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Title: The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China and the Situation Thereof, Volume I (of 2)
Author: Mendoza, Juan Gonzalez de
Language: English
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WORKS ISSUED BY
The Hakluyt Society.
MENDOZA'S HISTORIE OF THE
KINGDOME OF CHINA.
VOL. I.
NO. XIV
ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED BY THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY
REPRINTED BY PERMISSION
Published by LENOX HILL Pub. & Dist. Co. (Burt Franklin)
235 East 44th St., New York, N.Y. 10017
Originally Published: 1854
Reprinted: 1970
Printed in the U.S.A.
S.B.N.: 8337-23618
Library of Congress Card Catalog No.: 73-141353
Burt Franklin: The Hakluyt Society First Series 14
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, G.C.St.S., F.R.S., Corr. Mem. Inst Fr.,
Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St Petersburg, &c., &c., PRESIDENT.
THE EARL OF ELLESMERE. }
CAPT. C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, R.N., C.B. } VICE-PRESIDENTS.
REAR-ADMIRAL SIR FRANCIS BEAUFORT, K.C.B., F.R.S.
CAPTAIN BECHER, R.N.
CHARLES T. BEKE, ESQ., Phil. D., F.A.S.
WILLIAM DESBOROUGH COOLEY, ESQ.
BOLTON CORNEY, ESQ., M.R.S.L.
THE RIGHT REV. LORD BISHOP OF ST. DAVID'S.
RT. HON. SIR DAVID DUNDAS.
SIR HENRY ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S.
JOHN FORSTER, ESQ.
R. W. GREY, ESQ., M.P.
JOHN HOLMES, ESQ.
JOHN WINTER JONES, ESQ.
SIR CHARLES LEMON, BART., M.P., F.R.S.
P. LEVESQUE, ESQ., F.A.S.
SIR JOHN RICHARDSON, M.D.
THE EARL SOMERS.
SIR GEORGE T. STAUNTON, BART., F.R.S.
R. H. MAJOR, ESQ., F.R.G.S., HONORARY SECRETARY.
INTRODUCTION.
In presenting to the members of the Hakluyt Society a reprint of the
cotemporary English translation by Parke of Mendoza's interesting and
now rare account of China, the editor thinks it due to his readers that
some explanation should be given of the circumstances under which the
original work was compiled, and that at the same time it should be shown
what previous accounts had reached Europe respecting that remarkable
country. The interest of the narrative itself, abounding as it does with
minute and curious details of the manners and customs of so peculiar a
race as the Chinese, requires no vindication: it will speak for itself.
It will nevertheless interest those who appreciate the objects of the
Society, to know, that the present translation was made at Hakluyt's own
suggestion, shortly after the appearance of Mendoza's original work in
Spanish.
It is the leading purpose of the Hakluyt Society to deal with the
Archæology of Geography, and more especially so in connexion with the
progress made by our own English ancestors in the advancement of that
important science. In pursuance of that object, therefore, Mendoza's
account of China has been selected for re-publication, as being the
earliest _detailed_ account of that country ever published in the
English language. We say _detailed_ account, because we must not omit to
mention that it was preceded by a short but interesting document,
published by Richard Eden in his _History of Travayle in the West and
East Indies_, entitled "Reportes of the Province of China," of the
history and contents of which we shall hereafter speak in its proper
place. While, however, in the selection for re-publication, respect is
paid to the earliest narratives which appeared in our own tongue, the
reader's appreciation of the subject is best secured by an introductory
notice of all the antecedent descriptions which may at intervals have
appeared in other languages. This plan is more especially desirable with
respect to those earlier glimmerings of information which Europe
obtained respecting a country so removed from the civilized world, by
its geographical position and ethnological peculiarities, as China, yet
so marvellously in advance of it at the times of which we speak, both in
its intellectual and moral developments. In such notice, meanwhile, we
propose to pass by all discussion as to the much disputed question of
the position of the Thinæ of Eratosthenes, Strabo, and the Periplus of
the Erythræan Sea, or of the application of Marinus's Serica, as
preserved to us by Ptolemy, to the kingdom of China. Upon these more
uncertain data we shall dwell no longer than to state, that our own
impression agrees with that of Vossius, that China is the country
referred to, and that the Seres of Ammianus Marcellinus, corresponding
as they so closely do in character with the modern Chinese, were
intended to represent that people. That the Romans possessed some
knowledge of China, would seem to be shown by a discovery made by the
learned De Guignes, of a statement in a Chinese historical work, that in
the year of our Lord 166, an embassy, said to have come by sea, arrived
from An-thon (Antoninus) to the Emperor Yan-hi; and the use of the
"serica vestis", alluded to by Horace and Propertius, would appear to
confirm the impression, provided only that silk, and not muslin, were
the commodity really alluded to.
On these less certain points, however, we are, as we have said,
unwilling to dwell. We pass on therefore to the mention of more explicit
and unquestionable record. First of these is the narrative given in an
Arabic manuscript, written about the year 1173, describing the
observations of two Arab merchants, who, from the style of the
documents, were evidently in China a couple of centuries earlier. Their
respective dates, indeed, are concluded to be 851 and 867. This curious
and valuable manuscript, discovered by the learned M. Eusèbe Renaudot in
the Comte de Seignelay's library, was translated by him into French, and
published at Paris in 1718. A translation appeared in English in 1733.
Although thus concealed from the acquaintance of Europeans till this
comparatively recent date, it rightly takes its place here as comprising
the two earliest accounts of China, of which we have as yet received any
information. Though adulterated with some few exaggerations, and
statements manifestly fabulous, they contain so many curious
particulars, which even now, from the permanence of institutions and
manners in China, may be considered as accurate, that no doubt can be
entertained of their genuineness, or of the intelligence of the
narrators.
The two narratives were written consecutively, one of them forming a
sort of comment or supplement to the other.
The country is described as extensive, but, though more populous, less
extensive than the Indies, and divided into many principalities. It is
represented as fruitful, and containing no deserts, while India is said
to contain some of great extent.
Tea, under the name of _tcha_, is distinctly referred to, as being
universally drunk infused in hot water, and supposed to be a cure for
every disease.
Porcelain is spoken of as an excellent kind of earth, of which is made a
ware as fine and transparent as glass.
The Chinese are described as more handsome than the Indians, and are
"dressed in silk both winter and summer; and this kind of dress is
common to the prince, the soldier, and to every other person,
though of the lowest degree. In winter they wear drawers, of a
particular make, which fall down to their feet. Of these they put
on two, three, four, five, or more, if they can, one over another;
and are very careful to be covered quite down to their feet,
because of the damps, which are very great and much dreaded by
them. In summer they only wear a single garment of silk, or some
such dress, but have no turbans.
"Their common food is rice, which they often eat with a broth, like
what the Arabs make of meat or fish, which they pour upon their
rice. Their kings eat wheaten bread, and all sorts of animals, not
excepting swine, and some others.
"They have several sort of fruits, apples, lemons, quinces,
sugar-canes, citruls, figs, grapes, cucumbers of two sorts, trees
which bear meal, walnuts, filberts, pistachios, plums, apricocks,
services [cherries], and coco-nuts; but they have no store of
palms; they have only a few about some private houses.
"Their drink is a kind of wine made of rice; they have no other
wine in the country, nor is there any brought to them; they know
not what it is, nor do they drink of it. They have vinegar also,
and a kind of comfit like what the Arabs call Natef, and some
others.
"They are not very nice in point of cleanliness. They eat also of
dead animals, and practice in many other things like the Magians;
and, in truth, the religion of the one and the other is much the
same. The Chinese women appear uncovered, and adorn their heads
with small ivory and other combs, of which they shall wear
sometimes a score together. The men are covered with caps of a
particular make. They are very expert mechanics, but ignorant of
the arts that depend on the mathematics."
The knowledge of reading and writing is described as being general
amongst them, all important transactions being put into writing.
Idolatry is mentioned as very prevalent, and a hideous and
incomprehensible statement is made, of human flesh being publicly
exposed for sale in the markets. At the same time the punishment of vice
is represented as most severe, and the surveillance over individuals
extremely rigid, "for everybody in China, whether a native, an Arab, or
any other foreigner, is obliged to declare all he knows of himself, nor
can he possibly be excused for so doing". And thieves are put to death
as soon as caught.
Canfu (Canton) is mentioned as the seaport of China, resorted to by
Arabian shipping; and Cumdan, described as a very splendid city,
supposed to be Nanking, was the residence of the monarch.
Renaudot, to whom the world is indebted for rescuing this narrative from
obscurity, believes that it supplied Edrisi, the celebrated Arab
geographer of the twelfth century, with the materials for the
observations on China which occur in his _Geographia Nubiensis_; but
this reproach would seem to be unfounded, inasmuch as his details are
too few and vague, to warrant the conclusion that they were digested
from the more lucid and ample account to which we have been referring.
The most observable point of information with which Edrisi supplies us,
is the fact, that the northern parts of _Sin_ had by that time been
conquered by a Tartar nation, whom he calls the Baghargar Turks.
Abulfeda also, who flourished nearly two centuries later, seems to have
been equally ignorant of the existence of the two Arab travellers; for
he gives, as an apology for the ignorance of the geographers of that day
respecting China, that no one had been there from whom they could
procure information.
The incidental reference to China by Benjamin of Tudela, a Jewish
traveller in the east, of the twelfth century, should not be omitted. It
is but a reference, but curious enough to be quoted. It is as follows:--
"From thence (the Island of Khandy) the passage to China is effected
in forty days; this country lies eastward, and some say that the
star Orion predominates in the sea which bounds it, and which is
called Sea of Nikpha. Sometimes so violent a storm rages in this
sea, that no mariner can reach his vessel; and whenever the storm
throws a ship into this sea, it is impossible to govern it; the crew
and the passengers consume their provisions, and then die miserably.
Many vessels have been lost in this way, but people have learned how
to save themselves from this fate by the following contrivance. They
take bullocks' hides along with them, and whenever this storm arises
and throws them into the Sea of Nikpha, they sew themselves up in
the hides, taking care to have a knife in their hand, and being
secured against the sea-water, they throw themselves into the ocean;
here they are soon perceived by a large eagle, called griffin, which
takes them for cattle, darts down, takes them in his gripe, and
carries them upon dry land, where he deposits his burthen on a hill
or in a dale, there to consume his prey. The man, however, now
avails himself of his knife, therewith to kill the bird, creeps
forth from the hide, and tries to reach an inhabited country. Many
people have been saved by this stratagem."
The first European reference to China described by a traveller from
_hearsay_, is that given by the Minorite friar John de Plano Carpini,
who, with five other brothers of the order, in 1245 was sent by Pope
Innocent IV into the country of the Mongolians. The purpose of this
mission was, if possible, to divert these devastating conquerors from
Europe, and to instigate them rather to a war with the Turks and
Saracens. At the same time they were to inculcate, as much as might be,
the Christian faith, and at all events to collect every possible
information respecting a people so little known.
Carpini was absent sixteen months. A copy of his narrative, formerly
belonging to Lord Lumley, is in the British Museum, and is the same
which was used by Hakluyt for his _Principal Navigations_, from which
the following extract is taken. It is after describing a battle between
the Mongals and the Chinese, whom he calls Kythayans, that he describes
the latter as follows:
"The men of Kytay are Pagans, hauing a speciall kinde of writing by
themselues, and (as it is reported) the Scriptures of the Olde and
Newe Testament. They haue also recorded in hystories the liues of
their forefathers: and they haue Eremites, and certaine houses made
after the manner of our churches, which in those dayes they greatly
resorted vnto. They say that they haue diuers saints also, and they
worship one God. They adore and reuerence CHRIST JESVS our Lord,
and beleeue the article of eternall life, but are not baptized.
They doe also honorably esteeme and reuerence our Scriptures. They
loue Christians, and bestowe much almes, and are a very courteous
and gentle people. They haue no beardes, and they agree partly with
the Mongals in the disposition of their countenance. In all
occupations which men practise, there are not better artificers in
the whole worlde. Their countrey is exceeding rich in corne, wine,
golde, silke, and other commodities."
The first traveller, from whom accounts collected from personal
experience respecting China were received in _Europe_, was William Van
Ruysbroeck, commonly known by the name of De Rubruquis, a friar of the
Minorite order, and sometimes called William of Tripoli, from the
circumstance of the narrative of his travels having been transmitted
from Tripoli to St. Louis, king of France, at whose instance they were
undertaken. The cause of his mission was a rumour, which had spread
through Europe, that the Mongolian chief, Mangu Khan, had embraced the
Christian religion; and St. Louis being then engaged in the fourth
Crusade against the Saracens, was anxious to cement an alliance with the
Tartars, who were at that time in hostility with the same power on the
side of Persia. This political purpose was enhanced by sanguine hopes
that the Tartars were even then, or likely soon to be, converted to the
Christian faith. The passage of Rubruquis was by Constantinople over the
Black Sea, through the Crimea, to the district of the city of the
Caraci, in the Gobi Desert, where Mangu Khan was then residing.
His first reception was not of the most hospitable kind, but nine days
after his arrival he succeeded in obtaining an imperial audience; and
when Mangu Khan, a short time after, departed for Karakorum, a city on
the east side of the river Orchon, he and his companions followed in his
train. This city, of which no traces have been found in the desert for
some centuries, is mentioned by Marco Polo, who visited it about
eighteen years after Rubruquis, as having been the first in which these
Tartars ever fixed their residence, and was at that time the capital of
Mangu Khan, and the only considerable city in that part of Asia.
Rubruquis, in describing it, says: "There are two grand streets in it,
one of the Saracens, where the friars are kept and many merchants resort
thither, and one other street of the Catayans (Chinese), who are all
artificers." The explanation of this is, that the Tartars had already
conquered the greater part of northern China, then known under the name
of Cathay.
Rubruquis and his companions, who by this time had gained considerable
favour in the eyes of the Khan, entered Karakorum with great
distinction. He describes the city itself as not equal to the village of
St. Denis, near Paris, the monastery of which he asserts was "tenne
times more worth than the palace, and more too." The place was
surrounded by a mud wall, and had four gates. The description of the
palace conveys the idea of a hall, at one end of which was a raised seat
for the Khan, on which he "sitteth above like a god". In this city the
friar found to his surprise a French goldsmith, named Guillaume
Bouchier, who is not unfrequently mentioned by early writers under the
name of William of Paris, and who had constructed a piece of mechanism,
the ingenuity of which deserves the highest praise, when the early
period at which he worked is taken into consideration. Its description
is thus given by Purchas, in a translation of the greater part of the
travels of Rubruquis, inserted in the third volume of his _Pilgrimes_.
"Master _William Parisiensis_ made him (the Khan) a great silver
tree, at the root whereof were foure silver lions, having one pipe
sending forth pure cowes milke, and the foure pipes were convayed
within the tree, unto the top thereof: whose tops spread backe
again downward: and upon every one of them was a golden serpent,
whose tayles twine about the bodie of the tree. And one of those
pipes runs with wine, another with caracosmos, that is, clarified
whay; another with ball, that is, drinke made of honey; another
with drinke made of rice, called _teracina_. And every drinke hath
his vessell prepared of silver, at the foot of the tree, to receive
it. Betweene those foure pipes in the top, he made an angell
holding a trumpet; and under the tree, he made an hollow vault,
wherein a man might be hid; and a pipe ascendeth through the heart
of the tree unto the angell. He first made bellowes, but they gave
not wind enough. Without the palace there is a chamber, wherein the
drinkes are layd, and there are servants readie there to poure it
out, when they heare the angell sounding the trumpet. And the
boughes of the tree are of silver, and the leaves and peares. When
therefore they want drinke, the master butler cryeth to the angell
that he sound the trumpet. Then he hearing (who is hid in the
vault) blowes the pipe strongly, which goeth to the angell. And the
angell sets his trumpet to his mouth, and the trumpet soundeth very
shrill. Then the servants hearing, which are in the chamber, every
of them poure forth their drink into their proper pipe, and the
pipes poure it forth from above, and they are received below in
vessels prepared for that purpose. Then the butlers draw them, and
carry them through the palace to men and women."[1]
Amongst the various points of information gathered by Rubruquis
respecting the Chinese or Catayans, as they were so long called, occur
the following important items. The characteristic principle of their
religious and political creed, embodied the great truth of the existence
of one supreme presiding deity, under whom the grand khan maintained the
presidency over his extensive dominions, and resistance to that dominion
consequently involved not only treason but heinous impiety. Another
curious fact, first communicated by Rubruquis, and afterwards confirmed
by Marco Polo, is that of paper currency, which was not adopted in
Europe for some centuries after, being then in general use in China. To
him also we are indebted for some notion of the peculiar characters and
mode of writing practised by the Chinese, who, as he says, do not write
with pens as we do, but with small brushes, such as are used by our
painters, and in one character or figure give a whole word.
He also speaks at length of a strong drink called Cosmos, which he
describes as follows:--
"Their drinke, called Cosmos, which is mare's milk, is prepared
after this manner. They fasten a long line unto two posts, standing
firmly in the ground, and unto the same line they tye the young
foales of those mares which they meane to milke. Then come the
dammes to stand by their foales, gently suffering themselves to be
milked. And if any of them be too unruly, then one takes her foale
and puts it under her, letting it sucke a while, and presently
carrying it away againe, there comes another man to milke the said
mare. And having gotten a good quantitie of this milke together
(being as sweet as cowes milke) while it is new, they powre it into
a great bladder or bag, and they beat the said bag with a piece of
wood made for the purpose, having a club at the lower end like a
mans head, which is hollow within: and soone as they beat upon it,
it begins to boyle like new wine, and to be sowre and sharpe of
taste, and they beat it in that manner till butter come thereof.
Then taste they thereof, and being indifferently sharpe they drinke
it; for it biteth a mans tongue like the wine of raspes when it is
drunke. After a man hath taken a draught thereof, it leaveth behind
it a taste like the taste of almond-milke, and goeth downe very
pleasantly, intoxicating weake braynes. Likewise Karacosmos, that
is to say, blacke Kosmos, for great lords to drinke, they make on
this manner. First, they beat the said milke so long till the
thickest part thereof descend right downe to the bottome like the
lees of white wine; and that which is thinne and pure remaineth
above, being like unto whay or white must. The said lees and dregs
being very white, are given to servants, and will cause them to
sleepe exceedingly. That which is thinne and cleere their masters
drinke, and in very deede it is maruellous sweet and wholesome
liquor."[2]
This limited stock of information, however, valuable as it is from the
priority of its date, sinks into insignificance before the detailed and
almost cotemporaneous narrative of that once reviled but now much
honoured pioneer of geographical investigation, Marco Polo. In the
present advanced age, when enlarged facilities have opened up to the
knowledge of the world the characteristic peculiarities of remote
countries and their inhabitants, we can do justice to the courage and
fidelity of those who, six centuries ago, could dare to describe such
apparent anomalies, while at the same time we can find an excuse for the
disbelief of those who regarded them as extravagant and impudent
fictions. Nor can we, indeed, conceive of any country and people, the
description of which, unconfirmed by the repeated observation of many,
was more calculated to excite suspicion and disbelief, while those very
peculiarities, now that they are authenticated, become the staple proof
of the trustworthiness of the early narrator. The father and uncle of
Marco Polo, natives of Venice, had in 1254 made a trading journey to
Tartary; the exploration of the east, and the importation of its rich
and beautiful productions, offering a peculiar attraction to the
commercial enterprise of that great and flourishing city. Marco was not
born till some months after the departure of his father, but by the time
of the return of the two brothers was become a young man, fifteen years
having been devoted to their interesting and extraordinary
peregrinations. They had crossed the Euxine Sea to Armenia, whence they
travelled by land to the court of a great Tartarian chief named Barba.
By him they were favorably received, and were enabled to effect
advantageous sales of their merchandise. After a year, however, spent in
his capital, a war broke out between him and a neighbouring chieftain,
and the return of the travellers to Europe being thus intercepted, they
took a circuitous course round the head of the Caspian, and so through
the desert of Karak to Bokhara.
After an abode there of three years, during which they obtained a
knowledge of the Tartar language, they attached themselves to the
company of an ambassador going to the court of Kublai, grand Khan of the
Tartars, where they arrived after a year's journey. This potent monarch
gave them a gracious reception, and was curious in his enquiries
concerning the affairs of Europe and the Christian religion. Learning
from them that the Pope was the person regarded with the greatest
veneration in Europe, he resolved on despatching them as his ambassadors
to His Holiness, with the request that he would send persons to instruct
his people in the true faith. Protected by his signet they set out, and
pursuing their journey across Asia, arrived in Venice in the year 1269.
At this time there was a vacancy in the popedom, and the brothers
remained in Venice two years before it was filled. At length, on the
accession of Gregory X, they obtained letters from him, accompanied with
presents to Kublai Khan, and taking with them young Marco, now seventeen
years of age, and accompanied by two friars of the order of Preachers,
they again departed for the east. They landed at a port in Armenia named
Giuzza (Ayas), but finding that the Sultan of Babylon was at war with
the province, the two friars became intimidated and returned home. The
three Venetians, however, pursued their way, and after travelling for
three years and a half across Asia, and encountering numerous perils and
disasters, at length reached the court of Kublai. He was greatly pleased
at their return, and Marco, becoming a great favourite with him, was
employed by the Khan in various important missions to distant provinces.
After a residence of seventeen years at the court of Kublai, the three
Venetians were extremely desirous of returning to their native land, and
at length obtained permission to accompany the ambassadors of a king of
India, who had come to demand a princess of the Khan's family in
marriage for their sovereign. It was a voyage of a year and a half
through the Indian seas before they arrived at the court of this king,
named Argon. Thence they travelled to Constantinople, and finally
reached Venice in 1295.
Such is the narrative of the travels and foreign residence of the three
Polos, as related by Marco. They returned rich in jewels and valuable
effects, after an absence of twenty-four years, which had so altered
them, that nothing less than a display of their wealth was necessary to
procure their recognition by their kindred. Hence, Marco gained the name
of Il Millione, the house in which he had lived in Venice being still
known in the time of Ramusio under the name of "_La Corte del
Millioni._" Not long afterwards, news came to Venice that the Genoese
were approaching with a powerful armament, and a number of galleys were
immediately fitted out to oppose them, and Marco Polo was made
_sopracomito_ of one of them. In an engagement that ensued he fell into
the hands of the Genoese Admiral Lampa Doria, and was carried prisoner
to Genoa, to which circumstance we owe the advantage of possessing a
permanent record of his travels. Then he spent four years in prison; but
the interest excited amongst the Genoese nobles by the stirring
narrative of his adventures, led them to urge him to allow an account of
his travels to be drawn up from his notes and dictation. His narrative
was thus taken from his mouth in his prison at Genoa, by the hand of his
friend and fellow-traveller Rustichello, a native of Pisa. He afterwards
regained his liberty, but of his subsequent history little or nothing is
known.
The most interesting portion of his narrative is unquestionably that
which refers to China, of which he speaks under the names of Kataia and
Manji; the former, as we have already stated, denoting the northern, and
the latter the southern part of the empire. The northern kingdom of
Kataia contained the residence of Kublai Khan, while the south, although
subjugated, had not been completely incorporated into the almost
boundless Tartar dominion, which had been established by Kublai's
victorious ancestor, the renowned Zenghis Khan.
The route by which Polo entered China was along the northern frontier,
and is thus referred to by Mr. Marsden:--"Having reached the borders of
Northern China, and spoken of two places (Succuir, the modern Sucheu,
and Kampion, the modern Kancheu) that are within what is named the Great
Wall, our author ceases to pursue a direct route, and proceeds to the
account of places lying to the north and south, some of them in the
vicinity and others in distant parts of Tartary, according to the
information he had acquired of them on various occasions. Nor does he in
the sequel furnish any distinct idea of the line he took upon entering
China, in company with his father and uncle, on their journey to the
emperor's court, although there is reason to believe that he went from
Kan-cheu to Sining, and there fell into the great road from Thibet to
Peking." Before reaching the latter city, however, they visited
Karakorum, already referred to as the capital of the Khan's dominions
visited by Rubruquis. This city, Mr. Marsden says, was built by Oktar
Khan, the son and successor of Jenghis Khan, about the year 1235, whose
nephew Mangu Khan, made it his principal residence. No traces of it have
been in existence for some centuries, but its position is noted in the
Jesuits' and Danville's maps. J. Reinhold Forster, however, on the
authority of Fischer's _History of Siberia_, observes, that it must be
looked for on the east side of the river Orchon, and not on the Onghin
or Onguimuren, where D'Anville has placed it.
From the length of time which had elapsed since Nicolo and Maffeo Polo
had left China as Kublai's ambassadors, they were forgotten, but as soon
as the Khan, who was then absent, heard of their arrival at Karakorum,
he issued orders that they should be received with all honour and
escorted to his presence. The appearance of young Marco produced a
highly favourable impression upon the Khan, who immediately took him
under his especial protection. The assiduity of Marco in studying the
language and manners of the Tartars, and the wisdom and prudence which
he exhibited in the exercise of the various important functions in which
he was employed by the Khan, caused him rapidly to rise in the
estimation and favour of that liberal-minded monarch. Upon the removal
of the Khan to Khambalu, a corruption of Khambalig (capital of the
Khan), and understood to be the modern Pekin, Marco followed in his
train. This city was found to surpass in splendour everything that he
had yet met with. The dimensions of the palace comprehended a square,
each side of which was six miles long, a statement not very widely
different from the truth. This enclosure, however, comprised all the
royal armouries, as well as fields and meadows, stored with various
descriptions of game. The roofs of the spacious halls were covered with
gorgeous gilding, and painting in brilliant colours, while
representations of dragons and battles were carved upon the sides. To
the north of the palace stood an eminence called the Green Mountain, of
about a mile in circuit, covered with the finest trees which could be
collected from all parts of the empire, and which had been brought by
elephants to this spot.
This account strikingly agrees with those of modern travellers, and the
description of the internal government of the country, its postal
arrangements, and the beneficent distribution of grain from the imperial
granaries in times of scarcity, agree with since recognized Chinese
history.
Marco subsequently made an excursion into the country of Manji, or
Southern China, his route lying by the course of the imperial canal. In
his southward progress, after passing by various cities, he at length
reached Tinqui (Taitcheou), distant about three days' journey from the
sea, where there is an extensive manufactory of salt, an article which
forms a leading article of commerce in China. He next came to Yanqui
(Yangtcheoufou), at the mouth of the river Yang-tsi-kiang, the seat of a
viceroy, in which Polo himself exercised for the space of three years
the supreme jurisdiction. His subsequent route lay along the banks of
the Yang-tsi-kiang, and he incidentally alludes to the noble city of
Nanghin (Nanking), where he speaks of the manufacture of cloths of gold
and silver, but does not seem to have visited the city itself. Taking
thence a southward course, he reached Quinsai (Hang-cheou), or the city
of heaven, the splendour of which still important place was at that time
such, that he speaks of it in the following terms: "In the world there
is not the like, nor a place in which there are found so many pleasures,
that a man would imagine himself in paradise." This city, then the
metropolis of Manji, was in the height of its glory, and may well be
supposed to have surpassed in grandeur any city which Polo had seen; and
if he is to be charged with exaggeration in describing it as one hundred
miles in circumference, and to have contained one million six hundred
thousand houses, and twelve thousand bridges, it must be remembered that
its really immense extent was calculated to mislead the judgment of an
observer, and to make him credulous of the accounts of the inhabitants.
It is still a splendid and very extensive city, and it is not to be
wondered at that Polo, who witnessed its unfaded glories, should have
dwelt with enthusiasm on its spacious and beautiful palaces, and its
waters covered with richly decorated barges. The character of the
inhabitants he describes as effeminate, luxurious, and unwarlike.
In his southward journey Polo mentions many great cities in Manji, which
it would be difficult to identify with their modern nomenclature. Among
these Unguen, a city of the province of Fokien, is referred to, as
remarkable for its extensive manufacture of sugar, sent from thence to
Khambalu; its natives being described as skilled in the art of refining
it with wood ashes, from persons belonging to Babylonia (Egypt). It is
also worthy of notice, that his embarcation took place at a famous port
called Zaitun, which was much frequented by ships with rich cargoes from
India for the supply of Manji and Kataia, and exceedingly productive in
revenue to the grand Khan, who received ten per cent. on all
merchandise. In spite of this impost, and the heavy freights, amounting
to nearly fifty per cent., the merchants are described as making
enormous profits.
The inhabitants of the place are represented as distinguished for their
skill in embroidery and tapestry. This has been supposed to mean
Fou-cheou-fu, Amoy, or some neighbouring port in Fokien; but it is
difficult to reconcile this with the statement that one arm of the river
on which this city stood reached to Quinsay, which, as we have already
stated, appears to be intended for the great city of Hang-cheou.
The next in rotation on our list of eastern travellers, is Giovanni di
Monte Corvino, a Franciscan monk of Calabria, who went as ambassador
from Pope Nicholas IV in 1288 to the grand Khan, and died in Khambalu,
that is, Pekin, holding the distinguished position of archbishop of the
missions in that city. His letters refer to little more than the
progress he made in the advancement of the Roman Catholic religion in
that capital.
The next traveller in China of whom we have to speak is Oderico
Mattheussi, a Minorite friar, more commonly known under the name of
Oderico de Pordenone, from Pordenone in Friuli, in which place he was
born about the year 1285. He undertook a journey in 1317, accompanied by
several other monks, through Tartary, by Trebizond, to China, and
returned by Thibet to Europe. In 1330, a year before his death, he
dictated in Padua, to Guglielmo di Solagno, a monk, an account of his
travels as they occurred to his memory, in the Italian language. An
English translation is given by Hakluyt in his second volume, from which
we quote the following extracts.
"Travelling more eastward, I came vnto a city named Fuco, which
conteineth 20 miles in circuit, wherein be exceeding great and
faire cocks, and al their hens are as white as the very snow,
having wol in stead of feathers, like vnto sheep. It is a most
stately and beautiful city, and standeth vpon the sea. Then I went
18 daies iourney on further, and passed by many prouinces and
cities, and in the way I went ouer a certain great mountaine, vpon
ye one side whereof I beheld al liuing creatures to be as black as
a cole, and the men and women on that side differed somewhat in
maner of liuing fro' others: howbeit, on the other side of the said
hil euery liuing thing was snow-white, and the inhabitants in their
maner of liuing were altogether vnlike vnto others. There, all
maried women cary, in token that they haue husbands, a great trunke
of horne vpon their heads. From thence I traueiled 18 dayes journey
further, and came vnto a certaine great riuer, and entered also
into a city, whereunto belongeth a mighty bridge to passe the said
river. And mine hoste with whom I soiourned, being desirous to shew
me some sport, said vnto me: 'Sir, if you will see any fish taken,
goe with me.' Then he led me vnto the foresaid bridge, carying in
his armes with him certaine diue-doppers or water-foules, bound
vnto a company of poles, and about every one of their necks he tied
a thread, least they should eat the fish as fast as they tooke
them: and he caried 3 great baskets with him also: then loosed he
the diue-doppers from the poles, which presently went into the
water, and within lesse then the space of one houre, caught as many
fishes as filled 3 baskets: which being full, mine hoste vntyed the
threads from about their neckes, and entering a second time into
the river they fed themselues with fish, and being satisfied they
returned and suffered themselues to be bound vnto the saide poles
as they were before. And when I did eate of those fishes, methought
they were exceeding good.
"Trauailing thence many dayes iourneys, at length I arriued at
another city called Canasia [Quinsay, or Hang-cheou], which
signifieth in our language the city of heaven. Neuer in all my life
did I see so great a citie; for it continueth in circuit an
hundreth miles: neither saw I any plot thereof, which was not
thoroughly inhabited: yea, I sawe many houses of tenne or twelue
stories high, one above another. It hath mightie large suburbs,
containing more people then the citie it selfe. Also it hath twelue
principall gates: and about the distance of eight miles, in the
high way vnto every one of the saide gates, standeth a city as big
by estimation as Venice and Padua. The foresaid city of Canasia is
situated in waters and marshes, which alwayes stand still, neither
ebbing nor flowing: howbeit it hath a defence for the winde like
vnto Venice. In this citie there are mo then 10,002 bridges, many
whereof I remembered and passed over them: and vpon euery of those
bridges stand certaine watchmen of the citie, keeping continuall
watch and ward about the said city, for the great Can the emperour
of Catay.
"The number of his owne followers, of his wives attendants, and of
the traine of his first begotten sonne and heire apparent, would
seeme incredible vnto any man, vnlesse hee had seene it with his
owne eyes. The foresayd great Can hath deuided his empire into
twelue partes or prouinces, and one of the sayd prouinces hath two
thousand great cities within the precincts thereof. Whereupon his
empire is of that length and breadth, that vnto whatsoeuer part
thereof he intendeth his iourney, he hath space enough for six
moneths continual progresse, except his islands, which are at the
least 5,000.
"The foresayd emperor (to the end that trauailers may haue all
things necessary throughout his whole empire) hath caused certaine
innes to be prouided in sundry places upon the high wayes, where
all things pertaining vnto victuals are in a continuall readinesse.
And when any alteration or newes happens in any part of his empire,
if he chance to be farre absent from that part, his ambassadors
vpon horses or dromedaries ride post vnto him; and when themselues
and their beasts are weary, they blow their horne; at the noise
whereof, the next inne likewise prouideth a horse and a man, who
takes the letter of him that is weary, and runneth vnto another
inne: and so by diuers innes, and diuers postes, the report, which
ordinarily could skarce come in 30 dayes, is in one naturall day
brought vnto the emperor: and therefore no matter of any moment can
be done in his empire, but straightway he hath intelligence
thereof."
The next traveller of whom we have to make a short mention, is the
celebrated Arabian author Ibn Batuta, the date of whose journey is 1324.
His point of arrival in China was Zaitun, the port already mentioned of
Marco Polo's embarcation. Its identity is not easy of recognition. From
this port he would seem to have travelled to Hang-cheou and back again,
embarking again at Zaitun. Although his route is not distinctly
traceable, the account he gives of the country appears very accurate. He
particularizes the facility and safety of travelling, and the
convenient, but at the same time rigid surveillance of the hostelries,
in which a register was kept of all strangers who lodged in them.
Silkworms and silk are mentioned, but the latter as being inferior in
value to cotton. The paper money and the manufacture of porcelain are
also referred to.
In pursuance of our chronological arrangement of travels in China, we
shall here introduce the account of an embassy, though not European,
sent by Mirza Shah Rokh, one of the sons of Tamerlane, to Cathay, in the
year 1419. The ambassadors set out from Herat in Persia, about the month
of November in that year, and reached a spot in the desert within twelve
stages of Sekju (Sucheu), near the great wall in Shensi, on the 14th of
June 1420. At this place they were met, by order of the khan, by some
Cathayans, who erected tents or huts for their accommodation in the
desert, and plentifully supplied them with roasted geese, fowls, and
various kinds of meat, fruits, etc., which were served to them on china
dishes; they likewise regaled them with a variety of strong liquors,
together with a pot of Chinese tea. The chief person in the embassy was
the Emir Sadi Khoja; and, according to the list of the names of the
ambassadors and the number of their retinue, taken down by some Cathayan
secretaries, the entire embassy, including merchants, amounted to eight
hundred and sixty persons. In taking this list, the Cathayan officers
earnestly desired that the exact number should be stated, as a want of
truthfulness would involve them in discredit. Two days after their
arrival, they were invited to the encampment of the dankji or governor
of the borders of Cathay, by whom they were entertained with a
magnificent feast. On reaching the spot, they found a square space of
ground enclosed with tents, in the centre of which was a lofty awning of
cloth supported on wooden pillars, with an imperial canopy of state at
one end, where the throne was placed, as if for the emperor, with other
seats on each side: on the left of this throne were placed the
ambassadors, and on the right the Cathayan officers. Each ambassador had
placed before him two tables, the one covered with a variety of meats
and fruits, the other with cakes and bread, gracefully ornamented with
silk and paper. The other persons present had but one table apiece. At
the lower end of the tent stood a sideboard covered with silver and
china. After the banquet they were entertained with music and a comedy,
in which the actors wore masks representing the faces of animals: among
these a child, enclosed in the body of an artificial stork, amused them
by performing a variety of curious antics. On the next day they reached
a karawl, a strongly fortified outpost, built in a defile in the
mountains, through which all travellers that way must unavoidably go.
Here their retinue was again carefully numbered. They next arrived at
Sucheu, a large and strong square city, where they had lodgings
appointed to them in a public building over the city gates, and were
amply provided with every convenience and comfort for themselves and
their horses, even the servants having mattresses and counterpanes
allowed them for their beds.
They next came to a city called Khamchu, after which we find them
crossing the river Karamoran by a bridge of boats, and arriving at a
magnificent city containing many splendid temples. From the beauty of
the women, who, contrary to usual Chinese observances, were seen
standing at the doors of the taverns, they designated this town in the
Persian language, Rhosnabad, the city of Beauty. After passing several
rivers they reached Sedinfur, a large city, in which they saw a cast
image of gilt metal of immense proportions, having a great number of
hands with an eye in each. This image rested on a pedestal of polished
stone, and was surrounded by six tiers of balustrades.
In December 1420, after a journey of ninety-five days, they reached
Kambalu or Pekin, the whole road thither from Sucheu being through so
populous a country that they lodged every night in a large town. Workmen
were at that time still occupied in building the walls of Kambalu.
Immediately on their arrival they were conducted to the palace, and,
though before sunrise, they found a multitude assembled in the outer
court, amounting apparently to no less than one hundred thousand men. At
sunrise, at beat of drum, the prince took his seat on a lofty throne,
placed under a canopy at the outside of the palace, and amidst profound
silence a number of criminals were led in, who had been brought to the
capital from all parts of the empire. Each man had a board fastened to
his neck, specifying his crime and his legal punishment, and was led by
the hair to the emperor, who after inspecting the board pronounced
sentence. Upon the dismissal of the criminals, the Persian ambassadors
were introduced, and after prostrating themselves as demanded, were
graciously received by the emperor. An amusing occurrence, however, had
nearly destroyed all their prospects of success. The monarch having been
slightly injured by a fall from a horse which had been presented to him
by the ambassadors, was so exasperated, that he condemned them all to
imprisonment for life in a distant part of the empire. He afterwards,
however, thought better of his resolution, and merely upbraiding Sadi
Khoja, with the taunt that such a horse ought not to be presented by one
sovereign to another, overlooked the offence; and on hearing that the
animal was sent to him by Tamerlane as an especial favourite, his anger
was entirely appeased.
Previous to their departure, a circumstance occurred which threw a gloom
over the imperial court,--the most beloved of the emperor's wives died.
And here, _par parenthèse_, we would mention a curious custom recorded
in this narrative, respecting the burial of ladies belonging to the
imperial family: they are interred on a certain mountain, on which all
the horses belonging to them are turned out to graze at liberty for the
rest of their lives; all the maidens of their retinue also are placed in
attendance on the grave, and have provisions allowed them for about five
years, and when these are exhausted they are left to die of famine. In
addition to this loss of his favourite wife, the new palace of the
emperor was struck by lightning on the night after the funeral, the
flames causing fearful devastation and loss of life. These afflictions
so affected the emperor, that he fell sick, and the prince his son
assuming the reins of government, gave the ambassadors their audience of
leave. On their return through Cathay they were furnished as before with
every necessary, and at Sucheu, some articles which had been detained
were honourably restored to them. They took their departure by a
circuitous route, in consequence of intestine commotions, and passing
through Khoten and Cashgar proceeded homewards to Herat, which they
reached in September 1422.
Hitherto we have had to treat of travellers who in the middle ages
reached China by an overland journey; we have now to allude to those who
have visited that country by sea, subsequent to that grand achievement
of the Portuguese, the discovery of the passage by the Cape of Good
Hope.
The Portuguese themselves were, as might be expected, the first to take
advantage of this expeditious route, and about the same time that they
had succeeded in establishing a communication with the King of Siam they
aimed at forming relations with China. On gaining information of the
boundless wealth of the east and its empires in the productions of
nature and art, King Manoel determined on despatching a squadron farther
eastward to Bengal and China. This squadron, consisting of eight sail,
the commander of which was Fernando Peres d'Andrade, selected on account
of the ability he had shown previously in India, especially at Malacca,
departed, after various unsuccessful cruises, from Malacca on the 17th
June 1517, and arrived on the 15th August at the Island of Tamang
(called by the Portuguese Beniaga), lying three miles from the mainland,
where all foreign ships that trade to Canton must lie at anchor and
transact their business.[3] In the harbour Andrade found Edward Coelho,
who, in a previous expedition, had been separated from him by a storm,
had wintered at Siam, and had already been there a month. Andrade caused
it to be notified to the commander of the Chinese fleet, which was
stationed off the coast there for the protection of merchant ships
against pirates, that he was come on a peaceful embassy from the King of
Portugal to the Emperor of China. The commander bade him welcome, but
referred him to the Pio (great admiral) at Nanto upon the subject of his
business. After various delays and difficulties, occasioned by the
numerous gradations of rank amongst the Chinese authorities, their
ceremoniousness, and the mistrust, imperfectly veiled by civility, of
the Chinese towards strangers, Andrade reached Canton at the close of
September, and ran into the harbour with all the usual nautical
ceremonies. When surprise was expressed at this, he justified himself by
referring to the practice of the Chinese in this particular when their
ships came to Portuguese Malacca. He then begged that he might forward
to the emperor the ambassador and the presents which he had brought with
him, and that the Portuguese fleet might be dismissed as soon as
possible. He was answered civilly, that they would receive the
ambassador, and as soon as permission was obtained from the emperor,
would escort him to court. Meanwhile the commander had permission to
carry on trade in the town, after the ambassador had landed. Andrade now
caused the ambassador, Thomas Pires, with seven Portuguese, richly
dressed, to be put on shore with sound of trumpets and discharge of
cannon. This Tomas Pires, erroneously called by Mendoza, Bartholomew,
though a man of no rank, had been selected for this mission on account
of his scientific qualifications, his tact, and experience. He was an
apothecary by profession, and a practised and competent judge of the
merchandize and productions of India. They not only granted him one of
the best houses in the town, wherein he and his companions received
visits from the most distinguished inhabitants, but also offered them
maintenance, according to the custom observed with ambassadors. This,
however, the commander declined, nor did he accept the invitation to
come on shore, but, excusing himself, sent the factor with some
assistants in his stead, and when a warehouse was granted them near the
fleet, allowed the merchandize to be landed by degrees, and an
interchange of traffic commenced.
Matters were in this prosperous condition, when circumstances rendered
it necessary for the commander to leave Canton. Many of his people had
become sick from malaria, and nine, including the factor, were dead.
These and other disasters compelled Andrade to take leave of the Chinese
commanders, and he went back to the island of Tamang, where he was
plentifully supplied with all that he required for the repair of his
ships. Before his departure Andrade caused proclamation to be made in
Canton, Nanto, and the harbour of Tamang, that those who had demands on
the Portuguese, should apply to him in order that they might be fully
satisfied. This proceeding gave the Chinese a high opinion of the
integrity of the Portuguese. At the end of September 1518, Fernando
Peres d'Andrade again set saile with his whole fleet, and entered the
harbour of Malacca loaded with renown and riches.[4]
At his departure from Canton, he left the affairs of the Portuguese so
arranged that their trade with the Chinese might be carried on securely
and peacefully, and with profit to both parties. His brother, Simon
d'Andrade, received from the king a commission to make another voyage to
China, and departed in April 1518 from Malacca. Upon his arrival in
August in the harbour of Tamu, he found that the Portuguese ambassador,
Thomas Pires, had not yet left Canton, as, in spite of three
applications, no order had yet been received from the court to escort
him thither. At length the order came, and Pires went in the beginning
of January 1520 by water as far as the mountain range Malenschwang,
thence to Nankin, where the emperor was, who ordered him to Pekin, where
he himself usually resided on account of the nearness of the Tartars,
with whom he was continually at war. In January 1521, the emperor came
there, and immediately dismissed the embassy. He had received
unfavourable accounts of the Portuguese from the authorities at Canton
and Nankin, whom the King of Bintang had influenced by an emissary; they
told the emperor that, under the pretext of trading, the Portuguese
explored the country with the view of taking it by force of arms, and
that in this way they had made themselves masters of India and Malacca.
Pires therefore was admitted no more into the palace. Meanwhile the
emperor fell ill and died, and the counsellors of his successor were of
opinion that Pires and all his companions should be put to death as
spies. The emperor however ordered the ambassador, real or pretended, to
be sent back to Canton with the presents, and to be kept in custody
there until answer should be received from the Portuguese authorities at
Malacca. Until then no Portuguese or Portuguese merchandise was to be
admitted into the empire. The emperor further commanded that the king of
Malacca, who was an ally of the emperor, and who had been driven out by
the Portuguese, should be restored.
The severe conditions imposed upon the Portuguese by the emperor are not
to be wondered at, for all the accounts which he had received from his
authorities respecting them were prejudicial, and Simon d'Andrade
himself gave frequent occasion for complaint by inconsiderate or unjust
regulations, contrary both to the laws and to the received opinions of
the country, and provoked the Chinese against the Portuguese; and even
his personal behaviour seems to have been calculated to provoke
animosity.[5] At last a hot encounter took place between the Portuguese
and Chinese ships, during which, fortunately for the Portuguese, a storm
arose, which scattered the Chinese fleet and favoured the flight of the
Portuguese, so that they happily reached Malacca at the end of October.
Thomas Pires meanwhile was, upon his arrival in Canton, thrown into
prison with all his companions, and died in chains; the presents which
he had brought with him were stolen. The letters, which two or three
years afterwards arrived from the prisoners, contained lamentable
descriptions of the oppressions they had to endure, and of the robberies
which were committed in foreign ships, upon the pretence that they had
Portuguese on board. The great stores of valuable merchandize, gold and
silver from India, were entirely lost. Mendoza does not complete the
tale of Pires's adventures, but some interesting details are given by
Remusat in his _Nouveaux Mélanges Asiatiques_, page 205, tom. ii.
The next Portuguese adventurer who comes within the range of our special
notice, is Ferdinand Mendez Pinto, who from the apparent extravagance of
his accounts became proverbial as an accomplished romancer. Congreve, in
his _Love for Love_, makes Foresight thus address Sir Sampson Legend:
"Ferdinand Mendez Pinto was but a type of thee, thou liar of the first
magnitude." Like most of his predecessors, however, in early travel, he
has by this time recovered much of his forfeited reputation, and, as in
their case, some of his most remarkable statements have been confirmed
by more recent explorations. Being compelled to leave his country from
some accident, which he describes as casting "him into manifest peril of
his life", he took to the sea. The chances of his life led him to
Abyssinia, and subsequently along the coast of Arabia to India. With his
adventures in these countries we have here nothing to do, but pass at
once to the circumstances under which he was thrown upon the coast of
China. At Goa, Pinto hired himself as a soldier to Pedro de Faria, who
was proceeding as governor to Malacca. In this employ he was selected as
Portuguese agent in the company of the ambassador of the Battas, on the
return of the latter to Sumatra from his complimentary visit to Faria,
at Malacca, the seat of government. Here he fell in with one Antonio de
Faria, with whom he joined in a great commercial expedition to be sent
up the Gulf of Siam.
We pass over various romantic adventures with pirates, described in his
narrative, especially those with one Coja Acem, a native of Guzerat, and
an implacable enemy of the Portuguese, whom Faria at length overcame in
a desperate encounter. The adventurers then sailed to Liampoo (Ning-po),
where Faria gained intelligence of an island called Calempluy, in which
were the tombs of seventeen kings of China, all of gold, and containing
great treasure of various descriptions. This place they sought and
reached, and having plundered, loaded their ships with the treasure.
About a month after they had put to sea, they were wrecked in a furious
gale in the Gulf of Nanking, and fourteen of the Portuguese alone
escaped with their lives. The Chinese gave the shipwrecked pirates but a
harsh reception; they were first thrust into a pond where they were
almost devoured by leeches, and were afterwards sent with other
criminals to Nanking, where they were punished with a severe whipping.
They were subsequently sent to Peking, also chained together in parties
of three, and on their arrival received thirty lashes apiece by way of
welcome. Pinto gives an animated account of the magnificence of these
two great capitals, but splendid as the objects he observed in them
were, they would scarcely bear comparison with those which presented
themselves along the great rivers and canals. The multitude of cities,
together with the abundance which here prevailed, was almost incredible.
The immense concourse of boats at the time of the great fairs, the mode
of rearing water-fowl, their plan of hatching eggs by artificial heat,
the industry and regularity of populace, and their fashion of eating
with chop-sticks, are detailed with great exactness. Upon the whole, his
remarks leave no doubt, we think, of the truth of his having been an
eye-witness of what he records. Upon the subsequent occurrences of his
eventful life, and his final return to Lisbon in 1558, we shall not here
dwell, but proceed to the consideration of the next in order on our list
of European travellers to China.
Among a series of letters in Spanish, received in 1555 from various
Jesuits in the East, and appended to the 1561 edition of Francisco
Alvarez's _Historia de Ethiopia_, occurs an account of some matters
regarding the customs and laws of the kingdom of China, which a man (who
was a captive there for six years) related at Malacca, in the college of
the Jesuits. This valuable account, we believe, has never before
appeared in English, and is here translated.
"The Chinese build their towns in the strongest situations, near
rapid rivers, and chiefly at the curves, in order that they may
serve in part for enclosures; and if the towns are half a league in
circuit, they build walls of a league in extent, so that in case of
war they may hold a considerable number of defenders. The towns are
walled with stone built in mortar, for the most part; some,
especially the large towns, have very strong brick walls. They
contain very large buildings, and bridges of half a league, all of
stone excellently wrought, and there are blocks in them so large
that it appears impossible for men to have raised and set them by
any contrivance. One of the things that surprised us much, was to
see eight columns, upon which the government palace is built, in a
town where we were for three years. We measured these columns, and
two men stretching their arms round them did not touch each other;
they appeared to us to be sixty feet high, little more or less; and
it is very strange that men should have been able to raise them and
place them where they are. The houses which are upon them are very
high, all of wood, painted and gilded. An officer resides there who
collects the revenue of the province, and there are similar ones in
the other provinces. Each of these houses is separately enclosed by
walls, within which they are accustomed to plant trees and make
very pleasant gardens, with all kinds of fruit, which the Chinese
are exceedingly fond of, and also of having ponds at their houses
in which they breed fish for their amusement.
"What is generally considered by the nobility and principal men as
the greatest distinction, is to erect edifices in front of their
gates, in way of an arch going from one side of the street to the
other, so that the people pass underneath; some build them of
stone, others of wood, with all kinds of painting, colours of gold
and blue, with pictures of various birds and other things that may
gratify the sight of the passers by. And they are so curious and
vain in this particular, that he who goes to the greatest expense
therein, is thought most of amongst them. On the border of the
arches are the name and arms of him who caused them to be erected,
in letters of gold and blue.
"The houses are covered with glazed tiles of many colours, and the
woodwork is much wrought. The streets are very well made and paved
with stone, and the highways are all raised. I say this because
they took us from that town (where we had been prisoners for three
years), and we went one hundred and twenty days' journey, without
going out of the kingdom, and found all the roads raised and even;
and several times when we passed rivers and inquired if most of the
roads that ran forward were similar, we were told that they were,
and that it was a four months' journey to reach the court of the
king, and the roads were all alike. They treated us very well on
the journey, giving us sumpter beasts and every thing necessary.
"In all the towns there is a street of very noble houses built by
order of the king, in which the officers who perform the service of
visitation lodge. These officers are commissioned with the royal
authority over the governing presidents (who are called in their
language Taquoan). The governors of provinces and those who hold
any command, are chosen for their learning and great prudence,
without regard to anything else, and if the sons are as able as
their fathers they succeed them in their offices, otherwise they
are not admitted by the king into his service. The special
governors of the towns are obliged to sit to hear and do justice to
all, every morning until midday, and after having dined till
sunset.
"Officers of the court come twice every year, by command of the
king, to make a stay in all the towns, principally to see if the
governors do their duty well, and to remove them at once and put
others in their place, if they are tyrannical, or oppress the
people, or perform their functions ill. These officers examine all
the walls, and if they are in bad condition, order them to be
repaired. They afterwards inquire concerning the royal revenues and
the expenses of the towns, moderating them if they are excessive.
He who gives out money at usury loses it (if proved), and,
moreover, incurs further punishment. In the towns where these
officers come, they cause public notice to be given, in order that
those who are aggrieved by any injustice may come before them.
"In the town I was speaking of there are six governors, one of whom
takes precedence; and there are also six others whose business it
is to collect the revenues, and one of them is obliged to watch the
town every night with his men, that thieves may not disturb the
people. Others take care to close the gates, which are very strong
and fortified with iron. The governors and magistrates of every
town are charged to write every moon, to the court of the king, an
account of what takes place; and each has to write separately, that
it may be seen if they concert what they write, and whether they
speak truth; for those who lie to the king incur the punishment of
death; wherefore they dread much to state anything false in their
accounts. No man governs in his native place, where he has
relations, that he may do justice to all without respect of
persons.
"In the principal towns are many strong gaols; we being prisoners
were distributed in six of them. There are prisoners for various
crimes; the most serious with them is murder. The prisoners are
numerous, because the towns are populous; in every gaol there are
three, four, or five hundred of them. A native of the town, where
we were, told us, that in it alone there might be at that time more
than eight thousand prisoners; and that was because it was a
principal town, where those of the neighbouring places were
assembled together. In every gaol there is a book of the prisoners
therein, whom the gaoler counts every night. In that where I was,
sometimes there were three hundred prisoners, at others four
hundred; and although I did not see the other gaols, it appears to
me from this, that there might be as many prisoners as they told
me.
"The serious crimes go to the court; and for those who come from
thence sentenced to death, the king gives power to the governors of
the towns--if, upon a re-examination of the case, from being nearer
where the offence was committed, they should find them less
guilty--to spare their lives, and condemn them to banishment, or to
the king's service, for so many years, or for their whole life.
They take all possible pains to avoid condemning any to death. It
can scarcely be expressed how much the king is feared by his
subjects: they call him god and king for the strict government and
justice that he maintains in his kingdom, which is necessary from
the people being bad and malicious.
"In their ancient books they find that at a certain time, white men
with long beards are to take their kingdom of China; on this
account they are so careful of the walls and of fortifying the
towns; and the officers make a muster of the soldiers, they receive
and examine them to see if they are good soldiers; they do the same
with the cavalry; and to those who excel they give rewards
according to their personal qualities, putting also in their heads
a branch with gold and silver leaves, as a sign of honour; but
those who do not satisfy them they dismiss, paying them their hire
and giving them the money with reproachful words.
"The people of China are, in general, neither brave nor skilful,
nor have they any natural inclination for warlike affairs; if they
maintain themselves it is by the multitude of the people, the
strength of the walls and towns, and the provision of ammunition.
At the boundary of the kingdom of China, where it borders on the
Tartars, there is a wall of wondrous strength, of a month's journey
in extent, where the king keeps a great military force in the
bulwarks. Where this walls comes upon mountains, they cut them in
such a manner that they remain and serve as a wall; for the Tartars
are very brave and skilful in war. At the time we were prisoners,
they broke through a part of the wall and entered into the
territory within for a month and a half's journey; but as the king
prepared great armies of men provided with artful contrivances (in
which the Chinese are very crafty), he kept back the Tartars, who
fight on horse-back. As their horses had become weak and were dying
of hunger, one of the Chinese officers commanded a large quantity
of peas to be placed in the fields, and thus it was that the horses
(being so hungry as they were) set themselves to eat against the
will of their masters; and in this manner the army of the king of
China put them in disorder and turned to drive them out. And now a
strict watch is kept on the wall.
"They make great feasts in the provinces of the kingdom of China,
every year on the king's birthday; and in the government palaces of
every town, in a hall covered with an awning, and having the walls
and the floor ornamented with very rich coloured cloths, they place
a seat painted of the same colour. This hall has three doors, and
it is the custom of the officers of the towns to enter by any one
of them, on foot like any other man, without taking anything with
him, and without a sunshade before him; in passing they make
obeisance by seven or eight genuflexions, as if the king were
sitting on the seat. Having finished, they go to their houses, and
at this time enter on foot and by any door; for except on this day
they only enter by the middle door and in very rich litters, in
which their servants carry them. They hold it for greater dignity
to go in these litters than on horseback, taking one or two persons
on the right for state, and a sunshade on foot before them, like
those which they use in India.
"They make another very great feast on the first day of the year,
which is the day upon which we celebrate the feast of the
Circumcision. These feasts last three days; on every one of which
they represent scenes by day and night, for they are much addicted
to the performance of farces. On these three days the gates of the
town are closed, because from much eating and drinking the people
are at times beside themselves. They make other very great feasts
when the king nominates his son for his heir; upon which day, they
declared to me, they release all the prisoners, even those
sentenced to death. At the time that we were prisoners, there came
news that the king intended to make his son a king, upon which the
prisoners in all the gaols rejoiced much.
"These great kingdoms of China are divided by the same king into
fifteen provinces, and in every one of them there is a chief town,
where there is a governor, who is changed every three years; in
these chief towns the treasure of the king, from the revenue of all
the province, is collected. The privilege for those who shall
betake themselves to the chief town is, that for crimes which they
have committed elsewhere they cannot be taken; and the reason of
this privilege is, that as they are continually carrying on war
with the Tartars and with other kings, if they did not afford this
security these persons would pass over to the enemy.
"It has been, and still is, the custom to write everything
remarkable and worthy of remembrance on large stones on the
highways, and in the same places where they occurred, principally
in the towns at the government palaces, where the officers reside.
These antiquities are written in the open courts, many of them in
letters of gold; and the noblemen and men of quality are very
curious to read them, and fond of talking of remarkable actions,
and of the dignity and achievements of the former kings.
"I have heard much of the grandeur of these kingdoms, and seen
somewhat (although little), which to those who have no knowledge of
China would scarcely appear true; wherefore I only speak of those
things that are most common among the people, leaving the rest to
time, which will discover them. The noblest and most populous town
is one where the king resides, which is called Paquin; the natives
(for I did not see it) say that it takes seven days to traverse it
by a direct road, and thirteen to go round it. It is surrounded by
three enclosures and a very copious river, which entirely
encompasses it, forming, as it were, the interior enclosure.
Marvellous things are reported of the riches and structure of the
royal residence; the designs are taken from many provinces of the
same kingdom, none being allowed to go out of it. Before entering
the palaces seven or eight very strong gates have to be passed,
where there are very tall and stout men for guards. The king
(according to what they say) never goes out of that town, and
everything he eats is produced within the walls; he does not go to
the outer enclosures; and they say he is never seen except by those
who attend upon him, who are all eunuchs, sons of noblemen, and who
when once they enter there into the residence, never more depart
from it until death. The king has noblemen about him, very learned
and of great prudence, with whom he transacts all the business of
the kingdom. And these also never go without the enclosure on any
account; they are called Vlaos. The manner of choosing them for
that dignity is this: when there is a vacancy, the king inquires
for some one distinguished in learning and for discretion, and
inclined to justice; if there be one who is commonly held of this
reputation, he orders him to be summoned from any province of the
kingdom where he may be, and invests him with the office of Vlaos.
"The Chinese observe much exactness in their courtesies and great
neatness in their apparel, both men and women; they generally go
very well dressed, from the quantity of silk there is in the
kingdom.
"The soil is very productive of necessaries, fruits, and very
singular waters; there are very pleasant gardens, and all kinds of
game and hunting. The Chinese touch no food with their hands, but
all, both small and great, eat with two little sticks for
cleanliness.
"Their temples are very large edifices, richly wrought, which they
call Valeras, and which cost a great deal, for the statues, which
are of large size, are all covered with beaten gold. The roof of
the temples is gilded, and the walls ornamented with boards well
wrought and painted in pictures. They are skilful workmen in
carpentry. In these temples there are priests (who are obliged to
remain in them always), with an appointed income. They eat neither
flesh nor fish, only herbs, principally beledas, and some fruits;
on certain days they fast. If they do anything that they ought not,
they are driven out and allowed to be priests no longer, and others
are put in their place.
"No man can go from one province to another without taking a
licence of the governor, and he who is found without one is
punished; and no traveller can be (by law of the kingdom) more than
three or four days in a town where he has not business; there is a
man whose office it is to go about looking to this, and if any such
is found, he is taken up, for they presume him to be a thief and a
man of bad life. And so every one is accustomed to have some
occupation, and to hold some office, even the sons of the officers
and nobles. All employ their sons, of whatever condition they may
be, setting them to read and write, which they vnderstand
generally. Others put them to trade, and they are also in the habit
of placing their sons with officers and noblemen, that they may
learn how to serve. The officers are waited on with much
veneration; all who speak to them do so with genuflexions, and
whatever they have to ask for must be done in writing.
"The sentences which the officers pronounce are conformable to the
laws of the kingdom; they judge according to the truth of the
matter, which they inquire into themselves, without taking account
of what the parties say; and so they are very correct in affairs of
justice, for fear of the visitation, which, they say, is made every
six months. Their years have twelve moons, and every three years
they add to the year one moon, and thus it has thirteen.
"The people of any consequence wear black silk for their dress,
because coloured is held dishonourable for clothing; so much so,
that no one dares to go before any officer or person of quality
without a black dress; and if he has gone away from home with a
coloured cloak, and he happens to have to speak to any officer, he
takes a black cloak from some acquaintance whom he meets, and
leaves him his own while he transacts his business. The common
people always speak to the nobles cap in hand, and they may not
wear black cloaks, but only very short coloured ones. The officers
wear a kind of cap, different from other people, for a certain
dignity is kept up amongst them as with us. In these caps they have
tufts made of horsehair, stuck on every part. The king wears the
same, except that they say he has two points cross-wise at the top.
"They praise and extol the richness of the king's dress, which they
say is always of the colour of heaven. The officers, on the
principal feasts, on the first day of January and at the beginning
of the moon, dress themselves richly in coloured damask, and on the
breast and back of the vesture they bear a stag and an eagle, very
naturally embroidered, for they are clever designers. These
garments look very well; they reach within a hand's breadth of the
ground, and have very long, large, and wide sleeves. They wear
boots of a blackish colour, with soles of white cloth strong as
boards.
"The officers and nobles, at the death of father or mother or a
very near relation, wear white dresses, very cross and rough; and
they gird themselves with a girdle as thick as the leg, which
reaches to the ground, as does the dress also. Attached to the cap,
they wear another thinner cord. When the deceased are less nearly
related, they also clothe themselves all in white, from the shoes
to the cap, but not so coarse and rough.
"These are the matters that are most commonly seen and known in
China, where we were prisoners six years; other very remarkable
things that we heard tell of I omit, because I did not see them,
and because it appears to me that every day will discover more and
more."
The next account of China is by Gaspar da Cruz, a native of Evora, and
one of the order of Friars Preachers; he is thus described by Barbosa
Machado, in his _Biblioteca Lusitana_.
"Inflamed with an holy ardour of announcing the gospel to distant
barbarians, who were given to idolatry, he set sail in the year 1548
with twelve companions, of whom the Friar Diego Bernardo was
vicar-general, to the East Indies; and after building a convent at
Goa, and another at Malacca, he penetrated as far as the kingdom of
Camboya; but as the fruits of his labours did not correspond with
his desires, he resolved upon passing on to China in the year 1556,
being the first missionary who illuminated its inhabitants with the
light of the faith, and had the glory of being the precursor of all
those gospel labourers, who with so much labour and expenditure of
blood cultivated that wild but extensive vineyard. He spent many
years in this laborous undertaking, and several times incurred the
risk of his life, especially on one occasion when, in a sumptuous
pagoda, he threw down a multitude of idols, but at the same time
confounded and silenced by the vehement efficacy of his preaching
the greatest masters of Paganism. He returned to his country in
1569, and was nominated by King Sebastian, bishop of Malacca, but
this dignity he did not accept. He died in 1570, through exposing
himself in charitable exertions to assist the sufferers in a plague
which then raged at Lisbon."
The narrative of his travels was published in black letter at Evora in
1569-70, 4to., under the title of "Tractàdo em que se contam muito por
estenso as cousas de China con suas particularidades y assi do Regno
dormuz." In the preface reference is made to a narrative of China by a
fellow-countryman, one Francisco Henriques, but he appears merely to
refer to him as having presented this relation to Sebastian I, King of
Portugal, which seems to have been an unpublished manuscript. An
abbreviated translation of the narrative of his travels is given by
Purchas, in which he mentions "the storie of certaine Portugals,
prisoners in China," one of which he nameth Galotti Perera, from whom he
received great part of his Chinese intelligence. He is also referred to
by Mendoza, in the first chapter of the second book, as one from whom he
"follows many things in the process of his historie." This person is
mentioned by Barbosa Machado under the name of Galeoti Pereyra, brother
of Ruy Pereira I, first Count of Feyra, and as being captive in Funchien
in China. His account appears to have been first printed in Italian at
Venice, from the original Portuguese MS., and an English translation by
R. Willes was given by Richard Eden in his _Historye of Travaile in the
West and East Indies._ As this, though comparatively short, preceded the
narrative of Mendoza now reprinted, and formed the main basis of the
account of Gaspar da Cruz, we think it right to supply the reader with
copious extracts from it, as being for these reasons a highly important
and interesting document. They are as follows:
"This land of China is parted into 13 shyres, the which sometymes
were eche one a kyngdome by it selfe, but these many years they
haue been all subject unto one kyng. Fuquien is made by the
Portugalles the first shyre, bycause there their troubles bygan,
and had occasion thereby to know the rest. In this shyre be viii
cities, but one principally more famous than others, called
Fuquico, the other seuen are reasonably great, the best known
whereof unto the Portugalles is Cinceo, in respect of a certain
hauen ioyning thereunto, whyther in tyme past they were wont for
merchandyse to resort.
"Cantan is the second shyre, not so great in quantitie, as well
accoumpted of, both by the kyng thereof and also by the
Portugalles, for that it lyeth nearer vnto Malacca than any other
part of China, and was first discryed by the Portugalles before any
other shyre in that prouince: this shyre hath in it seuen cities.
"Chequeam is the third shyre, the chiefest citie therein is
Donchion, therein also standeth Liampo, with other thirtiene or
fourtiene boroughes: countrey townes therein to many to be spoken
of.
"The fourth shyre is called Xutiamfu, the principall citie therof
is great Pachin, where the kyng is alwayes resident. In it are
fyftiene other very great cities: of other townes therein, and
boroughes well walled and trenched about, I will say nothing.
"The fyft shyre hath name Chelim: the great citie Nanquin, chiefe
of other fyftiene cities, was herein of auncient tyme the royall
seate of the Chinish kynges. From this shyre, and from the
aforesayde Chequeam forwarde, bare rule the other kynges, untyll
the whole region became one kyngdome.
"The sixt shyre beareth name Quianci, as also the principall citie
thereof, wherein the fyne claye to make vessels is wrought. The
Portugalles beyng ignorant of this countrey, and fyndyng great
abundaunce of that fyne claye to be solde at Liampo, and that very
good cheape, thought at the first that it had been made there;
howbeit, in fine, they perceiued that the standing of Quinzi, more
neare unto Liampo than to Cinceo or Cantan, was the cause of so
muche fine clay at Liampo: within the compasse of Quinci shyre be
other 12 cities.
"The seuenth shyre is Quicini, the eight Quansi, the nienth Confu,
the tenth Vrnan, the eleuenth Sichiua. In the first hereof there be
16 cities, in the next fyftiene: howe many townes the other three
haue we are ignorant as yet, as also of the proper names of the 12
and 13 shyres and the townes therein.
"This, finally, may be generally sayde heereof, that the greater
shyres in China prouince may be compared with mightie kyngdomes.
"In eche one of these shyres be set Ponchiassini and Anchiassini,
before whom are handled the matters of other cities. There is also
placed in eche one a Tutan, as you would say a gouernor, and a
Chian, that is a visitor, as it were, whose office is to goe in
circuit and to see iustice exactly done. By these meanes so
upryghtly thinges are ordered there, that it may bee worthely
accompted one of the best gouerned prouinces in all the world.
"The king maketh alwayes his abode in the great citie Pachin, as
muche as to say in our language, as by the name thereof I am
aduertised, the towne of the kyngdome. This kyngdome is so large,
that vnder fyue monethes you are not able to traueyle from the
townes by the sea syde to the court and backe agayne, no not vnder
three monethes in poste at your vrgent businesse. The posthorses in
this countrey are litle of bodie, but swyfte of foote. Many doe
traueyle the greater parte of this iourney by water in certayne
lyght barkes, for the multitude of ryuers commodious for passage
from one citie to another.
"The kyng, notwithstandyng the hugenesse of his kyngdome, hath such
a care thereof, that every moone (by the moones they reckon their
monethes) he is aduertised fully of whatsoeuer thing happeneth
therein, by these meanes folowyng.
"The whole prouince beyng diuided into shyres, and eche shyre
hauyng in it one chiefe and principall citie, whereunto the matters
of all the other cities, townes, and boroughes are brought, there
are drawen in euery chiefe citie aforesayde, intelligences of suche
thinges as doe monethely fall out, and be sent in writing to the
court. If happely in one moneth euery post is not able to goe so
long a way, yet doeth there notwithstandyng once euery moneth
arryue one post out of the shyre. Who so commeth before the newe
moone, stayeth for the deliuery of his letters vntyll the moone be
chaunged. Then lykewyse are dispatched other postes backe into all
the 13 shyres agayne.
"Before that we doe come to Cinceo we have to passe through many
places, and some of great importance. For this countrey is so well
inhabited neare the sea syde, that you cannot go one myle but you
shall see some towne, borough, or hostry, the which are so
abundantly provided of all thinges, that in the cities and townes
they liue ciuily. Nevertheles such as dwel abrode are very poore,
for the multitude of them euery where is so great, that out of a
tree you shal see many tymes swarme a number of children where a
man would not haue thought to haue founde any one at all.
"From these places in number infinite, you shall come vnto two
cities very populose, and beyng compared with Cinceo, not possibly
to be discerned which is the greater of them. These cities are as
well walled as any cities in all the worlde. As you come in to
eyther of them, standeth so great and mightie a brydge, that the
lyke thereof I haue neuer seene in Portugall nor els where. I heard
one of my felowes say, that he told in one bridge 40 arches. The
occasion wherefore these bridges are made so great, is for that the
countrey is toward the sea very plaine and low, and ouerwhelmed
euer as ye sea water encreaseth. The breadth of the bridges,
although it bee well proportioned vnto the length therof, yet are
they equally buylt, no higher in the middle than at eyther end, in
such wyse that you may directly see from ye one end to the other,
the sydes are wonderfully well engraved after the maner of Rome
workes. But that we did most marueyle at, was therewithall the
hugenesse of ye stones, the lyke wherof as we came into the citie,
we dyd see many set up in places dishabited by the way, to no small
charges of theyrs, howbeit to little purpose, whereas no body seeth
them but such as doe come bye. The arches are not made after our
fashion, vauted with sundry stones set togeather; but paved, as it
were, whole stones reaching from one piller to an other, in suche
wyse that they lye both for the arches heades and galantly serue
also for the hygh waye. I haue been astunned to beholde the
hugenesse of these aforesayde stones, some of them are XII pases
long and upwarde, the least a XII good pases long, and a halfe.
"The wayes echewhere are galantly paued with foure square stone,
except it be where for want of stone they vse to laye bricke: in
this voyage wee traueyled ouer certayne hilles, where the wayes
were pitched, and in many places no worse paued than in the playne
grounde. This causeth us to thinke, that in all the worlde there be
no better workemen for buildinges than the inhabitantes of China.
"The countrey is so well inhabited, that no one foote of ground is
left untilled; small store of cattell haue we seene this way, we
sawe onely certayne oxen wherewithall the countreymen doe plough
theyr grounde. One oxe draweth the plough alone, not onely in this
shyre, but in other places also wherein is greater store of
cattell. These countrymen by arte doe that in tyllage which we are
constrayned to doe by force. Here be solde the voydinges of close
stooles, although there wanteth not the dunge of beastes; and the
excrements of man are good marchandise throughout all China. The
dungfermers seeke in euery streete by exchange to buye this durtie
ware for hearbes and wood. The custome is very good for keepyng the
citie cleane. There is great aboundance of hennes, geese, duckes,
swyne, and goates; wethers haue they none: the hennes are solde by
weight, and so are all other thinges. Two pounde of hennes fleshe,
goose, or ducke, is worth two Foi of their money, that is, _d. ob._
sterling. Swines flesh is solde at a peny the pounde. Beefe beareth
the same pryce, for the scarcitie thereof; howbeit northwarde from
Fuquieo, and farther of from the sea coast, there is beefe more
plentie and solde better cheape; beefe onely excepted, great
aboundance of all these viandes we haue had in all the cities we
passed through. And if this countrey were lyke vnto India, the
inhabitants whereof eate neyther henne, beefe, nor porke, but keepe
that onely for the Portugalles and Moores, they would be solde here
for nothing. But it so fallyng out that the Chineans are the
greatest eaters in all the world, they doe feede uppon all thinges,
specially on porke, the fatter that is, vnto them the lesse
lothsome. The highest price of these thinges aforesayde I haue set
downe, better cheape shall you sometymes buye them, for the great
plentie thereof in this countrey. Frogges are solde at the same
price that is made of hennes, and are good meate amongst them, as
also dogges, cattes, rattes, snakes, and all other vncleane meates.
"The cities be very gallant, specially near vnto the gates, the
which are marueylously great, and couered with iron. The gatehouses
buylt on hygh with towers, the lower parte thereof is made of
bricke and stone, proportionally with the walles; from the walles
vpward, the buyldyng is of tymber, and many stones in it one aboue
the other. The strength of theyr townes is in the mightie walles
and ditches, artillarie haue they none.
"The streetes in Cinceo, and in all the rest of the cities we haue
seene are very fayre, so large and so streight that it is
wonderfull to beholde. Theyr houses are buylt with tymber, the
foundations onely excepted, the which are layd with stone; in eche
syde of the streetes are paynteles or continuall porches for the
marchantes to walke vnder: the breadth of the streete is
neuerthelesse suche, that in them XV men may ryde commodiously syde
by syde. As they ryde they must needes passe vnder many hygh arches
of triumph that crosse ouer the streetes made of tymber, and carued
diuersely, couered with tyle of fine claye: vnder these arches the
mercers doe vtter theyr small wares, and such as lyst to stande
there, are defended from rayne and the heate of the sunne. The
greater gentlemen haue these arches at their doores, although some
of them be not so myghtyly buylt as the rest.
"I shall haue occasion to speake of a certayne order of gentlemen
that are called Loutea; I will first therefore expound what this
worde signifieth. Loutea is as muche to say in our language as Syr,
and when any of them calleth his name, he answereth Syr: and as we
doe say, that the kyng hath made some gentleman, so say they that
there is made a Loutea. And for that amongst them the degrees are
diuers both in name and office, I will tell you onely of some
principalles, beyng not able to aduertise you of all.
"The maner howe gentlemen are created Louteas, and doe come to that
honour and title, is by the gyuynge of a broad gyrdle not like to
the rest, and a cap, at the commandement of the kyng. The name
Loutea is more generall and common vnto moe, than equalitie of
honour thereby signified, agreeth withall. Such Louteas that doe
serue their prince in weightie matters for iustice, are created
after triall made of their learning; but the other, whiche serue in
smaller affayres, as capitaynes, constables, sergeantes by lande
and sea, receyuers, and such lyke, wherof there be in euery citie,
as also in this, very many, are made for fauour: the chiefe Louteas
are serued kneelyng.
"The Louteas are an idle generation, without all maner of exercises
and pastymes, excepte it be eatyng and drynkyng. Somtymes they
walke abrode in the fieldes to make the souldyers shoot at prickes
with theyr bowes, but theyr eatyng passeth: they wyll stande eatyng
euen when the other do drawe to shoote.
"The inhabitants of China be very great idolaters, all generally do
worshyppe the heauens: and as we are woont to saye, God knoweth it,
so say they at euery worde, Tien Tautee, that is to saye, _the
heauens do knowe it_. Some do worshyp the sonne, and some the
moone, as they thynke good, for none are bounde more to one then to
an other. In their temples, the which they do cal Meani, they haue
a great altar in ye same place as we have; true it is that one may
goe rounde about it. There set they up the image of a certayne
Loutea of that countrey, whom they haue in great reuerence for
certaine notable thinges he dyd. At the ryght hande standeth the
deuyl, muche more vglie paynted then we do vse to set hym out,
whereunto great homage is done by suche as come into the temple to
aske counsell, or to drawe lottes: this opinion they haue of hym,
that he is malitious and able to do euyl. If you aske them what
they do thynke of the soules departed, they will answeare, that
they be immortall, and that as soone as any one departeth out of
this life, he becometh a deuyle if he haue liued well in this
worlde; if otherwyse, that the same deuyl changeth him into a
bufle, oxe, or dogge. Wherfore to this deuyl do they much honour,
to hym do they sacrifice, praying hym that he wyll make them lyke
vnto hym selfe, and not lyke other beastes. They haue moreouer an
other sorte of temples, wherein both uppon the altars and also on
the walles do stande many idoles well proportioned, but bare
headed. These bare name Omithofon, accompted of them spirites, but
suche as in heaven do neither good nor euyll; thought to be suche
men and women as haue chastlye lyued in this worlde in abstinence
from fyshe and fleshe, fedde only with ryse and salates. Of that
deuyl they make some accompte, for these spirites they care litle
or nothyng at all. Agayne, they holde opinion that if a man do well
in this lyfe, the heauens wyll geue hym many temporall blessynges;
but if he do euyll, then shall he haue infirmities, diseases,
troubles, and penurie, and all this without any knowledge of God.
"In the principall cities of the shyres be foure cheefe Louteas,
before whom are brought all matters of the inferiour townes
throughout the whole realme. Diuers other Louteas haue the
maneagyng of iustice and receyuyng of rentes, bounde to yeeld an
accompte thereof vnto the greater officers. Other doo see that
there be no euyll rule keept in the citie: eache one as it behoueth
hym. Generally al these do impryson malefactours, cause them to be
whypped and racked, hoysing them vp and downe by the armes with a
corde, a thyng very vsuall there, and accompted no shame. These
Louteas do vse great diligence in ye apprehending of theeues, so
that it is a wonder to see a theefe escape away in any towne,
citie, or village. Upon the sea neere vnto the shore many are
taken, and looke euen as they are taken, so be they fyrst whypped,
and afterward layd in prison, where shortly after they all dye for
hunger and colde. At that tyme when we were in pryson, there died
of them aboue threescore and ten. Yf happely any one hauyng the
meanes to geat foode do escape, he is set with the condemned
persones, and prouided for as they be by the kyng, in such wyse as
hereafter it shalbe sayde.
"Theyr whyps be certayne peeces of canes, cleft in the middle, in
such sort that they seeme rather playne then sharpe. He that is to
be whipped lieth grouelong on the ground. Upon his thighes the
hangman layeth on blowes myghtely with these canes, that the
standers by tremble at theyr crueltie. Ten strypes drawe a great
deale of blood, twentie or thyrtie spoyle the fleshe altogeather,
fyftie or threescore wyll require long tyme to be healed, and yf
they come to the number of one hundred, then are they incurable.
"Wee are wont to call this countrey China, and the people Chineans;
but as long as we were prisoners, not hearing amongst them at any
tyme that name, I determined to learne howe they were called: and
asked sometymes by them thereof, for that they vnderstoode vs not
when wee called them Chineans, I answered them that all the
inhabitantes of India named them Chineans, wherefore I prayed them
that they would tell mee for what occasion they are so called,
whether peradventure any citie of theyrs bare that name. Heerevnto
they alwayes answered mee, to haue no suche name, nor euer to haue
had. Than dyd I aske them what name the whole countrey beareth, and
what they would answere beyng asked of other nations what
countrymen they were: It was tolde me that of auncient tyme in this
countrey had been many kynges, and though presently it were all
vnder one, eche kyngdome neuertheless enioyed that name it fyrst
had: these kyngdomes are the prouinces I spake of before. In
conclusion they sayde, that the whole countrey is called Tamen, and
the inhabitantes Tamegines, so that this name China or Chineans is
not hearde of in that countrey. I doe thinke that the nearenesse of
an other prouince thereabout called Cochin-China, and the
inhabitantes thereof Cochinesses, fyrst discouered before that
China was, lying not farre from Malacca, dyd gyue occasion both to
the one nation and to the other of that name Chineans, as also the
whole countrey to be named China. But their proper name is that
aforesayde.
"I haue hearde moreouer that in the citie Nanquim remayneth a table
of golde, and in it written a kyng his name, as a memory of that
residence the kynges were wont to keepe there. This table standeth
in a great pallace, couered alwayes except it bee in some of theyr
festiuall dayes, at what tyme they are wont to let it be seene:
couered neuerthelesse as it is, all the nobilitie of the citie
goeth of duetie to doe it euery day reuerence. The lyke is done in
the head cities of all the other shyres in the pallaces of the
Ponchiassini, wherein these aforesayde tables doe stande, with the
kyng his name written in them, although no reuerence be done
therevnto but in solempne feastes.
"I haue lykewyse vnderstoode that the citie Pachin, where the kyng
maketh his abode, is so great, that to goe from one syde to the
other, besydes the subarbes, the which are greater than the citie
it selfe, it requyreth one whole day a horsebacke, going hackney
pase. In the subarbes be many wealthy marchantes of all sortes.
They tolde me furthermore that it was moted about, and in the motes
great store of fyshe, wherof the kyng maketh great gaynes.
"They haue moreouer one thing very good, and that whiche made vs
all to marueyle at them, beyng Gentiles: namely, that there be
hospitalles in all theyr cities, alwayes full of people, we neuer
sawe any poore body begge. We therefore asked the cause of this:
answered it was, that in euery citie there is a great circuit,
wherein be many houses for poore people, for blinde, lame, old
folke, not able to traueyle for age, nor hauyng any other meanes to
lyue. These folke haue in the aforesayde houses, euer plentie of
rice duryng theyr lyues, but nothyng els. Such as be receyued into
these houses, come in after this maner. Whan one is sicke, blinde,
or lame, he maketh a supplication to the Ponchiassi, and prouyng
that to be true he wryteth, he remayneth in the aforesayde great
lodgyng as long as he lyueth: besides this they keepe in these
places swyne and hennes, whereby the poore be releeued without
goyng a beggyng.
"The kyng hath in many ryuers good store of barges full of sea
crowes, that breede, are fedde, and do dye therein, in certayne
cages, allowed monethly a certayne prouision of ryce. These barges
the kyng bestoweth vpon his greatest magistrates, geuyng to some
two, to some three of them, as he thynketh good, to fyshe
therewithall after this maner. At the houre appoynted to fyshe, all
the barges are brought togeather in a circle, where the riuer is
shalowe, and the crowes, tyed togeather vnder the wynges, are let
leape downe into the water, some vnder, some aboue, worth the
lookyng vppon: eche one as he hath filled his bagge, goeth to his
owne barge and emptieth it, which done, he retourneth to fyshe
agayne. Thus hauyng taken good store of fyshe, they set the crowes
at libertie, and do suffer them to fyshe for theyr owne pleasure.
There were in that citie where I was, twentie barges at the least
of these aforesayde crowes; I wente almost euery day to see them,
yet coulde I neuer be thoroughly satisfied to see so straunge a
kynde of fyshyng."
The Spaniards were long behind their neighbours the Portuguese in
prosecuting the important task of eastern investigation. The Papal
division of the world between the discoverers of the two nations by the
boundary of a certain meridian, made them follow the line of exploration
to the westward.
The Father Andres de Urdaneta, who, previous to entering himself as a
monk of the order of the Augustins, had been a skilful navigator,
persuaded Philip II to realize the conquest of the Philippines, where
the voyages and the life of the celebrated Magellan were brought to a
close. This prince consequently issued orders to the viceroy of Mexico,
to send out an expedition under the command of a native of Mexico, named
Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, and desired that Andres de Urdaneta should
accompany him, together with four other Augustines, viz., Diego de
Herrera, Martin de Herrada, Pedro de Gamboa, and Andres de Aguirre. The
fleet arrived in 1565 at the island of Zebu. On the 1st of June the same
year, the Father Andres de Urdaneta returned to Mexico. In 1566 Legaspi
built the town of Zebu, and the Augustines established a monastery as a
station for their missions among the natives. The Spaniards, pursuing
their conquests, arrived in 1571 at the island of Luzon, the most
northerly and the largest of this archipelago: Legaspi here founded the
city of Manilla.
The work of conversion and civilization was scarcely begun, when the
island was engaged in a quarrel by the attacks of the Malays of Borneo
and Mindanao. These pirates, too cunning to venture on an open struggle,
landed suddenly on the coast, slaughtered or extorted money from the
missionaries, and carried away several of the natives, whom they
afterwards sold as slaves. In 1574 a more serious aggression diverted
attention from the attacks of these pirates: a Chinese corsair, who was
called King Limahon, appeared before Manilla. For a long time he had
resisted the squadrons of his emperor, but at last, vanquished by
numbers and forced to flee, he entertained the project of conquering
Luzon with seventy-two vessels, which carried two thousand soldiers,
bold adventurers, besides the sailors and one thousand five hundred
women. They effected a landing on the 29th of November 1574, just after
Lopez de Legaspi had been appointed governor-general of the Philippines.
The corsairs marched against the Spanish town, which they expected to
surprise; but a little corps of advanced guard, under the orders of
Captain Velasquez, having given the garrison time to rally, a general
battle took place, and ended in the defeat of the Chinese. Limahon in
vain essayed to renew the attack: repulsed afresh, he took refuge at the
mouth of the river Lingayen, in Pangasinan, the northern province of
Luzon. At the time of his attack, he had been closely followed by a
Chinese captain, charged to watch him, and who had a conference with the
Spanish governor. The latter thought this a favourable occasion for
introducing the Gospel into China. Having sent for Alfonso de Alvarado,
provincial of the Augustins, a venerable and holy old man, one of those
whom Charles V had sent to the discovery of New Guinea, he told him to
select missionaries for the Celestial Empire. The provincial in his joy
offered to go there himself, old as he was; but the governor would by no
means consent to this proposal. The choice fell upon Martin de Herrada,
or Rada, a native of Pampeluna, in Navarre, who had already filled the
office of provincial, and who burned with such desire to convert the
Chinese, that after having studied their language, he had made a
proposal to some merchants of that nation who had come to the
Philippines, that they should carry him as a slave to their country,
where by this means he hoped to introduce the knowledge of the Gospel.
They chose also Friar Geronimo Marin, a native of Mexico, a man equally
distinguished for his piety and learning, and in company with these two
missionaries, who they hoped would be able to remain a considerable time
in China and to spread the knowledge of the Gospel there, they sent two
soldiers, who were to bring back news respecting the progress of the
mission. Besides other presents, the governor gave the Chinese captain
all the slaves of his nation which the Spaniards had taken from Limahon,
who was at that time held under blockade, to take them back free to
their country. The 5th of July 1575, the friars landed at Tansuso
[Gan-hai], whence, on their way to visit the governor of Chincheo
[Tsiuen-cheu] they passed through the town of Tangoa [Tong-gan] in
China.[6] The mandarin of Chincheo, of whom the captain who conducted
them held his commission, gave them a good reception; but as the
ambassadors were sent by a simple lieutenant of the king of Spain, and
not direct from the monarch, he insisted that they should address him on
their knees. This mandarin, after having entertained them at a banquet,
sent them with a good escort to the Tutan or viceroy of the province.
They then made a journey of thirty leagues, carried in palanquins. At
Aucheo [Focheou, so pronounced in the Fokien dialect] they met with an
honourable reception. Each of the monks received a present of six pieces
of silk tissue, which they crossed upon their breast in the manner of a
stole, and two bouquets of silver: the other members of the embassy also
had presents. As to the alliance proposed between Spain and China, and
the permission requested by the missionaries for the exercise of their
apostolic ministry, the viceroy referred them to the emperor. While
waiting the reply from Pekin, the monks bought many books in the Chinese
language, and visited the pagodas. The principal contained one hundred
and eleven idols, all carved in relief and gilded. Three in particular
attracted their attention. The first was a body with three heads, which
looked at one another: they believed they saw in it a vague symbol of
the Trinity. The second was a woman who held a little infant in her
arms; they called her the Virgin Mother and the Divine Infant. The third
represented to them an apostle. The monks having been to examine the
gates of the city, this demand awakened the suspicions of the viceroy,
who would seldom permit them to go out after. Upon his desiring to see
some piece of writing by their hand, they copied for him the Lord's
Prayer and the Ten Commandments, putting the Chinese translation to the
Spanish text; and the viceroy took great pleasure in reading them. He
only retarded their departure till the arrival of the visitor of the
province, who desired to see them. The curiosity of this functionary
once satisfied, he gave them rich presents for the Spanish governor of
the Philippines, saying that they might return when they brought Limahon
dead or alive. They then left Aucheo to return to Chincheo, where they
made no lengthened stay, the mandarin of this town attending them to the
port of Tansuso. After fresh entertainments, the Chinese captain who had
brought them, was charged with the task of reconducting them to Manilla,
and they embarked on the 14th of September 1575. _En route_, they
learned that Limahon, who had been blocked up by the Spaniards, had
contrived to escape with part of his troops, and had gained the island
of Formosa.
The flight of Limahon disconcerted the Chinese captain who brought back
the missionaries, and who feared that he should be disgraced on this
account when he returned to China. This captain, to whom they explained
the principal points of the Christian faith, would have embraced it, had
he not feared the punishment inflicted in his country on those who
forsake the national religion. He said even that they would easily
succeed in converting the Chinese, if they could first gain over the
emperor, by means of an embassy sent to him by the King of Spain.
Herrada, thus prevented from preaching, had not been idle during his
stay in China; he composed a vocabulary of the Chinese language, now
apparently unknown, and drew up a succinct account of his voyage,
respecting which we translate some very curious remarks by the Friar
Geronimo de Ramon, in his _Republicas del Mundo_. He says that this
treatise fell into his hands, but was taken away by some one, he could
not tell by whom, and never returned to him; a circumstance which caused
him much annoyance, because he wished to write the _Republic of China_;
but it turned out, he says, the better for him, for he wrote in
consequence to the Licenciate Juan de Rada, Alcalde of the Upper Court
of Navarre and brother of Martin, who sent him a great number of
interesting papers of his brother's. He then proceeds to speak of the
high respectability and credibility of De Rada, on account of his rank
and distinguished piety. An original letter by De Rada, however, giving
a succinct account of his embassy is inserted by the Friar Gaspar de San
Augustin, in his _Conquistas de las Islas Philipinas_, to which we refer
the reader for full accounts of all the movements of those zealous
preachers of the gospel in the Philippines and in China at that early
period.
De Rada's treatise formed the basis of the narrative compiled by
Mendoza, which is now republished. On his return from China, his ship
being stranded on the island of Bolinao, he and his companions were
stript of everything and left naked; but were saved by the providential
arrival of a Spanish armament, which conducted them safe to Manilla,
where he died in 1577.
His narrative was transmitted to Philip II, in the year 1576, by the
hands of his companion, the Friar Geronimo Marin, and the king
consequently nominated three ambassadors; viz., Marin, the Father Juan
Gonzalez de Mendoza (the compiler of the work now reprinted, a native of
Toledo, and who had left the career of a soldier for the garb of a monk
of the order of St. Augustine), and Father Francisco de Ortega: all
these were Augustinians. They were dispatched to Mexico for the purpose
of making suitable additions to the costly presents provided by the
king; but the viceroy of Mexico, instead of favouring their immediate
departure, threw so many obstacles in the way, that it was not till 1584
that the embassy was carried out, and it ultimately proved a complete
failure.
Meanwhile the work of evangelization was not confined to the
Augustinians. Some Franciscans of the province of St. Joseph, in Spain,
were sent to their assistance, and among these Pedro de Alfaro, the
narrative of whose adventures is given by Mendoza in the second book of
the second part. The place and date of his birth are not recorded. We
know only that he arrived in Manilla from Spain on the 2nd July 1578,
with fourteen brothers of his order, of which he was the superior, to
assume the post of chief "costodio" of the province of St. Gregory in
Luzon, and that he built a church in that city. On his arrival, he soon
became acquainted with the mission of Martin de Rada in China, and
conceived an earnest desire to penetrate that almost inaccessible
empire. He therefore solicited permission for that purpose from
Francisco de Sande, Alcalde of the royal audience of Mexico, Governor of
the Philippines; but the failure of the former mission, and the fear of
compromising the newly opened relations between the countries, caused a
refusal. Upon this the zealous missionary resolved upon embarking
without permission. He took with him Juan Bautista de Pizaro, Augustin
de Tordesilla, and Sebastiano de Becotia, all three Franciscans, three
Spanish soldiers, four natives of the Philippines, and a young Chinese
taken from Limahon, to serve as an interpreter.
Without any nautical experience, they trusted themselves to a little
boat, and managed to pass, as if by miracle, through the fleet of
vessels which guarded the coast, and entered the port of Canton. On
being led before a judge and asked what they sought, and how they had
found their way, they freely stated the facts, and announced that their
wish was to teach the way to heaven to the inhabitants of China. A
native Christian, however, who acted as interpreter, considering his and
their safety rather than the truth, adroitly modified their statement,
and declared that they were holy men like the bonzes, that they had had
no idea of visiting China, but in sailing from the Philippines to the
Hilocos they had suffered shipwreck and lost most of their crew. Their
only resource had been this little bark, which had unexpectedly brought
them into this unknown port. The mandarin who examined them enquired
what they had in the vessel, and was told that they had no weapons or
merchandize, but only their books and articles used in their worship. He
was much interested with the sight of these when they were brought, but
expressed surprise that they had been saved in such a storm. The
ingenious interpreter replied, that they had been saved as the most
valuable objects they possessed. The result of this examination was a
formal permission to land. They were not, however, allowed to preach.
For some time they suffered much from want, but were at length liberally
supplied from the public funds with the necessaries of life.
Misrepresentations meanwhile were made respecting them, which subjected
them to a second lengthy examination, which resulted in their being sent
to Fucheou by order of the viceroy of that city, in order that
everything they possessed might be inspected. This journey enabled them
to make the observations on the country recorded by Mendoza in the
second volume. The viceroy asked them some questions and handed them
over to his deputy, who treated them with much courtesy. After a stay of
several days in Fucheou, the Timpintao or deputy sent them back to
Canton, upon arriving at which place they were ordered to prepare to
leave the kingdom. This command, in their then state of destitution,
overwhelmed them with dismay, and they made strenuous efforts, but
without success, to gain some assistance in these trying circumstances.
Some of them received a licence to go to Macao, and others to Luzon.
Those who resolved upon returning to the Philippines proceeded to
Tsiuencheu, where they embarked, and reached Luzon on the 2nd February
1580.
The various and repeated disasters, consequent upon the zealous efforts
of these adventurous friars, may well explain the failure of the mission
of which Mendoza was a member. As a compensation for his failure,
however, he adopted a course which was calculated to be far more
practically useful. He collected the accounts of the various Portuguese
and Spanish priests, which have been already alluded to; viz., Gaspar da
Cruz, Martin de Rada, Pedro de Alfaro, etc., and brought them together
into one volume for publication. In this task he must have received
valuable assistance from his colleague in the mission, Geronimo de
Marin, who, in company with De Rada, had been an eye-witness of the most
important facts detailed throughout the work. To these were added, as a
sort of appendix, an "Itinerario del Nuevo Mundo", in which is inserted
a comparatively short account of the adventures of another party of
Franciscans in China, in the year 1581, at the head of whom was Father
Martin Ignazio [de Loyola], a relation of the celebrated founder of the
Jesuits. It is but a repetition of similar disasters to those already
recounted, the whole party narrowly escaping with their lives.
The ill success of the Augustinians and Franciscans did not deter the
well-known perseverance of the Jesuits, who, of all the monkish orders,
have undoubtedly done the most for the diffusion of Christianity; and
although it is not our province here to relate the details of their
progress, it appears but an interesting sequel to the discouragements we
have related, to mention the final triumph of the eminent Matteo Ricci,
in the year 1600, in gaining access to the emperor at Pekin, and being
finally permitted to settle in that capital. Nor can we refrain in this
place, and at this particular juncture of Chinese affairs, from
presenting the reader with the following translated extract from a
letter written by that distinguished man in 1584, together with some
observations by its recipient, one Geronimo Roman, factor of the
Philippines at Macao. The document referred to was first printed by M.
Ternaux Compans, in his _Archives des Voyages, ou collection d'anciennes
relations inédites ou très-rares_, and is, as he observes, especially
curious for the suggestions it contains with reference to the conquest
of China. It is as follows:--
"The power of China rests rather upon the great number of towns and
the multitude of inhabitants, than upon the valour of the people.
There are more than sixty millions of rated persons inscribed on
the royal registers, exclusive of the public functionaries and
those people who are too poor to pay taxes. All the neighbouring
kingdoms pay tribute to the King of China, excepting Japan, which
has freed itself recently; it is on this account that the Chinese
are accustomed to consider their country as the centre of the
world, and to despise all other nations. They are very much dreaded
by all the kings in the vicinity, because they can assemble, in a
moment, so considerable a fleet, that it frightens them by the
number of vessels; the Chinese, however, are but poor warriors, and
the military is one of the four conditions which are considered
mean among them. Nearly all the soldiers are malefactors, who have
been condemned to perpetual slavery in the king's service; they are
only fit to war with thieves. Thus, whenever two or three Japanese
vessels happen to make a descent upon the coast, the crews
penetrate into the interior, even seize upon the large towns,
pillage and put everything to fire and sword, and no one dares to
resist them. But, being badly led themselves, they always end by
falling into some ambuscade, and very few of them return to Japan.
It also happens sometimes that brigands intrench themselves upon a
mountain, in the interior of the country, and all the force of the
empire is insufficient to dislodge them. It is said, moreover, that
the Tartars ravage the frontiers of the empire; in short, it
appears to me the most difficult thing in the world to regard the
Chinese as warriors. They have no more spirit than women, and are
ready to kiss the feet of any one who shows his teeth at them. They
spend two hours every morning in combing and plaiting their hair.
Running away is no dishonour with them; they do not know what an
insult is; if they quarrel they abuse one another like women, seize
each other by the hair, and when they are weary of scuffling become
friends again as before, without wounds or bloodshed. Moreover it
is only the soldiers who are armed; others are not permitted to
have even a knife in their houses; in short, they are only
formidable from their numbers. The walls of the towns are, at most,
but fit to protect them from robbers; they are built without any
geometrical knowledge, and have neither _revers_ nor ditches....
"The above is [an extract from] Father Resi [Ricci]'s letter
forwarded to me by Father Ruggiero; I think it necessary to add the
following observations:--
"The King of China maintains a numerous fleet on this coast,
although he is not at war with any one. In an island called Lintao,
which is situated near this town [Macao], there is an arsenal, the
director or haytao of which is continually occupied in
superintending the building and equipment of vessels. The island
furnishes timber, but every other necessary for them has to be
imported from the continent. There are always more than two hundred
and fifty armed vessels in this province of Canton, as far as
Chincheo, where a separate jurisdiction begins, and the coasts of
which are guarded by another fleet. The admiral has the title of
Chunpin; it is a very high rank, although inferior to the tutan; he
has a numerous guard and many drums and trumpets, which make a most
agreeable music to the ears of the Chinese, but an insufferable din
to ours.
"These vessels go out a little when it is fine weather, but hasten
back at the least wind. They have some small iron guns, but none of
bronze; their powder is bad, and never made use of but in firing
salutes; their arquebuses are so badly made that the ball would not
pierce an ordinary cuirass, especially as they do not know how to
aim. Their arms are bamboo pikes, some pointed with iron, others
hardened by fire; short and heavy scimitars, and cuirasses of iron
or tin. Sometimes a hundred vessels are seen to surround a single
corsair, those which are to windward throw out powdered lime to
blind the enemy, and, as they are very numerous, it produces some
effect. This is one of their principal warlike stratagems. The
corsairs are generally Japanese or revolted Chinese.
"The soldiers of this country are a disgraceful set. The other day
they had a quarrel with some other Chinese who were carrying
provisions to market, and beat them; the latter went to complain to
the governor of Macao, who caused forty soldiers to be arrested and
beaten with bamboos. They came out afterwards crying like children.
They are mean, spiritless, and badly armed knaves. There is nothing
formidable in thousands of such soldiers. Besides what can the
soldiers be in a country where their position is looked upon as
dishonourable and occupied by slaves. Our Indians of the
Philippines are ten times more courageous.
"With five thousand Spaniards, at the most, the conquest of this
country might be made, or at least of the maritime provinces, which
are the most important in all parts of the world. With half a dozen
galleons, and as many galleys, one would be master of all the
maritime provinces of China, as well as of all that sea and the
archipelago which extends from China to the Moluccas."
Mendoza's work was first published at Rome in 1585, in a small octavo
form, under the following title: "Historia de las cosas mas notables,
ritos y costumbres del gran reyno de la China, sabidas assi por los
libros de los mesmos Chinas, como por relacion de religiosos y otras
personas que an estado en el dicho reyno. Hecha y ordenada por el mvy R.
P. Maestro Fr. Joan Gonzalez de Mendoça de la orden de S. Agustin, y
penitenciario appostolico a quien la Magestad Catholica embio con su
real carta y otras cosas para el Rey de aquel reyno el año 1580. Al
illustrissimo S. Fernando de Vega y Fonseca del consejo de su Magestad y
su presidente en el Real de las Indias. Con vn Itinerario del nueuo
Mundo. _Con privilegio y licencia de su Sanctidad._ En Roma, a costa de
Bartholome Grassi, 1585, en la stampa de Vincentio Accolti."
This edition, of which there is a copy in the British Museum, having on
its title-page the autograph of Sir Hans Sloane--is described by Brunet
as "rare". The text comprises four hundred and forty pages: it is
preceded by the Latin Privilege of Pope Sixtus V, dated June 13th;
Mendoza's dedication to Fernando de Vega, dated Rome, June 17th; a note
or post-script "al lector", in which Mendoza alludes to the recent
receipt of letters from Father Andres de Aguirre, provincial of the
Philippines, conveying the startling intelligence that the King of China
and his subjects were ready and willing to embrace the Catholic faith;
this is followed by Mendoza's Preface to the reader, and two sonnets in
Spanish, the first entitled: "Soneto de ... en la reduçion del Reyno de
la China a la Iglesia Catholica." This interesting and important little
volume is also remarkable as being the first European work in which
Chinese characters were printed.
We learn from Brunet that two editions of the original Spanish were
published the following year (1586), one at Madrid, the other at
Barcelona: it was again printed at Medina del Campo in 1595, and at
Antwerp in 1596.
An Italian translation by Francesco Avanzo was published at Venice in
1586, 8vo.; at Rome and Genoa in the same year, 4to.; and again at
Venice in 1587, in 12mo.; 1588 and 1590 in 8vo.
The English and French translations appeared in the same year, viz.,
1588; the rare black-letter English version now reprinted, being made by
Parke at the instance of Hakluyt himself, as we learn from the
translator's dedication to the celebrated navigator Thomas "Candish"
(Cavendish), which is dated on new-year's day, 1589.
The French translation, which was made by Luc de la Porte, was reprinted
at Paris in 1589 and 1600; and with a slightly varied title at Geneva in
1606, at Lyon in 1606, and at Rouen in 1604.
A Latin version by Marcus Henning was published at Frankfort in 1589,
8vo.; and that by Joachimus Brulius appeared at Antwerp in 1655, 4to.
Adelung (_Fortsetzung zu Jöchers Lexikon_) states that a German version
was published at Frankfort in 1589, 4to.
On his return, as a recompense for his services, Mendoza was made bishop
of Lipari in 1593. In 1607 he went to America with the title of Vicar
Apostolic, and in the same year was made bishop of Chiapa; and in 1608
was translated to the bishopric of Popayan. He was the author of several
other works, historical and theological. The year of his death is not
exactly known, but it was about the year 1620. Ossinger, in his
_Bibliotheca Augustiniana_, describes him as a most eminent historian, a
very eloquent orator, and a highly accomplished preacher.
THE HISTORIE OF THE
GREAT AND MIGHTIE KINGDOME
OF CHINA, AND THE SITUATION
THEREOF:
Togither with the great riches, huge
citties, politike gouernement, and
rare inuentions in the same.
Translated out of Spanish by _R. Parke_.
TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFULL AND FAMOUS GENTLEMAN, M. THOMAS CANDISH,
ESQUIRE, INCREASE OF HONOR AND HAPPIE ATTEMPTES.
It is now aboue fiue and thirty yeares passed, right worshipfull, since
that young, sacred, and prudent Prince, king Edward the sixt of happie
memorie, went about the discouerie of Cathaia and China, partly of
desire that the good young king had to enlarge the Christian faith, and
partlie to find out some where in those regions ample vent of the cloth
of England, for the mischiefs that grew about that time neerer home
aswell by contempt of our commodities, as by the arrestes of his
merchantes in the Empire, Flanders, France, and Spaine: forsseeing
withall how beneficiall ample vent would rise to all degrees throughout
his kingdome, and specially to the infinite number of the poore sort
distressed by lacke of worke. And although by a voyage hereuppon taken
in hande for this purpose by Sir Hugh Willobie and Richard Chauncellour,
a discouerie of the bay of Saint Nicolas in Russia fell out, and a trade
with the Muscouites, and after another trade for a time with the
Persians by way of the Caspian sea ensued, yet the discouerie of the
principall intended place followed not in his time, nor yet since,
vntill you tooke your happie and renowmed voyage about the worlde in
hande, although sundrie attemptes, at the great charges of diuers
honorable and well disposed persons, and good worshipfull merchants and
others haue beene made since the death of that good king, in seeking a
passage thither both by the North-east, and by the Northwest. But since
it is so (as wee vnderstande) that your worshippe in your late voyage
hath first of our nation in this age discouered the famous rich ilandes
of the Lu Zones, or Philippinas, lying neare vnto the coast of China,
and haue spent some time in taking good view of the same, hauing brought
home three boyes borne in Manilla, the chiefe towne of the said Ilands,
besides two other young fellowes of good capacitie, borne in the mightie
Iland of Iapon, (which hereafter may serue as our interpretors in our
first traficke thither), and that also your selfe haue sailed along the
coast of China, not farre from the Continent, and haue taken some
knowledge of the present state of the same, and in your course haue
found out a notable ample vent of our clothes, especially our kersies,
and are in preparing againe for the former voyage, as hee that would
constantly perseuer in so good an enterprise: we are to thinke that the
knowledge and first discouerie of the same, in respect of our nation,
hath all this time beene by the Almightie to you onely reserued, to your
immortall glorie, and to the manifest shew of his especiall fauour borne
towards you, in that besides your high and rare attempt of sailing about
the whole globe of the earth, in so short a time of two yeares and about
two monethes, you have shewed your selfe to have that rare and especiall
care for your countrie, by seeking out vent for our clothes, that ought
vpon due consideration to moue many thousands of English subiects to
pray for you, and to loue and honor your name and familie for euer. For
as you haue opened by your attempt the gate to the spoile of the great
and late mightie, vniuersall, and infested enimie of this realme, & of
al countries that professe true religion: so haue you by your great care
wrought a way to imploie the merchants of Englande in trade, to increase
our Nauie, to benefite our Clothiers, and (your purpose falling out to
your hoped effect) to releeue more of the poorer sort, then all the
hospitals and almes houses can or may, that haue beene built in this
realme, since the first inhabiting thereof.
And sir, if to this your late noble attempt, it might please you, by
your incouragement, and by the help of your purse to adde your present
furtherance for the passage to be discouered by the northwest, (for
proofe whereof there bee many infallible reasons, and diuerse great
experiences to be yeelded) our course with our commodities to the rich
Iland of Iapon, to the mightie empire of China, and to the Ilandes of
the Philippinas, for the vent that you haue found out, should be by the
halfe way shortened, and you should double and manyfolde treble the
credite of your fourmer late enterprise, and make your fame to mount,
and yourself to liue for euer in a much higher degree of glorie, then
otherwise it might be, or that by any other mean you could possibly
deuise: In which action so highly importing the generall state of this
lande I haue perfect experience that many worshipfull and wealthie
marchants of this citie and other places would most willingly ioyne
their purses with yours: and to play the blabbe, I may tell you they
attende nothing with greater desire and expectation, then that a motion
hereof being made by some happie man, your selfe and they might friendly
and seriously ioyne together for the full accomplishing of this so long
intended discouerie: And to descende to some particulars, there is one
speciall reason that giueth an edge vnto their desires, proceeding from
the late worthie attemptes of that excellent and skilful pilot M. John
Dauis, made for the search of the aforesaid northwest passage these
three late yeares, hauing entred into the same foure hundred leagues
further than was euer hitherto thoroughly knowen, and returned with an
exact description thereof, to the reasonable contentment for the time,
of the aduenturers, and chiefly of the worshipfull M. William Sanderson,
whose contributions thereunto, although they haue beene verie great and
extraordinarie, yet for the certaine hope or rather assurance that he
conceiueth vpon the report of the Captaine himselfe and all the rest of
any skill employed in these voyages, remayneth still constant, and is
readie to disburse as yet to the freshe setting on foote of this
enterprise entermitted by occasion of our late troubles, euen this yeare
againe, for the finall perfection of so profitable and honorable a
discouerie, a farre greater portion then in reason would be required of
any other man of his abilitie. And albeit, sir, that you haue taken in
your late voyage, besides the knowledge of the way to China, the
intelligence of the gouernement of the countrie and of the commodities
of the territories and prouinces of the same, and that at the full,
according to the time of your short abode in those partes, yet
neuerthelesse for that of late more ample vnderstanding hath beene in
more length of time, by woonderfull great endeuour taken by certaine
learned Portingals and Spaniardes of great obseruation, and not long
agoe published in the Spanish tongue, I haue for the increase of the
knowledge of the subiectes of Englande, and specially for the
illuminating of the mindes of those that are to take the voyage next in
hande to Iapan, China, and the Philippinas, translated the same worke
into English, and committed it to print, passing ouer Paulus Venetus,
and sir John Mandeuill, because they wrote long agoe of those regions:
which labour, to say trueth, I haue vndertaken at the earnest request
and encouragement of my worshipfull friend Master Richard Hakluit late
of Oxforde, a gentleman, besides his other manifolde learning and
languages, of singular and deepe insight in all histories of discouerie
and partes of cosmographie: who also for the zeale he beareth to the
honour of his countrie and countrimen, brought the same first aboue two
yeares since ouer into this court, and at this present hath in hande a
most excellent and ample collection of the sundrie trauailes and
nauigations of our owne nation, a matter long intended by him, and
seruing to the like beneficiall and honorable purpose, which I hope will
shortly come to light to the great contentation of the wiser sort.
In the meane season, hauing nowe at length finished according to my
poore skill and leasure this my translation, I thought best to dedicate
and commende the same to your worshipfull patronage, as the man that I
holde most worthie of the same, and most able of our nation to iudge
aright of the contentes thereof, and to correct the errors of the author
whensoeuer you shall meete with them: beseeching you to accept in good
part the trauaile and good meaning of the translator: and so wishing
vnto you health, increase of knowledge, with fortunate and glorious
successe in your further couragious attempts, I leaue you to the
protection of the Almightie.
From London the first of Ianuarie 1589.
Your worships alwaies to command,
ROBERT PARKE.
THE PRINTER,
TO THE CHRISTIAN READER.
Whereas (good courteous Reader) in this historie describing the kingdome
of China with the countries there adiacent, thou shalt finde many times
repeated, and that in some things too gloriously, the zeale of certaine
Spanish Friers that laboured in discouerie of the saide China, and the
declaration of certaine myracles (but falsely reported) by them to haue
beene wrought, togither with examples of diuerse their superstitious
practices: which happily may giue offence vnto some in reading: thou
must vnderstande that this is to be rather imputed vnto the first writer
of this historie in Spanish, than to any fault of mine: for the
Spaniardes (following their ambitious affections) doo vsually in all
their writinges extoll their owne actions, euen to the setting forth of
many vntruthes and incredible things: as in their descriptions of the
conquestes of the east and west Indies, etc., doth more at large
appeare. Notwithstanding all which, our translator (as it seemeth) hath
rather chosen to be esteemed _fidus interpres_, in truely translating
the historie as it was, though conteyning some errors, then to be
accounted a patcher or corrupter of other mens workes.
But howsoeuer either our first authour, or the translator, haue shewed
themselues affectioned, sure I am that the knowledge of this kingdome
will not onely be pleasant, but also verie profitable to our English
nation: and by playing the good Bee, in onely accepting herein that
which is good, I doubt not, but the reading of this historie will bring
thee great contentment, and delight.
VALE.
THE HISTORIE OF THE MIGHTIE KINGDOME OF CHINA,
IN THE WHICH IS CONTAINED THE NOTABLE THINGS OF THAT KINGDOME, TOUCHING
THAT WHICH IS NATURALL.
CHAP. I.
_The description of the kingdome and the confines that it hath
belonging._
This great and mightie kingdome of China, which we do meane to treat of
in this Historie, hath beene discouered by cleere and true notice,
within this tenne yeares, by Spanyards that were dwellers in the Ilands
Philippinas, that are three hundreth leagues distant from the said
kingdome: Notwithstanding, that long time before, there was relation
giuen, by way of the Portingall Indias, by such as dwelt in Macao, and
did trafike to Canton, a citie of the same kingdome of China. But this
was by relation so, that the one nor the other could satisfie, for that
there was founde varietie in that which was true, till the yeere of
1577. Frier Martin de Gorrada,[7] prouincial of the Augustine friers,
who were the first discouerers of the said Ilands Philippinas, and
ministred first the holy baptisme amongst them, with his companions,
frier Hieronimo Martin, Pedro Sarmiento, and Myghell de Loarcha, cheefe
officers of the citie of Marrila[8] in the said Ilands, by the order and
commandement of Guido de Labassares, gouernour thereof, did enter into
the saide kingdome of China, led and gouerned by a captaine belonging to
the king of the said kingdome, called Omoncon.
Of the comming of this Omoncon vnto the Ilands Philippinas, and of his
hardines to carrie the aforesaid vnto the firme land, he being commanded
to the contrarie vpon paine of death, and how he was receiued, and great
courtesie shewed, and of other things verie curious, you shall finde in
the second part of this historie, where as is the substance and whole
relation of all that was brought vnto the king of Spaine.
You shall vnderstande that this mightie kingdome is the Orientalest part
of all Asia, and his next neighbour towards the Ponent is the kingdome
of Quachinchina,[9] whereas they doo obserue in whole all the customes
and rites of China. The greatest part of this kingdome is watred with
the great Orientall Ocean sea, beginning at the Iland Aynan,[10] which
is hard by Quachinchina, which is 19 degrees towards the North, and
compassing towards the South, whereas their course is northeast. And
beyond Quachinchina towards the North, the Bragmanes[11] do confine,
which are much people, and verie rich, of golde, siluer, and pretious
stones, but in especiall, rubies: for there are infinit. They are proude
and hawtie men, of great corage, wel made, but of browne colour: they
haue had (but few times) warre with them of China, in respect for that
betwixt both the kingdomes, there are great and mightie mountaines and
rockes that doth disturbe them. And harde vnto this nation ioyneth the
Patanes[12] and Mongores,[13] which is a great kingdome, and warlike
people, whose head[14] is the Gran Samarzan:[15] They are the true
Scythas or Massagetas, of whom it is affirmed that they were neuer
ouercome by any other nation: they are a people well proportioned and
white: by reason they dwel in a cold countrie. Betwixt the West and the
South is the Trapobana, or Samatra, a kingdome very rich of gold,
pretious stones, & pearles: and more towards the South, are the two
Iauas, the great and the lesse, and the kingdome of the Lechios:[16] and
in equall distance, are the Iapones: yet notwithstanding those that are
more indifferent to this kingdome are the Tartarians, which are on the
selfe firme land or continent, and are alonely diuided by a wal, as shal
be declared in the 9 chapter of this booke. These Tartarians haue had
many times wars with them of China: but at one time (as you shall
perceive) they got the whole kingdome of China, and did possesse the
same for the space of 93 yeares, till such time as they of China did
rebell and forced them out again. At this day they say that they are
friends one with another, and that is, for that they bee all Gentiles,
and do vse all one manner of ceremonies and rites. They doo differ in
their clenes[17] and lawes, in the which the Chinas doth exceede them
very much. The Tartarians are very yellow and not so white: and they go
naked from the girdlested vpwards, and they eate raw flesh, and do
annoint themselues with the blood of raw flesh, for to make them more
harder and currish, by reason whereof they doo so stinke, that if the
aire doth come from that part where they be, you shall smel them afar
off by the strong sauor. They haue for certainty, the truth of the
immortalitie of the soule (although it be with error), for they say that
the soule doth enter into other bodies, and that soule that liued well
in the first bodie, doth better it from poore to rich, or from age to
youth: and if it liued evill, to the contrarie in worse. The sons of the
Tartarians do very much obserue and keepe the commandement in obeying
their parents, for that they doo wholly accomplish the same without
failing any iot of their will, vnder paine to be seuerly and publikelie
punished. They confess one God, whom they worship, and haue him in their
houses carved or painted, and every day they doe offer vnto it incense,
or some other sweet smelles: they do call him the high God, and do craue
of him vnderstanding and health. They haue also another god, which they
say is son vnto the other; they do call him Natigay: this is their god
of terestriall things. They haue him likewise in their houses, and every
time they go to eate they doo annoint his face with the fattest thing
they haue to eate: that being doone they fall to eating, hauing first
giuen their gods their pitance. They are a kinde of people that verie
seldome doo fable a lie, although their liues should lie thereon, and
are verie obedient vnto their king: but in speciall in their warres, in
the which euerie one doth that he is appointed to doo: they are led by
the sound of a drome or trumpet, with the which their captaines do
gouerne them with great ease, by reason that they are trained vp in the
same from their youth. And many other things are amongst them, in the
which they do resemble them of China, (who) if they did receiue the
faith of our Lord Jesu Christ, it is to be belieued that the Tartarians
would do the same, for that they are taken for men very ducible, and do
imitate verie much them of China.
CHAP. II.
_Of the temperature of the kingdome of China._
The temperature of this mightie kingdome is diuersly, by reason that
almost the whole bignesse therof is from the south to the north, in so
great a length that the iland of Aynan being neere vnto this land, in 19
degrees of altitude, have notice of some prouinces that are in more than
50 degrees, and yet they do vnderstand that beyond that there bee more
vpon the confines of Tartaria. It is a strange thing to be seene, the
strange and great difference betwixt the colours of the dwellers of this
kingdome. In Canton, a mightie citie, whereas the Portingales had
ordinarie trafficke with them of China, for that it was nigh vnto Macao,
where as they had inhabited long since, and from whence they do bring
all such merchandise as is brought into Europe. There is seene great
diuersities in the colours of such people as doe come thither to
trafficke, as the said Portingales do testifie.
Those which are borne in the citie of Canton, and in al that cost, are
browne people, like vnto them in the citie of Fez or Barbarie, for that
all the whole countrie is in the said paralel that Barberie is in. And
they of the most prouinces inwards are white people, some more whiter
than others, as they draw into the cold countrie. Some are like vnto
Spanyards, and others more yealow, like vnto the Almans,[18] yelow and
red colour.
Finally, in all this mightie kingdome, to speake generally, they cannot
say that there is much cold or much heat, for that the geographers do
conclude and say it is temperate, and is vnder a temperate clime, as is
Italy or other temperate countries, wherby may be vnderstood the
fertilitie of the same, which is (without doubt) the fertilest in all
the world, and may compare with the Peru and Nuoua Espannia, which are
two kingdomes celebrated to be most fertill: and for the verification,
you shall perceiue in this chapter next folowing, wherin is declared
such things as it doth yeeld and bring forth, and in what quantitie. And
yet aboue all things (according unto the sayings of fryer Herrada,[19]
prouinciall, and his companions, whose relation I will follow in the
most part of this hystorie, as witnesses of sight), vnto whom we may
giue certaine credite, without any exception. They say that the countrie
is so full of youth that it seemeth the women are deliuered euery
moneth, and their children, when they are little, are extreame faire;
and the country is so fertill and fat, that it yeldeth fruit three or
four times in the yeere, which is the occasion that all things is so
good cheape, that almost it seemeth they sell them for nothing.
CHAP. III.
_Of the fertilitie of this kingdome, and of such fruits and
other things as it doth yeld._
The inhabitants in this countrie are perswaded, of a truth, that those
which did first finde and inhabite in this lande, were the nevewes of
Noe (who, after they had traueiled from Armenia, wheras the arke stayed,
wherin God did preserue their grandfather from the waters of the flood),
went seeking a land to their contentment; and not finding a countrie of
so great fertilitie and temperature like vnto this, wherein was all
things necessarie for the life of man, without comparison: they were
compelled, with the aboundance thereof, to inhabite therein,
vnderstanding that if they should search throughout all the world, they
should not finde the like; and I thinke they were not deceiued,
according as now it is to be seene, and what may be considered in the
proces of this chapter, of such fruits as the earth doth yeeld. And
although there is declared here of such as shall suffice in this worke,
yet is there left behind a great number more; of whose properties, as
well of herbes and beasts, which of their particulars may be made a
great volume, and I doo beleeue that in time there will be one set
forth.
The great trauell and continual laboure of the inhabitants of this
countrie, is a great helpe vnto the goodnes and fertilitie therof, and
is so much that they do neither spare nor leaue mountains nor vallies,
neither riuers, but they do sow and plant all such things as they
perceiue that the place wil yeeld, according unto the goodnesse thereof:
as orchards with fruite, great fields of wheat, barlie, rice, flaxe and
hempe, with many other things: all which traueile vnto them is verie
easie, remembering with what great libertie they do inioy their goods,
and the great and infinit number of people that there is, as well for
handie craftes as for to till and cultiuate the grounde. In all this
mightie countrie they do not suffer vacabunds nor idle people, but all
such (ouer and aboue that they are greeuouslie punished), they are
holden for infamous: neither doo they consent nor permit any of them
that are naturally borne there to go out of their countries into other
strange countries; neither haue they any wars at this present, which was
the thing that in times past did consume much of their people. The king
dooth content himselfe onely with his owne kingdome (as one that is
helde the wisest in all the world). Beside all this, they are naturally
inclined to eate and drinke wel, and to make much of themselves in
apparel, and to haue their houses well furnished with household stuffe;
and to the augmenting hereof, they do put themselues in great labor and
trauaile, and are great dealers and trafickers: al which, with the
fertilitie of the countrie aboue said, is the occasion that iustlie it
might haue the name to be the most fertilest in all the whole world.
[Sidenote: Excellent plummes.]
This country doth yeeld all kind of herbs, as doth Spaine, and of many
kindes mo: also all manner of fruites, like as in Spaine, with diuers
other sorts, the names whereof are not yet knowne, for that they do
differ very much from ours; but yet the one and the other are of a
marueilous excellent tast, as they doo say. They haue three sorts of
orenges, the one verie sweete, which doth exceede sugar in their
sweetnesse: the other sort not so sweet as the first: the third sort are
somewhat sower, but verie delightfull in the tast. Also they haue a
kinde of plummes, that they doo call _lechias_,[20] that are of an
exceeding gallant tast, and neuer hurteth any body, although they
shoulde eate a great number of them. It yeldeth great aboundance of
great melons, and of an excellent sauour and tast, and verie bigge. Also
a kinde of russet appels that be very great, of a good tast. I doo not
heere declare of other fruites, nor of their names, because I will not
seeme tedious vnto the reader, nor spende the time herein, but will
treat of other things of more importance.
[Sidenote: Excellent white sugar good cheape.]
[Sidenote: Honie and wax.]
[Sidenote: Excellent good silke.]
In all parts of this kingdome there is great store of sugar, which is
the occasion that it is so good cheape: for you shall have a quintal of
verie excellent white and good sugar, when it is most deerest, for the
value of sixe ryals of plate. There is great abundance of honie, for
that their delight is in hiues, by reason whereof not only honie, but
waxe is very good cheape; and there is so great quantity therof, that
you may lade ships, yea fleetes thereof. They do make great store of
silke, and excellent good, and give it verie perfite colours, which
dooth exceed very much the silke of Granada, and is one of the greatest
trades that is in all that kingdome.
[Sidenote: Great store of flaxe and hempe.]
[Sidenote: Cotton, wool, wheat, and barlie, rie, oates.]
[Sidenote: Great abundance of rice.]
The veluets, damaskes, sattens, and other sortes of webs, which is there
made, is of so small a price, that it is a wonder to speake it, in
especiall unto them that doo know how their prises be in Spaine and in
Italie. They do sell none of their silkes there by the yard, neither any
other kinde of websterie, though it be lynnen; but by the waight,
wherein there is least deceit. They haue great store of flaxe, wherwith
the common people doo apparell themselues: also hempe for the cawlking
of their ships, and to make ropes and hasers. And on their drie and
tough landes, although they be stonie, they gather great stoore of
cotton wooll. They doo sowe wheate, barlie, rye, and oates, and manie
other kindes of graine; and the one and the other doo yeelde great
increase. In the marrish groundes (of which there be many), by reason of
moyst and great aboundance of riuers that be in this countrie, they doo
sowe rice, which is a common victuall or maintiniment vnto all people of
the kingdome, and vnto them that dwell neere them; and they doo gather
so greate aboundance that when it is most dearest you shall haue a
haneg[21] for a ryall of plate: of the which, and of all other graines
aforesaid, the countrie was woont to yeeld them, and foure times in the
yeere there increase.
[Sidenote: Chestnuts.]
On their high grounds, that are not good to be sowne, there is great
store of pine trees, which yeelde fruite very sauorie: chestnuts
greater, and of better tast, then commonly you shall finde in Spaine:
and yet betwixt these trees they do sow maiz, which is the ordinarie
foode of the Indians of Mexico and Peru, and great store of panizo,[22]
so that they doe not leaue one foote of grounde vnsowen. And of trueth,
almost in all the whole countrie, you shall not finde any ground that is
barren or without profite, what by the naturall vertue of the country,
and also by the manuring and helping of it.
CHAP. IV.
_Here I do proceed in the fertilitie of this kingdome, and of
such things as it doth yeeld._
[Sidenote: All kind of beasts.]
[Sidenote: Excellent furres, muske.]
[Sidenote: Great store of beefes.]
[Sidenote: Deere, hogs, and goates.]
[Sidenote: Great store of wildfoule.]
[Sidenote: Foule solde by waight.]
Besides the fertilitie of this countrie beforesaide, all the fields be
verie faire to behold, and yeelde maruelous odoriferous smelles, by
reason of the great quantitie of sweete flowers of diuers sorts. It is
also garnished with the greene trees that be planted by the riuers sides
and brookes, whereof there is great quantitie. And there is planted
there orchards and gardens, with banketing houses of great pleasure, the
which they doo vse verie much for their recreation and auoiding the
troubles of minde. The Loytias, or gentlemen, doo vse to plant great
forrests and thicke woods, whereas doo breed many wilde boores, bucks,
hares, and conyes, and diuers other beasts: of whose skins they make
very excellent furres, but in especiall of _martas ceuellias_,[23] of
which there is a great number. There is great aboundance of muske, the
which they do make of a little beast that doth feede of nothing else but
of a roote which is of a maruellous smell, that is called camarus, as
big as a man's finger. They do take them and beat them with blowes till
they be brused all to peeces; then they do put them in a place whereas
they may soonest putrifie; but first they do bind very fast such parts
whereas the blood may run out of their brused bones, all to peces,
remaining within them. Then after, when they thinke they be putrified,
then they do cut out smal peeces, with skinne and all, and tie them vp
like bals or cods, which the Portugals (who doth by them) do call
_papos_: and this is the finest that is brought out of all Indies (if
there be no deceit vsed in it), for many times they will put amongst it
small peeces of lead, and other things of weight. There is also great
store of kyne, that are so little worth that you may buy a very good one
for eight rials of plate; and beefes, that are bought for halfe the
mony: one whole venison is bought for two rials; great store of hogs,
whose flesh is as holsome and good as our mutton in Spaine. There is
great aboundance of goates, and of other beasts that are to be eaten,
which is the occasion that they are of little value. The flying foules
that doo breed about the lakes and riuers are of so great quantitie that
there is spent daily, in small villages in that countrie, many
thousands, and the greatest sort of them are teales. The fashion how
they do breed and bring them vp shal be declared in a chapter
particularly; for that which is said shal not seeme impossible. They be
sold by waight, and likewise capons and hens, and for so smal value that
two pounds of their flesh being plucked, is worth ordinarily two Foys,
which is a kinde of mony like vnto the quartes[24] of Spaine; hogs
flesh, two pounds for a Foy and a halfe, which is six marauadiz.
Likewise all other victuals after the same rate, as it doth plainly
appeare by the relation made by the friers.
[Sidenote: Reubarbe and other medicinall hearbs.]
[Sidenote: Foure hundred of nutmegs for six-pence. Cloues, sixe pound
for 3 pence; the like of pepper.]
[Sidenote: Mines of gold and siluer and other mettals. Iron and Steele 4
shilling a quintal. Siluer is worth more than gold. Great store of
pearles.]
There are also many herbs for medicines, as very fine reubarbe, and of
great quantitie, and wood called Palo de China; great store of nutmegs,
with the which they may lade fleetes, and of so lowe a price that you
may buy foure hundreth for a ryall of plate; and cloues, sixe pound for
halfe a ryall of plate; and the like in pepper. Synamon, one rowe, which
is 25 pound, for four ryals of plate, and better cheape. I do leave to
speake of many other hearbs medicinable and profitable for the vse of
man: for that if I should write the particular vertue of euerie of them,
it would require a great volume. Of fish, both swimming and shell fish
of all sorts, that they haue with them is to be wondred at: not onely
vpon the sea coasts, but also in the remote places of that kingdome, by
reason of the great riuers, which be nauigable vnto such places. Besides
all this it is verie rich of mines of golde and siluer, and other
mettals, the which (gold and siluer excepted) they do sell it so good
cheape that a quintal of copper, yron, or steele is to be bought for
eight rials of plate. Gold is better cheape there then it is in Europe,
but siluer is more woorth. There is founde great store of pearles in all
this kingdome: but the most part of them are not rounde, by the which
you may gather and vnderstande the goodnesse and fertilitie of the same.
And that the first that did discouer and inhabite that kingdome were not
deceiued, for that they founde all things necessarie vnto the preseruing
of the life of man, and that in aboundance: for the which, with iust
reason, the inhabitants may thinke themselues to possesse the best and
fertilest kingdome in all the whole world.
CHAP. V.
_Of the antiquitie of this kingdome._
[Sidenote: 243 kings.]
As before is said, this kingdome is of so ancient antiquity, that there
is opinion that the first that did inhabite this countrie, were the
neuewes of Noe. But the light which is found in the histories of China,
is that from the time of Vitey, who was their first king, and did reduce
their kingdome vnto an empire, and hath and doth indure vnto the king
that now rayneth: as you shall vnderstand in the place where we shall
make mention of the kings of that countrie, whereas you shal vnderstand
by iust computations, that vnto this day, there hath rayned, naturall
and vsurped, to the number of 243 kings. The sonne doth succeede the
father in the kingdome, and for want of a sonne, the next kinsman doth
succeed: and for that they do take (after the vse of the emperors of
Turkie) so many wiues as pleaseth them: it seldome falleth out to lacke
heires, for that the first sonne that is borne of either of his wiues is
right heire vnto the kingdome: and the rest of his sonnes he doth
appoint them cities where as they do dwel priuately: and there they are
prouided of all things necessarie for them, conformable vnto their
degrees, with expresse commission vpon paine of death neuer to go out of
them, neither to returne vnto the court, except they be sent for by the
king. So after this conclusion, all those that are kinsfolke vnto the
king, are resident and kept in a mightie and populous citie, called
Causi,[25] whereas those whome the king and his counsel do thinke and
see to be men of great wisdome, or giuen to martiall affaires, they doo
commande that they neuer goe forth of their houses, to auoide occasions
of suspition whereby might grow alterations and treasons against the
king. The dwelling places of these prouinces, are mightie and of a huge
bignesse: for that within the compasse of them, they haue all manner of
contentment necessary for them: as gardens, orchards, fishing ponds of
diuers sorts, parkes and groues, in the which are all kinde flying
foules, fish and beasts, as are to be found in the mountaines and
riuers. And it is walled round about with a stone wall, so that euery
house of these seemeth to be a towne. They giue themselues much vnto
musike, wherewith they doo passe away the time. And for that they are
giuen to pleasure and ease, they are commonly corpulent and fatte, verie
faire conditioned and quiet, liberall vnto strangers. These princes, in
what place soeuer they are, the gouernours of the cities are bound to
visite them euery festiuall day. Likewise if they doo passe on
horsebacke by their doores, they must alight and walke on foote while
they haue passed it: and if they be borne in a litle chaire, likewise to
come out of the same, and to walk on foote with silence, till they be
past. And for that they shall not plead ignorance, the gates of these
princes houses are all painted red: so that they being brought vp from
their youth, in this straight, close, and idle life, it is not vnto them
tedious, but dooth rather reioyce in the same.
CHAP. VI.
_The bignesse of this kingdome of China, and of such measures
as they do vse in trauaile._
[Sidenote: The China is in compass 8000 leagues and 1800 leagues long.]
This mightie kingdome, which we commonly call China, without knowing any
cause or foundation wherefore we should so cal it, those countries neere
ioyning vnto the same, do call it Sangley: and they in their naturall
toonge do cal it Taybiner,[26] the which is to be vnderstood, nothing
but a kingdome: and is the most biggest and populous that is mentioned
in all the world, as it shalbe apparant in the discourse of this
hystorie, and in the wonderfull things that shalbe treated of in the
next chapter following. All the which is taken out of the bookes and
hystories of the said Chinos, whereas they do make mention of the
mightinesse thereof, and of the 15 prouinces that are comprehended in
the same: the which bookes and hystories were brought vnto the citie of
Manilla, printed and set forth in China, and were translated into the
Spanish toong, by interpreters of the saide nations. And for that they
were baptised and became Christians, they remaine as dwellers amongst vs
in these ilandes, the better to obserue and keepe the lawes of baptisme,
and to flie the paine and punishment the which they should receiue for
dooing the same: for that they turned Christians and receiued the faith
without the license of the king and counsell, which is forbidden vppon
paine of death, and is executed with great violence, and without
remission. This mightie kingdome is in circuit or compasse about 69516
die,[27] which is a kind of measure that they do vse: which being
reduced into the Spanish account, is almost 3000 legues, and in length
1800 leagues, this is to be vnderstood the whole 15 prouinces: the which
are garnished with many cities and townes, besides a great number of
villages, as you may plainely see in the chapter following. By the said
booke, it is found that the Chinos haue amongst them but only three kind
of measures: the which in their language are called _lii_, _pu_, and
_icham_, which is as much as to say, or in effect, as a forlong, league,
or iorney: the measure which is called _lii_, hath so much space as a
mans voice in a plaine grounde may bee hearde in a quiet day, halowing
or whoping with all the force and strength he may: and ten of these
_liis_ maketh a _pu_, which is a great Spanish league: and ten _pus_
maketh a dayes iourney, which is called _icham_, which maketh 12 long
leagues. By the which account it is founde that this kingdome hath the
number of leagues as afore is saide: yet, by the account of other
bookes, they do finde it bigger and of more leagues. Yet frier Martin de
Herrada, prouinciall of the Austen friers in the Ilands Philippinas, who
is an excellent geometrician and cosmographer, did cast the account with
great diligence, by their owne descriptions, and doth finde it to amount
vnto the sum aforesaid, to be 1800 leagues long and 3000 leagues in
compasse, beginning at the prouince of Olam, which is that towards the
south, and nearest vnto Malacia,[28] and so alongst the countrie towards
the north east for the space of 600 leagues.
CHAP. VII.
_Of the 15 prouinces that are in this kingdome._
This mightie kingdome is diuided into fifteene prouinces, that euery one
of them is bigger then the greatest kingdome that we doo vnderstand to
be in all Europe. Some doo esteeme those cities to be metropolitans,
where as is resident, the gouernors, presidents, or viz rées, which in
their natural toong are called Cochin: of the prouinces, two of them,
which are called Tolanchia and Paguia, are gouerned by the king in
person with his royall counsel. The occasion why the king is alwayes
resident or abiding in one of these two prouinces which are two of the
mightiest and most popularst of people, is not for that in them he is
most at his content, or receiue more pleasure in them then in any of the
other: but onely for that they doo confine vpon the kingdome of
Tartaria, with whom in times past they had ordinary and continuall wars:
and for that the king might with more ease put remedie in such harmes
receiued, and defend with better oportunitie the rage of his enimie, he
did ordaine and situate his pallace and court in them two. And for that
it hath beene of antiquitie many yeeres past, it hath remained hitherto,
and appeareth to continue still the habitation of the kings of that
kingdome, as by desert for the excellencie of the clime, and aboundance
of all things necessarie.
The names of the fifteene prouinces are as followeth:--Paguia,[29]
Foquiem,[30] Olam,[31] Sinsay,[32] Sisuam,[33] Tolanchia,[34]
Cansay,[35] Oquiam,[36] Aucheo,[37] Honan,[38] Xanton,[39] Quicheu,[40]
Chequeam,[41] Susuam,[42] and Saxij.[43] Almost all these prouinces, but
in particular tenne of them which are alongst the sea costs, are full of
deepe riuers of sweete water and navigable, vpon whose branches are
situated many cities and townes, whereof you may not onely haue the
number of them, but also their names: for that these Chinos are so
curious people, that in their books are named besides the cities and
townes, the banketing houses and houses of pleasure, which the gentlemen
haue for their recreation. And for that it will be more trouble than
profite to inlarge any further in this matter, I will refer it vnto the
next chapter, where I will intreate of the cities and townes that either
of these prouinces hath, and pass ouer all the rest, as not necessarie;
for our intent is to set forth the bignes of this kingdome.
CHAP. VIII.
_Of the cities and townes that every one of these prouinces
hath in himselfe._
These fifteene prouinces, which with better truth might be called
kingdomes, according vnto the greatnes of them, as you may perceiue by
the number of cities and townes that each of them hathe, besides
villages, the which if I should adde herevnto, would be an infinite
number.
The number of cities and townes that euery prouince hath. First, the
prouince of Paguia, where as ordinarily the king and his counsel is
resident, hath 47 cities and 150 townes.
Canton hath 37 cities and 190 townes.
Foquien hath 33 cities and 99 townes.
Olam hath 90 cities and 130 townes.
Synsay hath 38 cities and 124 townes.
Sisuan hath 44 cities and 150 townes.
Tolanchia hath 51 cities and 123 townes.
Cansay hath 24 cities and 112 townes.
Ochian hath 19 cities and 74 townes.
Ancheo hath 25 cities and 29 townes.
Honan hath 20 cities and 102 townes.
Xaton hath 37 cities and 78 townes.
Quicheu hath 45 cities and 113 townes.
Chequeam hath 39 cities and 95 townes.
Susuan hath 42 cities and 105 townes.
[Sidenote: The mightie citie called Suntien, or Quinsay.[44]]
By which account appeareth to be 591 cities and 1593 townes, beside
villages and houses of pleasure, which are an infinite number: by the
which you may consider that this kingdome doth deserve to be called
great, and compared with the best and principalst that is heard of in al
the whole world. The Chinos do vse in their pronunciation to terme their
cities with this sylable, Fu, that is as much as to say, citie, as
Taybin fu, Canton fu, and their townes with this sylable, Cheu. They
have some villages that are so great, that it lacketh but onely the name
of a towne. All their cities for the most part are situated by the
riuers sides: such as are nauigable, the cities are moted rounde about,
which make them to bee verie strong, not only the cities but townes are
walled round about with high and strong wals of stone, one faddome high,
and all the rest is of bricke, but of so hard a substance that it is not
to be broken almost with pickaxes. Some cities hath their wals so broad,
that 4 and 6 men may walke side by side on them: they are garnished with
many bulwarks and towers, a small distance the one from the other, with
their battlements and faire galleries, where as many times their
vizroyes doeth goe to recreate themselues with the gallant sight of the
mountains and riuers, with their fields so odoriferous. There is betwixt
the wals of their cities and the mote of the same a broade space, that
six horsemen may ride together; the like space is within, betwixt the
walles and the houses, whereas they may walke without impediment. Their
wals are kept in such good reparation, by reason of their great care and
diligence, that they seeme to be but new made, and yet in some cities
there is founde mention of two thousand yeeres since the first
foundation. In every city the king doth ordaine a justice, and giveth
him great rents onely to visit them, and make them to be renewed and
repaired where as is requisite, and is done vpon the kings cost: for out
of his rents in such cities and townes is given them all that is needful
to be asked. The high waies in all this kingdome are made and kept
plaine with great care and diligence, and the entering into the cities
and townes are very sumptuous and with great maiestie, they have three
or foure gates bound with yron very strong. Their streetes very well
paved, and so broad that 15 horsemen may ride together in them, and so
straight, that although they be very long, yet you may discouer the end.
On both the sides are portals, vnder which be their shops full of all
sorts of merchandises very curious, and of all occupations that you will
desire: In the streets, a good space the one from the other, are made
manie triumphall arkes of extreme bewtie: they are made of masons worke,
very curiously painted after the fashion of the old antiquitie of Rome.
All their houses ordinarily haue three doores, that in the middest is
great, the other be lesser, but of a maruellous gallant proportion. The
king is alwayes resident in the citie of Suntien,[45] which in their
language is as much to say, the citie of heauen. Of which citie the
Chinos do declare many things which seemeth to be true, for that if you
do talke with many of them, and at sundrie times and places, yet doo
they not varie the one from the other: and according to their report, it
should be the greatest in all the worlde, in these dayes. They who do
make it to be least, do affirme, that to goe from gate to gate, leauing
the suburbs, had need of a summers day and a good horse to do it: it is
also called Quinsay, as Marcus Paulus doth call it.
CHAP. IX.
_Of the wonderfull buildings in this kingdome, and of mightie
wall or circuit in the same of 500 leagues long._
In this kingdom in al places, there be men excellent in architecture:
and the necessaries that they haue to build with is the best that is in
the world. For as it is said in the chapter past, they haue a kinde of
white earth of the which they make brickes, of so great hardnesse and
strength, that for to breake them, you must haue pickaxes, and vse much
strength: and this is the cause that in all the kingdome there is
mightie buildings and verie curious. Putting apart the kings pallace
where hee is resident in Tabin[46] (for of that you shall haue a
particular chapter), in all such cities that bee the heads of the
prouinces, is resident a vizroy or gouernour, and dwelleth in the house
that (in euery such citie) the king hath ordained on his proper cost:
all the which, to conclude, are superbious and admirable, and wrought by
marueilous art, and are as bigge as a great village, by reason that they
haue within them great gardens, water ponds and woods compassed about:
in the which (as it is declared in the 4 chapter) is great quantitie of
hunt and flying foules. Their houses commonly be verie gallant and after
the manner of Rome, and generallie at the doores and gates of them are
planted trees in gallant order: the which maketh a gallant shadow and
seemeth well in the streets. All these houses are within as white as
milke, in such sort that it seemeth to be burnished paper. The floares
are paued with square stones, verie broad and smooth; their seelings are
of an excellent kind of timber, verie well wrought and painted, that it
seemeth like damaske and of the colour of gold, that sheweth verie well:
euerie one of them hath three courts and gardens full of flowers and
herbes for their recreation. And there is none of them but hath his fish
poole furnished, although it bee but small. The one side of their courts
is wrought verie gallant, like as it is in counting houses, vpon the
which they haue many idols carued, and wrought of diuers kinds of
mettals: the other three parts or angles of their courts are painted
with diuers things of verie great curiositie. But aboue all things they
are marueilous cleane, not only in their houses, but also in their
streets: in the which commonly they haue three or foure necessarie or
common places of ease, verie curiously ordained and placed; for that the
people, being troubled with their common necessitie, shall not foule the
streetes, and therefore they haue this prouision: the like is vsed in
all wayes throughout the kingdom. Some cities there be, whose streets be
nauigable, as in Bruxels in Flanders, Mexico in the Indians, and as in
Venice in Italie; which is the occasion that they are better serued and
prouided, for that their barkes and boates doo enter laden with all
kinde of victuals harde to their doores.
The highways throughout all this kingdome, are the best and gallantest
paued that euer hath beene discouered: they are verie plaine, yea vnto
the mountaines, and they are cut by force of labour and pickaxes, and
maintained with brick and stone, the which by report of them which hath
seen it, is one of the worthiest things that is in all the realme. There
are many mightie bridges, and of a wonderfull making, and some wrought
vpon boats, as it is in Syvill: but in especiall vpon such riuers as are
broad and deepe. In the citie of Fucheo,[47] there is a towre right
against the house of the kings chiefe receiuer, and it is affirmed by
those that haue seene it, to surmount any building that hath beene
amoungst the Romans: the which is raised and founded vppon fortie
pillars, and everie pillar is of one stone, so bigge and so high that it
is strange to tell them, and doubtfull to the hearers to beleeue it: for
which cause I thinke it best not to declare it in particular, as I do in
all things where as I doo finde it difficult to be beleeued, and where I
haue no certaine author to verifie the truth.
[Sidenote: A wal of 500 leagues long.]
There is in this kingdome a defence or wall that is fiue hundred leagues
long, and beginneth at the citie Ochyoy,[48] which is vppon the high
mountaines, and runneth from the west vnto east. The king of that
countrie which made it was called Tzintzon, and it was for his defence
against the Tartaries, with whom he had warres; so that the wall doth
shut vp all the frontier of Tartaria. But you must vnderstande that
foure hundred leagues of the saide wall is naturall of it selfe, for
that they be high and mightie rockes, verie nigh together: but in the
other hundred leagues is comprehended the spaces or distance that is
betwixt the rockes, the which he caused to be made by mens handes of
verie strong worke of stone, and is of seuen fathom brode at the foote
of it, and seuen fathom high. It beginneth at the partes of the sea, in
the prouince of Canton,[49] and stretcheth foorth by that of Paguia and
Cansay, and doth finish in the prouince of Susuan.[50] This king, for to
finish this wonderful worke, did take of euerie three men one thorough
his kingdome, and of fiue, two; who for that they trauailed in their
labour so long a iourney, and into different clymes (although that out
of those provinces that were nearest there came great store of people),
yet did they almost all perish that followed that worke.
The making of this superbious and mightie worke, was the occasion that
his whole kingdome did rise vp against the king, and did kill him, after
that he had raigned fortie yeares, and also a sonne of his that was
called Agnitzi. The report of this wall is helde to be of a verie truth,
for that it is affirmed by all the Chinos that doo traficke to the
Islands Philippinas and to Canton, and Machao, and be all confirmable in
their declaration as witnesses, because they haue seene it: and it is
the farthest parts of all the kingdome, whereas none of vs vnto this day
hath beene.
CHAP. X.
_Of the dispositions, countenance, with apparell and other
exercises of the people of this countrie._
Both men and women of this countrie are of a good disposition of their
bodies, well proportioned and gallant men, somewhat tall: they are all
for the most part brode faced, little eyes and flat noses, and without
bearde saue only upon the ball of the chinne: but yet there be some that
haue great eyes and goodly beardes, and their faces well proportioned,
yet of these sorts (in respect of the others) are verie few: and it is
to bee beleeued that these kinde of people doo proceede of some strange
nation, who in times past when it was lawfull to deale out of that
countrie, did ioyne one with another.
Those of the prouince of Canton (which is a whot[51] country) be browne
of colour like to the Moores: but those that be farther within the
countrie be like unto Almaines,[52] Italians and Spanyardes, white and
redde, and somewhat swart. All of them do suffer their nailes of their
left hande to grow very long, but the right hand they do cut: they haue
long haire, and esteeme it very much and maintaine it with curiositie:
of both they make a superstition, for that they say thereby they shall
be carried into heauen. They do binde their haire up to the crowne of
their heade, in calles of golde verie curious, and with pinnes of the
same.
[Sidenote: Great abundance of wool and good cheape.]
[Sidenote: Shooes and buskines of veluet.]
[Sidenote: Great abundance of Marters furres.]
The garments which the nobles and principals do vse, bee of silke of
different colours, of the which they haue excellent good and verie
perfite: the common and poore people doo apparell themselues with
another kinde of silke more courser, and with linnen, serge, and cotton:
of all the which there is great abundance. And for that the countrie for
the most part is temperate, they may suffer this kinde of apparell,
which is the heauiest that they doo vse: for in all the whole kingdome
they have no cloth, neither doo they suffer it to be made, although they
have great aboundance of woolle, and very good cheape: they do vse their
coates according vnto our old vse of antiquitie, with long skirts and
full of plaites, and a flappe ouer the brest to be made fast under the
left side, the sleeues verie bigge and wide: upon their coates they doo
vse cassockes or long garments according vnto the possibilitie of either
of them, made according as wee doo vse, but only their sleeues are more
wider. They of royall bloode and such as are constituted vnto dignitie,
do differ in their apparell from the other ordinarie gentlemen: for that
the first haue their garments laide on with gold and siluer downe to the
waste, and the others alonely garnished on the edges, or hem: they do
vse hose verie well made and stitched, shoes and buskins of veluet,
verie curious. In the winter (although it be not very colde,) they haue
their garments furred with beasts skins, but in especiall with Martas
Ceuellinas, of the which they haue great aboundance (as aforesaid) and
generally they do vse them at all times about their necks. They that be
not married doo differ from them that be married, in that they do kirrle
their haire on their foreheade, and wear higher hattes. Their women do
apparell themselues verie curiouslie, much after the fashion of Spaine:
they vse many iewels of gold and precious stones: their gownes haue wide
sleeues; that wherewith they do apparel themselues is of cloath of gold
and siluer and diuers sortes of silkes, whereof they haue great plentie,
as aforesaid, and excellent good, and good cheape: and the poore folkes
doo apparell themselues with veluet, vnshorne veluet and serge. They
haue verie faire haire, and doo combe it with great care and diligence,
as do the women of Genouay, and do binde it about their heade with a
broad silke lace, set full of pearles and precious stones, and they say
it doth become them verie well: they doo vse to paint themselues, and in
some place in excesse.
[Sidenote: An il vse and custome.]
[Sidenote: Ingenious people.]
[Sidenote: Wagons with sailes.]
Amongst them they account it for gentilitie and a gallant thing to haue
little feete, and therefore from their youth they so swadell and binde
them verie straight, and do suffer it with patience: for that she who
hath the least feete is accounted the gallantest dame. They say that the
men hath induced them vnto this custome, for to binde their feete so
harde, that almost they doo loose the forme of them, and remaine halfe
lame, so that their going is verie ill, and with great trauell: which is
the occasion that they goe but little abroad, and fewe times doo rise vp
from their worke that they do; and was inuented onely for the same
intent. This custome hath indured manie yeares, and will indure many
more, for that it is stablished for a law: and that woman which doth
breake it, and not vse it with her children, shalbe counted as euill,
yea shalbe punished for the same. They are very secreat and honest, in
such sort that you shall not see at any time a woman at her window nor
at her doores: and if her husband doo inuite any person to dinner, she
is neuer seene nor eateth not at the table, except the gest be a kinsman
or a very friende: when they go abroade to visite their father, mother,
or any other kinsfolkes, they are carried in a little chaire by foure
men, the which is made close, and with lattises rounde about made of
golde wyre and with siluer, and curteines of silke; that although they
doo see them that be in the streete, yet they cannot be seene. They haue
many servants waiting on them. So that it is a great maruell when that
you shall meete a principall woman in the streete, yea you will thinke
that there are none in the citie, their keeping in is such: the lameness
of their feet is a great helpe therevnto. The women as well as the men
be ingenious; they doo vse drawne workes and carued works, excellent
painters of flowers, birds and beasts, as it is to be seene vpon beddes
and bords that is brought from thence. I did see my selfe, one that was
brought vnto Lysborne in the yeare 1582, by Captaine Ribera, chiefe
sergant of Manilla, that it was to be wondred at the excellencie
thereof: it caused the kings maiestie to haue admyration, and he is a
person that little wondreth at things. All the people did wonder at it:
yea the famous imbroiderers did maruaile at the curiousnesse thereof.
They are great inuenters of things, that although they haue amongst them
many coches and wagons that goe with sailes, and made with such
industrie and policie that they do gouerne them with great ease: this is
crediblie informed by many that haue seen it: besides that, there be
many in the Indies, and in Portugall, that haue seene them painted vpon
clothes, and on their earthen vessell that is brought from thence to be
solde: so that it is a signe that their painting hath some foundation.
In their buying and selling they are verie subtill, in such sort that
they will depart a haire. Such merchants as do keepe shoppes (of whom in
euery citie there is a great number) they haue a table or signe hanging
at their doore, whereon is written all such merchandise as is within to
be sold.
[Sidenote: Cloth of gold tissue and silke.]
[Sidenote: Porsilan.]
[Sidenote: All occupations be in streets by themselves.]
[Sidenote: The son inherits his fathers occupation.]
That which is commonly sold in their shops is cloth of golde and siluer,
cloth of tissue, silkes of diuers sorts and excellent colours: others
there be of poorer sort that selleth serges, peeces of cotton, linnen
and fustian of all colours; yet both the one and the other is verie
goode cheape, for that there is great aboundance, and many workemen that
do make it. The apothecarie that selleth simples, hath the like table:
there be also shops full of earthen vessels of diuers making, redde,
greene, yellow, and gilt; it is so good cheape that for foure rials of
plate they giue fiftie peeces: very strong earth, the which they doo
breake all to peeces and grinde it, and put it into sesternes with
water, made of lime and stone; and after that they haue well tumbled and
tossed it in the water, of the creame that is vpon it they make the
finest sort of them, and the lower they go, spending that substance that
is the courser: they make them after the forme and fashion as they do
here, and afterward they do gild them, and make them of what colour they
please, the which will never be lost: then they put them into their
killes and burne them. This hath beene seene and is of a truth, as
appeareth in a booke set foorth in the Italian toonge, by Duardo
Banbosa,[53] that they do make them of periwinkle shelles of the sea:
the which they do grinde and put them under the ground to refine them,
whereas they lie 100 years: and many other things he doth treat of to
this effect. But if that were true, they should not make so great a
number of them as is made in that kingdome, and is brought into
Portugall, and carried into the Peru, and Noua Espania,[54] and into
other parts of the world: which is a sufficient proofe for that which is
said. And the Chinos do agree for this to be true. The finest sort of
this is neuer carried out of the countrie, for that it is spent in the
seruice of the king, and his gouernours, and is so fine and deere, that
it seemeth to be of fine and perfite cristal: that which is made in the
prouince of Saxii[55] is the best and finest. Artificers and mechanicall
officers doo dwell in streets appointed, whereas none do dwell amongst
them, but such as be of the same occupation or arte: in such sort that
if you doo come at the beginning of the street, looke what craft or art
they are there, it is to be vnderstood that all that streete are of that
occupation. It is ordayned by a law and statute, that the sonne shall
inherite his fathers occupation, and shall not vse any other without
licence of the justice: if one of them bee verie rich and will not
worke, yet he cannot let but haue in his shop men that must worke of his
occupation. Therefore they that do vse it, by reason that they are
brought vp in it from their youth, they are famous and verie curious in
that which they do worke, as it is plainelie seene in that which is
brought from thence to Manilla, and into the Indies, and vnto Portugall.
Their currant monie of that kingdome is made of golde and siluer,
without any signe or print, but goeth by waight: so that all men
carrieth a ballances with them, and little peeces of siluer and golde,
for to buy such things as they haue neede of. And for things of a
greater quantitie they haue bigger ballances in their houses, and
waights, that are sealed, for to giue to euery man that which is theirs:
for therein the iustices haue great care. In the gouernement of
Chincheo[56] they haue copper monie coyned, but it is nothing woorth out
of that prouince.
THE HISTORIE OF THE MIGHTIE KINGDOME OF CHINA,
WHEREIN SHALBE DECLARED, OF THE RELIGION THAT IS AMONGST THE PEOPLE, AND
OF THEIR IDOLS THAT THEY DO WORSHIP, AND OF OTHER THINGS TOUCHING THAT
THEY DO VSE ABOUE NATURE.
THE SECOND BOOKE.
CHAP. I.
_Of the number of gods that they doo worship, and of some
tokens and paintings that is found amongst them that do
represent a mysterie of our Christian religion._
In the two prouinces, Paguina an[d] Tolanchia, wheras we haue said, the
king of the countrie is ordinarily resident, for that they do bound vpon
Tartary, with whom they haue continuall warres: and againe the most
principall and politike people be in those places, ouer and aboue all
the other.
[Sidenote: A strange image.]
[Sidenote: A mysterie of the Trinitie.]
[Sidenote: S. Thomas preached in this kingdome.]
[Sidenote: The martyrdom of Saint Thomas.]
Amongst the figures of all their idols that they do haue, the Chinos doo
say that there is one of a strange and maruellous making, vnto whom they
do great reuerence: they doo paint him a bodie with three heads, that
doth continually looke the one on the other: and they say that it dooth
signifie, that all three be of one good will and essence, and that which
pleaseth the one pleaseth the other: and to the contrarie, that which is
grieuous and displeaseth the one, is grieuous and displeaseth the other
two: the which being interpreted Christianly, may be vnderstoode to be
the mysterie of the holy Trinitie, that wee that are Christians doo
worship, and is part of our faith: the which, with other things, seemeth
somwhat to be respondent to our holy, sacred, and Christian religion: so
that of verie truth we may presume that Saint Thomas the Apostle[57] did
preach in this kingdome, who as it is declared in the lesson on his day,
after he had receiued the Holy Ghost and preached the holy Gospel vnto
the Parthes, Medes, Persas, Brachmanes, and other nations, he went into
the Indias, whereas he was martyred in the city of Calamina, for his
faith and holy Gospel that he preached.
It is verified that when this glorious apostle did passe into the
Indies, hee trauelled through this kingdome of China, where as it
appeareth he did preach the holy Gospel and mysterie of the Holy
Trinitie: whose picture in the manner aforesaid doth indure vnto this
day, although those people, by the great and long blindnesse which they
are in with their errors and idolatrie, doo not perfectly knowe what
that figure with three heads doth represent or signifie. The better for
to beleeue that which is said, or at least to vnderstande that it is so,
is that it is found in the writings of the Armenians, that amongst them
are in reputation and of great authoritie: and there it saith, that this
glorious apostle did passe through this kingdome of China, when he went
into the Indies, where he was martyred, and that he did preach there the
holy Gospell, although it did profite verie little, for that the people
were out of order, and occupied in their warres: and therefore this
apostle did passe into the Indies, and left some of the countrie
(although but a few) baptised and instructed, that when it should please
God, they might haue occasion to perseuer in that which was taught them.
They haue also amongst them (as it is said) certaine pictures, after the
fashion and with the ensignes of the twelue apostles, which is a helpe
to the verifying of that aforesaide: although if you doo aske of the
people who they are, they doo answere that they were men, and great
philosophers that did liue vertuouslie, and therfore they are made
angels in heauen. They doo also vse amongst them the picture of a woman
verie faire with a man childe in her armes, whereof they say shee was
deliuered and yet remained a virgine, and was daughter vnto a mightie
king: they do reuerence her verie much, and do make prayer vnto her:
more then this, they cannot say of this mysterie, but that she liued a
holy life and never sinned.
Frier Gaspar de la Cruz, a Portugall of the order of Saint Dominicke,
was in the citie of Canton, where he did write many things of this
kingdome,[58] and with great attention, whom I do follow in many things
in the proces of this hystorie, and he saith, that he being vpon a small
island that was in the middest of a mightie riuer, there was a house in
manner of a monasterie of religious people of that country, and being in
it, he saw certaine curious things of great antiquitie: amongst them he
saw a chappel, like vnto an oratorie or place of prayer, verie well
made, and curiouslie dressed: it had certaine staires to mount into it,
and compassed about with gilt grates, and was made fast: and looking
vpon the altar, the which was couered with a cloth verie rich, hee sawe
in the midedst of the same an image of a woman of a meruailous
perfection, with a childe hauing her armes about hir necke, and there
was burning before her a lampe: he being amased at this sight he did
demande the signification: but there was none that could declare more
thereof then that which is said before. Of this which hath been said, it
is easily to be beleeued how that the Apostle S. Thomas did preach in
this kingdom, for that it is seene these people haue conserued these
traditions many yeares past, and doo conserue the same: which is a signe
and token that they had some notice of the true God, whose shadows they
do represent. There is amongst them many errors, and without any
foundation, and is not of them to be seene nor perceiued til such time
as by faith they shall knowe the right God: as may bee seene in the
chapters, where we shall speake of these matters.
CHAP. II.
_I do prosecute the religion they haue, and of the idols they
do worship._
Ouer and aboue that which is saide, these idolators and blind people
(being men so prudent and wise in the gouernment of their common wealth,
and so subtill and ingenious in all arts) yet they do vse many other
things of so great blindnes and so impertinent, that it doth make them
to wonder, which attentiuelie doo fall in the consideration: yet is it
not much to be meruailed at, considering that they are without the
cleere light of the true Christian religion, without the which the
subtilest and delicatest vnderstandings are lost and ouerthrowne.
Generally amongst them they doo vnderstand that the heauen is the
creator of all things visible and inuisible: and therefore they do make
a shew of it in the first caract or letter of the crosse row, and that
the heauen hath a gouernour to rule all such things as are comprehended
there aboue: whom they call Laocon Izautey,[59] which is to be
vnderstood in their language: the gouernour of the great and mightie
God, this they do worship as the principall, next vnto the sun. They say
that this gouernour was not begotten, but is eternal, and hath no body,
but is a spirit. Likewise they do say that with this there is another of
the same nature, whom they call Causay,[60] and is likewise a spirit,
and vnto this is giuen power of the lower heauen, in whose power
dependeth the life and death of man. This Causay hath three subiectes
whom he doth commande, and they say they bee likewise spirites, and they
doo aide and helpe him in things touching his gouernment. They are
called Tauquam, Teyquam, Tzuiquam, either of them hath distinct power
the one ouer the other: they say that Tauquam hath charge ouer the
raine, to prouoke water for the earth, and Teyquam ouer humane nature to
bring forth mankinde, ouer warres, sowing the ground, and fruites. And
Tzuiquam ouer the seas and all nauigators. They doo sacrifice vnto them,
and doo craue of them such things as they haue vnder their charge and
gouernment: for the which they do offer them victuals, sweate smels,
frontals and carpets for their altars: likewise they promise many vowes,
and represent plaies and comedies before their idols, the which they do
verie naturallie.
Besides this, they haue for saints such men as haue surmounted other in
wisdome, in valour, in industrie, or in leading a solitarie or asper
life: or such as haue liued without doing euill to any. And in their
language they cal them Pausaos, which be such as we do call holy men.
They likewise doo sacrifice vnto the diuell, not as though they were
ignorant that he is euill, or condemned, but that he shoulde doo them no
harme, neither on their bodies nor goods. They haue manie strange gods,
of so great a number, that alonely for to name them is requisite a large
hystorie, and not to be briefe as is pretended in this booke. And
therefore I will make mention but of their principals, whom (besides
those which I haue named) they haue in great reuerence.
The first of these they doo call Sichia, who came from the kingdome of
Trautheyco,[61] which is towards the west: this was the first inuenter
of such religious people, as they haue in their countrie both men and
women, and generally doth liue without marrying, in perpetuall
closenesse; and all such as doo immitate this profession do weare no
haire, which number is great, as hereafter you shall vnderstand: and
they greatly obserue that order left vnto them.
The next is called Quanina, and was daughter vnto the king Tzonton, who
had three daughters; two of them were married, and the third, which was
Quanina, hee woulde also haue married, but she would neuer consent
thereunto: saying that she had made a vow to heauen to liue chast,
whereat the king her father was verie wroth, and put her into a place
like vnto a monastrie, whereas she was made to carrie wood and water,
and to worke and make cleane an orcharde that was there. The Chinos do
tell many tales of this maide, for to be laughed at: saying, that the
apes came from the mountaines for to help her, and how that saints did
bring her water, and the birds of the aire with their bylles did make
cleane her orchard, and that the great beastes came out of the
mountaines and brought her woode. Her father perceiuing that, imagining
that she did it by witchcraft, or by some art of the diuell (as it might
well bee), commanded to set fire on that house whereas she was: then she
seeing that for her cause that house was set on fire, she would haue
destroyed her selfe with a siluer pinne, which she had to trim vp her
haire: but vpon a sodanne at that instant there fel a great shower of
raine and did put out the fire, and shee departed from thence and hid
her selfe in the mountaines, whereas she liued in great penance and led
a holy life. And her father, in recompense of the great sinne and evill
he committed against her, was turned to a lepar, and full of wormes, in
such sort that there was no phisition that could cure him: by reason
whereof hee was constrained to repaire vnto his daughter to seeke cure
(which being aduised of the same by reuelation of a deuine spirit); then
her father, being certified thereof, did craue pardon at her handes, and
did repent him verie much of that which he had done, and did worshippe
vnto her, the which she seeing, resisted her father therein, and put a
saint before him, that he should worship it and not her, and therewith
shee straight waies returned vnto the mountaines, whereas she died in
great religion. This they haue amongest them for a great saint, and doe
pray vnto her to get pardon for their sinnes of the heaven, for that
they do beleeve that she is there.
Besides this, they haue another saint which they call Neoma, and was
borne in a towne called Cuchi, in the prouince of Ochiam. This they saye
was daughter vnto a principall man of that towne, and would neuer
marrie, but left her owne naturall soyle and went vnto a little iland,
which is right ouer against Ingoa, whereas she liued a verie straight
life, and shewed manie false miracles. The occasion why they haue her in
reputation of a saint is: There was a certaine captaine of the king of
China, whose name was Compo; he was sent vnto a kingdome not farre from
thence to make warre against the king. It so chaunced that he, with his
nauie, came to an anker at Buym, and being readie to departe, hee would
haue wayed his ankers, but by no meanes he could not mooue them: being
greatly amazed thereat, and looking foorth, he sawe this Neoma sitting
on them. Then the captaine came vnto her, and told her with great
humilitie, that he was going to warres by commandement of the king. And
that if so be she were holie, that she would giue him counsell what were
best for him to do: to whom she answered and sayd, that if he would haue
the victorie ouer them that hee went to conquer, that he should carrie
her with him. He did performe that which she said, and carried her with
him vnto that kingdome, whose inhabitantes were great magicians, and
threw oyle into the sea, and made it seeme that their shippes were all
on fire. This Neoma did worke by the same art, and did vndoe that which
the other did practise or imagine, in such sort, that their magicke did
profitte them nothing, neither could they doe anie harme vnto them of
China. The which being perceiued by them of ye kingdome, they did yeeld
themselues to be subjectes and vassales vnto the king of China. The
captaine beleeued this to be a myracle, yet notwithstanding he did
coniure her (as one of good discretion), for that thinges might fall out
to the contrarie; and the better to certifie his opinion, whereby hee
might the better giue relation thereof vnto the king, he said: Ladie,
turne me this rodde the which I haue in my hand drie, to become greene
and florishing, and if you can so do, I will worship you for a saint.
Then she at that instant did not onely make it greene, but also to haue
an odoriferous smell. The which rod he put vpon the poope of his ship
for a remembrance, and for that he had a verie prosperous and good
viage, he did attribute it vnto her. So that vnto this day, they haue
her in reputation of a saint, and carrie her picture vppon the poope of
their ships, and such as be trauellers to the sea doo offer vnto her
sacrifices.
These aforesaide they doo esteeme for their principall saints, yet
besides all these they haue an infinite number of carued idols, which
they doo place vpon alters in their tempels: the quantity of them is
such that in my presence it was affirmed by frier Geronimo Martin, he
that entred into China, and is a man of great credite woorthy to giue
credite vnto, that amongst many other things, he was in one of their
temples in the cittie of Vcheo, where as hee did count one hundred and
twelue idols: and besides this they haue manie in the high wayes and
streetes, and vppon their principall gates of the citie, the which they
haue in small veneration, as you shall perceiue in this chapter
following: whereby it is plainlie to be seene, in what subiection they
are vnto errours and idolatrie, such as doo lacke the trueth of true
Christian religion.
CHAP. III.
_How little they doo esteeme their idols whome they worshippe._
These miserable idolaters doo so little esteeme their idols, that it is
a great hope and confidence, that at what time soeuer the gospel shal
haue any entry into that country, straightwayes they will leaue off all
their superstitions: in particular in casting of lots, which is a thing
much vsed throughout all that kingdome: also this will be a great helpe
thereunto, for that they are generally men of good vnderstanding, and
ducible and subiect vnto reason, in so ample sort (as is declared by
that religious Dominicke aforesaid), he being in Canton in a temple
whereas they were sacrificing vnto their idols, being mooued with great
zeale to the honour of God, did throw certaine of them downe to the
grounde. When these idolaters did see his boldnesse, which seemed vnto
them to be without reason, they laide hands on him with an infernall
furie, with determination for to kill him: then he did request of them
that before they did execute it, that they would heare what he would
say: the which his petition seemed vnto the principals that were there
to bee iust, and commanded all the people to withdrawe themselues, and
to heare what he woulde say. Then he, with the spirit that God did put
in him, said, that they should aduertise themselues, for that God our
Lorde and creator of heauen and earth, had giuen vnto them so good
vnderstandings, and did equall them vnto the politikest nations in all
the world: that they should not imploy it vnto euil, neither subiect
themselues to worship vnto stones and blocks of wood, which haue no
discourse of reason, more then is giuen them by the workmen that did
make them, and it were more reason the idols should reuerence and
worship men, because they haue their similitude and likenesse: with
these words, and other such like in effect, they were all quieted, and
did not only approoue his saying to be true, but did giue him great
thankes, excusing themselues: saying, that vntill that time there was
none that euer did giue them to vnderstand so much, neither how they did
euill in doing their sacrifices, and in token of gratefulnes (leauing
their idols on the ground, and some broken all to pieces) they did beare
him company vnto his lodging. Hereby you may vnderstand with what
facilitie, by the helpe of almightie God, they may be reduced vnto our
Catholicke faith: opening (by the light of the gospel) the doore which
the diuell hath kept shut by false delusions so long time, although the
king, with all his gouernors and ministers, hath great care that in all
that kingdome there be none to induce nouelties, neither to admit
strangers or any new doctrin without license of the said king, and of
his roial counsel, vpon pain of death, the which is executed with great
rigor. They are people very ducible and apt to bee taught, and easie to
bee turned from their idolatrie, superstition, and false gods: the which
they haue in smal venerati[=o] as aforesaid. With great humility they do
receiue and approue corrections of their weaknes, and do know the
vauntage that is betwixt the gospell and their rights and vanities, and
do receiue the same with a verie good will, as it hath beene and is
seene in manie Chinos that haue receiued baptisme in the citie of
Manila, vpon one of the Ilands Philippinas, whereas they do dwell, and
leaue their owne naturall countrie for to enioy that which they
vnderstande to bee for the saluation of their soules. So that those who
haue receiued baptisme are become verie good Christians.
CHAP. IV.
_Of lots which they doo vse when they will doe anie thing of
importance, and howe they doe inuocate or call the diuell._
[Sidenote: They cast lottes.]
[Sidenote: They throw their gods under their feet.]
[Sidenote: A hogs head for a sacrifice.]
The people of this countrie do not alonely vse superstitions, but they
are also great augurisers or tellers of fortunes, and do beleeue in
auguries, as a thing most certaine and infallible, but in especiall by
certaine lots which they do vse at all times, when they beginne any
jorney, or for to doe anything of importance, as to marie a sonne, a
daughter, or lend anie money, or buy any lands, or deale wt
merchandise, or any other thing whose end is incertaine or doubtfull. In
all these matters they do vse lottes, the which they do make of two
sticks, flat on the one side, and round on the other, and being tyed
togither with a small threede, throwe them before their idols. But
before they do throwe them, they do vse great ceremonies in talke, and
vse amorous and gentle wordes, desiring them to giue them good fortune.
For by them they doe vnderstand the successe to be good or euill in
their iourney, or any other thing that they do take in hande. Likewise
they do promise them, if they do giue them good fortune, to offer vnto
them victuales, frontalles, or some other thing of price. This being
done, they throwe downe their lots, and if it so fall out that the flat
side be vpper, or one flat side and the other round, they haue it for an
euill signe or token. Then they returne vnto their idols, and say vnto
them manie iniurious words, calling them dogs, infamous, villaines, and
other names like in effect. After they haue vttered vnto them all
iniuries at their pleasure, then they beginne againe to fawne vpon them,
and intreat them with milde and sweet words, crauing pardon of that
which is past, and promising to giue them more gifts then before they
did, if their lot do fal out wel. Then, in the like manner as before,
they do proceed, and throw the lots before the idols: but if it fal not
out according vnto their expectation, then they returne againe with
vituperous and vile words: but if to their desire, then with great
praises and promises. But when that in matters of great importance, it
is long before their lots do fall well, then they take them and throwe
them to the grounde, and treade vppon them, or else throwe them into the
sea, or into the fire, whereas they let them burne a while: and
sometimes they doo whippe them vntill such time as the lottes doo fall
as they would haue them, which is the rounde side vpwards, and is a
token of good successe vnto that for which they do cast their lottes.
Then if the lottes doo fall out vnto their content, they doo make vnto
them great feastes with musicke and songes of great praise, and doo
offer vnto them geese, duckes, and boyled rise. But if the thing whereon
they doo cast their lottes bee of importance, then they doo offer vnto
them a hogges heade boyled, dressed with hearbes and flowers, the which
is esteemed aboue all other thinges, and therewith a great pot with
wine. Of all that they doo offer, they doo cut off their billes, and the
clawes of the fowles, and the hogges snowte, and do throw vpon it
graines of rise, and sprinkling it with wine, they set it in dishes vpon
the altar, and there they do eate and drinke, making great feast and
cheere before their idols.
[Sidenote: Another kind of lots.]
Another kinde of lots they doo vse, in putting a great number of little
stickes into a pot, and vpon everie one of them is written a letter: and
after that they haue tumbled and tossed them together in the pot, they
cause a child to put in his hand and take out one, and when they haue
seene the letter, they seeke in a booke which they haue for that purpose
the leafe that beginneth with that letter, and looke what they doo finde
written therein, they do interpret of it conformable vnto the thing that
they cast their lots for.[62]
[Sidenote: Inuocation to the diuell.]
[Sidenote: The diuell telleth lies.]
Generally in all this country when they finde themselues in any trouble,
they do inuocate and call vpon the diuell, with whom they do ordinarily
talke (euen as we do cal vpon God in our neede): of him they doo demande
what way and order they might take to cleere themselues thereof, as they
did in the presence of frier Pedro de Alfaro, of the order of Saint
Francis, in the yeare of our Lorde 1580, at such time as he came from
China, as may be seene in his relation. The order that they haue in
inuocating or calling on the diuell, is as followeth. They cause a man
to lie vpon the ground, his face downwards, then another beginneth to
reade vpon a booke singing, and part of them that are present do answere
vnto him, the rest do make a sound with little bels and tabers; then
within a little while after, the man that lieth on the ground beginneth
to make visages and iestures, which is a certaine token that the diuell
is entered within him: then do they aske of him what they doo desire to
know; then he that is possessed doth answere, yet for the most part they
bee lies that hee doth speake; although hee doo keepe it close, yet doth
hee giue diuers reasons vnto that which hee dooth answere, for that
alwayes they doo answere either by worde or by letters, which is the
remedie they have when that the diuell will not answere by worde. And
when that he doth answere by letters, then do they spread a redde mantle
or couerlet vpon the ground, and throw thereon a certaine quantitie of
rice dispersed equally in euery place vpon the couerlet; then do they
cause a man that cannot write to stand there with a sticke in his hand;
then those that are present do begin to sing and to make a sounde as at
the first inuocation, and within a little while the diuell doth enter
into him that hath the sticke, and causeth him to write vpon the rice,
then do they translate the letters that are there formed with the
sticke, and being ioyned altogether, they finde answere of that they do
demaunde; although for the most part it falleth out as aforesaide, as
vnto people that do communicate with the father of all lying, and so do
their answeares fall out false and full of leasings. If that at any time
he do tell them the truth, it is not for that he dooth it by nature or
with his will, but to induce them vnder the colour of a truth to
perseuir in their errors, and they do giue credite vnto a thousand lies:
in this sort doo they inuocate the diuell, and it is so ordinarie a
thing throughout al the kingdome, that there is nothing more vsed nor
knowne.
CHAP. V.
_Of the opinion they haue of the beginning of the worlde, and
of the creation of man._
Although the Chinos be generally verie ingenious, and of a cleere
vnderstanding, yet in their owne respect they say that all other nations
in the worlde be blinde, except the Spaniards, whom they have knowne but
of late time; they haue amongst them both naturall and morall
philosophie, the which is read publikely amongst them, and also
astrologie.
But nowe touching the beginning of the worlde, and the creation of man:
they have many errors, wherof some of them shalbe declared in this
chapter, taken out of their owne books, and specially out of one that is
intituled the beginning of the world.
[Sidenote: Strange opinions.]
[Sidenote: Marvellous varieties.]
[Sidenote: The first invention of fire.]
[Sidenote: Strange opinions.]
[Sidenote: The invention of plough and spade.]
[Sidenote: Sic. orig.]
[Sidenote: The first king of China.]
They say that at the beginning, the heaven, the earth, and the water
were a masse or lumpe ioyned in one. And that there is one resident in
heaven, whom they call by name Tayn, hee by his great science did
separate heaven and earth the one from the other, so that the heaven
remained hie in the state that it is, and the earth following his
naturall inclination, as grave and heauie, did remaine whereas it is.
They say that this Tayn did create a man of nothing, who they call
Panzon,[63] and likewise a woman, who they call Pansona. This Panzon, by
the power that was given him by Tayn, did create of nothing another man,
who they call Tanhom,[64] with thirteen other brothers. This Tanhom was
a man of great science, in so ample sort, that hee did give name vnto
all created things, and did know by the assignement and doctrine of
Tayne the vertue of them all, and to apply them to heale all manner of
diseases and sicknesses: this Tanhom and his brethren, but especially
the eldest, who was called Teyencom,[65] he had twelve; his first
begotten, called Tuhuncom, had nine, so had al the rest very many. They
do believe that the linage and generation of these did indure for more
than ninty thousand yeeres, and in the end and conclusion of them did
end all humaine nature; for that it was the will of Tayn, who did first
create the man and woman of nothing, for to be reuenged on certaine
iniuries that they did vnto him, and for euery one that he had shewed
vnto them, they did almost knowe so much as himselfe, and would not
acknowledge any superioritie, as they did promise him, at such time as
hee did give vnto him the secreat of all his science. At that time did
the heauen fall downe, then did Tayn raise it vp againe, and created
another man vpon the earth named Lotzitzam;[66] hee had two hornes, out
of the which proceeded a verie sweete sauour, the which sweet smell did
bring forth both men and women. This Lotzitzam vanished away, and left
behind him in the world manie men and women, of whom did proceede all
nations that now are in it. The first that this Lotzitzam brought foorth
was called Alazan, and lived nine hundred yeares; then did the heauen
create another man called Atzion, whose mother, called Lutin, was with
childe with him, onely in seeing a lyons head in the aire: he was borne
in Truchin in the province of Santon, and liued eight hundred yeares. At
this time was the worlde replenished with much people, and did feede on
nothing but on wilde hearbs and raw things: then was there borne into
the worlde one called Vsao, who gave them industrie to make and do many
things, as to vse the trees to make defence to save them from wilde
beasts, which did them much harme, and to kill them, and make garments
of their skinnes. After him came one called Huntzui, who did inuent the
vse of fire, and instructed them what they should doo, and how to rost
and boyle their victuals, and how to barter and sell one thing for
another. They did understande one another in their contradictions by
knots made vpon cords, for that they had not the vse of letters nor any
mention thereof. After that, they say that a certain woman, called
Hautzibon, was deliuered of a son named Ocheutey,[67] who was the
inuentor of many things and ordained mariage, and to play on many and
diuers instruments. They do affirme that he came from heauen by myracle
for to doo good vpon the earth: for that his mother going by the way did
see the print of a mans foote, and putting her foote on it, she was
straight wayes invironed with a lightning, with whom she was conceiued,
and with child with this son. This Ocheutey had a son called
Ezoulom,[68] who was the inuentor of phisicke and astrology, but, in
especiall, matters touching lawe and iudgement. Hee showed them how to
till the lande, and inuented the plough and spade; of this man they do
tell manie wonderfull and maruellous things, but amongst them all, they
say that he did eate of seuen seuerall kindes of hearbes that were
poyson, and did him no harme; he liued 400 hundred yeares; his son was
called Vitey, the first they had amongst them; hee reduced all things to
be vnder gouernement, and to haue it by succession, as shalbe declared
in the chapter whereas I will treate of the king of this mightie
kingdome that now liueth. These and many other varieties and toyes they
saie of the beginning of the world, whereby may be vnderstood how little
men may do without the fauour of God, and the light of the catholike
faith, yea, though they be of the most subtilest and finest wit that may
be imagined.
CHAP. VI.
_How they hold for a certaintie that the soule is immortall,
and that he shal haue another life, in the which it shalbe
punished or rewarded according vnto the workes which he doth
in this world; and how they pray for the dead._
By that aforesaid it appeareth to be of a truth that the apostle S.
Thomas did preach in China, and we may presume that all which wee haue
seene dooth remaine printed in their hearts from his doctrine, and
beareth a similitude of the truth and a conformity with the things of
our catholike religion. Now touching this that wee will treate of in
this chapter, of the immortalitie that they believe of the soule, and of
the rewarde or punishment which they shall have in the other life,
according vnto the workes doone in company with the bodie, which
appeareth to be the occasion that they do not live so euill as they
might, not hauing the knowledge of this truth.
[Sidenote: The soul is immortal.]
[Sidenote: Strange obsequies.]
[Sidenote: They make their sacrifices in the night.]
[Sidenote: Great superstition.]
I do hope by the power of his diuine maiestie that they wil easily be
brought vnto the true knowledge of the gospel. They say and do affirme
it of a truth, that the soule had his first beginning from the heauen,
and shall neuer haue ende, for that the heauen hath given it an eternall
essence. And for the time that it is within the body that God hath
ordained, if it do liue according to such lawes as they have, without
doing euill or deceit vnto his neighbor, then it shalbe caried vnto
heaven, wheras it shal liue eternally with great ioy, and shalbe made an
angel: and to the contrarie, if it liue ill, shall go with the diuels
into darke dungeons and prisons, whereas they shall suffer with them
torments which neuer shall haue end. They doo confesse that there is a
place whither such soules as shalbe made angels doo go to make
themselues cleane of al such euil as did cleaue unto them, being in the
bodie: and for that it should be speedelier doone, the good deeds which
are done by their parents and friends doo helpe them verie much. So that
it is very much vsed throughout al the kingdome to make orations and
praiers for the dead,[69] for the which they have a day appointed in the
moneth of August. They do not make their offrings in their temples, but
in their houses, the which they doo in this manner following. The day
appointed, all such as do beare them companie vntill their sacrifices
are concluded for the dead, which are such as we do cal here religious
men, euery one hath his companion and walketh the streets, and dooth
report the daies and houses where they will be, for that it cannot be
doone altogether. So when they come vnto the house whereas they must doo
their offices, they enter in, and do prepare that euery one do make
oration and sacrifice according to their fashion for the dead of that
house, vnderstanding that by their helpe they shalbe made cleane from
their euils, which is an impediment that they cannot be angels nor inioy
the benefite which is ordained for them in heauen. One of these that is
like vnto a priest, dooth bring with him a taber, and other two little
bords, and another a little bell. Then they do make an altar, wheron
they do set such idols as the dead had for their saints liuing; then do
they perfume them with frankensence and storax and other sweet smels:
then do they put fiue or six tables ful of victuals for the dead and for
the saints: then straightwayes, at the sound of the taber, little bords,
and bels (which is a thing more apt for to dance by, as by report of
them that have heard it), they begin to sing certaine songs which they
haue for that purpose: then do the nouices goe vp vnto the altar, and do
offer in written paper those orations which they did sing to the sound
of those instruments. This being done, they sit down and begin anew to
sing as before. In the end of their prayers and songs, he who doth this
office, doth sing a prayer, and in the end thereof (with a litle borde
that he hath in his hand for the purpose) he striketh a blow vpon the
table, then the other do answere in the same tune, declining their
heades, and doe take certaine painted papers, and guilt papers, and doe
burne them before the altar. In this sort they are all the night, which
is the time that ordinarily they do make their sacrifices, the which
being done, the priests and those that be in the house, do eat the
victuals that was set vpon the tables, wherein they doo spend the
residue of the night till it be day. They say that in doing this they do
purifie and make cleane the soules, that they may goe and become angels.
The common people do beleeue of truth that the soule that liueth not
well, before they go into hell (which shall not be before the end of the
world, according as they do thinke in their error), in recompence of
their euill life, the heauens doo put them into the bodies of buffes and
other beasts; and those which liue well, into the bodies of kings and
lords, whereas they are very much made of and well serued. These and a
thousande toies in like sort, making that the soul dooth mooue out of
one into another, as certaine old philosophers did affirme it to bee,
who were as blind and as far from the truth as they.
CHAP. VII.
_Of their temples, and of certaine manner of religious people,
both men and women, and of their superiors._
[Sidenote: Gallant colours for religious men.]
[Sidenote: Gallant bels.]
There are found in this kingdome many moral things, the which do touch
verie much our religion, which giueth vs to vnderstand that they are
people of great vnderstanding, in especiall in naturall things, and that
it should be of a certainty, that the holy apostle of whom we have
spoken, did leaue amongst them by his preachings occasion for to learne
manie things that do shew vnto vertue; one of the which is, that there
is found amongst them many monasteries in their cities and townes, and
also in the fieldes, wherein are manie men and women that do liue in
great closenes and obedience, after the fashion of other religious
monasteries. They haue amongst them (that is knowne) onely foure orders,
euery one of them hath their generall, who dwelleth ordinarily in the
citie of Suntien, or Taybin, whereas is the king and his counsell. These
their generals they doo call in their language _tricon_, who doo prouide
for euery prouince a prouinciall, to assist and visite all the conuents,
correcting and amending such faults as is found, according vnto the
institution and manner of liuing. This prouinciall doth ordaine in euery
conuent one, which is like vnto the prior or guardian, whom al the rest
do reuerence and obey. This generall is for euer till he doo die, except
they doo finde in him such faults that he doth deserue to be depriued;
yet they do not elect their prouincials as we do vse, but it is doone by
the king and his counsell, alwayes choosing him that is knowne to be of
a good life and fame, so that fauour carrieth nothing away. This
generall is apparelled all in silke, in that colour that his profession
dooth vse, either black, yeallow, white, or russet, which are the fower
colours that the foure orders doo vse: hee neuer goeth foorth of his
house, but is carried in a little chaire of iuorie or golde, by foure or
sixe men of his habite. When any of the conuent doth talke vnto him, it
is on their knees; they haue also amongst them a seale of their
monasterie, for the dispatching of such businesse as toucheth their
religion. These haue great rentes giuen them by the king for the
sustayning of themselues and their suruants. All their conuents hath
great rentes in general; part giuen them by the king, and part of
charitie, giuen them in those cities or townes whereas they haue their
houses, the which are many and verie huge. They doo aske their charitie
in the streets, singing with the sounde of two little bords, and other
instruments. Every one of them when they do begge, doth carrie in their
hands a thing, wherein are written certaine praiers, that they say is
for the sins of the people; and all that is giuen them in charitie they
lay it vpon the said thing, wherewith they do vnderstand (in their blind
opinion) that their spirit is cleare of all sinne. In general their
beards and heads are shauen, and they weare one sole vesture, without
making any difference, according vnto the colour of their religion. They
do eate altogether, and haue their sels according to the vse of our
friers, their vestures or apparel is ordinary of serge of the said foure
colours. They haue beads to pray on, as the papists vse, although in
another order; they doe assist al burials for to haue charity; they do
arise two houres before day to pray, as our papists[70] do their
mattins, and do continue in the same vntill the day doo breake: they doo
praie all in one voice, singing in verie good order and attention, and
all the time of their praying they do ring belles, whereof they haue in
that kingdome the best and of the gallantest sounde that is in all the
world, by reason that they are made almost all of steele; they pray vnto
the heauen, whom they take for their god, and vnto Sinquian, who they
say was the inuenter of that their manner of life, and became a saint.
They may leaue their order at all times at their pleasure, giuing their
generall to vnderstand thereof.
[Sidenote: The eldest sonne is prohibited to take orders.]
But in the time that they are in that order they cannot marrye, neither
deale with anye woman, vpon paine to bee punished asperly.[71] At such
time as one doth put himselfe in religion, the father or next kinsman of
him that taketh the order, doth inuite all them of the conuent, and doth
make them a great and solemne banket; yet you must vnderstand that the
oldest sonne of any man cannot put himself in any monasterie, but is
prohibited by the lawes of the countrie, for that the eldest sonne is
bound to sustaine his father in his old age. When that any of these
religious men do die, they doo wash him, and shaue him, before they do
burie him, and do all weare mourning apparell for him. The religious man
or woman that is once punished for any fault, cannot afterward turne and
receiue the habite at any time. They haue a certaine marke giuen vnto
them in token of their fault, and that is a borde put about their necke,
so that it is seene of all people. Euerie morning and euening they do
offer vnto their idolles frankensence, benjamin, wood of aguila,[72] and
cayolaque,[73] the which is maruelous sweete, and other gummes of sweet
and odoriferous smels. When that they will lanch any ship into the water
after that it is made, then these religious men, all apparelled with
rich roabes of silke, do go to make sacrifices vpon the poopes of them,
wheras they haue their oratories, and there they doo offer painted
papers of diuers figures, the which they doo cut in peeces before their
idols, with certaine ceremonies and songes well consorted, and ringing
of little belles, they do reuerence vnto the diuell. And they do paint
him in the fore castle, for that he shall do no harme vnto the shipps:
that being done, they do eate and drinke till they can no more. And with
this they thinke it is sufficient for the shippe, that all such viages
as shee shall make shall succeede well, the which they haue amongst them
for a thing most certaine: and if they did not blesse them in this
order, all things would fall out to the contrarie.
CHAP. VIII.
_The order that they haue in burying of the dead, and the mourning
apparell they haue._
[Sidenote: A strange kind of buriall.]
It seemeth vnto me not farre from our purpose, to declare in this place,
how they vse in this kingdome to burie the dead, and it is surely a
thing to be noted: the manner is as foloweth. When that any one doth
die, at the very instant yt he yeeldeth vp ye gost, they do wash his
bodie all ouer from top to toe, then do they apparell him with the best
apparell that he had, all perfumed with sweet smels. Then after he is
apparelled, they do set him in ye best chaier that he hath; then
commeth vnto him his father and mother, brethren and sisters and
children, who kneeling before him, they do take their leaue of him,
shedding of many teares, and making of great moane, euery one of them by
themselues. Then after them in order commeth all his kinsfolkes and
friends; and last of all his servants (if he had any), who in like case
do as the other before. This being done, they do put him into a coffin
or chest, made of verie sweete wood (in that countrie you haue verie
much); they do make it very close, to avoid the euil smel. Then do they
put him on a table with two bankes, in a chamber verie gallantly dressed
and hanged with the best clothes that can be gotten, couering him with a
white sheete hanging downe to the ground, whereon is painted the dead
man or woman, as naturall as possible may be. But first in the chamber
whereas the dead bodie is, or at the entrie, they set a table with
candles on it, and full of bread and fruits of diuers sorts. And in this
order they keepe him aboue ground 15 dayes, in ye which time euery
night commeth thether their priests and religious men, whereas they sing
praiers and offer sacrifices, with other ceremonies: they bring with
them many painted papers, and do burne them in the presence of the dead
bodie, with a thousand superstitions and witch-craftes: and they do hang
vpon cordes (which they haue for the same purpose) of the same papers
before him, and many times do shake them and make a great noyse, with
the which they say it doth send the soule straight vnto heauen.
In the end of the 15 daies, all which time the tables are continually
furnished with victuals and wine, which the priests, their kinsfolkes
and friends, that do come to visite them, do eat. These ceremonies being
ended, they take the coffin with the dead bodie, and carrie him into the
fields, accompanied with all his kinsfolks and friends, and with their
priests and religious men, carrying candles in their hands, wheras
ordinarily they do burie them on a mountaine, in sepulchres, that for
the same purpose in their life time they caused to be made of stone and
masons worke: that being doone, straight waies hard by ye sepulture,
they do plant a pine tree, in ye which place there be many of them, and
they be neuer cut downe except they be ouerthrowne with the weather, and
after they be fallen they let them lie till they consume of themselues,
for that they be sanctified. The people yt do beare him company to the
graue, do go in uery good order like a procession, and haue with them
many instruments, which neuer leaue playing till such time as the dead
is put into the sepulcher. And that burial which hath most priests and
musicke is most sumptuous, wherin they were woont to spend great riches.
They sing to the sound of the instruments many orations vnto their
idols, and in the end they do burne vpon the sepulcher many papers,
whereon is painted slaues, horse, gold, siluer, silkes, and many other
things, the which they say, that the dead body doth possesse in the
other world whether he goeth to dwell. At such time as they do put him
into the grave, they doo make great bankets and sports with great
pastime, saying of a truth, that looke what soeuer they doo at that
time, the angels and saints that are in heauen doe the like vnto the
souls of the dead that is there buried. Their parents, familiars, and
servants, in all this time doo weare mourning apparell, the which is
verie asper,[74] for that their apparell is made of a verie course
wolle, and weare it next vnto their skins, and girt vnto them with
cords, and on their heads bunnets of the same cloth, with verges brode
like vnto a hat hanging downe to their eyes; for father or mother they
do weare it a hole yeare, and some two yeares, and if his son be a
gouernor (with licence of the king), he doth withdraw himself many
times, leauing the office he hath, the which they esteeme a great point
of honor, and have it in great account, and such as are not so much in
aliance do apparell them in died linnen certaine monethes. Likewise
their parents and friendes, although these doo weare it but for the time
of the buriall.
CHAP. IX.
_Of their ceremonies that they vse in the celebrating the
Marriages._
[Sidenote: They that haue most daughters are most richest.]
[Sidenote: They may marrie with many wiues.]
[Sidenote: Honest women.]
The people of this kingdome haue a particular care to giue state vnto
their children in time, before that they be ouercome or drowned in vices
or lasciuious liuing. The which care is the occasion, that in this
countrie, being so great, there is lesse vice vsed than in any other
smaller countries: whose ouer much care doth cause them many times to
procure to marrie their children being verie yoong: yea, and to make
consort before they bee borne, with signes and tokens, making their
writings and bandes for the performance of the same in publike order. In
all this kingdome--yea, and in the Ilands Philippinas--it is a
customable vse, that the husband doth giue dowrie vnto the wife with
whom he doth marrie; and at such time as they doe ioyne in matrimonie,
the father of the bride doth make a great feast in his owne house, and
doth inuite to the same the father and mother, kinsfolkes and friends,
of his sonne in lawe. And the next day following, the father of the
bridegroome, or his next parent, doth the like vnto the kinsfolkes of
the bride. These bankets being finished, the husbande doth giue vnto his
wife her dowrie in the presence of them all, and she doth giue it vnto
her father or mother (if she haue them) for the paines they tooke in the
bringing her vp. Whereby it is to be vnderstoode, that in this kingdome,
and in those that doe confine on it, those that haue most daughters are
most richest; so that with the dowries their daughters do giue them,
they may well sustaine themselues in their necessitie; and when they
die, they doo giue it that daughter that did giue it them, that it may
remaine for their children, or otherwise vse it at their willes. A man
may marrie with so manie wiues as he can sustaine, so it be not with his
sister or brothers daughter; and if any doo marrie in these two degrees,
they are punished very rigorously. Of all their wiues, the first is
their legitimate wife, and all the rest are accompted but as lemanes or
concubines. These married men doo liue and keepe house with his first
wife, and the rest he doth put in other houses; or if he be a merchant,
then he doth repart them in such villages or townes whereas hee doth
deale in, who are vnto him as seruantes in respect of the first. When
the father doth die, the eldest sonne, by his first wife, doth inherite
the most part of all his goods, and the rest is reparted in equall
partes amongest the other children, both of his first wife and of all
the other wiues. For lacke of a sonne by his first wife, the first borne
of the other wiues doth inherite the most part: so that few times, or
neuer, there is none that dieth without heyres, eyther by his first
wife, or by the others. And if it so fall out that any of these his
wiues do commit adulterie (the which seeldome chaunceth, by reason of
their keeping in, and great honestie, as also it is great infamie unto
the man that doth offer any such thing), then may the husband, finding
them togither, kill them: but after that first furie being past, he
cannot but complaine of the adulterers vnto the Justic, and although it
be proued verie apparent, yet can they giue them no more punishment but
beate them cruelly vpon their thyghes, as is the custome and lawe of the
countrie, as shalbe declared vnto you in his place. Then may the husband
afterwardes sell his wife for a slave, and make money of her for the
dowrie he gaue her. Notwithstanding, there be amongst them that for
interest will dissemble the matter--yea, and will seeke opportunities
and occasion. Yet if such be spied or knowen, they are righteously
punished. They say in the prouinces that bee neere vnto Tartaria, and in
the selfe same Tartaria they doo vse a custome and manner of marriage
very strange, that is: the vizroys or gouernors doo limit and appoint a
time when that all men and women shall meete together, such as will
marrie, or receive the order of religion.
[Sidenote: A strange kind of marriage.]
The time being accomplished, all such as would be married, do meete
together in a citie of that prouince appointed for that purpose; and
when they come thither, they doo present themselues before 12 auncient
and principall men, appointed there by the king for the same purpose,
who doo take a note of their names, both of men and women, and of what
state and degree they are, and of their substance for to dowrie their
wiues with whom they shalbe married. Then do they number all the men and
women that be there, and if they do find more men than women, or, to the
contrarie, more women than men, then they cast lots, and do leaue the
number that doth so beare in register til the next yeare; yt they may
be the first that shalbe married. Then sixe of those ancient men do put
the men in three parts; the rich they put in one part, without any
consideration of gentilitie or beautie, and those that are rich in a
meane in an other parte, and the poor in the thirde part. In the meane
time that these sixe men be occupied in the reparting of the men, the
other sixe doe repart the women in three parts--to say in this manner,
the most fairest in one part, and them not so faire in an other, and the
fowlest in an other. This diuision being made, then do they marrie them
in this order: vnto the riche men they doo giue the fairest, and they
doo giue for them the prise that is appointed by the judges, and vnto
them that are not so rich they do giue them that are not so faire,
without paying for them anye thing at all; and vnto the poore men they
giue the fowlest, with all that which the rich men do pay for the faire
women, diuiding it into equall partes. Sure it is a notable thing if it
bee true. This being done, they are all married in one daie, and holpen
(although peraduenture not all content), the marriages being doone,
there is greate feastes made, in such houses as the king hath ordeyned
in euerye citie for the same purpose, the which are furnished with beds,
and all other necessaries belonging thereunto, for that the new married
people may be serued of all that is needful for the time that the feast
do indure. This solemnitie beeing finished, which they saye doth indure
fiftie dayes, these newe married people doo goe vnto their owne houses.
You must vnderstande that this custome of marriage is ordeyned for the
common and poore people, and not for lords nor gentlemen, who are not
bound to obey this ordinaunce, but to marrie whereas they like best,
euerie one to seeke and marrie with his equall, or else by an order
which the king hath set downe vnto the viceroys and gouernors, what to
be done therein.
When that the King of China is married, then dooth he choose thirtie
concubines, the principallest persons in all his kingdome, the which hee
dooth keepe and maintayne within his pallace so long as hee doth liue.
But after that hee is dead, and his funerall ended, as is accustomed,
then doth the heire or successor of the kingdome apparell these thirtie
women maruelous gorgeously, with many iewelles; then doth hee cause them
to set in an estrado, or rich pallet, gallantly dressed and furnished,
in one of the three halles (as shall be declared in the second chapter
of the third booke), with their faces couered, in such sort as they may
not be seene nor knowen; and being set in this order, then doth there
enter in thirtie gentlemen of the principallest of the kingdome, (those
whom the king left named in his testament), the which goeth by
antiquitie, or according vnto order set by the king; and eyther of them
doth take one of these ladies by the hand, and looke howe they found
them, so they doo carrie them with their faces covered till they bring
them home to their houses, whereas they haue them for their wiues, and
do maintaine and keepe them all the dayes of their liues. Towards the
mainteyning of them, the king doth leaue in his testament great
reueneues, and the successor in the kingdome doth accomplish and
performe the same with great diligence and care.
In old time, when that the kinges of China would marrie one of his
children or kingsfolkes, he did make in his pallace a great and solemne
banket, to the which he did inuite all the principallest lordes and
gentlemen of his court, commaunding to bring with them their sonnes and
daughters, who did accomplish the same, striuing who should apparell
their children most richest and most gallantest. The banket being done,
the young princes do go whereas are these young ladies, euerie one
placed in order according to their age, and there he doth chuse his wife
according to his owne will or desire, and where he liketh best. But at
this time, this custome is left off, for that the princes and gentlemen
do marry with their kinsfolkes, so that it be not in the first or
seconde degree: yet many times they do not keepe the second.
CHAP. X.
_How that in all this mightie kingdome there is no poore folks
walking in the streets nor in the temples a begging, and the order
that the king hath giuen for the maintayning of them that cannot
worke._
[Sidenote: A good order to avoid idle people.]
[Sidenote: I would the like were with vs.]
[Sidenote: A very good order.]
[Sidenote: A mirror for vs to look vpon.]
Manie things of great gouernment hath beene and shall be declared in
this historie worthy to be considered: and in my opinion, this is not
the least that is contained in this chapter, which is such order as the
king and his counsell hath giuen, that the poore may not go a begging in
the streetes, nor in the temples whereas they make orations vnto their
idols: for the auoiding therof the king hath set downe an order, vpon
great and greeuous penaltie to be executed vpon the saide poore, if they
do begge or craue in the streetes, and a greater penaltie vpon the
citizens or townes men, if they do giue vnto any such that beggeth; but
must incontinent go and complaine on them to the justice, who is one
that is called the justice of the poore, ordayned to punish such as doo
breake the lawe, and is one of the principallest of the citie or towne,
and hath no other charge but only this. And for that the townes be great
and many, and so full of people, and an infinite nomber of villages,
whereas it cannot be chosen but there is many borne lame, and other
misfortunes, so that he is not idle, but alwaies occupied in giuing
order to remedie the necessities of the poore without breaking of the
lawe. This iudge, the first day that hee doth enter into his office, hee
commandeth that whatsoeuer children be borne a creeple in any part of
his members, or by sicknes be taken lame, or by any other misfortune,
that incontinent their fathers or mothers doo giue the iudge to
vnderstande thereof, that he may prouide for all things necessarie,
according vnto the ordinance and will of the king and his counsell; the
which is, the man child or woman child, being brought before him, and
seene the default or lacke that it hath, if it be so that with the same
it may exercise any occupation, they giue and limit a time vnto the
parents, for to teach the child that occupation ordayned by the iudge,
and it is such as with their lamenes they may vse without any
impediment, the which is accomplished without faile; but if it so be,
that his lameness is such that it is impossible to learne or exercise
any occupation, this iudge of the poore doth command the father to
sustaine and maintaine him in his owne house all the dayes of his life,
if that hee hath wherewithall; if not, or that hee is fatherlesse, then
the next rich kinsman must maintaine it; if he hath none such, then doth
all his parents and kinsfolkes contribute and pay their partes, or giue
of such thinges as they haue in their houses. But if it hath no
parentes, or they be so poore that they cannot contribute nor supply any
part therof; then doth the king maintaine them in verie ample manner of
his owne costes in hospitalles, verie sumptuous, that he hath in euerie
citie throughout his kingdome for the same effect and purpose: in the
same hospitalles are likewise maintayned all such needie and olde men as
haue spent all their youth in the wars, and are not able to maintaine
themselues: so that to the one and the other is ministered all that is
needefull and necessarie, and that with great diligence and care: and
for the better accomplishing of the same, the iudge doth put verie good
order, and dooth appoint one of the principallest of the citie or towne,
to be the administrator, without whose licence, there is not one within
that hospitall that can goe foorth of the limittes: for that license is
not granted vnto anie, neyther doo they demand it, for that there they
are prouided of all thinges necessarie so long as they doo liue, as well
for apparell as for victualles. Besides all this, the olde folkes and
poore men within the hospitall, doo bring vpp hennes, chickens, and
hogges for their owne recreation and profit, wherein they doo delight
themselves. The iudge doth visite often times the administrator by him
appointed. Likewise the iudge is visited by an other that commeth from
the court, by the appointment of the king and the counsell to the same
effect: and to visite all such hospitalles as bee in the prouinces
limited in his commission, and if they doo finde any that hath not
executed his office in right and iustice, then they doo displace them,
and punish them verie rigorouslie: by reason whereof all such officers
haue great care of their charges and liue vprightly, hauing before their
eyes the straight account which they must giue, and the cruell rewarde
if to the contrarie.
The blinde folkes in this countrie are not accounted in the number of
those that of necessitie are to bee maintayned by their kinsfolkes, or
by the king; for they are constrayned to worke; as to grind with a
querne[75] wheate or rice, or to blowe smythes bellowes, or such like
occupations, that they haue no neede of their sight. And if it be a
blind woman, when she commeth vnto age, she doth vse the office of women
of loue, of which sorte there are a great number in publike places, as
shall be declared in the chapter for that purpose. These haue women that
doo tende vpon them, and doo paint and trim them vp, and they are such
that with pure age did leaue that office. So by this order in all this
kingdome, although it be great, and the people infinite, yet there is no
poore that doo perish nor begge in the streetes, as was apparent vnto
the Austen and Barefoote fryers, and the rest that went with them into
that countrie.
THE THIRD BOOKE
AND
HISTORIE
OF THE
GREAT AND MIGHTIE KINGDOME OF CHINA,
IN THE WHICH IS CONTAYNED MANY NOTABLE THINGS WOORTHIE
TO BE CONSIDERED OF, TOUCHING MORALL
AND POLLITIKE MATTERS.
CHAP. I.
_How manie kinges hath beene in this kingdome, and their names._
[Sidenote: Vitey, the first king of China.]
In the fourth chapter of the first booke, I did promise particularly to
declare howe many kinges haue beene in this kingdome, and their names.
Nowe to accomplish the same, I will beginne and declare the succession
of them from Vitey (who was the first that did reduce the kingdome to
one empire gouernment) vnto him that dooth reigne at this daye,
remitting that which shall lacke vnto the chapter aforesaide: whereas
shall be found the number of the kinges, and how many yeares since the
first beginning of this kingdome, and the manner of the succession.[76]
[Sidenote: Which is foure yeardes quarter and halfe.]
[Sidenote: The first inuention of garments and dying of colours.]
This Vitey was the first king of China (as it appeareth by their
histories, where as they doo make particular mention). But amongest
other thinges that they do declare of the kinges person, they do say
that he was in height so much as seuen measures, which is accustomed in
China; and euerie measure is two thirdes of a Spanish vare, which is by
good account foure vares[77] and two terses[78] in length: he was sixe
palmes broade in the shoulders, and was as valiant in his deedes as in
bignesse of his bodie: he had a captaine called Lincheon, who was not
onely valiant, but politike and of great wisedome, by reason whereof
with his valour and strength he did subiect vnto Vitey all the whole
countrie that he doth now possesse, and caused all people to feare him.
They do attribute that this Vitey did first inuent the vse of garmentes
for to weare, and by the dying of all manner of colours, of making of
shippes: hee likewise inuented the sawe to sawe tymber; but aboue all
thinges he was a great architector, and an inuenter of buildinges,
whereof hee made verie manie and verie sumptuous, which doo indure vnto
this day in the remembraunce of his name: he did also inuent the wheele
to turne silke, the which is vsed to this day in all the kingdome: hee
was the first that did use to weare golde, pearles, and precious stones
for iewelles, and to weare cloth of golde, siluer, and silke in
apparell: he did repart all the people of the countrie into cities,
townes, and villages, and did ordaine occupations, and commaunded that
no man should vse any other but that which his father did vse, without
his particular licence, or the gouerners of his kingdome. And that
should not be granted without great occasion for the same.
[Sidenote: No woman to be idle.]
All of one occupation were put in streetes by themselues, the which
order is vsed vnto this day throughout al the kingdome; so that if you
doo desire to know what occupation is in anye street, it is sufficient
to see the first house thereof, although it be very long: for it is
verie certaine that they be all of one occupation and not mingled with
any other. Amongst all other things he ordeyned one thing of great
consideration, that was, no woman to be idle, but to worke, either in
her husbands occupation, or in sowing or spinning. This was a law so
generall amongst them, that the queene her selfe did obserue and keepe
it.
[Sidenote: A strange kind of hearb.]
They saye that he was a great astrologician, and had growing in the
court of his pallace a certaine hearbe, the which did make a manner of
demonstration when that any did passe by it, whereby it did shewe if any
were euill intentioned against the king. Many other things they do
declare which I let passe, because I would not be tedious vnto the
reader, referring the dreames and fondnesse of these idolaters vnto the
iudgement of your discretion: for vnto the discreete is sufficient to
touch of euerie thing a little. He had foure wiues, and by them fiue and
twentie sonnes; he reyned a hundreth yeares: there was betwixt this king
and he which did build the great wall (that was spoken of in the ninth
chapter of the first booke) one hundred and sixteene kinges, all of the
lynage of this Vitey. All the which did raigne, as appeareth by their
histories, two thousand two hundreth and fiftie seuen yeares. I do not
here declare their names, because I would not be tedious, although they
be particularly named in their histories; but here I will set downe them
that I finde necessarie to be spoken of for the succession vnto him that
now reygneth.
The last king of the lynage of this woorthie Vitey, was called Tzintzon:
this did make the mightie and great wall aforesaide. Finding himselfe to
be greatly troubled with the king of Tartarie, who did make warre vppon
him in many places of his kingdom, he did ordaine the making thereof,
and for the furnishing of the same, he did take the third man of the
countrie to the worke; and for that manie people did die in this tedious
worke, by reason they went so farre from their owne houses, and in
diuers climes cleane contrarie vnto that where as they were bred and
borne: it grew that the king was hated and abhorred of all people, in
such sort that they did conspire his death, which in effect they did
accomplish and slew him, after he had reigned fortie yeares: and also
his sonne and heyre, who was called Aguizi. After the death of this
Tzintzon and his sonne, they did ordaine for their king one that was
called Anchosan, a man of great valour and wisedome; hee reigned twelue
yeeres: a sonne of his did succeede him in the kingdom, called Futey,
and he reigned seuen yeares. After the death of this king, who died very
young, his wife did reigne and gouerne, and was of his owne lineage: she
did maruellously gouerne that kingdome for the space of 18 yeares, and
for that shee had no issue naturall of her bodie, a sonne of her
husbands yt he had by an other wife did succeede in the kingdome, and
reigned three and twentie yeares: a son of his did succeede him, called
Cuntey, and reigned 16 yeares and eight monthes: a son of his called
Guntey, did reigne 54 yeares: a sonne of his did succeede him called
Guntey, and reigned thirteene yeares: his sonne, called Ochantey, did
succeede him, and reigned 25 yeares and three monthes: his son, called
Coanty, succeeded him, and reigned 13 yeares and two monthes. After him
reigned his sonne Tzentzey 26 yeares and 4 monthes: then succeeded his
son called Anthrey, and reigned no more but 6 yeares; his sonne,
Pintatey, did inherite and reigned 5 yeares. This Pintatey when he died
was not married, and therefore a brother of his did succeede him, called
Tzintzuny, and reigned but 3 yeares and 7 monethes: after him succeeded
a younger brother called Huy Hannon, and reigned sixe yeares: his sonne,
called Cubun, did succeed him, and reigned 32 yeares: his sonne,
Bemthey, did inherite and reigned 18 yeares: after him his son, Vnthey,
and reigned 13 yeares: Othey succeeds him, and reigned 17 yeares; his
sonne, called Yanthey, reigned but 8 monethes, and left a sonne, called
Anthey, who reigned 19 yeares, whose eldest sonne, called Tantey, died
incontinent after his father, and reigned only 3 monthes, and his
brother, called Chyley, reigned one yeare; his son, called Linthey,
reigned 22 yeares; his sonne, called Yanthey, did succeede him, and
reigned 31 years. This Yanthey (the historie saieth) was a man of small
wisedome, which was the occasion that he was abhorred and hated of those
of his kingdome. A nephew of his, called Laupy, did rebell against him;
he had two sociates for to helpe him, gentlemen of the court; they were
two brethren and verie valiant, the one was called Quathy, the other
Tzunthey; these two did procure to make Laupy king. His vncle the king
vnderstoode thereof, and was of so litle valor and discretion, that he
could not, neither durst he put remedie in the same, which caused
commotions and common rumors amongst the people. But in especiall there
was foure tyrantes ioyned in one, and all at one time, they wer called,
Cincoan, Sosoc, Guansian, and Guanser. Against these Laupy did make
warre vnder colour to helpe his vncle, but after a while, that the warre
indured, he concluded and made peace with Cincoan, and he married with
one of his daughters, who straight wayes made warre against the other
three tyrants with the helpe of his father in lawe.
At this time this mightie kingdome was diuided in three partes, and
beganne the tyrannie as you shall vnderstande: the one and principall
part fell vpon Laupy by the death of his vncle, the other to Sosoc, and
the other vnto Cincoan his father in law. In this sort remained the
kingdome in diuision a while, til such time as Cuthey, sonne vnto Laupy,
did reigne in his fathers steede. Then did there a tyrant rise vp
against him, called Chimbutey, and slew him: he by his great valour did
bring the kingdome all in one as before, after that it had bin in
diuision 41 yeares, and reigned after that alone 25 yeares: his sonne,
named Fontey, did succeede him, and reigned 17 yeares. And to make short
of this linage, there was 15 kinges, and reigned 176 yeares; against the
last of them, who was called Quioutey, there did arise against him
tyrannously Tzobu. Of this linage there was eyght kinges, who reigned 62
yeares: against the last of them, called Sutey, there arose one called
Cotey, of whose lynage there was fine kings, and reigned twentie foure
yeres; the last of them, called Otey, was slaine by Dian. There was of
this lynage foure kings that reigned 56 yeres: against the last of them
rose vp Tym, and there was of this race fiue kinges, and reigned one and
thirty yeares: against the last of this house rose vp Tzuyn. And there
was of this linage three kings, and reigned seuen and thirtie yeares,
against the last of these rose vp Tonco. This and all the rest of his
lynage did gouerne maruelous well; which was the occasion that they
endured the longer time. There was of them one and twentie kinges, and
reigned 294 yeares; the last of them, called Troncon, did marrie with
one that had beene his fathers wife, called Bausa, a verie faire woman:
hee tooke her out of a monasterie, where she was a nunne, onely to
marrie with her: she vsed such policie that he was slaine, and did
gouerne the kingdome after, alone, one and fortie yeares. The historie
sayth that she was dishonest, and that with extremitie, and vsed the
companie of the best and principallest of the realme; and not content
with that, she married with one of base lynage, one fit for her purpose,
because she was so vicious. They say that before she did marrie, she
caused to be slaine the sonnes she had by her first husbande, for that
she had a desire that a nephew of hers should succeede her in the
kingdome. Then those of the kingdome perceiuing her intent, and wearie
of her by reason of her ill liuing, sent out to seeke a bastard sonne of
her husbandes, who was fledde away, and with a common consent they
raysed him for king. He was called Tautzon: he caused cruell and
rigorous iustice to be done vpon his stepmother, as was reason for her
euilles, and an example to all those of the kingdome, who by a president
of her ill liuing beganne to straggle: there was of his lynage seuen
kinges, that reigned 130 yeares: against the last, called Concham, arose
Dian; of this linage there were but two kinges, and reigned eighteene
yeares. Against the second and last arose Outon, and was of his linage
three kinges, and reigned but fifteene yeares: against the last there
arose Outzim; of this there was but two kinges, and reigned nine yeares
and three monethes; there arose against the last Tozo: he and his sonne
reigned foure yeares: with the sonne of this one Auchin did fight and
slewe him in the combat, and succeeded him in the kingdome: hee with
other two of his lynage reigned tenne yeares; against the last of these
arose vp one of the lynage of Vitey, the first king, and slewe him; hee
was called Zaytzon; there was of this lynage seuenteene kinges, and
reigned with all peace and quietnesse three hundred and twentie yeares:
the last of this lynage was called Tepyna, with whom did fight the gran
Tartaro called Vzon, who entred into China with a mightie armie, and got
all the kingdome; and it was possessed with nine Tartare kings, the
which reigned 93 yeares, and intreated the inhabitantes with great
tyrannie and seruitude: the last of these was called Tzintzoum; this was
more cruel vnto the Chinos then any of the rest, which was the occasion
that all the kingdome did ioyne together in one, and did elect a king,
called Gombu, a man of great valour and of the lynage of ancient kinges
past, who by his great woorthinesse and ioyning much people together,
did so much that hee did driue all the Tartaros out of the kingdome,
with the death of many thousands of them, who obstinately and without
iustice did with all tyrannie keepe that kingdome in possession: there
was of this lynage twelue kinges with this that now reigneth: the eleuen
kinges past reigned two hundreth yeares: he that now possesseth the
kingdome is called Boneg, who by the death of his elder brother that
died by a fall hee had from his horse, did inherite the kingdome: he is
of 21 yeares of age (as they saye) and hath his mother aliue, of whom,
as yet, there is nothing written: so that I can write nothing in
particular, but that they say he is a gallant gentleman, and welbeloued
of his subiects, and a great friende vnto iustice. He is married with a
cosen of his, and hath one sonne.
Those of his linage hath got of the Tartares many countries since they
were driven out of China, the which are on the other side of the mightie
wall. God for His mercie's sake bring them to the knowledge of His holy
lawe, and accomplish a prophesie that they have amongst them, by the
which they are given to vnderstand that they shall be ruled and brought
in subiection by men with great eyes and long beards--a nation that
shall come from countries farre off, by whom they shalbe commanded,
which signifieth to be Christians. The king of this countrie is had in
so great reputation amongest his subiects, that in all the prouinces
where he is not resident, in the chiefe cities whereas are the vizroyes
or gouernors, they haue a table of gold, in the which is portred the
king that nowe reigneth, and couered with a curtin of cloth of gold,
verie riche, and thether goeth euery day the loytias, which are the
gentlemen, men of lawe, and ministers of justice, and do by dutie
reuerence vnto it, as though the kinge were personally present. This
table and picture is discouered the first day of their feasts which they
doo celebrate, and is at the newe moone of euery month, on the which day
all people do repaire and do reuerence vnto the picture with the same
respect as they would doo if he were present: they do call the king Lord
of the Worlde, and Sonne of Heaven.
CHAP. II.
_Of the court and pallace of the king, and of the citie where as he
is resident; and how that in all the kingdome there is not one that
is lord over subiects by propertie._
[Sidenote: A citie of a daies iourney long.]
[Sidenote: Foure curious halles.]
The habitation of this king, and almost of al his predecessors, hath bin
and is commonlie in the citie of Taybin or Suntien: the occasion is (as
they saye) for that it is neerest vnto the Tartarians, with whom
continually they have had wars, that they might the better put remedie
in any necessitie that shoulde happen, or, peraduenture, for that the
temperature or clime of that place is more healthfull than the other
prouinces, or the dwelling to be of more pleasure, as it is giuen to
vnderstand by that worde Suntien, which in their language is as much to
say the celestiall citie; it is of such bignesse that, for to crosse it
ouer from gate to gate, a man must traueile one whole day, and have a
good horse, and put good diligence, or else he shal come short: this is,
besides, the subburbes, which is as much more ground. Amongst the Chinos
is found no varietie in the declaration of this mightie city, and of the
great riches that is in it, which is a signe to be of a truth for that
they agree all in one. There is so much people in it, what of citizens
and courtiers, that it is affirmed that, vpon any vrgent occasion, there
may be ioyned together two hundreth thousand men, and the half of them
to bee horsemen. At the entring into this citie toward the orient, is
situated the mightie and sumptuous pallace of the king, where he
remaineth ordinarily, although hee hath other two: the one in the midst
of the citie, and the other at the end towards the west. This first
pallace they do testifie is of such huge bignesse, and so much
curiositie, that it is requisite to haue foure days at the least to view
and see it all. First it is compassed about with seuen walles, very
huge; and the space that is betwixt one wall and other doth contain ten
thousand souldiers, which doo watch and gard the king's house dayly:
there is within this pallace three score and nineteen halls, of a
marueilous rich and curious making, wherein there are many women that do
serve the king in the place of pages and squires; but the principallest
to be seen in this pallace is foure halles very rich, whereas the king
giveth audience vnto such ambassadours as come vnto him from other
kingdomes or prouinces, or vnto his owne people when they call any court
of parliament (which is very seldome), for that he is not seene by his
commons out of his owne house but by great chance, and yet when they doo
see him, for the most part it is by a glasse window. The first of these
hals is made al of mettal, very curiously wrought with manie figures:
and the seconde hath the seeling and the floore wrought in the order of
masons' worke, all of siluer of great value: the third is of fine golde,
wrought and inamiled verie curiously. The fourth is of so great riches,
that it much exceedeth all the other three: for that in it is
represented the power and riches of that mightie kingdome: and therefore
in their language they do cal it the hall of the king's treasure; and
they do affirme that it deserueth to haue that name--for that there is
in it the greatest treasure that any king hath in all the world, besides
many iewels of an inestimable price, and a chaire (wherein he dooth sit)
of great maiesty, made of iuory, set full of precious stones and
carbuncles, of a great price, that in the darkest time of the night the
hall is of so great clearenesse as though there were in it many torches
or lights: the wals are set full of stones of diuers sorts, verie rich
and of great vertue, wrought verie curiously: and to declare it in fewe
words, it is the richest and principalst thing to be seene in all the
kingdome, for therein is the principallest thereof.
[Sidenote: Punished for taking bribes.]
In these foure halles are heard such ambassadours as are sent from other
countries, according vnto the estate and qualitie of the king and
prouinces from whence they come: so that according as they are esteemed,
so are they entertained into one of these foure hals. If that from
whence they come is from a king of small power, he hath audience in the
first hall: if he be of a reasonable power, in the second hal, and in
this order in the rest. Within this mightie pallace, the king hath all
that any humane vnderstanding can desire or aske (touching this life),
in pleasure for to recreate his person, and for their queene: for that
neuer (or by great chance) they go foorth of the same: and it hath beene
a customable vse amongst the kings of that countrie, that it is as a
thing inherited by succession never to go forth. They say, their reason
why they doo keepe themselues so close and not to go abroade, is to
conserue the mightie estate of their estade,[79] and also to auoide for
being slaine by treason (as many times it falleth so out); for which
occasion you haue had kings, that in all the time of their reigne haue
not gone out of their pallace but onely the day of their oath and
crownation: and besides this their close keeping, yet haue they tenne
thousande men continually (as aforesaide) in garde of the pallace both
day and night, besides others that are in the courtes, staires and
halles, and other places. Within the gates and wals of this mightie
pallace they haue gardines, orchards, woodes, and groues, whereas is all
manner of hunt, and foule, and great pondes full of fish. And, to
conclude, they haue all manner of pleasures and delites, that may be
inuented or had in any banketting house in the fielde. In all this
kingdome there is not one that is lorde ouer any subiect or vassales (as
they of Turkie), neither haue they any iurisdiction proper, but that
which is his patrimonie and moueables, or that which the king doth giue
them in recompence of good seruice or gouernment, or for any other
particular respect: all the which dooth end with the person, and is
returned againe vnto the king, except he will giue it vnto the sonne of
him that is dead, in curtesie more then by obligation or duetie: giuing
to vnderstande that it is to auoyd inconueniences and occasions of
treasons, which might grow if that there were any lords that were rich
or of power, and not for couetousnes or any other intent. Those whom he
dooth put in authoritie, whether they are vizroyes, gouernours, or
captaine generals, or whatsoeuer they be, hee giueth vnto them large
wages, sufficient to sustaine them in their office, in so ample sort,
that it is rather ouerplus vnto them then lacke; for that he will not
that their necessitie compell them to take presents or bribes, which
thing doth blinde them, that they cannot do iustice vprightly: and vnto
him that doth receiue or take any such (although it be but of smal
prise) he is cruelly punished.
CHAP. III.
_The number of such subiects as doo pay vnto the king tribute in
all these fifteene prouinces._
Vnderstanding the greatnesse of this kingdome of China, and the infinite
number of people that is therein, it is an easie thing to bee beleeued,
the number that euery prouince hath of such as do pay tribute, as is
taken out of the booke that the officers haue, whereby they do recouer
that tribute: and it is affirmed, that there are as many more, such as
are free and do pay no tribute. The loytians and ministers of iustice,
all sorts of soldiers, both by sea and land (which is an infinite
number), are free and do pay nothing; the number as followeth.
The prouince of Paguia[80] hath two millions seuen hundred and foure
thousand that doth pay tribute to the king.
The prouince of Santon, 3 millions and 700 thousand tributers.
The prouince of Foquien, two millions foure hundred and seuen thousand
tributers.
The prouince of Olam, two millions two hundred and foure thousand
tributers.
The prouince of Sinsay, three millions three hundred and foure score
thousand.
The prouince of Susuan, two millions and fiftie thousand.
The prouince of Tolanchia, there where as the king is resident, and is
the biggest of them al, sixe millions fourescore and ten thousand.
The prouince of Cansay, two millions three hundred and fiue thousand.
The prouince of Oquiam, three millions and eight hundred thousand.
The prouince of Ancheo, two millions eight hundred and foure thousand.
The prouince of Gonan, one million and two hundred thousand.
The prouince of Xanton, one million nine hundred fortie and foure
thousand.
The prouince of Quicheu, two millions thirtie and foure thousand.
The prouince of Chequeam, two millions two hundred and fortie foure
thousand.
The prouince of Sancii, which is the least of all the prouinces, hath
one million sixe hundred threescore and twelue thousand tributers.
By this account it is found, that the tribute payers are verie many: and
it is approoued in manie places of this historie whereas they do treate
of the greatnes of this kingdome, that it is the mightiest and biggest
that is to bee read of in all the world. God, for His mercies sake,
bring them to the knowledge of His lawe, and take them out from the
tyrannie of the diuell, wherein they are wrapped.
CHAP. IV.
_The tribute that the king hath in these fifteene prouinces,
according vnto the truest relation._
Although this kingdome is great and very rich, yet there is none that
doth pay so little tribute ordinarily vnto their king as they do,
neither amongst Christians, Moores, nor Gentiles, that we know. The
extraordinary and personall seruice is very much, that in some respect
wee may say that they are more slaues than free men, for that they do
not possesse one foote of land; but they pay tribute in respect whereof,
as also for the great misusing of them by their gouernours, will bee a
great part and occasion to inuite them to receiue the lawe of the
gospell, and that with great facilitie to inioy the libertie of the
same.
The ordinarie tribute that euery one dooth pay that dooth keepe house,
is two Mases[81] euery yeare, which is as much as two Spanish rials of
plate. This tribute is verie little, yet the Loytians (which is a great
part of the kingdome) do pay none, neither their gouernours nor
ministers, captaines nor souldiours: the multitude of the people is so
great, and the kingdome so bigge, that alonely that which they giue for
expences of the king and his court is woonderfull, with customes,
dueties, portages, and other rents: not accounting that which is paide
vnto garisons and souldiers of that kingdome, neither in that which is
spent in repairing of walles of particular cities, and in men of warre
at sea, and campes by land, to gouernoures and iustices, which doth not
enter into this account.
[Sidenote: The rent of the king.]
The rent which remaineth vnto the king ordinarily is this that
followeth, and is taken with great regard out of the booke of his
excheker. Yet the Chinos do say that it is much lesse then that they do
pay at this time; for that this is of old antiquitie, when as the
tributes were lesse: the tributes as followeth.
[Sidenote: Pure gold.]
Of pure golde, from seuenteene to two and twentie killates,[82] they
giue him foure millions, and two hundred fiftie sixe thousand and nine
hundred Taes:[83] euerie one is worth ten rials and foure and twentie
marauadies Spanish mony.
[Sidenote: Fine siluer.]
Of fine siluer, three millions one hundred fiftie three thousand two
hundred and nineteene Taes.
[Sidenote: Pearles.]
The mines of pearles, whereof you haue many in this kingdome (although
they are not verie round), is woorth vnto him commonly two millions sixe
hundred and thirtie thousand Taes.
[Sidenote: Precious stones.]
Of precious stones of all sorts, as they come from the mines, one
million foure hundred three score and ten thousand Taes.
[Sidenote: Muske and amber.]
Of muske and amber, one million and thirtie fiue thousande Taes.
Of earthen dishes and vessell, fourscore thousand Taes. Besides all
this, the king doth put forth verie much ground to his subiects, and
they do pay him with part of the croppe that they gather, or with the
cattle that they bring vp on ye same grounde.
[Sidenote: Rice.]
The quantitie that they pay him is as followeth. Of cleane rice (which
is a common victuall throughout all the kingdome, and of the countries
adioyning to them) they pay him three score millions, one hundred three
score and eleuen thousand, eight hundred thirtie and two hanegges.
[Sidenote: Barley]
Of barley, twentie nine millions, three hundred foure score and eleuen
thousand, nine hundred fourescore and two hanegges.
[Sidenote: Wheate.]
Of wheat like vnto that in Spaine, thirtie three millions, one hundred
twentie thousand and two hundred hanegges.
[Sidenote: Salt.]
Of salt, twentie fiue millions three hundred and fortie thousand foure
hundred hanegges, which is made in his owne salt pits, and is of a great
rent.
[Sidenote: Mayz.]
Of wheat called Mayz, twentie millions two hundred and fiftie thousand
hanegs.
[Sidenote: Millo.]
Of millio,[84] twentie foure millions of hanegges.
[Sidenote: Panizo.]
Of Panizo,[85] fourteene millions and two hundred thousande hanegges.
[Sidenote: Other graine.]
Of other different graine and seeds, fortie millions and two thousand
hanegges.
[Sidenote: Peeces of silk.]
They doo pay him in peeces of silke, of fourteene vares long the peece,
two hundred fiue thousand and fiue hundred ninetie peeces.
[Sidenote: Raw silke.]
[Sidenote: Cotton wool.]
Of raw silke in bundles, fiue hundred and fortie thousande pounds. Of
cotton wool, three hundred thousand pounds.
[Sidenote: Mantels.]
Of mantles wrought of all colours, eight hundred thousand and foure
hundred mantles. Of Chimantas[86] made of rawe silke, that waieth twelue
pound a peece, three hundred thousand sixe hundred and eightie of them.
Of mantles made of cotton of fourty vares, sixe hundred seuenty eight
thousand, eight hundred and seuentie. Of Chimantas of cotton, three
hundred foure thousand sixe hundred forty and eight. All this aforesaide
is for expenses of the court, which is great. The Chinos yt come vnto
the Philippinas do affirme the same, and do not differ in the report,
which is a signe to be true: likewise they do receiue of it in his
tresurie, whereas is many millions, and cannot be otherwise, considering
his great rentes.
CHAP. V.
_Of the men of war that are in the fifteene prouinces, as wel
footmen as horsemen, and of the great care they haue in the gard of
the kingdome._
[Sidenote: Great care for to defend their countrie.]
Looke what care and diligence this mightie king hath, that iustice
should be ministred with right and equitie: so likewise (yea and much
more) he hath touching matters that may preuent wars, which be offered
by princes adiacent vnto him, or any other whatsoeuer. But in especiall
with the Tartarians, with whom they haue had continuall wars many years.
(Although at this day) that the Tartarians doo feare him very much: in
such sort as he thinketh it best to keepe him for his friende, and doth
acknowledge vnto him a certain manner of vassalage. And although at this
present and long time since, he hath bin and is without any occasion of
wars, that should come vpon a sodain; yet hath he had manie and grieuous
enimies to defend himselfe from, or to offend them, as you shall
perceiue in this that followeth. For besides that he hath in euery
prouince his president and counsell of war, captaine generall, and
others ordinarie to take vp people, and ordaine their campes and
squadrons as well by sea as by land, to serue at all assaies when that
occasion shall serue; so likewise he hath in euery city captaines and
souldiers for their particular garde and defence, and doo range and
watch to set their garde in order both day and night, as though their
enimies were at the gates. This military order they do vse and
maintaine, in such sort that no nation knowne may be compared vnto them.
Although, speaking generally, (according vnto the relation of certaine
Spanish souldiers that were there, and did manie times see them) there
be other nations that do exceed them both in valiantnesse, courage, and
worthinesse of mind.
They haue at the gates of all their cities their squadrons, who let[87]
the entrie and going out of any whatsoeuer, except he haue licence of
the iustice of that citie or towne, brought them in writing: the which
gates they do shut and open by order and licence of their captaines,
which is sent vnto them euery day, written in whited tables, and their
sine vnto it. These gates are the force of all the cittie, and thereon
is planted all the artilerie they haue; nigh vnto the which gate, is
ordinarily the house whereas they are founded or made. At night, when
they do shut their gates, they do glew papers vpon the ioinings of them:
then they doo seale the papers, with the seale that the gouernour or
iudge of that cittie doth weare on his finger, the which is done by
himselfe, or by some other in whom he hath great confidence and trust:
and they cannot open them againe in the morning vntill such time as it
bee seene and acknowledged that it hath not been touched since the night
that it was put on. So that if any haue any iourney to ride very early
in the morning, he must go forth of the citie ouer night, before the
gates be shut, and remaine in the suburbs: for out of the cittie it is
not possible to goe vntill the gates be open, which is not till the
sunne be vp ordinarily.
They do not vse any castles nor forts, but great bulwarkes and gun
bankes, whereas they haue continuall watch, and doo change by quarters
according as wee do vse: and the officers with a great number of
souldiers do range throughout the city, and bulworkes: and commonly the
captaines be naturall of those prouinces, whereas they haue their charge
giuen them in consideration that the loue they haue to their countrie,
doo binde them to fight to the death for the defence thereof. And for
that there should be more quietnesse and rest in the cities, it is not
permitted that any do weare weapons, defensiues, nor offensiues, but
onely such souldiers as haue the kings pay: neither do they consent they
should haue them in their houses, neither vse any in trauaile by sea nor
lande. Besides all this, the king hath in the citie of Taybin and
Suntiem (whereas hee is resident), and in such cities lying there about,
a great number both of horsemen and footemen, alwaies in a readinesse
for to go with him into any place, for the safegarde of his person in
time of necessitie.
[Sidenote: Uerie ill horsemen.]
The souldiers of his kingdome are in two sortes and manners, the one
sort are such as bee and are naturals of the citie whereas they haue
their charge, and these be called in their language Cum: in this place
the sonne doth succeed the father, and for lacke of an heire, the king
doth prouide one in the dead man's place. Euery one of them hath his
name written vpon the post of his doore, and the place appointed whither
he shal go when occasion shall serue (enemies being against that cittie
or towne). The other sort of souldiers are strangers, and are consorted
for yeares or monethes to serue. These be they that ordinarily make
their watches, musters, and ioyne companies for the receit of the
captaines: these be called in their language Pon.[88] These goe from one
place vnto another, whereas they are commanded to go. One captaine and
ancient hath charge of a thousand, and a meaner captaine with his
ancient a hundreth, that doo depend vpon the other. So that for to knowe
the number of people that is in a great campe, it is done with great
ease in accounting the ensignes of a thousand men, which are easily
knowne. Euery chiefe or petie captaine of these, hath his house vpon the
cittie wal, and his name put on it, and there he dwelleth so long as the
warres indureth. These captaines euery moneth do exercise their
souldiers in marching and putting them in order: sometime with quick
speed, and other times more slower, and to giue assalt and retyre as
they are taught by the sound of the drum: this they do vse continually
in the time of peace, as well as in the time of warre: also how to vse
their weapons, which are ordinarie, hargabuses, pikes, targets,
faunchers,[89] brushebilles,[90] holbards, dagars, and armour. The
horsemen do vse in the warres to carrie foure swords hanging at their
saddell bowes, and doo fight with two at once, with great dexteritie and
gallant to behold. These do accustome to go into the wars accompanied
with many seruants, and familiar friends on foote, all wel armed after
the gallantest manner that possibly they may. These footemen be
marueillous full of policie, and ingenious in warlike or martiall
affaires: and although they haue some valor for to assalt and abide the
enemie, yet doo they profite themselues of policies, deuises and
instruments of fire, and of fire workes. Thus do they vse as wel by land
in their wars as by sea, many bomes[91] of fire, full of old iron, and
arrowes made with powder and fire worke, with the which they doo much
harm and destroy their enimies. The horsemen do fight with bowes and
arrowes, and lances, and with two swordes (as I haue saide before), and
some with hargabuses. They cannot gouerne their horses very wel, for
that they haue but one peece of iron that is crosse in their mouthes
that serueth for a bridle; and for to make them stay, they pull but one
raine, and with clapping their hands together and making of a noise
before them. They haue very ill saddels, so that they be al verie ill
horsemen. The like prouision hath the king for the sea: hee hath great
fleetes of ships, furnished with captaines and men, that doo scoure and
defend the costs of the countrie with great diligence and watchings. The
souldiers, as well by land as by sea, are paid with great liberalitie,
and those that do aduantage themselues in valor, are very much esteemed,
and haue great preferment and rewards. When these Chinos doo take anie
prisoner in the wars, they doo not kill him, nor giue him more
punishment, but to serue as a souldier in that countrie in the farthest
parts from their naturall, the king paying him his wages as other
souldiers are paid. These for that they may be knowne doo weare redde
bonnets, but in their other apparell they do differ nothing from the
Chinos. Likewise such as be condemned by iustice for criminall offences,
to serue in any frontier (as is vsed much amongst them), they also weare
redde caps or bonnets: and so it is declared in their sentence, that
they do condemme them to the red bonnet.
CHAP. VI.
_More of the men of war which are in al these fifteene prouinces,
and how many there be in euery one of them, as well horsemen as
footemen._
In the chapter past you do vnderstande what care these Chinos haue in
the time of peace as well as in warre for to defend their citties, and
what preparations they haue generrally throughout al the countrie. Now
lacketh to let you know particularly the number that euery prouince hath
in it selfe, the better to vnderstand the mightinesse therof. They haue
in euerie prouince in their chiefe or metropolitan citie, a counsell of
warre, with a president and foure counsailers; all the which are such as
haue bin brought vp from their youth in the wars, with experience of the
vse of armour and weapon: so that vnto them is giuen the charge for the
defence of their prouince.
These counsellors doo ordaine captaines, and prouide other officers and
all necessaries for the warres, and send them vnto such cities and
townes whereas they see it is needfull. And for that in the
accomplishing thereof there shalbe no lacke, the treasurer is commanded
to deliuer vnto them whatsoeuer they do aske without any delay.
[Sidenote: The number of souldiers in all China.]
The number of the souldiers that euery prouince had in the yeare 1577,
at such time as frier Martin de Herrada and his companie entered into
China (hauing no wars, but great peace and quietnesse), is as followeth.
The prouince of Paguia, whereas ordinarily the king is resident, hath
two millions and one hundred and fiftie thousand footemen, and foure
hundred thousand horsemen.
The prouince of Santon hath one hundred and twenty thousand footemen,
and fortie thousand horsemen.
The prouince of Foquien hath eight and fiftie thousande and nine hundred
footemen, and twentie two thousand foure hundred horsemen.
The prouince of Olam hath three score and sixteene thousand footemen,
and twentie fiue thousande fiue hundred horsemen.
The prouince of Cinsay hath eightie thousand three hundred footemen, but
of horsemen verie few or none; for that this prouince and the other that
followe, are all mountaines, and ful of rockes and stones.
The prouince of Oquiam hath twentie thousand and sixe hundred footemen,
and no horsemen, for the reason aforesaide.
The prouince of Susuan foure score and sixe thousande footemen, and
foure and thirtie thousande and fiue hundred horsemen.
The prouince of Tolanchia, which is that which doth border vpon the
Tartarians, with whom the kings of China haue had wars (as aforesaid),
hath two millions and eight hundred thousand footemen, and two hundred
and ninety thousand horsemen, and are the most famous and best in all
the whole kingdome: for that they are brought vp in the use of armour
from their youth, and many times exercised the same in times past, when
they had their ordinary war with their borderers the Tartarians.
The prouince of Cansey hath fiftie thousand footemen, and twentie
thousand two hundred and fiftie horsemen.
The prouince of Ancheo (there whereas the friers were) hath foure score
and sixe thousand footemen, and fortie eight thousand horsemen.
The prouince of Gonan, fortie foure thousand footemen, and fourteene
thousand fiue hundred horsemen.
The prouince of Xanton hath fiftie two thousand footemen, and eighteene
thousand nine hundred horsemen.
The prouince of Quincheu, hath fortie eight thousand and seuen hundred
footemen, and fifteene thousande three hundred horsemen.
The prouince of Chequeam, thirty foure thousand footmen, and thirteene
thousand horsemen.
The prouince of Sancii, which is least of them all, hath forty thousand
footemen, and sixe thousand horsemen.
[Sidenote: The souldier is royall paid.]
[Sidenote: The number of footemen and horsemen.]
All these people aforesaid, euery prouince is bound (by an order set
downe in parlement) to haue in a redinesse, the which is an easie thing
to be done; the one is for that the king doth pay them roiallie, the
other for that they do dwel in their owne natural countries and houses,
wheras they do injoy their patrimonies and goods: leauing it vnto their
sonnes. In the time of wars, they are bound to assist the place that
hath most necessitie. By this account it plainely appeareth that all
these prouinces (which may better be called kingdomes, considering their
greatnes) haue fiue millions and eight hundred fourtie sixe thousand and
fiue hundred footemen, and nine hundred fortie eight thousand three
hundred and fiftie horsemen. All the which, if in valor and valientnes
might be equalled vnto our nations in Europe, they were sufficient to
conquer ye whole world. And although they are more in number and equal
in policies, yet in their valientnesse and courage they are far behind.
Their horse for the most part are little, but great traueilers: yet they
say, within the countrie there are verie great and excellent good horse.
I do not here declare the industrie that might (with the fauour of God)
be vsed to win and ouercome this people, for that the place serueth not
for it; and I haue giuen large notice thereof, vnto whom I am bound. And
againe, my profession is more to bee a meanes vnto peace, then to
procure any warres; and if that which is my desire might be doone, it
is, that with the word of God, which is the sworde that cutteth the
hearts of men, wherewith I hope in the Lorde to see it.
CHAP. VII.
_Of a law amongst the Chinos, that they cannot make anie wars out
of their owne countrie, neither go forth of the same, neither can
any stranger come in without licence of the king._
[Sidenote: They haue no neede of other nations.]
[Sidenote: Straight lawes.]
Although in many things that haue bin seene in this kingdome is shewed
and declared the sharpe and ripe witts of these men, and with what
wisedome and prudence they doo most manifest the same (in my iudgment)
is in that which shalbe declared in this chapter. They without all doubt
seeme to exceede the Greekes, Carthagenians, and Romanes, of whom the
old ancient histories haue signified to vs, and also of those later
times; who for to conquere strange countries did separate themselues so
farre from their natural, that they lost their owne countries at home.
But these of this kingdome being forewarned (as ye prouerbe saith:)
Felix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum. By the hurt of another, etc.,
they haue found by experience yt to go forth of their owne kingdome to
conquer others, is the spoile and losse of much people, and expences of
great treasures, besides the trauaile and care which continually they
haue to sustaine that which is got, with feare to be lost againe: so
that in the meane time whilest they were occupied in strange conquests,
their enimies, the Tartarians and other kings borderers vnto them, did
trouble and inuade them, doing great damage and harme. And more,
considering that they do possesse one of the greatest and best kingdomes
of the world, as well for riches as for fertility, by reason whereof,
and by the great aboundance of things that the country doth yeeld, many
strange nations do profite themselues from them, and they haue need of
none other nation, for that they haue sufficient of all things
necessarie to the mainteining of humane life. In consideration whereof
they called a generall court of Parliament, whether came all vizroyes
and gouernours and other principall men of all the fifteene prouinces:
and there they did communicate, to put remedy in this great
inconuenience in the best manner possible. Then after they had wel
considered of the same with great care and diligence, taking the
iudgment particular of euery one, and in generall by common consent,
they found it requisit for their quietnes and profite, and a thing most
conuenient for the common wealth to leaue al yt they had got and gained
out of their owne kingdome, but specially such countries as were farre
off. And from that day forwards not to make any wars in any place: for
that from thence did proceed a known damage and a doubtfull profite: and
being altogether conformable, they did request the king that was at that
present that he would cal home al such people as he had in other
kingdomes bordering there about vnder his obedience, perswading him that
in so doing, he should remaine a mightie prince, more richer, more in
quiet and in more securitie. Then the king perceiuing the request and
petition of his kingdome and subiects, and being fully satisfied that
this perswasion was requisite to be put in execution: he straight wayes
set it a worke, and commanded vpon great penalties, that al his subiects
and vassals naturall that were in any strange countries, that in a time
limited, they should returne home to their owne country and houses: and
likewise to the gouernours of the same countries, that they should in
his name abandon and leaue the dominion and possession that he had of
them: excepting such as would of their owne good will acknowledge
vassalage, and giue him tribute, and remaine friends, as vnto this day
the Lechios[92] and other nations do. This law was then established and
is inuiolablie kept to this day: in the which it is first commanded that
none whatsoeuer, vpon paine of death, shall make or begin warre in any
part without his licence. Also on the said penaltie, that no subiect of
his shall nauigate by sea out of the kingdome without the said licence.
Also that whatsoeuer will go from one prouince to another within the
said kingdome, to traficke in buying and selling, shall giue sureties to
returne againe in a certaine time limited, vpon paine to bee
disnaturalled of the countrie. Likewise that no stranger whatsoeuer
shall come in by sea nor by land, without his express licence, or of the
gouernours of such ports or places whereas they shall come or ariue. And
this licence must be giuen with great consideration, aduising the king
therof. All which lawes haue beene the occasion that this mightie
kingdome hath not come to notice and knowledge but of late yeares. All
the which that is said, seemeth to be true, for that it is cleerely
found in their histories and books of nauigations of old antiquitie:
whereas it is plainely seene that they did come with the shipping vnto
the Indies, hauing conquered al that is from China, vnto the farthest
part thereof. Of all the which they indured possessors in great
quietnes, till such time as they ordeined the law of abandoning of their
owne good will, as aforesaid. So that at this day there is great memory
of them in the Ilands Philippinas and on the cost of Coromande, which is
the cost against the kingdome of Norsinga[93] towards the Sea of
Cengala;[94] whereas is a towne called vnto this day the soile of the
Chinos, for that they did reedifie and make the same. The like notice
and memory is there in the kingdom of Calicut, wheras be many trees and
fruits, that the naturals of that countrie do say, were brought thither
by the Chinos, when that they were lords and gouernours of that
countrie. Likewise in those dayes they were of Malaca, Siam, and
Chapaa,[95] and other of their borderers. Also it is to be beleeued of
ye Ilands of Iapon, for that there are many token unto the Chinos unto
this day, and the naturals of the country are much after the fashion of
the Chinos, and many particular things that do giue vs to vnderstand:
and some lawes that are obserued and kept in China. But now in these
dayes the gouernors of the sea ports do dispence with the law that
forbiddeth ye going out of the kingdome, by certaine gifts which is
giuen them by merchants to giue them secret licence, that they may go
and trafficke in ilands bordering there about, as vnto the Philippinas,
whither come euery yeare many ships laden with merchandise of great
riches, of the which is brought many times into Spaine. Likewise they do
trauaile vnto other parts and places, wheras they vnderstand they may
profite themselues. Yet they do not giue any such licence vntill they
haue giuen sureties to returne within one whole yeare.
The desire of gain hath caused them to traueile to Mexico, whither came
the yeare past in anno 1585 three merchants of China, with verie curious
things, and neuer staied till they came into Spaine and into other
kingdomes further off. Likewise the said iudge and gouernours doo giue
licence vnto strangers (in the order aforesaid) for to enter into their
ports to buy and sel, but first vpon examination and charge, that they
should haue a great care not to demand any licence but to the same
intent. Then haue they their licence with a time limited, and with
condition that they shall not procure to goe about their cities, neither
to see the secrets thereof. And this is giuen in writing vpon a whited
table, which is set vpon the fore partes of their ships, that when they
come to an anker in any port it may be seene of the keepers and guards
that they sinke them not, but let them peaceably to enter and to
trafficke in buying and selling, paying their ordinarie customes due
vnto the king.
In euery port there is a scriuener or notarie, put there by the
gouerners, that dooth set downe in memorie the day and houre that any
shippe doth enter in, in order that, whether hee be a stranger or
natural, to take in his lading and dispatch, according vnto the old
custome of those ports, the which is inuiolably kept; which is the
occasion that they do lade and dispatch in so short a time, and with so
great quietnesse, as though there were but one shippe, although many
times you shall see in one port two thousande ships small and great. In
this sort, with a bought licence, did the Portugals traficke from the
Indies in Canton, a prouince of this kingdome, and in other parts of
that kingdome, as they themselues haue declared, and likewise the
Chinos.
CHAP. VIII.
_Of the kings royall counsell, and the order they haue to know
euerie moneth what dooth passe in all the kingdome._
The king hath in the citie of Tabin,[96] whereas he is resident, a
royall counsell of twelue counsellers, and a president, chosen men
throughout al the kingdome, and such as haue had experience in
gouernement many yeares.
For to be one of the counsell, it is the highest and supremest dignitie
that a man can come vnto; for that (as aforesaid) in all this kingdome
there is neither prince, duke, marquesse, earle, nor lord, that hath any
subiectes, but the king only, and the prince his sonne. These
counsellers, and the gouernors of these prouinces by them appointed, bee
such personages, that they are respected and esteemed for the time of
their continuance in the same estimation, as is the other, where as they
haue these titles.
[Sidenote: Councillors must be expert in sciences.]
For to be one of this counsell, it is not sufficient that they be expert
and learned in the lawes of the countrie, and in morall and naturall
philosophie, and commenced in the same, but they must be also expert in
astrologie and iudgements. For they say, he that must be of this supreme
counsell, by whome is gouerned all these fifteene prouinces: it is
requisite that they know all this that is saide, for to prognosticate
what shall succeede and happen, the better to prouide for all
necessities that shall come. These twelue doo sit in counsell ordinarily
in the kinges pallace, for the which there is a hall appointed,
maruellous richly trimmed: and in the same thirteene chayres, sixe of
them of golde, and sixe of siluer: both the one and the other of great
price, wrought with great curiositie: yet the thirteenth is more richer,
for that it is of golde and set full of precious stones of great value,
and that is placed in the middest of them vnder a canopie or cloth of
estate, of cloth of gold: in the which is imbrodered the kinges armes,
and is as it is saide, certaine serpentes, wrought with golde wyer: in
this chayre the president doth sitte when the king is not in presence:
but if hee be there (as seeldome he is) then doth the president sit in
the first and highest of the chaires on the right hand, which be of
gold: in the which, and in the other of siluer, they bee placed
according vnto their antiquitie: in this sort, that if the president do
die, then do the most auncient proceede and inherite his roome, and in
his chaire doth the fift person rise on the side of the golden chaires:
and so from the fourth vnto the fift: and in this order all the rest
arise in the chaires of siluer, passing into the other chaires of golde.
This may the president doo, preferring euerie one in order (if any doo
die) without the consent of the king. And if any of these chaires be
voyd, then doth the counsell choose an other by voices: the which is
done by vprightnes, and he which hath the most is preferred; but the
chiefest in this preferment is merit and sufficiencie. If he that is
chosen be absent in any gouernment, then doo they send for him; but if
hee be present in the citie, then doo they carrie him before the king,
giuing him to vnderstand of their election, in whose power it is to
accept or to make it voyde, which neuer doth happen. Then the king
himselfe on his owne handes, according vnto their custome, doth make him
sweare a solemne oth that he shall doo vpright iustice according vnto
the lawes of the countrie, and that he shall likewise doo vprightly in
the choosing of viceroyes and gouernours or any other iustices, and not
be led with affections nor passions, neyther receiue anie bribes himself
nor any other for him: with many other things in this order and effect:
and aboue all thinges hee shall not bee partaker, neyther consent to
anye treason at anie time against the king: but rather if that hee doo
vnderstande of anie such, directly or indirectly, he shall straight
wayes giue the kinge to vnderstande thereof, or his counsell, of all
that he dooth knowe or vnderstande, alwaye favouring with his industrie
and force the preseruation of peace and life of the king.
This oth of homage being doone, they doo carrie him vnto the chaire
which is on the left hande in the hall, and doo giue him the possession
with great solemnitie; for the which, certaine dayes after there is
great feastes in the citie, as well by them of the counsell as by the
citizens and courtiers: during the which time, the marchants do leaue
their contractions and trafickes, and handicraft men their occupations.
If any occasion bee requisite to talke with the king, there is none that
speaketh with him but the president, and if it so fall out that hee be
sicke, then the most auncient and vppermost in the golden chayres dooth
talke with him at all times when neede requireth; but when hee talketh
with him hee is on his knees, and his eyes inclyned to the grounde, and
neuer mooueth although the talke endureth two houres. He is paide with
the same money that all viceroyes, gouernours, iustices, and captaines
of the kingdome are: when they will talke with the president, it is in
the self same order.
In this royall counsell euerie moneth they doo knowe all thinges that
doo happen in all the kingdome woorthie to bee aduised of, and this is
without falt; for that those which doo gouerne the prouinces haue
expresse commandement to sende notice vnto the court of all thinges that
doo happen in anye of their prouinces touching warres, the estate of the
countrie, the kinges rents, or any other thing: the which is
accomplished with so great care, that although it bee a prouince distant
fiue hundred leagues from the court, yet the post doth not misse his day
appointed. And those which do first come, do tarrie till the last or
furthest off doo come, and then vpon the day appointed they do all
together giue their relations. Those which are farre off for to be at
the court so soone and at the instant as those which are nigh at hand,
doo send postes daily, that the one may ouertake the other. They do run
post after the vse of Italy and Spain with a horne, but they were woont
to haue a coller of belles, the better to be heard: so yt the
postmasters when they do heare the horne or bels, do straight waies
bridle their horse to be in a readines. Likewise, if their iourney be to
passe by water (as many times it hapneth), then ye boat-men do make
their barks readie.
Then when the counsell hath taken relation of all the posts in effect,
the president incontinent doth giue a straight account thereof vnto the
king: then hee, or the counsell by his order (if anie such neede
requireth), do put remedie for that that is needfull for the time. And
if it be requisite to send any iustice about the same, he is straight
wayes appointed, and dispatched and sent in all haste and with great
secrecie: and this iustice doth make inquiries in such sort that it is
not knowen, no not in the citie where the fault is committed.
And for that, touching this matter, it shall bee spoken of more at large
in chapters following, I will conclude with this: that this king will
haue such dominion ouer his kingdome and subiectes, that although it be
great with so manie prouinces, cities, and townes, yet not one uiceroy,
gouernor, nor iustice can put any man vnto death, without his sentence
be first confirmed by the kinge and his royall counsell, except it be in
the warres actually, for that there in the delaying thereof may growe
some perill; therefore they doo permit the captaine generall or his
lieftenant, to behead or hang what so euer souldier that shall offende
or doo anie ill thing; this may they do without consentment of the king
or his counsell, onely with the consentment of the kinges treasorer, or
of the generall of the fielde: the which bee both of them graue
personages, and they must be both conformable in their iudgementes or
else they cannot execute death.
CHAP. IX.
_Of such presidents and ministers as the king doth put in euerie
prouince, and the order that they haue in their gouernment._
[Sidenote: Euery prouince hath his viceroy.]
You do vnderstande howe the two prouinces, Paguia and Tolanchia are
gouerned by the supreme counsell of the king, and such ministers as they
doo send to gouerne. The other thirteene prouinces that do remaine, haue
eyther of them a vizroy or gouernor, whom the common people do call
Insuanto;[97] who is continually resident, and doth dwell in the
metropolitane citie, whereof the prouince doth commonly beare the name.
And although all the kinges officers and iustices of what sort of
administration they are, be generally called by the name of Loytia;[98]
yet euerie one hath a speciall and a particular name besides, according
vnto his office that he doth execute: of the which and of their proper
names I will giue you to vnderstand, for that it doth differ from our
purpose. The vizroy, that is in euery prouince principall and supreme
magistrate in place of the king, they do call him Comon.[99] The second
in dignitie is the gouernour of all the prouince, and he is called
Insuanto, who hath verie little less maiestie than the viceroy: then the
corregidor or gouernor that is resident in any citie, where as is
neither viceroy nor gouernor, is called Tutuan,[100] all of this degree.
Of any thing that is of importance, of what citie soeuer they be, they
do giue relation thereof vnto the higher gouernor, called Insuanto, and
likewise this Insuanto vnto the viceroy or comon, whose charge is to
giue the king to vnderstand thereof or his royall counsell, by the
postes that we haue spoken of before. The third in dignitie is called
Ponchasi;[101] this is the president or counsell, of the kinges
reuenewes, who hath vnder him a counsell and many ministers and
officers, as sargents and others, which do recouer the rents in euery
province. This state dooth giue account of all his office vnto the
tutuan, after that he hath paide all kind of wages and charges ordinarie
and extraordinarie due to any officer of the kinges in all that
prouince.
[Sidenote: Captaine generall.]
The fourth degree or dignitie is called Totoc,[102] and this is captaine
generall of all souldiers, as well footmen as horsemen. The fift is
called Anchasi;[103] he is president and gouernour ouer iustices both
criminall and ciuill: and doth determine with his counsell of matters in
difference, whatsoeuer that do appeale vnto him from other meaner
iustices. The sixt is called Aytao:[104] this is generall puruier and
president of the counsell of warre, whose office is to prouide souldiers
when that it is requisite or necessitie demaundeth, and to prouide
ships, munitions, and victuals for any fleete that shall passe by sea,
as that shall be requisite by land, and for the suppliment of garisons
in cities and coastes. To this is giuen the charge to examine such
strangers that do come to any prouince, to knowe of whence they are, and
wherefore they do come, and of all other thinges, and after beeing
knowen, to giue the viceroy to vnderstand thereof, and of all thinges
needful.
These sixe offices or charge are of great authoritie, and they that haue
the execution thereof are had in great reuerence: euerie one of them
hath in societie or counsell tenne, which are men chosen of great
experience and diligence, and they do help him in the exhibition and
dispatch of matters touching that office. When they are in place of
counsell, which is in the pallace of the viceroy (whereas euerie office
hath his place appointed, garnished in very good order), their sociates
are diuided in two partes, fiue of them do sit on the right hand of the
president, and fiue on the left hand; those which do sit on the right
hande are the most auncientes and haue the more preheminence, and doo
differ from the other that be on the left hande in this only, for that
they do weare wastes or girdels imbossed with gold, and yealow hattes:
and they on the left hand haue their girdels imbossed with siluer, and
weare blewe hats; the which girdels, with gold and siluer, and hats
yealow and blewe, there is none that is permitted to weare but onelye
the counsellers. Likewise these and the presidents do weare the kinges
armes on their breastes and backes imbrodered with golde, without the
which they can not goe foorth to anie place where they must be seen,
neyther sitte in iustice to determine anie thing whatsoeuer. If they
doo, they are not onely disobedient, but are seuerely punished at the
time of their visitation.
[Sidenote: A very good propertie of iustices.]
If the president of any of these counsels doo die, then one of the
auncientest of the counsellers dooth succeede him in the office,
obseruing in all thinges the order, as I haue saide in the chapter past,
of the royall counsell. All these iustices generally haue a maruellous
morall vertue, and that is, they be all very patient in hearing any
complaynt, although it be declared with choller and proude speech. It is
the first thing that is taught them in their schooles: they are verye
well nourtered, and courteous in their speeches, although it bee with
them that they haue condemned by lawe. If that vppon any necessitie they
must goe into any part of the prouince to make any information of
importance, then is appointed one of the counsell, and hee goeth alone,
but he hath with him the authoritie of them all.
Besides these sixe counsellers or iudges aforesaide, there bee others of
lesse dignitie (although greatly respected, as all ministers of iustice
bee in this kingdome), and they are called as followeth: Cautoc, this is
the chiefe auncient-bearer;[105] Pochim,[106] the seconde treasourer;
Pochinsi, he that keepeth the seale royall; Antzatzi,[107] he is as the
maior or bailife of any citie or towne. There be also other three
officers, which are called Guytay,[108] Tzia,[109] Toutay,[110] these
doo keepe court and haue audience in their houses once a weeke; and when
they do open their doores, there is shott off foure peeces of artilerie,
to giue all men to vnderstande that they are in place, readie to heare,
and to doo iustice. If they do finde any that is culpable or faultie,
they doo straight wayes sende them with a sargent vnto the ordinarie
iustice of the citie, which is called zompau, with a bill or note, in
the which is signified the punishment that he must haue.
[Sidenote: A very good order.]
Euerie ordinarie iustice hath committed to his charge a thousand
souldiers. He can not exceed his limit nor iurisdiction, neyther can
anie other haue to doo in his charge. Euerie night they doo range their
circuit, and doo cause that euery one may be quiet in his house, and to
put out their candelles and lightes in time to auoyde fires, which hath
happened amongest them verie great, by reason that their houses are so
neere one to an other, and all the vpper partes of their houses wrought
with tymber, according vnto the vse of Byskaye: and all suche as they
doo finde with light after the houre limited, they are punished verie
asperly. From these there is no appellation but vnto suche iustices as
are sent from the court, and besides them vnto none but vnto the
visiters that doo come ordinarily, who doo vndoo and make satisfaction
of all griefes or wronges doone by the other, and these are called in
their language Gomdim, which is as much to say, a righter of all griefe:
this man is respected more than all the rest.
Besides all these there be other particular officers, which be called
Tompo:[111] these haue the charge to see the prouision of victualles,
and to put a price on them; an other is called Tibuco,[112] he that
dooth arest and punish vagabundes and idle persons. Quinche[113] is the
cheefe sargent, Chomcan[114] is the keeper of the prison: this is one
that they haue in great reuerence, for that he hath a priuilege aboue
all the rest: that after hee hath done his dutie vpon his knees at his
first entrie, hee may tell his tale on foote, and so can not the rest
doo, but kneeling.
When that these gouernours or iustices doo newly come into these
prouinces or cities, ordeyned and sent by the supreme counsell, they doo
sende two or three dayes before they come themselues their letters
patentes and prouisions: the which being seene and obeyed, there goeth
foorth to receiue him all the loytias and men of warre with their
souldiers and ensignes military, and other officers, making great
feastes and pastimes.
Likewise the citizens at this time doo hange their streetes with clothes
of silke and other thinges very richly, and trimmed with flowers,
bearing him companie vnto his lodging with much musicke and sound of
instrumentes.
Aboue all these dignities and offices there is one which is called
Quinchay, which is to be vnderstood in their language "the golden
seale"; this goeth not from the court, but vpon waightie matters and of
great importance touching the quietnesse of all the kingdome. The order
they haue in the choyse of these iustices and officers, and of other
matters touching good gouernment, shall be declared vnto you in the
chapter following.
CHAP. X.
_Here is prosecuted the manner how they do choose their gouernors
and iustices, and howe they doo execute the same._
[Sidenote: A very good consideration.]
All such officers as I haue declared vnto you in the chapter past, the
king dooth ordaine them by consent of his counsell, who doo informe
themselues with a particular diligence of the qualitie and behauiour of
the person that shall be elected. The principall matter that they doo
aduertise themselues is, that the viceroy, gouernour, or counsellor be
not a naturall of that countrey that he is prouided for; and that for to
preuent the inconuenience that might happen in the executing of good
iustice, which many times chaunceth, eyther for the loue of his friendes
and kinsfolkes, or else for the hate hee hath to his enimies. All such
as are prouided in these offices, after that they do depart from the
court whereas the charge is giuen them, til they come to the prouince,
citie, or towne, whereas they shall remaine in iustice, they doo spende
nothing on their owne horses; for that in all places whereas they doo
trauaile or come, the king hath houses appointed, whereas they are
receiued and lodged, and serued of all thinges necessarie, as well for
horses for themselues as horses for them that come with him; likewise of
barkes and boates, if that his iourney be by water, all is of free cost:
it is all appointed what they shall haue to eate, which is conformable
vnto the qualitie of his person, and the office he hath in charge. And
when they do come vnto such houses as are appointed by the king to
receiue and cherish them, they of the house do aske him if he will haue
his pittance or ordinarie in money or in victualles; who, if he haue any
kinsfolkes or friendes in that place that will inuite him, then dooth
hee demand it in money, and keepe it to himselfe. These houses are
maruelously well prouided of beds, and all other things necessarie; for
that the Ponchas, who is president of the kinges reuenewes, hath a
particular care to see all these things well furnished, by a
commandement from the king and the supreme counsell. When they doo come
vnto the citie or towne whereas they take the charge of gouernment,
after they haue giuen the intertainment vnto them with feasts and
pastime, as is declared in the chapter past, then do they bring him and
lodge him in the kings house, and do prouide him of seruants and all
thinges necessarie that belongeth vnto him, and ministers needefull for
the execution of iustice, who likewise haue their abiding in the same
house, as sergeants and notaries, and other ministers of lesse
authoritie. The king doth pay them all sufficient wages, for that it is
forbidden vpon great penalties to take bribes or any other thing of any
clyent. Likewise ye iudges be straightly charged and commanded, and
that is one of the chiefest articles that is giuen them from the
counsel, not to consent to be visited of any clyents in their houses,
neither can they pronounce any sentence but in the place of publike
audience, and in the presence of all the officers, and it must be done
in such sort that all men that are in the place of audience may heare
it, and is doone in this sort following. The iudge doth set himselfe in
the seate of iustice, then do the porters put themselues at the entring
or doores of the hall, who do name with a lowde and high voice the
person that doth enter in to demand iustice, and the effect of that he
doth aske. Then the plaintife doth kneele downe somewhat a far off from
the iudge, and doth with a loud voice declare his griefe or demand, or
else in writing. If it be in writing, then one of the scriueners or
notaries doth take the petition and doth read it, the which being
vnderstood by ye iudge, he doth straightwaies prouide vpon the same
that which is agreeable vnto iustice, and doth firme the petition with
his own firme with red inke, and commandeth what is needful to be done.
These iudges are straitly charged and commanded by the kinges
authoritie, that they must go fasting into ye hal of audience or
iudgement hall without drinking of any wine, and they must giue no
sentence with wine; and that is such a custome amongst them, that
whosoeuer dooth breake it is seuerely punished. By way of phisicke they
do permit, before they doo go to giue any sentence, to comfort
themselues with some conserues or such like. But wine in no manner of
wise, although they bee sicke of any infirmitie, and the lacke thereof
to be hurtfull unto them: for they esteeme it a lesse euill to leaue of
the hearing of any matter, then to giue any sentence after that they
haue eaten or dronke. These matters being executed in publike (which is
maruelously obserued and kept), it is not possible yt any of the
officers should take any bribes, but it must be discouered by one of
them; and for that they are vsed with great rigour in their residence,
euerie one is afraid of his companion, and are one to an other (in this
case) great enemies. The sergeants and notaries and the other officers
are maruelous precise in the executing of their office: if that any doo
not his duetie in his office, they take him and put a little banner in
his hand, and he remaineth with the same, kneeling on his knees till the
court of audience be ended. Then do the iudge command the bedelles to
giue him so many whippes as hee doth deserue for the neglecting of his
office. This same is little esteemed amongest them, for that it is a
common thing vsed amongest them. When that anie of these iudges will go
abroade into the citie (as seeldome times they doo for the reseruing of
their authoritie), they are accompanied with the officers and ministers
of iustice, and that in so good order, that the first two doo carrie
siluer mases, after the manner as they doo in Rome carrie the mases
before the cardinalles. They doo carrie them vpon long roddes, which
doth signifie that in the name of the king they are in those offices:
then after them followeth other two, and they do carrie ech of them in
his hand a long cane and very straight, which doth signifie the vpright
iustice that ought to be done and is doone by that iudge that there
goeth: then followeth them other two, and they doo trayle ech of them a
cane vpon the ground with long red laces, and at the endes tassels,
which doth signifie the instrumentes wherewith they do whippe the
faultie or malefactors; then followeth them other two with tables, like
vnto white targets, in the which is written the name of the iudge, with
his title and office. The rest, which be many in number, do accompanie
him to do him worship and honor. Those two that we spake of before, that
do carrie the mases, do crie out and make a noyse vnto the people apart
themselues, and to make roome that the iudge may passe: the which is
straightwayes accomplished, for that by experience they know that he
that doth neglect the same, is incontinent punished in the streete
without remission: and the respect they haue vnto him is such that not
one, of what state or degree soeuer he be, that dare mooue himself at
such time as he doth passe by, neither crosse the streetes (except it be
some superior iudge, vnto whom the inferiors doth the like reuerence).
If any man do offend therein, he is then straightwaies punished. In all
matters of lawe, as ciuill as criminall, the iudges do nothing but by
writing, and do pronounce the sentences, and examine witnesses in
publike, before all the rest of the officers, because no subtilty nor
falshood shalbe vsed in their demaundes, neither in their writings, to
set downe other then the truth. Euerie witnesse is examined by himselfe,
and if he do double in his declaration, then do they ioyne together and
make their demaunde from one to an other, til by their striuing they may
come to a better knowledge of the truth. But when by these meanes they
cannot bring it to light, then doo they giue them torments to make them
confesse, beleeuing that without it such persons as haue experience and
knowledge will tell the truth.
In matters of great importance, and such as doo touche graue personages,
the iudge will not trust the scriuener or notarie to write any
information; but they with their owne handes will write the declaration
of any witnesse, and will consider verie much of that which is declared.
This great diligence is the occason that fewe times there is any that
doth complaine of any ill iustice doone, the which is a great and
notable vertue, and ought to be imitated of all good iustices, for to
auoyd many inconueniences which doo happen for the not vsing the same
the which these Gentiles haue great care to performe; who, beside the
prosecution of right iustice, without respect or exception of any
person, do vse certaine preuentions worthie to be suffered.
[Sidenote: An occasion of amitie betwixt neighbours.]
First these iudges, in al cities and townes of their iurisdiction, do
number the households, and do repart them in ten and tenne housholds,
and vpon the tenth house they do hang a table or signe whereon is writen
the names of those ten housholders, with a commandement, in the which
generally they are commanded, and euery one by himselfe particular, yt
hauing any knowledge or notice that any of those ten housholders haue
committed any trespasse or fault against any of the rest, or against
himselfe, that is hurtfull vnto his neighbours or to the commonaltie, to
go straight way and giue the iustice to vnderstand thereof, that the
fault may be punished, with a mendment vnto the offender, and an example
to al other. And vnto him that doth know any such offence and wil not
declare it, is allotted the same punishment yt the offender should
haue, which is the occasion that one neighbour hath a care of an other,
and liueth vnder feare, least they should giue occasion to be complained
of. And againe, that their enimies may not this way take any aduantage.
When that any of these ten neighbours doth remooue into an other
streete, or into any other citie or towne to dwell, or will make any
long iorney, hee is bound to ring a bell, or play on a coper kettle
amongest all the neighbours for the space of ten dayes before he doth
remooue or depart, and to aduise them all of his departure, and whether
for that if he do owe any thing, or any thing be lent, that they may
come and demaund it before their departure, because that none shall
loose yt which is theirs. And if it so fall out that any shall depart
without vsing this diligence, the iustice doth compell the rest of his
neighbours yt are written on the signe to pay his debt, because they
did not aduise the iustice or his creditors before his departure. Such
as do owe money or debts and will not paye (proouing the debt they doo
execute their goods), if they haue none, they put them in prison, and
limit a time for him to pay the same. But if it passe, and the debt not
paide nor his creditor contented: for the first time they doo whippe
them moderately, and do appoint him the second time limited for to pay
ye same: if he do then misse, they do whip him more cruelly, and doo
appoint him an other time, and so doo prosecute the same till he die
with punishments, which is ye occasion yt euery one doth pay that he
oweth, or procure amongst his friends to pay, or else giue himselfe for
a slaue vnto his creditor, to shun the trouble of the prison and the
paine of whippings, which is a thing not to be suffered.
[Sidenote: Cruell tormentes.]
[Sidenote: A more cruell torment.]
These iudges do vse two maner of torments to make them to confesse the
truth, when by fayre meanes they can not, or by pollicie, the which
first is procured with great care and diligence: the one is on their
feete, and the other on their hands, and is so terrible that it cannot
be suffered, but of force they do confesse that which the iudge doth
pretende to know; yet doo they execute none of them except first they
haue good information, or at the least, semiplena, or else so many
indicions that it is a sufficient information for the same. The
tormentes on the hands is giuen with two stickes as bigge as two
fingers, and a span long, turned round and full of hooles in all places,
wherein are put cordes to pull in and out: their fingers of both their
hands are put into the cordes, and little and little they do pinch them,
till in the end they do breake them at the jointes, with an incredible
paine vnto them that doo suffer it, and yt causeth them to giue great
shrikes and groanes that will mooue any man to compassion. And if it so
come to passe that by this cruell torment they will not confesse, and
that the iudge do vnderstand by witnesse and by indicions that hee is
faultie and culpable, then dooth he commaund to giue him the torment of
the feete, which is a great deale more cruell than that of the handes,
and is in this sort: they take two peeces of woode, foure square of
foure spannes long and one spanne broade, and are ioyned together with a
gume, and hooles boored thorough, and put thorough them cordes, and in
the middest of these bordes they doo put the whole foote, and straine
the cordes, and with a mallet they do stryke vpon the cordes, wherewith
they do breake all the bones, and cause them to suffer more paine and
griefe than with the torment of the handes. At the executing of these
torments the supreme iudges are alwaies present, the which seeldome
times doth happen: for that such as be culpable will sooner confesse
than suffer those torments, desiring rather to die some other death that
is not so cruell, than to suffer the paines of this torment.
The prisons that they haue are no lesse cruell and rigorous, as you
shall vnderstand in a chapter by it selfe hereafter.
CHAP. XI.
_Of the visitors that the king doth send euery yeare to visite the
inferior iudges of his prouinces, and of the punishing of such as
they do find culpable._
[Sidenote: A great care to do true iustice.]
It is to be woondred at the great and vigilant care that this heathen
prince hath, in that his ministers and iudges, as wel viceroyes,
gouernors, presidents, as anie other officers, should execute their
offices well and vprightly, as they ought to doo: for in the end of
three yeares that their gouernment doth indure, they do take of them in
residence straight account by the iudges thereof, who bee called
Chaenes. Likewise they doo dispatch euerie yeere in great secrecie into
euerie prouince, other iudges and visitors, that be called Leachis,[115]
the which are persons of great confidence, and prooued by experience of
long time to be of good life, good customes, and haue done good seruice
in the administring of iustice vprightly. These as they trauaile do
inquire in euerie citie and towne that they come in (not being knowen,
and in verie secret manner), all griefes and iniustice that is done in
that prouince, which is the occasion that euerie one dooth liue (as the
prouerbe sayth) with their face discouered. These do carrie from the
king so great authoritie in their commissions giuen them, that without
returning to the court, if they finde any delict culpable, they may
apprehend the iudges and punish them, suspend, and reprieue, and do any
thing touching their commission at their owne pleasure, so that it be
not to take away the life of any man. This (as it is said) none can do
without the consent of the king.
[Sidenote: Ceremonies in performing of their oth.]
And because they should execute their office the better in this
visitation, and with iustice and equitie, they do make them to sweare to
be loyall, true, and secret. The which oth is executed in this order:
they doo giue him to drinke three times of a certaine beuerage which
they doo vse, and that is the confirming of their oth. And for that
their departure should be with more secrecie, the counsell doth command
their secretaries to make their prouisions, leauing in blank a space for
his name that shal haue the prouision, and for the name of the prouince
whether he shall goe, declaring nothing but that which is their
ordinarie, that wheresoeuer the Loytia or iudge (being so dispatched)
shall come, that they shall obey him as the king himselfe. But when
soeuer it is in secret determined who shall goe, then doth the president
of the counsel command the prouision to be sealed, then he himselfe doth
write his name in, and the prouince whether he doth goe. And
tharewithall hee dooth depart from the court in great secrecie, and
vnknowen of any who it is, nor whether he doth go, nor wherefore.
Then when he doth come to the prouince, citie, or town, whether he is
sent, he dooth with like secrecie make his inquirie how the viceroy or
gouernour doth vse himselfe in his gouernment, and how all other
officers do execute their offices, without knowing from whence he came,
nor whether he will, neither what he doth pretend. So after that hee
hath passed throughout all the prouince, and is fullie certified of all
his desire, then doth hee goe vnto the chiefe or metropolitane citie,
whereas are resident all those iudges against whom hee hath made his
visitation, and there he dooth remaine and abide till such time as the
Tutam or viceroy doth make a generall counsell, which is once a month at
the least: and at such time as they are in their counsell hall (and
peraduenture without thought of any such iudge that should come), then
this uisitor doth goe vnto the doore, and sayth vnto the porter, goe and
tell them of the councell, that there is a uisitor that must and will
come in, to notifie vnto them a commandement from the king: then the
viceroy (vnderstanding by these words what he might be) doth commaund
the doores to be open, and doth himselfe and the rest that are with him,
rise vp from their seates, and doth goe and receiue him as their
superior iudge; who doth enter with his prouision open in his handes
(which dooth not cause a small feare amongest them all, but in especiall
vnto such as their owne conscience doth accuse them): he doth read his
prouision in the presence of them all, and at the instant of the
conclusion, the viceroy doth arise from his place and dooth vnto him
great reuerence and complementes, and so doo all the rest,
acknowledgeing their duties.
Then dooth this uisitor place himselfe in the principallest seate of
counsell, and maketh his oration as the common vse is amongst them,
wherein he doth giue them to vnderstande the cause of his comming, and
with what care and diligence he did vse in his visitation to search out
the trueth of matters: after which, with well pondred wordes, he doth
laude and prayse all such as haue well executed their offices, and
according thereunto he doth straight waies place them in their counsels
in the higher seates, and promising them to giue the king and his
counsell large account of their good seruice, that they might be
rewarded according as they do deserue. Likewise he doth sharply
reprehende all such as haue neglected their bounden dueties. Then doth
he read there before them all the sentence pronounced against them,
declaring in summe all such thinges wherein he hath found them culpable,
which hath caused him to pronounce that sentence against them, the
which, although it be never so rigorous, it is foorthwith executed
without any replication or appellation: for from these visitors there is
no appellation.
All such as shalbe punished or reprehended, they do first take away from
them the ensignes of iustice, which be, as I haue told you, the girdle,
bonnet, or narrowe brimd hat: with the which they can neither punish nor
hurt him: and if that any wil absolutely do it, he shall for the same be
deprived of his office, and loose his head. So being cleare of these
things, then do they execute the rigour of the sentence pronounced
against the malefactor. But if there be any doubt in the sentence giuen,
doth he straight waies (vppon the same doubt) ordaine nine iudges to sit
vpon it, admonishing them (with the present before their eyes) to vse
well their offices, wherewith hee doth charge them in the name of the
king. Manie times these visitors do carrie power for to reward all such
as doo well execute their offices, in giuing them roomes and offices of
greater honor: so that the present and knowen reward which is done vnto
the good, and the rigorous punishment for the malefactors, is the
occasion that this mighty kingdome is one of the best ruled and gouerned
of any that is at this time knowen in all the world: waying the
gouernement of the one (as in many places of this historie it is
expressed) and ioyne it vnto the long and great experience which we haue
had in the other, and then you will say as I say. Many times these
visitors do visite the colleges and schooles, such as the king hath
ordained of his owne cost in euerie prouince (as in the processe of this
booke you shall vnderstand), and do examine the schoollers of the same,
animating them to promotion all such as doo profite themselues in their
studies, and doo whip and put in prison, yea and thrust them out of the
schooles all such as are to the contrarie. Of all the which and of their
commencing and rewardes, which is given vnto such as they do find
sufficient, shall be at large declared vnto you in a particular chapter
for the same.
CHAP. XII.
_Of their prisons they doo vse, and the order they haue in the
executing of iustice vpon the culpable._
[Sidenote: Thirteene prisons in euery great cittie.]
[Sidenote: Victualing houses in the prisons and shops.]
Euen as the iudges and ministers are seuere and cruell in punishing,
euen so are they in putting them in prisons, the which are as terrible
and as cruell, with the which they doo keepe in peace and iustice this
mightie kingdome: and as there is much people, so haue they manie
prisons and verie great. There are in euery principal citie throughout
al these prouinces thirteene prisons, inclosed and compassed about with
high wals, and of so great largenesse within, that besides the lodgings
of the keeper and his officers, and for a garison of souldiours that are
there continually, there are fish ponds, gardeines, and courts, whereas
the prisoners do walke and recreate themselues all the day, such as are
in for small matters. Likewise there are victualling houses and shops,
whereas is solde all manner of such things as the prisoners doo make for
to sustaine themselues: which if they did not vse, their whole substance
were not sufficient for their maintenance, the time is so long that they
be there, although it be for a small matter: the occasion is for that
the iudges take deliberation in their sentences: and againe, their
cities are great and ful of other matters. Likewise they are slowe in
the execution of any sentence. So that many times it doth fall out, that
men being condemned to die, doo remaine so long in prison after their
condemnation, that they die with pure age, or some other sicknesse or
infirmitie, or by the crueltie of the straight and asper prison. Of
these thirteene prisons aforesaide, alwayes foure of them are occupied
with prisoners condemned vnto death, and in euerie one of them there is
a captaine ouer one hundred souldiers which are reparted, and dooth
keepe watch and warde day and night: euery one of these condemned
prisoners hath a bord tied about his necke that hangeth downe vnto his
knees, a third of a yarde brode; it is made white with a certain
whiting, and written vpon it the occasion wherefore he was condemned to
die. The keeper of the prison hath a booke, wherein is written all the
names of them that are condemned, and the occasion wherfore: for to be
accountable of them at all times when they shalbe demaunded of him by
the iudges or vizroies. They are shakled and manakled, and put in wards
that do answere into the court, whereas the officers of the prison do
make them to lie with their face downewarde vpon a floore made of bords
for the same purpose, and do drawe ouer them iron chaines, drawne
through great iron rings that are placed betwixt prisoner and prisoner,
wherewith they are so strait crushed that they cannot mooue nor turne
them from one side to another: also they doo lay on them a certaine
couering of timber, wherein remaineth no more space of hollownesse then
their bodies doth make: thus are they vsed that are condemned to death.
This prison is so painefull and grievous, that many doo dispaire and
kill themselues because they cannot suffer it. In the day time they do
take them forth and take off their manacles, that they may worke for to
sustaine themselues; all such as haue nothing to maintaine themselues,
nor any other that will help them, them the king doth giue a pittance of
rice to sustaine them. Likewise they do worke what they may to better
the same.
There is neuer no execution done vpon such as are condemned to die, but
at the comming of the visiters or iudges of residence, whom they do call
Chenes and Leuchis,[116] the which doe make their visitation in secret
(as you doo vnderstande in the chapter where I spake of them). These doo
visite the prisoners and demaund a note of the names of all them that
are condemned, and the cause wherefore: and although that some of their
sentences are confirmed by the king and his counsell, yet they will see
them againe in the presence of these iudges that did condemne them, or
such as did gouerne in their absence, for to be informed of them the
faults of euerie one: whereby he may see and vnderstand whether his
sentence of condemnation bee done with iustice or not. This diligence
being done, they doo choose out among them fiftie condemned men, such
whose faults are most odious, and commande the iayler to put all things
in order for to doo execution on them: the which being done, they do
examine them a new, and looke vpon the causes and faults, to see if by
any meanes they can saue them. And if they do finde in any of them any
iot of discharge, they do apart them from the rest, and straightwayes
command three pieces of ordinance to be shot off, which is to giue
warning to bring forth them that shalbe executed. Then againe, when they
doo bring them forth, they doo a new enter into counsell, to see if they
can saue any of them: and when not, they command other three peeces of
ordinance to be shot off, to cause them to be brought out into the
fielde, and yet before they do breake vp their counsell, they doo turne
and see once againe all their faults, to see if that by any meanes
possible there might bee some remedie to saue them. If they do finde
any, or any suspect of indicion, they do returne out of the fielde that
person, and sende him againe to the prison. Some doo returne with an
euill will, for that they had rather die at once, then for to suffer the
straightnes and crueltie of the prison. In the meane time while they are
perusing their causes, and concluding the same, they do cause these
condemned prisoners to sit vpon heaps of ashes, and do giue them to
eate. So when all yt these diligences are concluded, and they can find
no remedy to saue any of them according vnto iustice, they doo commande
three peeces of artilery more bee shot off, then do they execute iustice
according vnto their sentence giuen them.
[Sidenote: Adulterie is death.]
The deathes that they do execute is hanging, setting vppon stakes,
quartering, and burning: but there is none that is burned, but such as
are traitors to the king. When the last three of artilerie is shot off,
then the belles do ring, and a great rumor is in the cittie, for that
this execution is done but seldome. The day of execution all their shops
are shut in, and there is none that doth worke vntill sun be set, which
is after that the executed men are buried, the which is done with the
companie of much people. The next day after this is done, the visitors
do make the second visitation, which is of the theeues (a thing verie
much abhorred amongst them): and such as they doo finde culpable, hee is
whipped throughout the common streetes with great shame, with a borde
hanging about his necke (as aforesaide), whereon is written his fault:
and therewith they are carried throughout the streetes three or foure
dayes. They do beate them on the calues of their legges, with a broade
and thicke cane of foure fingers broad, and as thicke as a mans finger,
the which they do lay in water before, the more for to torment them:
they are bound with their hands behind them, and their faces downewards
to the earth: two hangmen do execute this whipping of them, the one at
one legge and the other at the other, and it is done with so great
crueltie, that after they haue giuen sixe blowes, they cannot stande
vppon their feete, and many times it chanceth that with fiftie blowes
they die. The most part of these theeues do die in the punishments, and
many times there is whipped togither of theeues two hundred. So that
with these and others that are punished in the prisons (is of a verie
truth) that there do die euerie yeare in one of these principall cities
of the prouince more than sixe thousande persons. At these punishments
the iudges are alwaies in presence, and for that they should not be
mooued to compassion, in the meanetime that execution is done, they do
occupie themselues in banquettings or other pastimes. Adulteries are
death, and such as do consent to be coockoldes (which is neuer founde
but amongst them of the basest sort), are punished with exemplar
punishments ordained for the same.
CHAP. XIII.
_Of the characters and letters that the Chinos do vse, and of the
colleges and scholes that are in this kingdome, and of other
curious things._
[Sidenote: Sixe thousand characters in writing.]
It is not from our purpose (now after that we haue told you of the
gouernement of this mightie kingdome) to giue you to vnderstand how that
there be great and famous philosophers, as well naturall as morall, and
other things of great pollicie and curiosity: to tel you now of their
characters, and the manner they haue in writing, and then of the
colledges and schooles. Now vnto the first. You shall finde verie fewe
in this kingdome but can both write and reade, yet haue they not the
alphabet of letters as we haue, but all that they doe write is by
figures, and they are long in learning of it, and with great
difficultie, for that almost every word hath his character. They do
signifie the heauen, which they do call Guant, by one character alone,
which is this [Chinese character]:[117] the king, whom they doo call
Bontay,[118] by this [Chinese character], and by consequent the earth, the
sea, and the rest of the elements. They do vse more than sixe thousand
characters different the one from the other, and they doo write them
verie swiftly (as it hath beene seene many times at the Philippinas, by
manie Chinos that are there, and come thither daily); it is a kinde of
language that is better vnderstood in writing then in speaking (as the
Hebrue toonge), by reason of the certaine distinction of points that is
in euery character differing one from the other, which in speaking
cannot be distinguished so easilie. Their order of writing is cleane
contrarie vnto ours, for that they doo beginne their lines from aboue
downewards, but in verie good order: likewise they begin their lines at
the right hande and write towards the left, contrarie vnto vs. They
keepe the verie same order in their printing, as you shall vnderstande,
and as may be seene this day at Rome in the librarie of the sacred
pallace. And likewise in that which King Philip hath caused to be
erected in the monasterie of Saint Laurence the royall, and also in
other places; in this order as I haue saide, and of their characters to
the which I referre me, it is an admirable thing to consider how that in
that kingdome they doo speake manie languages, the one differing from
the other: yet generallie in writing they doo vnderstand one the other,
and in speaking not. The occasion is, for yt one figure or character
vnto them all doth signifie one thing, although in the pronouncing there
is difference in the vowels. The character that doth signifie a citie is
this [Chinese character],[119] and in their language some doo call it
Leombi, and others Fu, yet both the one and the other doo vnderstande it
to bee citie; the like is in all other names. And in this order doo
communicate with them the Japones, Lechios, those of Samatra, and those
of the kingdome of Quachinchina and other borderers vnto them: whereas
in their speech or language, there is no more vnderstanding then is
betwixt Greekes and Tuskanes.
The king hath in euerie citie colleges or schooles at his owne cost, in
the which they doo learne to write, read, and count, as well as to
studie naturall or morall philosophie, astrologie, lawes of the
countrie, or any other curious science. They that doo teach in these
schooles be such persons as excell in euerie facultie, such as may be
found none better, but speciallie in writing and reading: for that there
is none, although he be neuer so poore, but dooth learne to write and
read, because amongst them he is accounted infamous that cannot doo
both. Unto higher studies come a great number of students, and doo
trauaile all they may possiblie to profite, for that it is the best
course and surest way to obtaine the name of a Loytia, or gentleman, or
other dignitie: as more plainelie shall bee showed you in the chapter
following, where the order howe they doo giue them the title Loytia
shall bee spoken off, and is amongst vs after the fashion of proceeding
or commencing doctor.
[Sidenote: Paper made of the filme of canes.]
[Sidenote: Pens made of canes.]
Unto the colleges, as well maiors as minors, the king dooth sende euerie
yeere uisiters, for to see and vnderstande howe the studentes doo
profite, and what the masters bee, with other matters touching their
good governement. In their visitation they doo honour in wordes those
whome they finde of abilitie, animating them to perseuer in the same:
and doo put in prison and punish such as they knowe to haue abilitie,
and doo not profite themselues thereof; and such as haue none, nor will
not learne, they put out of the colleges, that others may occupie their
places that better will imploy themselues. They haue great abundance of
paper, the which is made of the filme of canes, and with great
facilitie: it is verie good cheape: their printed bookes are made
thereof: the most part of it can be written but on the one side, for
that it is so thinne: they doo not write with pennes as wee doo, made of
quilles, but with pennes made of canes, and at the end like a fine
brush, like vnto a painters pensill: and although this bee their order,
yet haue they amongst them excellent scriueners, that grow thereby to
bee verie rich. When they write letters vnto anie principall person,
they gilde the margent of the paper, and limbe it, and they put the
letter written into a purse made of the same paper all guilt and
painted, the which they shut and seale, so that the letter is onely
contained therein.
This they doo vse verie much, that although one go to visite another in
person, yet they doo carrie a letter written in their sleeues, and
possible there shall not bee written in the same tenne letters, and that
signifieth that they doo come to kisse their handes; these things are to
bee solde at the bookebinders of all sortes, as well for principall
persons and men of authoritie, as for others of meaner estate for to
desire, reprehend, or discommende: and to conclude, for all thinges that
they will desire or haue neede of, yea if it bee to defie anie bodie, so
that the buyer hath no more to doo but to close it vp and seale it to
sende it whither his pleasure is. These and manie other curiosities they
do vse, as you haue heard and shall heare in the discourse of this small
hystorie, or at the least somewhat touched, for that the breuitie that I
doo pretend and will vse, will not permit that I shoulde enter so farre
for to declare at large, but to be briefe in that I shall declare.
CHAP. XIV.
_Of the examination of such whome they preferre to the degree of
Loytia, which is with vs the degree of a doctor: and howe they doo
commence them, and howe they doo beare him companie._
These uisitours of whome wee haue spoken, the king and his counsaill doo
sende them to visite his prouinces; and amongest the greatest things
that are giuen them in charge, is the visitation of the colledges and
schooles which the king hath in all the principall citties, as is saide;
the which visitour hath a particular authoritie for to commence or
graduate such students as haue finished their course, and are of
abilitie and sufficiencie to perfourme the same. They doo make them
gentlemen, if they bee capable of anie charge of iustice or gouernment.
And for that the vse of their ceremonies is a thing woorthie to bee
knowne, I will here declare the same order which Frier Martin de
Herrada, and his companions, did see in the citie of Aucheo,[120] at the
time of their commencement.
At such time as the visitor hath concluded the visitation of his
prouince, and hath punished the malifactors, and rewarded the good: in
the metropolitane cities, hee doth straight wayes cause proclamation to
bee made that all students and scholers that doo finde themselues
sufficient, and haue a corage to be examined to take the degree of
Loytia, the which, although amongst them is vnderstoode to bee made a
gentleman, yet amongst vs is a doctour.
The day appointed being come, they are all presented before the
visitour, who taketh all their names in a scrowle, and appointeth
another day for their examination. This day, for honour of the feast,
the visitor dooth inuite all the learned Loytias that are in the citie,
who ioyntly with him do make the examination with great rigour, alwayes
putting forwardes and preferring those that are skilfull in the lawes of
the countrey, by which they do gouerne all other faculties whatsoeuer,
and that they be therewithall good, and vertuous. And all those that
they doo finde with these properties, they do write their names in an
other scrowle, and doo appoint the day of commencement, the which is
done with great ceremonies and much people, in whose presence the
visitor, in the name of the king, doth giue vnto them the ensignes of
degree and dignitie to be a Loytia; that is, a waste or girdle bossed
with gold or siluer, and a hat with certaine thinges on it, as shall be
shewed you in the chapter following; which is a signe and token that
doth make the difference from the vulgar people, without the which none
can shewe himselfe in publike.
And although al be called Loytias, I meane those that come to it by
letters or learning, and others by the warres, and others by a gift of
the king, yet they differ the one from the other in estimation. For that
those of the royall counsell, viceroyes, gouernors, and visitors, are
made Loytias by disputation in learning; and the generall captaines,
maiors, bailifes, and testators, are a gift of the kinges in recompence
of some good seruice that they haue done. These haue no more
preheminence, but onely that they haue the benefite of their priuileges,
and haue the dignitie of that vocation, but these are neuer preferred to
greater honours, as the other Loytias are, of these you have in euery
citie very many.
[Sidenote: Any good thing gratified.]
There be others likewise of great estimation, and are put in the second
degree, and are those that are made by desert in the warres, and are
elect and chosen by the generals by authoritie of the king, for some act
or worthie deede done in the wars, by force of armes or such like,
approued by witnesse of great credite; vnto whom, besides the title and
honour giuen vnto them, they doo giue them great liuings, for that no
valiant or worthie deede but is had in estimation, and gratified with
great liberalitie, which is the occasion that those which are meane
souldiers, are animated to imitate those that be most principall and
valiant. According vnto my promise I will here, with as much breuitie as
may bee, declare vnto you the order of their commencements, and how they
do accompanie them after that they are made Loytias, for that it is a
thing worth the hearing.
The day appointed being come for to commence or giue degrees, all the
Loytias, with the visitor, doo enter into the royall hall whereas they
were examined, al richly apparelled, and being assembled, then do enter
in al those that shal receiue degrees, galantly apparelled without any
upper garment, and before euerie one of them, go the padrines,[121] and
after them the graduates with garments very finely made, riding on
gennets very sumptuously couered with cloth of gold and silke, that do
carie the ensignes that shalbe giuen vnto him, the which hee dooth
demande of the visitor, kneeling vpon his knees with great humilitie.
Who first sweare them, that in all offices committed vnto them, they
shall with all care and diligence doo iustice equallie vnto all men, and
that they shall not receiue any bribes or presents whatsoeuer: that they
shall be true and loyall vnto the king, and that they shall not conspire
in any confederacie or treason against him, and manie other things:
which ceremonies he standeth long about.
This oth being taken, the visitor who presenteth the kings person, dooth
put on them the ensignes aforesaide, with the facultie belonging
thereunto, and then hee and all the Loytias imbrace them presently. This
doone, they depart out of the hal in verie decent order, at which
instant all the belles in the citie are rong, and great store of
ordinance and artilerie discharged, which continueth a good space. Then
they carrie these newe Loytias throughout the citie, accompanied with a
multitude of people in manner following.
There go first before them many souldiers, marching in good order, with
drommes and trumpets and other musicall instruments verie melodious:
after them are borne many maces, then follow all the Loytias, some on
horsebacke and some are carried in litter chaires, in most gallant
order, after which follow the Padrines. Then the new commenced Loytias,
without any upper garment as before is saide, all mounted vppon white
horses verie richly couered with cloth of golde; hauing euerie one of
them a tippet of taffeta vpon his shoulder, and on his head a hat with
two small tippets hanging downe behinde, much after the fashion of those
that hang on the bishops miter; this is permitted unto none but vnto
those of their orders abouesaide: vpon their hats they haue two branches
of golde, or of siluer and guilt, made like vnto a bunch of fethers:
before euerie one of them are carried sixe frames, couered with satten,
and euerie one is carried by foure men: in these frames are written in
letters of golde their disputation, facultie, and title giuen them for
the same, and their armes, with manie other things which I omit for
breuitie sake, because this marching and passing holdeth eight houres
togither. The citizens there keepe this day festiuall, and do ordeine
manie dances and sportes. And the better sort doo celebrate three or
foure daies after, banquetting the newe made Loytia, and giuing him ioy
of his newe preferment, euerie man seeking his good will and fauour.
From this day forwards hee is of abilitie to take vppon him any office
and gouernement whatsoeuer: and therefore straight wayes he goeth vnto
the court to procure the same, and carrieth with him the ensignes of his
commencement, and is apparelled so that he may be knowne, wherefore they
doo him great honour in the way as hee goeth, and lodge him in such
houses as the king hath appointed in euerie towne for such as they be.
When he commeth to the court, hee goeth and dooth his duetie vnto the
president and vnto the rest of the royall counsell, who euerie one a
part, doo giue him ioy of his new dignitie, and with many words of great
curtesie and praise promise him, as occasion shall serve, to prouide him
a place, as they by their examination doo vnderstande his abilitie, and,
againe, as they see his discreete dealing and care in such matters as
they do giue him in charge, so will they preferre him to better dignitie
and honour. So the next day following they register him in their booke
of memorie, which is alwayes in the counsell chamber; and they remaine
there waiting and seruing them vntill they haue prouided them of some
gouernment, which is not long after, for that the kingdome is great,
with manie prouinces and citties, as by this historie you shal
vnderstand.
CHAP. XV.
_How that with them they haue had the vse of Artilery long time
before vs in these parts of Europe._
[Sidenote: The first inuenting of armor.]
[Sidenote: Artilerie 1300 years before us.]
Amongst many things worthie to bee considered, which haue beene and
shalbe declared in this historie, and amongst manie other which of
purpose I omit, because I would not be tedious vnto the reader, no one
thing did cause so much admiracion vnto the Portugals, when that they
did first traficke in Canton, neither vnto our Spaniards, who long time
after went vnto the Philippinas, as to finde in this kingdome artilerie.
And wee finde by good account taken out of their histories, that they
had the vse thereof long time before vs in Europe. It is said that the
first beginning was in the yeare 1330, by the industrie of an
Almane,[122] yet howe he was called there is no historie that dooth make
mention: but the Chinos saie, and it is euidently seene, that this
Almaine dooth not deserue the name of the first inuenter, but of the
discouerer, for that they were the first inuentors, and from them hath
the vse thereof beene transported vnto other kingdomes, where it is now
vsed. The Chinos saie that their first king, called Vitey, did first
inuent the same, and that he was taught the matter how to make them by a
spirite that came out of the earth, for to defende himselfe and his
kingdome from the Tartares, that did much molest him with warres: for,
according vnto the tokens giuen him, (as it dooth appear in their
histories,) and the industrie for the same, it appeareth that it was
some spirit, enimie vnto mankind, onely for to destroy them, as in these
daies the experience thereof is apparent vnto vs. All the which carieth
a similitude of the trueth, for that this king was a great sorcerer and
inchanter, as you may well vnderstand by the herbe that he had growing
in ye court of his pallace, whereof before I haue told you. And if this
be not credible, because so many yeres are past since this kings raigne,
yet it is of truth, yt when these Chinos went to the kingdom of
Pergu,[123] and to c[=o]quest ye east Indies more then 1500 yeares since,
they caried with them ye like instruments of warre, which did serue
them in their conquest: the which conquest being ended, they left behind
them certaine peeces of artilerie, which were found afterwards by the
Portugals, whereon were grauen the armes of China, and in what yeare
they were made, agreeing iust with the time of the conquest.
Such artilerie as the frier Gerrarda and his companions did see at their
being there, they say it was of antiquitie, and very ill wrought, and
was for the most part peeces to shoote stones, or murderers: but it was
giuen them to vnderstande that in other prouinces of the kingdome, there
be that bee verie curiouslie wrought and faire, which may bee of such
which the Captaine Artreda did see: who in a letter that hee wrote vnto
King Phillip, giuing him to vnderstande of the secreats of this
countrie, amongst which hee saide, the Chinos doo vse all armour as wee
doo, and the artilerie which they haue is excellent good. I am of that
opinion, for that I haue seene vessels there of huge greatnesse, and
better made then ours, and more stronger.
In euerie citie they haue certaine houses, where they make their
ordinance and artilerie continuallie: they doo not plant them on castles
(for that they haue not the vse of them in all the kingdome), but vppon
the gates of their cities, which hath mightie great and thicke walles,
and deepe ditches, which they doo fill with water out of the next riuer,
at all times when neede requireth, which they account the greatest
strength in all the kingdome. At euerie gate of the citie there is a
captaine with manie souldiours, that keepeth watch and warde, night and
daie, to suffer no stranger to enter in without especiall lycence of the
gouernour of the citie or towne. By this that I haue alredie saide, as
seemeth vnto me, is apparantlie shewed and declared the antiquity of
artilerie in this kingdome: and howe that they were the first inuentors
thereof. Likewise it dooth plainely appeere that there was the first
inuention of printing, a thing as strange as the other, whose antiquitie
in that kingdome shall be shewed in the chapter following.
CHAP. XVI.
_Of the antiquitie and manner of printing bookes, vsed in this
Kingdome, long before the vse in our Europe._
The admirable inuention, and the subtill ingenie of printing is such,
that for lacke of the vse thereof, should haue beene forgotten the
worthinesse of manie excellent men, and of their deedes doone in the
happie daies and times long past: and manie in these our daies woulde
not trouble themselues so much as they doo, in learning to get honour
and promotion, or in feates of warres, if that their fame should no
longer continue in writing then their liues on the earth. Leauing apart
the woonderfull effectes of this subtile inuention, least speaking
thereof I should be ouer tedious, I will heere onlie goe about to prooue
that which this chapter dooth propounde, with some ensamples, whereof
manie are found in their histories, and likewise in ours. It doth
plainlie appeare by the vulgar opinion, that the inuention of printing
did beginne in Europe in the yeare 1458, the which was attributed vnto
Toscan,[124] called John Cutembergo: and it was saide of trueth, that
the first mould wherewith they doo print was made in Maguncia, from
whence an Almaine called Conrado[125] did bring the same inuention into
Italie. And the first booke that was printed, was that which saint
Austine did write, intituled _De ciuitate Dei_: wherein manie authors
agree. But the Chinos doo affirme, that the first beginning was in their
countrie, and the inuentour was a man whome they reuerence for a saint:
whereby it is euident that manie yeares after that they had the vse
thereof, it was brought into Almaine[126] by the way of Ruscia and
Moscouia, from whence, as it is certaine, they may come by lande, and
that some merchants that came from thence into this kingdome, by the
Redde Sea, and from Arabia Felix, might bring some books, from whence
this John Cutembergo, whom the histories dooth make authour, had his
first foundation. The which beeing of a trueth, as they haue authoritie
for the same, it dooth plainlie appeare that this inuention came from
them vnto vs: and for the better credite hereof, at this day there are
found amongst them many bookes printed 500 yeares before the inuention
began in Almaine: of the which I haue one, and I haue seene others, as
well in Spaine and in Italie as in the Indies. The frier Herrada and his
companions, when they came from the China vnto the Philippinas, did
bring with them manie printed bookes of diuers matters, which they did
buy in the citie of Ancheo, the which were printed in diuers places of
the kingdome.[127] Yet the most part of them were printed in the
prouince of Ochian,[128] whereas is the best print: and as they did
report, they woulde haue brought a great number more, if that the vizroy
had not disturbed them, for they haue great libraries, and very good
cheape; but hee suspected that those bookes might be a meane to giue
them to vnderstande the secrets of their kingdome, the which they doo
indeuour to keepe close from strangers. The vizroy vsed a policie, and
sent them word, how that he was certified that they went about buying of
bookes for to carry them into their countrie, and howe they shoulde not
spende their money on them, for hee would giue them for nothing so manie
bookes as they woulde haue, which afterward hee did not performe,
possible for the reason aforesaide, or else he did forget his promise.
At such time as this commandement came vnto them, they had bought a good
number, out of the which are taken the most things that wee haue put in
this small historie, for to giue a briefe notice of them and of that
kingdome, till such time as by a true certificate the experience of
manie shall cause more credite thereunto: for that vnto this day, by
reason of the small notice wee haue, we cannot with so great authoritie
make it so credible as wee hope that time hereafter will doo. The which
hath moued mee, yea and constrained me, to leaue to intreat of manie
things, which in those parts are to bee credited, yea and are most true:
and for the same I haue beene blamed and reprehended by such as haue had
perfite notice thereof.
And nowe for that I will not go from my purpose, you shall vnderstand in
the chapter following, whereof these bookes that they brought doo
intreat, that the better you giue credite vnto the curiositie and
policie of that kingdome, as in manie places I haue declared, and
hereafter will declare.
CHAP. XVII.
_The substance and manner of those bookes that Frier Herrada and
his companions brought from China._
They brought with them a great number of bookes, as wee haue said, that
did intreate of diuers matters, as you shall perceiue in the sequell.
Of the description of all the whole kingdome of China, and the placing
of the 15 prouinces, and the length and bredth of euery one of them, and
of other kingdomes bordering vppon them.
Of all tributes and rentes belonging vnto the king, and of all the
orders of his royall pallace, and of his ordinarie pensions that hee
giueth, and the names of all officers in his house, and how far euery
office doth extend.
How many tributaries euerie prouince hath, and the number of such as are
free from tribute, and the order and time, how and when they are to be
recouered.
For the making of ships of all sorts, and the order of nauigation, with
the altitudes of euery port, and the quantitie of euery one in
particular.
Of the antiquitie of this kingdome of China, and of the beginning of the
world, and in what time and for whome it beganne.
Of the kings that have raigned in this kingdome, and the order of their
succession and government, with their liues and customes.
Of the ceremonies they vse in doing sacrifice vnto their idols (which
they hold as gods), and the names of them: of their beginnings, and at
what time they shoulde make their sacrifices.
Their opinions of the immortalitie of the soule, of the heauen, of hell,
of the manner of their funerals, and of their mourning apparel that
euery one is bounde to weare, according as he is alianced unto the dead.
Of the lawes of the kingdome, and when and by whome they were made; and
the punishment executed on those which violate the same, with manie
other matters touching their good government and policie.
Manie herbals, or bookes of herbes, for phisitions, shewing how they
should be applied to heale infirmities.
Many other bookes of phisicke and medicine, compiled by authors of that
kingdome, of antiquitie and of late daies, containing in them the maner
how to vse the sicke, and to heale them of their sicknes, and to make
preseruatiues against all sicknesses and infirmities.
Of the properties of stones and mettals, and of things natural that haue
vertue of themselues; and wherefore pearles, gold, and silver, and other
metals, may serue for the vtility of man, comparing with the one and the
other the vtilitie of euerie thing.
Of the nomber, and moouings of the heauens: of the planets and stars,
and of their operations and particular influences.
Of such kingdomes and nations as they haue notice off, and of particular
things that are in them.
Of the life and behauiour of such men, whom they holde for saints, where
they lead their liues, and where they died and were buried.
The order howe to play at the tables, and at the chests, and how to make
sports of legerdemaine and puppets.
Of musicke and songs, and who were the inuentors thereof.
Of the mathematicall sciences, and of arithmeticke, and rules how to use
the same.
Of the effectes that the children doo make in their mothers wombs, and
how they are euery moneth sustained, and of the good and bad times of
their birth.
Of architecture, and all manner of buildings, with the bredth and length
that euerie edifice ought to haue for his proportion.
Of the properties of good and bad ground, and tokens how to know them,
and what seede they will beare euery yeare.
Of astrologie naturall, and judiciarie, and rules to learne the same,
and to cast figures to make coniectures.
Of chiromancia and phisiognomia, and other signes and tokens, and what
euery one doth signifie.
The order how to write letters, and how to give euerie one his title,
according to the dignitie of his person.
How to bring vp horses, and to teach them to runne and trauaile.
How to deuine vpon dreames, and cast lottes when they beginne any
iourney, or take any thing in handes, whose ende is doubtfull.
Of apparell worne in all the kingdome, beginning with the king, and of
the ensignes or coates of armes of such as doo gouerne.
How to make armour and instruments of warre, and howe to firme a
squadron.
These bookes, and many others that the fryers brought, out of the which
(as afore saide) haue been taken all such thinges as haue beene and
shall be declared in this historie, interpreted by persons naturally
borne in China, and brought vp in Philippinas with the Spaniards that
dwell there, who affirme that they haue seene great libraries in cities
where they abode, but especially in Ancheo and Chincheo.
CHAP. XVIII.
_The order that these Chinos obserue in making bankets, and in
celebrating their festiuall daies._
For that in some parts of this historie wee haue touched the bankets
that the Chinos do make, it shall not bee amisse to declare here the
order they vse therein, for that they are curious, and differ verie much
from our order and vse in their banquetting, the which we haue perceiued
as well by their feeding as by many other thinges.
Amongest these Chinos, more than amongest any other people of the world,
are vsed bankets and feastes, for they are rich and without care, and
also without the light of heauen, albeit they do confesse and beleeue
the immortalitie of the soule, and the rewarde or punishment in an other
worlde, according vnto their workes in this life (as we haue saide). All
that euer they can, they doo giue themselues vnto the contentment of the
flesh, and vnto all maner pastimes, wherein they liue most delicately,
and in verie good order. Their custome is, although they haue a hundred
guestes, yet euerie one must sit and eate at a table by himselfe. Their
tables be verie fine, gilt and painted full of birdes and beastes, and
other varieties verie pleasant vnto the eye. They do not vse to put
table clothes on them, but onely a forefront of damaske, or some other
silke, on euerie one of them, which hangeth downe to the ground; and on
the foure corners they doo sette manie little baskettes curiously
wrought with golde and siluer wyre, full of flowers and knackes of
sugar, made with great curiositie, as elefantes, grayhoundes, hares, and
all other kinde of beastes and foules, gylt and painted: in the middest
of the table they doo sette the victualles in maruelous good order, as
flesh of diuerse sortes, fowle, and fishes: of the which they make
diuers manners of brothes passing well dressed, and are serued in fine
earthen dishes of great curiositie, and of siluer (although these they
vse verie seeldome, except for the viceroyes): they haue no neede of
table clothes nor napkins, for they eate so delicately, that they doo
not touch the meate with their handes, but with little forkes of golde
or siluer, with the which they eate so cleanly, that although it be
verie small that they eate, yet will they let nothing fall: they drinke
often, but a little at a time, and therefore they vse verie little
cuppes.
At these bankettes and feastes, there are present alwayes women gesters,
who doo play and sing, vsing manie prettie gesters to cause delight, and
make mirth to the gestes: besides these they haue diuerse sortes of men
with other instruments, as tomblers and players, who doo represent their
comedies verie perfectly and naturally: in these bankets they spende the
greatest part of the day, by reason of so manie diuersities of meates
that they serue in. They passe manie times a hundreth sundrie dishes,
when that the estate of the person that is inuited, or of him that
maketh the banket, dooth require. As may shew the report of the
Augustine fryers, in the beginning of the second part of this historie:
where one doth tell of bankets that were made him by the Insuanto, a
gouernor of the prouince of Chincheo, and the uiceroy of Ancheo, and of
the gallant deuices they had to driue away the time so long as the
banket lasted. Unto euerie one of their guestes they doo set a table,
euerie table standing one along by an other, making a difference of the
number of them, according vnto the qualitie of the persons: vpon the
first table (where sitteth he that is inuited) they set the victualles
readie dressed, sweete meates, or march-panes,[129] which is the last
seruice: and on the rest, although they be twentie, they set great store
of diuerse kindes of meates, all rawe, as capons, ducks, teales, hennes,
peeces of salt and martlemas biefe, gammons of bacon, and many other
thinges. All these doo remaine vppon the tables till the banket be
ended, and the guestes departed: then doo the seruantes of him that made
the banket take all these rawe meates, and carrie them before their
guestes till they come vnto their houses or lodges, where they doo leaue
it with great ceremonies. When they doo make any banket to a viceroy or
to any embassadour, it is with so great cost and sumptuousness, that
they spend a great substance therein. These bankets do commonly indure
twentie daies together, continuing vntill the last day as royally and as
plentifully as the first day.
They do celebrate all their festiuall dayes in the night, which is
ordinarily their newe moones; and they doo solemnize them with much
musicke and newe inuentions. But more particularly they doo celebrate
the first day of the yeare, which is, after their account, the first day
of the moneth of March: on this day they apparell themselues verie
costlye and sumptuouslie, both men and women, and doo adorne themselues
with all their iewelles and newe toyes, and doo hang their houses and
doores with carpettes and clothes of silke and cloth of golde, and
dresse them vppe trimme with roses and other flowers, for at that time
there is great store in that country: likewise they doo sette at all
their doores great trees, on the which they doo hang manye lightes, and
all the triumphall arches that bee in the streetes (which bee verye
manie, as wee haue sayde) are decked with bowes this day: wherein they
put manie lightes, and set full of canapies of cloth of gold, damaske,
and manie other sundrie sorts of silkes.
Their priestes doo assist them in these feastes very richly apparelled,
and doo offer sacrifice vpon their altars vnto the heauen, and vnto
their idolles, and they sing many songes.
This day dooth all people generally sport themselues with great singing
and sounding of instruments, in the which they are very cunning. Such
instruments as the Augustine fryers did see, were lutes, gytternes,
vyalles, rebbukes, wayghtes, virginalles, harpes, and flutes, and other
instrumentes which wee doo vse, although they doo differ something in
the fashion of them, but yet easie to be knowen. They do tune their
voyces vnto their instrumentes with great admiration: they haue all
commonly very good voyces. In these feasts they do make many
representations of great pastime according vnto nature, with vestiments
that they haue for the purpose. All the dayes that these feastes do
indure, their tables be full of diuerse sorts of meates, as well of fish
as of flesh, and of all sortes of fruites, and excellent good wine, the
which they make of the palme tree, with certaine mixtures, which maketh
it have an excellent good taste. All the day, they and their priestes do
eate and drinke so much till they can no more. They haue it for a thing
most certaine amongest them, that looke how they are in disposition that
day, so shall they passe the whole yeare, eyther sorrowfull or merrie. I
omit the feastes which they make at marriages, and at any good successe,
though they be in great number and very sumptuous, because I would not
be tedious: in all things they couett to auoyde melancholy.
CHAP. XIX.
_How they salute one another in this countrie, and of some part of
their ceremonies._
There is no nation in all the worlde, be it neuer so barbarous, that
hath been found out vntill this day, without a manner of courtesie, or
some ceremony of salutation in their meetinges and visitinges, or when
they do assemble in any particular businesse: whereof wee haue large
notice by auncient histories, and sufficient experience in that wee haue
seene and vnderstoode in these kingdomes and prouinces which in our
dayes hath beene discouered: although herein (as I am fully perswaded)
those of this kingdome do exceede all nations of the world (as is
affirmed by them that haue had the experience), for they haue so many
ceremonies and vsages of courtesie and ciuilitie amongest them, that
they haue bookes to teach them only how they should behaue themselues in
making difference of persons. Of all the which, such as shall seeme
expedient to giue notice of, I will declare in this chapter, using
therein the breuitie that this historie requireth.
They esteeme it a great discourtesie, not to salute one an other when
they see or meete one an other, although the acquaintance betwixt them
be but small.
The salutation that the common people do vse is, when they do meete the
one with the other, to shut the left hande, and to couer it with the
right, ioyning therewith their breastes together, with much bowing their
heades downewardes, signifying that loue and amitie is as firme betweene
them as their handes are fast, and that their friendshippe is not
alonely in the ceremonie, but also in the heart: the which they giue to
vnderstande by woordes at the same time. But amongest courtyers and
gentlemen they vse an other manner of courtesie, which seemeth vnto them
of much more curiositie, that is: at such time as they doo meete, they
make a little staye, then they caste abroad their armes, and claspe
their fingers together, remayning in compasse, humbling themselues manie
times, and contending one with an other about their parting for to
prosecute his waye; and the higher estate they are of, the more is their
contention. When that anie meane person doth meete with a principall
man, who for dignitie or for any other occasion dooth acknowledge
superioritie, straight wayes hee dooth stay with great silence,
declining his head, till such time as he is past by, although the most
part of them dooth it more for feare than for courtesie: for that
experience hath taught them, that he that dooth it not, is straight
wayes punished and whipped cruelly.
[Sidenote: A strange kind of courtesie.]
When that any of these commeth to speake with any Loytia, at the
entering in at the hall whereas he is, hee kneeleth downe, declyning his
head and looking vpon the ground: and on this sort he goeth vpon his
knees till hee come into the middest of the hall, and there he stayeth
and declareth his petition by worde of mouth, with an humble and meeke
voyce, or else presenteth it by writing: and hauing receiued answere,
hee dooth returne on his knees backwardes, without turning his backe to
the Loytia, vntill hee bee quite out of the hall. And if they which doo
meete or visite one an other be equall in dignity, they shew great
courtesie on both sides, contending who shall surpasse in courtesie and
wordes: wherein they are verie ceremonious. When one doth goe to visite
an other, he that is visited, after the visitation done, doth bring the
other vnto the streete doore. This custome is vsed most amongest the
common people, being equal in degree, or differing little. Likewise they
vse one thing verie strange, and neuer heard of amongest other nations,
that is: if that one doo come out of the countrie, to visite an other
that is in the citie or towne (although he be a nigh kinsman, and long
time acquainted), if that knocking at the doore or in the streete hee
doo meete with him whome he dooth come to visite (hee being not well
apparelled), although he speake vnto him, yet will hee not make any
aunswere, nor any resemblance that euer he sawe or knewe him before: but
straightwayes returneth home to his house in all haste possible, and
doth apparell him selfe with the best apparell that he hath, and then he
goeth foorth and receiueth his guest and friend, dissembling as though
he had not before meete nor seene him.
This ceremonie amongest them is infalliblie kept, for that it is
amongest them an auncient tradition, and founded vppon their religion.
They giue great intertainement vnto their guestes, and make them
straightwayes a beuer[130] or collation with manie sortes of conserues
and fruites, and good wine, and an other kinde of drinke, that is
generally vsed thorough out the whole kingdome, and is made of diuerse
physicall hearbes, good to comfort the heart, the which they warme when
they drinke thereof.
These ceremonies they vse when that one neighbour dooth visite an other.
But when that one of the towne dooth meete with a stranger that hee
dooth knowe, and hath beene in the towne certaine dayes, and he not
seene him, then hee of the towne dooth aske of the other if that hee
hath eaten any thing: if he aunswere no, he dooth by and by, without any
delay, carrie him to the next victualling house, whereas hee dooth
banket him deliciously: for in euerie towne there is good opportunitie
for the same, by reason that in the market places and streetes, and in
the suburbes, there is great store of victualling houses, that doo keepe
tabling verie orderly, and for little cost: for there (as we haue sayde)
all kinde of victualles are verie good cheape. But if the stranger dooth
aunswere that he hath eaten, then dooth the citizen or townesman carrie
him to an other kinde of victualing houses, where are to be had al
sortes of conserues and iunkettes, fruites and marchpanes, and there
dooth hee make him a banket with great love and good will. Of the women
as well strangers as towneborne, or of what degree soeuer, they haue
great respect, but especially of the married women: vnto whome if any
man giue an ill or dishonest woorde, he is accounted infamous: and
likewise if he doo not offer to them courtesie, and giue them place or
way when they passe the streetes, which is seeldome seene. But when they
doo passe they behaue themselues so discreetly that they giue no
occasion that anye shoulde misuse them: towardes strangers they vse
verye great courtesie: but especially the principallest: as you shall
perceiue in the relation of the seconde part of this historie, where it
shall be declared by experience.
CHAP. XX.
_Of the great closenesse that the women of this kingdome do liue
in, and with what condition they permit common women._
The principall intent that this king and his gouernors haue, as is
gathered by their lawes, is to preserue their common weale from vices;
for the which he dooth set downe great penalties, and executeth the same
without any remission; and least any should offend they vse great
vigilancie, and do iudge that the libertie and dishonestie of the women
is most preiudiciale thereunto, and is the occasion that their common
wealth falleth to decay, being neuer so well gouerned: therefore they
haue ordained many preseruatives and remedies by their lawes and
customes to preuent the same, which is the only occasion (that although
it is so long since this kingdome first began, and againe, being so
great as you may vnderstande), yet in this one point there is lesse
inconuenience or preiudice than in any other countrey of lesse
antiquitie and fewer people. So that a dishonest woman is knowen by
name, although it be in a great citie, the which is seldome seene, and a
rare thing. And the best way they haue to preuent this is, that all
people that haue daughters are commaunded by expresse order, that they
shall bring them vp (after they haue the vse of reason) in their owne
houses very close, and not be seene, but alwayes to doo something to
auoide idlenesse, for that it is the mother of all vices, whereby it may
take no roote in them. This lawe dooth comprehende married women, and is
kept in such sort that the wiues of the viceroyes and gouernours do
obserue it, yea they say that the queenes themselues doo obserue it, and
that they are alwayes spinning golde, silke, or flaxe, or doing some
other exercise with their handes, esteeming all idle persons woorthie to
be hated and contemned: so that the children being brought vp in this
manner, seeing the good example of their mothers, is the occasion that
this vertuous exercise, worthie to be imitated, is conuerted vnto a
dayly and perpetuall custome, in such sort, that they think it a
perpetuall torment to commaunde them to be idle. These ordinarie and
voluntarie exercises haue the women of this kingdome in such sort, that
it is newes and a strange thing to meete a woman in the streetes of any
citie or towne, neither at the windowes, which is a signe that they liue
honest. If it so fall out that of force they must go abroad, as to the
buriall of parents and kinsfolkes, or to visite any one being sicke, or
vpon any like occasion, then are they carried in litter chaires where
they are seene of none, as we told you before: but other superfluous
visitations or meetings of gossips are not there vsed. Albeit tendering
the conseruation of this honest crewe, and to eschewe greater euils in
the common wealth, they permit common women as a necessarie thing: yet
they do allow them in such sort, that their euill example may not be
hurtfull vnto the honest state of them which liue chast. And therefore
they do build for them houses out of the cities and townes in the
suburbes, giuing them straight commandement there to remaine in the said
houses, and not to straggle and go abroad at all. And whilst they liue
there they are prohibited, vppon paine of death, to enter into the gates
of the citie or any part thereof.
Such women as doo vse this facultie are nothing esteemed amongst them,
for they are for the most part of the basest sort, as strangers, slaues,
or such as haue beene bought of their mothers being yoonge, which is a
kinde of perpetuall bondage, yea a great crueltie which is vsed amongst
them there, and yet suffered amongst them. You shall vnderstande, that
such as are poore widowes and driuen by necessitie, cannot sustaine
themselues, may for the supplying of their want, sell their children and
binde them to perpetuall seruitude, the which is permitted in such sort,
that there are amongst them rich merchants that deale in no other thing:
and all the maiden children that they buy so bee brought vp with great
care, and taught to plaie and sing, and other things appertaining vnto
pleasure. Then after, when they are of yeares, they carrie them vnto the
houses aforesaid ordained for common women. The first day that they doo
dedicate her to this ill office, before shee is put into this common
house, they carrie her before a iudge, which the king hath ordained for
euerie house appertaining to any cittie or towne appointed to bee their
keeper, and see that there bee no euill rule kept amongst them: and this
iudge dooth place her in the house himselfe, and from that day forwards
her master hath no more to doo with her, but to go euerie moneth vnto
the iudge to recouer his tribute, which is a certaine summe set downe by
the iudge, by agreement made betweene them both, and hee appointeth
besides this the time when hee shall be paide for her, and for that was
spent in her bringing vp and teaching.
These women be very much haunted, and passe away the time maruellous
pleasantly by reason of their singing and playing, which they doo with
great cunning: and according vnto the report of the Chinos, they
apparell themselues with great curiositie, and paint themselues. They
haue amongst them many blinde women, that are free and not bonde: these
are trimmed, dressed, and painted by others that haue their sight; and
such as haue spent all their youth in these houses, can not goe foorth
so long as they liue, as is commaunded by a lawe publike, least by their
dishonest demeanure they should be an occasion of some harme and an
euill example to others. Whatsoeuer profite dooth remaine vnto these
women when they haue payed their maister, they giue vnto the iudge their
superiour, who doth keepe it faithfully and carefully, and giueth a good
account thereof euerie yeare vnto the uisitors. And afterwardes when
these women waxe olde, it is repaied vnto them againe by order of the
said iudge. But it is bestowed in such sort, that they shall not lacke,
neither haue vrgent necessitie. But if it so fall out that they should
lacke, they will giue them a stipend to maintaine them, onely for to
dresse and trimme the blinde women, or else they will put them into the
kinges hospitall, a place ordeyned for such as cannot helpe themselues.
The men children which they buy, and are solde to supplie their
necessitie, in the order aforesaide, of the women, they put to learne
some occupation, and after that they are expert therein, they doo serue
a master in the same trade for a certaine time; the which being expired,
their masters are not only bound to giue them their libertie, but also
to provide them of wiues and to marrie them, prouiding also for them
houses and necessaries wherewith they may get their liuing. Which, if
they doo not of their owne free will, they are compelled by iustice to
doo, whether they will or no. And they for a token of greatefulnesse
must come vnto their masters the first day of the yeare, and other dayes
appointed, and bring them some present. The children of these be all
free, and subiect to no bondage for the benefite doone vnto their father
for their bringing vp.
CHAP. XXI.
_The fashion of their ships, as well of those that passe the seas,
as of those that doo roade riuers, which are manie and great: and
howe they doo prouide themselues of fish for all the yeare._
There is in this kingdome a great number of shippes and barkes, with the
which they sayle all a long their coastes, and vnto ilandes neere hande,
and into their riuers, the which doo runne cleane through the most part
of all their prouinces: and there dwelleth so much people vpon these
riuers in shippes and barkes, that it seemeth to be some great citie;
there is so many of them that they do esteeme that there is almost as
many people that dwell vpon the water as vpon the lande.
They make them slightly and with small cost, for they haue in all partes
of this countrie great aboundance of tymber, iron, and other thinges
necessarie for this vse: but in especiall a kinde of glew, wherewith
they doo dawbe and trimme their shippes, that is much more tougher and
stronger then the pitch which wee vse, which after it is layde on,
sticketh fast and maketh their shipping as harde as stones; the
aboundance whereof, and the great number of ship-wrightes, and againe
for that there is not on the lande roome enough for the people to
inhabite, being so many in number, causeth them to build so great a
number of shippes and barkes. They vse their shippes and barkes of many
fashions, euery one hath his proper name. Such ships as they haue to
saile long voiages be called Iuncos, but for the warre they make huge
and mightie vessels, with high castles, both on the prowe and sterne,
much after the fashion of them that come out of the Easterne Seas, and
vnto those with which the Portingales sayle into the East India. They
haue these in so great number, yt a generall may ioine together in 4
dayes an armie of more than 600. Those which they do commonly vse for
burden and to lade, are much after ye same fashion and greatnes, and
smal difference there is betweene them, but that they are lower both
before and at the sterne. There is an other sort of lesser vessels, and
are much like vnto pinases, and haue foure great ores on ech side,
whereat row sixe men at euery ore and foure at the least. These are
excellent good to rowe in and out ouer their bard hauens, or into any
place where is litle water: they do call them Bancoens. There is an
other sort that is more brode than these, which they call Lanteas, and
carie eight ores on a side, with sixe men at euerie ore. Of these two
last sorts of vessels pirates and rouers at the sea do commonly vse (for
in those seas there be very many), for that they be very nimble to fly
and to giue assalt as occasion doth serue. They haue an other sort of
vessels yt are long, like vnto a galley, but more square, being very
brode and neede little water: they do vse them likewise to transport
merchandise from one place to an other: they are swift and run vp the
riuers with smal force of the armes. Many other sorts of barks they
haue, besides the aforesaid, some with galleries and windows painted and
gylt, but chiefely those which the uiceroyes and gouernours doo make for
their recreation. Of those sortes of shipping afore sayd, which they
call Iuncos, the king hath in al his prouinces great armies, and in them
souldiers with their captaines to defend the coastes, that as well all
ships of their owne countrie, as those that doo come from other places
to traficke with them, may goe and come in safetie, and not bee spoyled
and robbed of the roauers that be there abouts. In the riuers there are
pynases well equipped appointed for the same purpose. And the king doth
out of his rentes pay all these ordinarie souldiers, and that with great
liberalitie.
The pitch wherewith they doo trimme their shippes (as we haue sayde) is
founde in that kingdome in great aboundance; it is called in their
language Iapez, and is made of lyme, oyle of fish, and a paste which
they call Vname:[131] it is verie strong and suffereth no wormes, which
is the occasion that one of their shippes dooth twise out last one of
ours: yet dooth it hinder much their sayling. The pumpes which they haue
in their shippes are much differing from ours, and are farre better:
thay make them of many peeces, with a wheele to draw water, which wheele
is set along the shippes sides within, wherewith they do easily clense
their shippes, for that one man alone going in the wheele, doth in a
quarter of an houre cleanse a great shippe, although she leake verie
much.
Many men be borne and brought vp in these shippes and barkes (as is
aforesayde), and neuer in all their liues haue beene on lande, and doo
knowe none other occupation wherewith to liue, but that which they doo
inherite of their fathers, which is, to goe in one of these shippes or
barkes, carrying and recarrying of merchandise from place to place, or
to ferrie people ouer the riuers. They haue in them their wiues and
their children, and haue like neighborhood amongst them on the riuers as
in their cities and townes, of whom they stand in little need, for they
do bring vp within their ships all things necessarie for their
sustenance, as hens, duckes, pigeons, and other foules good to be eaten:
and if they do lacke any thing, they haue it in victualing houses and
shops, which they haue amongst them on the same riuers in great
abundance: and of other superfluous thinges such as may bee founde in a
citie, they are well furnished: as of many sorts of silkes, amber, and
muske, and other things more curious then needefull. They haue also in
their shippes, pots with little orange trees and other fruits, and
gardins with flowers, and other herbes for their recreation, and in the
wide shippes pooles of water, wherein they haue great store of fish
aliue, and yet doo dayly fishe for more with nettes. This kingdome is
the best prouided of fish of any that is knowen, by reason of the great
number of these barkes, as also because they haue many fisher men at sea
and in the riuers, that continually fish with nettes and other engines
for the same purpose: and doo carrie the same fishe (in infinite number)
aliue into their pooles fiue hundreth leagues vp into the lande by the
riuers, which they doo with great ease in shifting the water euerie day,
and doo feede them with thinges fit for the nature of the fish.
The chiefe and principallest time of fishing in this countrie, is in
three monethes of the yeare, which is Februarie, March, and Aprill, at
such times as are the spring tides, which do bring the fish out of the
mayne sea into the riuers, and there they do spawne and leaue their
young: then these fisher men, who doo liue by that facultie, doo take
them and put them into their pondes, and feede and nourish them in the
ships till they come to bignesse to be solde.
Unto these fishermen repayre many barkes from diuerse partes of the
countrie to buye their fishe, and doo bringe with them wicker baskets
lyned with a certaine thicke paper for that purpose, and annoynted with
oyle, so that the water can not goe out: wherein they doo put their
fish, and do shift them euerie day, and feede them as aforesaide. All
people doo buye of this fish, although they bee verie small and leane,
and doo put them in their pondes which euerie one hath in his house (as
common vse in all that countrie is), whereas in a small time they waxe
great, fitte to be eaten. They doo feede them with a paste made of cowes
doung, buffes doung, and pigins doong.
Likewise they doo throwe of these small fishes into the mootes of their
cities, which is the occasion that they are so full of fish. But all
that breede in them do appertaine vnto the gouernors or iudges of the
cities, so that none without their expresse commandement dare fish for
them. These gouernors and iudges doo vse much to recreate themselues
vppon the riuers, and haue for the same purpose barkes made close, and
chambers in them verie curiously wrought, with windowes and galleries
likewise hanged with rich clothes, and many other thinges for their
contentment and pleasure.
CHAP. XXII.
_A curious order that these Chinos haue to bring vp ducks in great
abundance, and with small cost: and of a pleasant and ingenious
order of fishing which they vse._
The great number of people that is in this countrie, and not permitting
any idle people to liue therein, is the occasion that it doth stirre vp
the wits of poore men (being constrained thereunto by necessitie, the
inuenter of manye thinges) to seeke new inuentions to get their liuing,
to relieue and supply their necessities. So that many of this kingdome,
seeing the whole countrie so throughly inhabited and tilled, that there
is not one foote without an owner, they do take them vnto the riuers
(which are verie great), and there they do make their dwellinges in
ships and barkes (as is aforesaide), where they have their whole
families vnder borde to defende them from the sunne and rayne, and
inclinations of the heauens. There they do vse the occupation that they
do knowe, or that which they did inherite of their father, and many
misteries to liue by, verie strange: whereof the most principall is to
bring vp in some of their barkes so great quantitie of duckes, that they
sustaine a great part of the countrey therewith; and the vse thereof is
as followeth.
They haue cages made of canes so bigge as the vpper most holde of the
barke, in the which may be foure thousand duckes at once. They haue in
certaine places of these cages made nestes, where these duckes do almost
euery day laye egges, the which they take: and if it be in the sommer,
they doo put them in buffes doong, or in the doong of those duckes,
which is verie warme, where they leaue them so many dayes as experience
hath taught them that they will come foorth. Then they doo take them out
of the doong, and do breake them one by one, and take a little ducklin,
the which they do with so great cunning that almost none of them doth
perish, which is yt which causeth great admiration vnto some that go to
see it: although they bee but few, for that it is an auncient custome
vsed for long time in that countrie. And for to haue the fruition of
this benefite all the yeare, in the winter they must vse an artificiall
helpe: to giue a little warmenes vnto the doong for the bringing forth
of their egs, they do vse then an other inuention as ingenious as the
first, and that is this: they take a great number of canes tied one by
another, whereon they do laye the doong, then vppon that they doo lay
their egges, and do couer them verie well with the same: this being
done, they put vnder the canes straw, or some other like thing, and set
it on fire, but in such sort that it dooth not burne, but keepeth a
naturall heat all the time, till they thinke that they are readie to be
taken out. Then doo they take and breake them, as aforesaide, so that
their pultrie dooth increase in such number as though they were antes.
Then doo they put them into an other cage for the same purpose, wheras
be old duckes brought vp for no other purpose but to couer the little
ones vnder their winges and keepe them warme: and there they doo feede
them euery day, till such time as they can feede themselues, and go
abroad into the fieldes to profit themselues in the companie of the olde
duckes. Many times they haue in number aboue twentie thousand, yet do
they maintain them with a small cost, and it is in this order: euery
morning they do giue them a small quantitie of boyled rice, then do they
open a doore of the cage, which is towardes the riuer, and doo put a
bridge of canes that doth reach vnto the water: then doo they come
foorth with so great haste one vpon an other, that it is a pastime to
see them. All the day after they do passe the time vpon the water, and
in the fieldes of rice vpon the land, wheras they do feede: the owners
of the rice doo giue vnto the owners of the duckes somewhat to let their
duckes go into their fields, for that they do destroy all the grasse and
other weeds in it, and hurt nothing of the rice.
When that the euening draweth on, then they of the barke do make a sound
with a taber or such like, ye which being heard of his duckes, they
throwe themselues with great speede into the water, and swimme straight
vnto their owne barke, whereas their bridge is readie put for them; and
euerie flocke doth know his owne barke by the sounde, without missing at
any time, although there be many flockes together. For euerie barke doth
vse a different sound the one from the other, to the which the duckes
are vsed, and their ears full thereof, so that they neuer fayle their
owne barke.
This manner of liuing is greatly vsed in all that countrie, and verie
profitable, for that it is a victuall most vsed amongst them, and is
esteemed as a thing of great sustentation and of small price, by reason
that at al times there is breeding of them and of small cost.
Likewise in this country they do vse a kinde of fishing, that is of no
lesse industrie then the bringing vppe of these duckes, and a thing to
be scene. The king hath in euerie citie founded vppon the riuers, houses
wherein euerie yeare is brought vp many cormorantes or sea rauens, with
whome they doo fishe in those monethes that the fish dooth spawne, and
that is in this maner following. They take the cormorantes out of their
cages, and carrie them vnto the riuer side, whereas they haue many
barkes ordeyned for their fishing, and they are halfe full of water.
Then they take their cormorantes, and with a corde they do binde their
mawes, in such sort that no fish can fall into it: then they do cast
them into the riuer to fish, the which they do with such good will and
couetousnesse, that it is a woonder to see; they throwe themselues into
the water with great swiftnesse, and diue, whereas they do fill their
throate with fish. Then they come foorth, and with the like hast they go
vnto the barkes that are halfe ful of water, and the fish which they
have taken they put in that water, which is put there for that purpose,
that the fish may not die; the which being done, they returne againe
vnto their fishing as they did before.
In this order they do indure their fishing foure houres together, in
such sort that the one doth not trouble the other; and when yt their
boates with water are ful of fish, then do they vnbind them, and turne
them againe into the riuer for to fish for themselues, for they haue
neede thereof, for that alwayes the day before that they will fish they
keepe them from their ordinarie victualles, which is a litle _millio_,
that they may ye better do their office. So after a while that they
haue filled their bellies and recreated themselues, they take them out
of the water and carrie them vnto the ordinarie places, whereas they are
kept; and euerie third day during the time of this fishing, they do take
them forth for the same exercise, which for them is so great pastime,
that they would it should indure all the yeare.
In these three monethes they do take so much fish, that they do prouide
the whole kingdome for all the yeare; as in the chapter past it hath
beene tolde you, which is the occasion that they are as well prouided of
fish as of any other thing: so that, if they please, they may eate
euerie day fresh fish, although they are farre from the sea.
CHAP. XXIII.
_Of the curtesie that the king of this mightie kingdome doth vnto
the ambassadors that come to him from anie other king, prince, or
comonaltie._
We should in the chapter following intreate of the ambassage that king
Philip of Spaine, with the Christian zeale that he had, to sende vnto
the king of this kingdome, who being mooued by certaine causes and
reasons, did referre it till a better occasion, and we do beleeue that
it will be offered shortly. Therefore now it shall not be from our
purpose to declare in this chapter the honour and curtesie that this
king doth vnto the ambassadours of kings, princes, or any other
prouince, that doth come vnto him, in what sort soeuer it be; and for
that it is of great curiositie, it shall be necessarie to declare it
with the circumstance wherewith it is done.
All such as doo enter into this kingdome, with the title of ambassadour,
be it from a king that is a friend or enemie, they are respected,
intreated, and made of, with so great care and diligence, as though they
came themselues in person that doo send them. Unto whome, besides the
obseruing the law of nations, which is obserued and kept among all kings
in the worlde, in especiall that their persons shall not receiue neither
incurre any danger, although their ambassage bringeth discontent or
harme vnto the king; besides all the which, there is granted vnto them
great and particular priuiledges. When that he doth enter into the
kingdome, by any of the prouinces whatsoeuer, the iudge or gouernor of
the first towne dooth in person go forth to meete and receiue him, and
giue him his welcome, with great complement of words and ceremonies. All
the loytias, captaines, souldiers, and the inhabitants of the towne, doo
accompanie the iudge or gouernour, when that they go to receiue him. But
at his disembarking to come a shore, they will not suffer him to set his
feete vppon the ground (although it be but a little way that he should
go), but hath at the waters side in a readinesse eight men, with a
chaire made of yuorie, or of some other pretious thing, with the
curteines of ueluet, damaske, or cloth of golde: which for the like
oportunitie, they haue in euerie cittie or principall towne appointed by
the king, wherein they do carrie him to his lodging. Likewise they haue
in euerie citie and great towne throughout all the kingdome, a
principall house, and sufficient for to lodge such like personages. It
is also vsed to lodge such iudges as are sent by the king to execute his
commandement, when they passe by anie of such cities or townes. There is
in euery one of these houses a lieutenant, and he hath in it maruellous
and excellent household stuffe, as hangings, beddes, seruants, and all
other necessaries, not only to lodge one ambassador, but many, if they
should there meete, and not one to disturbe another. So as aforesaide,
they doo beare him company (either on horsebacke, or in a chaire, which
is the ordinarie carriage amongst them) till hee come vnto this house,
whereas they do leave him with much curtesie and many ceremonies,
alonelie with them that waite vppon him and serue him. And also a
captaine with a thousand or two thousande souldiers for to garde him
continuallie, and to beare him companie till hee returne againe out of
the kingdome.
Then the next day following, the iudge or gouernour that did receiue him
dooth go and visite him. And after that they haue demanded of him such
ordinarie thinges as is vsed in such like visitations, then doo they
learne of his estate, and of the prince that hath sent him, and in
summe, the effect of his comming and ambassage: then doo they
straightways at the houre dispatch a post vnto the gouernour or vizroy
of the prouince, who is alwayes resident in the chiefe or metropolitan
citie thereof, and hee at the same instant dooth dispatch another post
with that message vnto the king and his counsel. And he dooth sende
order vnto the ambassador, either to stay, or a safe conduct for him to
go vnto the place whereas hee is. Likewise hee sendeth order vnto the
iudge, how hee shall intreate that ambassador, which is giuen according
vnto the relation sent him, wherein he did vnderstande the state of the
king and prince that sent him. Likewise the number of souldiers yt
shall beare him companie, and of all other thinges needefull for him in
his iourney: all the which is set downe in order, and in particular, as
what they shall giue euery man to eate for him and his seruants, and in
what townes, and howe hee shall be lodged. His safe conduct is brought
him, written vppon a whited table (after the fashion as we haue tolde
you heere before in manie places), and is with great letters, wherein is
contained from what king that ambassador is sent. This table is borne
alwayes before him, wheresoeuer hee dooth go. But that pasport, which is
sent him afterwards from the royall councell, with facultie, that hee
may go vnto the court, is after another sort: for that it is written in
parchment and gallantlie lymned, and with the kings seale of golde
hanging at it, which is neuer giuen but at such like occasion, or for
some prouision giuen to a vizroy.
Looke what is spent vppon this ambassadour in all his iourney, and vppon
them that doo beare him companie for all necessaries, is vppon the kings
cost and charges, and is paide by the kinges treasurers in euerie place
whereas they doo go. Generallie in all partes, they doo make him great
feastes and banquets, with pastimes and presents, that day that hee
dooth enter into the cittie of Taibin or Paquin, whereas the king is.
There goeth foorth to meete him without the citie, all the gentlemen of
the court, with the royall councel and president, who, according vnto
the saying of the Chinos, goeth forth with little lesse maiestie and
companie than the king: who, if the ambassadour be from a king that is
mightie, they giue him the right hand, if not they giue him the left
hand: and in this sort they go, ether talking with himselfe, or, by
interpreters, demaunding of him of his health, and of his trauail in
comming, and other thinges, till hee come into the court of the pallace,
whereas he is lodged; and there they doo leaue him, with some to beare
him companie, and hee dooth returne vnto his house with all this company
aforesaid. But when they do depart from him, they doo giue him power in
the name of the king, to make a certaine number of loytias, and to set
at libertie a certaine number of prisoners, such as are condemned to
die, and other good deeds particular.
Those that doo enter in this kingdome with the title of an ambassador,
they cannot do him any griefe, for anie delight or euill that he doth,
although they can make good proofe thereof. And for that it is of a
truth, you shall vnderstande the proofe by experience. There was sent
vnto this king, one Bartholomew Perez, a Portugall, and his company, by
order of the vizroy of the India, with an ambassage from the king Don
Manuel of Portugall, and they were accused before the vizroy of the
prouince of Canton, by the ambassadors of the king of Malaca, that were
there present, who were bounde vnto the court to treat of matters of
their king; they did testifie that the ambassage that the Portugall did
bring was false, and they were spies sent from the vizroy of the India
for to view the fortresses of the citie, that they might come afterwards
and take it, as they had done in many places of the India: they
perseuering still in the euill and mischieuous intent, did will the
vizroy to apprehend them, and to punish them as such spies did deserue,
offering themselues to giue good information for the same.
Who, after that he had well considered thereof, and consulted with the
loytias of the citie, and with his counsailors, they commanded that they
should be apprehended and put in straite prison, whereas their
declarations were taken with great care, deceit, and pollicie: and by
reason that in them they found contrarieties: some for feare confessed
much more then that which was demanded, and other saide that it was of
truth; so that by their confessions, according vnto the lawes of the
countrie, they were condemned to die, and sent their iudgment vnto the
roiall councell for to confirme the same, with intent and great desire
for to execute the same. The which being seene by the roiall councell,
and considering with what title they entred into that kingdome, did not
onely make voide the sentence and would not confirme the same, but did
send commandement vnto the vizroy to set them at libertie, and to
returne freely back againe vnto the India from whence they came, and
that hee shoulde furnish them with all things necessarie in aboundance,
til they were entred into the same, although in this time the
ambassadors of the king of Malaca, who were in the court, did still
perseuer in their malicious intent.
In which commandement, although it were true all that which the
foresaide ambassadors did testifie, and that they for feare of death did
confesse it, yet it is sufficient that they entred into his kingdom with
the title of ambassador, whereby they should receiue any harme. But now
let vs returne to our purpose. So after this ambassador hath refreshed
himselfe of his iourny, and receiued many banquets and orations of the
gentlemen of the court: vpon a day appointed he goeth to speake with the
king, accompanied with all the gentlemen of the court, and with the
president of the councell, who doth giue him audience in one of the
three rich hals aforesaide, at all times as his businesse doth require.
So when that all his busines is dispatched and gratified with many
gifts, he returneth backe againe from whence he came; and looke with
what curtesie they did receiue him at his comming, the like they doo
vnto him at his returne.
But if an ambassador doo come from any common wealth of the said
kingdome, they do not giue him the intertainement abouesaid, but cleane
contrarie thereunto, for that he dooth enter into the citie, accompanied
onely with the iustice, whose charge it is to lodge him in such houses
as the king hath ordeined to the same effect, and to giue him all that
is necessarie, takeing of him the summe and effect wherefore he doth
come: and he doth giue relation thereof vnto the president of the
councell, and the president doth giue the king to vnderstand therof:
then doo they appoint the day of audience, with this condition, that
when he dooth go thither, hee must go on foote, or else on horse back
without a bridle, with onely a halter on his horse head, in token of
humility, and acknowledging to be a subject. The day of his audience, he
commeth forth obseruing the order and condition aforesaid, accompanyed
with the iustice. And when hee doth come into a great place, which is
right against the pallace of the king, he staieth there till an officer
of the king doth come vnto him (who is master of the ceremonies), and
hee dooth cause him to proceede forwards, and dooth shew him the place
whereas hee must first kneele downe, with his handes ioyned togither in
token of adoration or worship: and all the time of this ceremonie, his
eis must bee fixed on that part where as they say the king is. In this
sort hee goeth onwards his way, making in it other fine adorations like
vnto the first, vntill such time as he do come into the first hall of
the pallace, which is at the staires heade, whereas the president is set
with great majestie, and doth represent the kings person: who after that
hee hath hearde the effect of his ambassage, dooth sende them away
without answering one word at that time; but after that hee hath giuen
the king to vnderstande, hee dooth sende him answere by that iustice,
who hath the charge to lodge him, and to prouide him of all things
necessarie for the time that hee is in the court.
CHAP. XXIV.
_Of the ambassage that the king of Spaine did send vnto the king of
this kingdome, and the occasions that did mooue him therevnto, as
also wherefore it was declared._
For to conclude this small historie, in the which I haue declared, in
summe, all such things as I haue vnderstoode of this kingdome of _China_
vnto this, I meane such as I might wel set forth, leauing a great number
more, of the which I haue particular note: some for that they are
vnknowne, and others for that they will cause admyration because they
haue not beene seene. And according vnto the counsell of the wise, they
should not be intreated of, vntill that time that experience dooth make
them more credible. And againe, I doo hold it for a lesse euill, to be
reprehended for breuitie (as some haue beene), then to bee prolix and
tedious in the declaring, although it bee hurtfull vnto this worke, from
the which I doo take away much that I might put in. Nowe letting all
passe, I will in this last chapter declare of the letter present, and
ambassage, wherewith the king of Spaine did sende mee in the yeare of
our Lorde one thousande one hundred and foure-score: for that in company
of other religious men of my order, I should passe from his mightie
kingdome of Mexico to China, and to present it vnto the king of that
countrie in his name: of all the which I will declare that which I doo
vnderstande and know, not exceeding the limits of fidelitie, by reason
that the ambassage was not ended, nor no conclusion in effect of that
which was pretended, but doo hope in the deuine maiestie, and with the
care and diligence that is put therein by the king of Spaine, shortlie
to haue a conclusion of that they desire, for the which the letter and
the rest was sent.
Beeing considered of by the Spaniards (such as were dwellers in the
Ilands Phillippinas, which by another name are called the Ilands of the
Ponent or West) the thinges of great valour and riches, as of golde and
silkes and many other thinges which is brought from the kingdome of
China, and out of their ports, and how those which brought it did sel it
for a small quantitie in respect as they did esteeme it, and being
certified by the saide Chinos of many other things which were in the
firme land, wherof some of them haue beene made mention in this
historie: being mooued with the conuerting of these soules, and with the
profite that might come of trafike that they might haue with the Chinos,
it was concluded by the gouernour and principals of the citie of Manila,
with the iudgement of the prouinciall of the order of Saint Augustine,
and of many other religious men that were both graue and wise, such as
were the first, that in those parts did preach the Gospell, and did
baptize a great number of the dwellers therein, and did many other
thinges, of the which I might say much, if it were to my purpose, and
that my part were not therein: so that I say it was concluded amongst
them to sende vnto the Catholike king graue personages, vnto whome
intire credite might be giuen, for to giue relation what they
vnderstoode of that kingdome, and also of the euident necessitie (that
all those ilands that were his) had for their conseruation to holde to
friendes the Chinos their borderers, whereof might growe vnto them great
benefites and profites: and likewise to request him (if it were his
pleasure) to sende an ambassador to the king of that kingdome, the
better to confirme their friendship, and to carrie with him some things
which he vsed in his countrie, which would be maruellous well esteemed
of the Chinos, and be a way vnto the preaching of the Gospel, and bee a
beginning that a farther contraction may growe betwixt the Christians
and Chinos, of the which shall follow the aforesaid profite vnto other
countries, by the great quantitie of things, as well of riches as of
other curiosities that shalbe brought from thence. After they had well
considered with great deliberation, who should be the person that they
shoulde send vpon so long a iourney, for to request his maiestie of the
aforesaid: in the ende they did agree vppon for to desire the
prouinciall of the Augustine friers, who was called Frier Dilho de
Herrera, a man of great learning and of great experience touching
matters of those ilands, for that hee was one of the first discouerers
of them: they requested him for the loue of God and the good seruice to
his maiestie, and the benefite that might come thereby vnto these
ilands, that he would take vpon him to go with this petition, for they
were fully perswaded for that he had trauailed so manie places of those
ilands, as also for his office and vocation, there was none that better
coulde put in effect their desire, and perswade with his maiestie the
great importance of that ambassage: and manie other things necessarie
touching the gouernement of those ilands. This determination was liked
well of them all, and that they had chosen well in sending of the
prouinciall, who incontinent departed from the ilands in a shippe that
was prepared for Noua Hispania, which was in the yeare of Christ 1573.
At his imbarking, hee was accompanied with the gouernour, and all those
of that citie, of whom hee was maruellouslie well beloued for his
holinesse and good condition. Desiring him with all diligence to procure
to returne, with as much breuitie as was possible, vnto those ilands,
whereas they so much loued him, and had neede of his presence.
He did promise them to make all the speede possible, and in paiment of
the trauel that he did take vpon him, for the benefite and profite, he
requested them al that they would pray vnto God to giue a good voyage:
they promised him to doo it, the which they did performe with particular
care. Then did the master command to weigh ankers, and to set saile,
which was in the moneth of Nouember the same yeare: and with reasonable
wether they arriued at the new Spaine, and came vnto the cittie of
Mexico, and from thence they went and embarked themselues in the North
Seas; who with prosperous winds the 13 day of August, the yeare
following, they ariued in San Lucar Debarameda, in Spaine, and caried me
in his company. From thence, the day following, we departed from Syuel,
from whence wee departed forthwith toward Madrid, whereas his maiestie
was at that present, and we came thither the fifteenth day of September
in anno 1574, the same weeke that they had newes of the losse of the
Goleta.[132] Wee went straightwayes to kisse the kings hands, and caried
the letters which we brought from his gouernor and citie: by whom both
we and the letters were receiued with his accustomed benignitie, and did
heare the petition with great satisfaction, for that the desire was holy
and profitable, and told vs that he would command his counsell to
vnderstand in the same with a particular consideration, and with so much
breuitie as the thing required: and gaue vs thankes for the great
trauell and long iourney which we tooke vpon vs in his seruice, for to
giue him notice of the discouering of this great kingdome, and of other
things touching the Ilands Philippinas. He straightwayes commanded that
we should be prouided for of all things necessarie for our sustentation
for the time that we should there remaine, and that we should go and
giue account of all things (for the which we came thither) vnto the
counsel of the Indies, who was Don Iuan de Obando, vnto whom his
maiestie did recommend the consideration to be done with great care, and
to consult vpon the same. After that they had comuned with the roiall
counsell of the Indies touching that which should be requisite and
conuenient, which was done as it appeared in effect, for that they gaue
vs facultie in a few dayes after of all things that was requested from
the said ilands, except that which did touch the ambassage vnto the king
of China, as a thing of greater importance, and requested longer time to
consider of the same: so that they did referre it till they had a better
occasion. So that with this resolution and with fortie religious men,
and manie commissions from his maiestie touching the good gouernement of
that new kingdome, wee departed from Syuell in the moneth of Ianuarie,
the yeare following, in 1575, whereas I remained by his order and for
certaine respects. But the aforesaid prouinciall did imbarke himselfe
with his fortie religious persons, and departed in the moneth of Iuly
with a faire winde and merrie passage, till they came vnto Newe Spaine,
and from thence into the South Sea, vntill they came in sight of the
ilands: whereas the wether did alter, and they were forced by the furie
thereof to ariue at an iland inhabited with Gentiles, by whome they were
all slaine, and none escaped but onely an Indian natural of the ilands,
which wee carried from thence in our companie for Spaine. He afterwards
came vnto Manilla, and gaue them to vnderstand how they were all slaine,
and how the Gentiles did teare all the papers and commissions in peeces,
and of all that happened to them.
This beeing knowne by the gouernor, and by the rest that dwelt in the
ilands (after that they had done the rytes, with the funerall griefes,
as iustice required in such a case), they finding themselues in the same
necessitie that before they were in by reason of the losse of the
aforesaid prouinciall and his companions, and also of the letters and
prouisions sent from his maiestie, they forthwith in the same
determination did write newe letters, in requesting that which in part
the king had granted (although they had no knowledge thereof); they did
also therein write touching the ambassage that they did request for the
king of China, adding thereunto new occasions, wherby they should be
moued to do them so much fauour as to send the ambassador afore
requested, which was a thing of great importance for all those ilands.
When that these letters came in conformitie with the others before sent,
the king did ordaine for gouernor of those ilands, a gentleman, who was
called Don Gonsalo de Mercado y Ronquillo, a man of great valor and
discretion, one that had serued the king as wel in the Peru as in Mexico
with great fidelitie; who vnderstanding the earnest request wherewith
those of the ilands did aske the ambassage, and how much it did import
to haue it (as a man then elected for gouernor of those ilands, and a
matter that touched him very much), did put the king and his counsell in
memorie of the same: and in conclusion, they answered that hee should
foorthwith depart with the souldiers that were prouided for those parts,
for that it was conuenient so to be doone by reason of great necessitie
that they had of them in the said ilands; and as for the ambassage, for
that there was no such great necessitie nor haste, it should be
intreated of at more leasure, when that the counsell will aduertise
themselues of al that shalbe conuenient touching that matter, and that
they would consult and confer with his maiestie that he may, as the
right owner of them, command that which shuld be to the seruice of God
and his benefite. So with this answere the said gouernor departed.
It happened that in the moneth of August, in the yeare following, before
that this gouernor was ariued at the ilands, there came newe letters
from thence of supplications, requesting with greater instance, that
which before at other times they had requested, sending with their
petition the whole relation of the entrie of Frier Martin de Herreda,
prouinciall of the Augustine friers and his companions, into the
kingdome of China, and of such things as they had seene and heard of (as
may be seene at large in the said declaration, which is in the second
parte of this booke). This being seene by his maiestie, he was resolued
to send the ambassage which so many times they haue requested; this
chanced at that time that he began to go vppon Portugall, a time of
trouble, but yet a great token that it was the will of God, in whose
hands (as the wise man saith) are the hearts of kings. For the
appointment of one for to go on this ambassage, the king did remit it
vnto his roial counsel of the Indies, whose president was Don Antonio de
Padilla y Meneses, who had communicated with me diuers times, touching
matters of that kingdome and of Mexico, whereas I was alwayes resident
euer since I was seuenteene yeares of age, and by reason of matters that
was committed vnto me out of that country, was the occasion that I did
vse to visit him the oftener: the which large conuersation and the good
wil that hee did beare me, did perswade him that I could put in
execution the ambassage of his maiestie, for that his will was that some
religious person should do it: and they being fully perswaded that my
good will and desire was for the saluation of those soules, and in all
respects willing to serue his maiestie: all the which, with the
knowledge that I had of that large nauigation,[133] and the qualitie of
that countrie and people, was a great helpe to the accomplishing in
effect the will of his maiestie, and desire of those that dwelt in
Philippina.
So after this charge being committed vnto me, and his maiestie readie to
depart on his voiage for Portugal as aforesaid, he did remit my dispatch
vnto the lords of the royall counsell, who were at that time the
Licenciado Gasca de Salaçar, and Doctor Gomez de Santisteuan, the
Licenciado Espadero, the Licenciado Don Diego de Zuniga, the Doctor
Vaillo, the Licenciado Eua, the Licenciado Gedeon de Hinonsosa. By whose
commandement I depart from the court vnto Syuell, where as order was
giuen that all such things should be prouided that I should carrie vnto
the king. Whereas I was procuring the same certaine dayes, and for that
they were many the which I should carrie, it was not possible by any
meanes that they should be made readie against the departure of the
fleete. Then the Licenciado Gasca de Salacar aforesaide, who was at that
present resident in the contractation house of Syuel, gaue his maiestie
to vnderstand thereof, who was at Badaioz occupied in matters touching
the kingdome of Portugal as aforesaid, and requested him to giue order
what his pleasure was to be done therein: who commanded that the fleete
should depart, and that I should stay till such time as all things were
made and concluded that I shoulde carrie with me for the king of China,
as in ample manner as hee had commanded. And when that all things were
in good order, that they should cause a shippe or galoon to bee made
readie, wherein I should made my voyage, for to ouertake or meete at the
Newe Spaine such shippes as euerie yeare dooth depart for the Ilands
Philippinas, which is at Christmas time: this commandement was delayed
vntill the beginning of Lent, as well for that the thinges were manie
that shoulde bee made, and coulde not be dispatched in the time, as also
for a generall sicknesse that was amongst them in Spaine, called the
cattarre or murre. Then after that all thinges were in order, by the
commandement of the Licenciado Gasca, hee deliuered vnto me the kinges
letter, and all other thinges. The which, for that they were manie, and
againe I haue beene tedious in this chapter, I doo not declare it; for
that the prudent lector may of himselfe conceiue, if hee doo weigh the
magnanimitie of the Catholike king that dooth sende them, and the
mightinesse and richnesse of him to whome it is sent, of the which we
haue declared enough in this small historie. I would I could
particularly declare it vnto you, as also the copie of the letter that
his maiestie did send vnto that Heathen or Gentile king, a thing worthie
of the author: but for that it came not to effect, neither had I anye
licence of him that all onelye might grant it: and againe, in place
whereas I could not aske it, therefore I dare not, for that I will not
excede the limits of fidelitie which I owe vnto my prince. But it is
sufficient that the letter and the present sent by his maiestie vnto the
king of that countrey was to no other intent, but to procure him and all
his subiects to acknowledge the true God, and to exhort them to receiue
our Catholike faith, and to giue them to vnderstand the error wherein
they are, and how ignorant they are of the knowledge of the true God,
the creator of heauen and earth, and of all the creatures of the world
visible and invisible, Sauiour and redeemer of all such as with a true
knowledge doo beleeue in him and obey his holy lawe, declared by his
worde, and confirmed by his deuine tokens, and other thinges in effect.
So being dispatched, I prosecuted my iourny, and order, till I came vnto
the kingdome of Mexico, whereas I found a certaine inconuenience
touching a matter needful in that voiage, whereof his maiestie, in the
commission he gaue me, willed me to be well aduertised, and, if it were
needfull, to giue him notice thereof before I did passe any farther.
The vizroy of that kingdome, who was the Earle of Couma,[134] thought it
good that I shoulde returne vnto Lysborne, whereas the king was at that
instant, and to giue him to vnderstand of the difficultie that was
found, in a meeting that the vizroy had caused to bee made of the most
grauest personages of all that kingdome, about the prosecuting of that
ambassage.
With this resolution, I departed from that kingdome, and returned to
Spaine, and left the present in Mexico, in the power of the kings
officers, till such time as order was giuen what should be done
therewith.
I found his maiestie in Lisborne, whereas I did deliuer him the letters
that were written touching the same matter, and did declare vnto him my
iudgement touching the meeting aforesaid: who incontinent did take the
charge vpon him to seeke occasion, for to put in effect his most
Christian intent and zeale; the which I doo beleeue he had procured, and
will by al waies possible: and that very shortly we shall see in that
kingdome planted the Catholike faith, and their false idolatrie
banished. And I hope in God it will bee very shortly, for that there be
within that kingdome religious men, of the order of Saint Augustine, and
barefoote friers of Saint Francis, and of the order of Jesus, or
Jesuits, who are called there the fathers of Saint Paule: of whom there
is placed fiue or sixe in the citie of Xanquin, whereas the vizroy doth
dwell, and hath erected a couent in that citie ever since the year 1583,
with a church, whereas they doo say masse ordinarily. And it is said, of
a truth, that they haue got license of the saide vizroy for to passe
freely thorough out all the whole kingdome of China. But if it bee so,
you must thinke that hee did it after that he had consulted with the
king, and doone by his authoritie: otherwise I am perswaded he durst not
grant any such license.
At this present dooth there go out of Spaine, by the order and
commandement of his maiestie and his royall counsell of the Indies, a
companie of religious men, of the order of Saint Dominicke, for to aid
and helpe the rest that are there to conclude this enterprise, from whom
can proceed nothing but that which tends to great effect, by reason of
their great zeale and learning, and the better if that they doo ioyne
together in charitie as seruants to one Lord and master, and as they
which are bounde to doo all one worke. By which meanes, with the fauour
and helpe of Almightie God, putting to their diligence and industrie,
they shall easily conquest their hearts and good willes, and shall
frustrate the diuell from the possession that so long time he hath
possessed in that kingdome, and reduce them to their true Lord by
creation and redemption. It will not bee a small helpe, the manie and
evident tokens which the Chinos doo giue of desire of their saluation;
for as it is said that they haue read in their bookes, that from the
occident shall come the true and perfite law to direct them to heaven,
where they shalbe angels. And they, seeing that those religious people
which are come into their kingdome, doo come from the occident, they are
perswaded, without doubt, that the law that they doo declare vnto them
is the truth; by which meanes shall redowne vnto them great goodnesse.
They are greatly affectioned vnto the commandements of the Catholike
faith, and vnto the catechisme, which is translated into their language,
and is abrode in manie parts of that kingdome, which is the occasion (as
the fathers of the companie that are in the citie Xuquien dooth write)
that many principal persons are conuerted vnto the Catholike faith, and
others, being holpen by the heauens, and encited by the ensample of
them, doo demande the holy baptisme, which is left undone because they
will not cause any vprore in the countrie. And againe, when they shall
better conceiue thereof, they may receiue it with more firme faith.
God, for his mercie, cause to go forwards, and with his diuine fauour,
this good worke, for his honour and glorie, and exalting his holy faith;
and that so great and infinite a number of soules, redeemed by his
pretious blood, might be saued, and to put in the hart of Christian
kings to proceed forwards in that which he hath begun: putting alwaies
in their breasts a greater augmentation, to the concluding of the same,
and to put apart from him all such perswasions as shoulde cause him to
leaue it off, which the diuell will procure by all the wayes and meanes
that he may. But against God and his diuine will there is neither power
nor wisedome.
THE END OF THE FIRST PART.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Purchas's _Pilgrimes_, vol. iii, p. 35, 36.
[2] Purchas's _Pilgrimes_, vol. iii, p. 5.
[3] Barros, dec. III, liv. ii, cap. 6.
[4] ... Mui prospero em honra, e fazenda, cousas que poucas vezes
juntamente se conseguem, porque ha poucos homens que por sus trabalhos
as merecem pelo modo que Fernão Peres naquellas partes as ganhava.
Barros, dec. III, liv. ii, cap. 8. Goes, p. iv, cap. 24. Osorius, lib.
xi, p. 317 et seq.
[5] Barros, dec. III, liv. vi, cap. 2, has further particulars
concerning his regulations. Concerning his person and manners the same
author says: "Como era cavalleiro de sua pessoa, muy pomposo, glorioso
e gastador, todos suas obras eram com grande magestade, etc." In
Osorius (lib. xi, p. 319 _b_) he appears more faulty and blameworthy.
"... Andradii, viri sane fortis sed temerarii, et plurimum a mente
fratris abhorrentis ... deinde in tyrannidem erupit: rapuit quae
voluit, intulit vim ingenuis virginibus, quibus voluit: multa praeterea
signa insiti furoris dedit."
[6] For the elaboration of the route of the friars, rendered difficult
of solution by the changes in the form of names, the writer is
indebted to the kind assistance of his learned friend Dr. Neumann,
professor of Chinese in the University of Munich.
[7] Martin de Bada, otherwise called Herrada, for an account of whom
and his companions, see Introduction.
[8] Manilla.
[9] Cochinchina.
[10] Hainan.
[11] Birman Empire.
[12] Bernier, in his _Lettre à Colbert sur l'étendue de l'Hindoustan_,
describes the Patans as "peuples mahometans, sortis du costé du Gange
vers Bengale, qui avant l'invasion des Mogols dans les Indes avoient
sceu se rendre puissans dans plusieurs endroits, et principalement à
Dehly et faire plusieurs Rajas des environs leurs tributaires. Ces
Patans ... haïssent mortellement les Mogols, souvenans toujours de ce
qu'ils ont été autrefois, avant qu'ils les eussent chassez de leurs
grandes principautez et les eussent obligez de se retirer deça delà,
loin de Dehly et Agra dans des montagnes où ils se sont habituez."
[13] Moguls.
[14] Capital.
[15] Samarcand.
[16] Loo Choos.
[17] Cleanness.
[18] Germans.
[19] See note, page 7.
[20] Dimocarpus leechee.
[21] From fanega, _Span._ A measure for grain, varying in capacity in
different parts of Spain and Portugal. It contains on an average one
and three-fifths of an English bushel.
[22] Panic-grass.
[23] Martas zibellinas--sables.
[24] The Spanish _Cuarto_ equals four maravedis, and is of about the
same value as a French sou, or something less than an English
halfpenny.
[25] Misspelt for Cansi. Probably Sin-gan-fu, capital of the province
of Chen-sy is here referred to.
[26] Misspelt for Taybinco, meaning Ta-Bing-kwo, the kingdom under the
great Bing (Ming) dynasty.
[27] Query li.
[28] Misspelt for Malacca. This sentence shows Olam to be Yun-nan.
[29] After a careful collation of the following illspelt and vague
enumeration of the provinces of China with those given by Semedo,
Heningius, Heylyn, and in a very early map of the country, as well as
with some elucidatory passages in the text, the following explanations
are offered as to their respective significations. The Paguia here
mentioned is evidently Pe-che-lie.
[30] Fo-kien.
[31] Yun-nan, see note page 21.
[32] Quang-see.
[33] Chen-sy.
[34] Chan-si.
[35] Kiang-see.
[36] Hou-quang.
[37] This name which is spelt in the same manner as that given in the
second volume to the city of Fo-cheu, would seem to mean the province
of Kiang-nan, as that province is not otherwise represented in the
list.
[38] Ho-nan.
[39] Chan-tung.
[40] Koei-tcheou.
[41] Che-kiang.
[42] Se-tchuen.
[43] Evidently Canton, by comparison with the list in next chapter.
[44] Quinsay or King-sze, means "the capital."
[45] Peking.
[46] Tay-ping-fu.
[47] One of the five ports opened to England by the treaty of Nanking
in 1842.
[48] Ho-chow, in the province of Shen-si.
[49] The Tartar province of Leao-tung, in which the wall commences,
has also the name of Quantonz: see Gutzlaff's Map of China and Biot's
_Dictionnaire des noms anciens et modernes des Villes, etc., dans
l'Empire Chinois, fo. 86_. From this it is evident that our author is
now considering the work in its course from east to west, and not from
west to east, as in the commencement of this paragraph.
[50] This is evidently Se-tchuen, as given in p. 22; for although it
is not strictly correct to say that the great wall terminates in
Se-tchuen, yet that province borders on the ancient province of
Shen-si sufficiently near to justify the conclusion that it is here
referred to, the whole of the geographical information gained by the
writers at this early period being necessarily but vague and
indefinite.
[51] _Sic_, hot.
[52] Germans.
[53] A mis-print for Barbosa. Duarte Barbosa, or Barbessa, a native of
Lisbon, wrote in Portuguese an account of his travels in the south of
Asia; but according to Antonio, they have only appeared in type in an
Italian translation. An abridgement of his narrative is given in
_Ramusio_, tom. i, p. 288. Subsequently Barbosa accompanied Magellan
in his voyage round the world, and shared the melancholy fate of that
great navigator in the Island of Zebu in 1521.
[54] Mexico.
[55] _Saxii._ This has been supposed to mean the province of Canton,
the names of the other provinces having been pretty well identified.
The writer may have considered that the finest porcelain was made at
Canton, as it was usually exported from thence to Europe; but the
chief seat of the manufacture is, in fact, the province of
_Kiang-see_.
[56] _Chincheou._ One of the chief districts of _Fokien_, often named
for the entire province.
[57] This and the following details of the striking similarity which
exists between the ceremonial of the Buddhist and Roman Catholic
religions, are verified by later travellers and resident missionaries,
but there is no evidence from history to show that the former derived
these peculiarities from the latter.
[58] The work here referred to was printed in black letter at Evora,
1569, 4to., under the title, "Tractado em que se contam muito por
estenso as cousas da China, con suas particularidades, y assi do regno
dormuz."
[59] _Laocon Izautey._ The following particulars evidently relate, not
to the Confucian or national religion of the Chinese, but to the sect
of the _Tao-sse._ Grosier tells us, that "the sect of the Tao-see was
founded by a philosopher named _Lao-kiun_ or _Lao-Tse_, who came into
the world in the year 603 before the Christian era." Grosier's
_China_, vol. ii, p. 203. It is impossible to identify all the names
given in this legend of Chinese superstition. _Paosaos_ (see next
page) is probably the same with _Poosah_, the name generally given to
the Chinese idols. The _Sichia_, who are said to have come from
_Trautheyco_, towards the west [Thibet? _see note next page_], are
probably the disciples of the sect of _Foe_, also noticed by Grosier.
"This sect, still more pernicious and much wider diffused throughout
China than the preceding, came originally from India."--Vol. ii, p.
215. The description here given of the _religious people_ who _live
without marrying_ and _wear no hair_, tallies exactly with the
practice of the Bonzes or priests of _Foe_ of the present day.
[60] This would seem to be Kwan-she, the same as Kwan-yin, the goddess
of mercy of the votaries of Foe.
[61] This would appear to be Thibet (for there is no Chinese form that
we can recognize as corresponding with the word), and Thibet is the
country from which those points of belief are derived.
[62] This superstitious practice is described in much the same terms
by Grosier. "The commonest way is to burn perfumes before an idol, and
to beat the earth several times with the forehead. Upon the altar
which supports this idol, there is always a kind of horn, filled with
small flat sticks, upon which are traced a variety of unintelligible
characters. Each of these small sticks conceals an answer. The person
who consults, lets fall, at random, one of these small sticks, the
inscription of which is explained by the Bonze who accompanies him.
When no Bonze is present, they have recourse to a paper fixed up to
the wall of the pagoda, to discover the enigmatical meaning of the
word. This manner of consulting is very common in China."--Grosier,
vol. ii, p. 235.
[63] Pwan-koo, the Adam of the Chinese.
[64] Better known as Teen-Hwang.
[65] Also called Te Hwang.
[66] Also named Laoutsze.
[67] Also named Fuh-he-te.
[68] Also named Shin Nung.
[69] The Chinese pray _to_ the dead, but the practice of prayers _for_
the dead and the doctrine of the creation of man out of nothing by
Tien, alluded to at page 50, are not found in other writers; if
therefore our author is correct, these may possibly have been relics
of early Christian teaching.
[70] This expression is introduced by the English translator.
[71] Severely.
[72] This is the well-known lignum aloes of commerce. In some remarks
by the late H. T. Colebrooke, Esq., on a paper of the late Dr.
Roxburgh's recently read at the Linnean Society, occurs the following
observation: "The Portuguese _pao de aguila_ is an undoubted
corruption, either of the Arabic aghaluji, or of the Latin agallochum;
and it is by a ludicrous mistake that from this corruption has grown
the name of lignum aquilæ, whence the genus of the plant now receives
its botanic appellation, _aquilaria agallocha._" Roxb.
[73] It is thus spelt also in Steven's _Spanish Dictionary_. _Query_,
cayolizan, a Mexican shrub, giving a perfume like incense.
[74] Rough.
[75] A mill. Wickliffe's translation of the Bible: Matthew xxiv, has:
Two wymmen schulen be gryndynge in oo querne; oon schal be taken and
the tother left.
[76] This sketch of the early annals of China is not altogether
correct; but agrees in the main with that given by _Du Halde_. The
names of the sovereigns are strangely misspelt; but the order of
succession, and the years of their respective reigns, render it not
difficult to identify them. _Vitey_ does not seem to be the commonly
reputed founder of the Chinese monarchy _Fo-hi_, but either his great
successor _Hoang-tie_, who had 25 sons, or the celebrated Emperor
_Yao_, whose reign lasted 100 years, and commenced B.C. 2357.
_Tzintzon_ is evidently the _Chi-Hoang-ty_ of Du Halde, who built the
great wall, and reigned B.C. 237. _Aguisi_, his son, is named by Du
Halde _Cul-chi._ The _Anchosan_ of our author is clearly the first
emperor of the dynasty of Han, named _Han-Cao-tsou_ by Du Halde. The
years of the reigns which follow correspond very exactly with those of
the several emperors of the Han dynasty; but the names are all spelt
differently.
[77] _Spanish._ Vara--A yard.
[78] A third.
[79] Position, from _Span._ Estado.
[80] For the names of the following provinces, see note, p. 22.
[81] More properly "Mace". "The only coin in general use throughout
China is the _le_ or cash. Its intrinsic value may be about
one-twelfth part of an English penny. The nominal names are those
called _fun_, _tsien_, and _leang_, denominated by foreigners
_candareen_, _mace_, and _tael_, bearing respectively to each other a
decimal proportion."--Murray's _China_, vol. iii, p. 93.
The mace is usually estimated at about 8_d._, and the tael 6_s._
10_d._ sterling.
[82] _Span._ Quilates--carats.
[83] More properly "tael".
[84] _Spanish._ Millo or mijo--millet.
[85] _Spanish._ Panizo--panic-grass.
[86] This word is spelt the same in the original. Query blankets, from
_Portuguese_ Chim--Chinese, and mantas--blankets.
[87] Prevent.
[88] The military and non-military in China are usually distinguished
by the terms _ping_ and _ming_. The _pon_ seems to refer to the _ping_
or regular troops, and the _cum_ to the _ming_ or people; being only a
species of local militia.
[89] Falchions?
[90] Billhooks?
[91] Bombs.
[92] Loo chooans.
[93] Mis-spelt for Narsinga.
[94] Mis-spelt for Bengala.
[95] Query, Java.
[96] Pekin.
[97] Tsong-tuh.
[98] Laoye. See Chap. xiv on the title of Loytia.
[99] Possibly this word is confounded with Colao or Chung-tang, a
minister of state.
[100] More properly To't'ung.
[101] More properly Po-ching-sz, or, as Du Halde has it,
Pou-ching-ssee.
[102] More properly Too-tuh, adjutant-general.
[103] More properly Ngan-tcha-see.
[104] More properly Hai-tao. Respecting these offices see Du Halde,
vol. ii, fol. 32, 33.
[105] Standard-bearer.
[106] More properly Paou-yin.
[107] This and the preceding title seem to be the same as those
similarly spelt on page 103.
[108] Perhaps the Koo-ta-sze, or treasurer.
[109] Perhaps the Che-tsze, or secretary.
[110] Taou, tae, the intendant of circuits.
[111] More properly Kwan-paou, commissioner of customs. See Morrison's
_View of China_, p. 94.
[112] Perhaps Te-paou, a police runner.
[113] More properly Yuen-chae, a police constable.
[114] Perhaps Ching-tang, assistant officer in a prise.
[115] Shin is the Chinese for the verb "to judge", and with
the word officer added to it will be "a judging officer". Thus also
leu--law, prefixed to che--to rule, or govern, may be the origin of
the term Leuchi. This construction is, however, entirely conjectural.
[116] See note on page 113.
[117] This character is so vague as to be scarcely
recognizable. The proper Chinese word for heaven is tien. The word
here given may perhaps mean tsang, _the azure sky_, which is sometimes
used metaphorically for heaven. At the same time the modern Chinese
character for Keen, also pronounced Kan [Chinese character], which is
likewise a very old word for heaven, appears somewhat to approximate
in form to the character given in the text.
[118] Evidently hwang te, the character here given corresponding with the
modern Chinese character Hwang. [Chinese character]
[119] This character would seem to be intended for ching,--a walled
city, the correct form of the character being [Chinese character]
[120] Fucheou, the capital of Fokien.
[121] _Padrinos_, _Span_.--Literally sponsors.
[122] A German.
[123] A misprint for Pegu.
[124] Mis-translated from the Spanish "Tudesco", a German. The reader
will readily recognize the name of Johann Gutemberg or Ganzfleisch, of
Mentz, who disputes with Laurens Koster, of Haarlem, the honour of
having invented and first practised the art of printing with moveable
types.
[125] Conrad Sweynheim, who, in partnership with Arnold Pannartz,
published in 1465, at the Monastery of Subiaco, near Rome, the
_Lactantii Opera_, 4to., the first work printed in Italy. The _De
Civitate Dei_ of St. Augustine, was printed by the same printers at
Subiaco two years later. It is now known that the first book printed
in Europe with metal types, was the _Mazarine Bible_, printed by
Gutemberg and Fust, at Mentz, in 1455.
[126] Germany.
[127] Printing without moveable types does not go back, even in China,
beyond the beginning of the tenth century of our era. The first four
books of Confucius were printed, according to Klaproth, in the
province of Sze-chuen, between 890 and 925, and the description of the
technical manipulation of the Chinese printing press might have been
read in western countries even as early as 1310, in Raschid Eddin's
Persian history of the rulers of Khatai. According to the most recent
results of the important researches of Stanislas Julien, however, an
ironsmith in China itself, between the years 1041 and 1048, A.D., or
almost 400 years before Gutemberg, would seem to have used moveable
types made of burnt clay. This is the invention of Pi-sching, but it
was not brought into application. See Humboldt's _Kosmos_, translated
by Otté, fol. 623. Moveable types are now no longer used, for as Sir
John Davis observes, vol. ii, p. 222, "the present mode of Chinese
printing with wooden stereotype blocks is peculiarly suited to the
Chinese character, and for all purposes of cheapness and expedition is
perfect". A complete set of the materials used by the Chinese in the
process of printing, may be seen in the Museum of the Royal Asiatic
Society. In the note on page 121 of Hakluyt's _Divers Voyages_, edited
for the Hakluyt Society by J. Winter Jones, Esq., the following
description is given of a book printed in 1348: "The earliest work of
which we have been able to obtain an account, from one having had the
opportunity of personally inspecting it, bears date the eighth year of
the last period of the reign of Shun Te, or A.D. 1348. Mr. Prevost,
our informant, who is at present engaged in cataloguing the splendid
collection of Chinese books in the British Museum, has favoured us
with the following description of the book. The title is 'Chin Tsaou
Tsëen Wan, or the Thousand Character Classic'. It is one of the most
popular works in China, and consists of exactly one thousand different
characters, not one being repeated. It is composed in octosyllabic
verses, which rhyme in couplets; each verse presenting to the student
some useful Chinese notion, either in morals or in general knowledge.
The object of this work is to teach the written character, both in its
semi-cursive and in its stenographic form, termed Tsaou, or
grass-writing: the text is, therefore, printed in parallel columns,
alternately in the Chin, or correct, and the Tsaou, or cursive
character. The author lived in the first half of the sixth century.
This work, when seen by Mr. Prevost, was in the possession of Colonel
Tynte." The Editor has also in his own possession a Chinese bank note,
printed, or rather stamped, in the fourteenth century.
[128] Hou-quang.
[129] A sort of confection made of almonds, sugar, etc.
[130] Bever, probably from bevere, _Ital._, to drink, a small
collation between dinner and supper.
[131] _Vname_, is probably _Yew ma_,--pitch, or the resin of the pine.
In Morrison's _Dictionary_, "tar" is translated _Pa ma yew_: but the
Editor finds nothing analogous to _Ja pez_, which is probably now
obsolete.
[132] The Goletta of Tunis was taken from the Spaniards by Sinan
Pacha, admiral of Selim II, on the 23rd of August 1574.
[133] Mistranslated for "the extensive knowledge which I had of
navigation."
[134] Misspelt for Corunna.
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