mass, which is now more plainly and openly
spoken against by the preachers, than ever was the Pope of Rome....
Above all the rest, this is it that is feared that will be the breach of
all good accord and quietness of this estate, though the rest be borne
with, that is, if she match herself with a Papist, by whom she may be
fortified to her intent.

_Kirkaldy of Grange to Randolph, from St. Johnston's_ {_Perth_},
April 30, 1564. _Laing's Knox_, vol. vi. p. 539.

The Earl of Lennox will obtain license to come home and speak with the
Queen. Her meaning therein is not known, but some suspects she will at
length be persuaded to favour his son.

    [The Earl of Lennox had entered into negotiations with Henry VIII.,
    in 1544, to deliver over to England certain Scottish castles, and
    to promote the marriage of Mary to Prince Edward. Sentence of
    forfeiture was passed against him by the Scottish Parliament on 1st
    October 1545. His treachery had received its reward in the shape of
    an alliance with Margaret, daughter of the Earl of Angus and
    Margaret Tudor, widow of James IV. (_cf._ Table, App. A.). Their
    eldest son was Lord Darnley.]


_Knox to Randolph, from Edinburgh_, May 3, 1564. _Laing's Knox_,
vol. vi., p. 541.

The Earl of Lennox's servant is familiar in Court, and it is supposed
that it is not without knowledge, yea, and labour, of your Court. Some
in the country look for the lady {Queen Mary} and the young Earl
{Darnley} ere it be long. It is whispered to me that licence is all
ready procured for their {Lennox and Darnley's} hithercoming. God's
providence is inscrutable to man, before the issue of such things as are
kept close for a season in his counsel. But, to be plain with you, that
journey and progress I like not.

Queen Elizabeth and Sir James Melville.

    [Sir James Melville was sent as ambassador from the Queen of Scots
    to the Queen of England to advance negotiations for Mary's
    marriage, and to discover, if possible, Elizabeth's real meaning.]

September 28, 1564. _Melville's Memoirs_, pp. 115-128.
(_Bannatyne Club._)

The next morning Master Lattoun and Master Randolph, late agent for the
Queen of England in Scotland, came to my lodging to convoy me to her
Majesty, who was, as they said, already in the garden.... I found her
Majesty pacing in an alley.



... She inquired if the Queen had sent any answer anent the proposition
of a marriage made to her by Master Randolph. I answered, as I was
instructed, that the Queen thought little or nothing thereof, but looked
for the meeting of some Commissioners upon the borders, with my Lord of
Murray and the secretary, Lethington, to confer and treat upon all such
matters of greatest importance.... So seeing that your Majesties cannot
so soon find the opportunity of meeting, so much desired between
yourselves ... the Queen, my mistress ... is in hope that your Majesty
will send my Lord of Bedford and my Lord Robert Dudley. She said that it
appeared that I made but small account of my Lord Robert, seeing that I
named the Earl of Bedford before him; but, or it were long, she should
make him a greater earl, and that I should see it done before my
returning home; for she esteemed him as her brother and best friend,
whom she should have married herself, if ever she had been minded to
take a husband.... And to cause the Queen, my mistress, to think the
more of him, I was required to stay till I had seen him made Earl of
Leicester and Baron of Denbigh, with great solemnity at Westminster,
herself helping to put on his ceremonial, he sitting upon his knees
before her, keeping a great gravity and discreet behaviour. But she
could not refrain from putting her hand in his neck to kittle {tickle}
him smilingly, the French Ambassador and I standing beside her. Then she
asked me how I liked of him. I said, as he was a worthy subject, he was
happy that had encountered a princess that could discern and reward good
service. "Yet," she said, "ye like better of yonder long lad," pointing
towards my Lord Darnley, who, as nearest prince of the blood, bore the
sword of honour that day before her. My answer again was, that no woman
of spirit could make choice of such a man, that was liker a woman than a
man; for he was very lusty, beardless, and lady-faced. I had no will
that she should think that I liked of him, or had any eye or dealing
that way: albeit I had a secret charge to deal with his mother, my Lady
Lennox, to purchase leave for him to pass in Scotland, where his father
was already, that he might see the country and convoy the Earl, his
father, back again to England.


Now the said Queen was determined to treat with the Queen, my sovereign,
first anent her marriage with the Earl of Leicester, and for that effect
promised to send commissioners unto the borders. In the meantime I was
favourably and familiarly used; for during nine days that I remained at
Court, her Majesty pleased to confer with me every day, and sometimes
thrice upon a day, to wit, afore noon, after noon, and after supper.
Sometimes she would say, that since she could not meet with the Queen,
her good sister herself, to confer familiarly with her, that she should
open a good part of her inward mind unto me, that I might show it again
unto the Queen; and said that she was not so offended at the Queen's
angry letter as for that she seemed to disdain so far the marriage with
my Lord of Leicester, which she had caused Master Randolph propose unto
her. I said that it might be he had teached something thereof to my Lord
of Murray and Lethington, but that he had not proposed the matter
directly unto herself; and that as well her Majesty, as they that were
her most familiar counsellors, could conjecture nothing thereupon but
delays and drifting of time, anent the declaring of her to be the second
person {_i.e._, the next in succession to the throne of England} which
would try at the meeting of commissioners above specified. She said
again that the trial and declaration thereof would be hasted forward,
according to the Queen's good behaviour, and applying to her
{Elizabeth's} pleasure and advice in her marriage; and seeing the matter
concerning the said declaration was so weighty, she had ordained some of
the best lawyers in England diligently to search out who had the best
right, which she would wish should be her dear sister rather than any
other. I said I was assured that her Majesty {Mary} was both out of
doubt hereof, and would rather she should be declared than any other....
She said that she was never minded to marry, except she were compelled
by the Queen, her sister's, hard behaviour towards her, in doing by
{beyond} her counsel, as said is. I said: "Madam, ye need not tell me
that; I know your stately stomach; ye think if ye were married, ye would
be but Queen of England, and now ye are King and Queen both; ye may not
suffer a commander."


She appeared to be so affectioned to the Queen her good sister, that she
had a great desire to see her: and because their desired meeting could
not be hastily brought to pass, she delighted oft to look upon her
picture, and took me in to her bed chamber, and opened a little lettroun
{cabinet} wherein were divers little pictures wrapped within paper, and
written upon the paper, their names with her own hand. Upon the first
that she took up was written, "My lord's picture." I held the candle and
pressed to see my lord's {Leicester's} picture. Albeit she was loth to
let me see it, at length I by importunity obtained the sight thereof,
and asked the same to carry home with me unto the Queen, which she
refused, alleging she had but that one of his. I said again, that she
had the principal; for he was at the furthest part of the chamber
speaking with the secretary Cecil. Then she took out the Queen's picture
and kissed it; and I kissed her hand for the great love I saw she bore
to the Queen.... ... Her {Elizabeth's} hair was redder than yellow,
curled apparently of nature. Then she entered to discern what colour of
hair was reported best, and inquired whether the Queen's or her's was
best, and which of them two was fairest. I said, the fairness of them
both was not their worst faults. But she was earnest with me to declare
which of them I thought fairest. I said, she was the fairest Queen in
England, and ours the fairest Queen in Scotland. Yet she was earnest. I
said they were both the fairest ladies of their courts, and that the
Queen of England was whiter, but our Queen very lovesome. She inquired
which of them was of highest stature. I said, our Queen. Then she said
the Queen was over high, and that herself was neither over high or over
low. Then she asked what sort of exercises she used. I said, that I was
dispatched out of Scotland, that the Queen was but new come back from
the highland hunting; and when she had leisure from the affairs of her
company, she read upon good books, the histories of divers countries,
and sometimes would play upon lute and virginals. She sperit {asked} if
she played well. I said, reasonably for a Queen.



The same day after dinner, my Lord of Hunsden {Huntingdon} drew me up to
a quiet gallery that I might hear some music, but he said he durst not
avow it, where I might hear the Queen play upon the virginals. But after
I had hearkened a while, I took by the tapestry that hung before the
door of the chamber, and seeing her back was toward the door, I entered
within the chamber and stood still at the door post, and heard her play
excellently well; but she left off so soon as she turned her about and
saw me, and came forwards seeming to strike me with her left hand, and
to think shame; alleging that she used not to play before men, but when
she was solitary her alone, to eschew melancholy; and askit how I came
there. I said, as I was walking with my Lord of Hunsden, as we passed by
the chamber door, I heard such melody, which ravished and drew me within
the chamber I wist not how; excusing my fault of homeliness, as being
brought up in the Court of France, and was now willing to suffer what
kind of punishment would please her lay upon me for my offence. Then she
sat down low upon a cushion, and I upon my knee beside her; but she gave
me a cushion with her own hand to lay under my knee, which I refused,
but she compelled me; and called for my lady Stafford out of the next
chamber, for she was alone there. Then she asked whether the Queen or
she played best. In that I gave her the praise.... She inquired at me
whether she or the Queen danced best. I said, the Queen danced not so
high or disposedly as she did. Then again she wished that she might see
the Queen at some convenient place of meeting. I offered to convey her
secretly in {to} Scotland by post, clothed like a page disguised, that
she might see the Queen: as King James the 5 passed in France disguised,
with his own ambassador, to see the Duc of Vendome's sister that should
have been his wife; and how that her chamber should be kept, as though
she were sick, in the meantime, and none to be privy thereto but my Lady
Stafford, and one of the grooms of her chamber. She said, Alas! if she
might do it: and seemed to like well such kind of language, and used all
the means she could to cause me persuade the Queen of the great love
that she bore unto her.... My Lord of Leicester began to purge himself
of so proud a pretence as to marry so great a Queen, esteeming himself
not worthy to deicht her shone {clean her shoes}; alleging the invention
of that proposition to have proceeded of Master Cecil his secret enemy.
"For if I should," said he, "have seemed to desire that marriage, I
should have lost the favour of both the Queens," praying me till excuse
him unto the Queen.... At my homecoming I found the Queen's Majesty
still in Edinburgh ... she inquired whether I thought that Queen meant
truly towards her as well inwardly in her heart as she appeared to do
outwardly by her speech. I said, in my judgment, that there was neither
plain dealing nor upright meaning, but great dissimulation, emulation
and fear that her princely qualities should over soon chase her out, and
displace her from the kingdom; as having already hindered her {Mary's}
marriage with the Archduke Charles of Austria, and now offering unto her
my Lord of Leicester, whom she would be as loth as then to want. Then
the Queen gave me her hand, that she should never marry the new-made
earl; albeit shortly while after, my Lord of Murray and Bedford met
beside Berwick to treat upon the marriage with Leicester.... The Queen
of England began to fear and suspect that the said marriage might
perchance take effect. And therefore my Lord Darnley obtained the
rather, license to come into Scotland, who was a lusty youth, in hope
that he should prevail being present before Leicester that was absent.
Which license was obtained of the means of the secretary Cecil; not that
he was minded that any of the marriages should take effect, but with
such shifts and practices to hold the Queen unmarried so long as he


_Randolph to Cecil from Edinburgh. Foreign Calendar._ December 15, 1564.

This parliament, being only assembled for restoring Lennox, began upon
Monday, and ended the Saturday after. The third day the Queen came to
the house, when she had an oration of her affection towards her subjects
and the weal of her country, which moved her to show her favour towards
Lennox, to restore him to his country, the rather for the suit of the
Queen of England, whose desire to her was of no small moment, which
words were duly rehearsed....


    [The next development in the situation took the form of a
    correspondence between Murray and Lethington, and Cecil, on
    December 4, 1564. Randolph wrote to Cecil "that Murray and
    Lethington had concluded that amity with England is fittest," and
    added, "No man will be more acceptable to the people than the Lord
    Robert. There has been more thought of Lord Darnley before his
    father's coming than is at present. The mother more feared a great
    deal than beloved." The two Scottish lords had already written to
    Cecil, who replied on the 16th, informing them that Elizabeth would
    never consent to their request, the establishment of Mary's "title
    to be declared by Parliament in the second place to the Queen," but
    "promising that she will cause inquisition to be made of their
    Sovereign's right; and as far as shall stand with justice and her
    own surety, she will abase such titles as shall be proved unjust
    and prejudicial to her sister's interest;" and giving them warning.
    "Let there not be found any intention to compass ... a kingdom and
    a crown, which, if it be sought for, may be sooner lost than got,
    and not being craved may be as soon offered as reason can require."
    To this Murray and Lethington replied on the 24th, asking what
    Cecil meant by the words "as shall stand with justice and her own
    surety," for they "never meant anything prejudicial to the surety
    of Queen Elizabeth;" stating that if Elizabeth "will nowise
    establish the succession of her crown," the Leicester project must
    fall to the ground; and urging Cecil to secrecy, for if it were
    discovered that they had "meddled without her Majesty's knowledge,
    the opening thereof" would be the ruin of them both. (Foreign
    Calendar, 14th, 16th, and 24th December 1564.) This episode is of
    importance in connection with Mary's subsequent attitude to the
    Darnley marriage.]


Queen Mary and Randolph.

_Randolph to Queen Elizabeth, from Edinburgh_, February 5, 1565.
_Chalmers's Queen Mary_, vol. ii. pp. 123-127.


Her grace lodged in a merchant's house; her train were very few; and
there was small repair from any part. Her will was, that for the time
that I did tarry, I should dine and sup with her. Your Majesty was
oftentimes dranken unto, by her, at dinners and suppers. Having, in this
sort, continued with her grace, Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday, I thought
it time to take occasion to utter unto her grace, that which last I
received in command, from your Majesty, by Mr. Secretary's letter, which
was to know her grace's resolution touching those matters propounded, at
Berwick, by my Lord of Bedford, and me, to my Lord of Murray and Lord of
Lethington. I had no sooner spoken these words, but she saith, "I see
now well that you are weary of this company and treatment. I sent for
you to be merry and to see how like a Bourgeois-wife I live, with my
little troop; and you will interrupt our pastime, with your great and
grave matters. I pray you, Sir, if you be weary here, return home to
Edinburgh, and keep your gravity and great ambassage until the Queen
come thither; for I assure you, you shall not get her here, nor I know
not myself where she is become. You see neither cloth of estate, nor
such appearances, that you may think that there is a Queen here; nor I
would not that you should think that I am she, at St. Andrews, that I
was at Edinburgh." I said that I was very sorry for that, for that at
Edinburgh, she said that she did love my mistress, the Queen's majesty,
better than any other, and now I marvelled how her mind was altered. It
pleased her at this to be very merry, and called me by more names than
were given me in my christendom. At these merry conceits much good sport
was made. "But well, Sir," saith she, "that which then I spoke in words
shall be confirmed in writing.... You know how willing I am to follow
her advice ... and yet I can find in her no resolution nor
determination. For nothing, I cannot be bound unto her ... and
therefore, this I say, and trust me I mean it, if your mistress will, as
she hath said, use me as her natural born sister or daughter, I will
take myself either as one or the other as she please, and will show no
less readiness to oblige her, and honour her, than my mother, or eldest
sister; but, if she will repute me always but as her neighbour Queen of
Scots, how willing soever I be to live in amity and to maintain peace,
yet she must not look for that at my hands, that otherwise I would, or
she desireth." ... I requested her Grace, humbly ... to let her mind be
known, how well she liked of the suit of my Lord Robert, Earl of
Leicester, that might be able somewhat to say or write touching that
matter, unto your Majesty. "My mind towards him is such as it ought to
be of a very noble man, as I hear say by very many, and such one as the
Queen, your mistress, my good sister, doth so well like to be her
husband, if he were not her subject, ought not to mislike me to be mine.
Marry, what I shall do, it lieth in your mistress's will, who shall
wholly guide me and rule me." I made myself not well to understand these
words, because I would have the better hold of them. She repeated the
self same words again.




  1. The Darnley marriage and the Earl of Murray's rebellion.

    (_a_) Melville's account of the progress of events from Mary's
    first meeting with Darnley to Elizabeth's reception of Murray
    (February to October).

    (_b_) Randolph's account of the allegations regarding the rival

    (_c_) The Proclamation to allay disquiet regarding the Queen's
    marriage with a Catholic.

    (_d_) Randolph's letter to Leicester describing the marriage, and
    the relations between the bride and bridegroom.

    (_e_) Cecil's account of the Murray trouble.

    (_f_) The Privy Council warrant against Murray.

    (_g_) Knox's account of Elizabeth's interview with Murray.

  2. Mary's relations with Darnley and the Rizzio murder.

    (_a_) Diplomatic references to the ill-will between the Queen and
    her husband, with an incidental account of the Holy League.

    (_b_) Bedford and Randolph's letter to Cecil foretelling the Rizzio

    (_c_) Agreements between Darnley and the conspirators.

    (_d_) Mary's own description of the murder of Rizzio.


1563.--Feb. 17-Oct. 23. The Darnley Marriage and the Murray Rebellion.

_Melville's Memoirs_, p. 134.

    [It was now becoming evident that Mary was to marry Lord Darnley.
    Her resolution gave great offence, not only to Queen Elizabeth, but
    to the Earl of Murray, and some other Scottish nobles, who raised a
    rebellion, commonly called the "Run about Chase." The matter is
    somewhat mysterious; there are, as the reader will observe,
    allegations of two conspiracies--one against Murray by Darnley, and
    another against Mary and Darnley by Murray. The evidence is not



I have said already how that my Lord Darnley was advised to suit license
to come into Scotland, who at his first coming found the Queen in the
Wemyss, making her progress through Fife. Her Majesty took well with
him, and said that he was the lustiest and best proportioned long {tall}
man that she had seen, for he was of high stature, long and small, even
and upright; well instructed from his youth in all honest and comely
exercises. And after he had hanted {frequented} a while in Court, he
proposed marriage to her Majesty; which she took in evil part at the
first, as she told me that same day herself, and how she had refused the
ring which he then offered unto her, when I took occasion, as I had
begun, to speak in his favour, that their marriage would put out of
doubt their title to the succession. I cannot tell how he fell in
acquaintance with Seigneur David {Rizzio}, but he also was his great
friend at the Queen's hand; so that her Majesty took aye the longer the
better liking of him, and at length determined to marry him. Which being
known unto Queen Elizabeth, she sent and charged him to return; and also
sent her ambassador, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, into Scotland, both to
dissuade the Queen to marry him, and in case the Queen would not follow
her advice in her marriage, to persuade the lords and so many as were of
her religion to withstand the said marriage, unless the Lord Darnley
would promise and subscribe to abide at the religion reformed, which he
had plainly professed in England. The Queen again perceiving the Queen
of England's earnest opposition to all the marriages that were offered
unto her, thought not meet to delay any longer her marriage. But my Lord
Duke of Châtelherault, my Lords of Argyll, Murray, Glencairn, Rothes,
and divers others, lords and barons, withstood the said marriage; who
after they had made a mind to take the Lord Darnley, in the Queen's
company, at the raid of Beath, and to have sent him into England, as
they alleged--I wot not what was in their mind, but it was an
evil-favoured enterprize, wherein the Queen was in great danger other
than {that of} keeping or heartbreaking; and as they that had failed of
their foolish enterprize, took on plainly their arms of rebellion, her
Majesty again convened forces against them, and chased them here and
there till at length they were compelled to flee into England for
refuge, to her that had promised by her ambassadors to wear her crown in
their defence, in case they were driven to any strait for their
opposition unto the said marriage. Which was all denied at their coming
to seek help; and when they sent up my Lord of Murray to that Queen, the
rest abiding at Newcastle, he could obtain nothing but disdain and
scorn; till at length he and the Abbot of Kilwinning, his companion in
that message, were persuaded to come and confess unto the Queen upon
their knees, and that in presence of the ambassadors of France and
Spain, that her Majesty had never moved them to that opposition and
resistance against their Queen's marriage.... Unto my Lord of Murray and
his marrow {comrade} she said, "Now you have told the truth; for I nor
none in my name stirred you up against your Queen; for your abominable
treason might serve for example, to move my own subjects to rebel
against me. Therefore pack you out of my presence; ye are but unworthy

1565.--April 29. Mary's Festivities.

_Randolph to Cecil. Foreign Calendar_, 1565.

Greater triumphs there never were in time of Popery than were this
Easter at the resurrection and at her high mass. Organs were wont to be
the common music. She wanted now neither trumpet, drum, nor fife,
bagpipe nor tabor.... Upon Monday she and divers of her women apparelled
themselves like burgesses' wives, went upon their feet up and down the
town, and of every man they met they took some pledge for money towards
the banquet; and in the lodging where the writer was accustomed to lodge
was the dinner prepared, at which she was herself, with the wonder and
gazing of men, women, and children.

    [This celebration of Easter is important as being a factor in the
    growth of Protestant dislike of the Darnley marriage.]


_Randolph to Cecil from Edinburgh_, July 2, 1565 {_date of
end of letter_}. _Keith's History_, vol. ii. p. 300.

I wrote that there was a convention appointed at St. Johnstone {Perth}
the 22nd of this instant {_i.e._ June}, to which there were specially
named these, the Duke, Earls Argyll, Murray, Morton, and Glencairn; only
Morton came; the other some tarried at their houses, as the Duke, and
Earl of Murray; other as Argyll and Glencairn came to Edinburgh the 24th
to the Convention {General Assembly} of the Protestants there. With this
her Grace is greatly offended, and layeth the whole fault hereof to the
Earl of Murray and Argyll, which both had come to St. Johnstone, but
that my Lord of Murray was assuredly advertised that it was intended
that he should be slain there.... With my Lord of Murray I have lately
spoken; he is grieved to see these extreme follies in his sovereign; he
lamenteth the state of this country that tendeth to utter ruin; he
feareth that the nobility shall be forced to assemble themselves
together, to do her honour and reverence as they are in duty bound, but
to provide for the State that it do not utterly perish.... The Duke, the
Earl of Argyll, and he concur in this device; many other are like to
join with them in the same; what will ensue let wise men judge.... The
less comfort that this Queen be put in, that the Queen's majesty will
allow of her doings, the sooner shall her Majesty bring that to pass
here that she most desireth, and more at her Majesty's devotion than at
this time she hath, there were never in Scotland. Some that already have
heard of my Ladie's Grace {Lady Lennox's} imprisonment like very well
thereof, and wish to the father and son to keep her company. The
question hath been asked me. Whether if they were delivered us into
Berwick, we would receive them? I answered that we could nor would not
refuse our own, in what sort soever they come unto us.


_Randolph to Cecil from Edinburgh_, July 4. _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 309.

Upon Saturday her Grace came ... to St. Johnston, where word was brought
her that the Earl of Argyll and Earl of Murray had assembled many of
their friends and servants, and intended to take her and the Lord
Darnley riding between that town and the Lord of Livingstone's house,
and to have carried the Queen's Grace to St. Andrews, and the Lord
Darnley to Castle Campbell, a house of the Earl of Argyll.... She took
her horse by five of the clock in the morning, and rode with great
speed, having only three women in her train, until she came to the
Queen's Ferry, passing through a little town called Kinross, hard by
Lochleven, where my Lord of Murray was in a house in the loch with his
mother and the Laird of Lochleven, his brother, with a small number of
his servants, having been sick of a flux not four days before, intending
for all that to have met the Queen, and to have convoyed her as far as
her Grace would give him leave; but hearing that her Grace was past that
town three or four hours before that he looked for her, he remained
still and went not forth....


They {the two Earls} think it time to put to that remedy they can; they
depend greatly upon the comfort received from the Queen's majesty our
sovereign; they know that it as well tendeth to her Majesty's surety for
that which may ensure as the present hurt and danger to themselves.
Wherefore, having considered her Majesty's friendly and godly offer to
concur with them, and to assist them, ... as from subjects that see how
far the Sovereign is led by unadvised persons, from her duty to God, and
care that she ought to have of the weal of her country, they most humbly
desire the performance of her Majesty's promise.... They are loth so far
to charge her Majesty as to desire any number of men to take their part,
but that it will only please her Majesty to help them with such sums of
money as for a time may be able to keep themselves together, be it that
they determine to be wheresoever the Queen's self is, or to remain in
Edinburgh, where they may best put order unto all those grievous
enormities.... They think that if her Majesty would bestow only three
thousand pounds sterling for this year, except some foreign force shall
be brought in against them.

_Acts of the Privy Council of Scotland_, July 12, 1565.

For as much as divers evil disposed persons ... wickedly and ungodly
have pretended by untrue reports ... that her Majesty had begun or
intended to impede, stay, or molest any of them in using of their
religion and conscience freely ... ordains letters to be direct to
officers of the Queen's Sheriff in that part {respect}, charging them to
pass to the market crosses of all burghs of this realm, and other places
needful, and there, by open proclamation, make publication of this her
Majesty's mind and meaning; certifying and assuring all her good
subjects, that as they, nor none of them, have hitherto been molested in
the quiet using of their religion and conscience, so shall they not be
unquieted in that behalf in any time to come; but behaving themselves
honestly as good subjects shall find her Majesty their good princess,
willing to do them justice, and to show them favour and clemency, but
{without} innovation or alteration in any sort.


_Randolph to Leicester, from Edinburgh_, July 31, 1565.
_Wright's Elizabeth_, vol. i. p. 199.

I doubt not but your Lordship hath heard by such information as I have
given from hence, what the present state of this country is, how this
Queen is now become a married wife, and her husband, the self same day
of his marriage, made a king.... So many discontented minds, so much
misliking of the subjects to have these matters, ordered in this sort,
to be brought to pass, I never heard of any marriage.... Thus they fear
the overthrow of religion, the breach of amity with the Queen's Majesty
{Elizabeth}, destruction of as many of the nobility as she hath
misliking of, or that he to pick a quarrel unto.... He {Darnley} would
now seem to be indifferent to both the religions, she to use her mass,
and he to come sometimes to the preaching.

They were married with all the solemnities of the popish time, saving
that he heard not the mass; his speech and talk argueth his mind, and
yet would he fain seem to the world that he were of some religion. His
words to all men against whom he conceiveth any displeasure, how unjust
soever it be, so proud and spiteful, that rather he seemeth a monarch of
the world than he that not long since we have seen and known the Lord


All honour that may be attributed unto any man by a wife, he hath it
wholly and fully ... all dignities that she can indue him with are
already given and granted. No man pleaseth her that contenteth not him,
and what may I say more, she hath given over unto him her whole will, to
be ruled and guided as himself best liketh. She can as much prevail with
him in anything that is against his will, as your Lordship may with me
to persuade that I should hang myself.... Upon Saturday ... at nine
hours at night, by three heralds at sound of the trumpet he was
proclaimed king. This was the night before the marriage. This day,
Monday, at twelve of the clock, the Lords, all that were in this town,
were present at the proclaiming of him again, when no man said so much
as Amen, saving his father, that cried out aloud, "God save his Grace!"

The manner of the marriage was of this sort. Upon Sunday, in the
morning, between five and six, she was conveyed by divers of her nobles
to the chapel. She had upon her back the great mourning gown of black,
with the great wide mourning hood, not unlike unto that which she wore
the doleful day of the burial of her husband. She was led unto the
Chapel by the Earls Lennox and Athole, and there she was left until her
husband came, who was also conveyed by the same lords. The ministers,
two priests, did there receive them. The banns are asked the third time,
and an instrument taken by a notary that no man said against them, or
alleged any cause why the marriage might not proceed. The words were
spoken, the rings, which were three, the middle a rich diamond, were put
upon her finger, they kneel together, and many prayers said over them.
She carrieth out the ...[16] and he taketh a kiss, and leaveth her there
and went to her chamber, whither in a space she followeth, and there
being required, according to the solemnities, to cast off her care, and
lay aside those sorrowful garments, and give herself to a pleasanter
life. After some pretty refusals, more I believe for manner sake than
grief of heart, she suffereth them that stood by, every man that could
approach to take out a pin, and so being committed to her ladies changed
her garments.

    [16] Word illegible.


_Cecil to Sir Thomas Smith, from Windsor_, August 21,
1565. _Wright's Elizabeth_, vol. i. p. 206.

Mr. Tomworth was sent to the Queen of Scots upon this occasion; the
Scottish Queen hath sent twice hither to require the Queen's Majesty to
declare for what causes she did mislike of this marriage, offering also
to satisfy the same. In the meantime troubles arise there betwixt her
and the Earl of Murray and others being friendly to the warm amity of
the realm, whereunto for sundry respects it seemeth convenient for us to
regard. The Duke {of Châtelherault}, the Earls of Argyll, Murray, and
Rothes, with sundry Barons, are joined together not to allow of the
marriage, otherwise than to have the religion established by law, but
the Queen refuseth in this sort; she will not suffer it to have the
force of law, but of permission to every man to live according to his
conscience. And herewith she retained a great number of Protestants from
associating openly with the other. She hath sent for the Earl Murray,
but the mistrust is so far entered on both sides, that I think it will
fall to an evil end, for she hath put the Earl of Murray to the horn
{_i.e._ outlawed} and prohibited all persons to aid him. Nevertheless,
the Duke, the Earls of Argyll and Rothes are together with him. We shall
hear by Mr. Tomworth what is most likely to follow.


_Register of the Privy Council_, December 1, 1565.

The which day, in presence of the King and Queen's Majesties and Lords
of Secret Council, compeared Master John Spence of Condy, advocate to
their Highnesses, and exponed how at their Majesties' command he had
libelled summonses of treason against Archibald, Earl of Argyll, James,
Earl of Murray, Alexander, Earl of Glencairn, Andrew, Earl of Rothes,
Andrew, Lord Ochiltree, Robert, Lord Boyd, and divers others,--to
compear in the next Parliament, to begin the fourth day of February next
to come, to hear them decerned to have incurred the crime of _lese
majestie_, and to have lost and forfeited life, lands, and goods.... But
because there were divers of the said persons outwith the realm ... it
behoved them be summoned by open proclamation at the Market Cross of
Edinburgh, and other Crosses next adjacent according to the common law;
and thereupon desired a declaration and determination of their Majesties
and Lords forsaid. The which being reasoned with good deliberation and
advisement, their Majesties and Lordships find and declare that the said
persons being summoned in manner above specified, the execution is as
sufficient in all respects as if the same summonses were execute upon
them personally or at their dwelling-places.


Murray's Reception by Elizabeth.

_Knox's Continuator_ (cf. p. 260), _Laing's Knox_, vol. ii. p. 513.

By means of the French Ambassador, called Monsieur De Four, his true
friend, he {Murray} obtained audience. The Queen, with a fair
countenance, demanded "how he, being a rebel to her Sister of Scotland,
durst take the boldness upon him to come within her realm?" These, and
the like words got he, instead of the good and courteous entertainment
expected. Finally, after private discourse, the Ambassador being absent,
she refused to give the Lords any support, denying plainly that ever she
had promised any such thing as to support them, saying, "She never meant
any such thing in that way;" albeit her greatest familiars knew the
contrary. In the end the Earl of Murray said to her, "Madam, whatsoever
thing your Majesty meant in your heart, we are thereof ignorant; but
this much we know assuredly, that we had lately faithful promises of aid
and support by your Ambassador and familiar servants, in your name; and
further, we have your own handwriting, confirming the said promises."
And afterward he took his leave, and came northward from London towards
Newcastle. After the Earl of Murray his departure from the Court the
Queen sent them some aid, and writ unto the Queen of Scotland in their
favour, whether she had promised it in private to the Earl of Murray, or
whether she repented her of the harsh reception of the Earl of Murray.

    [This account of Elizabeth's interview with Murray should be
    compared with that given by Melville (p. 60).]

Mary's Relations with her Husband.

_Randolph to Cecil, from Edinburgh_, January 16, 1566.
_Wright's Elizabeth_, vol. i. p. 216.

This court of long time hath been very quiet, small resort of any, and
many of those that come but slenderly welcome for the great and
importunate suit made by them for my Lord of Murray and the rest, who by
no means can find any favour at her Grace's hands, in so much that
Robert Melville hath received for resolute answer that let the Queen of
England do for them what she will, they shall never live in Scotland and
she together....


I cannot tell what mislikings of late there hath been between her Grace
and her husband; he presses earnestly for the matrimonial crown, which
she is loth hastily to grant, but willing to keep somewhat in store
until she know how well he is worthy to enjoy such a sovereignty, and
therefore it is thought that the Parliament for a time shall be
deferred, but hereof I can write no certainty.


_Randolph to Cecil, from Edinburgh_, February 7, 1565.
_Wright's Elizabeth_, vol. i. p. 219.

There was a bond lately devised in which the late Pope, the Emperor, the
King of Spain, the Duke of Savoy, with divers Princes of Italy and the
Queen mother {of France} suspected to be of the same confederacy, to
maintain papistry throughout Christendom. This bond was sent out of
France by Thornton, and is subscribed by this Queen. The copy whereof,
remaining with her and the principal, to be returned very shortly, as I
hear, by Mr. Steven Wilson, a fit minister for such devilish devices. If
the copy hereof can be gotten, it shall be sent as conveniently I

    [The bond referred to is the Holy League. Cf. _infra._]

In this court divers contentions, quarrels, and debates; nothing so much
sought as to maintain mischief and disorder. David {Rizzio} yet
retaineth his place, not without heart grief to many that see their
sovereign guided chiefly by such a fellow.

_Randolph to Cecil, from Berwick_, February 14, 1566.
_Stevenson's Selections._

There is a league concluded between the King of Spain, the Duke of
Savoy, and divers other Papist princes, for the overthrow of religion,
as you shall hear more by others, which is come to this Queen's hands,
but not yet confirmed.


_Bedford and Randolph to Cecil, from Berwick_, March 6, 1566.
_Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vii. p. 30.

Somewhat we are sure you have heard of divers discord and jars between
this Queen and her husband, partly for that she hath refused him the
crown matrimonial, partly for that he hath assured knowledge of such,
usage of herself as altogether is intolerable to be borne, which, if it
were not over well known, we would both be very loath to think that it
could be true. To take away this occasion of slander, he is himself
determined to be at the apprehension and execution of him, whom he is
able manifestly to charge with the crime, and to have done him the most
dishonour that can be to any man, much more being as he is. We need not
more plainly to describe the person {Rizzio}. You have heard of the man
whom we mean of.

To come by the other thing which he desireth, which is the crown
matrimonial, what is devised and concluded upon by him and the noblemen,
you shall see by copies of the conditions between them and him, of which
Mr. Randolph assureth me to have seen the principals, and taken the
copies written with his own hand.

The time of execution and performance of these matters is before the
Parliament, as near as it is. To this determination of theirs, there are
privy in Scotland; these--Argyll, Morton, Boyd, Ruthven, and Lethington.
In England these--Murray, Rothes, Grange, myself, and the writer hereof.
If persuasions to cause the Queen to yield to these matters do no good,
they purpose to proceed we know not in what sort. If she be able to make
any power at home, she shall be withstood, and herself kept from all
other counsel than her own nobility. If she seek any foreign support,
the Queen's Majesty, our sovereign, shall be sought, and sued unto to
accept his and their defence, with offers reasonable to her Majesty's


Agreement between Darnley and the Earls of Murray, Argyll, Glencairn,
and Rothes, and Lords Boyd and Ochiltree.

_Ruthven's Relation_, Ed. of 1815.

_Articles to be fulfilled by the lords._

1. The said earls, lords, and their complices, shall become, and by the
tenor hereof become true subjects, men and servants to the noble and
mighty Prince Henry, by the grace of God, King of Scotland, and husband
to our sovereign lady; that they and all others that will do for them
shall take a loyal and true part with the said noble Prince in all his
actions, causes, and quarrels, against whomsoever, to the uttermost of
their power....

2. The said earls, lords, and their complices shall ... by themselves
and others that have voice in Parliament, consent, and by these presents
do consent now as then, and then as now, to grant and give the crown
matrimonial to the said noble Prince for all the days of his life. And
if any person or persons withstand or gainsay the same, the said earls,
lords, and their complices shall take such part as the said noble Prince
taketh, in whatsoever sort, for the obtaining of the said crown against

3. The said earls, lords, and their complices shall fortify and maintain
the said noble Prince in his just title to the crown of Scotland,
failing of succession of our sovereign lady....

4. As to the religion which was established by the Queen's Majesty, our
sovereign, shortly after her arrival in this realm ... they and every
one of them shall maintain and fortify the same at their uttermost
powers, by the help, supply, and maintenance of the said noble Prince.

       *       *       *       *       *


_Articles to be fulfilled by Darnley._

1. The said noble Prince shall do his good-will to obtain them one
remission, if they require the same, for all faults and crimes by-past,
of whatsoever quality or condition they be....

2. We shall not suffer, by our good-wills, the foresaid lords and their
complices to be called or accused in Parliament, nor suffer any
forfeiture to be laid against them....

3. That the said earls, lords, and their complices, returning within the
realm of Scotland, we shall suffer or permit them to use and enjoy all
their lands, tacks, steadings, and benefices, that they or any of them
had before their passage into England....

4. As to the said earls, lords, and their complices' religion, we are
contented and consent that they use the same, conform to the Queen's
Majesty's act and proclamation made thereupon, shortly after her
Highness's return out of France....

       *       *       *       *       *



Bond for Rizzio's Murder--Ruthven's Relation.

Be it kend {known} to all men by these present letters: We, Henry, by
the grace of God, King of Scotland, and husband to the Queen's Majesty,
for so much we having consideration of the gentle and good nature, with
many other good qualities in her Majesty, we have thought pity, and also
think it great conscience to us that are her husband, to suffer her to
be abused or seduced by certain privy persons, wicked and ungodly ...
especially a stranger Italian called Davie ... we have devised to take
these privy persons, enemies to her Majesty, us, the nobility and
commonwealth, to punish them according to their demerits, and in case of
any difficulty, to cut them off immediately, and to take and slay them
wherever it happeneth. And because we cannot accomplish the same without
the assistance of others, therefore have we drawn certain of our
nobility, earls, lords, barons, freeholders, gentlemen, merchants, and
craftsmen, to assist us in our enterprise, which cannot be finished
without great hazard.... We bind and oblige us, our heirs and
successors, to the said earls, lords, barons, gentlemen, freeholders,
merchants, and craftsmen, their heirs and successors, that we shall
accept the same feud upon us, and fortify and maintain them at the
uttermost of our power, and shall be friend to their friend, and enemy
to their enemies, and shall neither suffer them nor theirs to be
molested nor troubled in their bodies, lands, goods, nor possessions so
far as lieth in us. And if any person would take any of the said earls,
lords, barons, gentlemen, freeholders, merchants, or craftsmen, for
enterprising and assisting with us for the achieving of our purpose,
because it may chance to be done in presence of the Queen's majesty, or
within her palace of Holyrood-house, we, by the word of a prince, shall
accept and take the same on us now as then and then as now.... In
witness whereof we have subscribed this with our own hand at Edinburgh,
the 1st of March 1565.



1566.--April 2. Mary's Description of the Murder of Rizzio, in a letter
to the Archbishop of Glasgow, her Ambassador in Paris.

_Keith's History_, vol. ii. p. 411.

Most Reverend Father, we greet you well.... It is not unknown to you how
our Parliament was appointed to the 12th of this instant month of March,
to which these that were our rebels and fugitives in England were
summoned to have heard themselves forfeited. The day thereof
approaching, we required the King our husband to assist us in passing
thereto, who, as we are assured, being persuaded by our rebels that were
fugitive, with the advice and fortification of the Earl of Morton, Lords
Ruthven and Lindsay, their assisters and complices, who were with us in
company, by their suggestion refused to pass with us thereto, as we
suppose because of his facility, and subtle means of the Lords foresaid,
he condescended to advance the pretended religion published here, to put
the rebels in their rooms and possessions which they had of before, and
but {without} our knowledge grant to them a remit of all their
trespasses.... Upon the 9th day of March instant, we being, at even
about seven hours, in our cabinet at our supper, sociated with our
sister the Countess of Argyll, our brother the Commendator {lay Abbot}
of Holyrood-house, Laird of Criech, Arthur Erskine, and certain others
our domestic servitors, in quiet manner, especially by reason of our
evil disposition, being counselled to sustain ourselves with flesh {in
Lent}, having also then passed almost to the end of seven months in our
birth; the King our husband came to us in our cabinet, placed him beside
us at our supper. The Earl of Morton and Lord Lindsay, with their
assisters, clothed in warlike manner, to the number of eight score
persons or thereby, kept and occupied the whole entry to our Palace of
Holyrood-house.... In that meantime, the Lord Ruthven, clothed in like
manner, with his complices, took entry perforce in our cabinet, and
there seeing our secretary, David Riccio, among others our servants,
declared he had to speak with him. In this instant we inquired the King
our husband if he knew anything of that enterprise? who denyed the same.
Also we commanded the Lord Ruthven, under the pain of treason, to avoid
him forth of our presence, declaring we should exhibit the said David
before the Lords of Parliament to be punished, if in any sort he had
offended. Notwithstanding, the said Lord Ruthven perforce invaded him in
our presence (he then for refuge took safe-guard, having retired him
behind our back), and with his complices cast down our table upon
ourself, put violent hands in him, struck him over our shoulders with
whingers {hangers}, one part of them standing before our face with
bended daggs {pistols}, most cruelly took him forth of our cabinet, and
at the entry of our chamber give him fifty-six strokes with whingers and
swords, in doing whereof we were not only struck with great dread, but
also by sundry considerations, were most justly induced to take extreme
fear of our life. After this deed immediately the said Lord Ruthven,
coming again in our presence, declared how they and their complices
foresaid were highly offended with our proceedings and tyranny, which
was not to them tolerable; how we were abused by the said David whom
they had actually put to death, namely, in taking his counsel for
maintenance of the ancient religion, debarring of the Lords which were
fugitive, and entertaining of amity with foreign princes and nations
with whom we were confederate; putting also upon Council the Lords
Bothwell and Huntly, who were traitors, and with whom he associated
himself, that the Lords banished in England were the morn to resort
toward us, and would take plain part with them in our contrary; and that
the King was willing to remit them their offences. We all this time took
no less care of ourselves than for our Council and nobility, maintainers
of our authority, being with us in our Palace for the time; to wit, the
Earls of Huntly, Bothwell, Athole, Lords Fleming and Livingstone, Sir
James Balfour, and certain others our familiar servitors, against whom
the enterprise was conspired as well as for David; and namely to have
hanged the said Sir James in cords. Yet, by the providence of God, the
Earls of Huntly and Bothwell escaped forth of their chambers in our
Palace at a back window by some cords.... The Earl of Athole and Sir
James Balfour by some other means, with the Lords Fleming and
Livingstone, obtained deliverance of their invasion. The Provost and
town of Edinburgh having understood this tumult in our Palace, caused
ring their common bell, came to us in great number and desired to have
seen our presence, intercommuned with us, and to have known our welfare;
to whom we were not permitted to give answer, being extremely threatened
by these Lords, who in our face declared, if we desired to have spoken
them, they should cut us in collops, and cast us over the wall. So this
community being commanded by our husband, retired them to quietness.


All that night we were detained in captivity within our chamber, not
permitting us to have intercommuned scarcely with our servant-women nor
domestic servitors. Upon the morn hereafter proclamation was made in our
husband's name, by {without} our advice, commanding all Prelates and
other Lords convened to Parliament to retire themselves of our burgh of
Edinburgh. That whole day we were kept in that firmance {custody}, our
familiar servitors and guard being debarred from our service, and we
watched by the committers of these crimes, to whom a part of the
community of Edinburgh, to the number of four score persons, assisted.

The Earl of Murray that same day at even, accompanied with the Earl of
Rothes, Pitarrow, Grange, tutor of Pitcur, and others who were with him
in England, came to them, and seeing our state and entertainment, was
moved with natural affection toward us. Upon the morn he assembled the
enterprisers of their late crime, and such of our rebels as came with
him. In their Council they thought it most expedient we should be warded
in our castle of Stirling, there to remain while {till} we had approved
in Parliament all their wicked enterprises, established their religion,
and given the King the crown matrimonial and the whole government of our
realm; or else, by all appearance, firmly prepared to have put us to
death, or detained us in perpetual captivity. To avoid them of our
Palace, with their guard and assisters, the King promised to keep us
that night in sure guard, and that but {without} compulsion he should
cause us in Parliament approve all their conspiracies. By this means he
caused them to retire them of our Palace.



This being granted, ... we declared our state to the King our husband,
certifying him how miserably he would be handled, in case he permitted
these Lords to prevail in our contrare {against us}, and how
unacceptable it would be to other Princes, our confederates, in case he
altered the religion. By this persuasion he was induced to condescend to
the purpose taken by us, and to retire in our company to Dunbar, which
we did under night, accompanied with the captain of our guard, Arthur
Erskine, and two others only.... Soon after our coming to Dunbar, sundry
of our nobility, zealous of our weal, such as the Earls of Huntly,
Bothwell, Marshal, Athole, Caithness; Bishop of St. Andrews, with his
kin and friends; Lords Hume, Sempill, and infinite others assembled to
us.... The Earl of Moray and Argyll sent diverse messages to procure our
favour, to whom in likewise, for certain respects, by advice of our
Nobility and Council being with us, we have granted remission, under
condition they nowise apply themselves to these last conspirators, and
retire themselves in Argyle during our will.... We remained in Dunbar
five days, and after returned to Edinburgh well accompanied with our
subjects. The last conspirators, with their assisters, have removed
themselves forth of the same before, and being presently fugitive from
our laws, we have caused by our charges their whole fortunes, strength,
and houses to be rendered to us; have caused make inventory of their
goods and gear, and intend further to pursue them with all vigour.
Whereunto we are assured to have the assistance of our husband, who hath
declared to us, and in presence of the Lords of our Privy Council, his
innocence of this last conspiracy, how he never counselled, commanded,
consented, assisted, nor approved the same. Thus far only he ever saw
himself, that at the enticement and persuasion of the late conspirators
he, without our advice or knowledge, consented to the bringing home
forth of England of the Earls of Moray, Glencairn, Rothes, and other
persons with whom we were offended. This ye will consider by his
declaration made hereupon, which at his desire hath been published at
the market crosses of this our Realm ... of Edinburgh, the second day of
April 1566.




  1. Murray's plea for the Rizzio rebels.

  2. The relations between Mary and Darnley.
    (_a_) Mary's Will.
    (_b_) The Birth of Prince James.

  3. Mary to Elizabeth anent her support of the rebels.

  4. Mary's treatment of Darnley, and Darnley's conduct towards Mary.
    (_a_) As reported by M. le Croc, the French Ambassador.
    (_b_) As reported by Buchanan, with the Alloa story.
    (_c_) Nau's account of the Alloa story, and a letter of
        Mary's from Alloa.

  5. The Ride to Hermitage.
    (_a_) As reported in the Diurnal of Occurrents.
    (_b_) As reported by Nau.
    (_c_) As reported by Buchanan.

  6. The Queen's illness at Jedburgh.

  7. The Craigmillar Conference.
    (_a_) As reported by Buchanan.
    (_b_) In the Protestation of Huntly and Argyll.

  8. The events immediately before the Darnley murder.
    (_a_) Letter from Du Croc.
    (_b_) The Baptism of the Prince.
    (_c_) Restoration of the consistorial jurisdiction.
    (_d_) Mary on Darnley's conduct.
    (_e_) Beaton's warning.

  9. The visit to Glasgow and the murder.
    (_a_) As reported by Buchanan in the _Detection_.
    (_b_) As described by Mary.
    (_c_) As described by Nau.
    (_d_) As described by Buchanan in his _History_.

Relations between Mary and Darnley.

_Bedford and Randolph to Cecil, from Berwick_, March 27,
1566. _Wright's Elizabeth_, vol. i. p. 235.

My Lord of Murray by a special servant sent unto us desireth your
Honour's favour to these noblemen {the fugitives}, as his dear friends,
and such as for his sake hath given this adventure.


Bequests to the King.

_Robertson's Inventories._

Before the birth of her son, Mary made a will, of which no copy is
extant. But Mr. Joseph Robertson found an inventory of her jewels, made
at the same time, with marginal notes, in the Queen's own handwriting,
indicating their disposition. There are fifteen entries "Au Roy," from
which we quote the most interesting marginal note:--

  It was with this that I was
    married, to the King, who     A diamond ring enamelled
    gave it me.                   in red.

There are also bequests to the Crown of Scotland, the Earl and Countess
of Lennox, and the Earl of Murray, also a jewel with the marginal

"To Joseph {Riccio}, which his brother gave me."

At the end of the first section of the inventory, there is the following
note in Mary's hand:--

"I wish that these provisions be carried out in case that the child does
not survive me, but if it live, it is to inherit everything. MARIE R."


Mary's Will as described in the "Book of Articles" (cf. p. 144).

_Hosack's Mary_, vol. i. p. 525.

This her rooted disdain still continuing a little before her deliverance
of her birth in May or June 1566, in making of her latter will and
testament, she named and appointed Bothwell among others to the tutele
{guardianship} of her birth {child} and issue, and government of the
realm in case of her decease, and unnaturally excluded the father from
all kind of cure and regiment over his own child, advancing Bothwell
above all others to be lieutenant-general.... She disponit also her
whole moveables to others beside her husband.


The Birth of Prince James.

_Melville's Memoirs_, p. 158.

All this while I lay in the castle of Edinburgh, praying night and day
for her Majesty's good and happy delivery of a fair son. This prayer
being granted, I was the first that was advertised by the Lady Boyne
{Mary Beaton, just married to Ogilvie of Boyne}, in her Majesty's name
to part with diligence, the 19th day of June in the year 1566, between
ten and eleven hours before noon. It struck twelve hours when I took my
horse, and was at Berwick that same night. The fourth day after, I was
at London, and met first with my brother, who sent and advertised the
Secretary Cecil that same night of my coming and of the birth of the
Prince, willing him to keep it up, until my being at Court to show it
myself unto her Majesty, who was for the time at Greenwich, where her
Majesty was in great merriness and dancing after supper; but so soon as
the Secretary Cecil rounded the news in her ear of the Prince's birth
all merriness was laid aside for that night, every one that were present
marvelling what might move so sudden a changement; for the Queen sat
down with her hand upon her haffet {cheek}, and bursting out to some of
her ladies, how that the Queen of Scotland was lighter of a fair son,
and that she was but a barren stock.... The next morning was appointed
unto me to get audience ... she ... said, that the joyful news of the
Queen her sister's delivery of a fair son, which I had sent unto her by
Master Cecil, had recovered her out of a heavy sickness which has held
her fifteen days. Therefore she welcomed me with a merry volt
{countenance}, and thanked me for the diligence I had used. All this she
said before I had delivered unto her my letter of credence. After that
she had read it, I declared how that the Queen had hasted me towards her
Majesty, whom she knew of all other her friends would be gladdest of the
good news of her birth, albeit dear bought with the peril of her life;
for I said that she was so sore handled in the meantime that she wished
never to have been married. This I said to give her a little scare to
marry, by the way; for so my brother had informed me, because she
boasted sometimes to marry the Archduke Charles of Austria, when any man
pressed her to declare a second person {heir}. Then I requested her
Majesty to be a gossip unto the Queen, for our cummer are called gossips
in England; which she granted gladly to be.


_Herries's Memoirs_, p. 79. (_Abbotsford Club._)

About two o'clock in the afternoon the King came to visit the Queen, and
was desirous to see the child. "My Lord," says the Queen, "God has given
you and me a son, begotten by none but you!" At which words the King
blushed, and kissed the child. Then she took the child in her arms, and
discovering his face, said, "My Lord, here I protest to God, and as I
shall answer to Him at the great day of judgment, this is your son, and
no other man's son! And I am desirous that all here, with ladies and
others, bear witness; for he is so much your own son, that I fear it
will be the worse for him hereafter!" Then she spoke to Sir William
Stanley. "This," says she, "is the son whom (I hope) shall first unite
the two kingdoms of Scotland and England!" Sir William answered, "Why,
Madam? Shall he succeed before your Majesty and his father?" "Because,"
says she, "his father has broken to me." The King was by and heard all.
Says he, "Sweet Madam, is this your promise that you made to forgive and
forget all?" The Queen answered, "I have forgiven all, but will never
forget. What if Faudonside's pistol had shot, what would have become of
him and me both? or what estate would you have been in? God only knows;
but we may suspect." "Madam," answered the King, "these things are all
past." "Then," says the Queen, "let them go."

Rejoicings in Edinburgh.

_Claude Nau's Memorials_, p. 27.

Immediately upon the birth of the Prince, all the artillery of the
castle was discharged, and the lords, the nobles, and the people
gathered in St. Giles' Church to thank God for the honour of having an
heir to their kingdom. After the birth, certain gentlemen were
despatched to the King of France, the Queen of England, and the Duke of
Savoy, to ask them to be godfathers and godmothers to the Prince, to
which they very gladly consented.


Elizabeth and the Rebels.

_Mary to Elizabeth_, July 1566. _Keith's History_, vol. ii. p. 442.

Right excellent, right high and mighty Princess, our dearest sister and
cousin, in our most hearty manner we commend us unto you: We have
understood by your declaration made ... to our dearest brother the King
of France, ... that neither ye had aided nor were minded to aid and
support our rebels against us, which we have always taken to be
undoubtedly true, ... yet we have certain knowledge that our said rebels
were supported with the sum of three thousand crowns, sent to the Lady
Murray by Master Randolph about the middle of August by-past, as the man
who carried the money has confessed in his own presence; which his
proceeding as we have just occasion to think most strange ... we ...
have taken occasion to send him home to you, where his behaviour in this
case may be tried, and he ordered accordingly at your discretion.


Mary's Treatment of Darnley.

_M. le Croc, French Ambassador in Scotland, to the Archbishop of
Glasgow, Scottish Ambassador in France, from Jedburgh_, October 15,
1566. _Keith's History_, vol. ii. p. 448.

The Queen is now returned from Stirling to Edinburgh.... The King,
however, abode at Stirling, and he told me there that he had a mind to
go beyond sea, in a sort of desperation.... Since that time the Earl of
Lennox his father came to visit him; and he has written a letter to the
Queen signifying that it is not in his power to divert his son from his
intended voyage, and prays her Majesty to use her influence therein.
This letter from the Earl of Lennox the Queen received on Michaelmas Day
in the morning; and that same evening the King arrived here about ten of
the clock.... Early next morning the Queen sent for me, and for all the
Lords and other counsellors. As we were all met in their Majesties'
presence, the Bishop of Ross by the Queen's commandment declared to the
Council the King's intention to go beyond sea; for which purpose he had
a ship lying ready to sail; ... and thereafter the Queen prayed the King
to declare in presence of the Lords and before me the reason of his
projected departure.... She likewise took him by the hand, and besought
him for God's sake to declare if she had given him any cause for this
resolution; and entreated he might deal plainly, and not spare her.
Moreover, all the Lords likewise said to him, that if there was any
fault on their part, upon his declaring it they were ready to perform
it. And I likewise took the freedom to tell him, that his departure must
certainly affect either his own or the Queen's honour--that if the Queen
had afforded any ground for it, his declaring the same would affect her
Majesty; as, on the other hand, if he should go away without giving any
cause for it, this thing could not at all redound to his praise.... The
King at last declared that he had no ground at all given him for such a
deliberation; and thereupon he went out of the chamber of presence,
saying to the Queen, "Adieu, Madam, you shall not see my face for a long
space." ... I never saw her Majesty so much beloved, esteemed, and
honoured; nor so great a harmony amongst all her subjects, as at present
is by her wise conduct, for I cannot perceive the smallest difference or


_Buchanan's Detection._

Not long after her deliverance, on a day very early, accompanied with
very few that were privy of her counsel, she went down to the
water-side, at the place called the New Haven; and while all marvelled
whither she went in such haste, she suddenly entered into a ship there
provided for her; which ship was provided by ... Bothwell's servants,
and famous robbers and pirates. With this train of thieves, all honest
men wondering at it, she betook herself to sea, taking not any other
with her, no not of her gentlemen, nor necessary attendants for common
honesty. In Alloa castle, where the ship arrived, how she behaved
herself, I had rather every man should with himself imagine it, than
hear me declare it. This one thing I dare affirm, that in all her words
and doings, she never kept any regard, I will not say of Queen-like
Majesty, but not of matron-like modesty.... In the meantime, the King
being commanded out of sight, and with injuries and miseries banished
from her, kept himself close, with a few of his friends, at Stirling....
Yet his heart, obstinately fixed in loving her, could not be restrained,
but he must needs come back to Edinburgh, on purpose, with all kind of
serviceable humbleness, to get some entry into her former favour, and to
recover the kind society of marriage. Who once again being with most
dishonourable disdain excluded, returned from whence he came, there to
bewail his woeful miseries, as in a solitary desert.

_Nau's Memorials_, p. 29.

About the beginning of August the Queen crossed the sea and went to
Alloa, a house belonging to the Earl of Mar, where she remained for some
days in the company of the ladies of her court and the said earl.


Mary and the Poor.

_The Lennox_, vol. ii. p. 429.

Trusty Friend,--Forasmuch as it is heavily bemoaned and piteously
complained to us by this poor woman, that ye have violently ejected her
with a company of poor bairns forth of her kindly room, after {although}
willing to pay your duty thankfully: therefore (in respect that if ye be
so extreme as to depauperate the poor woman and her bairns) we will
desire you to show some favour and accept them in their steading
{habitation} as ye have done in times bygone; the which we doubt not but
ye will do for this our request, and as ye shall report our thanks and
pleasure for the same. At Alloa, the penult of July 1566.

            MARIE R.

To our trusty friend, Robert Murray of Abercairney, this be delivered.

The Ride to Hermitage.

_Diurnal of Occurrents._

Upon the 7th day of October 1566 years, our sovereign lady, accompanied
with the nobility of this realm, departed of Edinburgh towards Jedburgh,
to hold a justice eyre there, which was proclaimed to be held upon the
eighth day of the same month.

Upon the same day, James, Earl Bothwell ... being sent by our sovereigns
to bring in certain thieves and malefactors of Liddesdale to the justice
eyre ... chanced upon a thief called John Elliot of the Park.... The
said earl shot him with a dagg {pistol} in the body.... The said John
perceiving himself shot and the Earl fallen, he went to him where he
lay, and gave him three wounds, one in the body, one in the head, and
one in the hand; and my lord gave him two strokes with a hanger, ... and
the said thief departed, and my lord lay in swoon, while his servants
came and carried him to the Hermitage....


Upon the fifteenth day of the said month of October, our sovereign lady
rode from Jedburgh to the Hermitage {about 30 miles}, wherein my Lord
Bothwell was lying in mending of his wound, and spake with the same
earl, and returned again the same night to Jedburgh.

_Nau's Memorials_, p. 30.

The Earl of Bothwell was so dangerously wounded in the hand that every
one thought he would die. He thought so himself. Such being the case,
her Majesty was both solicited and advised to pay him a visit at his
house, called the Hermitage, in order that she might learn from him the
state of affairs in these districts, of which the said lord was
hereditary governor. With this object in view, she went very speedily,
in the company of the Earl of Moray and some other lords, in whose
presence she conversed with Bothwell for some hours, and on the same day
returned to Jedburgh.


Buchanan on the Ride to Hermitage.


When the Queen had resolved to set out for Jedburgh to hold the Assizes,
about the beginning of October, Bothwell made an expedition into
Liddesdale. While he was conducting himself there in a manner worthy
neither of the place to which he had been raised nor of his family and
of what might have been expected of him, he was wounded by a dying
robber. He was carried to the castle of Hermitage in a condition such as
to make his recovery uncertain. When this news is carried to the Queen
at Borthwick, although it was a severe winter, she flies off like a mad
woman, with enormous journeys first to Melrose and then to Jedburgh.
Although reliable reports about his life had reached that place, her
eager mind was unable to retain self-control and to prevent her from
displaying her shameless lust. At an unfavourable season, in spite of
the danger of the roads and of robbers, she threw herself into the
expedition with such an escort as no one slightly more honourable would
have dared to entrust with life and fortune. Furthermore, when she
returned to Jedburgh she arranged, with extraordinary zeal and care, for
Bothwell's being carried thither. After he was brought there, their life
and conversation was little in accordance with the dignity of either of

    [The distance from Borthwick Castle to Jedburgh is about sixty


The Queen's Illness at Jedburgh.

_John Lesley, Bishop of Ross, to the Archbishop of Glasgow._
October 27, 1566. _Keith's History_, vol. iii. p. 286.

My Lord,--After most hearty commendations, I write upon haste to your
Lordship with Saunders Bog, who was sent by M. de Croc this last
Wednesday to advertise of the Queen's Majesty's sickness, which at that
time was wondrous great; for assuredly her Majesty was so handled with
great vehemency, that all that were with her were desperate of her
convalescence. Nevertheless, soon after the departing of Saunders Bog,
her Majesty got some relief, which lasted till Thursday at ten hours at
even, at which time her Majesty swooned again, and failed in her sight;
her feet and her hands were cold, which were handled by extreme rubbing,
drawing, and other cures, by the space of four hours, that no creature
could endure greater pain; and through the vehemency of this cure her
Majesty got some relief, till about six hours in the morning on Friday,
that her Majesty became dead, and all her members cold, eyes closed,
mouth fast, and feet and arms stiff and cold. Nevertheless, Master Nau,
who is a perfect man of his craft, would not give the matter over in
that manner, but of new began to draw her knees, legs, arms, feet, and
the rest, with such vehement torments, which lasted the space of three
hours, till her Majesty recovered again her sight and speech, and got a
great sweating, which was held the relief of the sickness, because it
was on the ninth day, which commonly is called the crisis of the
sickness, and so here thought the cooling of the fever. And since then
continually, thanks to God, her Majesty convalesces better and
better.... Always, I assure your Lordship, in all this sickness, her
Majesty used herself marvellous godly and Catholic, and continually
desired to hear speak of God and godly prayers....


    [Mr. Small, in his "Queen Mary at Jedburgh" (p. 18), gives the
    following as the opinion of "a distinguished physician" on the
    illness:--"An attack of hæmatemesis, or effusion of blood into the
    stomach, subsequently discharged by vomiting; presenting also,
    possibly, hysterical complications, the whole induced by
    over-exertion and vexation."]

_Marc Antonio Barbaro, Venetian Ambassador in France to the
Signory, from Paris_, Nov. 6, 1566. _Venetian Calendar._

The Ambassador from Scotland came to me to-day with the good news that
his Queen ... is so much better that it is hoped and almost believed
that she is certain to live.

The illness was caused by her dissatisfaction at a decision made by the
King, her husband, to go to a place twenty-five or thirty miles distant
without assigning any cause for it; which departure so afflicted this
unfortunate Princess, not so much for the love she bears him as from the
consequences of his absence, which reduced her to the extremity heard of
by your Serenity.


1566.--The Craigmillar Conference.

_Buchanan's Detection._

About the 5th November she returned from Jedburgh to a village called
Kelso, and there she received letters from the King. When she had read
these in the presence of the Regent, the Earl of Huntly, and the
Secretary, with a sad countenance, she said that unless by some means
she were freed from the King her life would not be worth living; and
that if it could be done in no other way, rather than live in such
misery, she would take her life with her own hand.... When, about the
end of November, she came to Craigmillar, a castle about two miles from
Edinburgh, she commenced a similar conversation in the presence of the
Earl of Moray (afterwards Regent, and now himself dead), the Earl of
Argyle, and the Secretary. She mentioned what seemed to her a
satisfactory plan. She projected a suit of divorce against the King, and
doubted not but that it could easily be done, since they were in that
degree of consanguinity which is forbidden by Canon Law for the
contraction of matrimony, although they had been by letters easily
exempted from that law. At this point some one raised an objection,
that, if it were so managed, their son would be illegitimate, being born
out of matrimony, and the more so that neither of the parents was
ignorant of the causes that rendered the marriage null. She considered
that reply for a little, and recognised its truth. Not daring to enter
upon a scheme which would thus affect her son, she abandoned her project
of a divorce, nor did she ever afterwards let slip any opportunity of
getting rid of the King, as may be readily gathered from what remains to

_The Protestation of the Earls of Huntly and Argyll, 1568, Goodall's
Examination_, vol. ii. pp. 316-321, from Cott. Lib. Calig.,
vol. i. p. 282.

    [The following "Protestation" was drawn up by Queen Mary's advisers
    during the Westminster Conference (_infra_, pp. 143 _et seq._), and
    was despatched to Huntly for his own and Argyll's signature. It
    was, however, seized and sent to Cecil, without its having reached
    its destination. It is placed here for the sake of comparison with
    Buchanan's account of the Conference. It may be noted here that in
    another document (Instructions and Articles to be advised on and
    agreed, so far as the Queen's Majesty, our Sovereign, shall think
    expedient, at the meeting of the Lords in England, committed in
    credit by ... her Grace's true faithful subjects--_Goodall_, vol.
    ii. p. 354), signed by Lords Huntly, Argyll, Crawford, Eglinton,
    Cassilis, Errol, Ogilvie, Fleming, and many others of Mary's
    supporters, the following sentence refers to this
    Conference:--"They caused make offers to our said Sovereign Lady,
    if her Grace would give remission to them that were banished at
    that time, to find causes of divorce, either for consanguinity, in
    respect they alleged the dispensation was not published, or else
    for adultery; or then {else} to get him convict of treason, because
    he consented to her Grace's retention in ward; or what other ways
    to despatch him; which altogether her Grace refused, as is
    manifestly known." The "Dispensation" is the Papal Dispensation for
    the Darnley marriage, Mary and Darnley being within the forbidden


In the year of God 1566 years, in the month of December, or thereby,
after her Highness's great and extreme sickness, and return from
Jedburgh, her Grace being in the castle of Craigmillar, accompanied by
us above written {_i.e._ Huntly and Argyll}, and by the Earls of
Bothwell, Murray, and Secretary Lethington; the said Earl of Murray and
Lethington came into the chamber of us the Earl of Argyll in the
morning, we being in our bed; who, lamenting the banishment of the Earl
of Morton, Lords Lindsay and Ruthven, with the rest of their faction,
said, that the occasion of the murder of David, slain by them in
presence of the Queen's Majesty, was to trouble and impesche {prevent}
the parliament; wherein the Earl of Murray and others were to have been
forfeited and declared rebels. And seeing that the same was chiefly for
the welfare of the Earl of Murray, it should be esteemed ingratitude if
he and his friends in reciprocal manner, did not strive all that in them
lay for relief of the said banished ones; wherefor they thought that we,
of our part, should have been as desirous thereto as they were.

And we agreeing to the same, to do all that was in us for their relief,
providing that the Queen's Majesty should not be offended thereat; on
this Lethington proposed and said, "That the nearest and best way to
obtain the said Earl of Morton's pardon, was, to promise to the Queen's
Majesty to find a means to make divorcement between her Grace and the
King her husband, who had offended her Highness so highly in many ways."

And then they send to my Lord of Huntly, praying him to come to our
chamber.... And thereon we four, viz., Earls of Huntly, Argyll, Murray,
and Secretary Lethington, passed all to the Earl of Bothwell's chamber,
to understand his advice on the proposals; wherein he gainsaid no more
than we.


So thereafter we passed altogether to the Queen's Grace; where
Lethington, after he had remembered her Majesty of a great number of
grievous and intolerable offences, that the King, as he said, ungrateful
for the honour he had received from her Highness, had done to her Grace,
and continued every day from bad to worse; proposed, "That if it pleased
her Majesty to pardon the Earl of Morton, Lords Ruthven and Lindsay,
with their company, they should find the means with the rest of the
nobility, to make divorcement between her Highness and the King her
husband, which should not need her Grace to meddle therewith. To the
which, it was necessary that her Majesty take heed to come to a decision
therein, as well for her own relief as for the good of the realm; for he
troubled her Grace and us all; and remaining with her Majesty, would not
cease till he did her some other evil turn."

After these persuasions and divers others, which the said Lethington
used, besides those which every one of us showed particularly to her
Majesty to bring her to the said purpose, her Grace answered: That under
two conditions she might agree to the same; the one, that the
divorcement were made lawfully; the other, that it were not prejudicial
to her son; otherwise her Highness would rather endure all torments, and
abide the perils that might befall her in her Grace's lifetime. The Earl
of Bothwell answered, "That he doubted not but the divorcement might be
made without prejudice of my Lord Prince in any way," alleging the
example of himself, that he failed not to succeed to his father's
heritage without any difficulty, albeit there was a divorce between him
and his mother.


It was also proposed that, after their divorcement, the King should be
alone in one part of the country, and the Queen's Majesty in another, or
else that he should retire to another realm; and herein her Majesty
said, "That peradventure he would change his course, and that it were
better that she herself passed into France for a time, waiting till he
acknowledged his fault." Then Lethington, taking the speech, said,
"Madam, think you not we are here, of the principal members of your
Grace's nobility and council, and that we shall find the means that your
Majesty shall be quit of him without prejudice of your son. And albeit
that my Lord of Murray here present be little less scrupulous for a
Protestant, than your Grace is for a Papist, I am assured he will look
through his fingers thereto, and will behold our doings, saying nothing
to the same." The Queen's Majesty answered, "I will that ye do nothing
through which any spot may be laid upon my honour or conscience, and
therefore I pray you, rather let the matter be in the condition that it
is, abiding till God of His goodness put remedy thereto; lest you
believing that you are doing me a service, may possibly turn to my hurt
and displeasure." "Madam," said Lethington, "let us guide the matter
among us, and your Grace shall see nothing but good, and approved by

So since the murder of the said Henry Stewart followed this, we judge in
our consciences, and hold for certain and truth, that the said Earl of
Murray and Secretary Lethington were authors, inventors, devisers,
counsellors, and sources of the said murder, in whatever manner, or by
whatsoever persons, the same was executed.


Events immediately before the Murder of Darnley.

_M. le Croc to the Archbishop of Glasgow, from Edinburgh._
December 2, 1566. _Keith's History_, vol. i. p. 96.

The Queen is for the present at Craigmillar, about a league distant from
this city. She is in the hands of the physicians, and I do assure you is
not at all well; and do believe the principal part of her disease to
consist in a deep grief and sorrow. Nor does it seem possible to make
her forget the same. Still she repeats these words: _I could wish to be
dead_. You know very well that the injury she has received is
exceedingly great, and her Majesty will never forget it. The King, her
husband, came to visit her at Jedburgh the very day after Captain Hay
went away. He remained there but one single night; and yet in that short
time I had a great deal of conversation with him.... I think he intends
to go away tomorrow; but in any event I'm much assured, as I always have
been, that he won't be present at the baptism. To speak my mind freely
to you ... I do not expect, upon several accounts, any good
understanding between them, unless God effectually put to His hand. The
first is, the King will never humble himself as he ought; the other is,
the Queen can't perceive any one nobleman speaking with the King, but
presently she suspects some contrivance among them.


_M. le Croc to the Archbishop of Glasgow, from Glasgow._
December 26, 1566. _Keith's History_, vol. i. p. 97.

The baptism of the Prince was performed Tuesday last, when he got the
name of Charles James. It was the Queen's pleasure that he should bear
the name James, together with that of Charles (the King of France's
name). Everything at this solemnity was done according to the form of
the Holy Roman Catholic Church. The King (Lord Darnley) had still given
out that he would depart two days before the baptism, but when the time
came on he made no sign of removing at all, only he still kept close
within his own apartment. The very day of the baptism he sent three
several times desiring me either to come and see him, or to appoint him
an hour that he might come to me in my lodgings, so that I found myself
obliged at last to signify to him that seeing he was in no good
correspondence with the Queen, I had it in charge from the most
Christian King to have no conference with him.... His bad deportment is
incurable, nor can there ever be any good expected from him.... I can't
pretend to foretell how all may turn; but I will say that matters can't
subsist long as they are without being accompanied with sundry bad
consequences.... The Queen behaved herself admirably well all the time
of the baptism, and showed so much earnestness to entertain all the
goodly company in the best manner, that this made her forget in a good
measure her former ailments. But I am of the mind, however, that she
will give us some trouble as yet; nor can I be brought to think
otherwise so long as she continues to be so pensive and melancholy.


An Incident of the Baptism.

_Melville's Memoirs_, p. 171.

At the principal banquet there fell out a great flaw and grudge among
the Englishmen, for a Frenchman called Bastien devised a number of men
formed like satyrs, with long tails and whips in their hands, running
before the meat, which was brought through the great hall upon a trim
engine, marching, as it appeared, alone, with musicians clothed like
maidens, playing upon all sorts of instruments and singing of music. But
the satyrs were not content only to clear round, but put their hands
behind them to their tails, which they wagged with their hands, in such
sort as the Englishmen supposed it had been devised and done in derision
of them, daftly {foolishly} apprehending that which they should not seem
to have understood.... So soon as they saw the satyrs wagging their
tails[17] ... they all sat down upon the bare floor behind the back of
the board, that they should not see themselves scorned, as they thought.

    [17] It was a mediæval superstition, especially in France, that the
    English possessed tails, which had been affixed to their persons as
    a punishment for their ill-treatment of a saint; the names of St.
    Augustine and St. Thomas of Canterbury were used indifferently in
    this connection. _Cf._ Mr. George Neilson's "Caudatus Anglicus: A
    Mediæval Slander."

1566.--December 23. Restoration of the Consistorial Jurisdiction of the
Archbishop of St. Andrews.

_Laing_, II., 77. _from Privy Seal Record_, bk. 35, fol. 99.

A letter made restoring and reproving our sovereign's well beloved and
trusty councillor, John, Archbishop of St. Andrews, primate and legate
of Scotland, to all and sundry his jurisdictions as well upon the south
as north sides of the Forth within the diocese of St. Andrews, which
pertained to the Archbishopric of the same, to be used by him and his
commissaries in all time coming in the same manner and form of justice
as it is now used.... At Stirling, this xxiii day of December, the year
of God, 1566 years.

    [The jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts had been abolished
    in 1560. It was the Archbishop who pronounced the sentence of
    divorce between Bothwell and his wife, either in virtue of this
    general warrant, or by means of a special commission to try the
    case. On the one side, this restoration of the Consistorial Court
    is regarded as pointing to Mary's collusion with Bothwell, while
    controversialists, on the other side, would connect it with the
    proposal, made at Craigmillar, of a divorce between Mary and


Darnley's Illness.

_Buchanan's Detection._

Before he had passed a mile from Stirling all the parts of his body were
taken with such a sore ache, as it might easily appear that the same
proceeded not of the force of any sickness, but by plain treachery. The
token of which treachery, certain black pimples, so soon as he was come
to Glasgow broke out over all his whole body, with so great ache and
such pain throughout all his limbs, that he lingered out his life with
very small hope of escape: and yet all this while, the Queen would not
suffer so much as a physician once to come at him.


_The Earl of Bedford to Cecil, from Berwick_,
January 9, 1566. _Foreign Calendar._

The King is now at Glasgow with his father, and there lies full of the
small-pox, to whom the Queen has sent her physician.

_Mary to the Archbishop of Glasgow, from Edinburgh_,
January 20, 1567._ Keith's History_, vol. i. p. 101.

For the King our husband, God knows always our part towards him; and his
behaviour and thankfulness to us is semblablement well known to God and
the world; specially our own indifferent subjects see it, and in their
hearts, we doubt not, condemn the same. Always we perceive him occupied
and busy enough to have inquisition of our doings, which, God willing,
shall aye be such as none shall have occasion to be offended with them,
or to report of us any way but honourably; howsoever he, his father, and
their fautors speak, which we know want no good will to make us have
ado, if their power were equivalent to their minds.


_The Archbishop of Glasgow to Queen Mary, from Paris_, January 17, 1567.
_Keith's History_, vol. i. p. 103.

I have heard some murmuring ... that there be some surprise to be
trafficked in your country, but he {the Spanish ambassador} would never
let me know of any particular, only assured me he had written to his
master to know if by that way he can try any further, and that he was
advertised and counselled to cause me haste toward you herewith....
Finally, I would beseech your Majesty right humbly to cause the captains
of your guard be diligent in their office; for notwithstanding that I
have no particular occasion wherein I desire it, yet can I not be out of
fear till I hear of your news.... And so I pray the eternal Lord to
preserve your Majesty from all dangers, with long life and good health.

The Visit to Glasgow and the Murder.

_Buchanan's Detection_ (First Scots translation, in
_Anderson's Collections_, vol. ii. pp. 17-24).

    [Buchanan's account of Queen Mary's visit to Glasgow should be
    supplemented by a comparison with Crawford's "Deposition" (pp.
    208-213), with the Glasgow Letter (pp. 167-182), and with the
    passage from Nau's "Memorials" on p. 111.]

Herself goes to Glasgow; she pretends the cause of her journey to be to
see the King alive, whose death she had continually gaped for the month
before. But what was indeed the true cause of that journey, every man
may plainly perceive by her letters to Bothwell. Being now out of care
of her son, whom she had in her own ward, bending herself to the
slaughter of her husband, to Glasgow she goes, accompanied with the
Hamiltons, and other the King's natural enemies.


Bothwell, as it was between them before accorded, provides all things
ready that were needful to accomplish the heinous act; First of all, a
house, not commodious for a sick man, nor comely for a King, for it was
both riven and ruinous, and had stood empty without any dweller for
divers years before, in a place of small resort, between old falling
walls of two kirks, near a few almshouses for poor beggars. And that no
commodious means for committing that mischief might be wanting, there is
a postern door in the Town Wall, hard by the house, whereby they might
easily pass away into the fields. In choosing of the place, she would
needs have it thought that they had respect to the wholesomeness. And to
avoid suspicion that this was a feigned pretence, herself the two nights
before the day of the murder, lay there in a lower room, under the
King's chamber. And as she did curiously put off the shows of suspicion
from herself, so the execution of the slaughter she was content to have
committed to another.


About three days before the King was slain, she practised to set her
brother, Lord Robert, and him at deadly feud, making reckoning that it
should be gain to her, whichsoever of them had perished. For matter to
ground their dissension, she made rehearsal of the speech that the King
had had with her concerning her brother; and when they both so grew in
talk, as the one seemed to charge the other with the lie, at last they
were in a manner come from words to blows. But while they were both
laying their hands on their weapons, the Queen feigning as though she
had been perilously afraid of that which she earnestly desired, called
the Earl of Murray, her other brother, to the parting, to this intent,
that she might either presently bring him in danger to be slain himself,
or in time to come to bear the blame of such mischief as then might have


When all things were ready prepared for performing this cruel fact ...
the Queen, for manners' sake, after supper, goes up to the King's
lodging. There being determined to show him all the tokens of reconciled
good will, she spent certain hours in his company, with countenance and
talk much more familiar than she had used in six or seven months before.
At the coming in of Paris, she broke off her talk and prepared to
depart. This Paris was a young man born in France, and had lived certain
years in the houses of Bothwell and Seton, and afterwards with the
Queen. Whereas the other keys of that lodging were in custody of the
King's servants, Paris, by feigning certain fond and slender causes, had
in keeping the keys which Bothwell kept back, of the back gate and the
postern. He was in special trust with Bothwell and the Queen, touching
their secret affairs. His coming (as it was before agreed among them)
was a watchword that all was ready for the matter. As soon as the Queen
saw him, she rose up immediately, and feigning another cause to depart,
she said, "Alas! I have much offended toward Sebastian this day, that I
came not in a mask to his marriage." This Sebastian was an Avernois
{Auvergnois}, a man in great favour with the Queen, for his cunning in
music, and his merry jesting, and was married the same day. The King
thus left, in manner, alone, in a desolate place, the Queen departs,
accompanied with the Earls of Argyle, Huntly, and Cassilis, that
attended upon her. After that she was come into her chamber, after
midnight, she was in long talk with Bothwell, none being present but the
captain of her guard. And when he also withdrew himself, Bothwell was
there left alone, without other company, and shortly after retired into
his own chamber. He changed his apparel, because he would be unknown of
such as met him, and put on a loose cloak, such as the Swartrytters[18]
wear, and so went forward through the watch to execute his intended
traitorous fact. The whole order of the doing thereof may be easily
understood by their confessions who were put to death for it.

    [18] German. Black Riders, or heavy cavalry.

Bothwell, after the deed was ended that he went for, returned, and as if
he had been ignorant of all that was done, he gat him to bed. The Queen,
in the meantime, in great expectation of the success, how finely she
played her part (as she thought) it is marvell to tell; for she not once
stirred at the noise of the fall of the house, which shook the whole
town, nor at the fearful outcries that followed, and confused cries of
the people (for I think there happened her not any new thing unlooked
for) till Bothwell, feigning himself afraid, rose again out of his bed,
and came to her with the Earls of Argyle, Huntly, and Athole, and with
the wives of the Earls of Mar and Athole, and with the Secretary. There,
while the monstrous chance was in telling, while every one wondered at
the thing, that the King's lodging was even from the very foundation
blown up in the air, and the King himself slain; in this amazedness and
confused fear of all sorts of persons, only that same heroical heart of
the Queen maintained itself, so far from casting herself down into base
lamentations and tears, unbeseeming the royal name, blood, and estate,
that she matched, or rather far surmounted all credit of the constancy
of any in former times. This also proceeded of the same nobility of
courage, that she sent out the most part of them that were then about
her, to inquire out the manner of the doing, and commanded the soldiers
that watched to follow, and she herself settled her to rest, with a
countenance so quiet, and mind so untroubled, that she sweetly slept
till the next day at noon. But lest she should appear void of all
naturalness at the death of her husband, by little and little, at length
she kept her close, and proclaimed a mourning not long to endure.


Mary's Description of the Murder.

_Queen Mary to the Archbishop of Glasgow_, February 11 [10?], 1567.
_Keith's History_, vol. i. p. 101.


We have received this morning your letters of the 27th January by your
servant Robert Dury, containing in one part such advertisement as we
find by effect over true. Albeit the success has not altogether been
such as the authors of that mischievous fact had preconceived in their
mind, and had put it in execution, if God in His mercy had not preserved
us and reserved us, as we trust, to the end that we may take a rigorous
vengeance of that mischievous deed, which as it should remain
unpunished, we had rather lose life and all. The matter is horrible and
so strange as we believe the like was never heard of in any country.
This night past, being the 9th February, a little after two hours after
midnight, the house wherein the King was lodged was in an instant blown
in the air, he lying sleeping in his bed, with such a vehemency, that of
the whole lodging, walls, and other, there is nothing remained, no, not
a stone above another, but all carried far away or dashed in dross to
the very ground-stone. It must be done by force of powder, and appears
to have been a mine. By whom it has been done, or in what manner, it
appears not as yet. We doubt not but according to the diligence our
Council has begun already to use, the certainty of all shall be used
shortly; and the same being discovered, which we wot God will never
suffer to lie hid, we hope to punish the same with such rigour as shall
serve for example of this cruelty to all ages to come. Always whoever
have taken this wicked enterprise in hand, we assure ourselves it was
dressed as well for us as for the King; for we lay the most part of all
the last week in that same lodging, and were then accompanied with the
most part of the Lords that are in this town that same night at
midnight, and of every chance tarried not all night, by reason of some
mask in the Abbey: but we believe it was not chance, but God that put it
in our head. We despatched the bearer upon the sudden, and therefore
write to you the more shortly....


_Nau's Memorials_, p. 33.

He {the King} went to Glasgow, where he was seized with the small-pox.
He sent several times for the Queen, who was very ill, having been
injured by a fall from her horse at Seton. At last she went, stayed with
him, and attended him on his return to Edinburgh.... On his return to
Edinburgh, the King lodged in a small house outside the town, which he
had chosen in the report of James Balfour and some others. This was
against the Queen's wishes, who was anxious to take him to Craigmillar,
for he could not stay in Holyrood Palace lest he should give infection
to the Prince. On his own account, too, he did not wish any one to see
him in his present condition.... While he was in this house, the King
was often visited by the Queen, with whom he was now perfectly
reconciled. He promised to give her much information of the utmost
importance to the life and quiet of both of them.... He warned her more
particularly to be on her guard against Lethington, who, he said, was
planning the ruin of the one by the means of the other.... That very
night, as her Majesty was about to leave the King, she met Paris, Lord
Bothwell's _valet-de-chambre_, and noticing that his face was all
blackened with gunpowder, she exclaimed in the hearing of many of the
lords, just as she was mounting her horse, "Jesu, Paris, how begrimed
you are!" At this he turned very red.

On the 10th of February 1567, about three or four o'clock in the
morning, a match was put to the train of gunpowder, which had been
placed under the King's house. It was afterwards made public that this
had been done by the command and device of the Earls of Bothwell and
Morton, James Balfour, and some others, who always afterwards pretended
to be most diligent in searching out the murder which they themselves
had committed. Morton had secretly returned from England, to which he
had been banished.


This crime was the result of a bond into which they had entered. It was
written by Alexander Hay, at that time one of the clerks of the Council,
and signed by the Earls of Moray, Huntly, Bothwell, and Morton, by
Lethington, James Balfour, and others, who had combined for this
purpose. They protested that they were acting for the public good of the
realm, pretending that they were freeing the Queen from the bondage and
misery into which she had been reduced by the King's behaviour.... He
was but deceiving the Queen, whom they often blamed for so faithfully
having come to a good understanding with her husband; and they told her
that he was putting a knife not only to their throats but to her own.

The King's body was blown into the garden by the violence of the
explosion, and a poor English valet of his, who slept in his room, was
there killed.... Earl Bothwell was much suspected of this villainous and
detestable murder.... If we may judge by the plots, deeds, and
contrivances of his associates, it would seem that after having used him
to rid themselves of the King, they designed to make Bothwell their
instrument to ruin the Queen, their true and lawful sovereign.

Their plan was this, to persuade her to marry the Earl of Bothwell, so
that they might charge her with being in the plot against her late
husband, and a consenting party to his death. This they did shortly
after, appealing to the fact that she had married the murderer.


Buchanan (_Translated from History_, xx. 35).

The Archbishop of St. Andrews, who lived nearest, willingly undertook
the task of killing the King, when it was offered to him, both on
account of old enmities, and in the hope of bringing the succession
nearer his own family. He chose, accordingly, six or eight of the most
abandoned of his retainers, and entrusted the matter to them, giving
them the keys of the King's lodging. They entered very quietly into his
chamber, strangled him as he lay sleeping, and carried his body through
the postern into a garden beside the walls. Then, at a given signal,
fire was applied to the house.

    [The question as to the manner of Darnley's death has given rise to
    considerable discussion. The depositions of Hay, Hepburn, and Paris
    (vide pp. 144, 215-218) agree in representing that the King was
    killed by the explosion. On the other hand, Drury, who wrote to
    Cecil on 24th April {Foreign Calendar}, and Count Moretta, the
    agent of the Duke of Savoy, who was in Edinburgh {Labanoff, vii.
    108}, state that he was strangled. The facts that the bodies of
    Darnley and his servant, Taylor, were found together, in the
    garden, at some little distance from the house, without violent
    injury; that Darnley's pelisse and slippers were found beside him;
    and that the other bodies were found among the ruins, must be taken
    into account in forming a judgment on the question.]




  1. Introductory Note.

  2. Mary's seizure by Bothwell.
    (_a_) The Ainslie Bond.
    (_b_) Mary's description.
    (_c_) Description in the Diurnal of Occurrents.
    (_d_) Guzman de Silva to Philip II.

  3. The Bothwell Marriage.
    (_a_) The Divorce.
    (_b_) The Dukedom of Orkney.
    (_c_) The Marriage.
    (_d_) Mary's demeanour, as described by Du Croc and Drury.

  4. Carberry Hill.

  5. Mary in Lochleven.
    (_a_) Guzman de Silva on the nature of the Rebellion.
    (_b_) Elizabeth's intervention.
    (_c_) De Silva's conversation with Murray--the first suggestion
    of the Casket Letters.

  6. The escape from Lochleven.


1567.--April 19. Mary's Capture by Bothwell.

    [The Register of the Privy Council tells that, on February 12th,
    the Queen offered to the first revealer of the crime, "although he
    be one culpable and participant of the said crime," a reward of two
    thousand pounds and "ane honest yeirlie rent." Public opinion
    pointed to Bothwell as the murderer, and anonymous placards
    appeared in the streets of Edinburgh accusing him. Lennox
    approached the Queen demanding a trial. On March 1st (in reply to
    his letter of February 26th) Mary wrote asking a list of names. He
    sent, on the 17th, the names of Bothwell, Sir James Balfour, David
    Chalmers, John Spens, Francis Bastian, John de Bourdeaux, and
    Joseph Riccio,--the last four were attendants on the Queen. On
    March 28th the Privy Council fixed the trial for April 12th. On the
    11th, Lennox wrote asking a postponement of the trial and the
    imprisonment of the persons he had named, or whom he might suspect.
    The request was not granted, and the trial took place on the 12th.
    The Earl of Argyll, hereditary Lord-Justice, took his place as
    President of the Court, and the Earl of Caithness was Chancellor of
    the jury. Lennox put forward his demand for a postponement, which
    was refused, Bothwell urging that the Privy Council had fixed an
    early date in accordance with Lennox's own request. No witnesses
    were produced by the prosecution, and Bothwell was acquitted. He
    then challenged to single combat any one who might accuse him, and
    the challenge was not accepted. In the Parliament which met on the
    16th, various confirmations of grants were made--the Castle of
    Dunbar to Bothwell, the Earldom of Angus to Bothwell's nephew, and
    various lands to Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington. No Parliament
    had assembled since Mary's marriage to Darnley, and, accordingly,
    the restoration of Murray and Morton to their titles and estates
    was confirmed by statute. Although Parliament thus put its seal on
    Bothwell's acquittal, by securing Dunbar to him, the popular
    impression of his guilt was in no way lessened.]


A Bond by a Number of the Nobility to promote Bothwell's Marrying of
Queen Mary.

_Anderson's Collections_, vol. i. pp. 107-112, from
Cott. Lib. Calig., C. i. fol. 1.

We undersubscribing, understanding that although the noble and mighty
Lord James, Earl Bothwell, ... being not only bruitit {reported} and
calumniated by placards, privily affixed on the public places of the
Kirk of Edinburgh, and otherwise slandered by his evil willers, as art
and part of the heinous murther of the King, ... but also by special
letters sent to her Highness by the Earl of Lennox, and debated
{accused} of the same crime ... he by condign inquest and assize of
certain noblemen his peers and other barons of good reputation is found
guiltless and innocent of the odious crime objected to him ... and we
considering the anciency and nobleness of his house, the honourable and
good service of his predecessors, and specially himself to our
Sovereign, and for the defence of this her Highness' Realm against the
enemies thereof, and the amity and friendship which so long has
preserved betwix his House and every one of us.... Therefore obliges us,
and every one of us, upon our Faith and Honours, and Truth in our
bodies, as we are noblemen, and will answer to God, that in case
hereafter any manner of person or persons ... shall happen to insist
farther to the slander and calumniation of the said Earl of Bothwell, as
participant, act or part, of the said heinous murther, ... we ... shall
take ... plain and upright part with him, to the defence and maintenance
of his quarrel.... Moreover, weighing and considering the time present,
and how our Sovereign the Queen's Majesty is now destitute of a husband,
in the which solitary state the Commonwealth of this Realm may not
permit her Highness to continue and endure; ... and, therefore, in case
the former affectionate and hearty service of the said Earl ... may move
her Majesty so far to humble herself, as preferring one of her native
born subjects unto all foreign princes, to take to Husband the said
Earl, we, and every one of us undersubscribing, upon our Honours and
Fidelity, obliges us, and promises, not only to further, advance, and
set forward the marriage to be solemnised and completed betwix her
Highness and the said noble Lord ... but in case any would presume
directly or indirectly, openly, or under whatsoever colour or pretence,
to hinder, hold back, or disturb the said marriage, we shall in that
behalf, esteem, hold and repute the hinderers, adversaries or disturbers
thereof as our common enemies and evil willers.... In witness of the
which we have subscriyved these presents, as follows, at Edinburgh, the
19 Day of April, the year of God, 1567 years.


The names of such of the nobility as subscribed the bond, so far as John
Read {a dependent of Murray} might remember, of whom I had this copy,
being in his own hand, being commonly termed in Scotland, Ainslie's

The Earls--Murray, Huntly, Cassilis, Morton, Sutherland, Rothes,
Glencairn, Caithness.

Lords--Boyd, Seton, Sinclair, Semple, Oliphant, Ogilvie, Rosse-Hacat,
Carlisle, Herries, Hume, and Innermeith.

    [This note is appended to Cecil's copy of the bond. It should be
    noted that Murray was not in Scotland at the time, and that his
    name does not appear in a copy of the bond in the Scots College at
    Paris, for which we have the authority of Sir James Balfour.]


1567.--May. Mary on her Capture. Instructions to the Bishop of Dunblane
for the French Court.

_Keith's History_, vol. ii. p. 592.

In our returning he awaited us by the way, accompanied with a great
force, and led us with all diligence to Dunbar.... And when he saw us
like to reject all his suit and offers, in the end he showed us how far
he was proceeded with our whole nobility and principals of our estates,
and what they had promised him under their handwrites.... In the end,
when we saw no esperance to be rid of him, never man in Scotland once
making an attempt to procure our deliverance, ... so ceased he never
till by persuasions and importune suit, accompanied not the less with
force, he has finally driven us to end the work begun at such time and
in such form as he thought might best serve his turn, wherein we cannot
dissemble that he has used us otherwise than we would have wished, or
yet have deserved at his hand.

_Diurnal of Occurrents in Scotland._

And upon the twenty-fourth day of April, which was Saint Mark's even,
our sovereign lady being riding from Stirling, whereto she passed a
little of before to visit her son, as said is, to Edinburgh, James, Earl
of Bothwell, accompanied with seven or eight hundred men and friends,
whom he caused believe that he would ride upon the thieves of
Liddesdale, met our sovereign lady betwix Kirkliston and Edinburgh, at a
place called the Bridges, accompanied with a few number, and there took
her person to the castle of Dunbar.


_Guzman de Silva to the King, from London._ May 3, 1567.
_Spanish State Papers._

On arriving six miles from Edinburgh, Bothwell met her with four hundred
horsemen. As they arrived near the Queen with their swords drawn they
showed an intention of taking her with them, whereupon some of those who
were with her were about to defend her, but the Queen stopped them,
saying she was ready to go with the Earl of Bothwell wherever he wished
rather than bloodshed and death should result. She was taken to Dunbar,
where she arrived at midnight, and still remains. Some say she will
marry him, and they are so informed direct by some of the highest men in
the country who follow Bothwell. They are convinced of this, both
because of the favour the Queen has shown him, and because he has the
national forces in his hands. Although the Queen sent secretly to the
governor of the town of Dunbar to sally out with his troops and release
her, it is believed that the whole thing has been arranged, so that if
anything comes of the marriage, the Queen may make out that she was
forced into it.


The Bothwell Marriage.

_Diurnal of Occurrents in Scotland._

Upon the third day of May 1567, the sentence of divorce was pronounced
by the comissaries of Edinburgh, decerning and ordaining ... Jean Gordon
{Countess of Bothwell} to be free to marry when she pleased, and the
said Earl Bothwell to be an adulterer. This divorcement was made to the
effect that the said Earl should marry the Queen's Majesty.


Upon the twelfth day thairof {of May}, betwix seven and eight hours at
even, James, Earl Bothwell, was made Duke of Orkney and Zetland, with
great magnificence, ... and there were few or none of the nobility


Upon the fifteenth day of May 1567, Mary, by the grace of God, Queen of
Scots, was married on James, Duke of Orkney, Earl Bothwell, ... in the
palace of Holyrood-house, within the old chapel, by Adam, Bishop of
Orkney, not with the mass but with preaching, at ten hours afore noon.
There were not many of the nobility of this realm thereat, except the
Earl Crawford, the Earl Huntly, the Earl Sutherland, my Lords Arbroath,
Oliphant, Fleming, Livingston, Glamis, and Boyd, John, Archbishop of St.
Andrews, the Bishop of Dunblane, the Bishop of Ross, Orkney, with
certain other small gentlemen, who waited upon the said Duke of Orkney.
At this marriage there was neither pleasure nor pastime used, as use was
wont to be used when princes were married.


1567.--May. Mary's Demeanour.

_Du Croc to Catherine de Medici. Von Raumer's
Elizabeth and Mary_, p. 99.

It {the Bothwell marriage} is too unhappy, and begins already to be
repented of. On Thursday the Queen sent for me, when I perceived
something strange in the mutual behaviour of her and her husband. She
attempted to excuse it, and said, "If you see me melancholy, it is
because I do not choose to be cheerful; because I never will be so, and
wish for nothing but death." Yesterday, when they were both in a room,
with the Earl d'Aumale, she called aloud for a knife to kill herself;
the persons in the ante-chamber heard it. I believe that if God does not
support her, she will fall entirely into despair.

_Sir William Drury to Cecil, from Berwick_, May 25. _Foreign Calendar._

The Queen uses often with the Duke {Bothwell} to ride abroad, and they
now make outward show of great content, but the company at Court
increases not of one nobleman more than were at the marriage.

_Ibid., May 27._

The Duke openly uses great reverence to the Queen, ordinarily
bareheaded, which she seems she would have otherwise, and will sometimes
take his cap and put it on.


1567.--June 15. Carberry Hill.

_Melville's Memoirs_, p. 181.

All Scotland cried out upon the foul murther of the King.... Whereupon
the lords that had the enterprise in their heads were hasted forward to
take arms.... The Earl of Bothwell again, having the Queen in his
company, convened a greater number out of the Merse and Lothians, and
out of all parts where he had means of friendship, at over her Majesty's
proclamation, which was not well obeyed for the time; and so many as
came had no hearts to fight in that quarrel. Yet the Earl Bothwell
marched forward out of Dunbar {which was threatened by the lords},
taking the Queen with him, towards Edinburgh. The lords again, with
their companies, passed out of Edinburgh upon foot, with a great energy
and fierceness to fight; both the armies not far from Carberry. The Earl
Bothwell's men camped upon the hill head, in a strength very
advantageous; the lords camped at the foot of the hill.

Albeit her Majesty was there, I cannot name it to be her army, for many
of them that were with her had opinion that she had intelligence with
the lords; chiefly such as understood of the Earl Bothwell's mishandling
of her, and many indignities that he had both said and done unto her,
since their marriage was made. He was so beastly and suspicious, that he
suffered her not to pass over a day in patience, not making her cause to
shed abundance of salt tears. So part of his own company detested him;
other part believed that her Majesty would fain have been quit of him,
but thought shame to be the doer thereof directly herself.


In the meantime the laird of Grange rode about the brae.... When the
Queen understood that the laird of Grange was chief of that company of
horsemen, she sent the laird of Ormiston to desire him to come and speak
with her under surety, which he did, after he had sent and obtained
leave of the lords. As he was speaking with her Majesty, the Earl
Bothwell had appointed a soldier to shoot him, until the Queen gave a
cry, and said that he should not do her that shame, who had promised
that he should come and return safely. For he was declaring unto the
Queen how that all they would honour and serve her so that she would
abandon the Earl Bothwell, who was the murderer of her own husband....


The Earl Bothwell hearkened, and heard part of this language, and
offered the singular combat to any man that would maintain that he had
done it. The laird of Grange promised to send him an answer shortly
thereanent.... He offered himself first.... The Earl Bothwell answered
that he was neither lord nor earl, but a baron, and so could not be his
peer. The like answer he made to Tullibardine. Then my Lord Lindsay
offered to fight him, which he could not plainly refuse, but his heart
cooled aye the longer the more. Then the Queen sent again for the laird
of Grange, and said to him, that if the lords would do as he had spoken
to her, she should put away the Earl Bothwell and come unto them.
Whereupon he asked at them, if he might promise it to her Majesty in
their name; which they willed him to do.... Her Majesty was that night
conveyed to Edinburgh, and lodged in the middle of the town, in the
provost's lodging. As she came through the town, the common people cried
out against her Majesty at the windows and stairs, which it was a pity
to hear. Her Majesty again cried out, to all gentlemen and others that
passed up and down the causeway, declaring how that she was their native
princess, and doubted not but all honest subjects would respect her as
they ought to do, and not suffer her to be mishandled. Others again
showed their malice, in setting up a banner or ensign, whereupon the
King was painted lying dead under a tree, and the young prince sitting
upon his knees, praying, "Judge, and revenge my cause, O Lord!"[19]

That same night it was alleged that her Majesty wrote a letter unto the
Earl Bothwell.... Upon the which letter the lords took occasion to send
her to Lochleven to be kept, against promise as she alleged.

    [19] Ps. xliii. 1.

1567.--July 12. Lochleven Castle.

_Guzman de Silva to the King. Spanish State Papers._

    [Mary was a prisoner in Lochleven from 17th June 1567 to 2nd May
    1568. The chief events of her captivity were her compulsory
    abdication on 24th July, the coronation of her infant son on the
    29th of the same month, and the proclamation of the Earl of Murray
    as Regent on August 22nd. Her escape was preceded by at least one
    unsuccessful attempt. Murray visited Mary in Lochleven, and was by
    her asked to undertake the Regency, according to a letter from
    Throgmorton to Elizabeth, 20th August 1567 (in "Foreign Calendar,"
    and in Keith's "History," vol. ii. p. 737).]


... Croc, who was French Ambassador in Scotland, has passed here on his
way to France, and there is nobody now representing his King.


The Ambassador here assures me that the King (of France) has in his
favour both those who have assembled to detain the Queen (of Scots) and
those who are against them, and has their signatures promising to keep
up the friendship and alliance that the country has had with his
predecessors. For this reason the King had proceeded in such a way as
not to lose the support of the one side by taking up the cause of the
other, but he could not avoid giving his aid to the Queen, whose
adversaries assert positively that she knew she had been concerned in
the murder of her husband, which was proved by letters under her own
hand, copies of which were in his possession.

    [This is the earliest known reference to the Casket Letters.]

_Guzman de Silva to the King, from London_, July 26.
_Spanish State Papers._

Four days ago the preacher and confessor of the Queen of Scotland
arrived here. He is a Dominican Friar, a Frenchman named Roche Mameret,
and was at the Council of Trent.... He is much grieved at events in
Scotland, and the imprisonment of the Queen, but more than all at the
marriage with Bothwell, since he already has a wife.... He assured me
that those who had risen against the Queen had not been moved by zeal to
punish the King's murder, as they had been enemies rather than friends
of his; nor in consequence of the marriage, as they had been all in
favour of it, and had signed their names to that effect without
exception, either lay or clerical, apart from the Earl of Murray, but
their sole object had been a religious one, as they thought the Queen,
being a Catholic, might settle religion in a way not to their liking.


_Queen Elizabeth to Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, in Scotland_,
July 27, 1567. _Keith's History_, p. 702.

You shall plainly declare unto them {the lords}, that if they shall
determine anything to the deprivation of the Queen their sovereign lady
of her royal estate, we are well assured of our own determination, and
we have some just and probable cause to think the like of other Princes
of Christendom, that we will make ourselves a plain party against them,
for example to all posterity.

    [This intervention by Elizabeth on Mary's behalf was the result of
    reports which reached London that Mary's life was in danger. Her
    death was demanded by certain of the Protestant clergy, and the
    more ardent of their following.]


_Guzman de Silva to the King, from London_, August 2.
_Spanish State Papers._

The Earl of Murray went to Scotland on the last day of July.... I
visited him.... He repeated how displeased he was at the action of the
lords in taking the Queen.... I said that her confessor had told me that
as regarded the King's murder she had no knowledge whatever of it, and
had been greatly grieved thereat.... He opened out somewhat, saying that
my good will towards him prompted him to tell me something that he had
not even told this Queen {Elizabeth}, although she had given him many
remote hints upon the subject. This was that he considered it very
difficult to arrange matters, as it was certain that the Queen had been
cognisant of the murder of her husband, and he, Murray, was greatly
grieved thereat. This had been proved beyond doubt by a letter which the
Queen had written to Bothwell, containing three sheets of paper, written
with her own hand, and signed by her, in which she says in substance
that he is not to delay putting into execution that which he had
arranged, because her husband used such fair words to deceive her and
bring her round that she might be moved by them if the other thing were
not done quickly. She said that she herself would go and fetch him, and
would stop at a house on the road, where she would try to give him a
draught, but if this could not be done, she would put him in the house
where the explosion was arranged for the night upon which one of her
servants was to be married. He, Bothwell, was to try to get rid of his
wife either by putting her away or by poisoning her, since he knew that
she, the Queen, had risked all for him, her honour, her kingdom, her
wealth, and her God, contenting herself with his person alone. Besides
this she had done an extraordinary and unexampled thing on the night of
the murder in giving her husband a ring, petting and fondling him after
plotting his murder, and this had been the worst thing in connection
with it. Murray said he had heard about the letter from a man who had
read it, and the rest was notorious.... He says he will do his best for
her. I am more inclined to believe that he will do it for himself if he
finds a chance, as he is a Scotchman, and a heretic....


The Escape from Lochleven.

_Giovanni Correr, Venetian Ambassador in France to the Signory,
from Paris_, May 26, 1568. _Venetian Calendar._


Guard was continually kept at the castle day and night, except during
supper, at which time the gate was locked with a key, every one going to
supper, and the key was always placed on the table where the Governor
took his meals, and before him. The Governor is the uterine brother of
the Earl of Murray, Regent of Scotland, the Queen's illegitimate
brother, and her mortal enemy. The Queen, having attempted to descend
from a window unsuccessfully, contrived that a page of the Governor's,
whom she had persuaded to this effect, when carrying a dish, in the
evening of the second of May, to the table of his master with a napkin
before him, should place the napkin on the key, and in removing the
napkin take up the key with it and carry it away unperceived by any one.
Having done so, the page then went directly to the Queen and told her
all was ready; and she, having in the meanwhile been attired by the
elder of the two maids who waited upon her, took with her by the hand
the younger maid, a girl ten years old, and with the page went quietly
to the door, and he having opened it, the Queen went out with him and
the younger girl and locked the gate outside with the same key, without
which it could not be opened from within. They then got into a little
boat which was kept for the service of the castle, and displaying a
white veil of the Queen's with a red tassel, she made the concerted
signal to those who awaited her that she was approaching.... The
horsemen ... came immediately to the lake and received the Queen with
infinite joy, and having placed her on horseback, with the page and the
girl, they conveyed her to the sea coast, at a distance of five miles
from thence, because to proceed by land to the place which had been
designated appeared manifestly too dangerous. All having embarked, the
Queen was conducted to Niddry, a place belonging to Lord Seton, and from
thence to Hamilton, a castle of the Duke of Châtelherault, where his
brother, the Archbishop of St. Andrews, with other principal personages
of those parts, acknowledged her as Queen....

All Scotland is in motion, some declaring for the Queen, and some
against her and for the Earl of Murray.... With regard to her flight, it
is judged here, by those who know the site, and how strictly she was
guarded, that her escape was most miraculous, most especially having
been contrived by two lads under ten years of age, who could not be
presupposed to have the requisite judgment and secrecy.

To the greater satisfaction with the result may be added that the
inmates of Lochleven Castle perceived the flight; but being shut up
within it, and thus made prisoners, they had to take patience, and to
witness the Queen's escape, while they remained at the windows of the


But now, if the current report be true, the Queen of Scotland, following
the course of her fickle fortune, gives news of her troops having been
routed near Glasgow, all her chief adherents being killed or made

_Ibid._ June 6.

The news of the defeat of the troops of the Queen of Scotland was true.
She had assembled about eight thousand men, who had flocked to her from
divers parts, and for greater security she wished to shut herself up in
Dumbarton, which is a very strong castle, but she could not get there
without crossing the Clyde, over which there is but one bridge near
Glasgow, and that was already occupied by the enemy. It was therefore
determined to cross the river where it flows into the sea, a number of
boats being sent to the spot for that purpose. The Regent, aware of
this, went in pursuit with four thousand men; whereupon the Queen
appointed as her Lieutenant-General the Earl of Argyle, who had just
joined her, and who is her brother-in-law through his wife, Queen Mary's
natural sister, and he with six thousand men gave Murray battle.


The contest lasted for three-quarters of an hour, when the Queen's
troops were worsted, but only one hundred and fifty of her followers
were killed, for the Regent exerted himself extremely to prevent his
troops shedding blood. The prisoners exceeded three hundred, including
many noblemen, amongst whom, moreover, is that Lord Seton who was the
chief instrument and leader in effecting the Queen's escape. Finding
herself defeated, the Queen set out for England, accompanied by a son of
the Duke of Châtelherault, by Lord Fleming, by the Earl of Maxwell, and
some twenty-five other attendants, and she travelled a distance of one
hundred and twenty-five miles without any rest. She stopped at a place
called Workington, which is four miles within the English border. She
did not discover herself, but was recognised by a Scotsman, who informed
the warden of the castle, and the latter went immediately to receive
her, with great marks of respect, and posted guards on all sides to
prevent pursuit by the enemy.




  1. The Conference at York.
    (_a_) Letter of Murray to Queen Elizabeth.
    (_b_) Mary's Instructions to her Commissioners.
    (_c_) The formal complaints and replies.
    (_d_) The account of the private interview, with the "abstract of
               matters" there shown.
    (_e_) Sussex's opinion of the evidence.

  2. The Conference at Westminster.
    (_a_) Mary's Instructions.
    (_b_) Murray's "Eik" or additional charge.
    (_c_) The answer of Mary's Commissioners to the "Eik."
    (_d_) Elizabeth's reply to (_a_).
    (_e_) The Privy Council and suggestions for a compromise.
    (_f_) Proofs produced at Westminster--the account of the production.
    (_g_) Mary's own answer to the "Eik," and her request to see the
               originals, with Elizabeth's reply.
    (_h_) Mary's request for copies, with Elizabeth's reply.
    (_i_) Dissolution of the Conference by Elizabeth.


The Conference at York.

    [On Mary's arrival in England, Queen Elizabeth declined to meet
    her, till she should be cleared from the suspicion of complicity in
    the Darnley murder. Mary promptly accused Maitland and Morton of a
    share in the crime, and accepted Elizabeth's proposal to have the
    case tried at a Conference at York. The Queen of England appointed
    as Commissioners, the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Sussex, and Sir
    Ralph Sadler. The Scottish Queen was represented by Lords Boyd,
    Herries, and Livingstone, the Abbot of Kilwinning, Sir John Gordon
    of Lochinvar, Sir James Cockburn of Skirving, and John Lesley, the
    Bishop of Ross. The Earl of Murray, the Earl of Morton, the Bishop
    of Orkney (Adam Bothwell), the Abbot of Dunfermline, and Lord
    Lindsay appeared in the name of the young James VI., along with
    Maitland of Lethington, George Buchanan, James Macgill, and Henry
    Balnaves, as assistants.

    Many points of procedure and various formal questions occupied much
    of the time of the Conferences. The extracts which follow have been
    chosen out of regard to their bearing on the problem of Mary's
    guilt or innocence, and especial care has been taken to include
    references to the Casket Letters. The letters themselves, and the
    depositions which were produced before the Commissioners, will be
    found, by themselves, after the account of the Conferences.

    The Conference met at York on October 8, and as Mary was, formally,
    the plaintiff, her complaint against the Lords was first received.
    Thereafter, Murray's reply and a rejoinder from Mary's
    representatives were put on record. This was all the formal
    business essential for our purpose. But, on October 11th,
    Elizabeth's Commissioners received a private visit from Maitland,
    Buchanan, Macgill, and Balnaves, who put before them, secretly,
    certain documents to prove Mary's guilt. It will be seen from the
    letter of the Commissioners to Elizabeth, and the quotations from
    the "abstract of matters ... chosen by the Scots," that these
    documents consisted of:--

    1. A bond signed by the Lords, agreeing to Bothwell's marriage with
    the Queen.

    2. The Queen's warrant for the signature of the above-mentioned

    3. Two contracts of marriage. (See pp. 201-203.)

    4. Two letters arranging for the seizure of the Queen by Bothwell
    (_i.e._ two of Letters, vi., vii., and viii., see pp. 190-194).

    5. A letter arranging a duel between Darnley and the Lord Robert.

    6. The two Glasgow Letters (i. and ii., see pp. 165-182).

    7. The Love Sonnets (pp. 195-201).

    8. The Letter in which the Jason and Medea comparison occurs.
    (Letter iv., see pp. 185-189.)

    This list should be compared with the recital of the productions at
    Westminster (pp. 143 _et seq._). Maitland informed Queen Mary of
    this secret visit, and she complained to Queen Elizabeth, who
    summoned all the Commissioners to London, on the ground of greater


_Letter of the Earl of Murray, with information for the Queen
of England_, June 22, 1568. _Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 75, _from the
Paper Office_.

It may be that such letters as we have of the Queen, our Sovereign
Lord's mother, that sufficiently, in our opinion, prove her consenting
to the murther of the King her lawful husband, shall be called in doubt
... therefore, since our servant, Mr. John Wood, has the copies of the
same letters translated in our language, we would earnestly desire that
the said copies may be considered by the judges that shall have the
examination and commission of the matter, that they may resolve us thus
far, in case the principal agree with the copy, that then we prove the
case indeed; for when we have manifested and shown all, and yet shall
have no assurances that what we send shall satisfy for probation, for
what purpose shall we either accuse or seek to prove, when we are not
assured what to prove, or when we have proved, what shall succeed?


1568.--September 9. Mary's Instructions to her Commissioners.

_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 337, from _Queen Mary's Register_ in Cotton

In case they allege they have any writings of mine, which may infer
presumption against me in that case, ye shall desire the principals to
be produced, and that I myself may have inspection thereof, and make
answer thereto. For ye shall affirm, in my name, I never wrote anything
concerning that matter to any creature; and if any writings be, they are
false and feigned, forged and invented by themselves, only to my
dishonour and slander. And there are divers in Scotland, both men and
women, that can counterfeit my handwriting, and write the like manner of
writing which I use, as well as myself, and principally such as are in
company with themselves. And I doubt not, if I had remained in my own
realm, but I should have gotten knowledge of the inventors and writers
of such writings ere now, to the declaration of my innocency, and
confusion of their falsity.

October 8. Complaint of the Queen of Scots against the Earl of Murray.

_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 128, from Cott. Lib. Calig., C. i. 197.

That James, Earl of Morton, John, Earl of Mar, Alexander, Earl of
Glencairn, the Lords Howe, Lindsay, Ruthven, Sempill, Cathcart,
Ochiltree, with others their assisters, assembled in arms a great part
of the Queen's grace's subjects, declared by their proclamations it was
for her Grace's relief, beset the road in her passage betwixt her
Grace's castles of Dunbar and Edinburgh, there took her most noble
person, committed her in ward in her own place of Lochleven, ... passed
to the castle of Stirling, and made there fashion of crowning of her son
the Prince....

James, Earl of Murray, took upon him the name of the Regent, ...
intromitted with the whole strengths, munitions, jewels, and patrimony
of the crown, as well property as casualty....


October 10. The Answer of the Earl of Murray.

_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 144, from Cott. Lib. Calig., C. i. 202.


It is notorious to all men, how umquhile {the late} King Henry, father
to our sovereign Lord, was horribly murdered in his bed. James, sometime
Earl of Bothwell, being well known to be the chief author thereof,
entered into so great credit and authority with the Queen, then our
sovereign, that, within three months after the murder of her husband,
the said Earl ... accomplished a pretended marriage betwix him and the
Queen, which strange and hasty proceeding of that godless and ambitious
man, ... with the ignominy spoken among all nations of that murther, as
though all the nobility had been alike culpable thereof, so moved the
hearts of a good number of them, that they thought nothing more godly
... than by punishing of the said Earl, chief author of the murther, to
relieve others causelessly calumniated thereof, to put the Queen to
freedom, forth of the bondage of that tyrant.... {From the Queen, after
Carberry Hill}, no other answer could be obtained, but vigorous
menacing, on the one part, avowing to be revenged on all them that had
shown themselves in that cause, and on the other part, offering to leave
and give over the realm and all, so she might be suffered to possess the
murtherer of her husband, which her inflexible mind, and extremity of
necessity compelled them to sequestrate her person for a season....
During the which time, she finding herself by long, irksome, and tedious
travail, taken by her in the government of the realm and lieges thereof
... vexed and wearied ... and for other considerations moving her at the
time, therefore demitted and renounced the office of government of the
realm and lieges thereof ... and constituted me, the said Earl of
Murray, I being then absent furth of the realm, and without my
knowledge, Regent to his Grace, the realm, and lieges....


1568.--October 16. Queen Mary's Commissioners' Rejoinder to Murray's

_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 162, from _Queen Mary's Register_
in Cott. Lib. Titus, C. 12.

If he {Bothwell} was the principal author of the murder, the same was
never known nor manifested to her Highness, but the contrary did well
appear to her Grace, by reason the said Earl of Bothwell being
suspected, indited, and orderly summoned by the laws of that realm, was
acquitted by an assize of his Peers, and the same ratified and confirmed
by authority of Parliament, by the greatest part of the nobility ... who
also consented and solicited our said Sovereign to accomplish the said
marriage with him as the man most fit in all the realm of Scotland ...
and they nor none of them ... came to her Highness ... to find fault
with the said Earl concerning the murder foresaid, or yet in any ways
seemed to grudge or disallow the said marriage.... And at the presenting
of the said writings of demission of her crown to her Majesty by the
Lord Lindsay, he menaced her Grace, that if she would not subscribe, he
had command to put her presently in the Tower, and would do the same,
and counselled her to fulfil their desire or worse would shortly follow;
which her Highness subscribed with many tears, never looking what was
contained in the writings, declaring plainly thereafter, if ever her
Grace came to liberty, she would never abide thereat, because it was
against her Majesty's will.... If her Grace had willingly demitted the
same, as her Highness did not, her Highness could not have nominated the
said Earl of Murray Regent, for there were others to have been preferred
to him.

1568.--October 11. Letter to Queen Elizabeth from her Commissioners at

    [This letter is printed in the Appendix to vol. ii. of Hosack's
    "Mary Queen of Scots, and her Accusers," from Cott. MS. Cal. c. i.
    fol. 198. The words or letters within brackets, {}, have been
    burnt, the margin being singed. "The words printed in italics,"
    says Mr. Hosack, "are very carefully erased with the pen, and, in
    some instances, are disguised with head and tail loops, to prevent
    their being read, the alterations being written between the lines."
    Without the alterations, the letter is printed in Goodall, vol. ii.
    p. 139, and elsewhere.]



And so they {Moray and his colleagues} sent unto us the Lord of
Lethington, James Macgill, Mr. George Buchanan, and one other being a
Lord of the Session, which in private and secret conference with us, not
as Commissioners, as they protested, but for our better instruction,
afte{r} declaration of such circumstances as led and induced them to
vehement presumptio{n} to judge her guilty of the said murder, shewed
unto us a copy of a bond bear{ing} date the 19th of April 1567, to the
which the most part of the Lords and coun{cil} of Scotland have put to
their hands; and, as they say, more for fear, than any liking they had
of the same. Which bond contained two special points, the one {a}
declaration of Bothwell's purgation of the murder of the Lord Darnley
... and the othe{r} a general consent to his marriage with the Queen....
And yet, in proof that they did it not willingly, they procured a
warrant, which was now shewed unto us, bearing date the 19th {of} April,
signed with the Queen's hand, whereby she gave them licence to agree to
the same.... There was also a contract shewed unto us, signed with the
Queen's hand, and also with Bothwell's, bearing date the fifth of
April.... There was also a contract shewed unto us, of the Queen's own
hand, of the marriage to be had between her and Bothwell, bearing no
date, which had not _verba de præsenti_, as the other had, bearing date
the 5th of April. It appeared also unto us by two letters of her own
hand, that it was by her own practice and consent that Bothwell should
take her and carry her to Dunbar.... After the device of the murder was
determined, as it seemed by the sequel, they inferred upon a letter of
her own hand, that there was another mean of a more cleanly conveyance
devised to kill the King; for there was a quarrel made betwixt him and
the Lord Robert of Holyrood-house, by carrying of false tales betwixt
them, the Queen being the instrument, as they said, to bring it to
pass.... Afterwards they shewed unto us one horrible and long letter of
her own hand, as they say, containing foul matter, and abominable to be
either thought of, or to be written by a Prince, with divers fond
ballads, and other writings before specified, were closed in a little
coffer of silver and gilt heretofore given by her to Bothwell.... And
these men here do constantly affirm the said letters and other writings,
which they produce of her own hand, to be of her own hand in deed; and
do offer to swear and take their oath thereupon, _as in deed_ the matter
contained in them being such as could hardly be invented or devised by
any other than by herself; for that the discourse of some things which
were unknown to any other, than to herself, and Bothwell, _doth the
rather persuade us to believe that they be in deed of her own
handwriting_. And as it is hard to counterfeit so many, _and so long
letters_, so the matter of them, and the manner how these men came by
them, is such, as it seemeth that God (in whose sight murder and
bloodshed of the innocent is abominable) would not permit the same to be
hid or concealed. In a paper here inclosed we have noted to your Majesty
the chief and special points of the said letters, written (as they say)
with her own hand, to the intent it may please your Majesty to consider
of them, and so to judge whether the same be sufficient to convince her
of the detestable crime of the murder of her husband; which in our
opinions and consciences, if the said letters be written with her own
hand, _as we believe_

    _they be_, {is very hard to be avoided.
               {_is plain and manifest_....

            T. NORFOLK.
            T. SUSSEX.
            R. SADLER.

Abstract of Matters showed to the Queen's Majesty's Commissioners by the
Scots, sent the 11th of October.

_Goodall_, pp. 148-153.

... She wrote to Bothwell, that according to her commission, she would
bring the man with her; praying him to work wisely, or else the whole
burden would lie on her shoulders; and specially to make good watch,
that the bird escaped not out of the cage. {Letter iv., see pp.


Notes drawn forth of the Queen's Letters sent to the Earl Bothwell.

... _Item._ ... We are coupled with twa fals racis; the devill syndere
us, and God mot knit us togidder for ever for the maist faithful cupple
that ever he unitit. This is my faith, I will die in it.

... _Item._ ... Wareit {cursed} mocht this pokishe man be, that causes
me haif sa meikill pane, for without hym I wald haif ane far mair
plesant subject to discourse upoun. He is not oer meikle spilt, bot he
has gottin verray mekill; he has almaist slane me with his braith; it is
war nor your unclis, and zeit {yet} I cum na neirar bot sat in ane cheir
at the bedfute, and he beand {being} at the uther end thairof.

... _Item._ ... Send me advertisement quhat I sall do, and quhatsumever
sall cum thairof I sall obey you; advys to with yourself. Yf ye can fynd
out any mair secreit inventioun be medecein, and the baith in

... _Item._ ... "For certaintie he suspectis that thing ye know, and of
his lyif: bot as to the last, how sone I speak twa or thrie guid wordis
unto hym, he rejois and is out of doubt."

... _Item._ ... Sie not his quhas fenzeit tearis suld not be sa mekill
praysit, nor estemyt, as the trew and faythfull travaillis quhilk I
sustene to merit hir place, for obteyning of quhilk, againis my
naturall. I betray thame that may impesche me. God forgive me, and God
gif you, my onlie luif, the hope and prosperitie that your humble and
faythfull luif desyris unto yow, quha hoipis schortlie to be ane uther
thing unto yow. {Letter, ii. pp. 167-182.}

... _Item._ ... As to me, howbeit I heir no farther newes from yow.
According to my commission, I bring the man with me to Craigmillar upon
Munday, quhair he will be all Wednisday. {Letter i., pp. 165-6.}

... _Item._ ... In ane uther lettre, "I pray you, according to your
promeis, to discharge your hart to me, utherwayis I will think that my
malheure, and the guid composing of thame, that hes not the third part
of the faythfull and willing obedience unto yow that I beyre, has wyne,
againis my will, that advantage over me quhilk the secund luif of Jason
wan; not that I wolde compair yow to ane soe unhappie as he was, nor yit
myself to ane soe unpetifull a woman as she...." {Letter iv., p. 185.}


The Conference at Westminster.

    [At the beginning of the Westminster Conference, Mary found herself
    "ever straiter and straiter kept from liberty," and demanded to be
    allowed to appear in person. Her request and Elizabeth's reply will
    be found on pp. 145, 148. On the 26th November, Murray made his
    "eik" or additional charge. For the relevant portions of this
    document, and of the reply of Mary's Commissioners, see pp. 146-7.
    On December 6th, Mary's representatives protested that they would
    withdraw from the Conference if their mistress's demand were not
    granted. Cecil declined, on a formal point, to receive the protest.
    On the 6th, 7th, and 8th, Murray produced his proofs. On the 9th,
    the protest was accepted, and Mary's Commissioners withdrew. After
    their retirement further evidence was received. It may be of use to
    enumerate the documents produced at Westminster:--


    The Book of Articles.

    Acts of Parliament ratifying the proceedings of the insurgent

    Two contracts of marriage, and record of Bothwell's trial and

    Five of the six letters produced at York, three additional letters,
    and the sonnets (pp. 162-201).

    Recognition of the Regent's Government by Huntly, Argyll, and
    Herries (pp. 154-5).

    Depositions and confessions of Hay, Hepburn, Powrie, Dalgleish,
    Nelson, and Crawford.

    Murray's "Journal or Diary of Events."

    The Book of Articles is a document of considerable length. It is a
    summary of the charges against the Queen of Scots, but contains no
    important charge which is not to be found elsewhere. The reader is
    already in possession of its essential allegations. It formed the
    material for Buchanan's "Detectio," with which it is, at times,
    almost identical. It is printed, from the Hopetoun MS., in Hosack's
    "Mary," I. App. B. For the depositions of Nelson and Crawford, see
    pp. 207-213. The depositions of Hay, Hepburn, Powrie, and Dalgleish
    do not directly accuse the Queen of the murder, beyond stating that
    the powder was placed in her room, and they have therefore been
    omitted. The question of the position of the powder is discussed in
    Hosack, vol. i. pp. 247-8, and the reader is referred to the
    authorities there quoted, and to Mr. Hay Fleming's "Mary Queen of
    Scots," pp. 435-6 (_cf._ also pp. 219-220). The confession of
    Hepburn (English edition of Buchanan's "Detection") contains the
    following sentence:--"He said, let no man do evil for counsel of
    great men ... for surely I thought that night that the deed was
    done, that although knowledge should be gotten, no man durst have
    said it was evil done, seeing the handwriting and acknowledging the
    Queen's mind thereto." No question was put to Dalgleish regarding
    the casket found in his possession.

    A quotation from Murray's "Diary," so far as it bears on the
    murder, will be found on pp. 213-215.]

_The Earl of Sussex to Sir William Cecil_, October 22, 1568.
_Lodge: Illustrations of British History._

This matter must at length take end, either by finding the Scotch Queen
guilty of the crimes that are objected against her, or by some manner of
composition with a show of saving her honour. The first, I think, will
hardly be attempted, for two causes, the one, for that if her adverse
party accuse her of the murder by producing of her letters, she will
deny them, and accuse the most of them of manifest consent to the
murder, hardly to be denied; so as, upon the trial on both sides, her
proofs will judicially fall best out, as it is thought. The other, for
that their young King is of tender and weak years and state of body; and
if God should call him, and their Queen were judicially defaced ...
Hamilton, upon his death, should succeed; which Murray's faction utterly


1568.--November 22. Mary to her Commissioners.

_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 185, _from Queen Mary's Register_,
Cott. Lib., Titius C. 12.

Ye shall afore our sister, her nobility, and the whole ambassadors of
strange countries, desire, in our name, that we may be licensed to come
in proper person afore them all, to answer to that which may or can be
proposed and alleged against us by the calumnies of our rebels, since
they have free access to accuse us.... And now the said Earl of Murray
being permitted to come into her presence, which if the like be not
granted us, as is reasonable, and yet our sister will condemn us in our
absence, not having place to answer for ourselves, as justice requires;
in consideration of the premisses ye shall break off your conference,
and proceed no further therein, but take your leave and come away.


1568.--November 26. Murray's "Eik" or Additional Charge.

_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 206, from Cott. Lib. Calig., C. i. 230.

Whereas in our former answer, upon good respects mentioned in our
protestation, we kept back the chiefest causes and grounds, whereupon
our actions and whole proceedings were founded, wherewithal seeing our
adversaries will not content themselves; but by their obstinate and
earnest pressing we are compelled, for justifying of our cause, to
manifest the naked truth. It is certain, and we boldly and constantly
affirm, that as James, sometime Earl of Bothwell, was the chief executor
of the horrible and unworthy murder, perpetrated in the person of
umquhile King Henry of good memory, father to our sovereign Lord, and
the Queen's lawful husband, so was she of the foreknowledge, counsel,
device, persuader and commander of the said murder to be done,
maintainer and fortifier of the executors thereof, by impeding and
stopping of the inquisition and punishment due for the same, according
to the laws of the realm, and, consequently, by marriage with the said
James, sometime Earl Bothwell, delated and universally esteemed chief
author of the above-named murder. Where through they began to use and
exercise an uncouth and cruel tyranny in the whole state of the
commonwealth, and with the first (as well appeared by their proceedings)
intended to cause the innocent Prince, now our Sovereign Lord, shortly
follow his father, and so to transfer the crown from the right line to a
bloody murderer and godless tyrant. In which respect the estates of the
realm of Scotland finding her unworthy to reign, decreed her demission
of the Crown, with the coronation of our sovereign Lord, and
establishing of the regiment of that realm, in the person of me, the
Earl of Murray....

            JAMES, REGENT.
            PATRICK, L. LINDSAY.
            AD. ORKAD.


1568.--December 1. The Answer of Queen Mary's Commissioners to the

_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 213, _from Queen Mary's Register_.

My Lords,--We are heartily sorry to hear that our countrymen should
intend to colour their most unjust, ingrate, and shameful doings.... Her
Highness made the greatest of them of mean men, if they had used their
own calling, Earls and Lords, and now, without any evil deserving on her
Grace's part to any of them in deed or word, to be thuswise recompensed
with calumnious and false invented bruits {rumours}, slandered in so
great a matter, to her reproach, whereof they themselves, that now
pretend herewith to excuse their own treasons, were the first inventors,
writers with their own hands of that devilish band, the conspiracy of
the slaughter of that innocent young gentleman, Henry Stewart, late
spouse till our sovereign, and presented to their wicked confederate,
James, Earl Bothwell, as was made manifest before ten thousand people at
the execution of certain the principal offenders at Edinburgh....


The Queen's Highness, our and their native sovereign, ... gave them in
her youth ... the twa part (two-thirds) of the patrimony pertaining to
the Crown of Scotland, and seeing that her successors, Kings of that
realm, might not maintain their estate upon the third part ... for their
evil deservings and most proud contemption ... caused her use the
privilege of the laws always granted to the Kings of that realm before,
and make revocation before her full age of xxv. years, ... so that it
was not the punishment of that slaughter that moved them to this proud
rebellion, but the usurping of their Sovereign's supreme authority, and
to possess themselves with her great riches....

... Our desire is most earnestly that it should be the Queen's Majesty's
pleasure that our Sovereign may be admitted to come into the presence of
the Queen's Highness of this realm, her whole nobility, and also in
presence of the ambassadors of foreign countries, for more true
declaration of her innocency.

1568.--December 4. Elizabeth's Answer.

_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 222, _from Queen Mary's Register_.

I think it very reasonable that she should be heard in her own cause,
being so weighty; but to determine whom before, when and what, any time
before I understand how they will verify their allegation, I am not as
yet resolved.


1568.--Dec. 4. Proceedings of the Privy Council.

_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 223, _from the Journal of the
Privy Council of England_.

Die Sabbati, 4 Decembris 1568, Hora prima post meridiem.



    The Lord Keeper {Sir Nicholas Bacon}.
    Duke of Norfolk.
    Marquis {of Northampton}.
    Lord Steward {Pembroke}.
    Earl Essex.
    Earl Bedford.
    Earl Leicester.
    Lord Admiral {Lord Clinton}.
    Lord Chamberlain {Lord Howard of Effingham}.
    Sir William Cecil.
    Sir Ralph Sadler.
    Sir Walt. Mildmay.

The said Bishop {of Ross} and his colleagues, before they came to the
Court, sent a message to the Earl of Leicester and Sir William Cecil,
requiring to speak with them two apart.... And thereupon the said
Commissioners came into the Earl of Leicester's chamber, where the said
Bishop in the name of the rest said ... That although the Earl of Murray
and his complices had delivered in writing a grievous accusation against
the Queen, their Sovereign, and that they were prohibited to make any
further answer to any such matter, but only to desire the Queen of Scots
might come in person to the presence of the Queen's Majesty to make any
further answer to any such matter; yet they having considered with
themselves their mistress's intention to have been always from the
beginning, that these causes should be ended by the Queen's Majesty by
some such good appointment betwix her and her subjects, as might be for
her Grace's honour and the common weal of the country, with surety also
to the Earl of Murray, and his party ... thought good to declare thus
much to the said Earl and Sir William Cecil....


After the said Bishop had reiterated the said motion, as above is
mentioned, the Queen's Majesty said: "... Trusting and wishing that the
Queen, her sister, should be found innocent, ... she thought it better
for her sister's honour and declaration to the world of her innocency,
to have the Earl of Murray and his complices charged and reproved for
this their so audacious defaming of the Queen, their sovereign, and to
receive that which was due for their punishment, than to have it ended
by appointment, except it might be thought that they should be able to
show some apparent just causes of such an attempt, whereof her Majesty
would be sorry to hear. And as for the Queen of Scots coming in person
to her Majesty to make answer hereunto, the same being of no small
moment to her honour, but rather likely to touch her in reputation, in
that it might be thought the accusation so probable, as it not to be
improved {disproved} by any other, but that she should be forced to come
herself, being a Queen, in person to answer for herself, her Majesty
said she would not have the Queen's honour and estate in that matter
endangered without this their accusation might first appear to have more
likelihood of just cause than she did find therein....

Hereunto the Queen of Scots' Commissioners said that this last motion
for an appointment came not from the Queen since the accusation given in
by the Earl of Murray, and so also the Queen's Majesty assented thereto,
but of their own consideration."


1568.--Dec. 6. Proofs produced at Westminster.

_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 231, _from the Journal of the Commissioners_.

... They {Murray and others} would show unto her Majesty's Commissioners
a collection made in writing of the presumptions and circumstances, by
the which it should evidently appear that as the Earl Bothwell was the
chief murtherer of the King, so was the Queen a deviser and maintainer
thereof; the which writing followeth thus. Articles containing certain
conjectures, &c. {the Book of Articles. See _supra_, p. 144}.

After the reading hereof they also said that according to the truth
contained in the same, the three estates of Parliament, called by the
King, now present, their whole actions and proceedings from the murther
of the late King were ratified and approved to be lawful....

_Hosack I., App. C., from State Papers_ (_Mary, Queen of Scots_),
1568, vol. ii. p. 61, December 7, 1568.

... The Queen's Majesty's Commissioners having heard the foresaid Book
of Articles read unto them ... entered into a new hearing of the Book of
Articles, whereof having heard three of the chapters or heads, the Earl
of Murray and his colleagues, according to the appointment, came to the
said Commissioners and said: 'They trusted that, after the reading of
the Book of Articles, and specially upon the sight of the Act of
Parliament, wherein the whole cause wherewith their adversaries did
charge them, were found, declared, and concluded to be lawful; their
Lordships would be satisfied to think them clear and void of such crime
as her Majesty did charge them withal.... They required to know whether
their Lordships were not now satisfied with such things as they had
seen, and if they were not, and that it would please them to show if in
any part of these Articles exhibited they conceived any doubt, or would
have any other proof, which they trusted, needed not.... {The
Commissioners declined to give any opinion on this point.}


And so they produced a small gilded coffer of not fully one foot long,
being garnished in many places with the Roman letter F set under a Royal
Crown, wherein were certain letters and writings, and as they said and
affirmed to have been written with the Queen of Scots' own hand, to the
Earl Bothwell, which coffer, as they said, being left in the Castle of
Edinburgh by the said Earl Bothwell before his flying away, was sent for
by one George Dalgleish, his servant, who was taken by the Earl of
Morton, who also thereto sitting presently as one of the Commissioners
avowed upon his oath the same to be true, and the writings to be the
very same without any manner of change, and before they would exhibit
the sight of these letters they exhibited {the two marriage
contracts}.... After this the said Earl and his colleagues offered to
show certain proofs, not only of the Queen's hate towards the King, her
husband, but also of unordinate love towards Bothwell, for which purpose
they produced a letter written in French and in Roman hand, which they
averred to be a letter of the said Queen's own hand to Bothwell when she
was at Glasgow with her husband, at the time she went to bring him to
Edinburgh, the tenour of which letter hereafter followeth: Il semble que
avecques ure absence, &c. {Letter i. p. 165.}


After this they produced for the same purpose one other long letter
written also with the like hand, and in French, ... the tenour of all
which letter followeth hereafter: Estant party du lieu, &c. {Letter ii.
p. 167.}

_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 235, _from the Journal of the Commissioners_,
December 8.

They produced seven several writings written in French in the like Roman
hand, as others her letters which were shewed yesternight and avowed by
them to be written by the said Queen, which seven writings, being
copied, were read in French, and a due collation made thereof as near as
could be by reading and inspection, and made to accord with the
originals, which the said Earl of Murray required to be redelivered, and
did thereupon deliver the copies being collationed, the tenour of all
which seven writings hereafter follow in order, the first being in
manner of a sonnet,

            "O Dieux, ayez de moy," &c.

    [This is the first line of the first of the collection of sonnets,
    which will be found on pp. 195-201. The other six "writings" are
    Letters iii.-viii., on pp. 162-195.]


After this they did produce and show three several writings in English,
subscribed and signed by Sir John Bellenden, Knight, Justice-Clerk in
Scotland, whereof the first contained two several examinations, the
first of John Hay, the younger of Talla, the 13th of September, anno
1567, the second of John Hepburn, called John of Bolton, being examined
upon the murder of the King, the 8th of December 1567. The third writing
containeth the examination of one George Dalgleish, the 26th of June in
the same year, 1567. All which writings ... were delivered to the said
Commissioners, the true tenour whereof hereafter followeth, _Apud
Edinburgh_, 13 die mensis Septembris.

After this they produced and showed forth in writing, subscribed
likewise by the said Justice-Clerk, a copy of the process, verdict, and
judgment against the foresaid John Hepburn, John Hay, William Powrie,
and George Dalgleish, as culpable of the murder of the said King, which
being read, was also delivered, and the tenours thereof hereafter
followeth, _Curia justiciariae S. D. N. regis_, &c. After this they
produced and shewed forth a writing in a long paper, being, as they
said, the judgment and condemnation by Parliament of the Earl Bothwell,
James Ormiston, Robert Ormiston, Patrick Wilson, and Paris, a Frenchman,
Sym, Armstrong, and William Murray, as guilty sundry ways of treason for
the murder of the King. The tenour whereof thus followeth: _In the
Parliament holden at Edinburgh, the 20th day of December_.

After this they produced and showed a writing signed by Mr. James
Macgill, Clerk of the register, containing a request, by way of
protestation, by the Earls of Huntly and Argyle, and the Lord Herries,
by the which they require to have no fault imputed unto them for not
doing their duty since the 10th of June 1567, until the 29th of December
then following, for the which, by order of Parliament, they were


_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 239, from _Journal of the Commissioners_,
Cott. Lib. Calig., c. i. p. 252, Dec. 9, 1568.

The Queen's Majesty's Commissioners being occupied in perusing and
reading certain letters and sonnets written in French, being duly
translated into English, and other writings also exhibited yesterday to
them by the Earl of Murray and his colleagues.... After this the Earl of
Murray and his colleagues came ... and first the Earl Morton said, that
where heretofore he had declared by speech, the manner how he came to
the little gilt coffer with the letters, sonnets, and contracts of
marriage therein found, and heretofore exhibited: he had caused the same
to be put in writing, which also he produced subscribed with his hand,
and desired to have it read: which being done, he avowed upon his
honour, and the oath which he already took, the same to be true, the
tenor whereof followeth, _The true declaration and report_, &c. (see p.

After this the Earl of Murray required that one Thomas Nelson, late
servitor to the King that was murdered ... might be heard upon his oath
to report his knowledge therein, who, being produced, did present a
writing in form of answer of himself to an examination, which being read
unto him, he did by a corporal oath affirm the same to be true ... (see
p. 207) ...


The like request was made that one Thomas Crawford, a gentleman of the
Earl of Lennox, might be also heard upon his oath, who was, as they
said, the same party of whom mention is made in a long letter written in
French, and exhibited the 7th of this month.... Whereupon the said
Thomas Crawford ... did present a writing, which he said he caused to be
made according to the truth of his knowledge, which being read he
affirmed upon his corporal oath there taken to be true, the tenour
whereof hereafter followeth. The words betwixt the Queen, &c.... The
said Crawford said ... that he ... was secretly informed by the King of
all things which had passed betwixt the said Queen and the King, to the
intent he should report the same to the Earl of Lennox his master ...
and that he did, immediately at the same time, write the same word by
word as near as he possibly could carry the same away ... (see p. 208).

_Journal of the Privy Council of Hampton Court_,
December 14, 1568. _Goodall_, ii. 254.

There were produced sundry letters written in French, supposed to be
written by the Queen of Scots' own hand, were then also presently
produced and perused; and being read were duly conferred and compared,
for the manner of writing and fashion of orthography, with sundry other
letters long since heretofore written, and sent by the Queen of Scots to
the Queen's Majesty. {The attestation of Morton and the depositions were
then read.} ... And forasmuch as the night approached, it was thought
good to defer the further declaration of the rest until the next day

_Ibid._, December 15.

    [The Book of Articles, depositions, and contracts were produced,
    along with Acts of the Scottish Parliament.]

And it is to be noted, that, at the time of the producing, shewing, and
reading of all these foresaid writings, there was no special choice nor
regard had to the order of the producing thereof, but the whole writings
lying all together upon the Council table, the same were one after
another showed rather by hap, as the same did lie upon the table, than
with any choice made, as by the natures thereof, if time had so served,
might have been.


1568.--December 19. Queen Mary's own Answer to the "Eik."

_Mary to her Commissioners. Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 288,
from Cott. Lib. Calig., b. ix. p. 287.

We have received the eik given in by the Earl of Murray and his
complices. And where they have said thereintill, or at any time, that we
knew, counselled, devised, persuaded, or commended the murther of our
husband, they have falsely, traitorously, and meschantlie lied; imputing
unto us the crime whereof they themselves are authors, inventors, doers,
and some of them proper executors. And where they allege we stopped
inquisition, and due punishment to be made on the said murther; and
siclike {similarly} of the sequel of the marriage with the Earl
Bothwell; it is sufficiently answered in the reply given in at York to
their two points.... And where they charge us with unnatural kindness
towards our son, alleging we intended to have caused him follow his
father hastily: Howbeit the natural love the mother bears to her only
bairn is sufficient to confound them, and misteris {requires} no other
answer. Yet, considering their proceedings by-past, who did wrong him in
our womb, intending to have slain him and us both, there is none of good
judgment but they may easily perceive their hypocrisy, how they would
fortify themselves in our son's name, till their tyranny were better


And to the effect our good sister may understand we are not willing to
let their false invented allegations pass over with silence, adhering to
your former protestations, ye shall desire the inspection and doubles of
all that they have produced against us; and that we may see the alleged
principal {original} writings, if they have any, produced; and with
God's grace we shall make our answer thereto, that our innocence shall
be known to our good sister, and to all other Princes; and similarly
shall charge them as authors, inventors, and doers of the said crime
they would impute to us, and prove the same sufficiently, so that we may
have our good sister's presence, as our adversaries have had, and
reasonable space and time to get such verification as appertains
thereto. And protest that we may add thereto as time place and need
shall require.

    [In accordance with these instructions, Mary's Commissioners made
    the request before Elizabeth and her Council on 25th December, and
    received the following reply:--]

Which desire her Majesty thought very reasonable, and declared her to be
very glad that her good sister would make answer in that manner for
defence of her honour. And to the effect her Majesty might be the better
advised upon their desires, and give answer thereto, desired an extract
of the said writing to be given to her Highness. (Goodall, p. 282, from
"Queen Mary's Register," as before.)


1569.--January 7. Proceedings at Hampton Court.

_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 297, from _Queen Mary's Register_.

The which day the said Bishop of Ross, Lord Herries, and Abbot of
Kilwinning, passed to the presence of the Queen's Majesty of England,
her Highness's council being also present, and declared, that they had
presently received writings from the Queen's Majesty of Scotland, their
sovereign, by the which they were of new commanded to signify unto her
Majesty, that she would answer to the calumnious accusation of her
subjects, and also would accuse them as principal authors, inventors,
and executors of that deid for the which she was falsely accused by
them, conform to the writings presented of before in her name, and
therefore desired the writings produced by her inobedient subjects, or,
at the least, the copies thereof, to be delivered unto thame, that their
mistress might fully answer thereto as was desired.

And the Queen's Majesty of England took to be advised therewith, and
promised to give answer within two or three days.


1569.--January 10. At Hampton Court.

_Ibid._ (p. 305).

The which day the said Earl of Murray, and his complices, came before
the Queen's Majesty of England, where Sir William Cecil, secretary, at
the Queen's Majesty's command, and her Highness's council, gave them
such answer in effect as follows:--

Whereas the Earl of Murray, and his adherents, come into this realm, at
the desire of the Queen's Majesty of England, to answer to such things
as the Queen their sovereign objected against them, and their
allegiances; for so much as there has been nothing deduced against them,
as yet, that may impair their honour or allegiances; and, on the other
part, there had been nothing sufficiently produced nor shown by them
against the Queen, their sovereign, whereby the Queen of England should
conceive or take any evil opinion of the Queen, her good sister, for
anything yet seen; and there being alleged by the Earl of Murray the
unquiet state and disorder of the realm of Scotland, now in his absence,
her Majesty thinketh meet not to restrain any farther the said Earl and
his adherents' liberty; but suffer him and them, at their pleasure to
depart, relinquishing them in the same estate in the which they were of
before their coming within this realm, till she hear farther of their
Queen of Scotland's answer, to such things as have been alleged against


    [Next day, Mary's Commissioners protested and again demanded
    "copies of the pretended writings given in." On the 13th they
    repeated their demand, and received a promise "that she {Elizabeth}
    will not refuse unto the Queen, her good sister, to give the
    doubles of all that was produced." (Goodall.) The copies not being
    forthcoming, Mary applied to the French ambassador, La Mothe
    Fénélon, for help. Elizabeth promised that they should be produced
    immediately, but, when Fénélon again approached her on the subject,
    he was informed that Mary had, in a letter, accused the English
    Queen of partiality. (Fénélon, i. 133 and 162.) The matter was
    forgotten in the negotiations for Mary's marriage with the Duke of
    Norfolk, and in the conspiracy which followed.]




  1. The Contents of the Casket.
    (_a_) The Letters.
    (_b_) The Sonnets.
    (_c_) The Contracts of Marriage.

  2. The Deposition of Thomas Nelson.

  3. The Deposition of Thomas Crawford.

  4. Murray's Journal.

  5. The Depositions of Paris.

  6. The Confession of Ormiston.

  7. The Confession of the Earl of Morton.

  8. Letter from Mr. Archibald Douglas to the Queen of Scots.


    [The following eight letters are the principal contents of the
    famous Silver Casket (_cf._ pp. 125 and 132-161). A long and bitter
    controversy has been waged in connection with the question of their
    authenticity. Every recorded production of them has been the
    subject of debate. Their discovery is related on pp. 203-207. Their
    appearance at York is described in the letter to Queen Elizabeth on
    pp. 138-143. It is evident that, at York, they were produced in
    Scots, and there has been considerable controversy as to whether
    they were there stated to be originals or translations. At
    Westminster, they were shown to the Commissioners in French. Within
    a few years after the Westminster Conference, we lose all trace of
    the original documents. Translations of them into Scots, English,
    and Latin and French versions, which we now know (at least in the
    case of some of the Letters) not to have been those produced at
    Westminster, were published soon after the Conference closed. In
    1571, Latin translations of Nos. I., II., and IV. were printed in
    the Latin edition of Buchanan's "Detectio," and, in the same year,
    a Scots translation was published in London, containing the sonnets
    in French and Scots (reprinted in Anderson's "Collections," Vol.
    II.). Prefixed to each of the Scots versions was the first sentence
    of each letter, in French (_see_ pp. 194-5). In 1572 another Scots
    version was published at St. Andrews, and, in 1573, a French
    translation of the "Detectio" appeared, with the imprimatur
    "Edinburgh." To it, French versions of all the letters, except No.
    III., were appended, with a version of the sonnets, varying
    considerably from that in the Scots "Detection." Research has
    revealed the existence of English translations of Nos. I. and II.
    and French versions of Nos. III. and V. in the Record Office; and
    of English translations and French versions of Nos. IV. and VI. at
    Hatfield. All these various versions will be found printed, in
    careful and scholarly fashion, in Appendix C. of Mr. T. F.
    Henderson's "Casket Letters and Mary Queen of Scots."

    The method adopted in the present work has been to print the Scots
    version of all the letters, with a glossary of unusual words. It is
    the only complete version, and the published French and Latin
    letters are probably derived from it. Variations both in these and
    in such English and French versions of the letters as are at
    Hatfield or the Record Office, are indicated in notes appended to
    each letter. Care should be taken to distinguish between these
    Hatfield or Record Office French versions and the "Published
    French," _i.e._ the French of the edition of 1573.

    References to the literature of the question will be found in an
    Appendix. For the guidance of the reader, it may be added that one
    section of the discussion turns upon the question whether French
    originals of Nos. I., II., VII., and VIII. ever existed; and the
    Scots and English have been carefully examined to discover if they
    bear traces of derivation from a French source.

    Of the other contents of the Casket, the Sonnets, and the important
    clauses of the marriage contracts will be found immediately after
    the letters.]

    The following Scots words, which appear frequently in the text of
    the letters, may be unknown to English  readers:--

    Abaschit = surprised.
    Aganis = against.
    Allanerly = only.
    Awin = own.
    Beseik = beseech.
    Chereis = cherish.
    Conqueis = conquest.
    Cordounis = cords.
    Dreddouris = fears.
    Eir = ear.
    Eis = ease.
    Fane = anxious (wald verray fane, wished very much).
    Fascherie, fascheous = trouble, troublesome.
    Fenze, fenzeingly = feign, feigningly.
    Fulische = foolish.
    Gangand = going.
    Gar = force, compel.
    Gude = good.
    Haillely = wholly.
    Impesche = hinder, prevent.
    Incontinent = immediately.
    Inlack = fail.
    Inragis = becomes angry.
    Irkit = tired, wearied.
    Irksome = troublesome, disagreeable.
    Journey = day's work.
    Luif, luifar = love, lover.
    Mekle, meikle = much.
    Playn, plenzeit = complain, complained.
    Quha = who.
    Quhair = where.
    Quhen = when.
    Quhilk = which.
    Quhill = while, till.
    Regiment = rule.
    Schaw = show.
    Schort = short.
    Schuillis = schools.
    Seik = sick.
    Sic, siclyke = such, similarly.
    Sone = son.
    Speik = speak.
    Suld = should.
    Travell = take pains, try.
    Thristit = nudged.
    Tuichit = touched.
    Tyne = lose.
    Unsay = contradict.
    Wald = would.
    Waryit = cured.
    Wod = mad, angry.
    Ze, zow = ye, you.
    Zisternicht = yesternight.
    Zit = yet.

Letter I.

_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 1, _et seq._

It appeiris, that with zour absence thair is alswa joynit forzetfulnes,
seand yat at zour departing ze promysit to mak me advertisement of zour
newis from tyme to tyme. The waitting upon yame zisterday causit me to
be almaist in sic joy as I will be at zour returning, quhilk ze have
delayit langer than zour promeis was.

As to me, howbeit I have na farther newis from zow according to my
commission, I bring the man with me to Craigmillar upon Monounday,
quhair he will be all Wednisday; and I will gang to Edinburgh to draw
blude of me, gif in the meane tyme I get na newis in ye contrary fra

He is mair gay than ever ze saw him; he puttis me in remembrance of all
thingis yat may mak me beleve he luifis me. Summa, ye will say yat he
makis lufe to me; of ye quhilk I tak sa greit pleasure, yat I enter
never where he is, bot incontinent I tak ye seiknes of my sair syde, I
am sa troubillit with it. Gif Paris bringis me that quhilk I send him
for, I traist it sall amend me.

I pray zow, advertise me of zour newis at lenth, and quhat I sall do in
cace ze be not returnit quhen I am cum thair; for, in cace ze wirk not
wysely, I se that the haill burding of this will fall upon my
schoulderis. Provide for all thing, and discourse upon it first with
zourself. I send this be Betoun, quha gais to ane day of law of the
Laird of Balfouris.

I will say na farther, saifing that I pray zow to send me gude newis of
zour voyage. From Glasgow this Setterday in the morning.

    There are no important variations in the published Latin and French

    An English version of Letter I., preserved in the Record Office
    (State Papers relating to Mary Queen of Scots, vol. ii. p. 66),
    quoted by Mr. Henderson in his "Casket Letters," pp. 124-5:--

    It seemyth that with your absence forgetfulness is joynid
    consydering that at your departure you promised me to send me newes
    from you. Nevertheless I can learn none. And yet did I yesterday
    looke for that that shuld make me meryer than I shall be. I think
    you doo the lyke for your return, prolonging it more than you have

    As for me, if I hear no other matter of you, according to my
    commission, I bring the man Monday to Craigmillar, where he shall
    be upon Wednisday. And I go to Edinborough to be lett blud, if I
    hear no word to the contrary.

    He is the meryest that ever you sawe and doth remember unto me all
    that he can, to make me believe that he loveth me. To conclude, you
    wold say that he maketh love to me, wherein I take so much
    pleasure, that I have never com in there, but the payne of my syde
    doth take me. I have it sore to-day. If Paris doth bring back unto
    me that for which I have sent, it suld much amend me.

    I pray you, send me word from you at large, and what I shall doo if
    you be not returned, when I shall be there. For if you be not wyse
    I see assuredly all the whole burden falling upon my shoulders.
    Provide for all and consyder well first of all. I send this present
    to Ledington to be delivered to you by Beton, who goeth to one day
    a law of Lord Balfour. I will say no more unto you, but that I pray
    God send me goode newes of your voyage.

    From Glasco this Saturday morning.

Letter II.

Being departit from the place where I left my hart, it is esie to be
judgeit quhat was my countenance, seing that[20] I was evin als mekle as
ane body without ane hart; quhilk was the occasioun that quhile
dennertyme I held purpois to na body: nor zit durst ony present
themselves unto me, judging yat it was not gude sa to do.

Four myle or I came to the towne, ane gentilman of the Erle of Lennox
came and maid his commendatiounis unto me; and excusit him that he came
not to meit me, be ressoun he durst not interpryse the same, becaus of
the rude wordis that I had spoken to Cuninghame; and he desyrit that he
suld come to the inquisition of ye matter yat I suspectit him of. This
last speiking was of his awin heid, without ony commissioun.

I answerit to him, that thair was na receipt culd serve aganis feir; and
that he wald not be affrayit, in case he wer not culpabill; and that I
answerit bot rudely to the doutis yat were in his letteris.[21] Summa, I
maid him hald his toung. The rest were lang to wryte. Schir James
Hammiltoun met me, quha schawit, that the uther tyme quhen he hard of my
cumming, he departit away, and send Howstoun, to schaw him, that he wald
never have belevit that he wald persewit him, nor yit accompanyit him
with the Hammiltounis. He answerit, that he was only cum bot to see me,
and yat he wald nouther accompany Stewart nor Hammiltoun, bot be my
commandement. He desyrit[22] that he wald cum and speik with him. He
refusit it.

The Laird of Lusse,[23] Howstoun, and Caldwellis sone, with xl hors or
thair about, came and met me. The Laird of Lusse said, he was chargeit
to ane day of law be the King's father, quhilk suld be this day, aganis
his awin handwrit, quhilk he has; and zit notwithstanding, knawing of my
cumming, it is delayit. He was inquyrit to come to him, whilk he
refusit, and sweiris that he will indure nothing of him.

Never ane of that towne came to speik to me, quhilk causis me think that
thay ar his; and nevertheless he speikis gude, at the leist his sone. I
se[24] na uther gentilman but thay of my company.

The King send for Joachim zisternicht,[25] and askit at him, quhy I
lodgeit not besyde him, and that he wald ryse the soner gif that wer;
and quhairfoir[26] I come, gif it was for gude appointment? and gif ye
wer thair in particular? and gif I had maid my estait, gif I had takin
Paris[27][28] and Gilbert to wryte to me? and yat I wald send Joseph away.
I am abaschit [_i.e._ I wonder] quha hes schawin him sa far; zea, he
spak evin of ye marriage of Bastiane.

I inquyrit him of his letteris, quhairintil he plenzeit {complained} of
the crueltie of sum; answerit, that he was astonischit,[29] and that he
was sa glaid to se me, that he belevit to die for glaidness. He fand
greit fault that I was pensive.

I departit to supper. This beirer will tell zow of my arryving. He
prayit me to returne; the quhilk I did. He declairit unto me his
seiknes, and that he wald mak na testament, but only leif all thing to
me; and that I was the caus of his maladie, becaus of the regrait that
he had that I was sa strange unto him. And thus he said: Ze ask me quhat
I mene be the crueltie contenit in my letter? It is of zow alone that
will not accept my offeris and repentance. I confes that I have failit,
but not into that quhilk I ever denyit, and sicklyke hes failit to {too}
sindrie of your subjectis, quhilk ze have forgevin.[30]

I am zoung.

Ye will say that ze have forgevin me oft tymes, and zit yat I returne to
my faultis. May not ane man of my age, for lacke of counsell, fall twyse
or thryse, or inlacke {fail} of his promeis, and at last[31] repent
himself and be chastisit be experience? Gif I may obtene pardoun, I
protest I sall never mak fault agane. And I crave na uther thing bot yat
we may be at bed and buird togidder as husband and wyfe; and gif ze wil
not consent heirunto I sall never ryse out of yis bed. I pray zow, tell
me zour resolution. God knawis I am punischit for making my God of zow,
and for having na uther thocht bot on zow; and gif at ony tyme I offend
zow, ze ar the caus, becaus quhen ony offendis me, gif, for my refuge, I
micht playne unto zow, I wald speik it unto na uther body; bot quhen I
heir ony thing, not being familiar with zow, necessitie constrains me to
keip it in my breist, and yat causes me to tyne {lose} my wit for verray

I answerit ay unto him, bot that wald be ovir lang to wryte at lenth. I
askit quhy he wald pas away in ye Inglis schip. He denyis it, and sweirs
theirunto; bot he grantis that he spak with the men. Efter this I
inquirit him of the inquisition of Hiegate. He denyit the same quhill I
schew him the verray wordis was spokin. At quhilk tyme he said that
Mynto had advertisit him, that it was said that sum of the counsell had
brocht an letter to me to be subscrivit to put him in presoun, and to
slay him gif he maid resistence. And he askit the same at Mynto himself,
quha answerit that he belevit ye same to be trew. The morne I will speik
to him upon this point. As to the rest of Willie Hiegait's,[32] he
confessit it, bot it was the morne efter my cumming or {till} he did it.

He wald verray fane that I suld ludge in his ludgeing. I refusit it, and
said to him that he behovit to be purgeit, and that culd not be done
heir. He said to me, I heir say ze have brocht ane lyter {litter, couch}
with zow; bot I had rather have passit {travelled} with zow. I trow[33]
he belevit that I wald have send him away presoner. I answerit that I
wald tak him with me to Craigmillar, quhais the mediciner and I micht
help him, and not be far from my sone. He answerit that he was reddy
when I pleisit, sa I wald assure him of his requeist.

He desyris na body to se him. He is angrie quhen I speik of Walcar, and
sayis, that he sall pluk the eiris out of his heid, and that he leis
{lies}. For I inquyrit him upon that, and yat he was angrie with sum of
the Lordis, and wald threittin thame. He denyis that,[34] and sayis he
luifis {loves} thame all, and prayis me to give traist to nathing aganis
him. As to me he wald rather give his lyfe or he did ony displesure to

And efter yis he schew me of sa mony lytil flattereis, sa cauldly and sa
wysely, that ze will abasche {marvel} thairat. I had almaist forzet that
he said he could not dout of me in yis purpois of Hiegait's; for he wald
never belief yat I, quha was his proper flesche, wald do him ony evill;
alsweill it was schawin that I refusit to subscrive the same.[35] But as
to ony utheris that wald persew him, at least he wald sell his lyfe deir
eneuch; but he suspectit na body, nor yit wald not, but wald lufe all
yat I lufit.

He wald not let me depart from him, bot desyrit yat I suld walk {watch}
with him. I make it seme that I beleive that all is trew, and takis heid
thairto, and excusit my self for this nicht that I culd not walk. He
sayis, that he sleipis not weil. Ze saw him never better, nor speik mair
humbler. And gif I had not ane prufe of his hart of waxe, and yat myne
were not of ane dyamont quhairintill na schot can mak brek, bot that
quhilk cummis furth your hand, I wald have almaist had pietie of him.
But feir not, the place[36] sall hald unto the deith. Remember, in
recompense thairof, that ze suffer not zouris to be wyn {won} be that
fals race[37] that will travell na les with zow for the same.

I beleve thay have bene at schuillis togidder. He has ever the teir in
his eye; he salutis every body, zea unto the leist, and makis pieteous
caressing unto thame to mak thame have pietie on him. This day his
father bled at the mouth and nose; ges quhat presage that is. I have not
zit sene him, he keipis his chamber. The King desyris that I suld give
him meit with my awin handis; but gif {give} na mair traist quhair ze ar
than I sall do heir.

This is my first journay {day's work.} I sall end ye same ye morne. I
wryte all thingis, howbeit thay be of lytill wecht, to the end that ze
may tak the best of all to judge upon. I am in doing of ane work heir
that I hait greitly.[38] Have ye not desyre to lauch to see me lie sa
weill, at ye leist to dissembill sa weill, and to tell him treuth betwix
handis {_i.e._ occasionally.} He schawit me almaist all yat is in the
name of the Bischop and Sudderland, and zit I have never twichit ane
word of that ze schawit me; but allanerly {only} be force, flattering,
and to pray him to assure himself of me. And be pleinzing on the Bischop
I have drawin it all out of him.[39] Ze have hard the rest.

We are couplit[40] with twa fals races; the devil sinder us and God knit
us togidder for ever, for the maist faithfull coupill that ever He
unitit. This is my faith; I will die in it.

Excuse I wryte evill, ze may ges ye half of it; bot I cannot mend it,
becaus I am not weil at eis; and zit verray glaid to wryte unto zow
quhen the rest are sleipand, sen {since} I cannot sleip as they do and
as I wald desyre, that is, in your armes, my deir lufe, quhome I pray
God to preserve from all evill, and send yow repois; I am gang and to
seik myne till ye morne, quhen I sall end my Bybill; bot I am faschit
{troubled} that it stoppis me to wryte newis of myself unto zow, becaus
it is sa lang. Advertise me quhat ye have deliberat to do in the mater
ze know upon this point to ye end, that we may understand utheris {each
other} weill, that nathing may thairthrow be spilt.

I am irkit {weary}[41] and ganging to sleip, and zit I ceis not to
scrible all this paper in sa mekle as restis thairof. Waryit mot this
pockische man be that causes me haif sa mekle pane, for without him I
suld have an far plesander subject to discourse upon. He is not over
mekle deformit,[42] zit he hes ressavit verray mekle. He hes almaist
slane me with his braith; it is worse than your uncle's;[43] and zit I
cum na neirer unto him, bot in ane chyre[44] at the bed feit, and he
being at the uther end thairof.

The message of the father in the gait {way}.

The purpois {talk}[45] of Schir James Hamiltoun.

Of that the Laird of Lusse schawit me of the delay.

Of the demandis that he askit at Joachim.

Of my estait.

Of my company.

Of the occasioun of my cumming;

And of Joseph.

_Item._ The purpois that he and I had togidder.

Of the desyre that he has to pleis me, and of his repentance.

Of the interpretatioun of his letter.

Of Willie Hiegaite's mater {business}, of his departing.

Of Monsiure de Levingstoun.

I had almaist forzet, that Monsiure de Levingstoun said in the Lady
Reres eir at supper, that he wald drink to ye folk yat I wist of, gif I
wald pledge thame. And efter supper he said to me, quhen I was lenand

  upon him warming me at the fyre. Ze have {fair}

going to se seik folk,[46] zit ze cannot be sa welcum to thame as ze
left sum body this day in regrait, that will never be blyth quhill he se
zow agane. I askit at him quha that was. With that he thristit my body,
and said, that sum[47] of his folkis had sene zow in fascherie; ze may
ges at the rest.

I wrocht this day quhill {till} it was twa houris upon this bracelet,
for to put the key of it within the lock thairof, quhilk is couplit
underneth with twa cordounis. I have had sa lytill tyme that it is evill
maid; bot I sall mak ane fairer in the meane tyme. Tak heid that nane
that is heir se it, for all the warld will knaw it, becaus for haist it
was made in yair presence.

I am now passand to my fascheous {hateful} purpois.[48] Ze gar (force)
me dissemble sa far that I haif horring thairat; and ye caus me do
almaist the office of a traitores. Remember how gif {if} it wer not to
obey zow, I had rather be deid or I did it;[49] my hart bleidis at it.
Summa, he will not cum with me, except upon conditioun that I will
promeis to him, that I sall be at bed and buird with him as of befoir,
and that I will leif him na ofter:[50] And doing this upon my word, he
will do all thingis that I pleis, and cum with me. Bot he has prayit me
to remane upon him quhil uther morne[51] {till tomorrow}.

He spak verray bravely[52] at ye beginning, as yis beirer will schaw
zow, upon the purpois of the Inglismen, and of his departing; Bot in ye
end he returnit agane to his humilitie.

He schawit, amangis uther purposis, yat he knew weill aneuch that my
brother had schawin me yat thing, quhilk he had spokin in striviling, of
the quhilk he denyis ye ane half, and above all, yat ever he came in his
chalmer. For to mak him traist me, it behovit me to fenze {feign} in sum
thingis with him; thairfoir, quhen he requeistit me to promeis unto him,
that quhen he was haill we suld have baith ane bed;[53] I said to him
fenzeingly, and making me to beleve his promisis, that gif he changeit
not purpois betwix yis and {by} that tyme, I wald be content thairwith;
bot in the meane tyme I bad him tak heid that he leit na body wit
thairof, becaus, to speik amangis our selvis, the Lordis culd not be
offendit, nor will evill thairfoir: Bot[54] thay wald feir in respect of
the boisting he maid of thame, that gif ever we aggreit togidder, he
suld mak thame knaw the lytill compt thay tuke of him; and that he
counsallit me not to purchas sum of thame by him. Thay for this caus
wald be in jelosy, gif at anis, without thair knawledge, I suld brek the
play set up in contrair in thair presence.

He said, verray joyfully, And think zow thay will esteme zow the mair of
that? Bot I am verray glaid that ze speik to me of the Lordis, for I
beleve at this tyme ze desyre that we suld leif togidder in quyetnes:
For gif it wer utherwyse, greiter inconvenience micht come to us baith
than we ar war of;[55] bot now I will do quhatever ze will do, and will
lufe all that ze lufe; and desyris zow to make thame lufe in lyk maner;
For, sen thay seik not my lyf, I lufe thame all equallie. Upon yis point
this beirer will schaw zow mony small thingis. Becaus I have over mekle
to wryte, and it is lait: I give traist unto him upon zour word. Summa,
he will ga upon my word to all places.

Alace! I never dissavit {deceived} ony body: Bot I remit me altogidder
to zour will. Send me advertisement quhat I sall do, and quhatsaever
thing sall cum thairof, I sall obey zow. Advise to with zourself, gif ze
can find out ony mair secreit inventioun by medicine; for he suld tak
medicine and the bath at Cragmillar. He may not cum furth of the hous
this lang tyme.

Summa, be all that I can leirne, he is in greit suspicioun, and zit
notwithstanding, he gevis credit to my word; bot zit not sa far that he
will schaw ony thing to me; bot nevertheles, I sall draw it out of him,
gif ze will that I avow all unto him. Bot I will never rejoyce to
dissaive ony body that traistis in me: Zit notwithstanding ze may
command me in all thingis. Have na evill opinioun of me for that caus,
be ressoun ze are the occasion of it zourself; becaus, for my awin
particular revenge, I wald not do it to him.

He gevis me sum chekis[56] of yat quhilk I feir, zea, evin in the quick.
He sayis this far, yat his faultis wer publeist; bot yair is that
committis faultis, that belevis thay will never be spokin of; and zit
thay will speik of greit and small. As towart the Lady Reres, he said, I
pray God that scho may serve zow for your honour; and said, it is
thocht, and he belevis it to be trew, that I have not the power of
myself into myself, and that becaus of the refuse I maid of his offeris.
Summa,[57] for certanetie he suspectis of the thing ze knaw, and of his
lyf. Bot as to the last, how sone that I spak twa or thre gude wordis
unto him, he rejoysis, and is out of dout.[58]

I saw him not this evening for to end zour bracelet, to the quhilk I can
get na lokkis. It is ready to thame: and zit I feir that it will bring
sum malheus, and may be sene gif ze chance to be hurt. Advertise me gif
ze will have it, and gif ze will have mair silver, and quhen I sall
returne, and how far I mey speik.[59] He inragis when he heiris of
Lethingtoun, or of zow or of my brother. Of zour brother he speikis
nathing. He speikis of the Erle of Argyle. I am in feir quhen I heir him
speik; for he assuris himself yat he hes not an evill opinioun of him.
He speikis nathing of thame that is out, nouther gude nor evill, bot
fleis that point. His father keipis his chalmer; I have not sene him.

All the Hammiltounis ar heir, that accompanyis me verray honorabilly.
All the freindis of the uther convoyis me quhen I gang to se him. He
desyris me to cum and se him ryse the morne betyme. For to mak schort,
this beirer will tell zow the rest. And gif I leirne onything heir, I
will make zow memoriall at evin. He will tell zow the occasioun of my
remaning. Burne this letter, for it is ovir dangerous, and nathing weill
said in it; for I am thinkand upon nathing bot fascherie. Gif[60] ze be
in Edinburgh at the ressait of it, send me word sone.

Be not[61] offendit, for I gif not ovir greit credite. Now seing to obey
zow, my deir lufe, I spair nouther honour, conscience, hasard, nor
greitnes quhatsumevir; tak it, I pray zow, in gude part, not efter the
interpretatioun of zour fals gude-brother, to quhome, I pray zow, gif na
credite aganis the maist faithful luifer that ever ze had, or ever sall

Se not hir, quhais fenzeit teiris suld not be sa meckle praisit nor
estemit, as the trew and faithful travellis quhilk I sustene for to
merite his place. For obtening of the quhilk agains my natural, I
betrayis thame that may impesche me. God forgive me, and God give zow,
my only lufe, the hap and prosperitie quhilk zour humble and faithful
lufe desyris unto zow, quha hopis to be schortly ane uther thing to zow
for the reward of my irksome travellis.

It is lait; I desyre never to ceis fra wryting unto zow; zit now, after
the kissing of zour handis, I will end my letter. Excuse my evill
wryting, and reid it twyse over. Excuse that thing that is scriblit, for
I had na paper zisterday quhen I wrait that of ye memoriall. Remember
upon zour lufe, and wryte unto hir, and that verray oft. Lufe me as I
sall do zow.

Remember zow of the purpois[62] of the Lady Reres

    Of the Inglismen
    Of his mother.
    Of the Erle of Argyle.
    Of the Erle of Bothwell.
    Of the ludgeing in Edinburgh.

    [The memoranda in the middle of the letter constitute the "thing
    that is scriblit," for which pardon is asked in the last sentence.
    The concluding words, from "Remember" to "Edinburgh," are
    instructions for the bearer.]

    _E._ = _English_; _F._= _Published French_; _L._ = _Latin_.

    [20] _E._ "Considering what the body may without heart, which was
    cause ... that till dinner I had used little talk." So also French,
    but Latin as in Scots.

    [21] _E._ Adds after "letters," " ... as though there had been a
    meaning to pursue him."

    [22] _L._ and _F._ Omit "He desired ... refusit it."

    [23] _E._ "The Lord Luse, Houstoun, and the son of Caldwell, and about
    forty horse came to meet me, and he told me that he was sent to one
    day o' law from the father, which should be this day," &c. _L._ and
    _F._ as in Scots.

    [24] _E._ Omits "I see ... company."

    [25] _E._ Omits "yesternight;" _L._ "heri;" _F._ "hier."

    [26] _E._ ... "Whether it were for any good appointment that he came,
    and whether I had not taken Paris and Gilbert to write, and that I
    sent Joseph."

    _L._ "Item cur venisrem? an reconciliationis causa? ac nominatim, an
    tu hic esses? An familiæ catalogum fecissem? An Paridem et Gilbertum
    acceptissem, qui mihi scriberent? an Josephum dimissura essem?"

    _F._ "Item pour quoy j'estoye venue, et si c'estoit pour faire une
    reconciliation; si vous estiez icy; et si j'avoye faict quelque
    rolle de mes domestiques; si j'avois prins Paris et Gilbert, afin
    qu'ils m'escrivissent; et si je ne vouloye pas licentier Joseph."

    [27] Scots has a marginal note, "This berer will tell you sumwhat upon
    this," which appears in the English text and is omitted in the other

    [28] This berer will tell you somewhat upon this. [Marginal note in

    [29] _E._ "He said that he did dream, and that he was so glad to see
    me that he thought he should die--indeed, that he had found fault
    with me." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._

    [30] _E._ "You have well pardoned them." _F._ and _L._ as in _S._

    [31] _E._ "And at the last repent, and rebuke himself by his
    repentance." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._

    [32] _E._ "The rest, as Will Hiegate hath confessed; but it was the
    next day that he came hither." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._

    [33] _E._ omits "I trow ... Presoner."

    [34] _E._ "He denyeth it, and saith that he had already prayed them
    to think no such matter of him." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._

    [35] _E._ "And indeed it was said that I refused to have him let
    blood." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._

    [36] _L._ "Praesidium." _F._ "Forteresse."

    [37] _E._ "By that false race that would do no less to yourself."
    _L._ "A gentle illa perfida, quae non minore contentione te cum de
    hoc ipso aget." _F._ "Par ceste nation infidele, qui avec non
    moindre opiniastreté debatra le mesme avec vous."

    [38] _E._ Adds after "greitly"--"but I had begun it this morning."

    [39] _E._ Adds after "all out of him"--"I have known what I would. I
    have taken the worms out of his nose."

    [40] _E._ "We are tied to with two false races. The good yure {goujere}
    untye us from them. God forgive me, and God knit us together
    forever." _L._ "Diabolus nos sejungat, ac nos conjugat Deus in
    perpetuum," &c. _F._, "Le diable nous vueille separer, et que Dieu
    nous conjoingne à jamais," &c.

    [41] _E._ "I am weary, and am asleep." _L._ "Ego nudata sum, ac
    dormitum eo." _F._, "Je suis toute nuë, et m'en vay coucher." [The
    Latin and French translation mistook "irkit" for "nakit."]

   [42] _E._ "He is not much the worse, but he is ill arrayed." _L._
    "Non magnopere deformatus est, multum tamen accepit." _F._ "Il n'a
    pas esté beaucoup rende diforme, toutesfois il en a pris beaucoup."

   [43] _L._ "Propinqui." _F._ "Parent."

    [44] _E._ "By his bolster, and he lieth at the further side of the
    bed." _L._ "Ad pedes ejus." _F._ "A ses pieds."

    [45] _E._ "The talk of Sir James Hamilton of the ambassador." _L._
    and _F._ as in _S._

    _E._ "Lord of Lusse." _L._ "Lussae Comarchus." _F._ "Le prevost de

    [46] _E._ "You may well go and see sick folk." _L._ "Bella huiusmodi
    hominum visitatio." _F._ "Voyla une belle visitation de telles
    gens." [_L._ and _F._ translators confusing _sik_ (sick) and _sik_

    [47] _E._ "And said, 'One of his folk that hath left you this day.'"
    _L._ "Respondit, unus eorum qui te reliquerunt." _F._ "Respondit,
    c'est l'un de ceux qui vous ont laissée."

    [48] _E._ "To my tedious talk." _L._ "Ad institutum meum odiosum."
    _F._ "À ma deliberation odieuse."

    [49] _E._ Omits "or I did." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._

    [50] _E._ "No more." _L._ "Ne saepius." _Fr._ "Ne ... si souvent."

    [51] _E._ "Till after tomorrow." _L._ "In diem perendinum." _F._
    "Encor deux jours."

    [52] _E._ "More pleasantly." _L._ "Valde ferociter." _F._ "Fort

    [53] _E._ "Make but one bed." _L._ "Communem fore lectum." _F._ "Ne
    faisions plus qu'un lict."

    [54] _F._ "But did fear lest, considering the threatening which he
    made in case we did agree together, he would make them feel the
    small account they have made of him, and that he would persuade me
    to pursue some of them." _L._ "Sed in timore futuros quod comitatus
    fuisset, si aliquando inter nos concordes essemus, se daturum operam
    ut intelligerent quam parvi eum aestimâssent; item quod mihi
    consuluisset ne gratiam quorundam seorsum a se expeterem." _F._
    "Ains seroient en crainte de ce qu'il m'auroit suivy. Et si nous
    pouvions estre d'acord ensemble, qu'il pourroit donner ordre, qu'ils
    entendroient combien peu ils l'avoient estimé. Item de ce qu'il
    m'avoit conseillé, que je ne recerchasse la bonne grace d'aucuns
    sans luy."

    [55] _E._ "Than you think." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._

    [56] _E._ "He giveth me certain charges (and these strong) of that
    I fear even to say that his faults be published; but there be
    that commit some secret faults, and fear not to have them spoken of
    so lowdely, and that there is speech of greate and small." _L._
    "Interim me attingit in loco suspecto; idque ad vivum hactenus
    proloquutus est, sua crimina esse palam; sed sunt qui majora
    committant, et opinantur ea silentio tegi; et tamen homines de
    magnis juxta et parvis loquuntur." _F._ "Cependant il m'a donné
    attainte du lieu suspect, et a jusques icy discouru bien au vif, que
    ces fautes sont congreües; mais qu'il y en a qui en commettent de
    plus grandes, encores qu'ils estiment qu'elles soient cachées par
    silence; et toutesfois que les hommes parlent des grands aussi bien
    des petits."

    [57] _E._ "To conclude, for assurety he mistrusteth her of that that
    ye know, and for his life." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._

    [58] _E._ "He was very merry and glad." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._

    [59] _E._ Adds after "speak"--"Now, as far as I perceive.

    {J'ay bien la vogue avec vous[63]} Guess you whether I shall not
    {I may do much without you.     }  be suspected."

    [60] _E._ "For I think upon nothing but grief if you be at
    Edinburgh." _L._ and _F._ as in _S._

    [61] _E._ Omits "Be not ... credit."

    [62] _E._ Omits from "Remember you" to the end.

    [63] This is a comment in the margin, perhaps a quotation from the
    French version shown to the Commissioners. According to Mr. T. F.
    Henderson, it is in Cecil's handwriting. ("The Casket Letters and
    Mary Queen of Scots," p. 78.)

Letter III.[64]

My Lord, gif the displesure of zour absence, of zour forzetfulnes, ye
feir of danger sa promisit be everie ane to zour sa luifit persone, may
gif me consolatioun, I leif it to zow to juge, seing the unhap that my
cruell lot and continuall misadventure hes hitherto promysit me,
following ye misfortunes and feiris as weill of lait, as of ane lang
tyme by-past, the quhilk ye do knaw. Bot for all that, I will in na wise
accuse zow, nouther of zour lytill cair, and leist of all of zour
promeis brokin, or of ye cauldnes of zour wryting, sen I am ellis sa far
maid zouris, yat yat quhilk pleisis zow is acceptabill to me; and my
thochtis ar as willingly subdewit unto zouris, that I suppois yat all
that cummis of zow proceidis not be ony of the causis forsaid, bot
rather for sic {such} as be just and ressonabill, and sic as I desyre
myself. Quhilk is the fynal order that ze promysit to tak for the
suretie and honorabil service of ye only uphald of my lyfe. For quhilk
alone I will preserve the same, and without the quhilk I desyre not bot
suddane deith, and to testifie unto zow how lawly I submit me under zour
commandementis, I have send zow, in signe of homage, be Paris, the
ornament of the heid, quhilk is the chief gude of the uther memberis,
inferring thairby that, be ye seising {placing} of zow in the
possessioune of the spoile of that quhilk is principall, the remnant
cannot be bot subject unto zow, and with consenting of the hart. In
place thairof, sen I have ellis left it unto zow, I send unto zow ane
sepulture of hard stane, collourit with blak, sawin with teiris and
bones. The stane I compair to my hart, that as it is carvit in ane sure
sepulture or harbor of zour commandementis, and above all, of zour name
and memorie that ar thairin inclosit, as is my heart in this ring, never
to cum furth, quhill deith grant unto yow to ane trophee of victorie of
my banes, as the ring is fullit, in signe that yow haif maid ane full
conqueis of me, of myne hart, and unto yat my banes be left unto yow in
remembrance of your victorie and my acceptabill lufe and willing, for to
be better bestowit than I merite. The ameling that is about is blak,
quhilk signifyis the steidfastness of hir that sendis the same. The
teiris are without number, sa ar the dreddowris to displeis yow, the
teiris of your absence, the disdane that I cannot be in outward effect
youris, as I am without fenzeitnes of hart and spreit, and of gude
ressoun, thocht my meritis wer mekle greiter then of the maist profite
that ever was, and sic as I desyre to be, and sall tak pane in
conditiounis to imitate, for to be bestowit worthylie under your
regiment. My only wealth ressaif thairfoir in als gude part ye same, as
I have ressavit your marriage with extreme joy, the quhilk sall not part
furth of my bosum, quhill yat marriage of our bodyis be maid in publict,
as signe of all that I outher hope or desyris of blis in yis warld. Zit
my hart feiring to displeis you as mekle in the reiding heirof, as I
delite me in ye writing, I will mak end, efter that I have kissit zour
handis with als greit affectioun as, I pray God (O ye only uphald of my
lyfe) to gif yow lang and blissit lyfe, and to me zour gude favour, as
the only gude yat I desyre, and to ye quhilk I pretend. I have schawin
unto this beirer that quhilk I have leirnit, to quhome I remit me,
knawand the credite that ze gaif him, as scho dois that will be for ever
unto zow humbill and obedient lauchfull wyfe, that for ever dedicates
unto zow hir hart, hir body, without ony change, as unto him that I have
maid possessour of my hart, of quhilk ze may hald zow assurit, yat unto
ye deith sall na wayis be changeit, for evill nor gude sall never mak me
go from it.

    The original French version of this letter is in the Record Office
    (State Papers, Mary Queen of Scots, vol. ii. p. 66). It is printed
    by Mr. Henderson, and by Hosack. No Latin or French version of it
    was printed in the _Detectio_.

    [64] _F._ Mais pour tout cela Je me vous accuserai ni de peu de
    souvenance ni de peu de soigne et moins encore de vostre promesse
    violee que ce qu'il vous plaist mest agreable et sont mes penses
    tant volonterement, aux vostres asubjectes que je veulx presupposer
    que tout ce que vient de vous procede non par aucune des causes
    susdictes ains pour telles qui son justes et raisoinables et telles
    que je desie moy.

Letter IV.

I have walkit laiter thair up then I wald have done, gif it had not bene
to draw sumthing out of him, quhilk this beirer will schaw zow; quhilk
is the fairest commodity {_i.e._ the most suitable opportunity} that can
be offerit to excuse zour affairis. I have promysit to bring him the
morne. Put ordour to it, gif ze find it gude.

Now, Schir, I have brokin my promeis; becaus ze commandit me nouther to
wryte nor send unto zow Zit I have not done this to offend zow, and gif
ze knew the feir yat I have presently, ze wald not have sa mony contrary
suspiciounis in your thocht; quhilk notwithstanding I treit and chereis,
as proceeding from the thing in the warld that I maist desyre, and
seikis fastest to haif, quhilk is zour gude grace; of the quhilk my
behaviour sall assure me. As to me: I sall never dispair of it, and
prayis zow, according to zour promeis, to discharge zour hart unto me,
Utherwayis[65] I will think that my malhure, and the gude handling of hir
that has not ye third part of the faithfull nor willing obedience unto
zow that I beir, hes wyn, aganis my will, yat advantage over me, quhilk
the second lufe of Jason wan; not that I will compair zow unto ane sa
unhappy as he was, nor zit myself to ane sa unpietifull ane woman as
scho. Howbeit, ze caus me to be sumthing lyk unto hir in onything that
tuichis zow, or yat may preserve and keip zow unto hir, to quhome only
ze appertene; gif it be sa that I may appropriate that quhilk is wyn
throch faithfull, zea only, lufiing of zow, as I do, and sall do all the
dayis of my lyfe, for pane or evill that can cum thairof. In recompense
of the quhilk, and of all the evillis quhilk ze have bene caus of to me,
remember zow upon the place heir besyde.

I craif with that ze keip promeis to me the morne; but that we may meit
togidder, and that ye gif na faith to suspiciounis without the
certanetie of thame. And I craif na uther thing at God, but that ze may
knaw that thing that is in my hart quhilk is zouris; and that he may
preserve zow from all evill, at the leist sa lang as I have lyfe, quhilk
I repute not precious unto me, except in sa far as it and I baith ar
aggreabill unto zow. I am going to bed, and will bid zow gude nicht.
Advertise me tymely in the morning how ze have fairin; for I will be in
pane unto I get worde. Mak gude watch,[66] gif the burd eschaip out of
the caige, or without hir mate. As ye turtur I sall remane alone for to
lament the absence, how schort yat sa ever it be. This letter will do
with ane gude hart, that thing quhilk I cannot do myself, gif it be not
that I have feir that ze ar in sleiping, I durst not wryte this befoir
Joseph, Bastiane, and Joachim, that did bot depart even quhen I began to

    A French version of this letter is in the possession of the Marquis
    of Salisbury at Hatfield (_cf._ Calendar of Hatfield MSS., I.
    376-7) and has been printed by Mr. Henderson. ("Casket Letters,"
    pp. 159-162.) It is here given in full, and the variations in the
    published Latin and French versions, and in the English translation
    at Halfield are indicated in the notes.

J'ay veillé plus tard la hault que je n'eusse fait si ce neust esté pour
tirer ce que ce porteur vous dira que je treuve la plus belle commoditee
pour excuser vostre affaire que se pourroit presenter. Je luy ay promise
de le luy mener demain si vous le trouves bon mettes y ordre. Or
monsieur j'ay ja rompu ma promesse. Car vous ne mavyes comande de vous
envoier ni escrire si ne le fais pour vous offencer et si vous scavyes
la craint que j'en ay vous nauries tant des subçons contrairs que
toutesfois je cheris comme procedant de la chose du mond que je desire
et cherche le plus c'est votre bonne grace de laquelle mes deportemens
m'asseureront et je n'en disesperay jamais tant que selon vostre
promesse vous m'en dischargeres vostre c[oe]ur aultrement[65b] je penserais
que mon malheur et le bien composer de c[oe]ux qui n'ont le troisiesme
partie de la fidelité ni voluntair obéissance que je vous porte auront
gaigné sur moy l'avantage de la seconde amye de Jason. Non que je vous
compare a un si malheureus ni moy a une si impitoiable. Combien que vous
men fassies un peu resentir en chose qui vous touschat ou pour vous
preserver et garder a celle a qui seulle vous aparteines si lon se peult
approprier ce que lon acquiert par bien et loyalment voire uniquement
aymer comme je fais et fairay toute ma vie pour pein ou mal que m'en
puisse avenir. En recompence de quoy et des tous les maulx dont vous
maves este cause, souvenes vous du lieu icy pres. Je ne demande que vous
me tennes promesse de main mais que nous truvions et que nadjousties foy
au subçons quaures sans nous en certifier, et je ne demande a Dieu si
non que coignoissies tout ce que je ay au c[oe]ur qui est vostre et quil
vous preserve de tout mal au moyns durant ma vie qui ne me sera chère
qu'autant qu'elle et moy vous serons agreables. Je m'en vois coucher et
vous donner le bon soir mandes moy demain comme vous seres porté a bon
heur. Car j'enseray en pein et faites bon guet[66b] si l'oseau sortira de
sa cagé ou sens son per comme la tourtre demeurera seulle a se lamenter
de l'absence pour court quelle soit-ce que je ne puis faire ma lettre de
bon c[oe]ur {fera} si ce nestoit qui je {qy} peur que soyes endormy. Car je
nay ose escrire devant Joseph et Bastienne et Joachim qui ne sont que
partis quand J'ay commence.

    _P. F._ = Published French; _L._= Latin.

    [65][65b][65c] _P. F._ "Autrement j'estimeray que cela se faict par mon
    malheureux destin, et par la faveur des astres envers celles, qui
    toutesfois n'ont une tierce partie de loyauté, et volonté que j'ay
    de vous obëir; si elles, comme si j'estoye une second amye de Jason,
    malgré moy, occupent le premier lieu de faveur; ce que je ne dy,
    pour vous a comparer a cet homme en l'infelicité qu'il avoit, ny moy
    avec une femme toute esloignée de misericorde, comme estoit
    celle-la," &c. _L._ "Alioqui suspicabor fieri malo meo fato, et
    siderum favore erga illas (quae nec tertiam habent partem
    fidelitatis, et voluntatis tibi obsequendi, quam ego habeo) ut
    ipsae, velut secunda Jasonis amica, me invitâ, priorem apud te locum
    gratiae occupaverint; nec hoc eo dico, quo te cum homine, eâ quâ
    ille erat infelicitate, comparem, nec me cum muliere tam aliena a
    misericordia quam illa erat."

    [66][66b][66c] _P. F._ has no sentence corresponding to "mak gude watch," and
    proceeds, "Comme l'oyseau eschappé de la cage, ou la tourtre qui est
    sans compagne, ainsi je demeureray seule, pour pleurer votre
    absence, quelque brieve qu'elle puisse estre." _L._ also has no
    expression for "mak gude watch," but reads, "Si avis evaserit e
    cavea autsine compare, velut turtur, ego remanebo sola ut lamenter
    absentiam tuam quamlibet brevem."

    The English translation at Hatfield follows the Hatfield French
    version closely. The two most important passages run thus:
    "Otherwise,[65c] I wold think that my yll luck, and the fayre behavior
    of those that have not the thirde parte of the faythfulness and
    voluntary obedience that I beare unto you, shall have wonne the
    advantage over me of the second Loover of Jason.... Send me[66c] word
    tomorrow early in the morning how you have don for I shall think
    long. And watche well if the byrde shall fly out of his cage or
    without his mate, as the turtle shall remayne alone to lament and
    morne for absence how short soever it be."

Letter V.

My hart, alace! must the foly of ane woman quhais unthankfulness toward
me ze do sufficiently knaw, be occasioun of displesure unto zow,
considering yat I culd not have remeidit thairunto without knawing it?
And sen that I persavit it, I culd not tell it zow, for that[67] I knew
not how to governe myself thairin: for nouther in that nor in any uther
thing will I tak upon me to do ony thing without knawledge of zour will,
quhilk I beseik zow let me understand; for I will follow it all my lyfe
mair willingly than zow sall declair it to me; and gif ze do not send me
word this nicht quhat ze will that I sall do, I will red myself of it,
and hesard[68] to caus it to be interprysit and takin in hand, quhilk
micht be hurtfull to that quhairunto baith we do tend. And quhen scho
sall be maryit, I beseik zow give me ane, or ellis I will tak sic as
sall content zow for their conditiounis; bot as for thair toungis or
faithfulness towart zow I will not answer. I beseik zow yat ane opinioun
of uther persoun be not hurtfull in zour mynde to my constancie,
Mistrust me; bot quhen I will put zow out of dout and cleir myselfe,
refuse it not, my deir lufe, and suffer me to make zow sum prufe be my
obedince, my faithfulness, constancie, and voluntarie subjectioun,
quhilk I tak for the plesandest gude that I micht ressaif, gif ze will
accept it; and mak na ceremonie at it, for ze culd do me na greiter
outrage nor give mair mortall grief.

    [There is a French version of this letter in the Record Office
    (_State Papers_, Mary Queen of Scots, vol. ii. p. 63). It has been
    printed by Malcolm Laing (vol. iv. p. 202), Hosack (vol. i. p.
    230), and Mr. Henderson (p. 165). The following variations are
    taken from the Record Office version. The other published French
    version follows the Scots, as also does the Latin.]

    [67] _F._ "Je ne vous lay peu dire pour sçavoir comment je me
    gouvernerois." (I could not tell you, in order to know how to govern

    [68] _F._ "Et si vous ne me mondes ce soir ce que volles que jeu
    faisse je m en deferay au hazard de la fayre entreprandre ce qui
    pourroit nuire a ce a quoy nous tandons tous deux {and if you do not
    send me word this night what you will that I shall do, I will rid
    myself of it at the hazard of making her undertake that which might
    be hurtful to that whereunto we both do tend (Laing)} et quant ella
    sera mariee je vous suplie donnes qune opinion sur aultrui ne nuise
    en votre endroit a ma constance."

Letter VI.

Alace! my Lord, quhy is zour traist put in ane persoun sa unworthie, to
mistraist that quhilk is haillely zouris? I am wod {wild}. Ze had
promysit me that ze wald send me word every day quhat I suld do. Ye haif
done nathing yairof. I advertisit yow weill to tak heid of zour fals
brother-in-law {Huntly}. He come to me, and without schawing me ony
thing from zow, tald me that ze had willit him to wryte to zow that that
I suld say, and quhair and quhen ze suld cum to me, and that that ze
suld do tuiching him; and thairupon hes preichit[69] unto me yat it was
ane fulische interpryse, and that with myne honour I culd never marry
zow, seing that being maryit ze did cary me away, and yat his folkis wad
not suffer it, and that the Lordis wald unsay yameselvis, and wald deny
that thay had said. To be schort, he is all contrarie. I tald him that
seeing I was cum sa far, gif ze did not withdraw zour self of zour self,
that na perswasioun, nor deith itself suld mak me fail of my promeis. As
tuiching the place ze are too negligent, pardoun me, to remit zour self
thairof unto me. Cheis it zour self, and send me word of it. And in the
meane tyme I am seik; I will differ {defer} as tuiching the mater it is
to lait. It was not lang of me yat ze have not thocht thairupon in time.
And gif ze had not mair changeit zour mynd sen myne absence, then I
have; ye suld not be now to ask sic resolving. Weill, thair wantis
nathing of my part; and seing that zour negligence dois put us baith in
the danger of ane fals brother, gif it succeedet not weill I will never
ryse agane. I send this beirer unto zow, for I dar not traist zour
brother with thir letteris, nor with the diligence. He sall tell zow in
quhat stait I am, and judge ze quhat amendment yir new ceremonies[70]
have brocht unto me. I wald I wer deid, for I se all gais ill. Ze
promysit uther maner of mater of zour foirseing, bot absence hes power
over zow, quha haif twa stringis to zour bow. Dispatch the answer that I
faill not, and put na traist in your brother for this interpryse, for he
hes tald it, and is also all aganis it. God give zow gude nicht.

    [69] _F._ in Record Office, "M'a preschè que c'estoit une folle
    entreprise, et qu'avecques mon honneur Je ne vous pourries Jamaiis
    espouser, veu qu'estant marié vous m'amenies et que ses gens ne
    l'endureroient pas et que les seigneurs se dediroient" _P. F._ "Il
    me remonstra, que c'estoit une folle entreprise, et que pour mon
    honneur, Je ne vous pourvoye prendre à mary, puis que vous estiez
    marié, ny aller avec vous, et que ses gens mesmes ne le
    souffriroient pas voire que les Seigneurs contrediroyent á ce que en
    seroit proposé." _E._ at Hatfield, "And thereupon hath preached unto
    me that it was a foolish entreprise, and that with mine honour I
    could never marry you, seeing that being married you did carry me
    away. And that his folk would not suffer it, and that the Lords
    would unsay themselves, and would deny that they had said."

    [70] _F._ in Record Office, "Ce incertains nouvelles." _P. F._ "Ces
    nouvelles ceremonies." _E._ at Hatfield, "These new ceremonies."

Letter VII.

Of the place and ye tyme,[71] remit my self to zour brother and to zow.
I will follow him, and will faill in nathing of my part. He finds mony
difficulteis; I think he dois advertise zow thairof, and quhat he
desyris for the handling of himself. As for the handling of myself, I
hard it anis weill devysit.[72]

Methinkis that zour services, and the lang amitie, having ye gude will
of ye Lordis, do weill deserve ane pardoun, gif above the dewtie of ane
subject yow advance yourself, not to constrane me,[73] bot to assure
yourself of sic place neir unto me, that uther admonitiounis or forane
{foreign} perswasiounis may not let {hinder} me from consenting to that,
that ye hope your service sall mak yow ane day to attene; and to be
schort, to mak yourself sure of the Lordis and fre to mary; and that ye
are constranit for your suretie, and to be abill to serve me faithfully,
to use ane humbil requeist, joynit to ane importune actioun.

And to be schort, excuse yourself, and perswade thame the maist ye can,
yat ye ar constranit to mak persute aganis zour enemies. Ze sall say
aneuch, gif the mater or ground do lyke yow, and mony fair wordis to
Lethingtoun. Gif ye lyke not the deid, send me word, and leif not the
blame of all unto me.

    [Of this letter there is no version in the Record Office, the only
    other version being the published French translation].

    [71] _F._ "Homme."

    [72] _F._ "Quant à jouer le mien, je sçay com me jè m'y dois
    gouverner, mà souvenant de la façon que les choses ont esté

    [73] _F._ Adds "et tenir captive."

Letter VIII.

My Lord, sen my letter written, zour brother in law yat was, come to me
verray sad, and hes askit me my counsel, quhat he suld do efter to
morne, becaus thair be mony folkis heir, and among utheris the Erle of
Sudderland, quha wald rather die, considdering the gude thay have sa
laitlie ressavit of me, than suffer me to be caryit away, thay
conducting me; and that he feirit thair suld sum troubil happin of it:
of the uther syde, that it suld be said that he wer unthankfull to have
betrayit me. I tald him, that he suld have resolvit with zow upon all
that, and that he suld avoyde, gif he culd, thay that were maist

He has resolvit to wryte thairof to zow be my opinioun; for he has
abaschit me to se him sa unresolvit at the neid. I assure myself he will
play the part of an honest man. Bot I have thocht gude to advertise zow
of the feir he hes yat he suld be charget and accusit of tressoun to ye
end yat, without mistraisting him, ze may be the mair circumspect, and
that ze may have ye mair power. For we had zisterday mair then iii. c.
hors of his and of Levingstoun's. For the honour of God, be accompanyit
rather with mair then les; for that is the principal of my cair.

I go to wryte my dispatche, and pray God to send us ane happy enterview
schortly. I wryte in haist, to the end ye may be advysit in tyme.

    [There are no important variants in the only other version of this
    letter--the published French translation.]

    The following are the French versions of the first sentence of each
    letter, printed in the Scots translation, published in London in
    1572 (p. 163).

    _Letter I._ Il semble qu' avecques vostre abscence soit joynt le
    oubly, [74]ceu qu'au partir vous me promistes de vos nouvelles. Et
    toutes foys je n'en puis apprendre, &c.

    _Letter II._ Estant party du lieu ou je avois laissé mon c[oe]ur il se
    peult aysément juger quelle estoit ma contenance, veu ce qui peult
    un corps sans c[oe]ur, qui à esté cause que jusques à la Disnée je
    n'ay pas tenu grand propos, aussi personne ne s'est voulu advancer
    jugeant bien qu'il n'y faisoit bon, &c.

    _Letter III._ Monsieur, si l'ennury de vostre absence, celuy de
    vostre oubly, la crainte du danger, tant provué[75] d'un chacun à
    vostre tant aymée personne, &c.

    _Letter IV._ J'ay veillé plus tard la haut que je n'eusse fait, si
    ce n'eust esté pour tirer ce que ce porteur vous dira, que je
    trouve la plus belle commodité pour excuser vostre affaire qui ce
    purroit présenter, &c.

    _Letter V._ Mon c[oe]ur, helas! fault il que la follie d'une femme,
    dont vous cognoissez assez l'ingratitude vers moy, soit cause de
    vous donner desplaisir, &c.

    _Letter VI._ Monsieur, helas! pourquoy est vostre fiance mise en
    personne si indigne, pour soupconner ce qui est entierement vostre.
    J'enrage, vous m'aviez promis, &c.

    _Letter VII._ Du lieu et l'heure[76] je m'en rapporte à vostre
    frere et à vous. Je le suivray, et ne fauldray en rien de ma part.
    Il trouve beaucoup de difficultez, &c.

    _Letter VIII._ Monsieur, de puis ma lettre escrite vostre beau
    frere qui fust, est venu à moy fort triste, et m'a demandé mon
    conseil de ce qu'il feroit apres demain, &c.

    The slight variations in the other French versions are noted above.
    There are no Record Office or Hatfield versions of I., II., VII.,
    and VIII., and there is no "Published French" version of III.

    [74] _P. F._ "veu."

    [75] _Record Office F._ "promis."

    [76] _P. F._ "homme."

The Love Sonnets.

_Henderson's Casket Letters._

    The "divers fond ballads" referred to in the letter of Elizabeth's
    Commissioners of October 11th, 1568, consist of the following
    "sonnets" in French.

    The sonnets are printed from the English edition of Buchanan's
    _Detection_ (1571). The lines in italics are translated from the
    Scots by Professor York Powell.

    1. O Dieux ayez de moy compassion,
      Et m'enseignez quelle preuue certain{e}
      Ie puis donner qui ne luy semble vain{e}
    De mon amour & ferme affection.
    Las n'est il pas ia en possession
      Du corps, du coeur qui ne refuse paine
      Ny deshonneur, en[77] la vie incertaine,
    Offense de parentz, ne pire affliction?[78]
    Pour luy {tous mes} amis estime moins que rien,
    Et d{e mes} ennemis ie veux esperer bien.
      I'ay hazardé {pour luy} & nom & conscience:
    Ie veux pour luy au monde renoncer:
    Ie veux mourir pour le fair'[79] auancer.
      Que reste il plus pour prouuer ma constance?

    2. Entre ses mains & en son plein pouuoir,
      Je metz mon filz, mon honneur, & ma vie,
      Mon pais, mes[80] subjectz, mon ame assubiectie
    Est tout à luy, & n'ay autre voulloir
    Pour mon obiect, que sans le deceuoir
      Suiure ie veux, malgré toute l'enuie
      Qu'issir en peult, car ie n'ay autre envie
    Que de ma foy, luy faire apperceuoir
    Que pour tempeste ou bonnace qui face
    Iamais ne veux changer demeure ou place.
      Brief ie feray de ma foy telle preuue,
    Qu'il cognoistra sans faulte[81] ma constance,
    Non par mes pleurs ou fainte obeyssance,
      Come autres font,[82] mais par diuers espreuue.

    3. Elle pour son honneur vous doibt obeyssance
      Moy vous obeyssant i'en puis receuoir blasme
      N'estât, à mon regret, comme elle vostre femme.
    Et si n'aura pourtant en ce point preeminence
    Pour son propre profit[83] elle vse de coustance,
      Car ce n'est peu d'honneur d'estre de voz biens dame
      Et moy pour vous aymer i'en puis receuoir blasme
    Et ne luy veux ceder en toute l'obseruance:
    Elle de vostre mal n'à l'apprehension
      Moy ie n'ay nul repos tant ie crains l'apparence:
      Par l'aduis des parentz, elle eut vostre accointance
    Moy malgré tous les miens vous porte affection
    {_Et neanmoins, mon c[oe]ur, vous doubtez ma constance_}[84]
      Et de sa loyauté prenez ferme asseurance.

    4. Par vous mon coeur & par vostre alliance
      Elle à remis sa maison en honneur
      Elle à jouy par vous de[85] la grandeur
    Dont tous les siens n'ayent nul asseurance
    De vous, mon bien, elle à eu l'ac coinstance,[86]
      Et à gaigné pour vn temps vostre coeur,
      Par vous elle à eu plaisir en bon heur,
    Et par vous a[87] honneur & reuerence,
    Et n'a perdu sinon la jouyssance
      D'vn fascheux sot qu'elle aymoit cherement,
      Ie ne la playns d'aymer donc ardamment,
    Celuy qui n'à en sens, ny en vaillance,
    En beauté, en bonté, ny en constance
      Point de seçond. Ie vis en ceste foy.[88]

    5. Quant vous l'amiez, elle vsoit de froideur.
      Sy vous souffriez pour s'amour passion
      Qui vient d'aymer de trop d'affection,
    Son doy monstroit, a tristesse de coeur
    N'ayant plaisir de vostre grand ardeur.
      En ses habitz, monstroit sans fiction
      Qu'elle n'auoit paour qu'imperfection
    Peust l'effacer hors de ce loyal coeur.
    De vostre mort ie ne vis la peaur[89]
    Que meritoit tel mary & seigneur.
    Somme, de vous elle à eu tout son bien
    Et na prisé ne iamais estimé
      Vn si grand heur sinon puis qu'il n'est sien
    Et maintenant dit l'auoir tant aymé.

    6. Et maintenant elle commence à voir
      Qu'elle estoit bien de mauuais iugement
      De n'estimer l'amour d'vn tel amant
    Et voudrait bien mon amy deceuoir,
    Par les escriptz tout fardez de scauoir
      Qui pourtant n'est en son esprit croissant
      Ains emprunté de quelque autheur luissant
    A faint tresbien vn ennoy[90] sans l'avoir
    Et toutesfois ses parolles fardeez,
      Ses pleurs, ses plaincts remplis de fictions.
      Et ses hautz cris & lamentations
    Ont tant gaigné que par vous sont gardéez
      Ses lettres {escriptes} ausquellez vous donnez foy
      Et si l'aymez & croyez plus que moy.

    7. Vous la croyez las trop ie l'apperçoy
      Et vous doutez de ma ferme constance,
      O mon seul bien & mon seul esperance,
    Et ne vous puis ie asseurer de ma foy
    Vous m'estimez plus legier que le noy,[91]
      Et si n'auez en moy nul' asseurance,
      Et soupçonnez mon coeur sans apparence,
    Vous deffiant à trop grand tort de moy.
    Vous ignorez l'amour que ie vous porte
    Vous soupçonnez qu'autre amour me trâsporte,
      Vous estimez mes parolles du vent,
    Vous depeignez de cire mon las coeur
      Vous me pensez femme sans iugement,
    Et tout sela augmente mon ardeur.

    8. Mon amour croist & plus en plus croistra
      Tant que je viure &[92] tiendray à grandeur,
      Tant seulement d'auoir part en ce coeur
    Vers qui en fin mon amour paroistra
    Sy tres à clair que iamais n'en doutra,
      {_Pur luy je lutterai contre malheur_}[93]
      Pour luy ie veux recercher la grandeur,
    Et feray tant qu'en vray cognoistera,
    Que ie n'ay bien, heur, ne contentement,
    Qu'a l'obeyr & servir loyaument.
      Pour luy iattendz toute bonne fortune,
    Pour luy ie veux garder sainté & vie
    Pour luy vertu de suyure i'ay enuie[94]
      Et sans changer me trouvera tout vne.

    9. Pour luy aussi ie jette mainte larme.
      Premier quand il se fist de ce corps {posses}seur,
      Duquel alors il n'auoit pas le coeur.
    Puis me donna vn autre dur alarme
    Quand il versa de son sang mainte dragme
      Dont de grief il me vint telle[95] doleur,
      M'en pensay[96] oster la vie en frayeur
    De perdre la{s} le seul rempar qui m'arme.
    Pour luy depuis iay mesprise l'honneur
    Ce qui nous peult seul pouruoir de bonheur.
      Pour luy hazarde grandeur & conscience.
    Pour luy {tous mes} i'ay quité parentz, & amis,
    Et tous autres respectz sont apart mis.
      Brief de vous seul ie cherche l'alliance.

    10. De vous, ie dis, seul soustein de ma vie
      Tant seulement ie cerche m'asseurer,
      Et si ose de moy tant presumer
    De vous gaigner maugré toute l'enuie.
    Car c'est le seul desir de vostre {chere} amie,
      De vous seruir & loyaument aymer,
      Et tous malheurs moins que riens estimer,
    {Et} vostre volonté de mon mie{ux} suivie,[97]
    Vous cognoistrez avecque obeyssance
    De mon {loyal} deuoir n'omettant la sciance
      A quoy ie estudiray pour {tousiours} vous complaire
    Sans aymer rien que vous, soubz {la} suiection.
    De qui ie veux sans nulle fiction
      Vivre & mourir & à ce j'obtempere.

    11. Mon coeur, mon sang, mon ame, & mon soucy,
      {Las,} vous m'auez promis qu'aurons ce plaisir
      De deuiser auecques vous à loysir,
    Toute la nuict, ou ie languis icy
    Ayant le coeur d'extreme paour transy,
      Pour voir absent le but de mon desir
      Crainte d'oublir vn coup me vient {a} saisir:
    Et l'autre fois ie crains que rendurcie
    Soit contre moy vostre amiable coeur
    Par quelque dit d'un meschant rapporteur.
      Un autre fois ie crains quelque auenture
    Qui par chemin detourne mon amant,
    Par vn fascheux & nouueau accident.
      Dieu detourne tout malheureux augure.

         *       *       *       *       *

    12. Ne vous voyant selon qu'auez promis
      I'ay mis la main au papier pour escrire
      D'vn different que ié voulu transcrire,
    Ie ne scay pas quel sera vostre aduis
    Mais ie scay bien qué mieux aymer scaura
    Vous diriez bien que plus y gaignera.

       *       *       *       *       *

    [77] Ny?

    [78] Rochelle text has "affection" wrongly.

    [79] Buchanan, "luy" only. Rochelle text, "lui le fair."

    [80] Read "Mon pis subject"?

    [81] Buch., "fainte."

    [82] Buch., "ont fait."

    [83] Buch., "Pour son profit elle."

    [84] Scots translation, "And not the less, my heart, ye doubt of my

    [85] Buch., "vous la."

    [86] Buch., "la constance."

    [87] Buch. inserts "receu."

    [88] Text of sextain corrupt.

    [89] Omitted in Rochelle version as corrupt.

    [90] Buch., "envoy."

    [91] Buch., "mestimez legier que le voy."

    [92] Buch., "viuray, &".

    [93] Scots--"For him I will stryve aganis wan-weird."

    [94] Rochelle version to read "luy tout."

    [95] Buch., "lesser."

    [96] Buch., "Que m'en pensa ... & frayeur."

    [97] Rochelle text, "et vostre ... de la mienne suivi," and later
    version "la mien suivre."

The Contracts of Marriage.

_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 54, from Cot. Lib. Calig., C. i.

At Seton, the 5th day of April, the year of God, 1567, the right
excellent, right high and mighty Princess, Mary, by the grace of God,
Queen of Scots, ... in the presence of the Eternal God, faithfully, and
on the word of a Prince, by these presents, takes the said James, Earl
Bothwell, as her lawful husband, and promises and obliges her Highness,
that how soon the process of divorce, intended betwixt the said Earl
Bothwell and Dame Jane Gordon, now his pretended spouse, be ended by the
order of the laws, her Majesty shall, God willing, thereafter shortly
marry and take the said Earl to her husband.... He presently takes her
Majesty as his lawful spouse, in the presence of God, and promises and
obliges him ... that in all diligence possible, he shall prosecute and
set forward the said process of divorce already begun and intended
betwix him and the said Dame Gordon, his pretended spouse....

            MARIE, R.

Here note, that this contract was made the v of April, within viii weeks
after the murder of the King, which was slain the x of February before;
also it was made vii days before Bothwell was acquitted, by corrupt
judgment, of the said murder. Also it appears by the words of the
contract itself, that it was made before sentence of divorce betwixt
Bothwell and his former wife, and also in very truth was made before any
suit of divorce intended or begun between him and his former wife,
though some words in this contract seem to say otherwise, which is thus
proved; for this contract is dated the v of April, and it plainly
appears by the judicial acts, ... wherein is contained the whole process
of the divorce between the said Earl and Dame Jane Gordon his wife, that
the one of the same processes was intended and begun the xxvi day of
April, and the other the xxvii.--Buchanan's "Detection."

Nous Marie, par la grace de Dieu, Royne d'Ecosse, douaryere de France,
&c, promettous fidellement et de bonne foy, et sans contraynte, à Jaques
Hepburn, Comte de Boduel, de n'avoir jamais autre espoulx et mary que
luy, et de le prendre pour tel toute et quant fois qu'il m'en requerira,
quoy que parents, amys ou autres, y soient contrayres. Et puis que Dieu
a pris mon feu mary Henry Stuart dit Darnley et que par ce moien je sois
libre, n'estant sous obeissance de pere, ni de mere, des mayntenant je
proteste que, lui estant en mesme liberté, je seray preste, et
d'accomplir les ceremonies requises an mariage; que je lui promets
devant Dieu, que j'en prantz a tesmoignasge, et la presente, signee de
ma mayn: ecrit ce--

            MARIE, R.

    [This contract merely promises to marry Bothwell, without
    constraint, and refers to the writer's freedom from the necessity
    of any one's permission, since Darnley's death. It contains no
    reference to the divorce.]


The Discovery of the Letters--1. The Earl of Morton's Declaration.

_Henderson's Casket Letters_, pp. 113-116, from fol. 216,
Add. MSS. 32,091, Brit. Mus.

The trew declaration and report of me, James, Earl of Morton, how a
certain silver box overgilt containing diverse missive writings,
sonnets, contracts, and obligations for marriage betwix the Queen mother
to our sovereign lord, and James sometime Earl Bothwell, was found and

Upon Thursday the xix of June, 1567, I dined at Edinburgh, the Laird of
Lethington, secretary, with me. At time of my dinner a certain man came
to me, and in secret manner showed me that three servants of the Earl
Bothwell, viz. Mr. Thomas Hepburn, parson of Auldhamesokkes, John
Cockburn, brother to the laird of Skirling, and George Dalgleish were
come to the town, and passed into the castle. Upon which advertisement I
on the sudden sent my cousin Mr. Archibald Douglas and Robert Douglas,
his brother, and James Johnston of Westerrall, with others my servants,
to the number of xvi or thereby, toward the castle to make search for
the said persons, and, if possible were, to apprehend them. According to
which my direction, my servants passed, and at the first missing the
forenamed three persons for that they were departed forth of the castle
before their coming, my men then parting into several companies upon
knowledge that the others whom they sought were separated, Mr. Archibald
Douglas sought for Mr. Thomas Hepburn and found him not, but got his
horse, James Johnston sought for John Cockburn and apprehended him,
Robert Douglas seeking for George Dalgleish. After he had almost given
over his search and inquisition a good fellow understanding his purpose
came to him offering for a mean piece of money to reveal where George
Dalgleish was. The said Robert satisfying him that gave the intelligence
for his pains, passed to the Potterrow beside Edinburgh, and there
apprehended the said George, with divers evidences and letters in
parchment, viz. Earl Bothwell's infeftments of Liddesdale, of the
Lordship of Dunbar and of Orkney and Shetland, and divers others, which
all with the said George himself, the said Robert brought and presented
to me. And the said George being examined of the cause of his direction
to the castle of Edinburgh, and which letters and evidents he brought
forth of the same, alleged he was sent only to visit {examine} the Lord
Bothwell, his master's clothing, and he had not more letters nor
evidents than these which were apprehended with him. But his report
being found suspicious and his gesture and behaviour ministering cause
of mistrust seeing the gravity of the action that was in hand, it was
resolved by common assent of the noblemen convened, that the said George
Dalgleish should be surely kept that night, and upon the morn should be
had to the Tolbooth of Edinburgh and there be put in the iron and
torments for furthering of the declaration of the truth, wherein being
set, upon Friday the xx day of the said month of June before any
rigorous demeaning of his person, fearing the pain, and moved of
conscience, he called for my cousin Mr. Archibald Douglas, who coming,
the said George desired that Robert Douglas should be sent with him, and
he should show and bring to light that which he had. So being taken
forth from the irons, he passed with the said Robert to the Potterrow,
and there, under the sceit {seat} of a bed took forth the said silver
box, which he had brought forth of the castle the day before, locked,
and brought the same to me at viii hours at night, and because it was
late I kept it all that night. Upon the morn, viz., Saturday, the xxi of
June, in presence of the Earls of Atholl, Mar, Glencairn, myself, the
Lords Home, Sempill, Sanquhar, the Master of Graham, and the Secretary,
and Laird of Tullibardine, Comptroller, and the said Mr. Archibald
Douglas, the said box was broken open because we wanted the key, and the
letters within contained sighted {_i.e._ examined} and immediately
thereafter delivered again into my hand and custody. Since which time, I
have observed and kept the same box, and all letters, missives,
contracts, sonnets, and divers writings contained therein fairly without
alteration changing adding or diminishing of anything found or received
in the said box. This I testify and declare to be undoubted truth.

This is the copy of that which was given to Mr. Secretary Cecil upon
Thursday the 8th of December 1568.

This is the true copy of the declaration made and presented by the Earl
of Morton to the Commissioners and Council of England sitting in
Westminster for the time, upon Thursday being the 29 of December 1568.

Subscribed with his hand thus, MORTON.

2. Buchanan's Account.

_Translated from the History_, book xviii. c. 51.

It happened that, about the same time, Bothwell sent one of his
confidential servants to the castle of Edinburgh, to bring to him the
silver casket, covered with inscriptions, which had once belonged to the
French king, Francis. In it were letters of the Queen, almost all
written with her own hand, in which both the King's murder and the whole
sequel were plainly discernible; and in almost every letter there was an
injunction to burn it. But Bothwell, who knew the Queen's inconstancy,
of which he had recently seen many instances, preserved the letters, so
that, in any disagreement, he might use their testimony, and prove
himself not the author of the crime, but only an accomplice. This casket
Sir Robert Balfour gave to Bothwell's servant to take away; but first he
told the leaders of the opposite party what had been sent, and the agent
and the destination.... It was captured....

The Deposition of Thomas Nelson.

_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 243, from Cott. Lib. Calig. i. 165.

... She {the Queen} caused take down the said new black bed {in
Darnley's room}, saying it would be soiled with the bath, and in the
place thereof set up an old purple bed, ... and the said keys that were
delivered into the hands of Archibald Beton remained still in the hands
of him, and others that awaited upon the Queen, and never were delivered
again to the King's servants; for she set up a green bed for herself in
the said low chamber, wherein she lay the said two nights, and promised
also to have bidden {remained} there upon the Sunday at night. But after
she had tarried long and entertained the King very familiarly, she took
purpose (as it had been on the sudden), and departed as she spake to
give the masque to Bastien who that night was married {to} her servant,
namely the said Archibald Beton and one Paris, Frenchman, having the
keys of her chamber, wherein her bed stood in, as also of the passage
that passed toward the garden.... The Queen being departed toward
Holyrood-house, the King within the space of one hour passed to bed, and
in the chamber with him lay umquhill {_i.e._ the late} William Taylor.
The deponent and Edward Symonds lay in the little gallery, that went
direct to the south out of the King's chamber, ... and beside them lay
William Taylor's boy, who never knew of anything till the house wherein
they lay was falling about them....

Thomas Crawford's Deposition.

    [With regard to the deposition of Crawford, see p. 144; the wording
    of the account of the conversation between Mary and Darnley should
    be carefully compared with that of the second Casket Letter.]

_Hosack's Mary._ Appendix L.

First I made my Lord {Lennox} my master's humble commendations unto her
Majesty with the excuse that he came not to meet her, praying her grace
not to think that it was either for proudness or yet for not knowing his
duty towards her Highness, but only for want of health at the present,
and also that he would not presume to come in her presence until he knew
farther her mind because of the sharp words that she had spoken of him
to Robert Cuningham, his servant, in Stirling, whereby he thought he was
in her Majesty's displeasure. Notwithstanding, he has sent his servants
and friends to wait upon her Majesty. She answered that there was no
receipt against fear. I answered that my Lord had no fear for anything
he knew in himself, but only of the cold and unkind words she had spoken
to his servant. She answered and said that he would not be afraid in
case he were not culpable. I answered that I knew so far of his Lordship
that he desired nothing more than that the secrets of every creature's
heart were written in their face. She asked if I had any farther
commission. I answered no. Then she commanded me to hold my peace.

The words that I remember were betwixt the King and the Queen in Glasgow
when she took him away to Edinburgh.

The King for that my Lord his father was then absent and sick, by reason
whereof he could not speak with him himself, called me unto him, and
these words that had then passed betwixt him and the Queen, he gave me
in remembrance to report unto the said my Lord his father.

After their meeting and short speaking together she asked him of his
letters, wherein he complained of the cruelty of some. He answered that
he complained not without cause, and as he believed, she would grant
herself, when she was well advised. She asked him of his sickness, he
answered that she was the cause thereof, and moreover he said, ye asked
me what I meant by the cruelty specified in my letters, that proceedeth
of you only, that will not accept my offers and repentance. I confess
that I have failed in some things, and yet greater faults have been made
to you sundry times, which ye have forgiven. I am but young, and ye will
say ye have forgiven me divers times. May not a man of my age for lack
of counsel, of which I am very destitute, fall twice or thrice, and yet
repent and be chastised by experience. If I have made any fail that ye
but think a fail, howsoever it be, I crave your pardon, and protest that
I shall never fail again. I desire no other thing but that we may be
together as husband and wife. And if ye will not consent hereto, I
desire never to rise forth of this bed. Therefore I pray you give me an
answer hereunto. God knoweth how I am punished for making my god of you,
and for having no other thought but on you. And if any time I offend
you, ye are the cause, for that when any offendeth me, if for my refuge
I might open my mind to you, I would speak to no other, but when any
thing is spoken to me, and ye and I not being as husband and wife ought
to be, necessity compelleth me to keep it in my breast, and bringeth me
in such melancholy as ye see me in. She answered that it seemed him she
was sorry for his sickness, and she would find remedy therefor, so soon
as she might.

She asked him why he would have passed away in the English ship. He
answered that he had spoken with the Englishman, but not of mind to go
away with him. And if he had, it had not been without cause, considering
how he was used. For he had neither to sustain himself nor his servants,
and needed not make further rehearsal thereof, seeing she knew it as
well as he.

Then she asked him of the purpose of Highgate. He answered that it was
told him. She required how and by whom it was told him. He answered that
the Lord of Minto told him that a letter was presented to her in
Craigmillar, made by her own device, and subscribed by certain others
who desired her to subscribe the same, which she refused to do. And he
said that he would never think that she who was his own proper flesh,
would do him any hurt, and if any other would do it, they should buy it
dear, unless they took him sleeping, albeit he suspected none, so he
desired her effectuously to bear him company. For she ever found some
ado to draw herself from him to her own lodging, and would never abide
with him past two hours at once.

She was very pensive, whereat he found fault. He said to her that he was
advertised she had brought a litter with her. She answered that because
she understood he was not able to ride on horseback, she brought a
litter that he might be carried more softly. He answered that it was not
meet for a sick man to travel, that could not sit on horseback, and
especially in so cold weather. She answered that she would take him to
Craigmillar, where she might be with him, and not far from her son. He
answered that upon condition he would go with her, which was that he and
she might be together at bed and board as husband and wife, and that she
should leave him no more. And if she would promise him that, upon her
word, he would go with her when she was pleased, without respect of any
danger either of sickness wherein he was, or otherwise. But if she would
not condescend thereto, he would not go with her in any wise.

She answered that her coming was only to that effect, and if she had not
been minded thereto, she had not come so far to fetch him, and so she
granted his desire, and promised him that it should be as he had spoken,
and thereupon gave him her hand, and faith of her body, that she would
love him, and use him as her husband, notwithstanding before they could
come together, he must be purged and cleansed of his sickness, which she
trusted would be shortly, for she minded to give him the bath at

Then he said he would do whatsoever she would have him do, and would
love all that she loved. She required of him in especial, whom he loved
of the nobility, and whom he hated. He answered that he hated no man,
and loved all alike. She asked him how he liked the Lady Reres, and if
he were angry with her. He answered that he had little mind of such as
she was, and wished of God she might serve her to her honour. Then she
desired him to keep to himself the promise betwixt him and her, and to
open it to nobody. For peradventure the Lords would not think well of
their sudden agreement, considering he and they were at some words
before. He answered that he knew no cause why they should mislike of it,
and desired her that she would not move any of them against him even as
he would stir none against her, and that they would work both in one
mind, otherwise it might turn to great inconvenience to them both. She
answered that she never sought any way by him, but he was in fault
himself. He answered again that his faults were published, and that
there were that made greater faults than ever he made that believed were
unknown, and yet they would speak of great and small.

Farther, the King asked me at that present time what I thought of his
voyage. I answered that I liked it not, because she took him to
Craigmillar. For if she had desired him with herself, or to have had his
company, she would have taken him to his own house in Edinburgh, where
she might more easily visit him than to travel two miles out of town to
a gentleman's house. Therefore my opinion was that she took him away
more like a prisoner than her husband.

He answered that he thought little else himself, and feared himself
indeed save the confidence he had in her promise only; notwithstanding
he would go with her, and put himself in her hands, though she should
cut his throat, and besought God to be judge unto them both.

_Endorsed--Thomas Crawford's Deposit._

Murray's Journal.

_From a copy marked by Cecil_, Cot. Lib. Calig., B. ix. fol. 247,
quoted by Goodall, vol. ii. p. 247.

_January 21, 1566._--The Queen took her journey toward Glasgow, and was
accompanied with the Earls of Huntly and Bothwell to the Kalendar, my
Lord Livingstone's place.

_23._--The Queen came to Glasgow, and on the road met her, Thomas
Crawford, from the Earl of Lennox, and Sir James Hamilton, with the rest
mentioned in her letter. Earl Huntly and Bothwell returned that same
night to Edinburgh, and Bothwell lay in the town.

_24._--The Queen remained at Glasgow, like as she did the 25th and the
26th, and had the conference with the King whereof she writes; and in
this time wrote her bill and other letters to Bothwell. And Bothwell
this 24th day was found very timeous weseing {inspecting} the King's
lodging that was in preparing for him, and the same night took journey
towards Liddesdale.

_27._--The Queen (conform to her commission as she writes) brought the
King from Glasgow to the Kalendar towards Edinburgh.

_28._--The Queen brought the King to Linlithgow, and there remained all
morn, while she got word of my Lord Bothwell his returning towards
Edinburgh, by Hob Ormiston, one of the murderers. The same day the Earl
Bothwell came back from Liddesdale towards Edinburgh.

_29._--She remained all day in Linlithgow with the King, and wrote from
thence to Bothwell.

_30._--The Queen brought the King to Edinburgh, and put him in his
lodging, where he ended; and Bothwell keeping tryst met her upon the

_February 5._--She lodged all night under the King, in the chamber
wherein the powder was laid thereafter, and whereof Paris, her chamber
child, received the key.

_7._--She lodged and lay all night again in the foresaid chamber, and
from thence wrote that same night the letter concerning the purpose of
the Abbot of Holyrood-house (_cf._ p. 140).

_8._--She confronted the King and my Lord of Holyrood-house, conform to
her letter written the night before.

_9._--She and Bothwell supped at the banquet with the Bishop of the
Isles, and after passed up accompanied with Argyll, Huntly, and
Bothwell, to the King's chamber, and there they remained cherishing him,
till Bothwell and his complices put all things to order, and Paris, her
chamber child, received in her chamber the powder, and came up again and
gave the sign, and they departed to Bastian's banquet and masque, about
eleven hours, and thereafter they both returned to the Abbey, and talked
till twelve hours and after.

_10._--Betwix two and three of the clock, the King was blown in the air
by the powder.

The Depositions of Paris.

    The depositions of Paris were not produced at Westminster. They were
    taken, in the early autumn of 1569, in connection with the charges
    against Lethington (who had by this time, with Kirkcaldy of Grange,
    joined the Queen's party). "Paris" was the nickname of Nicholas
    Hubert, a French attendant of Bothwell, who, shortly before the
    murder, attached himself to the Queen's service. He was known to be
    concerned in the murder, but succeeded in escaping from the country.
    He took refuge in Denmark, and was delivered up on Murray's request.
    Queen Elizabeth wrote to the Regent asking him to delay the
    execution of Paris, and Murray replied: "The said Paris arrived at
    Leith about the middle of June last {1569}, I at that time being in
    the north parts of this realm far distant, whereupon it followed
    that, at my returning, after diligent and circumspect examination of
    him, and long time spent in that behalf, upon the xvi day of August
    by-past, he suffered death by order of law, so that before the
    receipt of your Highness letter by the space of 7 or 8 days he was
    execute." {Laing, vol. i. p. 295, from the Paper Office.} The letter
    is undated. But Professor Schiern, of Copenhagen, sent Mr. Hosack a
    copy of a document from the Danish archives, containing a receipt
    for the delivery of "two men, William Murray, and Paris, a
    Frenchman," accused of Darnley's murder. The receipt is dated 30th
    October 1568, and is given by Captain Clark, on behalf of the
    Scottish Government. (Hosack, vol. i. pp. 250-251.) There is a copy
    of the depositions in the Cotton Library, bearing the following
    note: "This is the true copy of the declaration and deposition of
    the said Nicholas Hubert or Paris, whereof the principal {original}
    is marked every leaf with his own hand.... Ita est Alexander Hay,
    scriba secreti consilii S.D.N. Regis, ac Notarius Publicus." But the
    originals, sent to London in October 1569, and preserved in the
    Record Office, bear that they were taken "in presence of Mr. George
    Buchanan, Master of St. Leonard's College in St. Andrews; Mr. John
    Wood, Senator of the College of Justice; and Robert Ramsay, writer
    of this declaration, servant to my lord regent's grace." {Hosack,
    vol. i. p. 256.} The documents were first published in Anderson's
    "Collection" (1725), not in Buchanan's "Detection," along with the
    depositions of Hay, Hepburn, and Dalgleish.

    The first deposition of Paris is a Confession, in French, made at
    St. Andrews on 9th August 1569, "without any constraint or
    interrogations." It states that, on the Wednesday or Thursday before
    the murder, Bothwell told Paris of the plot, and requested his aid.
    "What do you think?" said he.... "My Lord," said I, "I have served
    you these five or six years in all your great troubles ... now, my
    Lord, by the grace of God, you are free of all these difficulties
    ... if you undertake this great matter you will be in worse case
    than before." Bothwell then assured him that Lethington was the
    moving spirit, and that Argyll, Huntly, Morton, Ruthven, and Lindsay
    were in league with him. Paris then asked, "My Lord, I pray you tell
    me of one whom you have not named; I well know that he is loved in
    this country of the common people." ... "Who is that?" said he. "It
    is, my Lord," said I, "my Lord the Earl of Murray; I pray tell me
    what part he will take." To which he replied, "He will not meddle
    with it." "My Lord," said I, "he is wise." Then the Lord Bothwell
    turned his head to me ... and said, "My Lord of Murray, my Lord of
    Murray, he will neither help nor hinder; but it is all one." ... On
    the Saturday before the murder, Margaret Carwood, one of the Queen's
    attendants, told "Paris to go to Kirk-of-Field for the coverlet of
    the mattress in the Queen's room," which he did.... When he heard of
    Murray's leaving Edinburgh on Sunday morning to see his mother, he
    remarked that he did it to be out of the way when the wicked deed
    should take place, and so to dissociate himself from it. On Sunday
    evening Mary supped with Argyll, and seeing Paris, "as she washed
    her hands after supper, she asked me if I had removed the coverlet
    of the bed in her room in the King's lodging." These are the main
    points of interest in the first document signed by Paris. {Laing,
    vol. ii. p. 296.}

    The second deposition consists of answers to interrogations, and is
    dated at St. Andrews on August 10th, 1569. It makes a number of
    allegations against the Queen, with which the reader is already
    familiar. As it is a long document, we can quote only the most
    important sentences. "Interrogated when first he entered into credit
    with the Queen, he replied that it was when the Queen was at
    Callander on her way to Glasgow, when she gave him a purse with
    three or four hundred crowns to take to the Earl of Bothwell, who,
    after having received the said purse on the road between Callander
    and Glasgow, told him to go with the Queen and remain with her, and
    to attend well to what she did, saying that the Queen would give him
    letters to carry to him. When the Queen reached Glasgow, she said to
    him, 'I will send you to Edinburgh,' ... and after he had remained
    two days with the said lady, she wrote the letters and gave them
    him, saying, 'You will tell the Earl of Bothwell, by word of mouth,
    to take to the Laird of Lethington the letters addressed to him.'
    Bothwell and Lethington were to consult as to whether Darnley should
    go to Craigmillar or to Kirk-of-Field, and Paris was to report their
    decision to Mary. Further, he was to 'say to Bothwell, that the King
    wished to kiss her, but that she would not, for fear of his malady.'
    Paris carried out his commission, and returned with the message that
    Kirk-of-Field was considered most suitable. On the way from Glasgow
    to Edinburgh the Queen received a letter from Bothwell and sent one
    to him, and also gave Paris a bracelet to take to him. At
    Kirk-of-Field, where the Queen's room was immediately underneath
    that of the King, Bothwell told him that he must not place the
    Queen's bed in the corner of the room under the corner containing
    the King's bed, because he wished to place the powder there. This
    order was reiterated by the Queen, when she observed that it was
    being disregarded.... Paris said to the Queen, 'Madam, the Earl of
    Bothwell has commanded me to take the keys of your chamber, because
    he wishes to do something, that is, to place there the powder for
    the explosion to blow the King in the air.' That night she wrote
    letters to Bothwell...." The only other circumstance of importance
    affecting the Queen is a statement that Paris carried correspondence
    relating to Mary's seizure by Bothwell.

1573.--December 13. Confession of the Laird of Ormiston.

    "The Laird of Black Ormiston" was put to death on 13th December
    1573, under the government of the Regent Morton, for his share in
    the murder of Darnley. His confession was made to "John Brand,
    minister at Holyrood-house," on the day of his execution.

_Laing's Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 319, from State Trials, vol. i. p. 944.

As I shall answer unto God, with whom I hope this night to sup, I shall
declare unto you the whole, from the beginning unto the end, of my part.
First, I confess that the Earl Bothwell showed that same wicked deed
unto me in his own chamber in the Abbey on Friday before the deed was
done, and required me to take part with him therein.... The said earl
said unto me, "Tush, Ormiston, ye need not take fear for this, for the
whole lords have concluded this same long since in Craigmillar, all that
were there with the Queen, and none dare find fault with it when it
shall be done." ... Who {Bothwell} let me see a contract subscribed by
four or five handwrites, which he affirmed to me was the subscription of
the Earl of Huntly, Argyll, the Secretary Maitland, and Sir James
Balfour, and alleged that many more promised, who would assist him if he
were put at: and thereafter read the said contract, which, as I
remember, contained these words in effect: "That for as much it was
thought expedient and most profitable for the common wealth, by the
whole nobility and lords undersubscribed, that such a young fool and
proud tyrant should not reign nor bear rule over them; and that for
divers causes therefore, that they all had concluded that he should be
put off by one way or other, and whosoever should take the deed in hand
they should defend and fortify it as themselves, for it should be every
one of their own reckoned and held done by themselves." Which writing,
as the said earl shewed unto me, was devised by Sir James Balfour,
subscribed by them all a quarter of a year before the deed was done.

1581.--June 2. The Confession of the Earl of Morton.

    [The Earl of Morton having made during his tenure of the government
    many enemies, was driven from power and accused of complicity in
    the murder of Darnley. The indictment ("Arnot's Criminal Trials,"
    p. 388, quoted by Laing, vol. ii, p. 350) mentions as his
    accomplices "James, some time Earl Bothwell; James Ormiston, some
    time of that ilk; Robert _alias_ Hob Ormiston, his father's
    brother; John Hay, some time of Talla, younger; John Hepburn,
    called John of Bolton; and divers others," and says that the
    murderers "two hours after midnight ... came to the lodging ... and
    there ... most vilely, unmercifully, and treasonably slew and
    murdered him ... burnt his whole lodging foresaid, and raised the
    same in the air by force of gunpowder, which a little before was
    placed ... by him and his foresaids under the ground, and angular
    stones, and within the vaults, in low and secret parts thereof."
    The Earl was found guilty, on the 1st of June, of "art, part,
    foreknowledge, and concealing of the treasonable and unnatural
    murder foresaid," and was executed next day. A few hours before his
    death he made a confession to three of the ministers of Edinburgh,
    part of which is here quoted.]

_Laing_, vol. ii. p. 354.

Being required what was his part or knowledge in the King's murther, he
answered with this attestation. As I shall answer to my Lord God, I
shall declare truly all my knowledge in that matter, the sum whereof is
this: After my returning out of England, where I was banished for
Davie's slaughter, I came out of Wedderburn to Whittinghame {Castle},
where the Earl Bothwell and I met together in the yard of Whittinghame,
where, after long communing, the Earl Bothwell proposed to me the King's
murther, requiring what would be my part therein, seeing it was the
Queen's mind that the King should be taken away, because, as he said,
she blamed the King more of Davie's slaughter than me. My answer to the
Earl Bothwell was this, that I would not in any way meddle with that
matter.... The Earl Bothwell ... thereafter earnestly proposed the same
matter again to me, persuading me thereto, because so was the Queen's
mind, and she would have it to be done. Unto this my answer was, I
desired the Earl Bothwell to bring me the Queen's handwrit of this
matter for a warrant; other ways I would not meddle thereof, which
warrant he never purchased {brought}.... Then it was said to him,
"Apparently, my lord, ye cannot complain justly of the sentence that is
given against you, seeing with your own mouth ye confess the
foreknowledge and concealing of the King's murther." ... He answered,
"That I know to be true indeed, but yet they should have considered the
danger that the revealing of it would have brought to me at that time;
for I durst not reveal it for fear of my life. For at that time to whom
should I have revealed it? To the Queen? She was the doer thereof. I was
minded to have told it to the King's self, but I durst not for my life,
for I knew him to be a bairn of such nature, that there was nothing told
him but he would reveal it to her again." ... Then he said, "After the
Earl Bothwell was cleansed by an assize, sundry of the nobility and I
subscrived also a bond with the Earl Bothwell, that if any should lay
the King's murder to his charge, we should assist him in the contrary.
And thereafter I subscrived to the Queen's marriage with the Earl
Bothwell, as sundry others of the nobility did, being charged thereto by
the Queen's writ and command." Then being inquired in name of the living
God, that seeing this murther was one of the most filthy acts that ever
was done in Scotland, and the secrets thereof have not yet been
declared, who were the chief doers, or whether he was worried, or blown
in the air, and therefore pressed to declare if he knew any further
secret thereunto; he answered, "As I shall answer to God, I know no more
secret in that matter than I have already told."

Letter from Mr. Archibald Douglas to the Queen of Scots.

_Robertson's History of Scotland_, App. XIV., from Harl. Lib.
xxxvii. bk. ix. fol. 126.

... It may please your Majesty to remember in the year of God 1566, the
said Earl of Morton, with divers other nobility and gentry, were
declared rebels to your Majesty.... True it is that I was one of that
number, that heavily offended against your Majesty, and passed into
France the time of our banishment, at the desire of the rest, to humbly
pray your brother the most Christian King, to intercede that our
offences might be pardoned.--Your Majesty's mind so inclined to mercy,
that, within short space thereafter, I was permitted to repair into
Scotland, to deal with Earls Murray, Atholl, Bothwell, Argyll, and
Secretary Lethington, in the name and behalf of the said Earl Morton,
Lords Ruthven, Lindsay, and remanent accomplices.... At my coming to
them ... they declared that the marriage betwix you and your husband had
been the occasion already of great evil in that realm ... they had
thought it convenient to join themselves in league and band with some
other noblemen resolved to obey your Majesty as their natural sovereign,
and have nothing to do with your husband's command whatsoever; if the
said earl would for himself enter into that band, they could be content
to humbly request and travel by all means with your Majesty for his
pardon.... They desired that I should return sufficiently instructed in
this matter to Stirling, before the baptism of your son, whom God might
preserve. This message was faithfully delivered by me at Newcastle in
England, where the said earl then remained, in presence of his friends
and company, where they all condescended to have no further dealing with
your husband, and to enter into the said band. With this deliberation, I
returned to Stirling, where ... your Majesty's gracious pardon was
granted unto them all.... Immediately after, the said Earl of Morton
repaired to Whittinghame, where the Earl Bothwell and Secretary
Lethington came to him; what speech passed there amongst them, as God
shall be my judge, I knew nothing at that time; but at their departure I
was requested by the said Earl Morton to accompany the Earl Bothwell and
Secretary to Edinburgh, and to return with such answer as they should
obtain of your Majesty, which being given to me by the said persons, as
God shall be my judge, was no other than these words, "Show to the Earl
Morton that the Queen will hear no speech of that matter appointed unto
him." When I craved that the answer might be made more sensible,
Secretary Lethington said, that the earl would sufficiently understand
it, albeit few or none at that time understand what passed amongst them.
It is known to all men, as well by the railing letters passed betwixt
the said earl and Lethington, when they became in divers factions, as
also a book set forth by the ministers, wherein they affirm that the
earl has confessed to them, before his death, that the Earl Bothwell
came to Whittinghame to propose the calling away of the King your
husband, to the which proposition the said Earl of Morton affirms that
he could give no answer unto such time he might know your Majesty's
mind, which he never received....




  1. Connecting Note.

  2. Contemporary Verses on the Babington Conspiracy.

  3. Queen Mary's Letter to Queen Elizabeth on hearing the
  announcement of her sentence.

  4. Clauses from Queen Mary's Will.

  5. Appeal for Spiritual Faculties.

  6. "O Domine Deus, speravi in te."

  7. Contemporary Official Report of the Execution.


    Queen Mary's life, after the conclusion of the conference at
    Westminster, was occupied with plots and negotiations for her
    escape from captivity. The proposal for her marriage with the Duke
    of Norfolk was opposed both in Scotland and in England; and an
    insurrection was raised by the Earls of Northumberland and
    Westmoreland, which was speedily suppressed (November, 1569). In
    January of the following year the Earl of Moray was assassinated at
    Linlithgow, and the Earl of Lennox, Darnley's father, succeeded him
    as Regent. Maitland of Lethington finally seceded from the "King's
    party," and allied himself with Kirkaldy of Grange, who held
    Edinburgh Castle for Mary. The Norfolk conspiracy continued to
    raise the expectations of the Marians till the capture, in the
    spring of 1571, of Charles Baillie, who was carrying letters from
    the papal agent, Rudolfi, for Queen Mary, Norfolk, the Spanish
    ambassador, and the Bishop of Ross. On the strength of Baillie's
    disclosures, Norfolk was put to death in June 1572. Elizabeth
    declined to gratify the English Parliament by executing her
    prisoner, but attempted to arrange for her delivery to the Earl of
    Morton, now Regent of Scotland, with a view to his accepting the
    responsibility for Mary's death. Morton broke off the negotiations
    as Elizabeth refused to give her open sanction to the deed.
    Edinburgh Castle surrendered in June 1573, and its fall, and the
    loss of Lethington and Grange, gave the death-blow to the hopes of
    the Queen of Scots. She maintained, however, a constant
    correspondence with Elizabeth and with Spain and Rome, clutching
    eagerly at any hope of release, however vague. In 1586 she became
    involved, to what extent is disputed, in what is known as the
    Babington Conspiracy, which had for its object the assassination of
    Elizabeth and her ministers, and the restoration of Catholicism
    throughout Great Britain. Walsingham received information as to the
    plot, and obtained possession of letters alleged to be written by
    Mary to Babington. The conspirators were put to death, and Mary was
    tried by a Commission of Peers in the end of 1586. The following
    verses, addressed to the conspirators, indicate the common feeling
    in England at the time. They are quoted from a poem by William
    Kempe, published in 1587, and entitled "A Dutiful Invective against
    the moste haynous Treasons of Ballard and Babington ... together
    with the horrible attempts and actions of the Queen of Scottes....
    For a New Yeares gift to all loyall English subjects." The author
    of the verses is not Kemp the player, but a writer of some
    treatises on Education. _Cf._ "Dict. Nat. Biog."


    The Scottish Queen, with mischief fraught, for to perform the will
    Of him whose pupil she hath been hath usëd all her skill;
    By words most fair, and loving terms, and gifts of value great:
    For to persuade your hollow hearts, your duties to forget,
    And for to be assistant still, her treacheries to further,
    Wherein she reckons it no sinne though you commit great murther.
    Such is her heinous hateful mind, who long hath lived in hope,
    By such her subtle lawless means (and help of cursëd Pope)
    Both to deprive our sovereign Queen of her imperial crown,
    And true religion to repel, God's Gospel to put down.

           *       *       *       *       *

    Wherein you fully did conclude that it could never be,
    Except you first conspired her death, by secret treachery.
    And thereupon consulted oft, and sundry ways did seek
    For to perform this devilish act, which you so well did like.
    Next unto this your promise was to lend your help and aid,
    With all the force and power you could, to foes that should invade.
    And thereby for to set at large that Queen whom I did name,
    Who always in her treacherous mind, doth nought but mischief frame.

           *       *       *       *       *


    For plainly hath it fallen out, by sundry proofs most true,
    She was the only maintainer of all this treacherous crew:
    For trial whereof we may see, how that our gracious Queen,
    Both having care the very truth most plainly might be seen,
    And she with honour might be tried, in that she was a Prince,
    Did cause the chiefest peers her faults by justice to convince:
    Who did assemble at her place, by name called Fotheringay,
    There to examine out the truth, and hear what she could say;
    And to that end did then direct to them a large commission
    For to examine every one in whom they found suspicion.
    Who meeting at that place, it plainly did appear,
    How that she was the chiefest cause of all our troubles here.
    And that she by persuasions did seek for to withdraw
    The subjects' hearts from this our Queen, who erst had lived in awe;
    And that the treasons named before were all by her consent,
    And that she author was thereof, and did the same invent,
    Whereto her answer was so light, and to so small effect,
    As that the weakness of the same her treasons did detect.
    And thereupon these peers of State, having a due regard
    To what she could object thereto, and likewise nothing spared
    By circumstance to search out truth, did forthwith then pronounce
    That she was guilty of these crimes, and could not them renounce.
    Which sentence so by them declared, was by our Queen's consent,
    Plainly revealed to all estates in court of Parliament;
    And was by them considered of, who then did all agree
    To join in suit unto her Grace, the same to ratify.

Queen Mary's Letter to Queen Elizabeth.

_Strickland's Letters of Mary Queen of Scots_, vol. ii. p. 200.
FOTHERINGAY, December 19, 1586.

MADAME,--Having with difficulty obtained leave from those to whom you
have committed me to open to you all I have on my heart, as much for
exonerating myself from any ill-will, or desire of committing cruelty, or
any act of enmity against those with whom I am connected in blood; as
also, kindly, to communicate to you what I thought would serve you, as
much for your weal and preservation as for the maintenance of the peace
and repose of this isle, which can only be injured if you reject my
advice. You will credit or disbelieve my discourse, as it seems best to

I am resolved to strengthen myself in Christ Jesus alone, who, to those
invoking Him with a true heart, never fails in His justice and
consolation, especially to those who are bereft of all human aid; such
are under His holy protection: to Him be the glory! He has equalled my
expectation, having given me heart and strength, _in spe contra spem_,
to endure the unjust calumnies, accusations, and condemnations (of those
who have no such jurisdiction over me) with a constant resolution to
suffer death for upholding the obedience and authority of the
Apostolical Roman Catholic Church.

Now, since I have been on your part informed of the sentence of your
last meeting of Parliament, Lord Buckhurst and Beale having admonished
me to prepare for the end of my long and weary pilgrimage, I beg to
return you thanks on my part for these happy tidings, and to entreat you
to vouchsafe to me certain points for the discharge of my conscience.
But since Sir A. Paulet has informed me (though falsely) that you had
indulged me by having restored to me my almoner, and the money that they
had taken from me, and that the remainder would follow; for all this I
would willingly return you thanks, and supplicate still further as a
last request, which I have thought for many reasons I ought to ask of
you alone, that you will accord this ultimate grace, for which I should
not like to be indebted to any other, since I have no hope of finding
aught but cruelty from the Puritans, who are at this time, God knows
wherefore! the first in authority, and the most bitter against me.

I will accuse no one: nay, I pardon with a sincere heart every one, even
as I desire every one may grant forgiveness to me, God the first. But I
know that you, more than any one, ought to feel at heart the honour or
dishonour of your own blood, and that, moreover, of a queen and the
daughter of a king.


Then, Madame, for the sake of that Jesus to whose name all powers bow, I
require you to ordain that when my enemies have slaked their black
thirst for my innocent blood, you will permit my poor desolated servants
altogether to carry away my corpse, to bury it in holy ground with the
other queens of France, my predecessors, especially near the late queen,
my mother; having this in recollection, that in Scotland the bodies of
the kings, my predecessors, have been outraged, and the churches
profaned and abolished; and that as I shall suffer in this country, I
shall not be given place near the kings, your predecessors, who are mine
as well as yours: for according to our religion, we think much of being
interred in holy earth. As they tell me that you will in nothing force
my conscience nor my religion, and have even conceded me a priest,
refuse me not this my last request, that you will permit free sepulchre
to this body when the soul is separated, which, when united, could never
obtain liberty to live in repose, such as you would procure for
yourself; against which repose--before God I speak--I never aimed a
blow: but God will let you see the truth of all after my death.

And because I dread the tyranny of those to whose power you have
abandoned me, I entreat you not to permit that execution be done on me
without your own knowledge, not for fear of the torment, which I am most
ready to suffer, but on account of the reports which will be raised
concerning my death unsuspected, and without other witnesses than those
who would inflict it, who, I am persuaded, would be of very different
qualities from these parties whom I require (being my servants) to stay
spectators, and with witnesses of my end in the faith of our sacrament,
of my Saviour, and in obedience to His Church. And after all is over,
that they together may carry away my poor corpse (as secretly as you
please), and speedily withdraw, without taking with them any of my goods
except those which in dying I may leave to them, which are little enough
for their long and good services.


One jewel that I received of you I shall return to you with my last
words, or sooner if you please.

Once more I supplicate you to permit me to send a jewel and a last adieu
to my son, with my dying benediction, for of my blessing he has been
deprived since you sent me his refusal to enter into the treaty whence I
was excluded by his wicked council; this last point I refer to your
favourable consideration and conscience as the others, but I ask them in
the name of Jesus Christ, and in respect of your consanguinity, and for
the sake of King Henry VII., your grandfather and mine, and by the
honour of the dignity we both hold, and of our sex in common, do I
implore you to grant these requests.


As to the rest, I think you know that in your name they have taken down
my dais, but afterwards they owned to me that it was not by your
commandment, but by the intimation of some of your privy council. I
thank God that this wickedness came not from you, and that it serves
rather to vent their malice than to afflict me, having made up my mind
to die. It is on account of this, and some other things, that they
debarred me from writing to you, and after they had done all in their
power to degrade me from my rank, they told me "that I was but a mere
dead woman, incapable of dignity." God be praised for all!

I could wish that all my papers were brought to you without reserve,
that at last it may be manifest to you that the sole care of your safety
was not confined to those who are so prompt to persecute me. If you will
accord this my last request, I would wish that you would write for them,
otherwise they do with them as they choose. And, moreover, I wish that
to this, my last request, you will let me know your last reply.

To conclude, I pray God, the just Judge, of His mercy that He will
enlighten you with His Holy Spirit, and that He will give you His grace
to die in the perfect charity I am disposed to do, and to pardon all
those who have caused, or who have co-operated in, my death. Such will
be my last prayer to my end, which I esteem myself happy will precede
the persecution which I foresee menaces this isle, where God is no
longer seriously feared and revered, but vanity and worldly policy rule
and govern all. Yet will I accuse no one, nor give way to presumption.
Yet while abandoning this world, and preparing myself for a better, I
must remind you that one day you will have to answer for your charge,
and for all those whom you doom, and that I desire that my blood and my
country may be remembered in that time. For why? From the first days of
our capacity to comprehend our duties, we ought to bend our minds to
make the things of this world yield to those of eternity!

From Fotheringay, this 19th December, 1586.
  Your sister and cousin,
    Prisoner wrongfully,
          MARIE ROYNE.

The Will of the Queen of Scots.

_Strickland's Letters of Mary Queen of Scots_, vol. ii. p. 237.

    [The Will contains clauses relative to the payments of her debts,
    and of legacies to her servants. The selections given are of more
    general interest.]

In the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, I, Mary,
by the grace of God, Queen of Scotland and Dowager of France, being on
the point of death, and not having any means of making my will, have
myself committed these articles to writing, and I will and desire, that
they have the same force, as if they were made in due form.

In the first place, I declare that I die in the Catholic, Apostolic, and
Romish faith. First, I desire that a complete service be performed for
my soul in the Church of St. Denis in France, and another in St.
Peter's, at Rheims, where all my servants are to attend, in such manner
as may be ordered to do by those to whom I have given directions, and
who are named therein.

Further, that an annual obit be founded for prayers for my soul, in
perpetuity, in such place, and after such manner, as shall be deemed
most convenient....

I appoint my cousin, the Duke of Guise, principal executor of my will.
After him, the Archbishop of Glasgow, the Bishop of Ross, and Monsieur
de Ruissieu, my chancellor....

I recommend Marie Paiges, my god-daughter, to my cousin, Madame de
Guise, and beg her to take her into her service, and my aunt de Saint
Pierre to get Moubray some good situation, or retain her in her service,
for the honour of God.

Done this day, 7th February 1587.

            MARY, QUEEN.


Queen Mary's Appeal to the Pope for Spiritual Faculties.

    [The following document is here printed for the first time, so far
    as is known to the Editor. It is from a MS. at Blairs College, and
    is published by kind permission of the Right Reverend the Rector,
    and with the advantage of revision by the Reverend Professor Welsh.
    It is dated {158-}, and probably belongs to the last year of Queen
    Mary's life.]

Cum Serenissima Regina Scotiae multis ab hinc annis in Anglorum
haereticorum custodias sit inclusa atque ob id non possit Catholicae
Ecclesiae sacramenta suscipere et rebus divinis praesertim vero missae
sacrificio nisi clam et magno cum periculo interesse, supplex petit a
Sanctissimo Domino Nostro quam diu in illa custodia retinetur, ut
sacerdoti catholico suo capellano pro tempore existenti concedatur,
facultas non modo exercendi omnia munera episcopalia exceptis ordinis et
confirmationis sacramentis, et Chrysmatis consecratione; sed etiam
absolvendi ab haeresi, et haereticos poenitentes gremio sanctae matris
Ecclesiae reconciliandi; quod frequentes ibi se offerant huiusmodi

Deinde cum in hac rerum calamitate ipsi Reginae opus sit ad sua secreta
consilia et commercia tractanda et exsequenda, uti opera nonnullorum
Anglorum, qui nisi profanis haereticorum et schismaticorum precibus et
communioni intersint, vel a praefectis carceris prohiberentur, ne
Reginae inservirent, vel non possent ita commode illa consilia et
commercia juvare; dignetur Sanctitas Sua sacerdoti capellano, quem
Regina delegerit hanc potestatem illos ab omni censura et poena in tali
casu absolvendi; et quoties opus fuerit in gratiam Sanctae matris
Ecclesiæ reducendi; ii tamen, quoad fieri potest, vitare debent impiam
huiusmodi communionem et rerum sacrarum prophanationem.

Permittat quoque Sanctitas Sua, ut tales etiam ante absolutionem possint
sine scrupulo tum Reginae tum sacerdotis celebrantis et aliorum qui
missae intererunt, praesentes adesse in ea missa quae coram Regina,
durante ejus captivitate celebrabitur.

Petit etiam Regina, ut 25 numero viri catholici, per eam nominandi, quo
commodius et securius ipsi inserviant, possint sine scrupulo et sine
periculo et metu censurarum et peccati, hujusmodi precibus et
communionibus hæreticorum interesse, ita tamen, ut cum illis non
communicent, ac nefandis illorum actibus ne verbo quidem consentiant.

Concedat quoque sua Beatitudo ipsi Reginæ plenam indulgentiam et
remissionem omnium peccatorum in forma jubilei, quoties genibus flexis
orat confessa coram sacra Eucharistia, vel eam suscipit, ac quoties
patienter fert injuriam ab hæreticis sibi illatam; eam dem quoque
obtineat indulgentiam in articulo mortis ore dicendo Jesus Maria vel
idem corde saltem memorando.

Postremo Regina summis precibus Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum orat, ut
quem sibi delegerit sacerdotem, possit ab eo in confessione sacramentali
absolvi a cunctibus casibus etiam Sedi Apostolicæ reservatis, atque in
bulla coenae Domini contentis.

    [It is not known what reply was sent; but the forthcoming volume of
    "Vatican Papers," to be edited for the Scottish History Society by
    Father Pollard, S.J., may throw light on the subject.]


    Since Her Most Serene Majesty, the Queen of Scotland, has been for
    these many years a prisoner in the hands of the English heretics,
    and on that account is unable to receive the sacraments of the
    Catholic Church, or to be present, except secretly and at great
    risk, at divine service, and especially at the Sacrifice of the
    Mass, she humbly supplicates of His Holiness that, so long as she
    is kept in that restraint:

    That to a Catholic priest, her chaplain for the time being, there
    may be granted the faculty, not only of exercising all the powers
    of a bishop, except the sacrament of Orders and Confirmation, and
    the consecration of the Chrism, but also of absolving from heresy
    and receiving penitent heretics into the bosom of Holy Mother
    Church. Such opportunities frequently offer themselves.

    Secondly, since, in this sad condition of her affairs, the Queen
    herself has need, in connexion with her secret counsels and
    negotiations, of the assistance of some Englishmen, who, unless
    they attend the blasphemous prayers and communion of the heretics,
    would be excluded, by her gaolers, from the Queen's presence, or
    would have difficulty in aiding her counsels and plans, let His
    Holiness grant to a priest, whom the Queen may choose as chaplain,
    the power of absolving them from all censure and penalty in such
    circumstances, and restoring, as often as there is need, to the
    grace of Holy Mother Church, it being understood that, as far as
    possible, they shall avoid this impious communion and profanation
    of Holy Things.

    Let His Holiness also permit that such persons, even before
    absolution, may without scruple either to the Queen or to the
    celebrating priest, or to all others who may be present, be present
    and assist at the Mass which shall be celebrated in presence of the
    Queen during her captivity.

    The Queen also begs that Catholic men, twenty-five in number,
    nominated by her, in order that they may serve her more
    conveniently and safely, may without scruple and without danger or
    fear of censures and of sin, be present at such prayers and
    communions of the heretics, it being understood that they shall not
    communicate with them or give even verbal consent to their
    nefarious acts.

    Let His Holiness grant also to the Queen herself a plenary
    indulgence and remission of all her sins, in the form of a jubilee,
    as often as, having confessed her sins, she may pray on bended
    knees before the Holy Eucharist, or receive it, and as often as she
    patiently endures injuries inflicted on her by heretics. May she
    obtain also the same indulgence at the moment of death by invoking
    with her lips, Jesu, Maria, or at least meditating on them in her

    Finally the Queen begs His Holiness with many prayers, that
    whomsoever she shall choose as a priest, she may be by him, in
    sacramental confession, absolved from all censures, even from those
    reserved to the Holy Apostolic See, and contained in the Bull
    "Coena Domini."

Illustration: SILVER-GILT HAND-BELL. Height 4-½ inches. (_Used by Queen
Mary in Captivity._)


Poem composed by Queen Mary in view of her Approaching Death.

    O Domine Deus, speravi in te!
    O care mi Jesu, nunc libera me!
    In dura catena, in misera poena,
    Languendo, gemendo, et genu flectendo,
    Adoro, imploro ut liberes me.

        _Tr. Mr. Swinburne, Mary Stuart_, Act V.

      O Lord my God,
        I have trusted in thee;
      O Jesu my dearest one,
        Now set me free.
      In prison's oppression,
      In sorrow's obsession,
        I weary for thee.
      With sighing and crying,
      Bowed down as dying,
    I adore thee, I implore thee, set me free!


1587.--February 8. Narrative of the Execution, sent to the Court.

_Ellis's Letters_, Ser. ii. vol. iii. p. 113, from the
Lansdowne MS. 51, Art. 46.

First, the said Scottish Queen, being carried by two of Sir Amias
Paulett's gentlemen, and the Sheriff going before her, came most
willingly out of her chamber into an entry next the Hall, at which place
the Earl of Shrewsbury and the Earl of Kent, commissioners for the
execution, with the two governors of her person, and divers knights and
gentlemen did meet her, where they found one of the Scottish Queen's
servants, named Melvin, kneeling on his knees, who uttered these words
with tears to the Queen of Scots, his mistress, "Madam, it will be the
sorrowfullest message that ever I carried, when I shall report that my
Queen and dear mistress is dead." Then the Queen of Scots, shedding
tears, answered him, "You ought to rejoice rather than weep for that the
end of Mary Stuart's troubles is now come. Thou knowest, Melvin, that
all this world is but vanity, and full of troubles and sorrows; carry
this message from me, and tell my friends that I die a true woman to my
religion, and like a true Scottish woman and a true Frenchwoman. But God
forgive them that have long desired my end; and He that is the true
Judge of all secret thoughts knoweth my mind, how that it ever hath been
my desire to have Scotland and England united together. Commend me to my
son, and tell him that I have not done anything that may prejudice his
kingdom of Scotland; and so, good Melvin, farewell;" and kissing him,
she bade him pray for her.


Then she turned to the Lords and told them that she had certain requests
to make unto them. One was for a sum of money, which she said Sir Amyas
Paulet knew of, to be paid to one Curle her servant; next, that all her
poor servants might enjoy that quietly which by her Will and Testament
she had given unto them; and lastly, that they might be all well
entreated, and sent home safely and honestly into their countries. "And
this I do conjure you, my Lords, to do."

Answer was made by Sir Amyas Paulet, "I do well remember the money your
Grace speaketh of, and your Grace need not to make any doubt of the not
performance of your requests, for I do surely think they shall be

"I have," said she, "one other request to make unto you, my Lords, that
you will suffer my poor servants to be present about me, at my death,
that they may report when they come into their countries how I died a
true woman to my religion."

Then the Earl of Kent, one of the commissioners, answered, "Madam, it
cannot well be granted, for that it is feared lest some of them would
with speeches both trouble and grieve your Grace, and disquiet the
company, of which we have had already some experience, or seek to wipe
their napkins in some of your blood, which were not convenient." "My
Lord," said the Queen of Scots, "I will give my word and promise for
them that they shall not do any such thing as your Lordship has named.
Alas! poor souls, it would do them good to bid me farewell. And I hope
your Mistress, being a maiden Queen, in regard of womanhood, will suffer
me to have some of my own people about me at my death. And I know she
hath not given you so straight a commission, but that you may grant me
more than this, if I were a far meaner woman than I am." And then
(seeming to be grieved) with some tears uttered these words: "You know
that I am cousin to your Queen, and descended from the blood of Henry
the Seventh, a married Queen of France, and the anointed Queen of


Whereupon, after some consultation, they granted that she might have
some of her servants according to her Grace's request, and therefore
desired her to make choice of half-a-dozen of her men and women: who
presently said that of her men she would have Melvin, her apothecary,
her surgeon, and one other old man beside; and of her women, those two
that did use to lie in her chamber.

After this, she being supported by Sir Amias's two gentlemen aforesaid,
and Melvin carrying up her train, and also accompanied with the Lords,
Knights, and Gentlemen aforenamed, the Sheriff going before her, she
passed out of the entry into the Great Hall, with her countenance
careless, importing thereby rather mirth than mournful cheer, and so she
willingly stepped up to the scaffold which was prepared for her in the
Hall, being two feet high and twelve feet broad, with rails round about,
hung and covered with black, with a low stool, long cushion, and block,
covered with black also. Then, having the stool brought her, she sat her
down; by her, on the right hand, sat the Earl of Shrewsbury and the Earl
of Kent, and on the left hand stood the Sheriff, and before her the two
executioners; round about the rails stood Knights, Gentlemen, and

Then, silence being made, the Queen's Majesty's Commission for the
execution of the Queen of Scots was openly read by Mr. Beale, clerk of
the Council; and these words pronounced by the Assembly, "God save the
Queen." During the reading of which Commission the Queen of Scots was
silent, listening unto it with as small regard as if it had not
concerned her at all; and with as cheerful a countenance as if it had
been a pardon from her Majesty for her life; using as much strangeness
in word and deed as if she had never known any of the Assembly, or had
been ignorant of the English language.


Then one Doctor Fletcher, Dean of Peterborough, standing directly before
her, without the rail, bending his body with great reverence, began to
utter this exhortation following: "Madam, the Queen's most excellent
Majesty," &c, and iterating these words three or four times, she told
him, "Mr. Dean, I am settled in the ancient Catholic Roman religion, and
mind to spend my blood in defence of it." Then Mr. Dean said: "Madam,
change your opinion, and repent you of your former wickedness, and
settle your faith only in Jesus Christ, by Him to be saved." Then she
answered again and again, "Mr. Dean, trouble not yourself any more, for
I am settled and resolved in this my religion, and am purposed therein
to die." Then the Earl of Shrewsbury and the Earl of Kent, perceiving
her so obstinate, told her that since she would not hear the exhortation
begun by Mr. Dean, "We will pray for your Grace, that it stand with
God's will you may have your heart lightened, even at the last hour,
with the true knowledge of God, and so die therein." Then she answered,
"If you will pray for me, my Lords, I will thank you; but to join in
prayer with you I will not, for that you and I are not of one religion."


Then the Lords called for Mr. Dean, who, kneeling on the scaffold
stairs, began this prayer, "O most gracious God and merciful Father,"
&c, all the Assembly, saving the Queen of Scots and her servants, saying
after him. During the saying of which prayer, the Queen of Scots,
sitting upon a stool, having about her neck an _Agnus Dei_, in her hand
a crucifix, at her girdle a pair of beads with a golden cross at the end
of them, a Latin book in her hand, began with tears and with loud and
fast voice to pray in Latin; and in the midst of her prayers she slided
off from her stool, and kneeling, said divers Latin prayers; and after
the end of Mr. Dean's prayer, she kneeling, prayed in English to this
effect: "For Christ His afflicted Church, and for an end of their
troubles; for her son; and for the Queen's Majesty, that she might
prosper and serve God aright." She confessed that she hoped to be saved
"by and in the blood of Christ, at the foot of whose Crucifix she would
shed her blood." Then said the Earl of Kent, "Madam, settle Christ Jesus
in your heart, and leave those trumperies." Then she little regarding,
or nothing at all, his good counsel, went forward with her prayers,
desiring that "God would avert His wrath from this Island, and that He
would give her grief and forgiveness for her sins." These, with other
prayers she made in English, saying she forgave her enemies with all her
heart that had long sought her blood, and desired God to convert them to
the truth; and in the end of the prayer she desired all saints to make
intercession for her to Jesus Christ, and so kissing the crucifix, and
crossing of her also, said these words: "Even as Thy arms, O Jesus, were
spread here upon the Cross, so receive me into Thy arms of mercy, and
forgive me all my sins."


Her prayer being ended, the executioners, kneeling, desired her Grace to
forgive them her death; who answered, "I forgive you with all my heart,
for now, I hope, you shall make an end of all my troubles." Then they,
with her two women, helping of her up, began to disrobe her of her
apparel; she never changed her countenance, but with smiling cheer she
uttered these words, "that she never had such grooms to make her
unready, and that she never put off her clothes before such a company."

Then she, being stripped of all her apparel saving her petticoat and
kirtle, her two women beholding her made great lamentation, and crying
and crossing themselves prayed in Latin; she, turning herself to them,
embracing them, said these words in French, "Ne criez vous; j'ay promis
pour vous;" and so crossing and kissing them, bade them pray for her,
and rejoice and not weep, for that now they should see an end of all
their mistress's troubles. Then she, with a smiling countenance, turning
to her men servants, as Melvin and the rest, standing upon a bench nigh
the scaffold, who sometime weeping, sometime crying out aloud, and
continually crossing themselves, prayed in Latin, crossing them with her
hand bade them farewell; and wishing them to pray for her even until the
last hour.


This done, one of the women having a Corpus Christi cloth lapped up
three-corner ways, kissing it, put it over the Queen of Scots' face, and
pinned it fast to the caul of her head. Then the two women departed from
her, and she kneeling down upon the cushion most resolutely, and without
any token or fear of death, she spake aloud this Psalm in Latin, "In te,
Domine, confido, non confundar in eternum," &c. {Ps. xxv.}. Then,
groping for the block, she laid down her head, putting her chin over the
block with both her hands, which holding there, still had been cut off,
had they not been espied. Then lying upon the block most quietly, and
stretching out her arms, cried, "In manus tuas, Domine," &c, three or
four times. Then she lying very still on the block, one of the
executioners holding of her slightly with one of his hands, she endured
two strokes of the other executioner with an axe, she making very small
noise or none at all, and not stirring any part of her from the place
where she lay; and so the executioner cut off her head, saving one
little grisle, which being cut asunder, he lifted up her head to the
view of all the assembly, and bade "God save the Queen." Then her
dressing of lawn falling off from her head, it appeared as grey as one
of threescore and ten years old, polled very short, her face in a moment
being so much altered from the form she had when she was alive, as few
could remember her by her dead face. Her lips stirred up and down a
quarter of an hour after her head was cut off.

Then Mr. Dean said with a loud voice, "So perish all the Queen's
enemies;" and afterwards the Earl of Kent came to the dead body, and
standing over it, with a loud voice said, "Such end of all the Queen's
and the Gospel's enemies."



Then one of the executioners pulling off her garters, espied her little
dog which was crept under her clothes, which could not be gotten forth
but by force, yet afterward would not depart from the dead corpse, but
came and lay between her head and her shoulders, which being imbrued
with her blood, was carried away and washed, as all things else were
that had any blood was either burned or clean washed; and the
executioners sent away with money for their fees, not having any one
thing that belonged unto her. And so, every man being commanded out of
the Hall, except the Sheriff and his men, she was carried by them up
into a great chamber lying ready for the surgeons to embalm her.

    A full account of Queen Mary's last days will be found in "The
    Tragedy of Fotheringay," by the Hon. Mrs. Maxwell-Scott. In August
    1587, the Queen was buried, with great ceremony, in Peterborough
    Cathedral, and, in 1612, was reinterred in Westminster Abbey by her
    son James VI. and I.



    (A.) Genealogical Tables.

    (B.) Lord Darnley.

    (C.) Contemporary Writers.

    (D.) Authorities.

    (E.) Controversial Books.



                 JAMES II., King of Scotland.
      |                                          |
  James III.                              Mary = James, Lord Hamilton.
      |                                          |
  James IV. =   Margaret,   =  Archibald,  +-----+-------+
            |   dau. of     |   Earl of    |             |
            |  Henry VII.   |    Angus.    |             |
            |  of England.  |           James,      Elizabeth, _m._
            |               |        1st Earl       Matthew, Earl
            |               |         of Arran.     of Lennox.
         James V. = Mary of |              |             |
                  |  Guise. |           James,           |
                  |         |           2nd Earl         |
                  |         |           of Arran         |
             Mary Stuart.   |          and Duke of    John, Earl
                            |        Châtelherault.   of Lennox.
                            |                            |
                            +----------------+           |
                                             |           |
                                         Margaret = Matthew, Earl
                                             |      of Lennox.
                                    Henry, Lord Darnley.


                                    HENRY VII.
             |                   |                      |
      Henry VIII.  James IV. = Margaret = Archibald,  Mary = Charles, Duke
      +------+----+           |          | Earl of         | of Suffolk.
      |      |    |           |          |  Angus          |
  Edward VI. | Elizabeth.   James V.     |             +---+-----+
             |                |          |             |         |
           Mary.              |    Margaret, _m._      |         |
                            Mary.  Matthew, Earl       |         |
                                   of Lennox.          |         |
                                        |          Frances,   Eleanor,
                                        |          _m._       _m._
                                  Henry, Lord      Henry,     Henry,
                                  Darnley.         Duke of    Earl of
                                                   Suffolk.   Cumberland.
                                                      |           |
                  +-----------------+-----------------+           |
                  |                 |                             |
           Lady Jane Grey.   Catherine, _m._                      |
                             Edward, Earl of                      |
                                Hertford.                         |
                                       |                          |
                                   Margaret,  _m._  Henry, Earl of Derby.



It may be of some interest to collect a few contemporary opinions
regarding the unfortunate Lord Darnley. The extracts from Sir James
Melville and Randolph (pp. 46-53, 54-56) sufficiently illustrate
the personality of Mary, and we need only add Knolly's description
of the Queen of Scots on her arrival in England (Wright's
"Elizabeth," vol. i. pp. 280-1). He wrote to Cecil: "This ladie and
princess is a notable woman. She semeth to regard no ceremonious
honour beside the acknowledging of her estate regalle. She sheweth
a disposition to speake much, to be bold, to be pleasant, and to be
very famylyar. She sheweth a great desire to be avenged of her
enemies: she sheweth a readiness to expose herself to all perylls
in hope of victorie; she delyteth much to hear of hardiness and
valiancye, commending by name all approved hardy men of her
cuntrye, altho' they be her enemies: and she commendeth no
cowardice even in her friends. The thing that most she thirsteth
after is victory, and it semeth to be indifferent to her to have
her enemies diminish, either by the sword of her friends, or by the
liberall promises and rewards of her purse, or by division and
quarrells raised among themselves; so that for victorie's sake,
payne and perrylls semeth pleasant unto her, and in respect of
victorie, welthe and all thyngs semeth to her contemptuous and

Our best picture of Darnley comes from the pen of the continuator
of Knox. "He was of a comely stature, and none was like unto him
within this island; he died under the age of one and twenty years;
prompt and ready for all games and sports; much given to hawking
and hunting, and running of horses, and likewise to playing on the
lute; and also to Venus chamber he was liberal enough; he could
write and dictate well; but he was somewhat given to wine, and much
feeding, and likewise to inconstancy; and proud beyond measure, and
therefore contemned all others; he had learned to dissemble well
enough, being from his youth misled up in Popery" (Laing's "Knox,"
vol. ii. p. 551). Incidental references to Darnley's character will
be found on pp. 47-8, 64-5, 87-8, &c. The author of the "Histoire
of James the Sext" wrote of him, "He was a comelie Prince, of a
fayre and large stature of bodie, pleasant in countenance, and
affable to all men, and devote, weill exercised in martiall
pastymes upoun horseback as ony Prince of that age, but was sa
facile as he could conceal no secret, although it might tend to his
own weill." Of Darnley's literary abilities we possess two
indications--a letter written to Mary Tudor, and the following
ballad, both printed in Maidment's "Scottish Songs and Ballads,"
vol. ii. It may be noted that the figure of the turtle-dove or
wood-pigeon occurs in the ballad and in one of the "Casket

    Gife langour makis men licht,
      Or dolour thame decoir,
    In earth there is no wicht,[98]
      May me compair in gloir.
      Gif cairfuill thoftis restoir
    My havy heart from sorrow
      I am for evir moir
    In joy, both evin and morrow.

    Gif plesour be to pance,[99]
      I playne me nocht opprest,
    Or absence micht avance,
      My heart is haill possesst,
      Gif want of quiet rest
    From cairis micht me convoy,
      My mynd is nocht mollest,
    Bot evir moir in joy.

    Thocht that I pance in paine,
      In passing to and fro,
    I laubor all in vane,
      For so hes mony mo,
      That hes nocht servit so,
    In suting of thair sueit,[100]
      The nar the fyre I go
    The grittar is my heit.

    The turtour for hir maik,
      Mair dule may nocht indure
    Nor I do for hir saik,
      Evin hir quha hes in cure
      My hairt, quhilk salbe sure,
    And service to the deid,
      Unto that lady pure,
    The well of woman heid.

    Schaw shedfull to that sueit
      My pairt so permanent
    That no mirth quhill[101] we meit,
      Sall cause me be content;
      But still my hairt lament,
    In sorrowfull siching soir,
      Till tyme sho be present,
    Fairweill, I say no moir.

_Finis quod King Hary Stewart._

    [98] Man.

    [99] Think.

    [100] Sweet.

    [101] Till.

This lament for Darnley (also printed by Maidment) was doubtless
used as a political weapon against Queen Mary:--

    To Edinburgh about six hours at morn,
      As I was passing pansand out the way;
    Ane bonny boy was sore making his moan,
      His sorry song was Oche, and Wallaway!
      That ever I should lyve to see that day,
    Ane king at eve, with sceptre, sword and crown;
      At morn but a deformed lump of clay,
    With traitors strong so cruelly put down!

    Then drew I near some tidings for to speir,
      And said, My friend, what makis thee sa way.
    Bloody Bothwell hath brought our king to beir,
      And flatter and fraud with double Dalilay.
    At ten houris on Sunday late at een,
      When Dalila and Bothwell bade good night,
    Off her finger false she threw ane ring,
      And said, My Lord, ane token you I plight.

    She did depart then with an untrue train,
      And then in haste and culverin they let craik,
    To teach their feiris to know the appoint time,
      About the kinge's lodging for to clap.
      To dance that night they said she should not slack,
    With leggis lycht to hald the wedow walkan;
      And baid fra bed until she heard the crack,
    Whilk was a sign that her good lord was slain.

    O ye that to our kirk have done subscryve,
      These Achans try alsweill traist I may,
    If ye do not, the time will come, belyve,
      That God to you will raise some Iosuay;
      Whilk shall your bairnis gar sing Wallaway,
    And ye your selvis be put down with shame;
      Remember on the awesome latter day,
    When ye reward shall receive for your blame.

    I ken right well ye knaw your duty,
      Gif ye do not purge you ane and all,
    Then shall I write in pretty poetry,
      In Latin laid in style rhetorical;
      Which through all Europe shall ring like ane bell,
    In the contempt of your malignity.
      Fye, flee fra Clynemnestra fell,
    For she was never like Penelope.

    With Clynemnestra I do not fain to fletch,
      Who slew her spouse, the great Agamemnon;
    Or with any that Ninus' wife doth match,
      Semiramis quha brought her gude lord down.
      Quha do abstain fra litigation,
    Or from his paper hald aback the pen?
      Except he hate our Scottish nation,
    Or then stand up and traitors deeds commend?

    Now all the woes that Ovid in Ibin,
      Into his pretty little book did write,
    And many mo be to our Scottish Queen,
      For she the cause is of my doleful dyte.
      Sa mot her heart be fillet full of syte,
    As Herois was for Leander's death;
      Herself to slay for woe who thought delyte,
    For Henry's sake to like our Queen was laith.

    The dolours als that pierced Dido's heart,
      When King Enee from Carthage took the flight;
    For the which cause unto a brand she start,
      And slew herseif, which was a sorry sight.
      Sa might she die as did Creusa bright,
    The worthy wife of douty Duke Jason;
      Wha brint was in ane garment wrought by slight
    Of Medea through incantation.

    Her laughter light be like to true Thisbe,
      When Pyramus she found dead at the well,
    In languor like unto Penelope,
      For Ulysses who long at Troy did dwell.
      Her dolesome death be worse than Jezebel,
    Whom through an window surely men did thraw;
      Whose blood did lap the cruel hundis fell,
    And doggis could her wicked bainis gnaw.

    Were I an hound--oh! if she an hare,
      And I an cat, and she a little mouse,
    And she a bairn, and I a wild wod bear,
      I an ferret, and she cuniculus.
      To her I shall be aye contrarius--
    When to me Atropos cut the fatal thread,
      And fell deithis dartys dolorous,
    Then shall our spirits be at mortal feid.

    My spirit her spirit shall douke in Phlegethon,
      Into that painful filthy flood of hell,
    And then in Styx, and Lethe baith anone--
      And Cerberus that cruel hound sa fell,
      Sall gar her cry with mony gout and yell,
    O Wallaway! that ever she was born,
      Or with treason by ony manner mell,
    Whilk from all bliss should cause her be forlorn.



The writings of George Buchanan with which we are concerned are his
"Detection" of Queen Mary, and his "History of Scotland." Buchanan
was the friend and adviser of Mary's enemies, and his references to
her are polemical, not historical. His "Detection" is based on the
"Book of Articles" (_cf._ p. 144), and it is not always consistent
with the statements in his "History." Sheriff Æneas Mackay admits
with regard to it that "it must be deemed a calumnious work." The
reader must decide for himself what credit to attach to statements
made by Buchanan, and otherwise unattested. He occupies among
Mary's accusers the position held by Lesley among her friends. His
title to fame is not confined to the Marian controversy. He was a
very distinguished humanist, and his writings possess both learning
and charm. (_Cf._ Mr. Hume Brown's recent volume entitled "George


George Conn belonged to an Aberdeenshire family of Roman Catholic
sympathies, and was educated at Douay, Paris, and Rome. He was
Papal agent accredited to Queen Henrietta Maria from 1636 to 1639.
He died in 1640. The date of his birth is unknown, and he is not
quite strictly a contemporary author. But he lived in Paris at a
time when people must have been alive who could remember Queen
Mary's residence in France, and his "Life of Mary Stuart,"
published in 1624, has all the freshness of a contemporary source.


John Maxwell, fourth Lord Herries, was, although a Protestant, a
staunch supporter of Queen Mary. He opposed the Bothwell marriage,
but remained faithful after the surrender at Carberry Hill. He
joined the Queen after her escape from Lochleven, was present at
the Battle of Langside, and accompanied her in her flight to
England. In spite of some temporising with her enemies, he was
selected, along with the Bishop of Ross, to defend her at York and
Westminster, and he was probably involved in the Norfolk plot. When
he became convinced of the hopelessness of Mary's cause, he came to
an arrangement with the victorious party, and took a part in
politics till his death in 1583. He seems, however, always to have
been ready to assist the Queen had there been any chance of
success. His "Memoirs" possess an unusual interest in virtue of his
intimate knowledge of the secret history of the reign.


The extracts from Knox's "History of the Reformation in Scotland"
are interesting as bearing the impress of their author's vigorous
personality. But it must be remembered that, as the leader of the
Protestant clergy, he was a strong partisan, and his descriptions
cannot be accepted literally. Different readers will decide
differently as to the credit to be given to Knox's statements. The
most valuable edition of Knox is the large one by the late Mr.
David Laing, which contains much important annotation. The
concluding portion of the "History" is not from Knox's own pen, but
is the work of an unknown writer, who is generally described as
Knox's Continuator.


The Bishop of Ross was a native of Inverness-shire, and was
educated at the University of Aberdeen. The first public capacity
in which he was employed was as one of a deputation of Roman
Catholic nobles to invite Queen Mary to return to Scotland, after
the death of Francis II. He became Bishop of Ross in 1566. He
rendered his chief services to Queen Mary as one of the agents for
her defence at the Conferences at York and Westminster, and he was
thereafter involved in most of the schemes for Mary's release. He
survived the Queen for nine years, and died in 1596 at Guirtenburg,
near Brussels. He was about seventy years of age.

Lesley's chief work is his "History of Scotland from 1437 to 1561."
The Scots edition was first published in 1830, but the Latin
version, which is more complete, appeared during the author's
lifetime, and was translated into Scots, as early as 1596, by
Father James Dalrymple of Regensburg. For the period with which we
are concerned Lesley is a contemporary authority; but he wrote with
a purpose, and was inclined to exaggeration. His "Defence of Queen
Mary's Honour" was a reply to Buchanan's "Detection."


Robert Lindsay of Pitscottie was a cadet of the family of Crawford.
He was born about 1500, and died about 1565, and took no part in
public affairs. His "History" was not published till 1728. It is a
work to which we are indebted for much gossip, and it contains many
humorous anecdotes. The writer was a strong Protestant, and shared
with many of his contemporaries a fondness for moralising. His book
is not absolutely reliable by any means; but in the passage quoted
he appears to best advantage.


Sir James Melville had been an attendant on Queen Mary since her
childhood. In 1549, when he was fourteen years of age and she
seven, he became her page. After some military, and diplomatic
service he became one of the gentlemen of the Bed Chamber on the
Queen's return to Scotland. His two visits to London as ambassador
from Mary to Elizabeth are recorded in the passage quoted in the
text. After the fall of the Queen Melville attached himself to the
ruling party, and was prominent in politics till James's accession
to the throne of England. Thereafter, he lived quietly at his
estate of Hallhill, in Fife, where he died in 1617. During his
retirement he wrote his "Memoirs," which were published by his
grandson in 1683. His memory was not invariably trustworthy; but
his fascinating style has made his writing one of the most popular
chronicles of the time. His picture of the rival queens is one of
the most characteristic passages in his work (pp. 46-53).


Claude de la Boisselierre Nau was sent by the Cardinal of Lorraine
to Queen Mary as a Secretary in 1575. Thenceforward he remained her
confidential adviser, although his loyalty to his own interests was
more marked than his devotion to his mistress, and he was generally
believed to have betrayed her in connection with the Babington
conspiracy. After her death he was released by Queen Elizabeth, and
entered the service of Henry IV. of France. The MS. known as "Nau's
History of Mary Stewart" is in the British Museum, and was printed
in 1883 by Father Joseph Stevenson, S.J. The evidence on which Mr.
Stevenson attributes it to Nau is given in his introduction.


Patrick, third Lord Ruthven, was one of the Protestant nobles who
formed the body known as the "Lords of the Congregation" during the
absence of Queen Mary in France. He was not popular even on his own
side, for we find mysterious accusations of sorcery and enchantment
attaching to his name. At the murder of Rizzio he appeared in the
Queen's room, gaunt and haggard, having risen from a sick bed in
the neighbouring house. After the murder he fled to England and
wrote for the benefit of Queen Elizabeth his "Relation" of the
circumstances. He makes numerous accusations against Mary, which
have generally been received with suspicion owing to the position
of the author as an exiled rebel anxious to justify himself before
a foreign sovereign. He died at Newcastle in June 1566, three
months after the murder. The "articles" are printed, not only in
the "Relation," but in the first column of Goodall's _Examination_,
and the third volume of Keith's "History," while those signed by
Darnley are copied from the original in the Appendix (p. 641) to
the Sixth Report of the Historical MSS. Commissioners.


The "Diurnal of Occurrents in Scotland" was first printed by the
Bannatyne Club in 1833 (from a MS. then in the possession of Sir
John Maxwell of Pollock). It deals with the history of Scotland
from 1513 to 1575. During the period with which we are concerned,
it is clearly the diary of an Edinburgh citizen, and it is of great
value, especially in fixing dates. The anonymous diarist was not a
partisan of the Queen, but his work is more impartial than any
other of the period. Another contemporary diary, by Robert Birrell,
is published in Dalyell's "Fragments of Scottish History," 1798.


The controversy of the sixteenth century gave rise to many
political songs and ballads, which became known to the Protestant
party as the "Gude and Godly Ballates." Most of them were aimed
against Roman Catholicism in general, but some are invectives
against Queen Mary herself. The specimens given are among the best
known. They are slightly earlier in date than the arrival of Mary
in Scotland; but they serve to illustrate the bitterness of the


The remaining contemporary authorities are to be found in the
letters of ambassadors, and the other diplomatic correspondence of
the time. But it must be remembered that a statement can by no
means be implicitly believed because it appears in such documents.
The circumstances of the writer, his opportunities of obtaining
information on the particular topic, his personal prejudices, the
impression that he wished to convey to his correspondent, must all
be allowed due weight. The correspondence and other information is
largely contained in the following books:--


_Acts of Parliament of Scotland._

_Reports of the Royal Commission upon Historical MSS._

_Register of the Privy Council of Scotland._

_Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland_, preserved in the
Public Record Office.

_Calendar of Papers relating to Foreign Affairs_, 1542-1587.

_Calendar of Papers relating to English Affairs_, preserved in the
Archives of Simancas.

_Calendar of Papers relating to English Affairs_, preserved in the
Archives of Venice.

_Calendar of Border Papers._

_The Hamilton Papers._

_Calendar of Papers relating to Scotland and Mary Queen of Scots_,


_Fædera, Conventiones, Literæ, &c., inter Reges Angliæ et alios_,
ed. by Thomas Rymer. London, 1704-1735.

_Queen Elizabeth and her Times_, by Thomas Wright. London, 1838.

_History of the Affairs of Church and State in Scotland_, by the
Right Rev. Robert Keith, Primus of the Scottish Episcopal Church.
Edinburgh, 1734 (reprinted by the Spottiswoode Society).

_Miscellaneous State Papers from 1501 to 1726_, edited by Philip,
Earl of Hardwicke. London, 1778.

_The Annals of Aboyne_, edited by George, 11th Marquis of Huntly.
(New Spalding Club.)

_Life of Queen Mary_, by George Chalmers. London, 1818.

_History of Scotland_, by William Robertson, D.D.

_History of Scotland_, by Patrick Fraser Tytler.

_Inventories of Mary Queen of Scots_, edited by Joseph Robertson.

_Examination of the Letters said to have been written by Mary Queen
of Scots, to James, Earl of Bothwell_, by Walter Goodall, 1744.

_History of Scotland_, by Malcolm Laing.

_Illustrations of British History_, by Edmund Lodge.

_Elizabeth and Mary_, by Fred. Von Raumer.

_Original Letters, Illustrative of British History_, ed. Ellis.

_Mary Queen of Scots and her Accusers_, by John Hosack, 1870-74.

_Mary Queen of Scots, from her Birth to her Flight into England_,
by D. Hay Fleming.

_Recueil des Lettres de Marie Stuart_, ed. Labanoff.

_Letters of Mary Stuart_, ed. Agnes Strickland.

_Cabala, sive Scrinia Sacra._ London, 1691.

_Collections relating to Mary Queen of Scots_, by James Anderson.

_A Lost Chapter in the Life of Mary Stuart_, by John Stuart.

_Queen Mary at Jedburgh_, by John Small.

_Illustrations of the Reign of Mary Queen of Scots._ (Maitland

_Relations Politiques de la France et de l'Espagne avec l'Écosse_,
edited by Teulet.

_The Tragedy of Fotheringay_, by the Hon. Mrs. Maxwell-Scott.

These are the main authorities. A complete list of publications
dealing with the question up to 1700, will be found in "A
Bibliography of Works relating to Mary Queen of Scots, 1544-1700,"
by John Scott, C.B. (Edinburgh Bibliographical Society, 1896). Very
full references will be found in Mr. Hay Fleming's notes. The list
of authorities appended to the articles "Mary Stuart," in the
_Dictionary of National Biography_, should also be consulted.


The general historians who deal with the period--Hume, Robertson,
Tytler, Laing, Froude, and Hill Burton--are usually ranked among
Queen Mary's opponents. Hume and Froude occupy the most decided
position. Among other writers who are definitely against the theory
of Mary's innocence, must be reckoned Mignet ("Life of Mary Queen
of Scots"), Mr. D. Hay Fleming ("Mary Queen of Scots"), and Mr. T.
F. Henderson (articles, "Mary Stuart," "Henry Stewart, Lord
Darnley," "James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell," &c., in the
_Dictionary of National Biography_). No one can hope to understand
the present position of the controversy without the writings of Mr.
Fleming and Mr. Henderson. Among general controversialists on the
side of Queen Mary, may be mentioned the works already quoted, by
Walter Goodall, George Chalmers, and John Hosack, William Tytler's
"Inquiry into the Evidence against Mary Queen of Scots" (1790),
Whitaker's "Mary Queen of Scots Vindicated" (1778), Miss Agnes
Strickland's "Lives of the Queens of Scotland," Mr. Alex. Walker's
"Mary, Queen of Scots," Mr. M'Neel-Caird's "Mary Stuart," and Sir
John Skelton's "Impeachment of Mary Stuart," "Maitland of
Lethington," and "Life of Mary Stuart." Mr. Swinburne's "Mary Queen
of Scots" is one of the most attractive works on the subject. The
reader will recollect that the "false Duessa" in Spenser's "Faerie
Queen" is the Queen of Scots.

The last few years have seen the publication of many important
works dealing with the problem of the Casket Letters, _e.g._:--

Bresslau: "Die Kassettenbriefe der Königin Maria Stuart," in the
_Historisches Taschenbuche_, 1882.

Sepp: _Die Kassettenbriefe_, 1884.

Gerde: "Geschichte der Königin Maria Stuart," 1885.

T. F. Henderson: "Casket Letters, and Mary Queen of Scots." 2nd ed.

Philippson: "Histoire du Règne de Marie Stuart," 1891-92.

The English reader will find the material in Mr. T. F. Henderson's
work ample for his purpose. The preface to Mr. Hay Fleming's "Mary
Queen, of Scots" promises a second volume, which will contain the
life in captivity, and, of course, deal with the letters. No Marian
apologist has, as yet, attempted an answer to the more recent
evidence on the other side, and Hosack's great work is now
considerably superseded. The foregoing lists are, of course,
selected. A full Bibliography is a great task, not yet attempted.


Printed by BALLANTYNE, HANSON & CO. Edinburgh & London

    _Published by_ DAVID NUTT, _270-271 Strand, London, and Sold by all
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    Printed at the Constable Press, 1898

    Crown 8vo, x, 464 pp. Buckram, top gilt, 6s.

    CONTENTS:--The Scottish Vernacular--Minstrelsy and
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    Romance--The Early Chaucerians--Dunbar and Walter Kennedy--Gavin
    Douglas and Sir David Lyndsay--Minor and Later Poets of the 16th
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    Centuries--Vernacular Prose--Traditional Ballads and Songs--Before
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Transcribers Note

Headings printed at the top of pages in the original have been
converted to sub-headings and placed and the head of the most relevant

Much of the text being letters and transcripts, inconsistant spellings
have been retained.

Footnote 64 had no anchor in the text. Since it appears to relate
to the whole of letter III an anchor has been inserted at to top of the

Ligature oe has been represented as [oe].

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