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Title: Ti-Ping Tien-Kwoh - The History of the Ti-Ping Revolution (Volume I)
Author: Lindley, Augustus F.
Language: English
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[Illustration: Chinese writing]
[Illustration: COMMISSION Received By The Author From HIS HIGHNESS,
LE, CHUNG-WANG (Faithful Prince) COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE
TI-PING FORCES. &c
A Translation [of the Chinese writing on this page] will be found
immediately after the Title page]
真忠軍師忠王 李 為
給憑事茲有洋兄弟
呤唎前往上海寧波
一带操办兵船凡是
經過地方隨時接濟
米粮油塩柴伙等件
不致缺乏為要一經
办就即駕至嘉興郡
交與聽王查收並付
給價值可也再仰沿
途把守關卡官兵騐
明放行並准其往来
毋阻切切此憑
天父天兄天王太平
天囯癸開十三年十
月廿六日
囯天平太
TI-PING TIEN-KWOH;
THE HISTORY OF
THE TI-PING REVOLUTION,
INCLUDING
A Narrative of the Author's Personal Adventures.
BY
唎 LIN-LE.
FORMERLY HONORARY OFFICER, CHUNG-WANG'S GUARDS; SPECIAL AGENT
OF THE TI-PING GENERAL-IN-CHIEF; AND LATE COMMANDER OF THE "LOYAL
AND FAITHFUL AUXILIARY LEGION."
LONDON:
DAY & SON (LIMITED), LITHOGRAPHERS & PUBLISHERS,
GATE STREET, LINCOLN'S INN FIELDS.
1866.
COX AND WYMAN,
ORIENTAL, CLASSICAL, AND GENERAL PRINTERS,
GREAT QUEEN STREET, LONDON, W.C.
THE GENERAL OF THE CHIN-CHUNG (truly faithful) ARMY,
CHUNG-WANG LE (The "Faithful Prince" LE),
Hereby certifies that the undermentioned Foreign Brother, LIN-LE,
aforetime traversed the country between Shanghai, Ningpo, &c.,
conducting and managing military affairs (or ships of war).
He has traversed the whole country, and from time to time has been
actively engaged, and has collected commissariat (or military) stores,
neither sparing pains nor valuing difficulties, but directly managing
the affairs.
After this he proceeds to Kia-hing (or Cha-shing) prefecture to conduct
operations (with regard to organizing an auxiliary force, &c.), and to
receive and use, from Ting-wang, certain moneys for affairs in which he
succeeded (or may succeed).
We therefore hereby command those in charge of the military posts on the
frontier to examine this closely, and to allow him to pass to and fro
without let or hindrance.
This is an Express Commission!
Dated: The Celestial Kingdom of Ti-ping
13th year, 10th month, 26th day.
"TI-PING _is pronounced_ Tye, _or_ T'hi-Ping; _the first word_, Ti,
_going into the broad English sound like the noun eye_, _or as_ ti _in_
ti-tle. _The pure Chinese tone rather resembles_ T'hi _than_ Tye."
TO
Le-Siu-Cheng, the Chung-Wang,
"Faithful Prince,"
COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE TI-PING FORCES,
This Work is Dedicated,
IF HE BE LIVING;
AND IF NOT, TO HIS MEMORY.
PREFACE.
This work has been written in accordance with instructions received from
the leaders of the great Ti-ping Revolution in China.
Besides an account of my own personal adventures and practical
experience during four years' military service and social intercourse
with the Ti-pings, the following pages contain:--
A complete history of the Revolution: its Christian, political,
military, and social organization; an accurate description of its
extraordinary leader, Hung-sui-tshuen, and his principal chiefs; the
rise, progress, and present circumstances of the movement, together with
its bearing and influence as well upon the welfare of the 360 million
inhabitants of China, as on the general interests of Great Britain; with
a thorough review of the policy of the British Government towards China;
including the intervention with and hostilities against the Ti-ping
patriots, who, by accepting Christianity and abandoning idolatry,
revolted against the Manchoo-Tartar Government.
In writing this work I have been prompted by feelings of sympathy for a
worthy, oppressed, and cruelly-wronged people; as well as by a desire
to protest against the evil foreign policy which England, during the
last few years, has pursued towards _weak_ Powers, especially in Asia.
As a talented writer has just proved,[1] "It is not once, nor yet twice,
that the policy of the British Government has been ruinous to the best
interests of the world. It is not once, nor yet twice, that British
deeds have aroused the indignation and horror of 'highly civilized and
half-civilized races.' Disregard of international law and of treaty law
in Europe--deeds of piracy and spoliation in Asia--one vast system of
wrong and violence have everywhere for years marked the dealings of the
British Government with the weaker nations of the globe."
Entertaining similar opinions to these, I have endeavoured to produce a
complete history of the wonderful revolution in China, and an accurate
narrative of the forcible intervention of the British Government against
it. As this subject has never been properly placed before the people of
England; as it forms one of the last acts of interference with the
internal affairs of another State which was undertaken by Lord
Palmerston's Administration; and as I have had peculiar opportunities of
becoming acquainted as well with the Ti-pings as with the terrible
effects of British intervention in this instance,--I feel it my duty to
afford the fullest information to my countrymen, so as to assist them in
forming a correct opinion on a question of such vast magnitude.
Deploring, as I do, the apathy with which the great majority of
Englishmen regard the foreign policy of their rulers, and lull
themselves into a self-satisfied and indolent state of mind, because of
the _present_ internal prosperity of their country, it is with hope of
some good result that I offer my testimony against an hitherto
uncondemned national crime; and, by illustrating the iniquity of our
last hostilities in China, join the small array of those who strive to
arouse their countrymen from what may prove a fatal lethargy.
During the last thirty years, all the great nations of Europe have acted
in a way more or less antagonistic to the only principle which insures
the peace of the world, viz., that "No State has a right _forcibly_ to
interfere in the internal concerns of another State, unless there exists
a _casus belli_ against it." Consequently it is apparent that the
existence of international and treaty law must be in a very precarious
position.
When we consider British armed intervention in the internal affairs of
the Netherlands, Spain, Portugal, Turkey, Afghanistan, &c.; the three
wars with China; the wars with Burmah, Persia, and Japan; together with
the forcible demonstrations against Ashantee, Greece, Siam, and Brazil;
it cannot fail to be seen that England has not been the most backward in
violating the above true principle of international law, nor the least
guilty in following up unjustifiable impositions upon unoffending
belligerents by actual _force_.
It is not, however, with the cases here mentioned, but with the late
unproclaimed war against the Ti-pings, and with the general effect of
the policy in question, that this work is concerned.
With regard to the first subject, it is shown that British interference
has caused a tremendous destruction of human life; that it has been
carried on with fire and sword against the first Christian movement in
modern Asia; that it has been directed against a mighty national
religio-political revolution which in no way concerned England; and that
every incident of this forceable intervention, from beginning to end,
was totally unjustifiable and iniquitous.
With regard to the second subject, if the explanation of the first be
considered together with the general effect upon the world which has
been produced by England's policy towards some of the States mentioned
as those with whom she has interfered during the last thirty years, it
is probable that further light may be thrown upon "two remarkable
phenomena which now puzzle this nation," described at p. 270, part iv.,
of the admirable work entitled "Intervention and Non-intervention," as
follows:--
"(1) That the reign of force, without any real moral antagonism,
is now established throughout all the four quarters of the
globe.
"(2) That Great Britain is no longer honoured and trusted as she
was, her statesmen having lost that moral influence which, quite
as much as physical fear, serves to restrain unscrupulous
governments in a career of wrong-doing."
He will indeed be a bold casuist who can dispute the truth of the above
propositions, or the fact that they are the natural consequence of such
acts as the intervention against the Ti-pings, &c., which have been
perpetrated for the sole object of forwarding our _own_ interests and
"commercial transactions," without the slightest regard for the
principles of right, justice, and international law.
The history of the world proves that every great nation which has been
founded by aggression and the sword has ultimately fallen,
notwithstanding its power and grandeur, through the exercise of the same
illegal violence against itself. Now those who utterly condemn any
political action having for its basis expediency, temporary interest,
commercial extension, place-holding, or any other mercenary or selfish
motives, at the sacrifice of rigid equity and honour, believe that under
Providence England will never fall from her exalted position while
adhering unchangeably to the eternal principles of right and justice. If
the future and the ultimate fate of a nation be not preordained, but are
really dependent upon itself, let us believe that its destiny will be
determined by an immutable law which only rewards or punishes according
to deserts. Then will all who love their country be jealous of its
honour, whilst those who are rather intent upon immediate and personal
aggrandizement will imitate the acts of the robber, who cares not for
the crime so long as he can enrich himself.
Mingled with the more serious parts of this work, the reader will find
much information regarding the vast Chinese empire; the character,
customs, and position of its interesting people, especially so far as
the Ti-pings are concerned. As these are subjects which have come
largely under my personal observation, I have connected them with my own
travels and adventures in the form of a narrative, so that each
alternate chapter should treat exclusively of the history of the
Ti-ping Revolution until both could be combined together.
At present civil war is raging in every part of China, and if the
natives--as represented by the Ti-ping, Nien-fie, or other
insurrectionists--should succeed in overthrowing their Manchoo
oppressors, a vast field will be thrown open to European enterprise, and
the opportunity that will exist for civilizing and Christianizing the
largest country in the world cannot be exaggerated.
A. F. L.
_London, 3rd February, 1866._
* * * * *
ERRATA.
P. 546, _For_ the word "whom" _read_ "with."
P. 689, _read_ last paragraph, commencing at the twenty-seventh
line, as follows:--"Yet, on the other hand, there are people who
have the obstinacy to review this and similar affairs, and
observe that in other parts of the world a very different policy
has been enacted, where it could be done with impunity, which
affords sufficient evidence that the pretended adoption of a
non-interfering policy is neither more nor less than an
unprincipled truckling to strong powers, and an aggressive
bullying of the weak."
FOOTNOTES:
[1] "Intervention and Non-intervention," by A. G. Stapleton.
CONTENTS OF VOL. I.
CHAPTER I. PAGE
Arrival in Victoria.--The Happy Valley.--Hong-Kong.--Tanka Boat
Girls.--Chinese Boatmen: their Evil Propensities.--Captain
Mellen's Adventure.--Canton Girls.--Amusements in China.--Cafés
Chantants.--The Exhibition.--Temple of Lanterns.--Chinese
Character.--Piracy in China.--The "North Star."--Fate of the
Crew.--Tartar Cruelty.--Adventure with
Pirates.--Sporting.--Duck-shooting.--Chinese
Hospitality.--Mandarin Barbarity.--Whampoa.--Marie the
Portuguese.--Marie's History: her Escape.--Description of Marie:
her Excitability: her Jealousy 1
CHAPTER II.
Hung-sui-tshuen.--Clanship in China.--Hung-sui-tshuen's
Genealogy: his Education.--Extraordinary Visions: Description of
them.--Description of Hung-sui-tshuen: his Early Days: his
Visions Explained: his Conversion: how
effected.--Hung-sui-tshuen's Preaching: his Religious
Essays.--The God-worshippers.--Destruction of Idols.--Progress
of God-worshippers.--Numbers increase.--Hostilities
commence.--God-worshippers Victorious.--"Imperialist"
Cruelty.--Bishop of Victoria.--Chinese Dynasty proclaimed 31
CHAPTER III.
The Manchoo Party.--The Ti-ping Party.--The Ti-ping
Character.--Conflict with Manchoos.--Chinese Gunboats.--First
Ti-ping Position.--Its Appearance.--Ti-ping
Hospitality.--Ti-ping Country described.--Effects of
Intervention.--San-le-jow.--Ti-pings Superior to
Imperialists.--Ti-pings and Chinamen.--Ti-ping Costume.--The
Honan Ti-pings.--The "Chinese Paris."--Interview with
Chung-wang: his Appearance: his Religious Feelings: his
Penetration: his Policy.--Commission from
Chung-wang.--San-li-jow.--A Ti-ping Army.--Its Friendly
Bearing.--Arrival at Shanghae 55
CHAPTER IV.
Organization of the Ti-pings.--Hung-sui-tshuen's
Manifesto.--Hung-sui-tshuen Emperor.--Proclamation of
Rank.--Ti-ping Titles.--Siege of Yung-gnan.--Ti-ping
Successes.--Their Moderation in Victory.--King Yang's
Proclamation.--Tien-Wang's Proclamation.--Cruelty of
Imperialists.--Cause of the Revolution.--Chinese History
Reviewed.--Corrupt Government.--Tartar Rule.--Manchoo Barbarity 81
CHAPTER V.
Shanghae to Han-kow.--River Scenery.--Silver Island.--The Salt
Trade.--Nin-gan-shan.--Tu-ngliu.--Its Auriferous
Soil.--Kew-kiang.--River Scenery.--The Yang-tze River.--The
Braves of Han-kow.--Chinese Politeness.--Manchoo Policy.--Fire
and Plunder.--A Chinese Rudder.--Scenery around
Ta-tung.--Appearance of the Country.--Chinese Chess.--Perilous
Adventure.--Crew of Mutineers.--Critical Position.--Gallant
Rescue.--Explanation.--Alarm of Pirates.--Plan of
Operations.--Its Advantages.--The Result.--Another
Alarm.--"Imperialist" Pirates 106
CHAPTER VI.
Fall of Nankin.--Manchoo Cowardice.--Immense Booty.--Sir George
Bonham's Arrival at Nankin.--"The Northern Prince."--The Ti-pings
fraternize.--Sir George Bonham's Dispatch.--The Ti-ping
Reply.--Further Communication.--Its Friendly Nature.--Ti-ping
Literature.--Its Religious Character.--Bishop of Victoria and
Dr. Medhurst's Opinions.--Ti-ping Publications.--The New
Testament.--Monarchy Established.--Occupation of Nankin.--A
Fatal Mistake.--Imperialist Advantages.--Advance of the
Ti-pings.--Manchoo Operations.--The Tsing-hae Army.--The
Retreat.--Tien-wang's Mistake--His Opportunity Lost.--Manchoo
Tactics.--Imperialist Outrages.--Ti-ping Moderation.--The Triad
Rebels.--They evacuate Amoy.--Captain Fishbourne's
Description.--Triads capture Shanghae.--Imperialist
Aggressions.--Jesuits' Interference.--The French attack the
Triads.--Shanghae Evacuated.--British Interference.--Its
Consequences 136
CHAPTER VII.
Home.--Its Desolation.--Intelligence of Marie.--Consequent
Proceedings.--Preparations for Pursuit.--River Tracking.--In
Pursuit.--The Lorcha Sighted.--Stratagems.--Alongside the
Lorcha.--On Board the Lorcha.--Critical Position.--A Friend in
Need.--Failure.--Lorcha again Reconnoitred.--Increased
Difficulties.--Another Attempt.--Alongside the Lorcha
again.--Marie discovered.--Marie rescued.--Safe on
Board.--Marie's Explanation.--The Lorcha in Pursuit.--She gains
on us.--The Lorcha opens Fire.--Safe among the Ti-pings 177
CHAPTER VIII.
Ti-ping Operations.--Chinese Apathy.--The Ti-ping
Difficulty.--Popular Feeling.--Opposed to the
Ti-pings.--England's Policy.--Her Motives.--Dr. Bridgman
describes Ti-pingdom.--His Description of the Ti-pings.--X. Y.
Z.--Ti-pingdom in 1857.--Its Internal Economy.--Lord Elgin at
Nankin.--Gallant Exploit.--Its Interpretation.--Hung-jin arrives
at Nankin.--Hung-jin's Adventures.--Mr. Hamberg's
Narrative.--Hung-jin's Pamphlet.--Hung-jin Prime
Minister.--Nankin Invested.--Resumption of
Hostilities.--"Indemnity" demanded.--Conditions of Peace.--Cause
of Wars with China.--England's Foreign Policy.--The Opium Wars 204
CHAPTER IX.
The Sz-wang's Domestic Life.--Approach to Nankin.--Interior of
Nankin.--A Ti-ping Banquet.--Maou-lin, the Chung-wang's
Son.--The Chung-wang's Palace.--The Chung-wang's Levee.--Ti-ping
Chiefs.--Chung-wang's Appearance.--Council of War.--The
Review.--Cum-ho.--The March.--The Ti-ping Army.--Its
Organization.--Selection of Officers.--Equipment of the
Army.--Its Formation.--The Enemy in View.--Their
Retreat.--Preparations for Attack.--A Night Attack.--A Stockade
carried.--Charge of Manchoo Cavalry.--The Repulse.--The Enemy
retreat.--The Pursuit.--Complete Rout of the
Manchoos.--Maou-lin's Bravery.--Return to Nankin 234
CHAPTER X.
Prospects of the Ti-pings in 1860.--Their Operations.--Relief of
Nankin.--Rout of the Imperialists.--Ti-ping Successes.--British
Interference.--Ti-pings advance on Shanghae.--The Chung-wang's
Address.--Mr. Bruce's Notification.--Mr. Bruce's Despatch.--The
Future of China.--The Chung-wang's Despatch.--Mr. Bruce's
Inconsistency.--Missionary "Holmes."--His Statement.--His
Uncourteous Behaviour.--His Inconsistencies.--Suppressed
Missionary Reports.--Rev. Griffith Johns' Report.--Newspaper
Extracts.--The Shanghae Massacre of Ti-pings.--Newspaper
Extracts.--The Author's Reflections thereon 266
CHAPTER XI.
Ti-ping Polygamy.--Ti-ping Women.--Their Improved
Position.--Abolition of Slavery by the Ti-pings.--Its Prevalence
in China.--Moral Revolution effected by Ti-pings.--Their
Religious Works.--Their Conduct Justified.--Jesuit
Missionaries.--Consul Harvey's Despatch.--Apathy of
Missionaries.--Its Consequences.--Chinese Antipathy to
Christianity.--Christianity of the Ti-pings.--Their Forms of
Worship.--Ti-ping Marriages.--Religious Observances.--The
Ti-ping Sabbath.--Its Observance.--Their Ecclesiastical
System.--Forms of Worship.--The Mo-wang.--Ti-ping Churches 300
CHAPTER XII.
Ti-pingdom in 1861.--Its Armies.--The Foreign Policy of
England.--Its Consequences.--Admiral Hope's
Expedition.--Comments thereon.--Its Results.--Lord Elgin's Three
Points.--Official Communications.--Secret Orders.--Evidence of
such.--Their Object.--Official Communications.--Mr. Parkes'
Despatch analyzed.--Newspaper Extracts.--Official Papers.--Mr.
Parkes' Measures.--His Arrogant Behaviour.--Result of the
Yang-tze Expedition.--Ngan-king Invested.--Modus Operandi.--The
Ying-wang's Plans.--His Interview with Mr. Parkes.--Sacrifices
his Interests.--Sketch of the Ying-wang.--Hung-jin's
Adventures.--The Chung-wang's Operations.--The Results.--Siege
of Hang-chow.--Its Capture.--Manchoo Cruelties.--Position of the
Ti-pings in 1861 325
CHAPTER XIII.
Life in Nankin.--Ti-ping Character.--Its Friendly
Nature.--Religious Observances.--Cum-ho.--Curious Adventure.--A
Catastrophe.--Love-making.--Difficulties.--Trip to
Shanghae.--Reflections.--On the Yang-tze River.--Life on the
River.--An Adventure.--The Deserted Lorcha.--The Murdered
Crew.--"Mellen's" Fate.--Arrival at Shanghae.--Return
Voyage.--Sin-ya-meu.--A "Squeeze Station."--The
"Love-chase."--Fraternizing.--Wife-purchasing.--The Grand
Canal.--China under Manchoo Rule.--Its Population.--The Manchoo
Government 360
CHAPTER XIV.
Ti-ping Revolution in 1861.--Official Correspondence.--Its
Review.--Professions of Neutrality.--How carried out.--Captain
Dew's Interpretation.--Ti-ping Remonstrance.--Cause of British
Hostility.--Mr. Bruce's Assertions.--Mr. Bruce's Second
Despatch.--Mr. Bruce's Difficulty.--His Inconsistency.--Despatch
No. 3.--Inconsistent Statements.--Ti-pings approach
Ningpo.--Interview with Ti-ping Chiefs.--Mr. Hewlett's Interview
with "Fang."--General Hwang's Despatch.--General "Fang's"
Despatch.--Capture of Ningpo.--British Intervention.--Ti-ping
Moderation.--Open Hostilities commenced.--Commander Bingham's
Despatch.--Ti-ping Reply.--Commander Bingham's Rejoinder 392
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
CHROMOLITHOGRAPHS.
Chinese Commission _Frontispiece_.
Hong-kong Boat Girls _to face page_ 6
Marie (_portrait_) " 28
Ti-ping Army going into Action " 68
Silver Island " 108
Ke-tow " 114
Escape from the Lorcha " 203
The Chung-wang's Council of War " 243
Defeat of the Tartar Cavalry at the Battle of Hu-kau " 261
Sale of a Chinese Girl, as witnessed by the Author, at
Etching, on the river Yang-tse-kiang " 304
Teaching the Lord's Prayer in a middle-class Ti-ping
household " 318
Map, showing the position of the Ti-pings at the close
of the year 1861 " 359
A Ti-ping Church " 360
A Mast-head view of Nankin from the river, as it
appeared on the morning of departure " 372
WOOD ENGRAVINGS.
Sing-song Girl _page_ 30
Chung-wang's Head-dress " 73
Ti-ping _versus_ Imperialist " 80
Chess Board " 123
Chung-wang's Crown " 244
Ti-ping Ladies of rank " 324
A Manchoo Squeeze Station " 384
THE TI-PING REVOLUTION.
CHAPTER I.
Arrival in Victoria.--The Happy Valley.--Hong-Kong.--Tanka Boat
Girls.--Chinese Boatmen: their evil propensities.--Captain
Mellen's Adventure.--Canton Girls.--Amusements in China.--Cafés
Chantant.--The Exhibition.--Temple of Lanterns.--Chinese
Character.--Piracy in China.--The "North Star."--Fate of the
Crew.--Tartar Cruelty.--Adventure with
Pirates.--Sporting.--Duck-shooting.--Chinese
Hospitality.--Mandarin Barbarity.--Whampoa.--Marie the
Portuguese.--Marie's History: her Escape.--Description of Marie:
her Excitability: her Jealousy.
In the summer of 1859, I arrived before the town of Victoria, on board
the good ship _Emeu_, and cast anchor in the blue waters of its shaded
harbour. Victoria is the only town in the island of Hong-Kong, and,
viewed from the bay, presents a very imposing appearance, in many
respects resembling Gibraltar.
Like the city of the "Sentinel of the Straits," it is built from the
very edge of the sea to some considerable distance up the mountains
which constitute the principal portion of the island, and is almost
entirely hemmed in by towering masses of time-worn granite, that
constitute a grand and effective background to its princely buildings.
Many of these noble edifices--the dwellings of European merchants and
officials, and the British Government works--in the higher parts of the
town are well ornamented by gardens; which, with several verdant little
valleys in the hollows of the mountains, some low hills covered with a
feathery semi-tropical foliage--Green Island, with its dense bushes on
one hand, and Jardine's, crowned with a noble mansion of that firm, on
the other--together with the multitude of junks and European shipping at
anchor, and those under weigh crossing and enlivening the scene, afford
a charming and picturesque tone to what would otherwise be the
unrelieved massiveness and sterility of the place.
There is one particularly beautiful spot in the "Island of Sweet
Waters," as it is poetically termed by the Chinese, that well repays the
trouble of a visit. It is situated some five or six miles from the town,
and is named Happy Valley. It is surrounded with luxuriant Asiatic
foliage, from the midst of which occasional farm-houses peep out. A fine
grassy level forms the centre of the valley, around which is constructed
the Hong-Kong racecourse, and this is bounded by a broad carriage-road
completely encircling the whole plain; while on the edges of the distant
rising ground the burial-place of those Europeans who never return to
their home rears above the surrounding evergreens its monumental
sculpture.
Happy Valley is surrounded by mountains whose sloping sides are thickly
clothed with vegetation; the trees, although of a stunted species, are
thickly interlaced with undergrowth and an innumerable variety of
evergreen bushes, through which murmur many mountain springs, that
become in the rainy months swollen into torrents. Although a favourite
resort of European residents, I hardly consider Happy Valley a good
sanatorium; for, when visiting it at early sunrise, I invariably found
thick, damp vapours shrouding it, slow to be dispelled by the morning
sun, and strongly significant of fever, and "Hong-Kong fever" in
particular.
The colony of Hong-Kong represents most perfectly the success of British
enterprise in commercial matters; and, what is far more important,
points to the true mode by which Christian and civilized nations may
communicate with the Pagan and semi-civilized ones of Asia.
The less said about the cession of the island to England the better;
for, although in the year 1841 the Imperial Commissioner, Keshen,
coerced by the presence of British troops, agreed to cede it, his
Government repudiated this unauthorized agreement, and yet the British
made that a _casus belli_, and afterwards compelled them to sanction and
endorse the concession. Many people will, doubtless, say that England
was compelled to make war upon the Chinese at that time, in order to
defend her subjects and protect their trade and property; but it does
not appear that either trade or property had ever been threatened,
except through the nefarious opium traffic. The Chinese Government took
the best measures to prevent the introduction of this injurious drug
into their empire, but the British Government laid themselves open to
the charge of wishing to protect the smugglers and forward the lawless
trade.
The colony of Hong-Kong is in many respects to be admired, and it is to
be regretted that the ministers of the present day do not appreciate its
many advantages. In former days England possessed more statesmen and
fewer politicians than now. Of all the blunders which have recently
marked her foreign policy, the late intervention in China is the worst;
there we find neither the courage nor intellect which, in former ages,
by talent, energy, and success redeemed even acts of aggression; neither
do we perceive any desire to forego that system of unjustifiable
interference which is so much calculated to render this great nation
contemptible.
Hong-Kong is a free port, and in that lies the secret of how to
establish relations with the Chinese, Japanese, or any other exclusive
Asiatic people. As the late Mr. Cobden very correctly stated, during the
debate upon China in the House of Commons (May 30, 1864), "We have only
to establish free ports on the coast of China, withdraw ourselves
altogether from political contact with the people, and we shall have a
trade with them quite as much, if not more, than if we penetrate into
the country and assist in destroying their civilization in a vain
attempt to plant our own, for which they are not yet fitted." There is
no necessity whatever to _force_ trade, and when such policy is
persisted in, the results are always calamitous. To apply the idea
personally: How would any of us like a stranger (foreign to us in every
respect) to come and thrust himself into our house, determined to
_compel_ us to trade with him, openly professing his intentions to alter
our religion, ancient institutions, &c., with his goods in one hand
(principally a poisonous drug) and a sword in the other? But let the
stranger establish himself close to our house, without aggression or
loud-mouthed professions of interference with our domestic and public
policy, and then, whenever we become aware of the benefit to be derived
from him, is it not certain that we should flock to him willingly, and
take him amongst us as a friend?
I caught the first glimpse of real Chinese life directly the anchor fell
from the _Emeu's_ starboard cathead; for although at Singapore and
Penang there are many "Celestials," yet their peculiar manners and
customs do not forcibly obtrude themselves upon the notice of a "bird of
passage." They seem, at both places, to be leading a subdued, unnatural,
very un-Celestial sort of existence; and, besides, very few Celestial
ladies are to be seen about. The _Emeu_ was scarcely moored when I was
startled by the appearance of those amphibious creatures, the Chinese
boat and laundry women. The Tanka (boat) girls lead an almost entirely
aquatic life, and are actually born, live, and die, on board their
floating homes. Their time seems fully occupied in rowing, or sculling
with a large oar over the stern of the boat; and this incessant labour
makes them strong and well-figured. Until married, it cannot be said
they are either paragons of virtue or modesty; but when married, or
betrothed--that is to say, bought by a long-tailed Benedict--they, at
all events, seem far less amiable towards the exiled "Fan-Kwei" (foreign
devil), as, in common with most Chinese, they politely designate all
foreigners.
The personal charms of these first seen of the Chinese fair sex are by
no means so contemptible as Europeans generally imagine. Their long and
intensely black hair, brilliant and merry though oblique black eyes,
light-yellowish brown and often beautifully clear complexion, and lithe
robust figures, constitute a charming and singular variety of feminine
attraction. They are a gay thoughtless set these boat-girls;
unfortunately, to mar what would otherwise often be a very handsome
face, many of them have the flattish nose typical of South China, though
the high and more European formed one is by no means uncommon. Through
constant exposure to the sun, they are mostly tanned to a regular
olivaster gipsy hue, and wicked little gipsies they often are,
especially when making a young greenhorn, fresh from his mamma in
England, pay six times the proper fare.
The Tanka girls are free in all things unconnected with their work; but,
as many are purchased by aged individuals, owners of boats, they are
slaves in so far as their occupation is concerned. Very different is it
with their unfortunate sisters, the slaves of the washerwomen, who are
bought when quite young, and trained to an evil life.
It is a usual thing to see, the moment a ship has anchored, several old
laundry hags, each with an attendant retinue of fascinating nymphs,
"taking charge" and establishing themselves in possession of all
quarters of the vessel, from the skipper's cabin to the black cook's
galley. Of course, these little witches make sad havoc of the sailors'
hearts, and generally of their clothes.
It is a singular fact, but no less singular than true, that invariably
upon pay-day the number and affection of these pretty damsels seem to
increase and multiply in a surprising manner; and by the very
perceptible metallic chinking when they take their departure by the
gangway, it would appear that their sweetness of disposition had not
been exerted unsuccessfully.
The boat and laundry women are peculiar to the South of China, being
only met with at Macao, Canton, Whampoa, and Hong-Kong. They seem to
have become a distinct part of the population of China since the arrival
of Europeans to its shores, as employment by the latter affords their
principal means of livelihood. Throughout the year they constantly amuse
themselves in the water, swimming and disporting themselves about the
above-mentioned harbours, like so many young porpoises in a gale of
wind.
Besides the Tanka boats, there are others at Hong-Kong manned by
Chinamen; but until quite lately, and until the establishment of a
water-police, they formed a very dangerous mode of travelling at night,
the crews having frequently robbed and murdered their passengers.
A friend of mine was once very nearly killed by a boat's crew when being
taken to his vessel by them; and although, as it will appear, upon that
occasion he managed to escape, he was afterwards brutally murdered by
the Chinese. But that terrible affair I will relate at its proper place;
for I found his mangled corpse, together with those of his wife and
child, some years afterwards, in another part of China.
My friend Mellen was captain of a vessel belonging to himself, and, just
after the last Canton war, was at anchor in Hong-Kong harbour. Returning
on board late one night, the boatmen--seven in number, six pulling and
one in the stern-sheets steering--soon after leaving the shore, instead
of steering directly towards his ship, seemed to be keeping away from
her. He, of course, endeavoured to make them steer in the right
direction; but with that half-complying, half-defying shuffling of your
true Chinaman, they managed to persist on the wrong course until
reaching some little distance outside all the shipping. At this moment,
and while still a considerable way from his own vessel, which happened
to be lying outside all the others in port, he was suddenly struck with
some heavy weapon by the man behind him, who was steering. Through a
forward movement which he made, the blow luckily missed his head and
struck him on the shoulder. Mellen very fortunately had a small revolver
with him, and at the moment when the rest of the boatmen started from
their seats and rushed to attack him, he turned and shot his first
assailant, had just time to face them, firing again and wounding the
foremost, when they were upon him, armed with formidable knives and the
heavy thole pins used to fasten the oars. In an instant he received
several wounds, though providentially his assailants were too much in
each other's way to use their murderous weapons effectively; but his
revolver being self-acting, without a pause, he was enabled to shoot
dead another, and severely wound a fourth. At this, seeing four of their
number _hors de combat_ almost within five seconds, two of the remaining
robbers lost heart, and jumped overboard to swim for it; the last, a
large powerful fellow, closed with Mellen in a fierce and deadly
struggle. My friend's revolver was empty; so, abandoning the weapon that
had already rendered such good service, he grappled with his adversary,
endeavouring to wrest away the knife with which he was armed.
[Illustration: HONG-KONG BOAT GIRLS.
London, Published March 15^{th} 1866 by Day & Son, Limited Lithog^{rs}
Gate Str, Lincoln's Inn Fields.
Day & Son, Limited, Lith.]
In the meanwhile, the reports of the pistol and the noise of the
struggle had reached the wakeful ears of my friend's wife, who was by
good chance on deck, waiting and watching for her husband's return.
Piercing the darkness of the night with eager eyes, she faintly
discerned a boat in the distance, outside all the other ships, and
naturally concluded it must be bound for their vessel. In agony for her
husband's safety, she aroused the crew, seized a pistol from the cabin,
and set off in the gig to overhaul the boat which had attracted her
attention. The gig's crew pulling fast, arrived at the scene of conflict
not an instant too soon; for Mellen being in weak health, was succumbing
to the superior strength of his antagonist, who, with one hand grasping
him by the throat, was making fierce efforts to release the other, and
plunge the dagger it held into my friend's breast.
Just at this critical moment, Mrs. Mellen and her boat's crew arrived
alongside, and, seeing all the danger, she presented the pistol at the
Chinaman and fired; the ball passed directly through his head and laid
him lifeless at her husband's feet. This gallant act was but one of many
instances in which that courageous woman had saved her husband's life,
and in defending which she eventually lost her own--a fruitless though
noble sacrifice.
After landing and reporting myself at head-quarters, I finished my first
day in China by seeing as much of Celestial life as my uninitiated state
permitted. A sedan chair, the usual and aristocratic style of travelling
in China, was hired, which for upwards of three hours transported me all
over the town. The Chinese--their country--in fact, all about them--will
afford an observant stranger an inexhaustible fund of study and
amusement; yet, as a rule, Europeans are singularly neglectful of the
country and most interesting traits of the peculiar people they sojourn
amongst. They go to China with the sole idea of making a fortune, and
too often in its blind pursuit all other principle is sacrificed. Their
whole existence seems a feverish dream to obtain dollars enough to
return home wealthy; and very seldom, if ever, are any found
sufficiently disinterested or philanthropic to study the welfare and
future of the immense Chinese empire.
At first, as foreigners generally are, I was considerably disgusted by
the unnatural appearance of the men my lot was cast with, consequent
upon the shaved head and monkey appendage. This frightful custom in no
slight degree adds to the naturally cruel expression of their oblique
eyes and altogether peculiar features; in fact, hair is absolutely
required to tone down the harsh and irregular contour of their faces.
While wandering through the town, I was much struck by the appearance of
many Chinese girls wearing European shoes on naturally formed feet, and
head-dresses of brilliant Manchester pattern, in the form of
handkerchiefs, folded diagonally and once knotted under the chin, the
ends projecting on either side by a particular and almost mathematical
adjustment. I soon became convinced that the European proclivities of
the Canton girls went much further than this. These young ladies, before
marriage or obtaining a "massa," wear their front hair cut short and
hanging over the forehead, which gives them an expression between that
of a London street-preacher and a person just dragged through a
haystack; their back hair is gathered together and plaited into a long
tail, which, when loose, strangely resembles the tail of a black
Shetland pony. To the best of my knowledge, the Chinese women never cut
their hair, and their system might be beneficially imitated by
foreigners, for their tresses are certainly much longer and more
luxuriant than those of the women of Europe.
I arrived during the Chinese New Year holidays, which, throughout China,
are celebrated with extensive merry-making. At Hong-Kong the new year is
welcomed with much festivity, and during many days the cracking of
fire-crackers, the roar of petards, and the clanging of gongs is
incessant; which, being continued all night, renders sleep difficult.
I visited numberless sing-songs, or theatres, in all of which I found
the most persevering of instrumental and vocal performers. Some
exclusively confined themselves to musical (Chinese) entertainment,
while others were devotees of the Chinese Thespis, and, of the two, I
think the latter preferable; for, although their principal hits consist
of a tremendous crash of gongs, drums, horns, &c. (which invariably
places the audience in ecstasies of delight), there is not so much of
the shrieking falsetto of the singers, or the scraping of that
excruciating tympanum-piercing instrument of torture--the Chinese
fiddle. The nation has certainly obtained its knowledge of musical
concord from the vicinity of Pandemonium, its idea of discord must come
from somewhere considerably beyond that place.
Some of the sing-songs combined creature comforts with those more
intellectual; but these were permanent institutions, and not simply for
the occasion. These establishments are open free of charge, but care is
taken to have a select audience. The female performers considerably
outnumber the male, and have the cramped small feet. After shrieking
themselves hoarse, in a higher pitch of voice than I ever heard before,
they approach the visitors to receive largess. Now, their manner of
doing this I denounce as the most revolting specimen of self-distortion
and pedestrianism imaginable. I can think of no juster simile than a
frog trying to walk upright with half its hind legs amputated and stilts
fastened to the stumps. Why the deformed feet should ever have been
termed "small" I am at a loss to imagine, all that I have seen being
quite the reverse. The bottom of the foot, it is true, is bandaged, and
compressed into a hoof-like smallness, with the toes all forced into the
sole, and on this the shoe is fitted; but look at the ankle, instep, and
heel, and you will see nothing but an immense shapeless mass, closely
resembling the foot of an elephant.
Whenever the Celestial vocalists have hobbled up to you and taken a
seat,--perhaps on your knees if they should happen to take a fancy to
you,--the polite thing is to order supper for the company _ad libitum_,
and by this means the proprietors and musical talent of the
establishment recompense themselves; for although there is no
entrance-charge, by George! they _do_ make you pay for supper.
It is a pity some of the members of teetotalism do not undertake a
proselytizing expedition to China, for in these intellectual
entertainments of the people they would find a fair field for their
labour. The etiquette of the sing-song is that a man must never refuse
the wine-cup from the hand of one of the attendant sirens, and I am
quite sure the sirens use the strongest persuasion and their most
fascinating arts to ply it. It sometimes unfortunately happens that a
victimized Chinaman becomes unduly elated, and attempts to steal a kiss;
and when this happens, as the ladies are thickly befloured and daubed
with paint, the poor fellow quickly assumes a floury appearance, while
the lady's countenance becomes variegated with irregular lines of
commingled colour.
The Chinese have another polite mode of making beasts of themselves,
consisting of a sort of forfeit game, in which one holds up his fingers
and the other, before seeing them, quickly guesses the number held up,
the loser's penalty being to swallow a cupful of wine or _samshoo_, and
then, to show his superior breeding and capacity, to hold it aloft,
bottom up, after each draught.
The professional ladies are always open to an engagement, and are
usually invited to attend evening parties, to enliven the guests by
their melody and flirtation. Upon these occasions each siren carries a
fan, upon which is inscribed her list of songs, and this is handed round
the company to select from. The wives and daughters of the host are
never present at these _soirées musicales_, for they, poor creatures,
being only upon a par with the goods and chattels, are considered
unworthy to mix with their lords in public. In all affairs but the most
private domestic ones they are entirely ignored, and it would be the
greatest breach of good manners for one Chinaman to ask another after
his wife's health, and would be vulgar to talk of female relatives at
all. Of course, where woman occupies such an inferior position, her
rights are frequently usurped; and it is no uncommon thing for one of
the singing ladies to monopolize a man with several wives.
While at Hong-Kong I had the satisfaction of visiting a grand New Year
exhibition that only takes place once every ten years. It consisted of
an immense building of bamboo and matting, after the general style of
Chinese theatres. The people excel in this style of building, and will
finish one of these temporary structures in a few days, and without
using a single nail in the work. The walls and roof are simply bamboo,
lashed together with rope, then thatched with rushes, and covered with
matting; the whole completely watertight, and strong enough to resist
the wind and weather. That which I visited was designated the Temple of
some long-named Chinese divinity, and was of vast extent, covering
several acres of land. The interior contained a little of every
production of China, a fair sprinkling of European articles, and an
endless variety of shows and amusements. Some parts were devoted to
stalls of raw produce, while others contained every kind of manufactured
article. One of the most attractive scenes for the Chinamen was a show
of models of a great variety of wild animals, comprising almost
everything, from a mouse to a camelopard. Although this dummy menagerie
gave the greatest satisfaction and elicited numberless "Hi-ya's!" from
the astonished Celestials, I am pretty certain that many of the supposed
representations could never have found an original, and I am quite sure
that had a tiger seen the tremendous monster intended for himself, it
would have certainly frightened him. Theatres, sing-songs, lecturers,
quack-doctors, mountebanks, tumblers, jugglers, fortune-tellers, all
were to be enjoyed for the sum of two dollars paid at the door.
The Temple was said to contain 1,000,000 lanterns, and was altogether
remarkably well got up. I met the Chinese jugglers for the first time at
this place, and I must say they are remarkably dexterous. One of the
best tricks I saw them execute is this--the performer, after showing the
audience that he has nothing concealed about him and going through a
series of gymnastics to convince them, will suddenly stop, stoop down,
and from under his ordinary Chinese robe produce an immense bowl filled
to the brim with water; so full, indeed, that the slightest movement
would spill some, yet the trick is executed without a drop falling to
the ground.
While lounging through the "palace of 1,000,000 lanterns," I found the
first opportunity to study that absurd jargon, "pidgeon English." I was
watching one of the most expert jugglers, when a fine, portly, evidently
well-to-do Chinaman came up, and addressed me with--
"Hi-ya! this piecee man belong numbah one. Can do so fashon? ga la!"
More by good luck than comprehension, I happened to hit upon his meaning
that the man was very clever, and his inquiry as to whether I approved
of the trick. After a few more general and equally ambiguous remarks, in
which some of my interlocutor's friends joined and made a worse
confusion, he thought we had had enough of the wizard, and invited me to
partake of some Chinese good cheer in these words:--
"S'pose you no wantche look see, mi wantche you come along mi catchee
samshoo."
Having nothing better to do, and thinking it a good opportunity to
ascertain a little of Chinese character, I accepted his proposal, and we
adjourned to a restaurant department close by, where I spent a short
time very pleasantly--telling the Chinamen about railways, balloons,
submarine telegraph, &c., and receiving in return copious information
upon _pidgeon_ (business) and the Chinese politics of Hong-Kong. My
friends were loud and unanimous in praise of the colony, and declared
it, and all pertaining to it, "numbah one;" while they quite as heartily
expressed their dissatisfaction with the state of their country and its
Manchoo Government. At last, I was obliged to leave them in a hurry,
having a confounded middle watch to keep, and we parted with mutual
protestations of good will, amidst which might have been prominently
distinguished, "Engleman numbah one," "Chinaman numbah one," "Chin-chin,
ga la!" &c.
Hong-Kong is highly appreciated by the Chinese, who, to escape from the
tyranny and rapacity of their Manchoo rulers, stifle their national
pride, and flock to it in great numbers. Those who have preferred
British jurisdiction to the unendurable state of their own country are
mostly respectable men; but, of course, there is another and a
disreputable party. Hong-Kong, besides affording shelter and advantages
to the honest and worthy, has been quite as useful to bad characters and
criminals from the mainland; and as these latter have not been slow to
avail themselves of its protection, the result is that gangs of robbers
and pirates have become located amongst the large native population.
Until quite lately, a walk at evening, outside the precincts of the
town, was likely to terminate unpleasantly, as these fly-by-night
gentlemen were often hanging about with an eye to business. Many
Europeans have returned from a late walk considerably edified upon this
point; some have never returned, for the Chinese marauders are
particularly unscrupulous. A couple of philanthropists one night thought
to relieve me of the burden of my purse while I was taking a moonlight
stroll barely beyond the houses of Victoria; but the arguments of a
Penang lawyer proved so effectual--thanks to Sergeant-Major Winterbottom
and its own toughness--that they were glad to forego their unwelcome
attentions and decamp, leaving a memento of the meeting in the shape of
an ugly-looking rusty knife.
This sort of thing, however, is becoming less frequent, in consequence
of the increased police force; but there is another and a much greater
evil, almost as bad as ever--that is, piracy. The whole coast, for
several hundred miles north and south, is infested with pirates, and the
peculiar formation of the land about Hong-Kong, (with its many bays,
creeks, inlets, and rivers of every description,) affords them a
rendezvous with the most perfect means of concealment. Many piratical
craft carry on their depredations quite within sight of the colony; some
vessels have even been plundered, and their crews massacred, upon its
waters, with a large fleet of British gunboats lying uselessly almost
within gunshot-range. Some of the wealthiest Chinese in Hong-Kong have
been discovered to be in connection with the pirates, and even Europeans
have been implicated.
About five years ago a large English brig was captured, and many of her
crew murdered, in full sight of the signal-station at Victoria Peak.
This case happened to come under my own observation.
The _North Star_ sailed from Hong-Kong early one morning, bound for
Japan, in ballast, but carrying some 12,000 dollars in specie. Her crew
consisted of seventeen persons all told, including two passengers, to
whom the treasure belonged. The wind being very light, the vessel made
but little progress, and towards evening became nearly becalmed about
seven miles from the anchorage. About this time the Chinese pilot left,
and was observed to communicate with a native junk which had followed in
the wake of the brig all day, unfortunately without exciting the
apprehension of those on board.
Soon after the pilot's departure, the Chinese steward brought the
captain his revolver, and asked him if he wished it to be cleaned;
unsuspectingly he discharged all the barrels and returned it to the
steward. At this moment the junk--which had gradually been edging down,
the light airs sensibly affecting her broad lateen sails, though the
brig was almost stationary--having approached within fifty yards,
suddenly became alive with men, although only two or three had
previously been visible. Putting out large sweeps they commenced pulling
rapidly towards the brig.
The captain of the _North Star_ perceived the danger too late, and
rushed to the cabin for a musket (four of which comprised the whole
armament), calling upon the crew to arm themselves as best they could,
and get the watch below on deck. The pirates crashed alongside, and
instantly cast a shower of stink-pots on the deck of their prey, killing
the man at the wheel, and severely burning two others of the crew. Fore
and aft the pirates boarded in overwhelming numbers. The captain ran on
deck with a musket, and with him, similarly armed, the two passengers
and the second mate. At the same time the mate, in the fore part of the
vessel, had snatched up a deck handspike, the carpenter an axe, and the
rest of the crew whatever they could lay their hands on. The captain and
his supporters levelled their pieces, and with care and coolness pulled
the trigger, the caps snapped--but that was all. The steward, after so
cunningly inducing the captain to empty his revolver, had filled the
nipples of each musket; he was, of course, the accomplice of the
pirates, and jumped on board their junk directly she touched the sides
of the vessel he had betrayed.
In a moment the captain, second mate, and one of the passengers were cut
down, shockingly wounded by the swords and spears with which the pirates
were armed, while the remaining passenger jumped overboard. Meanwhile,
overpowered by numbers, and without arms to defend themselves, the
remainder of the crew, with the exception of two or three who escaped,
had been massacred. The mate, after desperately defending himself with
his heavy handspike, and breaking the skulls of several assailants,
received a fearful gash across the face, destroying both eyes. The
carpenter buried his axe in the brain of one pirate, but, before he
could recover himself, was cut down by another. In a similar way all
the crew, except two men and a boy, were stretched dead or dying on the
deck. The three who escaped and afterwards gave evidence, saved
themselves by climbing up the forestay and hiding in the top. They were
part of the watch below, and directly they emerged from the hatchway saw
one of their shipmates lying half under the fore trysail (the halyards
of which had been let go by the pirates while seeking ropes to make
their junk fast alongside) weltering in his blood; this, and the horrid
noise of the slaughter taking place abaft, warned them to seek safety
aloft, while the trysail screened them from observation.
After getting the treasure on deck, and placing it on board their junk,
the pirates plundered the _North Star_ of everything of value, and then
left her, sweeping themselves rapidly to seaward. When the junk was a
long way off, the three survivors descended from their place of
concealment, did all they could to alleviate the sufferings of the few
yet alive on deck, and steered in for the harbour with a light breeze
that had sprung up. After midnight the wind fell again; and, lowering a
small boat, two of the three got into her, and pulled for the shipping.
They reached my ship first; and, sending them on to the next vessel
(H.M.S. _Impérieuse_) for a surgeon, we manned a cutter, and set off for
the _North Star_. We soon reached the unfortunate bark, and then gazed
upon a fearful scene of butchery. The mate and three of the crew were
still living, but appeared too horribly mangled for any chance of
recovery; the rest were all dead, some being literally hacked to pieces.
The boats from the _Impérieuse_ soon arrived, and we took the brig in
tow. The surgeon pronounced every case but one hopeless. Out of the
sixteen Europeans on board at starting, only five escaped; the four
sailors, and the passenger who jumped overboard. The escape of the
latter was something marvellous; while in the water, the pirates threw
three bamboo spears at him, which did not strike him, but even
furnished a means of support. They then paid no further attention to
him; so, swimming close under the stern of the brig, he remained there
perfectly hidden for some time. Being a capital swimmer, he at length
determined to push off and attempt to reach the shore, although fully
seven or eight miles distant. He did so; and, after being in the water
for nine hours, reached land, and was carried to Hong-Kong by fishermen.
During some months I made voyages on the north-east coast of China, from
Hong-Kong to Swatow, Amoy, Foo-chow, and Shanghae. I mixed as much as
possible with the natives at each place, and found all alike heartily
disgusted with their present rulers. Much of the cruelty and duplicity
generally attributed to the natural character of the Chinese is the
consequence of the evil government of the Manchoo dynasty.
From infancy the people have become habituated to scenes of blood and
torture, similar to those inflicted upon their ancestors during the last
two centuries by the Tartar conquerors. Made callous and degraded by the
ceaseless persecution of their authorities; unnaturally branded with the
shaven-headed badge of slavery; their spirit broken and debased by a
system of grinding tyranny; their lives and property at the mercy of the
most merciless officials in existence, and of judges solely influenced
by bribery; "cut into a thousand pieces," according to law, or otherwise
cruelly tortured to death for any rebellion against their foreign
Emperor's unrighteous sway; frequently decapitated upon bare suspicion,
but always if related to a rebel--how can it be a matter of surprise if
the Chinese seem imbued with cunning and deceit, the usual resource of
the weak and sorely oppressed?
Since the colony of Hong-Kong was founded, the natives, through
intercourse with foreigners, have become acquainted with the superior
laws, governments, &c., of those they have been taught to consider
"outer barbarians." This has tended to make them more dissatisfied with
their own national constitution; can we, then, feel astonished at the
exclusive policy of the Manchoo government? Why, seclusion is their
salvation; too surely they know that their power consists in the
weakness, ignorance, superstition, and degradation of their Chinese
slaves. The great Ti-ping revolution proves their fears are well
founded, from the fact of its originating entirely from the contact of
Christian civilization with China.
As for fishermen, pirates, and wreckers, the whole coast of China is as
thick with them as the fabulous Straits of Baffleman is with
monkeys--where they say a ship's yards cannot be squared on account of
them. Upon one occasion, while anchored in foggy weather off the island
of Namoa, close to Swatow, I had a capital opportunity of noticing the
remarkable keenness with which those light-fingered gentry are ever on
the alert for plunder. Early in the morning, before daylight, while in
charge of the deck, I suddenly heard a distant and wide-spread splashing
of the water. At first I naturally supposed it to be a shoal of
porpoises; but as the noise became more distinct, I fancied I could
distinguish the regular sound of oars. Directly I became convinced of
this, I made the gunner load a couple of guns, and turned all hands out.
In a few minutes the fog cleared a little with the dawn of day, and I
was able to discern an innumerable fleet of boats pulling and sailing
rapidly towards the ship. I had scarcely discovered them when they
suddenly ceased rowing, and rested on their oars, having, I fancy,
perceived the smoke issuing from our funnel. Seeing their hesitation, we
gave them a blank cartridge, and this, with the noise of our men at the
capstan weighing anchor, frightened them off; for they immediately
"topped their booms," and soon disappeared in the surrounding mist.
In the neighbourhood of Swatow the people are much excited against their
government, and at one place--within twenty miles of that city--they
have been in open rebellion for many years. The Viceroy of the province
having several times had his troops defeated by them, found it much
easier to make an arrangement by which they were to govern themselves,
while nominally under the Manchoo _régime_; therefore, at the present
day, the Goo-swah men, who inhabit a mountainous part of the sea-coast,
live, to a certain extent, independent of the Manchoo rule.
While thinking of the north-east coast, I must not forget the capital
shooting I have had at Foo-chow. Wild water-fowl are found at this port
in vast quantity, in fact, in numbers such as I have never seen equalled
in any part of Europe, Asia, Africa, or America, that I have visited.
The whole river and surrounding country literally swarm with an infinite
variety of wild swan, geese, duck, curlew, and water-fowl of every
description. During six months of the year, sometimes more, this game is
found in plenty, generally appearing about the commencement of October,
and departing by the end of March. The best shooting-ground about
Foo-chow was the false mouth of the river and the adjacent country. This
became my favourite haunt, and comprised a broad sheet of shallow water
full of mud and sand-banks; low land on each side, marshy and
intersected by creeks and canals, with many bamboo or reed swamps, and
here and there a few hills. I generally started from the ship, at the
anchorage, about midnight, in a covered native boat, with two or three
Chinamen to work her, my Chinese boy, and a Malay, as body-guard and
general assistant in the work of slaughter upon the feathery tribe.
Reaching my destination generally before daylight, I had ample time to
make all preparations, amidst the quacking of ducks and the constant
rushing sound of innumerable wings. At the earliest peep of dawn, or a
little before, I got ashore upon the sand-bank to which the boat might
be fastened, and almost always found myself within shot of immense
flocks of wild fowl.
Sometimes I had the misfortune to land upon a bank of treacherous
consistency, and upon such occasions became stuck fast in the mud; and
Chinese mud is of a wonderful stickiness and tenacity, as those who have
had experience of it can well testify. There is often considerable
danger in such a fix, for every effort to extricate oneself simply tends
to make a deeper immersion. The only sure plan is to use a plank on the
surface of the mud; so that I always carried several with me for
emergencies of such a muddy nature. For the first shot I usually had a
long musket, loaded with grape cartridge, and a wire one; the effect of
this amongst a closely packed flock, often within sixty yards, may be
easily imagined. I frequently bagged five or six brace of duck, or
several geese, as a commencement. The swans and geese were generally
off, after the first alarm; but I often had several shots, with the
double-barrel which my Malay carried after me, amongst the ducks or
teal. As for snipe and curlew, I have many a time seated myself in the
centre of a sand-bank, and, with the Malay loading my guns as fast as he
could, kept up an incessant fire upon them in flocks eddying round and
round the shoal, but unwilling to leave it, until the rising tide
compelled their flight, or my guns exterminated them. After this
I would return to the boat for "Chow-chow," and when it was despatched,
cross over to the mainland, probably getting a few brace of widgeon
on the way. Early morning, or about twilight, I always found the best
time for sport; during the day the birds are very wild. I have tried
all sorts of dodges to get close. I have dressed as a Chinese
field-labourer--umbrella hat, rush waterproof, and everything; but
although such a Chinaman can be seen working within thirty yards of the
birds, I could never get so close by a long way. The abundance of game
about Foo-Chow is almost incredible. I have sometimes shot curlew in
the dark, guided by the noise they made, and finding them by the cries
of a wounded bird. I have shot wild swans so large, that when a Chinaman
carried one with the head over his shoulder, its feet draggled on the
ground; and very seldom returned to my ship without a boat literally
loaded with spoil.
During shooting excursions and my frequent intercourse with the Chinese
country people, I have nearly always found them exhibiting traits of
character we give them little credit for; but only when they are
completely by themselves, and none of the Manchoo troops, officials, or
_employés_ of any description are in the vicinity, have I found them
particularly friendly to foreigners--very inquisitive, although not so
outwardly, by reason of their great politeness and calm behaviour;
hospitable and obliging. To qualify this, yet to render still more
interesting the _natural_ disposition of the people, it is easily
perceived they have a sort of undefined dread of, and dislike to us,
caused by the lying teaching and bitterly hostile reports circulated by
the entire body of Manchoo officials concerning the "foreign devils,"
which, for my part, I have always done my best to expose wherever I have
wandered amongst the deeply interesting natives. But few Europeans are
aware of the entire misrepresentations the Manchoo Government circulate
about foreigners, much less of the monstrous atrocities attributed to
them; and I dare say, if propriety allowed me to mention some I have
been told by the Chinese, most people would disbelieve them, especially
since the British Government has entered into _alliance_ with the
Manchoos.
I was eye-witness to a fearful specimen of the so-called "paternal"
Government's displeasure at Foo-chow some years since. It appears the
Viceroy of Fu-keen issued an edict to prevent the Cantonese ascending
the river to trade, for some fault they had committed. Before, however,
this edict could have become generally known, three Canton lorchas
sailed up the river laden with merchandise. They were fired upon by the
batteries about the mouth of the river, yet, regardless of this (for the
Cantonese are a brave, obstinate race), they passed up and arrived
within a short distance of the European shipping. At this point, about
sixty of the Mandarin gunboats (row-galleys), without any warning or
communication whatever, opened fire upon and pulled for the lorchas.
Apparently, the first two allowed them to board unresistingly; and this
no sooner took place than a savage slaughter of their helpless crews
commenced. Some were cut down and brutally mutilated upon the decks,
their heads being chopped off and their bodies thrown overboard; others
jumped into the river, only to be there killed by the soldiers in the
gunboats, who followed them wherever they swam, spearing them, and
thrusting them under water. The crew of the third lorcha, seeing the
terrible fate of their comrades, endeavoured to prevent the government
troops from boarding, and made a gallant resistance. Their defence,
however, though desperate, was unavailing. The gunboats surrounded them,
and poured in showers of grape and canister; the lorcha had but three
guns of small calibre to reply with, and soon lost so many men that
those remaining could no longer beat the enemy off. At last, being
boarded, some of her defenders jumped overboard, and the rest, fighting
and disputing inch by inch, were quickly dispatched. Some of the
European shipping sent boats to try and rescue the poor wretches from
the water, and, fortunately, managed to save a few. Thus, for breaking a
proclamation of which, very probably, they were ignorant, these
unfortunate men were all massacred, and the ships, with their cargo,
confiscated to the Mandarins.
After some voyages upon the coast, my vessel was ordered to Whampoa, to
be dry-docked and her bottom overhauled. Before entering the dock, and
while lying at anchor on the river, I was one evening surprised to see
a san-pan (literally three planks, _i.e._ a little boat) containing two
Chinese girls, and a third, neither Chinese nor European, hanging about
the ship; its occupants evidently desirous to communicate something, yet
half fearful to venture. The lady of the unknown nationality seemed
endeavouring to attract my attention. I was alone on the quarter-deck,
with the exception of an old weather-beaten quartermaster. I beckoned
her to come alongside, and descended the gangway ladder. As I was going
over the side, the old quartermaster came up to me and exclaimed--
"Keep your weather eye lifting, sir; she's a pi-ar Portuguee."
"Well," I replied; "what if she is?"
"Well, d'ye see, sir, them Portugees is awful wild craft. I've got a
remembrancer here," touching his ribs; "one of 'em gave me in Rio, just
because she thought I was backing and filling with a chum of hers."
"If a Rio girl fell in love with you, and you made her jealous, you old
sinner, what has that to do with a Whampoa girl? Besides, we shall have
no time for falling in love here."
"Ay! ay! you don't know 'em, sir; the breed's the same all over; and, as
for time, why, they'll be in love with you afore you can say 'vast
heaving there."
"You're out of your reckoning for once, quartermaster; call Mr. ----, if
I am not on board by eight bells;" and with this I disappeared over the
side.
Directly I jumped into the boat, it was shoved off, and dropped astern
with the tide.
My attention was, of course, directed to the lady designated a "pi-ar
Portuguee" by the quartermaster; I at once discovered that she was a
Macao Portuguese, very handsome; and, to all appearance, in great
affliction. For some time she made no reply to my inquiries as to what
was the matter, but commenced sobbing, and crying as if her heart would
break. At last she ceased, and related the cause of her trouble to the
following effect:--She was the daughter of a rich Macanese, who was
principal owner of one of the Whampoa docks, and was also Portuguese
consul at that port. Her mother was dead, and her father had determined
to compel her to marry a wealthy Chilianian half-caste; in fact,
everything was arranged for the marriage to take place in ten days'
time. She hated the fellow, in spite of his dollars, which, it appeared,
was her father's idol, and was resolved to suffer anything rather than
submit. She came off to my ship to try and obtain a passage down to
Hong-Kong, where she had friends who would take care of her. Here was
the deuce to pay, and no pitch hot, as the sailors say. In a moment,
almost, I was to become the champion and protector of this forlorn
damsel. However selfishly I tried to reflect, I could not help being
sensibly impressed with her extreme beauty and utter wretchedness. The
_piquante_ style of her pretty broken English, as she implored me to
give her a passage to Hong-Kong and save her; the knowledge of the cruel
fate which awaited her--the entire confidence which she was only too
willing to repose in me--her unprotected position and passionate,
ingenuous, ebullition of feeling--all conspired to interest me deeply in
her favour.
The longer I listened the more interested and determined to help her I
became. She was very young, and it seemed irresistible to sympathize
with and pity her. At last, in the midst of a protestation of assistance
on my part, and of fervent thanks on hers, we were interrupted by one of
the China girls thrusting her head under the mat cover of the boat, and
exclaiming--
"Hi ya! missee! more bettah go shore,--belong shih tim cheong" (ten
o'clock).
The poor girl seemed quite alarmed to find it so late, and told the
boatwomen to pull ashore as fast as possible.
We soon reached the bank, but my interesting friend would not allow me
to land with her, stating she lived close by; however, she promised to
meet me at the spot we then occupied, the next evening. The China girls
quickly pulled me off to my ship, and then I was alone to think over the
singularity and probable issue of the adventure.
Poor Marie! would that I had never met her--that she had accepted the
Chilianian, or some prophetic spirit had whispered a warning in time to
save her from her sad fate. However, it was ordained otherwise, and all
that is left me is her memory. True to her promise, she saw me the
following evening; then the next; and so for several consecutive days.
It happened that, fortunately for the fulfilment of our appointments,
Marie's father never returned from the docks, at the opposite side of
the river, till late in the evening. We were thus constantly thrown
together, and who can wonder that we insensibly allowed ourselves to
become deeply attached?
Upon the ninth day after our first meeting, my ship was undocked, and
prepared to sail for Hong-Kong in the morning; the morning, too, that,
as Marie told me with tears in her eyes, would usher in her bridal day.
Although Marie and I had never till then spoken of love, we both knew
that it was mutual, and at this moment of peril and uncertainty we threw
off all disguise and expressed our true feelings for each other. She
felt no regret at sacrificing all other ties for my sake--I was but too
anxious to risk anything to save her. On the evening of this, the last
day that was to separate us, Marie entered her cruel father's dwelling
for the last time; and, having quickly made some slight preparations,
rejoined me in the boat with which I awaited her.
This boat was the same in which I had first seen her, and the poor girls
who worked it being slaves of one of the old Whampoa laundresses, I
determined to rescue them from their doubtful future, and prevent them
making any disclosure as to Marie's escape, by carrying them down to
Hong-Kong with her, and there giving them liberty.
I had already made every preparation on board, and had taken the gunner
and carpenter into my confidence, as I had decided to stow them away in
the sail-room; and to do this rendered it necessary for them to pass the
berths of those officers. About midnight, sending the quartermaster of
the watch off the deck upon an errand to get him out of the way, I
smuggled the girls aboard and secreted them at the back of the sail-room
well hidden by spare topsails, &c., piled up before them.
Early in the morning we lighted fires, and soon after daybreak, with
steam up, commenced to get under weigh. Just then, as I fully expected,
off came Marie's father and the old laundress--the one to look for a
daughter who vanished on her bridal morn, the other for her poor slave
girls--with warrants from the British consul for the delivery of the
three girls if found on board. I was in charge of the deck, and took
care to receive the bereaved parties at the gangway. After hearing their
complaints, I reported the case to the captain, and received his orders
to have the ship searched. This duty I took upon myself, rousing all
hands out, and searching every part of the ship except the sail-room,
which I took care to allow no one to approach. By the time the
unsuccessful search was concluded, the anchor had been weighed, and we
immediately commenced to drop down the river.
When we reached Hong-Kong, Marie landed and went to reside with her
friends. She had become my betrothed, and seemed truly happy in the
thought that nothing now could cause our separation. Little either of us
thought at that happy time how ruthlessly all these bright prospects
would be altered, and what sadness was yet in store for us. Alas! how
little at that happy time either thought how soon the ruthless destroyer
would annihilate a bond we had sworn should last for ever.
Marie was very lovely. Rather darker than the generality of Macao
women; her complexion was a beautifully clear deep olive; the skin
delicately soft, with the rich blood mantling through upon the slightest
emotion; her eyes large, jet-black, lustrous, and almond-shaped, as
those of the Spanish creoles of South America--eyes which can form a
language of their own, so deeply expressive, so ever changeful, and
heart-speaking--were exquisitely fringed with long silken lashes and
arching brows; her hair, dark as the raven's wing, waved in rich
profusion round her finely tapered shoulders; the Grecian nose and
delicately formed nostrils spoke of her high caste; while a short full
upper lip, so richly coloured, adorned a mouth small but singularly
expressive, and studded with teeth of pearly whiteness. This young
creature, nurtured in a southern clime, could scarcely number sixteen
summers, and yet her _petite_ figure, lithe and graceful as it was, had
attained its full development. She was, in truth, an unsophisticated
child of nature--ardent, passionate--the very creature of impulse.
In a small secluded dwelling, shaded by evergreen foliage, in one of the
prettiest parts of Hong-Kong, every moment I could spare from my ship
was devoted to Marie. We were supremely happy. We had no thought or care
for the morrow, we were too fully absorbed in the present. The old
quartermaster's warning proved his experience, although, with one
exception, it was unnecessary in my case, yet the exception was
sufficient.
To many of those warm impassioned temperaments of the East love becomes
as necessary as life itself. Marie was one of these. Natures like hers
could be moulded by love to any form. The house of Marie's relatives was
one of two built together; but for this it would have been in total
seclusion, the bend of the hills it rested on hiding all other buildings
in the distance, and entirely screening it from observation. The next
door and only neighbours consisted of two Portuguese sisters and an
Englishman, the husband of the eldest.
[Illustration: MARIE.
London, Published March 15^{th} 1866 by Day & Son, Limited Lithog^{rs}
Gate Str, Lincoln's Inn Fields.
Day & Son, Limited, Lith.]
The Portuguese being natives of Macao, were slightly acquainted with
Marie, and we gradually became intimate with them. The youngest of the
sisters was very good-looking, and being of a very merry disposition, we
often had great fun. Now, it so happened that Marie's love was so
intense, so selfish, and so exacting, she could not bear me to pay the
slightest attention to another. So at last, to realize the old adage,
that "true love never did run smooth," she took it into her passionate
little head to become jealous. This jealousy may be a very mild affair
amongst our colder Northern women, but with a fiery little piece of
impetuosity like Marie it was more serious. With such temperaments,
jealousy instantly generates an all-consuming passion for revenge.
For a little while I had noticed Marie's more than usual excitability,
accompanied by occasional bursts of grief, without any apparent cause;
but, knowing her extreme sensitiveness, I thought but little of it. At
last the cause was revealed, and this history nearly terminated in its
revelation.
The house had a verandah in front, connecting it with that adjoining,
from which it was simply divided by a wooden partition. One evening I
and Theresa, the unmarried Portuguese, were conversing from the
respective balconies. I fancied Marie had received me rather crossly
that day, and to vex her thought I would have a little fun with her
pretty neighbour. This thoughtlessness very nearly resulted in a
tragical termination. After laughing and chatting with Theresa for some
time, I went close up to the partition between the verandahs; and,
leaning round it, pretended to kiss her. Instantly I heard Marie, with
an exclamation, rush towards me. As I withdrew, I fortunately caught the
shadow of an uplifted hand on my own side of the partition; and, while
turning, I rapidly threw up my arm, just in time to arrest the
descending blow, aimed by Marie with a stiletto. I received but a
slight scratch, and soon took the weapon from my fierce little love, who
instantly, with characteristic revulsion of feeling, threw herself into
my arms in a passionate burst of grief. We were soon reconciled; this
was Marie's first and last jealousy.
[Illustration: SING-SONG GIRL--_page_ 10.]
CHAPTER II.
Hung-sui-tshuen.--Clanship in China.--Hung-sui-tshuen's
Genealogy: his Education.--Extraordinary Visions: Description of
them.--Description of Hung-sui-tshuen: his Early Days: his
Visions Explained: his Conversion: how
Effected.--Hung-sui-tshuen's Preaching: his Religious
Essays.--The God-worshippers.--Destruction of Idols.--Progress
of God-worshippers.--Numbers increase.--Hostilities
commence.--God-worshippers Victorious.--"Imperialist"
Cruelty.--Bishop of Victoria.--Chinese Dynasty proclaimed.
Hung-sui-tshuen is a name now familiar in most parts of Europe as that
of the chief--or King, as his followers term him--of the great Ti-ping
revolution in China. Unfortunately much misapprehension exists as to him
and his cause. Such information as I may give my readers, that has not
come under my personal observation, has been derived from the actors
themselves, especially all relating to the origin of the Ti-pings, their
progress until I met them, and the description of their great leader--in
fact, my knowledge of Hung-sui-tshuen has been obtained principally from
his Prime Minister and cousin (Hung-jin), his chamberlain, and many of
his chiefs and own clan. Since my return to England, I have had the
pleasure to peruse, for the first time, the admirable little work of the
late Rev. Theodore Hamberg, missionary of the Basle Evangelical Society
to China--"The Visions of Hung-sui-tshuen, and Origin of the Kwang-si
Insurrection." This, and the pamphlet entitled "Recent Events in China,"
by the Bishop of Victoria (published some nine or ten years ago),
coincide in most particulars with the information I have gathered from
direct sources; and, as all my journals, notes, and memoranda fell into
the hands of the Imperialists during my service with the Ti-pings, I
have found them very useful in recalling facts I might otherwise have
forgotten.
Hung-sui-tshuen was born in the year 1813, at a small village in the Hwa
district,[2] some little distance from the city of Canton. His
ancestors, originally from the north-east boundary of the Kwang-tung
province, soon after the complete subjugation of the Chinese by the
Manchoo Tartars, A.D. 1685, with many other families loyal to the Ming,
through the persecution and exactions of the invader, abandoned their
homes and sought refuge in the southern parts of Kwang-tung and
Kwang-se, the two most southerly provinces of China. Here, to the
present day, their descendants are known by the name of Hakkas
(settlers) by the Punti people (natives of the soil).
The genealogy of Hung-sui-tshuen's family is one of the most ancient in
China. During ten centuries, until the era of the present dynasty, they
trace members of their house occupying the most exalted stations in the
empire. So far back as the Sung dynasty, A.D. 1000, many of the Hungs
were prominent literati; from that time till the Manchoo invasion,
numbers of them have been members of the Han-lin College--the highest
literary rank in China. For many generations the dignity of Minister of
State was attained, and this was particularly the case throughout the
sovereignty of Sung. During the Ming dynasty (the last Chinese one)
likewise, the Hungs invariably numbered men of renown and literary
attainments among them. They became allied to the Imperial family by
marriage; and it was one of the Hungs who, as generalissimo of the
Chinese forces, fought the last battle in defence of Nankin and the Ming
prince. The prince was treacherously killed by some of his own
followers, while the general perished with the greater number of his
troops, being totally defeated by the Tartars, who thus destroyed the
last attempt to keep them north of the river Yang-tze-kiang.
Like most countries, China has had her feudal period, the earliest and
last authentic records of which refer to the ninth and tenth centuries.
In this, as in many important events, the Chinese have been before
western nations, their feudal system having terminated anterior to the
meridian of that of Europe. A system of clanship, however, prevails in
many parts of China; all persons of the same surname, though frequently
numbering tens of thousands, being considered near kindred; and,
singularly enough, not being allowed to marry amongst themselves. I am
inclined to believe this is much lessened at the present day, for I have
generally found that members of a clan or kindred do not reverence any
one head of the entire name, but one much more nearly related to
themselves, and who is seldom elder, or chief, of more than some
hundreds. Previous to the incursion of the Manchoos, Hung-sui-tshuen's
kindred formed a vast and powerful body; their stanch support of the
last struggles for the Ming dynasty, and the sanguinary persecutions
they, in common with other obnoxious families, suffered from the
invader, greatly reduced their number. Upon the outbreak of the Ti-ping
revolution, the Hung clan was supposed to number upwards of 20,000
persons; subsequent to that event the greater part were massacred by the
Imperialists, simply because they were the connections of a rebel! Of
Hung's immediate relatives, who, to the number of five or six hundred,
peopled his native village under the authority of his father, not one
remains; men, women, and children, all who were unable to join him, were
mercilessly slaughtered by the ruthless Manchoo, and their very
dwellings swept from the face of the earth.
Now, although the honourable and ancient lineage of Hung-sui-tshuen has
never been disputed, some persons, with a mendacity truly astonishing,
have amused themselves by designating him the "Coolie King." Not only
was Hung of good family--a secondary consideration in China, where
personal rank is everything[3]--but his own position, as a member of the
literati, was one of the most honourable. These are qualifications, it
is probable, the persons who styled him "Coolie King" do not possess.
For many generations Hung's progenitors had been the chiefs or elders of
their clan. His father fulfilled this capacity, and governed the affairs
of his own and many surrounding villages. In spite of Hung's line of
ancestry and his father's eldership, they were far from being well
supplied with the good things of this life; in fact, their freehold was
barely sufficient to support them. The family mansion was by no means
suitable to the former dignity of the name. An ordinary Chinese farmer's
cottage, containing nothing but the simplest articles of use, was the
birthplace of one of the greatest men the empire has ever produced. At
the earliest age, Hung exhibited a remarkable aptitude for study, became
an inmate of the village school at seven years of age, and in less than
twice that time had become proficient in the usual course of Chinese
education; besides which, he studied by himself the history of China,
and the higher branches of Chinese literature. Even at this early
period, he was universally distinguished for his extraordinary talents,
which were so highly appreciated by his teachers and relatives, that
they united in defraying the expense of his further education. At
sixteen years of age the want of means put an end to his studies; within
a year, however, a young fellow-student took him as a companion. After
this, when eighteen years of age, he was appointed schoolmaster of his
native village, by the unanimous wish of the people.
About this time Hung commenced to attend the public examinations at
Canton. These examinations confer upon successful candidates one of four
literary degrees, commencing with a district examination, leading to a
departmental one, to a provincial one, and finally to a Pekin
examination, from which members of the Han-lin college are selected.
Although Hung-sui-tshuen was always one of the most distinguished at the
district examinations, through the corruption of the Manchoo officials,
to whom bribery alone is a passport, he was unable to obtain his degree.
At last, upon another visit to the public examinations, about the year
1836, an event took place that ultimately, in no slight manner, affected
his future career. This I cannot do better than give in the words of the
Rev. T. Hamberg:--
"In the streets he found a man dressed according to the custom
of the Ming dynasty, in a coat with wide sleeves, and his hair
tied in a knot upon his head. The man was unacquainted with the
Chinese vernacular tongue, and employed a native as interpreter.
A number of people kept gathering round the stranger, who used
to tell them the fulfilment of their wishes, even without
waiting for a question from their side. Sui-tshuen approached
the man, intending to ask if he should attain a literary degree,
but the man prevented him by saying, 'You will attain the
highest rank, but do not be grieved, for grief will make you
sick. I congratulate your virtuous father.' On the following day
he again met with two men in the Siung-tsang street. One of
these men had in his possession a parcel of books consisting of
nine small volumes, being a complete set of a work, entitled,
'Keuen-shi-leang-yen,' or 'Good Words for Exhorting the Age,'
the whole of which he gave Hung-sui-tshuen, who, on his return
from the examination, brought them home, and after a superficial
glance at their contents, placed them in his bookcase, _without
at the time considering them to be of any particular
importance_."
Once more, in the year 1837, Hung-sui-tshuen attended the examinations.
Upon this occasion, after being placed high on the list, his rank was
afterwards lowered. This, with the gross injustice and partiality of
the examiners, so affected him, that he returned home very ill. His
illness lasted for a considerable time, during which he underwent a
marvellous series of visions or dreams.
In the account of Hung's visions and earlier life, it will be necessary
to quote frequently from Mr. Hamberg's little work, he having received
in detail many important facts I only had in substance from Hung-jin. I
feel the more confident of the indulgence of my readers from the fact of
the interesting nature of all I shall quote, and, moreover, the absolute
necessity of doing so in order to enable them to form a correct judgment
of the noble character and almost superhuman career of the Tiping-wang.
It must be remembered that in a country like China, where literary
distinction, until Manchoo corruption altered it, was the recognized
path to honour and fame, everything tended to excite the hopes and
ambition of Hung-sui-tshuen, who was more than usually intellectual, and
whose failure to attain eminence, through the degenerated policy of the
Manchoo dynasty, who no longer observe the rights of the literati in
their selection of public officers, must have been accompanied with a
degree of mortification and bitterness never experienced by Europeans,
who have a variety of paths to distinction.
The visions of Hung-sui-tshuen, as related by Hung-jin, are thus
published in Mr. Hamberg's account:--
"He first saw a great number of people, bidding him welcome to
their number, and thought this dream was to signify that he
should soon die, and go into the presence of Yen lo-wang, the
Chinese king of Hades. He therefore called his parents and other
relatives to assemble at his bedside, and addressed them in the
following terms:--'My days are counted, and my life will soon be
closed. O my parents! how badly have I returned the favour of
your love to me! I shall never attain a name that may reflect
its lustre upon you.' After this he lost all strength and
command over his body, and all present thought him about to
die--his outward senses were inactive, and his body appeared as
dead, lying upon the bed; but his soul was acted upon by a
peculiar energy, so that he not only experienced things of a
very extraordinary nature, but afterwards also retained in
memory what had occurred to him. At first, when his eyes were
closed, he saw a dragon, a tiger, and a cock entering his room,
and soon after, he observed a great number of men, playing upon
musical instruments, approaching with a beautiful sedan-chair,
in which they invited him to be seated, and then carried him
away. Sui-tshuen felt greatly astonished at the honour and
distinction bestowed upon him, and knew not what to think
thereof. They soon arrived at a beautiful and luminous place,
where on both sides were assembled a multitude of fine men and
women, who saluted him with expressions of joy. As he left the
sedan, an old woman took him down to a river, and said, 'Thou
dirty man, why hast thou kept company with yonder people and
defiled thyself? I must now wash thee clean.' After the washing
was performed, Sui-tshuen, in company with a great number of
virtuous and venerable old men, among whom he remarked many of
the ancient sages, entered a large building, where they opened
his body with a knife, took out his heart and other parts, and
put in their place others, new and of a red colour. Instantly
when this was done, the wound closed, and he could see no trace
of the incision which had been made.
"Upon the walls surrounding this place, Sui-tshuen remarked a
number of tablets with inscriptions exhorting to virtue, which
he one by one examined. Afterwards, they entered another large
hall, the beauty and splendour of which was beyond description.
A man, venerable in years, with golden beard, and dressed in a
black robe, was sitting in an imposing attitude upon the highest
place. As soon as he observed Sui-tshuen, he began to shed
tears, and said, 'All human beings in the whole world are
produced and sustained by me; they eat my food and wear my
clothing, but not a single one among them has a heart to
remember and venerate me; what is, however, still worse than
that, they take of my gifts and therewith worship demons; they
purposely rebel against me, and arouse my anger. Do thou not
imitate them.' Thereupon he gave Sui-tshuen a sword, commanding
him to exterminate the demons, but to spare his brothers and
sisters; a seal, by which he would overcome the evil spirits;
and also a yellow fruit, to eat which Sui-tshuen found sweet to
the taste. When he had received the ensigns of royalty from the
hand of the old man, he instantly commenced to exhort those
collected in the hall to return to their duties to the venerable
old man upon the high seat. Some replied to him, saying, 'We
have indeed forgotten our duties towards the venerable.' Others
said, 'Why should we venerate him? let us only be merry, and
drink together with our friends.' Sui-tshuen then, because of
the hardness of their hearts, continued his admonitions with
tears. The old man said to him, 'Take courage, and do the work;
I will assist thee in every difficulty.' Shortly after this, he
turned to the assemblage of the old and virtuous, saying,
'Sui-tshuen is competent to this charge.' And thereupon he led
Sui-tshuen out, told him to look down from above, and said,
'Behold the people upon this earth! hundredfold is the
perverseness of their hearts.' Sui-tshuen looked, and saw such a
degree of depravity and vice, that his eyes could not endure the
sight, nor his mouth express their deeds. He then awoke from his
trance, but still being under its influence, he felt the very
hairs of his head raise themselves, and suddenly seized by a
violent anger, forgetting his feebleness, put on his clothes,
left his bedroom, went into the presence of his father, and
making a low bow, said, 'The venerable old man above has
commanded that all men shall turn to me, and all treasures shall
flow to me.' The sickness of Sui-tshuen continued about forty
days, and in vision he often met with a man of middle age, whom
he called his elder brother, who instructed him how to act,
accompanied him upon his wanderings to the uttermost regions in
search of evil spirits, and assisted him in slaying and
exterminating them. Sui-tshuen also heard the venerable old man
with the black robe reprove Confucius for having omitted in his
books clearly to expound the true doctrine. Confucius seemed
much ashamed, and confessed his guilt.
"Sui-tshuen, while sick, as his mind was wandering, often used
to run about his room, leaping and fighting like a soldier
engaged in battle. His constant cry was, 'Tsan-jau, tsan-jau,
tsan-ah, tsan-ah! Slay the demons, slay the demons!--slay, slay;
there is one, and there is another. Many, many cannot withstand
one single blow of my sword.'
"His father invited magicians, by their spells, to drive away
the evil spirits he thought possessed his son; but Sui-tshuen
said, 'How could these imps dare to oppose me? I must slay them,
I must slay them! Many, many cannot resist me!' As in his
imagination he pursued the demons, they seemed to undergo
various changes and transformations, at one time flying as
birds, at another time appearing as lions. Lest he should be
unable to overcome them he held out his seal against them, at
the sight of which they immediately fled away.
"During his exhortations he often burst into tears, saying, 'You
have no hearts to venerate the old father, but you are on good
terms with the impish fiends; indeed, indeed, you have no
hearts--no conscience more.' He often said that he was duly
appointed Emperor of China, and was highly gratified when any
one called him by that name; but if any one called him mad, he
used to laugh at him, and to reply, 'You are, indeed, mad
yourself; and do you call me mad?' When men of bad character
came to see him, he often rebuked them and called them demons.
All the day long he used to sing, weep, exhort, reprove by
turns, and in full earnest."
The following is the description of Hung-sui-tshuen, given by his cousin
Hung-jin, upon his return to health:--
"Sui-tshuen's whole person became gradually changed, both in
character and appearance. He was careful in his conduct,
friendly and open in his demeanour; his body increased in height
and size; his pace became firm and imposing, his views enlarged
and liberal. His friend describes him as being, at a later
period, a rather tall man, with oval face and fair complexion,
high nose, small round ears, his voice clear and sonorous. When
he laughed, the whole house resounded; his hair was black, his
beard long and sandy, his strength of body extraordinary, his
power of understanding rare. Persons of vicious habits fled from
his presence, but the honest sought his company.
"From his youth, Hung-sui-tshuen was generally liked by all,
because of his open and straightforward character. He was gay
and friendly, but not dissolute. Being superior in talent to
most of his fellow-students, he often used to make sport of
them, and cause them to feel his sharp wit; but still, his
friends were fond of listening to his remarks, as they generally
contained true and noble ideas, and acknowledged his superior
intellect. After his sickness, his whole person became changed,
his manners noble and dignified. He sat erect upon the chair,
his hands placed upon his knees, and both his feet resting a
little apart, but never crossed upon the ground, without leaning
backwards or to either side; and, though sitting for hours, he
never appeared fatigued. He did not look aslant or backwards;
his pace in walking was dignified, neither quick nor slow; he
now spoke less and laughed seldom. After he had begun to
worship, he was very strict in regard to his own conduct. In his
words he was often severe, and easily offended others. He liked
to sit down and talk with honest and sincere men, though they
were ever so poor and of low estate; but he could not bear with
the profligate, even if they were ever so rich and high in
station."
The visions of Hung-sui-tshuen, marvellous as they were, and deeply
significant upon many important points, could never have led to any
earthly result but through the medium of some earthly key. This came at
last, and the whole train of circumstances admit of no other
interpretation than the will of a divine, inscrutable Providence. It is
doubtful whether any one impressed with a sense of the awfully
mysterious power of an Almighty Creator can dispute the cause of
Hung-sui-tshuen's visions, conversion, and ultimate career; or that they
rival many of the miracles of old which have been handed down to us,
dimmed by the obscurity of time, and rendered difficult of
comprehension by the subtleties of language as well as by the figurative
style of the ancients.
For several years Hung-sui-tshuen continued his studies and acted as
village schoolmaster. On one occasion, while engaged as teacher at a
village some ten miles distant from his native place, a cousin, Le,
while searching his bookcase, chanced to come across the small volumes,
"Good Words for Exhorting the Age." Le inquired the nature of the works,
but Sui-tshuen was unacquainted with the contents and lent them to him
to read. It is stated by the Rev. T. Hamberg:--"These books contain a
good number of whole chapters of the Bible according to the translation
of Dr. Morison, many essays upon important subjects from single texts,
and sundry miscellaneous statements founded on Scripture."
Le read the books and returned them, stating their contents were very
extraordinary, and differed entirely from Chinese books. Sui-tshuen then
took the books and commenced reading them closely and carefully. He was
greatly astonished to find in these books what he considered an
explanation of his own visions of six years before, and that their
contents corresponded in a singular manner with all he had experienced
at that time. He now understood the venerable old one who sat upon the
highest place, and whom all men ought to worship, to be God the Heavenly
Father; and the man of middle age, who had instructed him and assisted
him in exterminating the demons, to be Jesus the Saviour of the world.
The demons were the idols, his brothers and sisters were the men in the
world. Sui-tshuen felt as if awaking from a long dream. He rejoiced in
reality to have found a way to heaven, and a sure hope of everlasting
life and happiness. Learning from the books the necessity of being
baptized, Sui-tshuen and Le now, according to the manner described in
the books, and as far as they understood the rite, administered baptism
to each other. They prayed to God, and promised not to worship evil
spirits, not to practise evil things, but to keep the heavenly
commands; then they poured water upon their heads, saying, "Purification
from all former sins, putting off the old, and regeneration." When this
was done they felt their hearts overflowing with joy, and Sui-tshuen
composed the following ode upon repentance:--
"When our transgressions high as heaven rise,
How well to trust in Jesus' full atonement;
We follow not the demons, we obey
The holy precepts, worshipping alone
One God, and thus we cultivate our hearts.
The heavenly glories open to our view,
And every being ought to seek thereafter.
I much deplore the miseries of hell.
O turn ye to the fruits of true repentance!
Let not your hearts be led by worldly customs."
They thereupon cast away their idols and removed the tablet of
Confucius, which is generally found in the schools, and worshipped by
the teacher as well as the pupils.
In a little while Hung-sui-tshuen returned to his native village. He
soon converted to the religion his cousin Hung-jin, and an intimate
friend, Fung-yun-san, also a teacher.
While at home, Sui-tshuen and his friends attentively studied the books,
which Sui-tshuen found to correspond in a striking manner with his
former visions--a remarkable coincidence, which convinced him fully as
to their truth, and that he was appointed by Divine authority to restore
the world--that is, China--to the worship of the true God.
I must particularly recommend to the notice of my readers the sound
reasoning and wisdom of Hung-sui-tshuen's own explanation, and the high
and exalted determination his subsequent acts have so nobly fulfilled.
"These books," said he, "are certainly sent purposely by Heaven to me,
to confirm the truth of my former experiences. If I had received the
books without having gone through the sickness, I should not have dared
to believe in them, or have ventured, on my own account, to oppose the
customs of the whole world; if I had merely been sick, but had not also
received the books, I should have had no further evidence as to the
truth of my visions, which might also have been considered as merely
productions of a diseased imagination."
Then he raised his voice and spoke in a bold manner:--
"I have received the immediate command from God in His presence: the
will of Heaven rests with me. Although thereby I should meet with
calamity, difficulties, and suffering, yet I am resolved to act. By
disobeying the heavenly command, I would only rouse the anger of God;
and are not these books the foundation of all true doctrines contained
in other books?"
Under this conviction, Sui-tshuen, when preaching the new doctrine to
others, made use of his own visions and the books, as reciprocally
evidencing the truth of each other. He revered the books highly, and if
any one wished to read them, he urgently told them not to alter or mark
them in any manner, because, said he, it is written therein, "Jehovah's
word is correct" (Ps. xxxiii. 4).
The small volumes, "Good Words for Exhorting the Age," that have
exercised such a wonderful effect upon a great proportion of the
Chinese, through the individual acts of Hung-sui-tshuen, were the
production of Liang Afah, one of Dr. Milne's Chinese converts.
Consequently it may be argued that contact with Europeans has been
instrumental in producing the great Ti-ping revolution, and that to Dr.
Milne and his convert, Liang Afah, may be attributed the honour of being
agents in converting Hung-sui-tshuen and in originating the first
Christian movement in modern Asia.
Although, through the foreign idiom, want of commentaries, and use of
pronouns (unintelligible through the absence of the relative),
Hung-sui-tshuen, as well as his earlier converts, misunderstood some
parts of Liang Afah's volumes, still it is indisputable that the grand
truths of Christianity were fully and completely appreciated by them. As
the Bishop of Victoria has written:--"Stung with a sense of injustice,
and feeling the full weight of disappointment, he found his knowledge of
Confucian lore no longer the road to office and distinction. It was at
such a critical season of the future _hero's_ career that the truths of
the Holy Scriptures were presented to his notice, and the pure doctrines
of Christianity arrested his mind."
Hung-sui-tshuen, after some time, again returned to his teachership in
the other village, leaving Hung-jin to expound and study the new
doctrine. Sui-tshuen's own relatives were soon converted from idolatry
and received baptism.
With his few followers he now experienced the usual worldly effects of
devout opposition to the sinful and idolatrous practices of neighbours.
Hung and his friends lost their scholastic employment and became very
poor. Unable longer to maintain themselves at home, they determined to
visit other districts and preach the true doctrine, hoping to support
themselves by the sale of a few articles they carried with them for the
purpose.
Hung, Fung-yun-san, and two other friends left their native villages and
started upon a proselytizing mission to the independent tribes of
Miau-tze. Passing through the village of Hung's relatives, the Le
family, they converted and baptized several of them. Afterwards Hung-jin
was engaged as teacher at this place (Clear-far), and in course of time
baptized upwards of fifty persons.
Sui-tshuen and his friends continued their journey, everywhere preaching
the new doctrine, teaching men to worship the one God, Jehovah, who sent
his Son to atone for the sins of the world; and in every place they
found some willing to accept their words. Into the wild and mountainous
regions of the Miau-tze, Hung and Fung-yun-san journeyed alone, their
friends having left them. They were fortunate enough to meet with a
teacher who kept a school for Chinese instruction to the aborigines.
Being ignorant of the Miau-tze dialect, after converting the
schoolmaster and leaving a few tracts with him, they continued their
journey to a part of Kwang-si where Hung had relatives.
Hung at last reached the village of his cousin Wang, and at this place
preached with such devout eloquence as not only to convert hundreds to
Christianity, but to cause many to believe that he and Yun-san were
descended from heaven to preach the true doctrine.
To relieve his cousin from the support of so many guests, two converts
of the Hung family having likewise arrived, he ordered Yun-san and the
others to return to Kwang-tung. Fung-yun-san, however, was moved to
continue teaching the Gospel; therefore, although the two returned, he
remained preaching by the roadside. Meeting with some workmen he knew,
he journeyed with them to a place named Thistle Mount, where, assisting
them in their work, he at the same time taught them the way to immortal
life.
Some of the workmen, convinced by Yun-san's preaching, went to their
employer and informed him. The master engaged Yun-san as teacher of his
school, and was himself soon baptized. Yun-san remained in the
neighbourhood of Thistle Mount several years, and preached with great
zeal and success; so that a large number of persons, whole families of
various surnames and clans, were baptized. They formed congregations
among themselves, gathering together for religious worship, and became
soon extensively known under the name of "the congregation of the
worshippers of God." In the meanwhile Hung-sui-tshuen returned home, and
greatly displeased Fung-yun-san's relations by having returned without
him. During 1845-46 Hung remained at home, employed as village teacher.
He wrote many essays, discourses, and odes upon religious subjects, all
of which were afterwards improved and printed in the "Imperial
Declaration of Ti-ping," at Nankin.
Hung-sui-tshuen unceasingly continued his preaching of Christianity,
baptizing many people who had learned to believe in God and our Saviour.
He often met Hung-jin, still a teacher at the village Clear-far, once
expressing his hatred of the tyrant Manchoo thus:--
"God has divided the kingdoms of the world, and made the ocean to be a
boundary for them, just as a father divides his states among his sons;
every one of whom ought to reverence the will of his father, and quietly
manage his own property. Why should now these Manchoos forcibly enter
China, and rob their brothers of their estate?"
Again, at a later period he said:--
"If God will help me to recover our estate, I ought to teach all nations
to hold every one its own possessions, without injuring or robbing one
another; we will have intercourse in communicating true principles and
wisdom to each other, and receive each other with propriety and
politeness; we will serve together one common heavenly Father, and
honour together the doctrines of one common heavenly Brother, the
Saviour of the world; this has been the wish of my heart since the time
when my soul was taken up to heaven."
It is a pity the monarchs of Europe and their statesmen possess not the
sentiments of the "Coolie King."
In the latter part of the year 1846, a Chinaman named Moo arrived at
Hung's village from Canton. He informed him missionaries were preaching
the true doctrine in that city. Sui-tshuen and his cousin Hung-jin were
unable to visit the city, being engaged by their schools. Moo, upon his
return to Canton, mentioned to a Chinese assistant of Mr. Roberts
(missionary) the existence of the God-worshippers. This assistant having
written and invited Hung and his cousin to Canton, in 1847 they visited
that city, and studied Christianity under Mr. Roberts and other
missionaries. Upon the expiration of one month they returned to their
village with two converts; they all preached here a short time, and then
went back to Canton, Hung-jin remaining at home. For some time
Hung-sui-tshuen continued his studies in Canton; but at last, through
the intrigues of some of Mr. Roberts' assistants, who became jealous of
his superior talent, he left that city, and started upon a tour to
Kwang-si, in search of his friend Fung-yun-san.
After a journey of much suffering, by reason of his poverty, Sui-tshuen
at last reached the abode of his cousin Wang. He soon heard of Yun-san's
earnest and successful career at "Thistle Mount;" and, rejoicing, joined
him, preaching the Gospel and teaching everywhere.
These primitive Christians soon numbered two thousand, and were
increasing day by day. Rapidly the surrounding country came under the
influence of the new doctrine. "Men of great influence, and graduates of
the first and second degrees, with great numbers of their clans, joined
the congregation."
Hung-sui-tshuen, upon his arrival, immediately replaced their former
books with copies of the Bible he had brought from Canton; reserving
only such parts as were of the New Testament.
Ere long commenced the iconoclastic impulse that has since proved one of
the greatest characteristics of the Ti-ping revolution. In the
department of Siang, Kwang-se, an idol named "Kan-wang-ye" had long been
celebrated, the natives far and near believing in its power.
Hung-sui-tshuen becoming acquainted with their grossly superstitious and
ignorant veneration for this idol, was greatly enraged, and with three
friends, including Fung-yun-san, started for the temple. Reaching the
place, they found the idol of a dreadful and imposing aspect; nothing
daunted, Sui-tshuen with a stick dashed the idol to pieces, destroying
its fine raiment and the vessels of spices and incense.
When the people became aware of this desecration of their idol, they set
about apprehending the perpetrators. A young boy becoming, as they
thought, possessed by the demon, told them not to molest the destroyers.
The people therefore desisted, and this event greatly advanced the
reputation of Hung-sui-tshuen, soon leading to an important addition to
his followers.
The iconoclastic zeal thus introduced was quickly followed up by the
destruction of many images. Upon this the officials, for the first time,
came into contact with them, and Fung-yun-san and another were
imprisoned, mainly through the malignancy of a rich graduate named Wang,
who bribed the magistrate for that purpose. Eventually, the
God-worshippers induced the same official to release their friends, but
only Fung-yun-san was restored to them; the other had expired in prison,
through the brutal treatment of his Manchoo jailers.
About this time--the latter part of 1848--Hung-sui-tshuen's father died,
at the age of seventy-three. He had long given over the errors of
idolatry, and had received Christian baptism. Upon his death-bed he
admonished his children, saying:--"I am now ascending to heaven: after
my decease, you must not call any Buddhist priests, or perform any
heathen ceremonies, but merely worship God, and pray to him."
At the end of 1848, Hung-sui-tshuen and his friend Fung-yun-san left the
congregation of God-worshippers at Thistle Mount, and returned to their
homes.
About the middle of 1849 they again set out for their friends in
Kwang-si. At the end of this year, during his absence, the first son of
Hung-sui-tshuen was born; at the instant of his birth the following
singular circumstance took place:--"Thousands of birds, as large as
ravens and as small as magpies, made their appearance. They continued
long hovering about in the air, and finally settled in the trees behind
the dwelling of Sui-tshuen. These birds remained in the neighbourhood of
the village about one month, to the astonishment of the people, who said
that the crowd of birds came to do homage to the new-born king."
Upon their arrival, Hung-sui-tshuen and Yun-san were joyfully received
by the God-worshippers. They now heard of singular occurrences having
taken place among the brethren during their absence. It appeared that,
often while engaged in prayer, one or other of them was seized by a sort
of fit, and falling to the ground in a state of ecstasy, was moved by
the spirit, and uttered extraordinary words of exhortation, reproof, or
prophecy. The more remarkable of these rhapsodies were noted down, and
reserved for the inspection of Hung-sui-tshuen. Those he principally
pronounced as true were uttered by one Yang-sui-tshin, who afterwards
became one of the principal Ti-ping chiefs. This same Yang was said to
possess the power of healing sickness by intercession for the afflicted,
many having been cured in a wonderful manner, after prayer to God.
Hung-sui-tshuen compelled his followers to observe strict order, and
although Fung-yun-san was the original chief and founder of the
congregation, they all, with one accord, acknowledged the superiority of
the former; electing him as their leader, as well for his personal merit
as his extraordinary ability to command and organize a strict discipline
among so heterogeneous a multitude as themselves.
At this time, Hung prohibited the use of opium, and even tobacco, and
all intoxicating drinks, and the Sabbath was religiously observed. About
the same period he sent to Kwang-tung for his whole family, giving as
his reason, that a pestilence would shortly visit the earth, and carry
off the unbelievers. Singularly enough, some parts of Kwang-si were
visited by a malignant distemper, whereby the number of his adherents
was greatly increased, many believing they escaped disease merely by
joining the God-worshippers.
About the end of the year 1850, a civil war broke out between the Punti
men and the Hakkas. Although at first the Hakkas were victorious, being
a more hardy and adventurous people than the Puntis, the superior
numbers of the latter soon prevailed, who, not contented with defeating
the enemy, followed up the victory by even destroying their habitations.
In dire distress, the Hakkas sought a refuge among the God-worshippers,
willingly adopting their religion.
So great a celebrity had the God-worshippers attained in Kwang-si, that
not only the Hakkas came to them, but many outlaws, who refused
allegiance to the Manchoo; and all persons in distress, or in any way
afflicted, together with their families.
With a far-seeing discernment, Hung-sui-tshuen had long expected the
course of events that at last resulted from the presence of so many
various elements, for the most part obnoxious to the Government. His
plans were arranged, his resolution fixed, and he only awaited a
favourable opportunity to act. The following ode, which he composed
about this time, affords an index of his intentions:--
"When in the present time disturbances abound,
And bands of robbers are like gathering vapours found,
We know that heaven means to raise a valiant band
To rescue the oppressed and save our native land.
China was once subdued, but it shall no more fall.
God ought to be adored, and ultimately shall.
The founder of the Ming in song disclosed his mind,
The Emperor of the Han drank to the furious wind.
From olden times all deeds by energy were done,
Dark vapours disappear on rising of the sun."
This ode is highly significant to the Chinese. Hung alludes to the many
bands of robbers rising like the vapours on the mountain tops; he
expresses his intention to allow them to fight and fatigue each other,
when he would easily become their master,--such being the plan expressed
by the founder of the Ming dynasty in his song--comparing himself to the
aster, a flower that only begins to blossom when others have passed
away; and, after they have ceased to contend, remains undisputed master
of the field.
The defeat of the Hakkas ere long realized Sui-tshuen's predictions. The
God-worshippers gradually became involved in the quarrels of their new
allies, and at last were not only accused of annoying the worship of
others, and destroying their idols, but also of helping the outlaws and
fostering rebellious intentions against the usurping dynasty. Sui-tshuen
and Yun-san at this period left "Thistle Mount," and retired to the
privacy of a friend's house situated in a mountainous recess. The
Manchoo soldiers were sent against them here; but, afraid to enter the
glen, contented themselves with blockading the pass, sure of the
ultimate capture of the inmates. "At this critical moment it is reported
that Yang-sui-tshin, in a state of ecstasy, revealed to the brethren of
Thistle Mount the impending danger of their beloved chiefs, and exhorted
them to hasten to their rescue." A considerable body marched against the
soldiers who watched the pass, routed them with ease, and Sui-tshuen and
Yun-san were carried off in triumph.
Hung-sui-tshuen now concentrated all his followers, who had already
converted their goods into money, and formed a common treasury. They
were thus prepared, if necessary, for the emergency of flight. Fear for
the safety of themselves and families quickly brought the entire
congregation of the God-worshippers together. "Old and young, rich and
poor, men of influence and education, graduates of the first and second
degrees, with their families and adherents, all gathered round the
chiefs. Wei-ching alone brought with him about one thousand individuals
of his clan."
Previously to this, the God-worshippers had suffered much persecution
from the local authorities, many being imprisoned and killed by want and
ill-treatment. Soon the jealous fears of the Manchoo officials led them
to send troops against a native movement which they knew full well they
had good cause to dread by reason of their own tyrannical rule.
Hostilities having once commenced, a bold and energetic course became
imperative. A strong body of soldiers being on the march for their
present position, Hung-sui-tshuen prepared to receive them. Abandoning
Thistle Mount, he took possession of the market-town Lieu-chu, close at
hand. This small city was surrounded by a broad river, protecting it
from sudden attack, which Sui-tshuen soon fortified so strongly that,
when the soldiers arrived, it was impregnable. From this place
Sui-tshuen sent messengers into Kwang-tung, calling upon the remaining
relatives of the two clans, Hung and Fung, to join him in Kwang-si.
Before they could do this, Sui-tshuen, from want of provisions, was
compelled to move his camp. This he effected in a fine strategic manner.
To deceive the Imperialists as to his real intentions, he placed a
number of women and boys belonging to the town in a house close to the
river, and in the direction of the besiegers' camp, ordering them to
beat the drums throughout the following day; while he, with his entire
force, evacuated the place at night without giving the foe the slightest
suspicion of his movement.
The Imperialists, as soon as they discovered the trick that had been
played upon them, detached light troops in pursuit; but these, venturing
too closely upon the rear of the retreating forces, were repulsed with
severe loss. The Imperialists now, according to their usual habits,
commenced to vent their cowardly rage upon the unoffending inhabitants
by burning several thousand houses, and plundering indiscriminately.
They slaughtered numbers of the townspeople upon the slightest
suspicion that they were God-worshippers, or even friendly disposed
towards them.
"Many of these unhappy victims evinced great self-possession, and
resignation to their fate. One named Tsen said to the soldiers, 'Why do
you delay? If you are to kill me, then do so,--I fear not to die.' He,
with many others, refused to kneel down, and received the death-blow in
an upright posture. These cruelties greatly incensed the populace; and
many, who otherwise would have remained quietly at home, desirous to
worship God without taking part in the insurrection, were thus forced to
leave their abodes and join the army of Hung-sui-tshuen."
After evacuating the town of Lieu-chu, Hung took up his new position at
a large village, Thai-tsun, and at this place received very considerable
additions to his force. Two _female_ rebel chiefs of great valour, named
respectively Kew-urh and Szu-san, each bringing about two thousand
followers, here joined him, submitting to his authority and adopting the
religions opinions of his people. About this time eight chiefs of the
San-hoh-hwui, or Triad Society--a confederation of many years' standing,
sworn to expel the Manchoos and free China of their hateful
presence--entered into negotiations with Hung-sui-tshuen to join his
army, which he agreed to upon condition that they would conform to the
worship of the true God. He sent teachers to them, and when they were
sufficiently instructed, permitted them to join him.
Unfortunately, it now happened that out of sixteen teachers, one of the
number was found guilty of peculation, by having withheld from the
public treasury his share of the presents they had received from the
Triad chiefs for their instruction. Having often before been convicted
of violating their regulations, this last offence was no sooner proved
against him than Sui-tshuen and his own relatives condemned and punished
him, according to the full rigour of their law, by decapitation. When
the chiefs of the Triads found that one who had just been their teacher
was capitally punished for so slight a transgression, they became
uncomfortable, and said:--"Your laws seem to be rather too strict; we
shall, perhaps, find it difficult to keep them; and upon any small
transgression you would, perhaps, kill us also."
Upon which, seven of them departed with their men, and afterwards
surrendering to the Imperialists, turned their arms against the
God-worshippers. One chief--Lo-thai-kang--preferred remaining with the
latter.
The varied elements of his followers--the simple God-worshipper, the
discontented Hakka, with Triads, outlaws, and other known opponents to
the Manchoo rule--were all destined, by Hung-sui-tshuen's comprehensive
mind, soon to establish for themselves an important political existence.
The Bishop of Victoria wrote:--
"The literary talent, the moral greatness, the administrative
ability, the mental energy, the commanding superiority of the
latter soon won for him the post of leader and director of the
movement; and Hung-sui-tshuen became, by universal consent and
the harmonious deference of Teen-tih (Fung-yun-san) himself, the
chief of the insurgent body. He found in the tumultuous bands,
who, inflamed by civil discontent, had been engaged in
hostilities with the provincial rulers, the nucleus and the body
around which the persecuted _Christians_ gathered as a place of
refuge and safety. He transformed a rebellion of civil
malcontents into a great rendezvous and rallying-point for his
oppressed co-religionists. He rendered the insurrection a great
religious movement--_he did not transmute a Christian fraternity
into a political rebellion. The course of events, and the
momentous interests of life and death--the dread realities of
the rack and torture, imprisonment, and death--drove him to use
in self-defence all the available means within reach, and to
employ the resources of self-preservation_. He joined the rebel
camp, preached the Gospel among them, won them over to his
views, placed himself at their head, and made political power
the means of religious propagandism.
"The adoption of the Imperial style, at so early a period as
1850, shows the grand projects and the vast designs which
speedily unfolded themselves to the view of the new leader.
Nothing but an expulsion of the hated Man-chow tyrants, the
subversion of the idolatrous system, and the incorporation of
the whole nation into one empire of 'universal peace,' as the
servants of the one true God, and the believers in the one true
Saviour Jesus Christ, with Taeping-wang himself, the political
head and religious chief of the whole--could henceforth satisfy
minds inflamed by enthusiasm and animated by past success."
Before the close of the year 1851 the standard of a national revolt was
raised, and a Chinese dynasty proclaimed. Hung-sui-tshuen again moved
his camp, marching upon and capturing the city of Yung-ngan. He was here
elected Emperor by the enthusiastic acclamation of his followers. It is
said Sui-tshuen offered the supreme dignity to each of the four chiefs,
Fung-yun-san, Yang-sui-tshin, Siau-chau-kwui, and Wai-ching (the last, a
powerful leader of some thousands of his own clan); and that, only after
their refusal and unanimous election of himself, he accepted power,
appointing them princes of the four quarters; the position in which they
afterwards became known to Europeans. From this period the style
God-worshippers became relinquished in favour of the title of the new
dynasty, Ti-ping-tien-kwoh.
FOOTNOTES:
[2] _See_ Map of China.
[3] The Chinese place little value upon hereditary rank; but, in lieu
thereof, have the extraordinary custom of ennobling a meritorious or
successful person's ancestry, though the honours are not inherited by
his descendants.
CHAPTER III.
The Manchoo Party.--The Ti-ping Party.--The Ti-ping
Character.--Conflict with Manchoos.--Chinese Gunboats.--First
Ti-ping Position.--Its Appearance.--Ti-ping
Hospitality.--Ti-ping Country described.--Effects of
Intervention.--San-le-jow.--Ti-pings Superior to
Imperialists.--Ti-pings and Chinamen.--Ti-ping Costume.--The
Honan Ti-pings.--The "Chinese Paris."--Interview with
Chung-wang: his Appearance: his Religious Feelings: his
Penetration: his Policy.--Commission from
Chung-wang.--San-li-jow.--A Ti-ping Army.--Its Friendly
Bearing.--Arrival at Shanghae.
About the beginning of the year 1860 the rapid success of the Ti-ping
revolution excited considerable attention. From the unfavourable
impressions I entertained with regard to the Manchoo Imperialists, I
felt very desirous to become acquainted with their adversaries, whose
professed intention was not only to subvert the tyrannical foreign
dynasty, but to overthrow national idolatry and establish Christianity
throughout China. I therefore determined to relinquish my profession for
a more unfettered life on shore, which would afford me an opportunity of
seeing something of the Ti-pings--a resolution which gathered strength
from the fact that Marie and her relatives were about to leave Hong-Kong
and take up their abode at Shanghae.
I had long observed that although the majority of people condemned the
revolution, they were infinitely less worthy of credence than those who
supported it.
The anti-Ti-ping and pro-Manchoo party comprised:--All persons who were
in any way connected with the iniquitous opium traffic; all British
placemen and officials who represented Lord Elgin's politics or Chinese
treaties; all foreign mercenaries, whether interested in the Chinese
customs or army; all Roman Catholics, but especially Jesuits and French;
all missionaries who felt jealous of the Ti-ping Christianity, because
they could not arrogate to themselves a _direct_ credit for its
propagation; and, lastly, all merchants and traders, who, trusting to
make a fortune in a few years, and, being philosophers of the "After me
the Deluge" school, cared not at all for the future of China, or the
vast question of its regeneration and Christianity, because the
execution of those glorious reforms might interfere with their traffic.
The friends of the Ti-pings comprised:--Many humble, devout
missionaries, who rejoiced at the result of their _indirect_ contact
with the Chinese; many large-minded, large-hearted men, who admired the
cause of a people and the welfare of an oppressed nation more than the
favourable articles of the Elgin treaty; all persons who deprecated
Europeans becoming the hired mercenaries of the most corrupt Asiatic
despotism in existence; and all merchants not addicted to
opium-smuggling, but satisfied with more honourable and righteous
branches of commerce.
I thus found that interested persons were adverse to the revolution,
while those who were favourable to it were disinterested. This is no
psychological phenomenon. The explanation is very easy. It was simply a
question of selfishness and dollars _versus_ philanthropy and
liberality. I must confess that, until I became personally acquainted
with the Ti-pings, the reports of their maligners (preposterous and
exaggerated as they were) made me very suspicious of the people they
abused, although I had already begun to sympathize with them.
Before resigning my appointment, I obtained a berth as chief mate in a
small steamer which was under the command of an old brother officer of
mine, who had lately quitted the same service. I consequently embarked
and proceeded with Marie and her friends to Shanghae. The little
steamer I joined was employed upon the inland waters of the Shanghae
district, trading to the Ti-ping territory for silk, so that my wishes
for a meeting were soon to be gratified. The owners of the steamer were
Chinese, though nominally British, in order to obtain a register, and so
we had things very much our own way on board.
The evening before we were to start for the interior, a boat-load of
cargo came alongside--at least, what I imagined to be such. To my utter
amazement, when I mentioned its arrival to the skipper, I found out that
the cargo was no other than boxes of specie.
"What!" I exclaimed, "carry treasure amongst the rebels?"
"Why, of course we do; what in the world should prevent us?" said the
skipper.
"Well," I replied, "it _is_ singular for any one to send boxes of
dollars right into the hands of people they term 'hordes of banditti,'
'bloodthirsty marauders,' 'desolators,' &c."
"My dear fellow, that's all bosh: don't you see if outsiders are made to
believe the Ti-pings to be so bad, they will not trust themselves, or
their money, amongst them; so those who know better are able to
monopolize the silk trade."
"What! are all those reports about the Ti-pings false, then?" I asked.
"To be sure they are, or how do you suppose any silk could be obtained?"
This reply satisfied me completely. If the Ti-pings were "desolators,"
it was certain no silk could be left, or produced, while, if they were
"marauders" and "brigands," it was equally certain no one dare carry
large sums of money into their territory to trade. I was not a little
pleased with this conclusion; before long I had ample proof of the total
injustice and gross falsehood of nearly every charge brought against
the revolutionists.
I received on board about 40,000 taels (over £13,000 sterling) during
the evening, with a Chinaman to negotiate for the purchase of the silk
when we should arrive in the silk country.
Early in the morning we got under weigh, and proceeded on our voyage,
past Shanghae and up the Wong-poo river. We no sooner got clear of the
shipping and crowd of junks anchored above the city, than I received
orders to have all our armament put in order and ready for immediate
use. For so small a vessel she was very well armed with a 9 lb. pivot
gun on each broadside, a swivel 4 lb. in the bow, and another right aft.
Our crew consisted of eight European seamen, myself, captain, second
mate, and engineer; besides four Chinese firemen, a Chinese engineer, a
cook, and our European steward; we also carried a member of our European
firm as supercargo.
The Wong-poo river for some fifty miles preserves an average breadth of
about 250 yards, after which it rapidly decreases, and loses itself in a
series of interminable lagoons. The whole country in this direction (due
S.W. of Shanghae) is flat and alluvial, everywhere intersected by creeks
and canals, and mostly in a high state of cultivation.
The tide being strong against us, we did not reach the last imperialist
city, Soong-Kong, about twenty miles from Shanghae in a direct line,
till mid-day. Soon after leaving port, the Manchoo troops commenced
their annoyance. Every station we passed the gunboats would come off and
attempt to stop us, their crews shouting and yelling like fiends,
sometimes even firing blank cartridge to arrest our passage. One
squadron, bolder than the rest, after we had passed Soong-Kong and were
approaching the limits of Imperialism, thought fit to send us a dose of
iron, and although we took the previous saluting very quietly, this was
rather too striking an example of their favour to pass without return.
I therefore brought one of our 9-pounders to bear, and gave them its
warning message just over their heads, not wishing to hurt them unless
compelled, especially as all their shot passed wide of us, excepting one
that cut a funnel stay. Not satisfied with this, the whole
squadron--some seven or eight--put off from the bank and pulled after
us, each opening fire with its bow gun. Our captain called all hands to
their stations, those not employed at the guns being armed with Sharp's
rifles; and, suddenly changing our course, we put right about, gave a
cheer, and steamed at the Mandarin boats full speed. Directly this was
done, and the Imperialists saw so many Europeans, and heard our terrific
yell, they thought no more of "loot," or seizing us; but round they
went, turned tail, and pulled off as desperately as they could, while
those astern dashed to the bank and tumbled ashore one over the other in
dire confusion and alarm, leaving their boats to take care of themselves
or become the prize of the "foreign devils."
To give them a lesson, we contented ourselves by taking all their flags;
and, setting the boats adrift on the stream, proceeded on our course.
These Chinese gunboats, when well manned, form very effective mosquito
flotillas. They are about fifty feet long and seven broad, are manned by
about twenty-five men, and pull from ten to twenty oars a-side. They are
usually armed with a gun (from 4 to 24-pounder) mounted upon a platform
in the bow, and another in the stern. They are very shallow, sit light
upon the water, and pull very fast; they are also furnished with the
usual bamboo sails, but only go well before the wind. These war-boats
are almost innumerable, being found in large numbers all through the
rivers and inland waters of China; and since the British arsenals have
been thrown open to the Manchoo government, they have become formidable
from the guns they have been supplied with, and the instruction their
crews have received from English artillerists in using them.
When we came to the narrow part of the river, we were exposed to
continual insult and annoyance from the Chinese on the banks, who, not
content with assailing us with every opprobrious epithet in their
vocabulary--the least being "Yang quitzo" (foreign devils), frequently
pelted us with mud and stones. Soldiers, gun-boat _braves_, and
villagers seemed striving to emulate each other in illustrating their
hatred of the foreigners who, having allied themselves to the Manchoo
government, had only just succeeded in driving the Ti-pings away and
re-establishing the rule of the Tartars; placing our miserable
assailants in possession of territory they could never have reconquered
themselves--and this is how they displayed their _gratitude_!
The British and French had but lately made war upon the Ti-pings, having
driven them from Shanghae and its neighbourhood, therefore the least we
might have expected was common civility from our allies; they, however,
seemed to think otherwise, by treating us as enemies.
Towards dusk we approached the last Imperialist station, between which
and the first Ti-ping outpost stretched a neutral ground of a few miles.
As we could not reach the Ti-ping territory before dark, it was
necessary to anchor for the night; but this we dare not attempt while in
the Imperialist jurisdiction. Since the reinstatement of the
Imperialists, piracy had become incessant, so much so, that a silk boat
could scarcely ever make a trip without being attacked, many having been
plundered and the Europeans in charge murdered. The whole country
swarmed with robbers, and the river with pirates; the first being the
Imperialist soldiery, and the latter mostly Imperialist gunboats. In
consequence of this, we determined to reach the neutral ground, the
commencement of which was a small and shallow lake, where we could lay
comparatively safe from enemies, whereas, if we remained on the river,
we should be at the mercy of any who might attack us from its banks,
here scarcely sixty yards apart.
Amidst the curses and yells of the last outlying picket of Imperialists
we shot into the lake, and anchored in its centre to wait for daylight.
The night passed over without any particular excitement, though the
watch on deck had frequently to warn off with a shot or two some boats
hovering about. Getting under weigh in the morning, we soon came to the
first Ti-ping position--a few houses with a palisade round them, and a
gingall battery held by a small detachment of troops. I was much struck
by the pleasant style in which they communicated with us. In place of
making an offensive demonstration of force, and conducting their
inquiries with the gross and insulting arrogance of the Imperialists,
they simply put off a small boat, from which one officer boarded us, who
behaved in a strikingly friendly and courteous manner while pursuing his
investigations. When satisfied as to our intentions, he gave us a pass
to proceed, and took his departure, leaving me with a very favourable
impression of my first interview with a real, live Ti-ping.
After passing several small villages, in all of which the inhabitants
were busily at work gathering in their crops, and apparently much better
off than the Imperialist peasantry on the other side of the lake, we
came to the extensive village of Loo-chee, some sixty miles from
Shanghae by the river. At this place there seemed a large and varied
trade. Silk boats, country boats, and Shanghae boats, were moored off
the village in great numbers, all filled with merchandise, for which
there seemed a good and ready market. The crowds of people about were
all well dressed, the shops were fully stocked, and in every way the
village seemed in a most flourishing condition. One singular
circumstance which I noticed was the total absence of mendicants; though
an ordinary Chinese market village of the same extent and prosperity
would have swarmed with them, here not one was to be seen. Outside the
village, the fields were alive with labourers gathering in the rich and
heavy crops, it being harvest time; while far as the eye could reach
stretched plains covered with the ripe grain, glistening and golden in
the morning sun. In vain I gazed around for some trace of the
"desolaters." If I looked to the village, I saw nothing but crowds of
well-to-do, busy, complacent-looking Chinamen, and great piles of
merchandise just landed from the boats; if I looked to the country, I
perceived nothing but the richness and beauty of nature; yet this was a
part of Ti-pingdom, and all the people I saw were Ti-pings or subject to
them. At last, a little outside the village, I noticed a heap of bricks,
such as the Chinese build their houses with; going up to it, I found the
track of the "desolaters" after all; for this proved to be the remains
of an immense joss-house they had destroyed--not a stone was left
standing upon another; in their iconoclastic zeal they had literally
crushed the Buddhist temple into the dust, for I could not find one
whole brick amongst the _débris_, although it covered more than an acre
of ground. Here and there, amongst the tall, rank grass, peeped out the
mutilated remnants of the former divinities of the temple. I began to
think this "desolating" and "murdering" _à la_ Ti-ping not quite so bad
as some parties had represented.
We remained at Loo-chee a few hours, while our supercargo and
interpreter made inquiries about the silk. I observed but few Ti-ping
soldiers in the village; the six or seven who rowed an officer off to us
constituted quite half the garrison. They were all attached to the
Loo-chee custom-house, and the officer who boarded us was _le chef de la
douane_. While strolling through the village I was astonished by the
very friendly and unrestrained manners of the people; I was seized upon
and carried into many houses to partake of tea and Chinese wine, the
Ti-pings actually struggling with each other to get me into their
respective dwellings. The kindly behaviour of the soldiers was the more
remarkable from the totally opposite conduct of the Imperialist
_braves_, whose feeling towards us we had so lately experienced. Yet the
Imperialists were our allies, and we were assisting them against the
Ti-pings. It was even possible that friends or relatives of these
Ti-ping soldiers had been killed by the British and French before
Shanghae; still, anomalous and incredible as it must seem, our friends,
the Imperialists, treated us as though we were enemies, and our enemies,
the Ti-pings, treated us as friends.
At last, amid the hearty _adieux_ of the natives, we steamed away from
Loo-chee for another village, some twelve miles farther inland, where we
expected to find silk.
Some three years later I visited Loo-chee again. A letter which I wrote
upon the occasion appeared in the _Friend of China_, a Shanghae
newspaper, and in the month of October, 1863, was reproduced,
accompanied by the following observations:--
"At this juncture, when Gordon declares the Taepings to be incapable of
government (he never had an opportunity of judging, or knowing anything
about them, except how they could fight), it is not out of place to
reproduce the writing of the only respectable foreigner we know in the
Taeping fighting service--a service of which, in so far as intercourse
with the Taeping goes, he has had several years' experience."
The letter referred to was as follows:--
"The general appearance of the country lately wrested from the Ti-pings
by the British, and again given up to Imperial rule, cannot be passed
without a feeling of pity for its sad alteration. Throughout the whole
extent of this country, Europeans are now exposed to insult, the natives
being as constrained and repulsive as is usual in Mandarin localities.
Indeed, they are a vagabond and scanty lot, many large villages now
exhibiting hardly one person to each house. The crops alone are in a
flourishing condition--reared by Ti-pings for the Imperial
commissariat--a rich harvest indeed.
"Custom-houses, or rather squeeze-houses, are springing up in every
direction, and the poor Chinese trader is in a perfect whirlwind of
mystification as to whom he ought to pay and whom not. The baneful
effect of all this is very visible. There is an indescribable gloom and
stagnation over the land, and everything on it. Even the birds appear
less happy, for they do not chirp as of old. Of trade--there is none.
The extensive village of Loo-chee, about sixty miles from Shanghae by
water, is the last Imperialist station in this direction. When I was
last here, some two and a half years ago, all was joyous as a marriage
feast. It was a place of much trade and importance; now the only things
to be remarked are a few piratical war-boats, with their usual
villanous-looking crews, under the Imperial flag. Where formerly
exuberant life and happiness were found, all now is wretchedness.
Between Loo-chee and the nearest Ti-ping station comes a neutral ground
of some ten miles in extent. This is almost a desert, and well it may
be, when the Imperialists scour over it. At last we reached the first
Ti-ping outpost. What a contrast! Now, indeed, all is smiling happiness.
In place of insult we meet kind looks and salutations of welcome. Even
the children run along the banks with cries of delight. Poor little
things, they know not but that they may soon be homeless, bereft,
perhaps, of parents, or even life itself."
When the above letter was written, the Imperialists, with the assistance
of foreigners, had only lately succeeded in recapturing the village of
Loo-chee; shortly afterwards I again passed the place, and the only
change to be observed was a new Buddhist temple in course of erection
upon the ruins of the old. A striking example of the effect of British
intervention: the Ti-pings destroy the heathen temples and establish the
Holy Scriptures on their sites, but the Manchoos build them up again,
and exterminate the worshippers of the True God.
So great a confidence had my friend, the Captain, in the Ti-pings, that
directly we came to their territory he told me I might discharge and
clean all our arms, and put them away until we re-entered the
Imperialist lines.
Before arriving at our destination, we passed many villages, all
thriving and apparently doing considerable trade; one especially
attracted my attention--it was a very large walled village, named
San-zar, and seemed to be the centre of an immense commerce. This place
was fortified and well garrisoned. We stopped there and took in a supply
of provisions, which were very cheap. I particularly remember San-zar,
because I found in it the best sponge cake I ever tasted in China. The
village was very extensive, containing upwards of five thousand houses;
the shops were numerous, and at the time I first visited it every
article of Chinese consumption was to be found in abundance. I passed
through it lately--upon my return to England--and found everything sadly
changed; the Imperialists were close at hand, and the inhabitants had
fled away; the shops were closed, excepting here and there where some
trader, more venturesome or avaricious than his fellows, seemed
determined to drive his business till the last; the streets were silent
and trafficless; in some parts the depopulation was so complete as to
strongly remind me of Goldsmith's "Deserted Village."
Shortly after leaving San-zar, we arrived at San-le-jow, the termination
of our voyage, a fortified position, three Chinese miles (one English)
from the city of Pim-bong. San-le-jow is situated within the silk
district, into which we should have proceeded further, but the creek was
spanned by a bridge too small for our vessel to pass. We were therefore
compelled to remain at anchor, and send boats in for the silk. All the
specie was placed in them, comparatively unprotected, only the
supercargo and two of our crew going in charge of it; and yet it was
taken into the very heart of Ti-pingdom in perfect safety.
We remained about three weeks at San-le-jow, while our supercargo was
absent purchasing silk; and during this time I determined to see as much
of Ti-pingdom and the Ti-pings as possible. I constantly visited the
neighbouring villages to endeavour to ascertain what feeling the country
people entertained for the Ti-ping rule. I was pleased to find them in
every instance completely happy and contented; and was particularly
struck by the gratified manner in which they would attract my notice to
their long hair--the emblem of the Ti-ping and freedom, as opposed to
the Manchoo and the shaven-headed, tail-wearing badge of slavery they
inflict upon the Chinese. During my rambles I took my servant, A-ling,
with me, and, as he was a capital interpreter, I was enabled to fully
investigate all I cared for or found interesting.
As San-le-jow was only about twenty miles distant from the important
provincial capital, Soo-chow, I engaged a boat, took A-ling with me,
and, reaching the city, spent seven or eight days there very pleasantly.
I have visited many parts of Asia, but never in my life, not even
amongst people of my own race, have I met with the kindness,
hospitality, and earnest friendship I experienced from the Ti-pings. I
shall never forget the deep impression I received at the moment I first
met them: it was instantaneous, I required no further knowledge or
explanation; I felt a mysterious sympathy in their favour, and, from
that day to this, my frequent intercourse with them has only
strengthened and cemented my first opinions.
The testimony of persons who have themselves seen the Ti-pings is
unanimous as to their striking superiority over the Imperialists. Not
only is their personal appearance infinitely more pleasing, but their
entire character, physically and morally, exhibits the same wonderful
superiority.
All Europe has for many years considered the Chinese the most absurd and
unnatural people in the world; their shaven head, tail, oblique eyes,
grotesque costume, and the deformed feet of their women, have long
furnished subjects for the most ludicrous attempts of caricaturists;
while the atmosphere of seclusion, superstition, and arrogance, with
which they delight to surround themselves, has always excited the
ridicule and contempt of Europeans. Now, among the Ti-pings, these
things, with the exception of the physiognomy, have all disappeared, and
even their features seem improved--probably through their mental and
bodily relief from thraldom.
One of the most remarkable contrasts between the Ti-pings and their
enslaved countrymen, the Imperialists, and the first to attract the
observation of foreigners, is their complete difference of appearance
and costume. The Chinese are known as a comparatively stupid-looking,
badly-dressed race; the disfigurement of the shaved head not a little
causing this. One presents a type of the whole--a dull, apathetic
countenance, without expression or intelligence, except what resembles
the half-cunning, half-fearful manner of slaves; their energies seem
bound, their hopes and spirits crushed by wrong and oppression. The
Ti-pings, on the other hand, immediately impress an observer by their
intelligence, continual inquisitiveness, and thirst for knowledge. It
is, indeed, utterly impossible, judging from their different
intellectual capacities, to come to the conclusion that they are both
natives of the same country--a difference more marked cannot be
conceived. The Ti-pings are a clever, candid, and martial people,
rendered peculiarly attractive by the indescribable air of freedom which
they possess. Where you would see the servile Tartar-subdued Chinamen
continually cringing, the Ti-pings exhibit, even in the face of death,
nothing but the erect, stately carriage of free men.
It is a singular fact that the handsomest men and women in China are to
be seen in the Ti-ping array. This may possibly be partly the result of
their difference of dress and of wearing the hair, but the main cause is
undoubtedly the ennobling effect of their religion and freedom. The
dress consists of very broad petticoat trousers, mostly of black silk,
bound round the waist with a long sash, which also contains their sword
and pistols; a short jacket, generally red, reaching just to the waist
and fitting tight to the body, forms their upper garment. But it is the
style in which they wear their hair that forms their principal ornament:
they allow it to grow without cutting, it is then plaited into a queue
at the back of the head, into which is worked a tail of red silk cord,
and it is always worn wound round the head in the form of a turban, the
end, a large tassel, hanging down on the left shoulder. Their shoes are
of varied colour, with flowers and embroidery worked all over them (the
boots of Imperialists are quite different, being not only slightly of
another shape, but always plain).
During my subsequent intercourse with the Ti-pings I found the above
costume the summer one of the soldiers; the body-guards of the different
chiefs wear their own particular colours, the edges of the jacket being
always embroidered and braided with a different one, forming a regular
uniform. In the cold weather they mostly wear fur-jackets, or other warm
garments. The colours of their clothing vary much, in some cases the
jacket being black silk and the trousers white, and in others blue,
black, white, red, or yellow, according to their different corps. Yellow
is the colour of only the highest chiefs, or of their king. The chiefs
all wear long outside dresses, reaching to nearly the feet, of either
blue, red, or yellow silk, according to their rank. On the head they
wear a silk scarf, or hood, with a jewel fastened to the front as the
badge of their position. In hot weather one and all wear large straw
hats very prettily embroidered, the crown quite small, and the brim
about a foot broad, which gives them a very gay and singular
appearance.
[Illustration: A TI-PING ARMY GOING INTO ACTION.
DAY & SON, LIMITED, LITH.]
The great chiefs, who are titled Wang (generalissimos, or governors of
districts), have a much more costly and elaborate dress. Upon all
occasions of importance they wear their state robes and coronets, and
the appearance they present when so arrayed is really magnificent. Being
almost invariably men of a very energetic and expressive mien, when
attired in their long robes, covered with ancient Chinese designs,
fabulous animals, or fancy patterns, all worked in gold, silver, and
jewels, with their jewelled coronets, and with their gold embroidered
shoes, it would be utterly impossible to imagine a more splendid or
effective costume.
Many of the Ti-pings come from the province of Honan, and the Chinese
say the natives of that part are the handsomest in China. The truth of
this I fully believe, for having made it a particular point of inquiry
to ascertain the native place of every Ti-ping I have met of more than
ordinary appearance, I have invariably found the best-featured were
either Honan men or came from the hilly parts of the Kiang-si province.
Honan forms a central portion of China, and has long been remarkable for
producing some of the best soldiers; but it is especially its _braves_,
who man great numbers of the Mandarin gunboats which are used all
through the inland waters, that are celebrated for their courage. The
Honan people are easily distinguished by the lightness of their
complexion; the shape of their nose, which is high and well-formed like
the European; the largeness, and little approximation to the oblique, of
their eyes; and their superior stature. In a few cases I have met men
not inferior to any race in the world for beauty, while it would be
difficult to imagine a more picturesque bearing than they present with
their dark massive hair wound around their heads by scarlet silken
fillets, so as to form a shade for their expressive eyes and animated
countenances. Some of these youthful Honan Ti-pings are as well featured
and handsome as an Andalusian beauty, their black eyes and long lashes,
olive complexion, and beardless faces rendering the resemblance more
striking.
Upon my arrival at Soo-chow I received the kindest reception, and
obtained an audience of several of the principal chiefs in the city. But
little trace of the former magnificence of the "Chinese Paris" remained;
its present possessors had only captured the city a few months, and the
sad traces of civil war were everywhere around. The Imperialist troops
had themselves burned and devastated the once rich suburbs, and the
Ti-pings, in their usual manner upon the capture of a city, had
destroyed all public and private buildings of the Manchoo construction,
or any that tended to remind them of the hateful Tartar occupation. New
suburbs, however, were springing up in every direction, and a
considerable trade likewise, all commerce being carried on outside the
walls. Within the city itself, the destruction had been extensive, and
numberless workmen were employed erecting handsome new dwellings, those
for the principal chiefs being of the best description. No trade was
permitted within the walls, a very necessary precaution in China, for
otherwise the place would be instantly filled by numbers of the enemy
disguised as traders, &c. In this the Ti-pings have only acted as every
other dynasty during its commencement, all (the present Manchoo
included) having pursued the same policy. Many persons ignorant of this,
after visiting Ti-ping cities, have reported that the inhabitants never
return to them from fear of the new rulers; but we must remember the
late war in America and the occupation of Atlanta by the Federal
troops, who _compelled_ the inhabitants to leave the city; it will then
be seen that the military occupation of fortified towns by the Ti-pings
is much about the same as it is with people of our own race. Outside the
ramparts a crowd of soldiers and labourers were hard at work throwing up
fortifications, while, inside, others were converting the remaining
streets into extensive barracks.
I found the chief in command was the Chung-wang, Le, who for the last
few years had held the supreme position of Commander-in-Chief of all the
Ti-ping forces. He very kindly granted me an audience, and made me live
in his palace while I remained at Soo-chow, although he had only lately
been driven from Shanghae, and hundreds of his men killed (rather say
murdered, for they were slaughtered without the slightest justification)
by the British.
I had long felt a desire to behold the celebrated leader of the Ti-ping
forces, who, until the intervention of England, had been invincible, and
now my wish was gratified. I no sooner found myself before the
Chung-wang than I respected him--he appeared so unmistakably a master
spirit, with the innate nobleness of presence of one born to command and
govern.
For a chief of so exalted and powerful a position, and who, moreover,
had received ample provocation to treat Englishmen as his deadliest
enemies, Chung-wang received me with remarkable condescension and
kindness. Whereas the meanest official understrapper of the Manchoo
government would with the most insulting hauteur receive any foreigner
(unless under coercion, as when the treaties have been arranged), and
consider himself degraded by any contact, the Chung-wang, generalissimo
of some four or five hundred thousand men, second personage in the
Ti-ping government (being only inferior to the Tien-wang, the king), and
Viceroy of the whole territory (at that period more than twice the size
of England, and containing more than 70,000,000 inhabitants), advanced
from his vice-regal chair, and shaking me by the hand in English style,
made me be seated close to himself. He seemed about thirty-five years of
age, though the trace of arduous mental and physical exertion gave him a
rather worn and older appearance. His figure light, active, and wiry,
was particularly well formed, though scarcely of the Chinese middle
height; his bearing erect and dignified, his walk rapid but stately.
His features were very strongly marked, expressive, and good, though not
handsome according to the Chinese idea, being slightly of a more
European cast than they admire; the nose straighter than usual among
Chinese; the mouth small, almost delicate, and with the general shape of
the jaw and sharply chiselled lips, expressive of great courage and
determination. His complexion dark; but it was his brow and eyes that at
once told the observer he beheld a great and remarkable man. It was not
alone his singularly high and expansive forehead, but the eyebrows and
eyes, which, instead of being placed obliquely, as is the usual
characteristic of the Chinese, were quite dissimilar: the eyes were
nearly straight, the only Chinese part being the shape of the eyelids;
and the brows, placed high above them, were almost even, the inner, in
place of the outer, ends being slightly elevated. This peculiarity I
have never seen so prominent in any other Chinaman; I have seen a few
natives of Honan approach to it a little, but it gave the Chung-wang an
un-Chinese look.
His large eyes flashed incessantly, while the lids were always
twitching. From his very energetic features, and the ceaseless nervous
movement of his body (some part being continually on the move and
restless, either the legs crossing or uncrossing, the feet patting the
ground, or the hands clasping, unclasping, or fidgeting about, and all
by sudden starts), no one would imagine he could possess such perfect
coolness in battle; yet I have often since observed him in action, when,
in spite of his apparent excitability, his self-possession was
imperturbable, and his voice--always low and soft, with a musical flow
of language, slightly affected by a wound he received from a piece of a
British shell before Shanghae, in the month of August, 1860--unchanged,
save being more rapid and decisive in moments of the greatest danger.
When I obtained my first interview with the Chung-wang, I found him
rather plainly dressed. Instead of the long robes and large coronets,
constituting the state dress of all the superior chiefs, he was simply
attired in an ordinary scarlet quilted jacket. On his head he wore a
scarlet hood, of the usual shape, surmounted by a kind of undress
coronet peculiar to himself, consisting of a large and valuable jewel in
the front, with eight curious gold medallions, four in a row on each
side.
[Illustration: CHUNG WANG'S HEAD-DRESS.]
While in Soo-chow I became one of the congregation of Ti-pings during
their performance of divine service on Sunday. The Sabbath is observed
not upon the same day as in Europe, theirs being the Saturday of our
reckoning. My interpreter was with me, and translated every part of
their service. Their numbers, and apparent devotion, could not have been
objected to by the most orthodox Christian.
I shall ever remember with feelings of the liveliest pleasure the first
few days I spent with the Ti-pings at Soo-chow. I could not move through
its streets without experiencing the excessive friendliness of these
warm-hearted converts to Christianity and civilization, thousands of
whom were afterwards destroyed by a nation whose religion and civilized
institutions they were earnestly striving to imitate.
Nor can I ever forget the eager manner with which, the moment I was
seated in his house, my entertainer for the time being would give a copy
of the Bible to my servant--waiting impatiently with the book in his
hands till the etiquette of presenting me some tea had been
observed,--asking if it was the same as mine; and his satisfaction,
when, after hearing parts of it translated, I assured him that it was.
The conversation I had with the Chung-wang naturally touched upon his
late repulse from Shanghae by the British and French. He seemed to feel
that event very deeply, and deplore the suicidal policy of those he had
always striven to make his friends. The points of his communication
were:--Why had the English and French broken faith with him? the English
particularly, whose solemn written guarantees of neutrality the Ti-ping
government held. The Ti-pings and the English worshipped the same God
and the same Saviour, and were consequently of one religion and
brotherhood, why, then, did they assist the common enemy, the Manchoo
imps--the idol-worshippers and enemies of our Heavenly Father and Jesus
the heavenly elder brother? By what right or law did the English
soldiers take charge of the native city of Shanghae, preventing him,
their friend, from capturing it, and defend it for the very Manchoos
with whom at the time they were themselves at war?
Neither shall I ever forget the noble, enlightened, and patriotic
designs, which absorbed them:--to propagate the Bible, to destroy idols,
to expel the Tartars from China, and establish one complete and
undivided native empire; to become brothers with the Christian nations
of the West, and introduce European sciences and manufactures--seemed
always their principal wish and determination.
He continually inquired: "Why are the English inimical to us? Have we
ever done them the slightest harm? Have we not always acted with good
faith and friendship?"
"Cannot your foreign nations see," he said, "that the imps of Hien-fung
(the Manchoo Emperor of China), knowing you are of the same religion and
family as ourselves, are plotting to establish a connection with you in
order to produce trouble, misunderstanding, and separation between us?
To do this they will tell many lies, pretend to be very friendly, and
for the time let you do much trade to fool you."
This observation of the Chung-wang's is a good proof of his penetration
and judgment; he only forgot to notice the fact that the Manchoo
government had been compelled to pretend friendship, to allow increased
trade, &c., by the British occupation of Pekin, in the first place; he
was, however, undoubtedly right as to their after intrigue.
Another very important remark the Chung-wang made, was:--"If you take
Shanghae and a few _le_ round it into your protection, how will you be
able, in such a limited space, to dispose of your merchandise, or carry
on any traffic with the interior, if I, in retaliation, choose to
prevent you?"
When I told him any such policy on his part would probably lead to a war
with the English, he replied:--
"Never! unless you reckon upon my forbearance; I have all the silk and
many tea districts in my possession, and I can stop all your trade in a
moment if I am so inclined. If I beat you, in event of hostilities, I
shall then make you reasonable and cause you to mind your own affairs
without interfering in our endeavours to expel the Manchoo; but if, on
the other hand, you beat me, who can prevent my destroying all the silk
and tea plantations, and so removing for ever the only thing you come to
China for, and the only cause you would fight about? My soldiers are
brave and innumerable, they cover the silk and the tea lands."
These arguments of the Chung-wang were perfectly just and unanswerable.
What honest-minded man really acquainted with the facts of the case can
deny it?
With all his shrewdness and foresight, the Chung-wang was himself too
enlightened and large-hearted to hit upon the true reason for British
hostility. It did not occur to him that at the close of an expensive war
which had resulted in the legalization of the opium trade, and had
otherwise benefitted the English, it would not suit their
policy--however beneficial it might prove to the Chinese--however
imperatively it might be demanded by the sacred voice of humanity, to
interfere with the advantages derivable from the Elgin treaties, the
indemnity, and the traffic in opium--the use of which is prohibited upon
pain of death by the Ti-pings.
The kindness I experienced was disinterested, genuine, and without a
motive. Though some persons have considered their striking friendliness
to foreigners has been the carrying out of a plan in order to secure the
non-intervention of the European powers, all I saw of the Ti-pings,
their earnest religious enthusiasm, patriotism, and generally noble
sentiments, impressed me seriously. Before leaving Soo-chow I became
warmly attached to their cause, than which--all my future intercourse
has convinced me--a more righteous, or holy, never existed upon earth,
and I therefore determined to aid and advocate it to the utmost of my
power.
When upon the point of returning to my vessel, I informed the Chung-wang
of my intention, and volunteered my services, at the same time
requesting him to furnish me with some document or pass that would
enable me to return, or travel, to any part of his dominions. The
Chung-wang, after a short conversation with some of his chiefs, told my
servant to inform me he would give me an honorary commission upon his
staff, and then I should be able to act in whichever way I might find
best, and to traverse every part of Ti-pingdom without let or
hindrance.
At last my commission was made out, the Chung-wang affixed his seal, and
amidst the congratulations of the surrounding chiefs I became an
honorary Ti-ping officer. I afterwards learnt that in consideration of
my being a foreigner, and the nature of the commission, the usual
formalities of investiture had been foregone; such as examination upon
the Bible, swearing allegiance to the Ti-ping wang, and to expel the
Manchoo.
After taking leave of my new friends and comrades, I discharged the boat
I had arrived in, taking my departure on board a gun-vessel the
Chung-wang had kindly placed at my disposal. While on my passage, I
observed many people apparently returning to their homes in the
neighbourhood of Soo-chow; I halted at some of the villages on my route,
and found in all of them huge yellow placards, which my interpreter read
as Ti-ping imperial proclamations calling upon the people to return to
their homes without fear, to remain quiet, and lawfully to render a
certain amount of tribute (a little over a third of the Manchoo
taxation) to the Ti-ping general treasury. At the gateways of Soo-chow,
and at several villages I passed, I saw heads hung up with notices
attached, stating they were those of soldiers decapitated for plundering
the country people, one for smoking opium, and another for carrying off
a villager's daughter.
It was a singular fact that about every fourth village had been
completely burned and destroyed. Sometimes I passed three villages, the
two outside ones perfect and the central one entirely gutted. Upon
inquiry, the country people said the Imperialists had been the
destroyers; others said the inhabitants having run away and gone off
with the "imps" (Imperialists), they had punished them by burning their
habitations; while some said the destroyed villages had been fortified
and defended by the Manchoo troops, and so, when captured by the
Ti-pings, had been destroyed. This last I had reason to believe the
correct account, for I noticed in all the ruined villages various
traces of strife, and some seemed to have been surrounded with a wall or
stockade and the houses loopholed; while, here and there, half hidden
among the _débris_ and tall rank weeds, lay some human skeletons.
When I reached the steamer, no silk having arrived, I had time to see
more of the country. In one direction, some few miles from San-li-jow, I
found a considerable tract of land perfectly desolated, not a dwelling
nor habitation of any sort standing, and the fields untended, with the
rice or paddy growing wild.
It appeared this part had been severely contested by the Ti-ping and
Imperialist troops, and between them it had become a solitude. I made
several trips to this locality with my gun, and always returned well
recompensed with golden plover and pheasants, which I generally flushed
among the ruins of what had once been houses. The paddy-fields about
here were impenetrable, being mostly a perfect jungle six or seven feet
high, and full of ugly-looking green and yellow diamond-speckled snakes.
In the villages around San-li-jow I particularly noticed the exactitude
with which the Ti-ping soldiers paid the country people for everything
they required. I was told in one that a soldier dare not so much as take
an egg without paying for it, and the villagers all stated it was "good
trade" with the Ti-pings, because they gave a better price than the
Imperialists.
In a few days after my return from Soo-chow the silk arrived, and while
we were busily employed taking it on board, a large Ti-ping army came in
sight. Some were marching along ashore, but by far the greater number
were being transported by water; for miles, as far as the eye could
reach, the sinuosities of the creek were covered with the sails of the
vessels. I counted the number of boats passing within half an hour at
one hundred, and the numbers in each at a fair average of twenty;
therefore, the flotilla continuing to pass for seven hours, I estimated
the approximate strength of the army at 30,000 men, including those
ashore. Many of the leaders came alongside in their boats, and spent a
few minutes on board with us; amongst them I found one or two I had met
at Soo-chow, who informed me they were proceeding to attack the
important provincial capital, Hang-chow. All who boarded us were very
eager to purchase firearms, and I was sorry we could not muster half a
dozen stand for them altogether. Many brought guns on board with the
locks out of order, and by repairing these our engineers reaped a
munificent reward. During the whole time the flotilla was passing we
received many salutations and friendly remarks, and I did not hear a
single insulting or depreciating expression made use of towards us;
whereas, amongst Imperialist troops it would be impossible to venture
without being subjected to the grossest insult and contumely.
It has been the invariable habit to immensely exaggerate the strength of
the Ti-ping armies, and this force upon the march for Hang-chow was
supposed by Europeans to number several hundred thousand. It was
commanded in chief by the Ting-wang, Prince of the Eastern Provinces.
When all our silk had arrived, we gave the chief of San-li-jow a
farewell dinner on board, he having treated us with much hospitality and
kindness during our stay; and after an exchange of presents (we gave him
a few bottles of cherry brandy, some boxes of percussion-caps, a couple
of muskets, and a few other things; and in return received a present of
some pigs, fowls, ducks, and pieces of silk, a much more valuable one
than ours) started for Shanghae.
We returned to the Wong-poo river, and Imperialist territory, by a
different route to that by which we had left it, and in this direction,
likewise, found one of the most prominent changes in the country--the
total destruction of the idols and Buddhist temples. The desolating
traces of civil war were also more visible.
We anchored for the night preceding our re-entry into the Imperialist
lines, getting all our arms in readiness. Starting early in the morning,
we fortunately caught the ebb tide, and so, after running the gauntlet
past our _allies_, reached Shanghae safely the same afternoon.
Of course, my first moment was devoted to Marie. The relations she was
living with--the poor relations of the family--acted with great kindness
towards us; they were completely estranged from Marie's miserly father,
and looked favourably upon our attachment. Fortunately my occupation was
very much of a sinecure; so, often during the day I found time to fulfil
our almost hourly assignations. Each night I returned to my ship with
Marie's whisper "Till to-morrow" dwelling in my heart.
A short half-month of unmingled happiness soon passed away, and again
came the hour of separation. We were to part--not with the whispered
promise upon our lips, not with the anticipated pleasure of the morrow
in our hearts; but for long weeks, perhaps even months: the very
uncertainty was painful.
Mournfully sounded the last "adios" from the shore, but more mournfully
still the echo that followed me over the waters from the little boat
fast disappearing in the gloom of night, as we steamed out of the
harbour--"adios!"
[Illustration: TI-PING _versus_ IMPERIALIST.]
CHAPTER IV.
Organization of the Ti-pings.--Hung-sui-tshuen's
Manifesto.--Hung-sui-tshuen Emperor.--Proclamation of
Rank.--Ti-ping Titles.--Siege of Yung-gnan.--Ti-ping
Successes.--Their Moderation in Victory.--King Yang's
Proclamation.--Tien-Wang's Proclamation.--Cruelty of
Imperialists.--Cause of the Revolution.--Chinese History
Reviewed.--Corrupt Government.--Tartar Ride.--Manchoo Barbarity.
The Ti-ping Revolution, even during its earlier stages, when emerging
from the obscurity of mere local insurrection, was conducted in a very
systematic and organized manner.
Just four months after the first outbreak, and four months previous to
the capture of Yung-gnan, the Manchoo governor of the province
(Kwang-si), whose letter is translated and quoted by Consul Meadows,
wrote as follows:--
"Both Hung-sui-tshuen and Fung-yun-san are skilled in the use of
troops. Hung-sui-tshuen is a man of dangerous character, who
practises the ancient military arts. At first he conceals his
strength, then he puts it forth a little, then in a greater
degree, and lastly comes on in great force. He constantly has
two victories for one defeat, for he practises the tactics of
Sun-pin (an ancient Chinese warrior and celebrated tactician).
The other day I obtained a rebel book, describing the
organization of one army. It is the Sze-mar system of the Chow
dynasty. A division has its general of division; a regiment has
its colonel; an army consists of 13,270 men, being the strength
of an ancient army, with the addition of upwards of a hundred
men. * * *
"The rebels increase more and more; our troops--the more they
fight the more they fear. The rebels generally are powerful and
fierce, _and they cannot by any means be likened to a disorderly
crowd, their regulations and laws being rigorous and clear_."
Thus it appears that even before the rebellion attained a political
status, its organization was perfect, and that, too, within four months
of its commencement. In spite of the mass of trustworthy evidence on
this point, and the latterly improved constitution of the Ti-pings, some
persons have foolishly declared the Ti-pings possess no organization
whatever. The partisan spirit of such people carries them altogether
beyond their mark; for any one, _not totally ignorant of Chinese
character_, is perfectly well aware that for any body of Chinese to
exist without organization is impossible. We have only to look towards
Java, Australia, California, India, or wherever a body of Chinese may be
found separate, to see they are invariably organized. The colonies
formed in the above countries are all governed by chiefs of their own
electing. At Batavia and various other parts of Java, Borneo, &c., these
chiefs and their inferior officials, hold a recognized position in the
Dutch administration. From their very cradles precepts of order and
submission are so well engrafted and inculcated, that no nature is so
amenable to control as a Chinaman's.[4]
Hung-sui-tshuen, previous to the capture of Yung-gnan, issued the
following reply to the celebrated Commissioner Lin's summons to
surrender:--
"The Manchoos who, for two centuries, have been in hereditary
possession of the throne of China, are descended from an
insignificant nation of foreigners. By means of an army of
veteran soldiers well trained to warfare, they seized on our
treasures, our lands, and the government of our country, thereby
proving that the only thing requisite for usurping empire is the
fact of being the strongest. There is, therefore, no difference
between ourselves, who lay contributions on the villages we
take, and the agents sent from Pekin to collect taxes. Why,
then, without any motive, are troops dispatched against us? Such
a proceeding strikes us as a very unjust one. What! is it
possible that the Manchoos, who are foreigners, have a right to
receive the taxes of the captured provinces, and to name
officers who oppress the people, while we Chinese are prohibited
from taking a trifling amount at the public cost? Universal
sovereignty does not belong to any one particular individual, to
the exclusion of all the rest. And such a thing has never been
known, as one dynasty being able to trace a line of a hundred
generations of emperors. The right to govern consists in
possession."
In this manifesto the insurgents claim the throne, from the fact that,
being Chinese, to them by right it belonged.
This document, from which the above is an extract, proved such an
effective and injurious one to poor Commissioner Lin, that he never
rallied from the shock. Before dying, he memorialized his Emperor,
informing him the rebels professed Christianity, and derived their
origin from the hated "barbarians" (Europeans).
Hung-sui-tshuen effected the capture of the city of Yung-gnan by a very
extraordinary stratagem:--
"The insurgents advanced quickly to the walls, which are not
very high, and by throwing an immense quantity of lighted
fire-crackers into the town, the continued explosion of which
brought confusion among the soldiers within, and caused them to
retreat, they easily succeeded in scaling the walls and entering
the city."
Hung-sui-tshuen was no sooner proclaimed first emperor of the new
dynasty of Ti-ping (Extreme Peace), with the title of
Tien-teh-Ti-ping-Wang (Heavenly Virtue Extreme Peace King), than he
immediately issued his manifestoes in imperial style.
During the first two months, the framing of new regulations, electing of
officers, and bestowing rewards upon those who had previously
distinguished themselves, were attended to. Proclamations calling upon
the soldiers to fight bravely, and promising them reward, were issued,
in one of which the seventh commandment is rigorously enforced by the
following passage:--
"There shall assuredly be no forgiveness, and we expressly
enjoin upon the soldiers and officers not to show the least
leniency, or screen the offenders, lest we bring down upon
ourselves the indignation of the great God our Heavenly Father."
The following is the proclamation bestowing upon the five principal
leaders their rank and title:--
"Our Heavenly Father, the great God and supreme Lord, is one
true Spirit (God); besides our Heavenly Father, the great God
and supreme Lord, there is no Spirit (God). The great God, our
Heavenly Father and supreme Lord, is omniscient, omnipotent, and
omnipresent--the supreme over all. There is not an individual
who is not produced and nourished by him. He is Shang (Supreme).
He is the Te (Ruler). Besides the great God, our Heavenly Father
and supreme Lord, there is no one who can be called Shang, and
no one who can be called Te.
"Therefore, from henceforth all you soldiers and officers may
designate us as your lord, _and that is all_; you must not call
me supreme, _lest you should encroach upon the designation of
our Heavenly Father_. Our Heavenly Father is our Holy Father,
and our Celestial _Elder Brother_ is our Holy Lord, the Saviour
of the world. Hence our Heavenly Father and Celestial _Elder
Brother alone are holy_; and from henceforth all you soldiers
and officers may designate us as your lord, _and that is all;
but you must not call me holy, lest you encroach upon the
designation of our Heavenly Father and Celestial Elder Brother_.
The great God, our Heavenly Father and supreme Lord, is our
Spiritual Father, our Ghostly Father. Formerly we had ordered
you to designate the first and second ministers of state,
together with the generals-in-chief of the van and rear, royal
fathers, which was a temporary indulgence in conformity with the
corrupt customs of the present world; but, according to the true
doctrine, _this was a slight encroachment on the prerogative of
our Heavenly Father, for our Heavenly Father is alone entitled
to the designation of Father_. We have now appointed the chief
minister of state and general-in-chief to be designated the
Eastern King, having charge of all the states in the Eastern
region. We have also appointed the second minister of state and
assistant general-in-chief to be designated the Western King,
having charge of all the states in the Western region. We have
further appointed the general of the advanced guard to be
designated the Southern King, having charge of all the states in
the Southern region. And we have likewise appointed the general
of the rear guard to be designated the Northern King, having
charge of all the states in the Northern region. We have
furthermore appointed our brother Shih-tah-kae to be
assistant-king, to aid in sustaining our Celestial court. All
the kings above referred to are to be under the superintendence
of the Eastern king. We have also issued a proclamation
designating our Queen as the lady of all ladies (Empress), and
our concubines as royal ladies. Respect this!"
The above document was translated by Dr. Medhurst. All words commencing
with a capital letter are placed in the proclamation certain degrees
higher than the rest. All words used to denote the Almighty being
elevated _three_ spaces, those denoting the chiefs _one_ space.
By observing the passages in italics, it cannot fail to be understood
that the appellation "Elder Brother" has not the blasphemous tendency
some persons have imagined. Even had it, is that a reason why thousands
of Christians in error should be slaughtered by a cruel intervention?
Why, the very idea is monstrous! Yet some have been found who made the
term "Elder Brother" an excuse for exterminating the Ti-pings, instead
of doing their duty by teaching them better if necessary. There is
another and more important reason why, had Hung-sui-tshuen, or rather
the Tien-wang--as we shall for the future, in conformity with his title
amongst his followers, term him--literally called himself the brother of
our Saviour, Englishmen should be the last to throw stones at him; for
have they not their Unitarians, _who deny his divinity altogether_? Why,
then, do these war Christians go to China to defend the _name_ of the
Saviour, when here in England their zeal is more required. If people are
to be massacred for making a wrong use of the attributes of our Saviour
(when they do so through ignorance), then the slaughter should commence
at home, with those who have every opportunity of acquiring a more
correct knowledge. It would be as reasonable to suppose that
Hung-sui-tshuen arrogates to himself the attributes of God by his title
Tien-wang (Heavenly King), as that he considers himself the equal of
Jesus, and one of the Trinity, by his style of "Younger Brother."
His titles, Tien-wang, Younger Brother, &c., are no more to be literally
understood than any of the extravagant designations of the Manchoo
Emperor (Celestial Ruler, Monarch of the Universe, Brother of the Sun,
&c.), the Llama of Thibet, or any other Asiatic ruler; but is only the
usual Chinese metaphorical style of naming their princes, and setting
forth their dignity and high position. The Ti-pings are themselves the
very last to entertain any other idea; and often when I have questioned
them, they have ridiculed such an heathenish and absurd belief as that
their chief was more than mortal. Their replies have always been
essentially practical; such as--"He is but a man like themselves, though
a very great one." His prophecies, however, were believed to be
inspired; his divine commission to earthly sovereignty and propagation
of the Faith was likewise universally believed, though the blasphemies
attributed to him, and circulated by interested European maligners, are
without foundation. "Younger Brother" is the usual and touching Chinese
figurative style of expressing an affectionate and dependent situation.
The Tien-wang, when using it, simply expresses that relative position he
wishes his people to believe he occupies, as our Saviour's faithful
servant and disciple.
The Ti-pings, as we may now fairly call them, were allowed but short
respite in the city of Yung-gnan. A large army of Imperialists, under
the command of a celebrated Tartar general, Woo-lan-tae, invested the
city upon every side, reducing the besieged to fearful extremities;
till, at last, death by famine or the sword seemed their only fate.
During November, 1851, all their outposts had been driven in with great
loss, their spirits were damped, and the close of their existence seemed
near at hand.
At length, after enduring incredible sufferings from famine and
sickness, and a close siege of five months, during the night of the 7th
of April, 1852, the Ti-pings sallied out from the city in three
divisions, and after severe fighting, in which their losses were very
heavy, succeeded in cutting their way through the besiegers and marching
to the north-east, unfortunately leaving many of the sick and wounded
prisoners, all of whom were barbarously tortured and put to death.
Shortly after their escape from Yung-gnan, the Ti-pings laid siege to
the provincial capital, Kwei-lin, but being unprovided with guns or
sufficient powder to mine the walls, after a month spent before the
city, they raised the siege, and marched into the adjoining province of
Hoo-nan. At this time the total strength of the Ti-pings, men, women,
and children included, numbered less than ten thousand persons. After
capturing the city of Taou-chow, in the southern part of Hoo-nan, during
the next three months they pressed steadily northward, capturing many
cities on the way, and overthrowing all opposition. Early in September
they arrived before the capital city of the Hoo-nan province, Chang-sha,
and intrenching themselves, commenced a regular siege, which lasted more
than two months. Upon this important place all the Imperialist forces
were immediately concentrated, and the plains before the city became the
battle-ground of many severe actions, generally favourable to the
Ti-pings. During the months of September, October, and November, the
latter made several attempts to carry the city by assault, but were each
time severely repulsed by the garrison, who held out with determined
bravery. Upon the 29th of November, the last assault upon Chang-sha was
repulsed with heavy loss to the besiegers, and upon the following day
the siege was abandoned, and they moved off in a north-westerly
direction.
The next movement of the Ti-pings was attended with better fortune, for,
reaching the Tung-ting lake, they carried the city of Yoh-chow, which
was situated at the junction of the lake with the river Yang-tze-kiang,
by storm. Considerably enriched by the granaries and treasury of that
city, they changed their line of march and proceeded in a north-easterly
direction, down the course of the Yang-tze, conveyed by the large fleet
of junks and war-boats they had captured on the lake. Upon the 23rd of
December they reached the city of Han-yang, upon the north bank of the
river. Capturing this place with but slight opposition, they crossed to
the south side, and invested the vice-regal city Wu-chang-foo. After
mining the walls and making a practicable breach, upon the 12th of
January they assaulted and carried the city, the lieutenant-governor of
Hoo-nan falling in its defence, together with a large number of his
officers and troops. Collecting immense booty from these two cities and
the adjoining unwalled emporium, Han-kow, early in February, with a vast
fleet loaded with men and stores, they proceeded down the river. On the
18th, the large and important city of Kew-kiang, situated close to the
junction of the Poyang lake with the river, fell before their arms. The
city of Ngan-king, capital of the province of Ngan-Hwui, was captured on
the 25th. On the 4th of March Wu-hoo was taken, and on the 8th the
Ti-ping forces sat down before the walls of Nan-kin.
These successes of the insurgents were followed by the degradation of
all Imperialist leaders who should have prevented them. The court of
Pekin deprived the imperial commissioner Keshen of his rank of
Lieutenant-General of Tartar bannermen; Sae-shang-ah, the general of the
Imperialist troops in Hoo-nan, was sentenced to be decapitated; Sin, the
Viceroy of the two Kwang, was deprived of his vice-royalty and two-eyed
peacock's tail; while all their property was confiscated to the
government. Meanwhile the Ti-pings, by their moderation and success, by
their kindness, and protection of the country people who did not oppose
them;--by controlling their troops and followers from committing the
usual excesses and crimes--the scourges of war, even in civilized
countries; had obtained for themselves the goodwill and confidence of
the people in a very large degree. Reinforcements poured in from every
side; all those in local revolt, or in any way aggrieved by their
tyrannical authorities; all who were in any manner dissatisfied with the
foreign dynasty, or felt a spark of patriotism, flocked to the
Tien-wang's standard. And now, as the Bishop of Victoria has said,
before the ancient capital of the empire, a body of some 100,000 men,
bound together by one religious hope and by one political aim,--the
highest and most noble purposes of human ambition--those of civil and
religious liberty--were congregated; following implicitly the guidance
of a leader they believed sent by divine authority to expel their
foreign masters, and overthrow idolatry throughout the length and
breadth of the land. Marvellous and unparalleled beyond conception was
this rising-up of the people,--as a psychological phenomenon it stands
unrivalled in extent and magnitude in modern history. To behold leagued
together, not only the effeminate Chinese, but even their women,--wives
and daughters fighting by the side of their husbands and fathers,
inspired by one common hope and ardour--all animated by a great
religious and political object, for the attainment of which they had
suffered and fought many years,--is an event never before realized in
the history of China.
The Bishop of Victoria thus writes of them:--
"Throughout their long line of march, for 1,500 miles, over
fertile and populous districts, plunders, murder, and rape, the
usual attendant curses of Asiatic warfare, were denounced and
punished by death. With more than Puritanical strictness, they
waged an internecine war with the most dearly cherished sensual
habits of their countrymen. The ten moral rules of the Decalogue
were enforced, _and a stricter interpretation attached to its
terms_. Amorous glances, libidinous songs, and all the common
incentives to profligacy, were prohibited and abandoned. The
drinking of wine, the smoking of tobacco, gambling, lying,
swearing, and, above all, _indulgence in the fumes of opium_,
were denounced and abolished with a moral determination which
permitted no half measures."
During the triumphant march of the Ti-pings from the city of Yung-gnan,
many proclamations were issued by the Tien-wang and his chiefs, to
justify their rebellion and inform the people. The earliest and most
important was the following, issued by Yang, the Eastern King:--
"We hereby promulgate our explicit orders in every place, and
say, Oh, you multitudes! listen to our words. We conceive that
the empire belongs to the Chinese, and not to the Tartars; the
food and raiment found therein belong to the Chinese, and not to
the Tartars; the men and women inhabiting this region are
subjects and children of the Chinese, and not of the Tartars.
But, alas! ever since the Ming dynasty lost its influence, the
Manchoos availed themselves of the opportunity to throw China
into confusion, and deprive the Chinese of their empire; they
also robbed them of their food and clothing, as well as
oppressed their sons and ravished their daughters; and the
Chinese, notwithstanding they possessed such an extensive
territory and multitudinous subjects, allowed the Tartars to do
as they pleased without making the least objection. Can the
Chinese still deem themselves men? Ever since the Manchoos have
spread their poisonous influence through China, the flame of
oppression has risen up to heaven, and the vapour of corruption
has defiled the celestial throne, the offensive odour has spread
over the four seas, and the demoniacal influence has distressed
surrounding regions; while the Chinese, with bowed heads and
dejected spirits, willingly became the servants of others. How
strange it is that there are no _men_ in China! China is the
head, Tartary is the feet; China is the land of spirits, Tartary
the land of demons. Why may China be deemed the land of spirits?
Because the true Spirit, the great God, our heavenly Father,
made heaven and earth, the land and the sea (and the Chinese
honour him); therefore from of old China has been termed the
land of spirits. Why are the Tartars to be considered demons?
Because the devilish serpent, the king of Hades, is a corrupt
demon, and the Tartars have been in the habit of worshipping
him; therefore may the Tartars be considered demons. But, alas!
the feet have assumed the place of the head, and demons have
usurped the land of spirits; while they have constrained our
Chinese people to become demons like themselves.[5] If all the
bamboos of the southern hills were to be used as pens, they
would not be enough to detail the obscenities of these Tartars;
and if all the waves of the Eastern sea were to be employed,
they would not be sufficient to wash away their sins, which
reach to heaven. We will merely enumerate a few general
circumstances that are known to all men. The Chinese have a form
peculiarly their own; but these Manchoos have commanded them to
shave the hair round their heads,[6] and wear a long tail
behind, thus causing the Chinese to assume the appearance of
brute animals. The Chinese have a dress peculiar to themselves,
but these Manchoos have caused them to wear knobs on their caps,
with Tartar clothes and monkey caps,[7] while they discard the
robes and head-dress of former dynasties, thus causing the
Chinese to forget their origin. The Chinese have their own laws
and regulations; but the Manchoos have manufactured devilish
enactments, so that our Chinese people cannot escape the meshes
of their net,[8] nor can they tell how to dispose of their hands
and feet, by which means our young men are brought entirely
under their control. The Chinese have their own language; but
the Manchoos have introduced the slang of the capital, and
interfered with Chinese expressions, designing thus to seduce
the Chinese by their Tartar brogue. Whenever drought and
inundations occur, the government manifests no compassion; but
quietly sees our people scattered abroad or dying of hunger,
until the bleached bones are as thick as jungle, by which the
country is depopulated. The Manchoos also have allowed corrupt
magistrates and covetous officers to spread themselves over
China, flaying the skin and devouring the fat of our people,
until both men and women meet and lament by the roadside to see
our fellow subjects reduced to want and poverty. Offices are to
be obtained by bribes, crimes are to be bought off with money,
rich fellows engross all authority, while heroes are filled with
despair, by which means all the noble spirits in the empire are
overwhelmed with despair, and die. Should any, animated with a
patriotic feeling, seek to revive China from its ruins, they are
accused of fostering rebellion, and their whole race
exterminated, by which means all heroic ardour is repressed in
China. But the ways in which the Manchoos have deluded China,
and abused it, are too numerous to detail, for they are cunning
and artful in the extreme.... These Tartars, forgetting the
meanness and obscurity of their origin, and taking advantage of
Woo-san-kwei's introduction, have usurped dominion in China,
where they have carried their villanies to the utmost. Let us
for a moment look into the origin of these Manchoo Tartars.
Their first ancestor was a cross-breed between a white fox and a
red dog, from whom sprang this race of imps that have since
increased abundantly. They contract marriages without ceremony,
and pay no regard to the relations of life or the rules of
civilized society. At a time when China was destitute of heroes,
they seized upon the government of the country; the wild fox
thus ascended the imperial throne, and these unwashed monkeys,
having put off their caps, rushed into the royal court, while
our Chinese people, instead of ploughing up their holes and
digging down their dens, have allowed themselves to be taken in
their devices, to be insulted over by them, and to obey their
command; and what is worse, our civil and military officers,
coveting the gains of office, have bowed down in the midst of
these herds of dogs and foxes. A child three feet high is
generally esteemed very ignorant; but if you were to tell him to
make obeisance to a parcel of dogs and swine, he would redden
with indignation. And what are these Tartars but dogs and swine?
Some of you have read books and are acquainted with history: and
do you not feel in the slightest degree ashamed? Formerly
Wan-theen-seang[9] and Sea-fang-teh[10] swore that they would
rather die than serve the Mongols. Sze-ko-fah[11] and
Ken-shih-see[12] swore that they would rather die than serve the
Manchoos. These facts must be familiar to you all. According to
our calculations, the Manchoos cannot be above a hundred
thousand, and we Chinese amount to more than fifty millions; but
for fifty millions to be ruled over by a hundred thousand is
disgraceful. Now, happily, a retributive Providence being about
to restore the country to its rightful owners, and China having
some prospect of a revival, men's minds being bent on good
government, it is evident that the Tartars have not long to
rule. Their three times seven, or 210 years' lease, is about to
expire, and the extraordinary personage of the five times nine
has already appeared.[13] The iniquities of the Tartars are
full; high heaven has manifested its indignation, and commanded
our celestial king sternly to display his heavenly majesty and
erect the standard of righteousness, sweeping away the
demoniacal brood, and perfectly cleansing our flowery land."
After exhorting the Chinese to join the rebel forces, the proclamation
concludes thus:--
"You, our countrymen, have been aggrieved by the oppressions of
the Manchoos long enough: if you do not change your politics,
and with united strength and courage sweep away every remnant of
these Tartars, how can you answer it to God in the highest
heavens? We have now set in motion our righteous army, above to
revenge the insult offered to God in deceiving Heaven, and below
to deliver China from its inverted position, thus sternly
sweeping away every vestige of Tartar influence and unitedly
enjoying the happiness of the Ti-ping dynasty."
In contemplation of making an immediate attack upon Nankin, during the
march towards that city the following proclamation was issued by the
Tien-wang:--
"Hung, Captain-General of the army, having entire
superintendence of military affairs, and aiding in the
advancement of the Ti-ping, or Great Pacificating Dynasty, in
obedience to the will of Heaven, issues this important and
triumphant proclamation, to announce that he has punished the
oppressors and saved the people.
"It appears that, throughout the empire, rapacious officers are
worse than violent robbers, and the corrupt mandarins of the
public offices are no better than wolves and tigers, all
originating in the vicious and sottish monarch at the head of
affairs, who drives honest people to a distance, and admits to
his presence the most worthless of mankind, selling offices, and
disposing of preferments, while he represses men of virtuous
talent, so that the spirit of avarice is daily inflamed, and
high and low are contending together for gain; the rich and the
great are abandoned to vice without control, whilst the poor and
miserable have none to redress their wrongs, the very recital of
which exasperates one's feelings, and makes one's hair to stand
on end. To refer to the case of the land revenue in particular,
it appears that of late the exactions have been increased
manyfold, while the taxes due up to the thirtieth year of the
last king's reign were at one time said to be remitted, and then
again exacted, until the resources of the people are exhausted,
and their miseries grown to excess. When our benevolent men and
virtuous scholars contemplate these things, their minds are
deeply wounded, and they cannot restrain themselves from rooting
out these plundering officers and wolfish mandarins of each
prefecture and district, in order to save the people from the
flames and floods in which they are now involved. At the present
moment our grand army is assembled like clouds; the province of
Kouang-se has been settled, and Chang-sha (the capital of
Hoonan) tranquillized; and being now about to proceed towards
the region of Keang-see (Keang-nan? that is, the province of
which Nankin is capital), we deem it necessary to announce to
the people that they need not be alarmed; while agriculturists,
mechanics, merchants, and traders, may each peacefully pursue
their occupations. It is necessary, however, that the rich
should have in readiness stores of provisions to aid in the
sustenance of our troops; let each clearly report the amount of
his contributions to this object, and we will furnish him with
receipts, as security that hereafter the money shall be all
repaid. Should there be any bold and strong men, or wise
councillors among you, let them with one heart and effort aid us
in our great design, and, when tranquillity is restored, we will
have them promoted and rewarded according to their merit. All
the officers of prefectures and districts who resist us shall be
beheaded; but those who are ready to comply with our
requisitions must forthwith send unto us their seals of office,
and then they may retire to their native villages. With regard
to the rabble of wolfish policemen, we shall, as soon as we
succeed, hang up their heads as a warning to all. Being now
apprehensive lest local _banditti_ should take occasion from our
movements to breed disturbances, we wish you people clearly to
report the same, and we will immediately exterminate them. If
any of the villagers or citizens dare to assist the marauding
mandarins in their tyranny, and resist our troops and adherents,
no matter whether they reside in great or small places, we will
sweep them from the face of the earth. Be careful. Do not
oppose.
"A special proclamation."
Another proclamation was issued on the march by the Eastern Prince:--
"Yang-sui-tsing, especially appointed General of the Grand Army
engaged in sweeping away the Tartars and establishing the new
dynasty, issues this second proclamation:--
"I, the General, in obedience to the royal commands, have put in
motion the troops for the punishment of the oppressor, and in
every place to which I have come, the enemy at the first report
have dispersed like scattered rubbish. As soon as a city has
been captured, I have put to death the rapacious mandarins and
corrupt magistrates therein, _but have not injured a single
individual of the people_, so that all of you may take care of
your families and attend to your business without alarm and
trepidation. I have already issued proclamations to this effect,
with which I presume you are acquainted. I have heard, however,
that throughout the villages there are numbers of lawless
vagabonds, who, previous to the arrival of our troops, take
advantage of the disturbed state of the country to defile men's
wives and daughters, and burn or plunder the property of honest
people. I, the General, have already apprehended some of these,
and decapitated about a score of them; now, because their
localities are somewhat removed from the provincial capital
(Ngan-king), these persons flatter themselves that I, the
General, am not aware of their proceedings, _which are very much
to be detested_. I have, therefore, sent a great officer, named
Yuen, as a special messenger, with some hundreds of soldiers, to
go through the villages, and, as soon as he finds these
vagabonds, he is commissioned forthwith to decapitate them,
while the honest inhabitants have nothing more to do than to
stick up the word 'Shun' (obedient) over their doors, and then
they have nothing to fear.
"A special proclamation."
While the number and moral power of the Ti-pings increased together,
those of the Imperialists as rapidly declined; their extortion and
cruelty driving numbers of the people to the ranks of the insurgents.
Captain Fishbourne, (Impressions of China, p. 83,) has observed:--
"We know that the authorities at Canton were taking heads off by
forties and sixties a day, and the Viceroy admitted that he had
taken off three hundred in one day. I visited the
execution-ground, and saw pools of blood from recent executions,
and the heads were piled up in old bottle-racks. If these were
the numbers for two or three provinces, what must those have
been for the other provinces in addition? And yet, as the march
of the insurgents was so triumphant, _these all could not
possibly be the heads of insurgents, or even people remotely
connected with the movement_. It is much more probable that they
were the heads of _helpless and unoffending people_, that were
taken off to satisfy the Emperor that Lin, the Viceroy, was
making some progress against the insurgents."
These horrible atrocities of the Manchoo rulers were continued for
years, and every province the Ti-pings had visited became drenched with
the blood of innocent victims. Not only were the entire relatives of any
man who had joined the rebellion slaughtered, but many thousands even
upon mere suspicion. Do we not remember the brutal Commissioner Yeh's
boast, that he had decapitated upwards of 70,000 rebels in one month, in
the province of Kwang-tung alone? And these were peaceful villagers
dragged from their homes without any crime on their part (for at that
time the Ti-pings were far away), and without even knowing what had
become of the relative for whose fault they suffered. This being only
the slaughter effected by one mandarin, what must have been the enormous
number massacred in cold blood by the numerous button, feather, and
tail-dignified Manchoo butchers, sent to perpetrate their horrid revenge
upon the helpless women and relatives of the men they have never been
able to withstand in fair fight, and would never have been able to
resist, even in their walled cities, but for the foreign assistance they
received.
Almost the first point to be considered with regard to the Ti-ping
revolution is its cause, and whether the cause justified rebellion. But
few persons have ever denied the existence of ample grounds for the
Chinese to rebel against the Manchoo dynasty; their bloodthirsty,
murderous rule, their gross tyranny and corruption, their unrighteous
usurpation and possession of the Chinese throne, being pretty generally
acknowledged. I am no advocate of revolutionary principles or outbreaks
against constituted authority, but we must always distinguish between
the laws of a country and the unrighteous decrees of a tyrant usurper.
Moreover, the progress of liberty and right has always been maintained
through collisions with oppressive ruling powers; and the great leaders
of the people may be the rebels of to-day, and yet should the morrow
crown them with success, they may become the heroes and patriots of the
age.
The state of China previous to the Ti-ping rebellion was deplorable in
the extreme: the grinding oppression of nearly two centuries had
apparently obliterated all that was good and noble in the land, and the
debasing influence of the Manchoo invaders seemed likely to consummate
the entire destruction of the moral, social, and political condition of
the Chinese. To form a proper judgment upon the state of affairs, it is
necessary to review Chinese history from the period of the Manchoo
invasion.
The last Emperor of the last Chinese dynasty--the Ming--was driven to
commit suicide through the success of an insurrection of the people,
caused by his misrule, A.D. 1643. Upon the death of the Emperor, the
insurgent chief met with universal submission, both at Pekin and in the
provinces, and proclaimed himself Emperor. Woo-san-kwei, however, the
general of an army employed in resisting an attack of the Manchoos,
refused to acknowledge him. The newly made Emperor immediately set out
for the city held by Woo, carrying with him from Pekin the latter's
father in chains. The usurper having put him to death, to revenge that
of his father, as well as that of the late Emperor, Woo-san-kwei made
peace with the Manchoos and, calling them in to his assistance, soon
defeated the would-be Emperor. When, however, the Tartar king found
himself in Pekin, he instantly seized upon the sovereignty, and no
effort of the Chinese was able to drive him from the throne, or defeat
his hardy and veteran troops. Dying almost immediately after this
acquisition, he appointed his son Shun-chy as his successor, A.D. 1644;
and so commenced the Manchoo Tartar dynasty, the seventh emperor of
which is now reigning. A great portion of the South held out against the
foreign government for many years, especially the maritime province of
Fo-keen. In Kwang-tung and Kwang-si provinces, the Manchoos were often
severely defeated by the natives, who, to the present day, hate them
with intensity, and it was not till A.D. 1654 that these provinces were
subdued. In many other parts the Chinese still struggled gallantly
against the invader; but dissensions amongst themselves, and a general
want of combination, proved fatal to their cause. But for this singular
want of accord it is probable the Manchoos would soon have been driven
back to their native wilds.
A.D. 1669, with the exception of Fo-keen province, the islands of the
coast, and mere local opposition, the whole empire was subjugated by the
Manchoos. To maintain their power, all the principal cities were
garrisoned by Tartar troops of the Eight Banners (a regulation still
observed), and these being constantly drilled and kept in a good state
of efficiency, together with the main body stationed at Pekin, have
succeeded in suppressing the patriotic efforts of the Chinese. At last,
in 1674, Wu-san-kwei attempted to remedy his error of calling in the
Manchoos, by raising the National standard and declaring against them.
The southern provinces, and especially Kwang-tung and Kwang-si,
constituted the area of the struggle. Wu-san-kwei dying soon after the
outbreak, the national party were unable to find a single person
competent to replace him, and although for nine years they successfully
resisted the power of the Manchoos, after a long struggle without any
combined action, they were compelled to submit. During the general
dispersion of the patriots, the last of the Ming princes fled to the
kingdom of Pegu for safety, but being delivered up to the Manchoos, was
by them put to death; he was the last of his race, for man, woman, and
child, every scion of the Ming, had been ruthlessly slaughtered. This
was the last national effort of sufficient strength to endanger the
power of the foreign dynasty, although to the present day many thousands
of Chinese exist among the fastnesses of the mountainous regions of
Kwang-si, Kwei-chow, Yun-nan, and Sze-chuan, who have never been
subdued, or submitted to the badge of slavery--the tonsure--imposed upon
their countrymen by the Tartars. Many of these having fled to the
aboriginal independent tribes, have been included in the general term
Miau-tze, and in Kwang-si alone they number upwards of 400,000 persons.
Besides these, secret societies were formed, whose members were sworn to
attempt the subversion of the Manchoo dynasty; but none have been able,
hitherto, to carry out their designs; not even the celebrated "Triad
Society," at present existing, or the equally extensive one, "The
Association of Heaven and Earth."
Upon the defeat of Wu-san-kwei's movement, the slaughter of the Chinese
was immense, the province of Kwang-tung was nearly depopulated, upwards
of 700,000 of its inhabitants having been executed within a month. This
is vengefully remembered by the Cantonese even yet. Many thousands of
Chinese families left their country in the course of the struggle, and
not less than 100,000 are stated to have emigrated to Formosa, where
they resisted the Manchoos till the year 1683.
To completely destroy the patriotic element, the Manchoos compelled the
conquered Chinese to shave the thick tresses they had been accustomed to
wear as a cherished ornament from the most ancient times, and to wear a
tail, and in other respects to adopt the Tartar style of dress upon pain
of decapitation. Many thousands are stated to have preferred death to
this national degradation: an alteration of national costume is of all
others the most open and crushing work of conquest; and in China it
undoubtedly had the effect of breaking the spirit of the people--all who
would not suffer thus, losing their heads. The ancient Chinese costume
is now resumed by the Ti-pings, but previous to their outbreak was
confined to the Miau-tze and refugees, and to a very exact
representation upon the stage of the Chinese theatre.
So prompt and merciless have been the punishments inflicted by the
Manchoo government, upon the slightest suspicion of rebellion, that,
until the Ti-ping insurrection, they have successfully extinguished
every outburst of national hatred. In 1756, during the reign of
Kien-loong, fourth emperor of the Manchoo dynasty, a great rising
amongst the Miau-tze, and descendants of the refugees, occurred; but,
after several years' war with no material advantage upon either side,
they relinquished their aggressive movement and contented themselves
with their independent position. In 1806, a great combination amongst
the hardy inhabitants of the southern sea-board--the provinces of
Fo-keen and Kwang-tung--took place; a large fleet of more than 600
Ti-mungs (sea-going war junks, generally carrying about twelve guns) was
organized, and for some years waged a successful war against the
Manchoos, at one time seriously threatening the dominion of the latter.
At last the usual cause of failure to all former and future national
efforts--internal dissension--proved fatal to their cause. The two
principal commanders having disagreed, led their respective divisions to
a bloody combat. The Manchoo government now, with their usual policy of
treacherous conciliation where they cannot conquer, commenced intriguing
with the weaker of the two divisions, and eventually induced it to
accept a general amnesty to such as would submit and return to their
allegiance, at the same time rewarding the leaders with bribes of rank
and riches. The insurgents who had submitted were then allied to the
Tartar forces, and employed by the crafty government against their
former comrades, who in a short time were compelled to surrender and
accept the proffered amnesty. And now, throughout the land, the
treacherous ferocity of the Manchoos ran riot. Hundreds of the deceived
patriots were distributed over the numerous execution grounds, and, fed
by the perfidious diplomacy of the government, the sword of the
executioner terminated an association that at one time promised the
liberation of the country.
This great naval rebellion was not the only endeavour made by the
Chinese to break the foreign yoke. During the reign of Kea-king, the
fifth Manchoo emperor, many formidable revolts had taken place, but
again the want of unity proved fatal to their success. In 1813, the
dissatisfied Chinese endeavoured to finish the Manchoo dynasty by
assassination, many members of the insurrection having sacrificed
themselves in the attempt. At the termination of Kea-king's reign, in
the year 1820, all extensive rebellion had been suppressed. The reign of
his successor, Taou-kuang, was, however, marked by more revolt and
insurrection than had been known since the time of the first Manchoo
usurper. In 1832, a great rising took place among the Miau-tze, whose
leader accepted the designation of "Golden Dragon," assumed the yellow
(Imperial) dress, and announced his intention to overthrow the foreign
dynasty and establish a native one. This rebellion had a wide-spread,
though secret organization, but the outbreak not being simultaneous, the
partisans in distant provinces were all cut off in detail; while the
rising in Formosa failed owing to the dissension of its leaders. After
successfully resisting the Manchoo troops, and several times defeating
them with immense slaughter, the want of unanimity and simultaneous
rising upon the part of the confederates induced the main body of
insurgents to make favourable terms with the government, and retire
unimpeded to their independent regions.
Slowly, but surely of late, the Chinese nation has been recovering from
the crushed and subdued condition to which the sanguinary invasion and
iron despotism of the Manchoos had reduced it. Gradually, as returning
vitality and patriotism increased, opposition to the oppressor
multiplied and became more formidable and portentous. As the Chinese
have gained strength, so their masters have lost it; the power and
resources of the latter have long become overgrown and exhausted, and
nothing but the broken-spirited and abject state of slavery they had
reduced the nation to could have prevented their expulsion long since.
At length, during the reign of the last emperor, the national feeling
could no longer be controlled, and in the year 1850 the great Ti-ping
rebellion burst forth--so marvellous in every phase of its commencement,
organization, and progress, that ere now, but for the unjustifiable
meddling of England, it would have resulted, not only in the subversion
of the Manchoo dynasty, but, in all human probability, the establishment
of Christianity throughout the limits of the immense Chinese empire. Sir
John F. Davis has observed:--"Distinctions sufficiently broad are still
maintained to prevent the amalgamation of the original people with their
masters;" these, combined with the intense hatred caused by the horrible
cruelties inflicted upon the people during the troublous times of famine
and disturbance preceding the Ti-ping rebellion, undoubtedly tended to
promote the success of the latter, and alienate the best disposed from
the Manchoos. During the years 1838-41, many parts of the empire became
plunged in misery and want;--so severe was the famine, that many
thousands perished, while multitudes were driven to insurrection. The
government, in order to quell the natural results of the distress,
resorted to the most barbarous measures; it has even been stated by the
Roman Catholic missionaries who were on the spot,--"that after suffering
severe torture, many of the people were burnt alive!" The war with Great
Britain, in 1841, added to the miseries of the Chinese, for the Manchoo
government, the weaker they became, were the more savage and ruthless in
suppressing every indication of disaffection.
Mr. Tarrantt, editor of the _Friend of China_, and a resident in China
for a quarter of a century, in 1861 wrote thus:--
"THE WICKED AND CORRUPT GOVERNMENT OF CHINA.
"So little is known of the machinery of Chinese government that
ignorance of it is the best, if not the only excuse for the
countenance given by Western nations to the Manchoo dynasty.
Conservative as we are in political principle, largely imbued
with a feeling of veneration for what is ancient, if at the same
time honour deserving, and desiring above all things peace on
earth and goodwill amongst mankind, the repugnance which we
entertain towards the Pekin government, and sympathy with those
in arms against it,[14] has been solely produced by long
observation of the thorough worthlessness of the rulers, and the
impossibility for them to become better. We old-fashioned
moralists of the West, in our ideas of the uses of a government,
give some consideration to the feelings of the mass; and no
officer may fatten himself with impunity on the public purse,
unless he give some show of service for the public weal. Here in
China, on the contrary, extortion by officials is an
institution; it is the condition on which they take office; and
it is only when the bleeder is a bungler that the government,
aroused by the victims' cries and riotings, step in to check the
depletion. Are our readers aware of the smallness of the
established salaries of provincial officers--of the two Kwang,
to wit? Can they believe that the Viceroy, ruling over a country
twice the size of England, is allowed as his _legal_ salary the
paltry sum of £60--say $25 a month--not even the pay of four of
his chair-bearers and an ostler? How does he live, then? will be
the question. The answer is, by extortion, by selling justice.
Fees of office would be the most polite term, perhaps, to apply
to the thing, the average sum total of these per annum being
£8,333.
"The system adopted throughout the empire is this:--You, the son
of Dick, Tom, or Harry, get your qualification as a scholar,
bring it to me at Pekin, fee the chancellerie, and then you
shall have a post. Directly you have that, squeeze away right
and left, and when you have enough to buy a higher post, you
know where to come for it. As we said some years ago, when
writing on the subject, 'it flourishes on its own rottenness,'
the chances which high and low alike possess of fattening on the
public vitals being the greatest support the Manchoo dynasty
possess. Next to the Viceroy, or governor-general, is the
governor, whose salary is £50, increased with _fees_ averaging
£4,333 a year. Each of these officials possess power of life and
death without reference to the government.... The creature
who--mayhap before he got into office, neglected by all his
relations--luxuriated on a miserable dole of rice and greens,
and would no more think of paying a couple of mace[15] to
chair-coolies to carry him, than he would think of flying, from
the day he receives his diploma cannot walk a hundred paces on
common earth if he were paid to do it. He rises with the sun
from the couch of his speedily increased harem, either to
receive the morning call of some other 'useless,' or to be borne
in his chair, followed by pipe-bearer and card-deliverer, to
make a round of calls on brother officials of similar
uselessness. How is the work of the Mandarinate performed? we
hear some say. Performed? By underlings who hold the entrée by
the back stairs, and _sell_ justice or service to each suitor
according as he can pay for it.... And these are the _things_
who govern the empire."
During the month of July, 1863, issues of the same newspaper--then
established at Shanghae--contained the following statements; and
statements that no person with the slightest knowledge of the position
and history of China can deny:--
"Our local readers must be as able as ourselves to form an
opinion on passing events; and hardly one of us, we think, but
must be satisfied that we are on the eve of a crisis in the
affairs of the great nation on whose borders we dwell. Let us
take a hasty glance at the position. A little over two hundred
years ago, the Manchoos, under an ancestor of the present
incumbent of the throne, overran the country. The cruelties
which these savages perpetrated were of the most horrid
description--in Kwang-tung alone over seven hundred thousand
people--man, woman, and child--being massacred within a month.
"The Chinese, prior to this inroad, were a rich people, the
houses of the better classes being buildings of convenient
formation and durability. There is not much apparent wealth
among the Chinese now, any sign of it being a temptation to
government officers to extort from the holders. From the day
these Tartars came into the country, China has been steadily
deteriorating, and now the people may best be likened to herds
of grovelling swine, living merely for the day, stultified in
intellect by the most degrading superstition. Under the
Manchoos, in fact, China exhibits to the world the saddest of
all spectacles--the spectacle of a people unable to raise
themselves in the social scale, to attain the full stature of
man. To keep themselves on the throne, the Manchoos determined
on three courses:--
"_First._ To make every Chinese shave the front of his head, and
wear a tail. Those who would not do this were deemed rebels, and
decapitated.
"_Second._ They declared it treason in all those who met
secretly.
"_Third._ They vested all elevation to civil office in the
sovereign himself, at Pekin, making the language of the court
the official medium, and guarding against local faction by
permitting no one to hold office in the district in which he was
born. Every civil officer of the Manchoo government, in short,
is a stranger to the people he rules over; he knows none of the
ties of friendship for his flock. And, further to widen the
breach between ruler and ruled, the sovereign allows his
officers little or no salary; but, in its place and stead,
sanctions--directs--as full a bleeding of the people's purses as
said people can bear without open revolt.
"And these three courses have been as effectual as could be
possibly anticipated.
"It was a long while before the Manchoos succeeded in the
head-shaving and tail arrangements, especially about Shou-shing,
in Che-kiang, and down south, in Kwang-se, where there are
people (Miau-tze) who have never submitted to the badge.
"The secret meeting interdict, again, has met but small favour,
and it was only last week that the Chinese newspaper, published
at the N. C. Herald Office here, had a notice in it of the
apprehension, by the Manchoos, of Messrs. Quan, Wan, and others,
_within the British concession_, ostensibly because they were in
league with the Soo-chow rebels, but really because they are
leading men of the San-hoh-hwae (Triad Society, sworn to put
down the Manchoos).
"The office-granting scheme has met the greatest success. The
ambition of every petty farmer in the country is to train a son
who is clever at his books, and, aided by his richer clansmen
with the means to travel to the capital, has a chance of
becoming one of the country's grandees; and, by a far-seeing
device, the emperor grants antecedent honours; so that if a son
is honoured, the father is honoured--that is to say, if a
Chinese, by merit and skill, succeeds in raising himself to a
mandarinate of the highest class, becomes, to speak
equivalently, an earl or a duke, the father of that fortunate
grandee, although performing on the homestead the functions of a
cow-herd, becomes ennobled also; the honours, in short, are
retrospective from the son to the father, not forward,
hereditarily, from the father to the son.
"And it has been by these means that the system of Tartar rule
has become to be liked by the people. They overlook the
villanous extortions which the sons have to practise on the
people to elevate themselves. They are blind to all, and simply
determine that the end justifies the means. There is a general
fling around of stolen sugar-plums, he being happiest who, in
the scramble, gets the largest handful."
The enormous multitude of victims slaughtered during the progress and
maintenance of the Manchoo dynasty will never be known by Europeans;
though--judging by all authentic records of their invasion of China, its
constant rebellions against their authority, and the murderous rule they
have exercised--the destruction of life considerably outnumbered the
hosts sacrificed in the track of the greatest destroyers of the human
species upon record, from Alexander the Great to Genghis-Khan. The
barbarity of the Manchoo rule is unparalleled in ancient or modern
history; while the fiendish nature of their punishments by
torture--especially those for treason--and the records of the "board of
punishments," instituted by them, constitute the blackest spot in the
annals of mankind.
Upon the character of the last great rising of the Chinese against their
oppressors, the Ti-ping rebellion, the Bishop of Victoria, in 1854,
wrote:--
"The finger of Divine Providence appears to us signally
conspicuous in this revolution. The moral, social, and political
condition of China was almost hopelessly wretched and debased.
Its whole system of government, of society, and religion, was to
be broken up, remodelled, reconstructed, and renewed. In looking
about for an agency available for such an end, the mind was
depressed and perplexed. The government was corrupt, the
scholars were feeble and inert, the gentry were servile and
timid, the lower classes were engrossed in the struggle for
subsistence, the whole nation seemed bound hand and foot, with
their moral energies paralyzed, their intellectual faculties
stunted, and their civil liberties crushed beneath the iron
gripe of power and the debasing influence of sensuality.
Political subjection to an effete despotism, and addiction to
opium, had enervated the national mind, and rendered the Chinese
helpless as a race.
"From themselves no reformer seemed likely to arise. Their
canonized virtue of filial piety was perverted and abused as the
grand support of despotism. But it is in this state of
perplexity and despondency that we turn to survey the present
movement, its chief actors, and its accomplished results; and
beholding we admire, and admiring we thank God for what our eyes
are privileged to see."
FOOTNOTES:
[4] This strong tendency of the Chinese to combine and organize is well
noticed in "Impressions of China," by Captain Fishbourne, at pages 415
to 418.
[5] Alluding to the establishment of the Tartar Budhism.
[6] The badge of slavery imposed by the Manchoo Tartars upon their
conquest of China.
[7] The form of head-dress and insignia of nobility introduced by the
Manchoos.
[8] Referring to the elaborate and merciless laws of treason and
disaffection established by the Manchoos.
[9] Wan-theen-seang would not submit to the Mongols, and was slain by
Kubla Khan.
[10] One of the adherents of the Sung dynasty, who, on being seized by
the Mongols, refused to eat, and so died.
[11] Killed himself when the Ming dynasty was irretrievably lost.
[12] Lost his life in fighting for the Ming cause (1644).
[13] "Allusion to an expression in the Book of Diagrams, under the Këen
diagram, or five and nine, where it is said that 'the dragon flies up to
heaven,' which means that a new monarch is about to ascend the throne of
China.--_Translator._"
[14] The Ti-pings.
[15] A mace is worth about 5_d._
CHAPTER V.
Shanghae to Han-kow.--River Scenery.--Silver Island.--The Salt
Trade.--Nin-gan-shan.--Tu-ngliu.--Its Auriferous
Soil.--Kew-kiang.--River Scenery.--The Yang-tze River.--The
Braves of Hankow.--Chinese Politeness.--Manchoo Policy.--Fire
and Plunder.--A Chinese Rudder.--Scenery around
Ta-tung.--Appearance of the Country.--Chinese Chess.--Perilous
Adventure.--Crew of Mutineers.--Critical Position.--Gallant
Rescue.--Explanation.--Alarm of Pirates.--Plan of
Operations.--Its Advantages.--The Result.--Another
Alarm.--"Imperialist" Pirates.
After remaining two idle weeks at Shanghae, our vessel was ordered to
Han-kow. This coincided exactly with my wishes, for, as we should pass
Nankin, and possibly communicate with its garrison, it would be a good
and early opportunity for me to become acquainted with the position of
affairs, and the best and easiest method of fulfilling the object of my
commission from the Chung-wang. Accordingly, with a limited cargo, and a
good supply of coals, we weighed anchor again, and started upon our
voyage up the great river, "the Son of the Sea."
We had but a rough time of it at first, for after leaving the mouth of
the river--so wide that, but for the large island of Tsung-Ming in the
centre, land is not visible from either side--we only reached the
Lang-shan crossing, the most difficult navigation of the river, at
night. It therefore became necessary to anchor, and a gale coming on
from seaward, what with its fury, and the strength of a four-knot flood
tide, we passed a remarkably unpleasant night; and, after continual
apprehension of parting our cables and drifting ashore, found in the
morning that we had dragged our anchors nearly a mile.
The banks of the river about its embouchure are bordered by
highly-cultivated fields, in some parts covered with low wooded land.
The banks are increased and elevated under a regular system, the
peculiar formation of the overhanging trees giving a pleasing and
verdant aspect to the country. The numerous sand-banks about the
Lang-shan hills on the north bank, and the town and hills of Fu-shan on
the south, render that part of the navigation of the river (known as the
Lang-shan Crossing, the channel taking a sharp turn towards the
Lang-shan hills) particularly dangerous. Several fine vessels have been
lost, and one, the _Kate_, a new steam-ship, became a total wreck there
while engaged upon her first voyage. She ran ashore, and in a moment the
immense strength of the tide capsized her, when, sliding off the
sand-bank, she sank in deep water, many of the crew and passengers
losing their lives, while the whole valuable cargo, including a large
amount of specie, went to the bottom.
The dangers of the deep, or rather the shallow, are not the only perils
of this part, for it is infested with pirates and robbers of every
description. Sometimes they are rebels, sometimes fishermen, and
sometimes large piratical vessels from the coast; but more frequently
still they are Imperialist war-junks, whose crews, though consisting of
government troops and sailors, are pillagers of the most ruthless
description. At the time I made my first voyage up the Yang-tze-kiang,
piracy, and murder of the crews, of the smaller European vessels engaged
in the river trade, were of frequent occurrence. In fact, a ship
scarcely ever made a voyage without being attacked.
The river scenery from Lang-shan to the city of Chin-kiang (115 miles),
the first of the river treaty ports, for the greater part is flat, the
surrounding country being of a low alluvial soil. It is, however, of a
much more attractive description than might be supposed. The cultivated
parts are embedded amongst luxuriant foliage, and the infinite variety
of the smaller species of tree gives a variegated and shadowy appearance
to the scene.
I have found some parts of really exquisite beauty. A thick border of
trees, bushes, and bamboo seems to form a complete barrier to approach
from the river, but at last a small creek appears running directly
through this wall of vegetation: for some little distance this is
completely shrouded and arched in by the luxuriant growth of osier and
small weeping-willows; but then a break in the vista discovers, through
a network of foliage, a small lake of pure limpid water, whose sides are
bounded by fruit-trees and highly cultivated gardens; while a snug
little homestead, enveloped in flowering creepers, and half-buried by
shrubs of Asiatic beauty, peeps out from amidst the surrounding mass of
forest. I have come unexpectedly upon many little nests like this; the
very suddenness with which they burst upon one being of itself charming.
At Chin-kiang the current is of great velocity; and, while attempting to
steam round the south end of "Silver Island," we were literally
overpowered by its strength, and swept down the river; but, trying the
north end, we found a little more protection, from the formation of the
river bank, and managed to pass the critical point.
Silver Island is a most picturesque and exquisite spot. It rises
directly from the centre of the river to a height of some 400 feet. It
is completely covered, from the river's brink to its very summit, with a
rich display of every variety of Chinese vegetation. One of the most
important Joss-houses (Budhist temples) in the empire is situated at the
foot of this island, the interior filled with images of every devil and
divinity the Chinese religious calendar contains; and besides all these
monstrous representations, a modelled menagerie of every kind of wild
animal known to the Chinese zoographer. A goodly number of Budhist
priests are attached to this place, whose time is principally devoted
to the cultivation of the island (the whole of the trees, plantations,
and flowers having been raised by them), and to keeping up a ceaseless
beating upon several drums to soothe the great fish they believe carries
the world on its back, and so prevent it wriggling and producing
earthquakes; which are caused, they say, whenever the drums throughout
the world are silent, and the "Joss" fish cannot hear the beat of one.
[Illustration: SILVER ISLAND.
London, Published March 15^{th} 1866 by Day & Son, Limited Lithog^{rs}
Gate Str, Lincoln's Inn Fields.
Day & Son, Limited, Lith.]
At Chin-kiang is established a corps of the foreign mercenaries of the
Imperialist maritime customs, an organization patronized by the British
government as a means of securing the indemnity money guaranteed in
payment of the British expenses for a war undertaken to avenge the
capture of the opium-smuggler _Arrow_, and apparently to facilitate the
opium trade in general.
Upon an island a few miles above Chin-kiang I found some capital
deer-shooting. I brought down several, and found them of the hog-deer
species, with large tusks. Great flocks of wild duck and teal were
plentiful all over the river, and our guns kept the table well supplied.
Some eighteen miles above Chin-kiang we came to a great salt mart, a
large village on the north bank, named E-ching. On the opposite side of
the river we observed a considerable body of Ti-pings marching in the
direction of Chin-kiang, which city was already invested. Although many
hills in the neighbourhood of Chin-kiang were occupied by the Ti-pings,
I was unable to communicate with them, our stay at that place being so
short. E-ching is the emporium for the salt trade with the interior.
Here the large junks from the coast discharge their cargoes, which are
then stored ashore, and when disposed of to merchants from the distant
provinces, re-shipped in river junks, and carried up the Yang-tze.
The salt trade is a government monopoly, from which they reap enormous
profits; and if the British government had made war upon China for the
purpose of establishing a trade in that article, and not in opium, they
would, instead of destroying and demoralizing them, have conferred a
vast benefit upon the Chinese, and benefited themselves.
Salt at E-ching, upon an average, is of the same price as the common
rice (the staple article of food in China), seldom selling for less than
three taels (one pound sterling) per picul (130 pounds weight). A few
hundred miles farther up the river, though of the commonest and dirtiest
sea description, it is frequently sold at more than double that price.
Of course, where an article of such immense and important consumption is
declared contraband, and monopolized by the government, a large amount
of smuggling exists. Until the Yang-tze-kiang was opened to foreign
trade, little, if any, smuggling was effected upon its waters; but upon
the advent of Europeans, many of them made large profits by secretly
conveying salt, even sometimes in their steam-ships, while numberless
sailing craft--usually the semi-European, semi-Chinese lorchas--were
solely occupied in this illegal traffic.
Soon after passing E-ching we came upon the Ti-pings at a place in the
vicinity of Nin-gan-shan, a village some short distance inland, formed
by a sharp bend of the river to the northwards. This elbow they had just
fortified with a rather heavy, formidable-looking battery. The guns,
however, were very inferior, being of the usual clumsy Chinese make and
fitting. The river at this point was considerably reduced in width,
being little more than half a mile across, and the south bank being
formed of cliffs, some two hundred feet high, and being also in the
hands of the Ti-pings, rendered the position highly favourable. From
this point both sides of the river were in Ti-ping possession;
therefore, whenever we required to stop we could do so, and land with
perfect safety and immunity from insult.
Above Chin-kiang the country gradually assumes a more massive and
imposing formation. High ranges of mountains are visible inland, and in
some places descend even to the river's edge; while generally the
country becomes of a more undulating, diversified appearance. In the
neighbourhood of Nin-gan-shan the hilly part of the soil presents strong
indication of auriferous qualities. I afterwards went over the spot with
an old Californian miner, who declared the place was full of gold; but,
unfortunately, we had no time to try it.
At Nankin I remained but a short time, barely sufficient to obtain the
necessary permit from H.M.S. _Centaur_, stationed there to represent the
British interests at the Ti-ping capital. The _Centaurs_ seemed on good
terms with the Ti-pings, for their ship was crowded with them. Several
boats put off from the shore with provisions for sale, and one official
came on board with a request for us to remain and trade. This was
impossible, for though we much wished it, and though the foreign
merchants were entirely dependent upon the Ti-pings for silk, and a
great proportion of tea, yet the British government in its Elgin treaty
(June 1858, by articles IX. and X.), had completely placed a veto upon
trade with them; though afterwards they asserted that the Ti-pings would
not trade. Of course, had we attempted to trade as the Ti-pings desired,
we should have been seized and prevented by H.M.'s representative on
board the _Centaur_, for breaking the treaty with the Manchoo emperor of
China.
After purchasing a few fowls and some eggs, we proceeded on our voyage
to Han-kow.
Some forty miles above Nankin we passed between the East and West
Pillars, two immense masses of rock nearly a thousand feet high, and
projecting, with a sheer descent, some little distance into the river.
Both were in the possession of the Ti-pings. The summits were fortified,
and at the foot of each strong batteries were erected. These two giant
sentinels are termed by the Chinese the gates of the upper river;
beyond them the flood tide ceases to be perceptible.
When off the city of Tu-ngliu some 380 miles from the mouth of the
river, we were compelled to seek a sheltered anchorage, and to remain
there several days through stress of weather. Even at such a
considerable distance inland, the storms are sometimes so violent, and
the waves of the river so disturbed, that smaller vessels are unable to
brave their fury; the swiftness of the current adding considerably to
the danger.
The sheltered nook we sought already contained a weather-bound vessel.
Our fellow-captive proved to be an English schooner upon a trading
cruise about the river. She was manned by Chinese sailors, but the
owners and another European were in charge. The three days we remained
at anchor passed pleasantly enough, our position being perfectly
sheltered, and the boisterous state of the river affecting us but
little; while each day we visited the schooner's people, or they came to
us.
I made several shooting trips ashore with our companions, and we always
returned well rewarded for our trouble, the place literally swarming
with pheasants. The country was mostly of a low hilly formation, and
being uncultivated, the hills, full of low shrubs and gorse, made a
capital cover. We shot pheasants even in the farm-yards of the few
houses about, and the inhabitants told us we might catch them at night
roosting all round their dwellings. My companions from the schooner, who
had been in California and Australia, declared the hills about Tu-ngliu
contained gold; they also stated the whole river was full of it, and
showed me some large specimens they had washed at a place named Hen
Point, some twenty miles below the city of Ngan-king.
We fully intended to test the Tu-ngliu soil, but the weather clearing
rendered necessary our immediate departure.
Some miles before reaching the treaty port of Kew-kiang, we passed a
remarkable rock termed the Little Orphan. Several hundred yards in
circumference at the base, at the distance of thirty fathoms from the
north bank of the river it rises perpendicularly about four or five
hundred feet. The summit is crowned by Budhist temples and idols, the
only communication being by means of a stair cut in the sides of the
rock by the priests. When passing this singular place once afterwards,
my Chinese crew informed me no European could ascend the rock and live,
it being protected by some Chinese demon, or genii, peculiarly averse to
"foreign devils."
A few hours before arriving at Kew-kiang we passed the entrance to the
Poyang Lake, a channel considerably broader than the river itself. The
clear transparent waters of the lake afforded a pleasing contrast to the
thick and muddy current of the river, and we steamed about a mile into
it, for the purpose of obtaining a good supply and filling all our
available casks. The appearance of this lake is magnificent in the
extreme. Lost in the far distance, its limpid surface is surrounded by
tall impending cliffs, in some places terminating abruptly at the margin
of the water, while in others the intervening space is filled up with a
most luxuriant growth of under-wood, overshadowed by the bending
branches of gnarled and giant trees. The numerous valleys formed by the
hills contain the summer resting-places of many of the Chinese nobility,
whose handsome palaces fill every appropriate situation. The
cloud-enveloped summits of one high range of mountains on the western
shore, are crowned with eternal snow, presenting a most fantastic
appearance, and affording many a wild and weird theme to Chinese
romancers.
Kew-kiang we found in the direst state of confusion. The Imperialist
troops had declared their determination to massacre the hated
"Yang-quitzo," or drive him off their soil; and all the European
residents were blockaded in their quarter. An English gunboat, and one
of the large merchant steamers, were lying off the concession, prepared
to render their assistance and protection, and when we arrived, at the
request of the consul--who expected his consulate would be attacked
again that night,--we moored in a position where our guns would prove
effective in case of danger. The night, however, passed off pretty
quietly, and the braves only made a further demonstration by smashing
the few remaining panes of glass they had left whole upon a former
assault. A day or two previously they had made a grand attack upon the
settlement, destroyed several new buildings of the merchants, and very
nearly demolished the British Consulate; but when the residents, in
self-defence, were compelled to shoot a few of them, they retreated for
the time. The mandarins, as at all the river ports, pretended they could
not control their soldiers; whereas, they deliberately set them on, to
try and prevent the settling of the Europeans, and the fulfilment of the
treaty.
Some of the river scenery between Kew-kiang and Han-kow is wild, and
really sublime in its grandeur. In many places huge masses of mountain
rise steeply out of the channel to more than a thousand feet. At one
part an immense cliff, named Ke-tow (Cock's Head), overhangs the stream,
its base washed by the waves; while, moving under its shadow,
innumerable flocks of shag, startled by the passing vessel, rose from
their nests in the time-worn crevices, and eddying round and round
overhead, produced a loud rushing noise from their myriads of wings,
while the shrill discordant cries they uttered, increased by the
singular note of the great "Bramley kites," reverberated with a thousand
echoes from the perforated and honeycombed face of perpendicular rock.
If a musket be fired near Ke-tow, the very air becomes blackened by an
immense multitude of birds issuing from the cliff, while the noise of
their cries is perfectly deafening. Their number is so prodigious that
one might fairly suppose all the birds in China were congregated
together at this place.
[Illustration: KE-TOW.
London, Published March 15^{th} 1866 by Day & Son, Limited Lithog^{rs}
Gate Str, Lincoln's Inn Fields.
Day & Son, Limited, Lith.]
A little further on, another magnificent view of the river is found,
where, between high impending mountains, at Pwan-pien-shan (the Split
Hill) it is darkly imprisoned. The hills in this neighbourhood are
covered with wild tea, and numerous limestone quarries are burrowed
along their sides. Wherever the mountains retreat from the river the
intervening country is profusely cultivated, and the sloping sides of
the hills, covered with a rich and varied semi-tropical foliage, sweep
down to the low land. The distant pagodas, marking with their carved and
many-storied, time-worn, monumental sculpture, the site of some town or
anciently celebrated locality--the occasional village, partly hidden in
some half-sequestered spot--the curious but ingenious apparatus of the
fisherman on the river's brink, with his reed hut here and there peeping
through the rushes of the bank--the peasants toiling and irrigating the
paddy-fields--the bright Eastern sun, and clear sapphire sky, above the
changeful bosom of the "Son of the Sea," now rushing between massive
rocky walls, then bursting into lake-like fulness, studded at intervals
with a low and feathery reed-topped or cultivated rice-waving
island--and the waters, tipped with the snowy wings of the passing
vessels--all these are objects which produce a landscape surpassingly
beautiful. China has been termed "a vast and fertile plain;" but, I
believe, a trip up the Yang-tze will show as diversified and grand a
scenery as almost any part of the world.
But then comes a dark side of nature, for this is truly a land where
"all save the spirit of man is divine." Throughout all these beauties of
country one must tread with care, for it is a land of enemies; all
through the Yang-tze's course we experienced nothing but aggravating
annoyance and insult from the Imperialists; wherever they were, landing
became not only disagreeable, but dangerous. This was a drawback of
serious importance, but one which would have ceased to exist were it not
for the policy of the British government, which, by preventing the
success of the friendly Ti-pings, and strengthening the Imperialists,
has perpetuated the evil.
In order to avoid the strength of the tide, we were obliged to keep
close in to the bank, while at the same time we kept a stand of muskets
and fowling-pieces well loaded to check our dastardly aggressors.
Although Kew-kiang was bad enough, at Han-kow we found confusion worse
confounded. It was simply impossible to pass through the streets except
in parties of four or five, well armed. The British consul, Mr. Gingall,
had gone out with some of the petty local authorities to mark a ground
for the consulate and British concession, but with his marine guard
received such a heavy stoning from the _braves_ and populace, that they
were compelled to beat a speedy retreat. A placard had been posted by
the _braves_, threatening to massacre all the European residents upon a
certain date; this was succeeded by an official proclamation from the
Chinese governor, calling upon the soldiers to remain quiet, because the
"foreign devils" were to be "hired and used" to fight the Ti-ping
rebels, after which his excellency would employ his _braves_ to drive
those "barbarians" out of China. At the time, I paid but little
attention to this, looking upon it as a piece of the usual Chinese
bravado; recent events, however, have led me to think otherwise. One
part of the proclamation has been fulfilled, it remains to be seen
whether the other will succeed.
While passing through a public street one evening, a _brave_ made a
spring at me from a narrow side alley; fortunately, I carried a coat on
my arm, and throwing this up, received the blow of his short sword
without injury. I was of course armed, and before my assailant could
repeat the blow, his arm was arrested by a Colt's revolver ball. Several
_braves_ were collecting, but when they saw the fate of their leader,
and found me armed, they "skedaddled" pretty sharply.
Some Europeans did not escape so easily, but were brutally murdered.
Nearly a year later affairs were but little improved, for a Mr. Little,
of Dent & Co.'s, was severely maltreated without having given the
slightest provocation; and several of the firm's junks were seized and
carried off by the _braves_. This was avenged by H.M. gunboat _Havoc_
seizing and burning the gunboat whose crew had beaten Mr. Little. The
Chinese officials, with their usual policy of exciting the people
against Europeans, posted proclamations, and gave out as a fact, that
the English had fastened all the _braves_ they caught to the gunboat,
and burnt them alive. I explored the country in every direction, within
a radius of twenty-five miles around Han-kow, upon shooting excursions,
and I invariably found, that wherever the natives were distant from
Imperial troops, or officials, they were kind and courteous to
Europeans. I entered numerous villages to rest and obtain refreshment,
and at many received polite and dignified invitations from some of the
people to enter their dwellings. I must say, the Chinese are one of the
most polite and well-behaved people I have ever met. Although bursting
with curiosity to ascertain my country and business, I never found them
guilty of the slightest rudeness, or annoying inquisitiveness; upon the
contrary, they would wait until their etiquette of presenting tea, etc.,
had been observed, and then, pretending to be unconcerned, commence
their inquiries indirectly. With all this, I could not fail to notice
the half-dubious, half-disliking style of their manner;--the universal
result of their government's misrepresentation, and the stringent orders
which they received to treat Europeans as barbarians unworthy of
civilized (Chinese) treatment or consideration. Can we not remember the
sort of treatment foreigners received till lately in China, upon the
following Manchoo maxim of intercourse with Europeans?
"The barbarians are like beasts, and not to be ruled on the same
principles as citizens. Were any one to attempt controlling them
by the great maxims of reason, it would tend to nothing but
confusion. The ancient kings well understood this, and
accordingly ruled barbarians by misrule. Therefore to rule
barbarians by misrule is the true and the best way of ruling
them."
It was on this principle that all the benefits of Chinese law were
denied Europeans; so that, even in cases of _accidental_ homicide, they
were required to be delivered up, not for trial, but execution.
Sir John Davis, formerly governor of Hong-Kong, wrote:--
"The rulers of China consider foreigners fair game; they have no
sympathy with them, and, what is more, they diligently and
systematically labour to destroy all sympathy on the part of
their subjects, by representing the strangers to them in every
light that is the most contemptible and odious. There is an
annual edict or proclamation displayed at Canton at the
commencement of the commercial season, accusing the foreigners
of the most horrible practices, and desiring the people to have
as little to say to them as possible."
Although at the present time British subjects are not delivered up to be
executed by Manchoos, and although Europeans are not defamed and
attacked so openly as was the case previous to the late wars, the
government is every bit as industriously maligning them to its subjects,
and striving _all in its power_ to prevent free trade or intercourse.
Why are the Manchoos so inveterately embittered against foreigners? is
the natural question. Certainly not because they are unable to
appreciate the benefit of trade; they love their own interests too well
to be averse to the only remaining prop to their rule--trade with
foreigners, and consequent help to crush the rebellion. But the truth
is, with unmistakeable foresight they see that the free contact of their
Chinese subjects with European nations will eventually ruin _them_; they
know their rule is hated and unrighteous, and they know that wherever
the people become enlightened and improved, _their_ murderous gripe will
be torn from the throat of the nation. While liking our trade, they
hate our communion! The latter they have reason to dread, though not if
they can always succeed in obtaining our military aid against the
effects of our intercourse, as they have done in the case of the Ti-ping
rebellion.
At Han-kow I left the steamer, to take command of a new schooner
belonging (nominally) to the same owners. As her interior accommodations
were not quite finished, I took a small house until such time as she
should be completed. While residing ashore, I suffered from an attack of
fever--a complaint very prevalent amongst Europeans in China--that at
one time seemed almost certain to destroy my life.
One night when convalescent, but still very weak, I was aroused by a
strong smell of fire; in a moment almost, thick volumes of smoke rushed
into the room, and I heard the loud crackling of burning wood close at
hand. Getting from my bed, and hurrying some clothing on as quickly as
possible, I got to the door of my house, and found the next one in a
complete blaze, and my own just igniting. My servants no sooner opened
the back door and attempted to save my property, than a crowd of
_braves_ rushed in and commenced to plunder all they could lay hands on.
I was too weak to do much, but, taking a sword, endeavoured to drive
them off; I followed one a few paces from the door, and thrust at his
body, but was too weak to hurt him much, and the point of my weapon
glanced on his ribs; the fellow did not even drop his booty, but
successfully made off with all the bedding. Fortunately at this juncture
assistance from some neighbouring European residents arrived, or I
should have lost everything. With their help and that of the coolies,
the greater part of my things were saved, but much had been carried off
by the "Imps." The origin of the fire was attributable to the incendiary
acts of the Imperialist soldiers, who had set fire to the adjoining
house, as also to an European dwelling, out of malice, and hatred of the
"foreign devils."
For the few days before taking up my quarters on board the schooner, a
friend kindly accommodated me. I then engaged a Greek seaman as mate,
shipped a Chinese crew, a Malay boatswain, and prepared to leave. Our
voyage progressed very favourably until we reached a place a little
below the treaty port Kew-kiang, where, although hitherto dropping down
with the tide at the rate of three or four miles an hour, my course was
abruptly arrested for several days. Between Kew-kiang and the mouth of
the Poyang Lake is situated a large island, and instead of taking the
usual channel, my stupid Chinese pilot preferred the other side of the
island. In consequence of this, when about half-way past, stem on we
went, and stuck hard and fast aground. After a tiresome day's work we
managed to get afloat again in about six inches more water than the
schooner was drawing, and then made fast for the night. In the morning,
after sounding in every direction, and finding the only channel very
shallow, and as intricate as the maze at Rosherville Gardens, I obtained
a fisherman from the shore, who, for the consideration of a few strings
of cash, piloted us out; our own pilot being perfectly ignorant of his
duties. I have since found it a common thing for Chinamen who have spent
all their lives sailing about the Yang-tze river, to be utterly
unacquainted with its pilotage.
Through this affair, the vessel's rudder became injured, and we had
barely cleared the island, making sail to a fresh breeze, when away it
went.
It now became necessary to bring up for repairs: so picking out a creek
with a village named Chang-kea-kau at its entrance, I ran the schooner
into it, anchored, and sent ashore for carpenters to make a new rudder.
In about a week's time, the village blacksmiths and carpenters managed
to turn out a contrivance they termed a rudder; but of all the rudders I
ever saw it beat them hollow. They could neither make round bolts, nor
long bolts: so instead of bolting the rudder together, they fastened
the first part to the rudder-post with huge square nails (they could
only cut square holes in timber, having no tool to bore large round
ones), and the second part to the first, and the outside piece to the
second, with huge iron clamps driven on at the sides: the whole concern
stuck and plastered together with lumps of iron bands and braces in
every direction, in a way that none but a Chinaman could contrive.
With immense exertion of mechanics, I managed to get this monster
shipped in its place, after which I was enabled to make sail and
proceed.
At the city of Ta-tung, about 150 miles above Nankin, and fifty below
Ngan-king, the capital of Ngan-whui province, I anchored for three days.
This city is the chief salt mart up river, all the salt from E-ching
coming there, previously to being distributed over the country. The
scenery about Ta-tung is very fine--lightly wooded hills gradually
rising, range after range, far into the interior. I took a ramble ashore
with Philip, my mate, to hunt up some game; our way lay over ridges of
low hills covered with a forest of dwarf firs, none over six feet high,
mingled with specimens of the smallest of all small trees, the dwarf
oak. This Lilliputian forest was succeeded by a tangled undergrowth, and
fine plantation, which compelled us to pursue the narrow tracks leading
through it. During our progress we were often startled with the loud
whirr of the pheasant springing from almost under our feet, and although
the high cover made it difficult to get a shot, we obtained several
brace. At last we came to a more open part of the hills, where the
forest was succeeded by wild flowers and shrubs, while small lakes were
frequent in the valleys below us. The hills became higher and more
rocky, the few trees about them being of large size,--in fact, the
tallest I have seen in China. From the rocky nature of the country, and
the running appearance of the chain of lakes, I fancied a large spring
was somewhere in the neighbourhood, and I was right; for, after
following a beautiful and gradually ascending valley some distance, we
came to a cold mountain spring of the purest water I ever tasted in
China. We threw ourselves upon the grass and drank the pure mountain
draught to our heart's content, and, while resting ourselves, inhaled
the powerful aromatic odour of the wild magnolia growing in profusion
around. The magnolia is the only flower I have found in China possessing
fragrance, all others, however beautiful, being without perfume. Whilst
rolling on the turf we had observed some birds, apparently of the duck
species, fly overhead in the direction of some tall trees through a
gorge on the hills; it being the middle of summer, these birds excited
our curiosity, and we determined to follow them and if possible get a
shot. When we arrived at the foot of the trees, to our surprise we saw
many of these duck-like birds flying in and out of nests among the
branches; we shot three brace and a half, and found them to be the
beautiful and delicious little wood or summer duck. When I returned on
board, I instantly sent some of my crew ashore with a small cask to fill
at the spring, and ever afterwards I remembered that cool water and its
romantic valley.
The few villages about seemed very poor; they had continually been
visited by Ti-ping or Imperialist soldiers, and this, of course, had
proved disastrous to the inhabitants, for we all know what hungry
_disciplined_ troops are in an enemy's country, but few of us realize
the effect of _undisciplined_ Chinese. The houses, however, had not been
destroyed, and the only mark of the Ti-pings was the remains of a large
Budhist temple, each separate brick, as usual, being broken to pieces,
so that nothing but heaps of rubbish remained. The people spoke very
vengefully about the visits of the Imperialist troops, who, they said,
had used their women shamefully, and killed several of the husbands and
fathers who had attempted to defend them. The Ti-pings, they informed
me, had treated them well, and had only made them contribute provisions
for the army; one soldier having used violence to a girl, had been
decapitated, and they showed me the place where his head had been
exposed. They also spoke very kindly of one leader of the Ti-pings, the
Ying-wang, who had allowed nothing to be taken from them without payment
for it.
During my voyage in the schooner, I became acquainted with the Chinese
game of chess, which, although resembling that of Europe in a few
pieces, and the object of the game, is in every other particular totally
different. I had several Chinese on board, passengers to Shanghae, and
they taught me how to play.
The board, instead of being divided into black and white squares, as
with us, is of one colour--generally black--and divided by lines on
which the pieces stand, and move as shown in the following rules and
annexed diagram:--
[Illustration]
KING--Can only move one square at a time, and only straight or
sideways as a castle, neither can he move outside his nine
points, nor into a square exposed to the adverse king from the
opposite side of the board, without any intervening piece.
MANDARINS, or SHIELDS--Can only move within the nine points, one
at a time, diagonally, as a bishop; they take the same way.
BISHOPS--Can only move upon their own side of the ditch, always
move two points at a time, and take the same way. Their move is
diagonal.
KNIGHTS--Move and take the same as with us, go all over the
board, but cannot move when the angle at the first point of the
move is occupied by another piece. They cannot jump over a piece
as with us, but must have the road clear.
CASTLES--Move and take, and have entirely the same value as with
us.
GUNS--They move only as a castle, but can only take by jumping
over an intervening piece.
PAWNS--Move one point at a time, straight forward, take the same
way, and when they cross the ditch, can take and advance,
forwards or sideways, like a castle; but still only one point at
a time. They cannot, however, move backwards. It requires a move
of the pawn, and half a move of the knight, to cross the ditch.
Castles and guns can go as far beyond as willing in one move.
I passed close to the Nankin fortifications, but did not anchor, as I
saw quite sufficient to guide me in joining the Chung-wang there without
stopping; the place being evidently open and easy of access.
At Chin-kiang I heard terrible rumours of pirates, about the Lang-shan
crossing and entrance of the river; and the more the deeds of the
pirates were talked about, the greater embellishment they received from
the imagination of the narrator, so that, at last, bad as they certainly
were, the deeds attributed to them would never have been recognized by
the perpetrators themselves.
With all the exaggeration, the danger was really too great to be
despised, and I made arrangements to sail down to Shanghae in company
with two European vessels also bound there, one a fore and-aft-French
schooner, the other an American lorcha.
The first night after leaving Chin-kiang, being in advance of my
consorts, I observed an English schooner right ahead, with her ensign
flying union down. At the time I made her out she was scarcely half a
mile distant, and the moon shining brightly upon her, with my glasses I
easily distinguished her signal of distress. As we approached each other
from opposite directions, in a few minutes we had closed to within
speaking distance; so, rounding to, I hailed to know what was the
matter. I could only faintly distinguish, in reply, "Come on board; I
will anchor."
After passing me by a few hundred yards the strange vessel brought up,
and lowering a boat, I proceeded to board her, leaving my Greek mate to
bring the schooner a little closer, and then anchor. Before getting
alongside I noticed two Europeans on the quarter deck of the schooner,
waiting to receive me, and to my surprise saw they were both armed. As
this looked suspicious, when under the shadow of the vessel's side I
loosened my revolver in its sheath. When I reached the gangway, I
observed many of the Chinese crew watching my approach, and all,
apparently, in a state of excitement. This put me upon my guard still
more, for it was evident something was wrong; and, coupling the
appearance of things with the signal of distress, that something was
most likely dangerous. I ascended the gangway ladder with caution, and
well I did so, for my head had scarcely appeared above the rail when a
Chinaman made a rush at me with both hands stretched out, evidently
intending to push me overboard. Thanks to my watchfulness and sailor
training, I was able to meet this attack successfully, in spite of my
awkward situation. Clinging to the side ladder with my knees, I quick as
thought ducked my head and shoulders inboard, seized my assailant round
the waist before he could take hold of me, and, aided by his own
impetus, threw him clean over my head into the river. He uttered one cry
as, plunging into the fierce and turbid tide of the Yang-tze, he
disappeared for ever. This passed within two seconds, and, drawing my
revolver, I sprang on board before several other Chinese rushing to the
gangway could reach me. The sudden display of the hollow barrel within
a couple of feet, and pointing straight at the head of the foremost,
checked them, and at that moment the whizzing of a bullet amongst them,
accompanied by the sharp crack of a rifled pistol, and followed by the
appearance of the two Europeans at my side, drove them back.
The whole crew, however, seemed springing from every direction, some
from the hatchways, some from forward, and some from aft; and with the
usual gesticulation of Chinese about to fight, commenced stripping
themselves of their outer clothing, and uttering fierce crys and yells
to encourage each other.
I had barely a moment to receive the explanation of the schooner's
captain, who thrust a spare cutlass into my hand--that a mutiny had
taken place, and having secured the ringleader he wished me to carry him
down to Shanghae in irons--when the crew were upon us. Jumping and
yelling like a legion of fiends let loose, they hurried towards us,
brandishing the bamboo spears and the knives they had armed themselves
with. For a moment we hesitated to fire upon them, but that moment's
delay very nearly cost us our lives. Thinking they possessed no
firearms, we believed we could awe them into submission with our
revolvers. Suddenly one of them jumped forward and discharged two heavy
horse pistols point blank at me and the captain of the schooner. The din
of the report, the smoke, and our surprise, combined with an indefinite
sort of feeling (upon my part at least) that we were half blown to
pieces, caused a moment's inaction almost fatal to us. The whole of the
crew, some eighteen or twenty, rushed forward. Fortunately the captain
(who I imagined was the mate) of the vessel, being farthest away from
the discharge of the pistols, was not in the least startled, but firing
at the man who held them, brought him to the deck, and then discharging
several shots amongst the crowd, gave me time to recover myself.
I did not feel wounded. My next perception was, that I was engaged with
half a dozen men pushing fiercely at me with their spears. For some
seconds I defended myself desperately with the cutlass, successfully
warding all their thrusts, actually forgetful of the revolver I held in
my left hand. I was soon reminded of its use by another man coming
towards me, pointing a huge pistol like the first two that had so nearly
finished me. This entirely recalled my presence of mind, and bringing my
revolver into play, I had the satisfaction of seeing him fall in the
smoke. At the same instant, however, the slight distraction had nearly
proved successful to my spear assailants; one transfixed me, as I
thought, though afterwards it appeared I was barely scratched, and the
transfixing sensation was caused by the spear tightly pinning my
clothes, while before I could parry it, another made a thrust full at my
breast. With no time to sweep my cutlass round, I dropped it, and seized
the spear-haft within an inch of my body, at the same time using my
revolver and shooting the man. Before I could level at another enemy,
the man whose spear was fast in my clothes abandoned it and closed with
me. Over and over we rolled on the deck. I was unable to use my pistol,
and he to use his knife. My left wrist was firmly grasped by his right
hand, while my right hand was fully engaged restraining his left, armed
with a large dagger.
While struggling on the deck I saw several Chinamen approaching with
uplifted spear, to slaughter me in my helpless condition, but each time
I had seen the schooner's mate jump over me, exclaiming, as he thrust
with his sword, "Lā, lā," and each time I had seen an enemy fall.
At last I received a severe blow on the head, and, half-stunned, felt my
antagonist releasing his left hand. Just at this moment I was sensible
of some one dragging himself along the deck close to me, and ere I could
distinguish who or what it was, my revolver was taken from my hand, the
Chinaman who had hitherto been holding it abandoned his grip, and
knocked my right hand from his left. Instead of feeling his knife
pierce me, a pistol was discharged, so close that the flash singed my
hair, and the Chinaman fell motionless across me.
From the effect of the blow I had received, and the shock of the near
report, I lay for a moment unable to move. I was then aroused by the
mate of the schooner dragging the Chinaman off me and assisting me to
rise, exclaiming, "Eh, monsieur capitaine, hope I, be gar! vous have no
die--Zese sacré--all dead, all run down le fond de calle--de hole, be
gar!"
When I recovered my feet, I saw the deck was deserted, except by
ourselves and seven or eight Chinamen lying dead or wounded, and the
captain of the schooner, who was sitting on the deck with my revolver in
his hand--for he it was who had so opportunely rescued me from my
antagonist.
Upon examining the captain, we found he had received a severe-looking
wound from the first discharge, a ball from one of the horse pistols
having struck his breast, and then, glancing, passed through the fleshy
part of his left arm.
Of the prostrate Chinese four were dead and four severely wounded. All
this happened in far less time than it takes to read it, and just as it
was all over my two consorts arrived, and the vessels being anchored
close alongside, their owners came on board to ascertain the cause of
all the noise and firing.
The Frenchman whom I had taken for the mate of the schooner, proved to
be part owner of her. She was from Shanghae, and bound to Chin-kiang
with a cargo of sundries and opium. When close to the Lang-shan crossing
the crew were observed to be acting very suspiciously, and the _lowder_
(Chinese captain) having altered the course of the vessel, to steer her
away to the northern entrance of the river, a favourite haunt of
pirates, the captain and owner at once determined to seize and make him
a prisoner, rightly suspecting that they had shipped a crew in league
with the pirates.
Arming themselves, they went on deck and immediately seized the _lowder_
at the helm, one making him fast while the other threatened him with
instant death in case of resistance. Directly the crew saw this they
seized up boarding-pikes, hand-spikes, &c., and commenced rushing aft to
attack them; but while the captain kept them off with a levelled rifle,
the owner, putting his revolver to the _lowder's_ head, swore to blow
his brains out if the crew advanced another step.
This had the desired effect, for the _lowder_ quickly called to his
colleagues to desist, who at once retired to the fore part of the
vessel, leaving their leader in the hands of the Europeans.
After they had been sailing for several hours up the river in this
position, they met me; and during their occupation, when I was boarding
them, the crew had managed to release the _lowder_, and made the attack
upon us to try and capture the vessel, well knowing the fate which
awaited them at Shanghae as pirates.
Had it not been for the prowess and dexterous swordsmanship of the
owner, the Chinamen, although with great loss, would undoubtedly have
overpowered us. The Frenchman had been maître d'armes in a French
regiment, and more than nine killed and wounded were due to his sword,
for, besides those left on deck, five or six who had fled below were
wounded. Poor fellow! some little time afterwards he was killed by
pirates, almost upon the scene of our encounter, when, after bravely
defending himself alone on the deck of his vessel against a host of
assailants, and killing sixteen with his own hand, the pirates, unable
to overcome his splendid swordsmanship, retired to their own vessel and
killed him by throwing stink-pots[16] upon him.
We dressed the captain's wounds as well as we were able, and after
throwing the dead overboard, and permitting the Chinese to dress their
own wounds, we made them all fast; and, remaining by the schooner all
night, we had the satisfaction of seeing her taken in tow for
Chin-kiang, by a passing river steamer, in the morning.
After this, in company with my consorts, I weighed anchor and proceeded
on my voyage to Shanghae. Towards dusk we came within sight of the
Lang-shan hills, and as it would have been dangerous to attempt the
crossing at night, especially in the vicinity of pirates, we determined
to anchor until daylight.
About midnight, I and the mate were alarmed by the look-out man, who
rushed into our cabin, singing out--"Jen-dow-li! Jen-dow-li!" (Pirates
coming! Pirates coming!)
Jumping out of our berths we hurried on deck, turning all the crew out
to get the schooner under weigh.
Rather more than a quarter of a mile up river we observed two heavy
junks, and as we were lying to the ebb tide, they were right straight
ahead. As they were so distant, and apparently peaceful, people not so
experienced as ourselves would never have taken the slightest alarm, and
consequently would have become an easy prey.
I perceived at a glance the _modus operandi_ of the junks ahead--they
had anchored exactly abreast of each other, but some distance apart;
they had then run out a stout rope from the bow of one to the other, and
having waited for a dark and favourable opportunity, had weighed their
anchors and were now dropping down upon us with the tide, rapidly and
noiselessly, hauling in the rope on board either vessel as might be
necessary, intending to let it catch across our bows or cable, and thus
be swept alongside instantaneously by the strong tide, when their crowds
of men could board and make short work of us. Many a vessel unsuspicious
of this cunning device has been easily captured, when otherwise she
might have beaten off the pirates, or escaped through superior sailing.
Getting under weigh, I determined to drop down with the tide according
to the plan of the pirates, as it was likely by that means my movement
would for some little time remain undiscovered and give me an
opportunity to close with my consorts, anchored more than a mile below.
The moon having just gone down, and the night become quite dark, my
design succeeded admirably, and I lessened the distance between myself
and allies by at least three quarters of a mile before the pirates gave
any sign that they had discovered they were not closing with me. At
last, however, we could dimly discern their spreading foresails through
the darkness, as they made sail in chase; I was not slow to follow their
example, and Philip and myself having armed, prepared to go on board our
consorts, they carrying guns, while our vessel mounted none. The only
danger was, that our friends might not be keeping a look-out, and that
we should have no time to prepare them for defence, or get the guns
ready.
We were soon relieved on this point, for our pursuers had the kindness
to open fire upon us, and so effectually arouse the crews of the other
vessels.
From the loudness and rapidity of the reports, I knew our antagonists
were of the formidable west coast class (Ti-mungs), mounting ten or a
dozen 12 to 32-pounders. I had but little fear of the result, however,
if once on board our friends' vessels, for I knew they each carried two
long nines, which well worked--and two of us were good gunners--would
soon put the pirates to flight.
The cannonade had only lasted a few minutes, when I perceived the sails
of my two consorts close by. I instantly put the _lowder_ in charge of
my vessel, and directing him to steer directly after us, took six of my
best men in the boat, and pulling to our allies, left my mate and three
of the crew on board one of them, and took the other three on board the
second with myself.
According to pre-arrangement, I took charge of the operations. The plan
I determined upon was to concentrate our fire upon one of the attacking
vessels, and to manoeuvre so as to bring her into the centre of a
circle, the radius of which would be described by our two vessels and
the other pirate ship. If this could be carried out, we would be in a
position to keep one of the enemy's vessels in the way of the other,--or
that one which might be in the centre of the circle, between the fire of
its consort and our vessels. Hailing my schooner, I ordered her to keep
away in the opposite course until I should open fire, and then to sail
back and follow in my wake. This ruse had the desired effect, for while
one Ti-mung bore away to engage the schooner, the other seemed inclined
to follow our two fighting ships, and act as a cover to her consort's
attack.
In a short time we had the satisfaction to bring the two Ti-mungs nearly
in a line; and to prevent my own vessel getting too far away and thus
running the risk of being carried by the board before we could come to
her assistance, we opened fire immediately. The advantageous position we
had obtained soon became evident; our opponent mounting about ten
broadside guns could of course only fire five at a time, and as both the
vessels under my charge carried swivel guns, we could reply with four;
the only chance the pirates possessed to overmatch us, was by engaging
each of our armed vessels, when the odds would have been more than
double in their favour. This, however, they neglected to do, and while
one was chasing my schooner,--that now having tacked was following us
round in a circle,--and unable to bring a gun to bear on her, having
nothing but broadside guns mounted, we were particularly engaged with
our more immediate adversary, and completely sailing round her. The
pirates' firing was bad and ineffective, not one shot in twenty striking
us. I knew that, generally, vessels of the Chinese could only fire their
guns with any aim when directly abeam; therefore the continual change
of position I compelled her to observe, sadly interfered with their
shooting.
In a short time the accuracy of our firing commenced to tell, and our
antagonist hauled off to join his consort, making signals to her at the
same time. The latter at once abandoned the chase of my schooner, and
bore down to assist her companion. I now saw a good opportunity to
finish the combat; both vessels were approaching us, and we were
steering straight to meet them; I therefore loaded with a double charge
of grape and canister, and running down upon them, when within fifty
yards, luffed right across their bows, and with our heavily charged guns
raked them fore and aft.
It was too dark to see the result of that discharge, but we heard quite
enough yelling to convince us it had proved sufficiently destructive to
both vessels. The pirates, after a confusion in which it would have been
easy to carry them had we had any men to board with, hauled off, and
crowded on all sail to escape. This they might not have been permitted
to do so easily; but while following them to bestow a few parting shots,
the vessel I was on board ran bang ashore. This at once put an end to
further pursuit; besides, the Ti-mungs could float in less than half the
water we could, by reason of their flat and shallow build. I warned off
our other two vessels, and both instantly lowered their sails and
anchored while they could. Running a line out to one of them, we soon
hove off the bank; as we were getting amongst the Lang-shan shoals, the
only thing to be done was to remain at anchor quietly till daylight. We
came out of the action with a loss of only one man killed,--his head had
been smashed with a round shot,--one wounded by a splinter, one with a
grape-shot lodged in his seat of honour, and a pet monkey, belonging to
the captain of the vessel I was on board, missing. The loss of the
pirates must have been heavy, especially from the salvo of grape and
canister at close quarters.
The engagement had barely lasted half an hour, and upon its favourable
termination we spent the remainder of the night, or rather morning, in
glorification, winding up with a well-spread morning supper. We might
fairly have expected we had had enough of pirates for one voyage, yet it
was not so, and we were to see more of them before reaching Shanghae.
The morning broke dim and foggy, so thick, in fact, that we were unable
to weigh anchor and proceed till late in the day. In consequence of the
thick weather, we chose the north channel to pass the Lang-shan
crossing, as there we could find good soundings to steer by. We had been
following this for some time, and the day had become one of that
unsettled changeable kind, leaving us at one moment in the centre of a
dense fog, and anon in the midst of a perfectly clear spot surrounded by
thick banks, when, during a momentary glimpse of clear weather, a large
fleet of Chinese trading junks passed us on their way up the river from
Shanghae.
These junks reported that they had been attacked by pirates only a mile
or so below, and that two of their number had been captured; the
pirates, they said, were in long low boats, imperceptible in the fog
until right alongside. This put us upon the _qui vive_; Philip and
myself still remained on board the armed vessels, and sending my
schooner on ahead, we followed her, one on each quarter. The fog again
closed in upon us, and we had progressed but a very short distance when
we heard a tremendous outcry from on board the schooner just ahead: it
was so thick, that we were unable to discern anything, but we could
plainly hear the Chinamen yelling out that they were attacked by
"Jen-dow."
I was just about ordering a gun to be fired to frighten the pirates off,
when, before I could give the order, we heard a splashing of oars, and
the next minute bang went a gun within half a dozen yards, and a charge
of grape or canister hissed and hurtled about our ears. I had barely
time to jump off the gun I was sitting upon, depress it to the lowest
limit, and fire it off with the cigar in my hand, when the long
narrow boat I had laid the gun for--just issuing from the dense
fog into the space of a few feet, within which anything could be
distinguished--crashed alongside, full of the dead and dying. Every man
in that boat seemed stricken, but we had no time for observation, for
the instant she touched our side--probably torn to pieces by the grape
and langridge--she turned over and sank. From the noise of oars all
round us, it appeared as though many boats were rapidly pulling away;
only one more came in sight, just sufficiently to receive a dose from
the foremost pivot gun, after which she disappeared in the mist. In a
few minutes the fog considerably lifted, and there in the distance we
saw a squadron of the Imperialist gunboats--of the smallest
size--pulling inshore as fast as they could. If instead of employing
British gunboats against the Ti-pings, the British authorities had sent
them against these, they might have rendered a real service, for many a
poor fellow has lost the number of his mess, slaughtered by these
murderous wretches, who subsequently became the comrades of British
officers and sailors in the waters of both Ningpo and Shanghae. The fog
clearing, without further adventure or mishap, we safely reached our
destination.
FOOTNOTES:
[16] An earthenware jar filled with a suffocating combustible, forming a
very formidable weapon. It is thrown as a hand grenade.
CHAPTER VI.
Fall of Nankin.--Manchoo Cowardice.--Immense Booty.--Sir George
Bonham's Arrival at Nankin.--"The Northern Prince."--The
Ti-pings fraternize.--Sir George Bonham's Dispatch.--The Ti-ping
Reply.--Further Communication.--Its Friendly Nature.--Ti-ping
Literature.--Its Religious Character.--Bishop of Victoria and
Dr. Medhurst's Opinions.--Ti-ping Publications.--The New
Testament.--Monarchy Established.--Occupation of Nankin.--A
Fatal Mistake.--Imperialist Advantages.--Advance of the
Ti-pings.--Manchoo Operations.--The Tsing-hae Army.--The
Retreat.--Tien-wang's Mistake.--His Opportunity Lost.--Manchoo
Tactics.--Imperialist Outrages.--Ti-ping Moderation.--The Triad
Rebels.--They Evacuate Amoy.--Captain Fishbourne's
Description.--Triads Capture Shanghae.--Imperialist
Aggressions.--Jesuits' Interference.--The French attack the
Triads.--Shanghae Evacuated.--British Interference.--Its
Consequences.
Upon the 19th of March, 1853, after a short siege of only eleven days,
Nankin, the ancient capital of China, fell into the hands of the
Ti-pings. Considering the importance of the city, and the strong
garrison it contained, its capture was effected very easily. It was
attacked from the river, upon the northern side, and while one division
sprang a mine under the north-east angle of the wall, another blew down
the I-Fung gate, both storming together and carrying the city with but
little resistance. The Chinese troops in garrison are stated to have
numbered about 15,000, though, considering the unusually large
proportion of Tartar troops, it is probable their strength must have
been greater. They made scarcely a show of opposition to the stormers,
many taking to flight and escaping through the south and west gates, or
surrendering and joining the Ti-pings. The Manchoo troops of the Eight
Banners are estimated to have mustered at least 8,000, and including
their families, not less than 20,000. Yet these men, who had already, in
the wars with Great Britain, shown they could fight well and bravely,
and who were now in a position to offer a stubborn defence, were killed
with hardly an effort to defend themselves. It might naturally have been
expected that, for the honour of their nation, for their emperor, for
their wives' and their children's, and their own lives, in fact, for
everything dear to them, they would at least have made a determined
resistance. They well knew from the insurgents' proclamations, and their
previous acts, that they would meet with little mercy, but seemed to
have been completely paralyzed, and neither able to fight nor flee,
throwing themselves on the ground before the victorious Ti-pings and
crying "Oh Prince, Prince, spare us! spare us!"
Two days after the capture of Nankin, the Tien-wang announced by
proclamation that he had established his court and seat of government
there.
It is believed the Ti-pings were materially assisted in the capture of
the city by confederates within the walls, who lighted signal fires and
created confusion; while the fact of their finding confederates
everywhere, even in the Imperialist camps, to post their proclamations
with impunity, proves the wide-spread popularity of the movement at that
time. With remarkable celerity, within twelve days after the capture of
Nankin, the principal adjoining cities were taken and garrisoned.
Chin-kiang, Yang-chow, and Kwa-chow fell into the hands of the Ti-pings
without opposition, the garrisons having fled with precipitation on
their approach.
The capture of these important cities was even of more moment than that
of Nankin; for Chin-kiang being situated at the southern entrance of the
Grand Canal into the Yang-tze, and Kwa-chow at the northern, gave them
entire command of the canal itself, the great medium of communication
between the southern provinces and the capital, and the route by which
all the grain supplies were conveyed to the north. Immense booty was
captured at these places, and conveyed to Nankin. At the latter city the
military chest that fell into their hands alone contained about £120,000
sterling; while the stores of rice and provisions were enormous. At
Kwa-chow they captured more than a thousand junks laden with tribute
grain on its way to Pekin by the Grand Canal.
The singular panic of the Manchoos was probably caused by their fear of
a retributive Providence having overtaken them for the indiscriminate
slaughter of the Chinese by their ancestors; for in no other way is it
easy to account for the helplessness with which they resigned themselves
to their fate at Nankin.
The Chinese people at this time seemed to look upon the success of the
rebellion as certain. Distant cities commenced to send tribute to the
Tien-wang, and a deputation from Hang-chow was directed by the Ti-ping
authorities to return, as they were not in want of money, and did not
wish the people of Hang-chow to become compromised; thus displaying a
praiseworthy consideration for their countrymen, whose fate they well
knew would be sealed if they fell into the power of the Manchoos after
offering allegiance to themselves.
Exaggerated reports of the Ti-ping successes had reached Shanghae, and
it was rumoured they were on the point of attacking that city. In
consequence of this, and to undeceive the Ti-pings with regard to the
Manchoo proclamations which were diligently circulated, stating the
foreign "barbarians" were about to send their war ships against the
insurgents at Nankin, Sir George Bonham, H.M.'s plenipotentiary in
China, decided to pay a visit to Nankin, partly to explain the British
intention of _perfect neutrality_, and partly to ascertain the extent,
creed, and objects of the revolutionists.
Before leaving Shanghae a meeting was held at the British Consulate, to
consider the course of policy to be adopted in the event of an attack
by the insurgents. Captain Fishbourne, R.N., senior naval officer upon
the station, reports:--
"The question was raised as to whether we should undertake the
defence of the city. Sir George Bonham, however, decided that it
was incompatible with the line of policy he had determined on."
It is only a pity that later British representatives have not been
influenced by a similar sense of justice.
With these views Sir George Bonham embarked on board H.M.S. _Hermes_,
and started for Nankin on the 22nd of April, 1853. The first appearance
of the Ti-pings is thus described by the commander of the ship:--
"The sight which met our eyes on our fairly opening
Chin-kiang-foo to view was a very striking one. Their scouts had
evidently sent forward the news of the approach of an enemy,
which had flown like lightning almost, and had called up armed
warriors in all directions to resist attack. The river-side for
a full mile was lined by batteries and stockades, which were all
occupied by men in red head-dresses--some with red belts, and
dresses made parti-coloured by a large patch on each man's
breast and back, with the badge of the Taeping-wang's army.
Thousands, again, were occupying the heights, waving hundreds of
banners in defiance. Many others were crowding down towards the
river-side as if to be the first in the fight, should we attempt
to land, or to support those in the forefront. Here and there
were to be seen men in red or yellow hoods, and capes of the
same colour, on horseback, galloping along the lines, their
standard-bearers and guards hurrying after them as best they
could, all evincing an enthusiasm and a unity of purpose that
proved them something more than mere hirelings."
Upon the arrival of the _Hermes_ at Nankin, she anchored outside
gun-shot from the batteries, in order to avoid misunderstandings, she
having been fired upon at Chin-kiang by the Ti-ping forts, when she was
followed closely by an Imperialist flotilla, which took advantage of her
proximity to lead the Ti-pings to believe that she was one of the
foreign vessels of war they had stated in many proclamations were
engaged to assist them. Mr. Meadows, of the consular service,
accompanied by Lieutenant Spratt, proceeded on shore for the purpose of
negotiating a meeting between Sir George Bonham and the chief
authorities at Nankin.
Mr. Meadows was received in the northern suburb of Nankin by the
Northern Prince, and the Tien-wang's brother, the Assistant Prince. In
his report of the communication with these two chiefs, he says:--
"But I also explained, as authorized, the simple object of his
(Sir George Bonham's) visit; viz., to notify the desire of the
British government to remain _perfectly neutral_ in the struggle
between them and the Manchoos, and to learn their feeling
towards us, and their intention, in the event of their forces
advancing towards Shanghae.
"To all this the Northern Prince listened, but made little or no
rejoinder; the conversation, in so far as directed by him,
consisting mainly of inquiries as to our religious belief, and
expositions of their own. He stated that, as children and
worshippers of one God, we were all brethren; and after
receiving my assurance that such had long been our view also,
inquired if I knew the heavenly rules (Tien-teaou). I replied
that I was most likely acquainted with them, though unable to
recognize them under that name; and, after a moment's thought,
asked if they were ten in number. He answered eagerly in the
affirmative. I then began repeating the substance of the first
of the Ten Commandments, but had not proceeded far before he
laid his hand on my shoulder in a friendly way, and exclaimed,
'The same as ourselves! the same as ourselves!' while the simply
observant expression on the face of his companion disappeared
before one of satisfaction, as the two exchanged glances.
"He then stated, with reference to my previous inquiry as to
their feelings and intentions towards the British, that not
merely might peace exist between us, _but that we might be
intimate friends_. He added, we might now, at Nankin, land and
walk about where we pleased. He reverted again and again, with
an appearance of much gratitude, to the circumstance that he and
his companions in arms had enjoyed the special protection and
aid of God, without which they would never have been able to do
what they had done against superior numbers and resources; and
alluding to our _declarations of neutrality and non-assistance
to the Manchoos_, said, with a quiet air of thorough conviction,
'It would be wrong for you to help them, and, what is more, it
would be of no use. Our Heavenly Father helps us, and no one can
fight with Him.'"
Captain Fishbourne, of the _Hermes_, says:--
"Meanwhile the news soon spread amongst the insurgents that we
were brethren, and numbers came immediately to fraternize. They
appeared much pleased at our wearing our hair long in front like
themselves, and without tails.... Numbers continued to flock on
board, and as the question of friendliness was settled, we
weighed, to move closer to the city walls, whilst many of the
insurgents fell into the capstan to assist, and seemed to enjoy
it all as great fun. In a manner _quite unlike any Chinese we
had ever met_, they at once met us on the most friendly terms,
and remained so the five days we were there. * * *
"29th (April). Again the decks were crowded with visitors; some,
on going down amongst the men, observed some josses (idols) that
they had picked up as curiosities, some of them from Rangoon,
and intimated by gestures that these were very bad and useless.
They conducted themselves in a frank and friendly way towards
all; their bearing was quite different to that of any Chinese
that we had ever met; so much so, that our men remarked it; and
had any one asserted ten days previously that so many hundred
Chinese would have been on board, and yet nothing have been
stolen, not one in the ship but would have said, 'It is
impossible.'"
A slight misunderstanding having occurred with regard to the
unceremonious style in which the Ti-ping chiefs replied to the first
letter sent to them immediately upon the arrival of the _Hermes_, Lae, a
secretary of state, proceeded on board to arrange matters for Sir George
Bonham's reception. This was settled to take place the next day; but he,
apprehending difficulties in the way of ceremonial might perhaps
interfere with the good feeling then existing, sent an excuse,
accompanied by the following dispatch, which was delivered by Captain
Fishbourne and Mr. Meadows:--
"_Hermes_, off Nankin, April 30, 1853.
"I received yesterday your message conveyed through the
ministers sent on board for that purpose, to the effect that you
were willing to receive me in the city, in the event of my being
desirous of paying you a visit. It was at first my intention to
see you on shore, but the weather and other circumstances
prevent my doing so, and therefore I have to convey to you in
writing the sentiments I should have communicated to you
verbally, had I visited you. These sentiments are to the
following effect."
After stating the position of the British nation with regard to the
Manchoo government, the existence of the treaty and trading regulations,
&c., the dispatch goes on to say:--
"Recently, however, it came to my ears that a contest was going
on between the native Chinese and the Manchoos, and that you,
the Eastern Prince, had taken Nankin. A variety of reports
connected with the subject were in circulation, and certain of
the Manchoo authorities had issued a proclamation to the effect
that they had borrowed the services of ten or more steamers of
Western nations, which would proceed up the Yang-tze to attack
your forces. This is altogether false. It is the established
custom of our nation _in nowise to interfere with any contests
that may take place in the countries frequented by our subjects
for commercial purposes_. It is therefore _totally out of the
question_ that we should now in China lend the services of our
steamers to give assistance in the struggle. Of the lorchas
hired by the Manchoo authorities, and the square-rigged vessels
purchased by them, I know nothing. British merchant vessels are
not allowed to hire out their services for such contest; but I
cannot prevent the sale of vessels, the private property of
British subjects, any more than I can prevent the sale of cotton
manufactures or other merchandise."
Again the dispatch states:--
"In short, it is our desire to remain _perfectly neutral_ in the
conflict between you and the Manchoos."
This guarantee of neutrality would have effected much good, and avoided
much evil, had it been acted up to; but unfortunately such was not the
case--it did not suit the policy of England to act on that occasion in
the same manner as when the Confederate steam rams were seized in the
Mersey.
Sir George Bonham's dispatch was carried ashore by Captain Fishbourne,
who was received by several chiefs, whom he thus describes:[17]--
"The appearance and bearing of all those men gave me the idea
that they were clever, decided, and determined; and from the
constant solemn appeal to heaven to witness their assertion, or
in reference to their belief, they showed themselves to be under
a settled conviction that their mission was from thence."
The following dispatch is the reply of the Ti-ping chiefs to Sir George
Bonham's:--
"We, Prince of the East, Yang, the Honae teacher, and the master
who rescues from calamity (an ecclesiastical title), Principal
Minister of State, and Generalissimo; and
"Prince of the West, Seaou, Assistant Minister of State, and
also Generalissimo, both subjects of the Celestial dynasty, now
under the sway of T'aí-ping, truly commissioned by Heaven to
rule; hereby issue a decree to the distant English, who have
long recognized the duty of worshipping Heaven (God), and who
have recently come into the views of our royal master,
especially enjoining upon them to set their minds at rest and
harbour no unworthy suspicions.
"The Heavenly Father, the Supreme Lord, the Great God, in the
beginning created heaven and earth, land and sea, men and
things, in six days; from that time to this the whole world has
been one family, and all within the four seas brethren; how can
there exist, then, any difference between man and man? or how
any distinction between principal and secondary birth? But from
the time that the human race has been influenced by the
demoniacal agency which has entered into the heart of man, they
have ceased to acknowledge the great benevolence of God the
Heavenly Father in giving and sustaining life, and ceased to
appreciate the infinite merit of the expiatory sacrifice made by
Jesus, our Celestial Elder Brother, and have, with lumps of
clay, wood, and stone, practised perversity in the world. Hence
it is that the Tartar hordes and Elfin Huns so fraudulently
robbed us of our celestial territory (China). But, happily, our
Heavenly Father and Celestial Elder Brother have from an early
period displayed their miraculous power amongst you English, and
you have long acknowledged the duty of worshipping God the
Heavenly Father and Jesus our Celestial Brother, so that the
truth has been preserved entire, and the Gospel maintained.
Happily, too, the Celestial Father, the Supreme Lord and Great
God, has now of His infinite mercy sent a heavenly messenger to
convey our royal master the Heavenly King up into heaven, and
has personally endowed him with power to sweep away from the
thirty-three heavens demoniacal influences of every kind, and
expel them thence into this lower world. And, beyond all, happy
is it that the Great God and Heavenly Father displayed His
infinite mercy and compassion in coming down into this our world
in the third month of the year Mowshin (1848),[18] and that
Jesus our Celestial Elder Brother, the Saviour of the world,
likewise manifested equal favour and grace in descending to
earth during the ninth month of the same year, where, for these
six years past, they have marvellously guided the affairs of
men, mightily exhibited their wondrous power, and put forth
innumerable miraculous proofs, exterminating a vast number of
imps and demons, and aiding our Celestial Sovereign in assuming
the control of the whole empire.
"But now that you distant English have not deemed myriads of
miles too far to come and acknowledge our sovereignty, not only
are the soldiers and officers of our celestial dynasty delighted
and gratified thereby, but even in high heaven itself our
Celestial Father and Elder Brother will also admire this
manifestation of your fidelity and truth. We therefore issue
this special decree, permitting you, the English chief, to lead
your brethren _out or in, backwards or forwards, in full
accordance with your own will or wish_, whether to aid us in
exterminating our impish foes, or to carry on your commercial
operations as usual; and it is our earnest hope that you will,
with us, earn the merit of diligently serving our Royal Master,
and, with us, recompense the goodness of the Father of Spirits.
"Wherefore we promulgate this new decree of (our sovereign)
T'aí-ping for the information of you English, so that all the
human race may learn to worship our Heavenly Father and
Celestial Elder Brother, and that all may know that, wherever
our Royal Master is, there men unite in congratulating him on
having obtained the decree to rule.
"A special decree, for the information of all men, given (under
our seals) this 26th day of the 3rd month of the year Kweihaou
(1st May, 1853), under the reign of the Celestial dynasty of
T'aí-ping."
With a faithfulness above all praise, the Ti-pings have never broken
their promises, and although the British government have thought fit to
repudiate theirs, still, with an integrity really wonderful, the
Ti-pings, although they might fairly have done so, have never
retaliated. Had ministers of enlightened mind, or even ministers of
honour, taken advantage of that clause of the Ti-pings' line of
conduct--and which in spite of the British hostilities has remained
unaltered--to go "out or in, backwards or forwards," how great a result
would have been attained for themselves, and how glorious a future of
freedom and Christianity for the Chinese!
Sir George Bonham, it appears, took umbrage at some imaginative want of
respect in the dispatch of the Ti-ping chiefs; still, the following
extracts from a communication received from Lo-thai-kang, commander of
Ti-ping forces at Chin-kiang, the Triad chief who joined the society of
"God-worshippers" in Kwang-si, should have appeased his indignation:--
"We humbly conceive that when the will of Heaven is fixed, man
cannot oppose; and when views and feelings are correct, corrupt
imaginations cannot interfere therewith; hence it is that honest
birds select the tree on which they roost, and that virtuous
ministers choose the sovereign whom they intend to serve. But,
alas! these false Tartars have displayed their unruly
dispositions, in fraudulently depriving us of our lawful
patrimony; at home they have injured the subjects of our state,
and abroad they have warred against foreign states. On a former
occasion your _honourable_ nation, with upright views, marched
into our territory, for which you had doubtless good and
sufficient reason; but the impish Tartars opposed your entrance,
_which the inhabitants of China viewed with displeasure_; but
now our royal master has received the command of Heaven to
punish offenders, _to show kindness to foreigners_, and
_harmonize_ them with the Chinese, _not restricting commercial
intercourse_, nor levying transit duties on merchandise, while
he leads forward his martial bands, to the number of hundreds of
myriads, overcoming every opposition; from which it is clear
that the period has arrived when both Heaven and man unite in
favouring his design, and faithful and brave warriors exert
themselves on his behalf. But these fiendish Tartars, finding
their strength gone, and their resources exhausted, have
attempted to drive on your _honourable_ nation to exert
yourselves in their behalf, unabashed by the recollection that,
_on a former occasion, when matters went easily with them, they
made it their business to oppose you; and now, when they are in
extremities, they apply to you for succour, wishing to set our
two nations at variance, in order to avail themselves of any
advantage arising therefrom_. This, we presume, is already seen
through by you.
"We remember, moreover, how on a former occasion we, in
conjunction with Bremer, Elliot, and Wanking (?), in the
province of Canton erected a church, and together worshipped
Jesus, our Celestial Elder Brother. All these circumstances are
as fresh in our recollection as if they had happened but
yesterday."
It is utterly impossible that anything could have been more satisfactory
than this first communication with the Ti-pings. Not only were all their
documents couched in the most friendly manner, affording a striking and
total contrast to those of the Manchoo; but in practice as well as
theory their conduct was excellent. They substituted for the old and
insulting epithets, "barbarian" and "foreign devil," hitherto applied to
all Europeans, the kindlier appellation of "foreign brethren;" while
instead of assuming the repellant and exclusive manner of the
Imperialists, they evinced the warmest friendliness and most candid
demeanour. So pleasing was their conduct generally, that all persons
having communication with them were unanimous in expressing their
favourable impressions. Captain Fishbourne, describing his visit in the
_Hermes_, says:--
"It was obvious to the commonest observer that they were
practically _a different race_. They had Gutzlaff's edition of
the Scriptures--at least they told us so; we know they had
twenty-eight chapters of Genesis, for they had reprinted thus
much, and gave us several copies; and some of them were
practical Christians, and nearly all seemed to be under the
influence of religious impressions, though limited in their
amount. They believed in a special Providence, and believed that
this truth had had a practical demonstration in their own case.
That though they had had trials and incurred dangers, these were
to punish and to purify. They had also successes, such as they
could have had only by God's special interference. They
referred, with deep and heartfelt gratitude, to the difficulties
they had encountered, and the deliverances which had been
effected for them, when they were but a few, and attributed all
their success to God.
"'They,' said one, speaking of the Imperialists, 'spread all
kinds of lies about us; they say we employ magical arts. The
only kind of magic we have used is prayer to God. In Kwang-se,
when we occupied Yung-ngan, we were sorely pressed; there were
then only some two or three thousand of us; we were beset on all
sides by much greater number; we had no powder left, and our
provisions were all gone; but our Heavenly Father came down and
showed us the way to break out. So we put our wives and children
in the middle, and not only forced a passage, but completely
beat our enemies.'
"After a short pause he added, 'If it be the will of God that
our Prince of Peace shall be sovereign of China, he will be the
sovereign of China; if not, then we will die here.'
"The man who, in every extreme, spoke these words of courageous
fidelity to the cause, and of confidence in God, was a
shrivelled-up, elderly little person, who made an odd figure in
his yellow and red hood; but he could think the thoughts and
speak the speech of a hero. He, and others like him, have
succeeded in impressing with their own sentiments of courage and
morality the minds of their adherents."
The _Hermes_ brought away from Nankin the following books, which were
published and circulated amongst the Ti-pings, viz.:--
1. The Book of Religious Precepts of the Ti-ping Dynasty.
2. The Trimetrical Classic.
3. An Ode for Youth.
4. The Book of Celestial Decrees.
5. The Book of Declaration of the Divine Will, made during the
Heavenly Father's Descent (in the Spirit) upon Earth.
6. The Imperial Declaration of Ti-ping.
7. Proclamations from Eastern and Western Kings.
8. Arrangement of the Army.
9. Regulations of the Army.
10. A New Calendar.
11. Ceremonial Regulations.
12. Book of Genesis, Chap. I.--XXVIII.
These furnished abundant proofs of the Christianity of the whole
movement. Errors, and some very grave, undoubtedly existed; but although
these have been sometimes animadverted upon in unmeasured terms, the
grand truth that the Ti-pings admitted and recognized the principal
points of the Christian faith, remained. Yet some persons seemed to
imagine the insurrection totally unworthy of Christian sympathy and
consideration, because their tenets of belief were not perfect;
forgetting that everything must have a commencement, and forgetting the
universally imperfect commencement of Christianity, even from the time
of the Apostles. Those who have made the religious error of the Ti-pings
an argument against them are not worthy of the smallest attention; for,
although they have been forward enough to declaim against the struggling
Christians, they have been altogether backward in the slightest attempt
to teach them better. Their own Christianity is scarcely so faultless
that they can afford to consign tens of thousands of professing, though
ignorant, Christians, to destruction; and were they ever so correct
themselves, still less should they be guilty of so unchristian an act.
The earnestness with which the Ti-ping government endeavoured to
promulgate the saving Word of God, is illustrated by the fact, that
then, and ever since, they circulated the Scriptures and all religious
publications entirely free of charge, a circumstance unparalleled in the
history of the world. Captain Fishbourne reports:--
"Before leaving Nankin they furnished us with many copies of
books which they had published, and of which they appear to
have had a large store, as they circulated them by every
possible means; they were seen by some officers of the _Hermes_
in boats that they _had sent off to drift down the river amongst
the Imperial flotilla_."
This singular mode of proceeding seems to imply that even at that early
period they recognized the truth of the Divine promise, "My word shall
not return unto me void," and with a holy simplicity were acting in full
confidence as to the results.
The Bishop of Victoria, in his estimate of the books of the Ti-pings,
has used the following language:--
"There are important questions which we have to consider
respecting the character of the religion of the insurgents;
_e.g._: Are its doctrines essentially those of the Christian
religion? Do the elements of truth preponderate over those of
error? Are the defects, which may be observable among them, such
as constitute a reasonable ground for condemning the whole
movement as one of unmingled evil, and the work of Satanic
power? Or, on the other hand, are they the natural shortcomings
of a body of imperfectly enlightened men, placed in a situation
of novel difficulty, labouring under almost unexampled
disadvantages in their pursuit of truth, without spiritual
instructors and guides, with only a few copies of the Holy
Scriptures, and those apparently in small, detached, and
fragmentary portions, with no forms of prayer or manuals of
devotion, having their minds distracted amid the arduous toil of
a campaign and the work of religious proselytism, with no
definite views or clear knowledge respecting the sacraments, the
Christian ministry, or the constitution of a Church--engaged in
a struggle for life and death--and yet, amid all these
hindrances and drawbacks, evincing a hopeful, praiseworthy, and
promising vigour of mind and independence of action, in the
great undertaking of a moral revolution of their country?
"We _do not hesitate to assert_ that ours is the latter and more
favourable view."
The following are the Rev. Dr. Medhurst's opinions of the same
publications. Of one hymn in particular, from "The Book of Religious
Precepts of the Ti-ping Dynasty," he says:--
"These lines constitute the redeeming feature of the whole book;
they deserve to be written in letters of gold, and we could
_desire nothing better_ for the Chinese than that they were
engraven on every heart. This one hymn is worth the four books
and the five classics of the Chinese all put together:--
"'How different are the true doctrines from the doctrines of the world!
They save the souls of men, and lead to the enjoyment of endless bliss.
The wise receive them with exultation, as the source of their happiness;
The foolish, when awakened, understand thereby the way to heaven.
Our Heavenly Father, of His great mercy and unbounded goodness,
Spared not His first-born son, but sent Him down into the world,
To give His life for the redemption of all our transgressions,
The knowledge of which, coupled with repentance, saves the souls of men.'"
Of "The Book of Religious Precepts of the Ti-ping Dynasty," he further
says:--
"This is decidedly the best production issued by the insurgents.
The reasoning is correct, the prayers are good, the ceremonies
enjoined (with the exception of the offerings) _are
unobjectionable_; the Ten Commandments[19] agree in spirit with
those delivered by Moses, and the hymns are passable. The
statements of the doctrines of human depravity, redemption by
the blood of Jesus, and the renewal of the heart by the
influence of the Holy Spirit, _are sufficient_ to direct any
honest inquirer in the way to heaven."
"'The Ode for Youth,'" he says, "gives some admirable lessons
regarding the honour due to God, who is the Creator and Father
of all. It sets forth in very clear terms the coming of Jesus
into the world for the salvation of men by the shedding of His
blood on the cross, and then goes on to detail the duties that
are required of us as parents and children, brothers and
sisters, husbands and wives, relatives and friends; concluding
with instructions as to the management of the heart and external
senses. Altogether it is an excellent book, _and there is not a
word in it which a Christian missionary might not adopt, and
circulate as a tract for the benefit of the Chinese_."[19]
"'The Book of Declaration of the Divine Will, made during the
Heavenly Father's Descent upon Earth,' details the examination
and detection of a traitor, on whom they were about to confer an
appointment, when the Father is said to have come down from
heaven in person,[20] on purpose to arraign and cross-question
the delinquent; and having brought his reason to light, to have
returned to heaven.
"There is no word of their having seen any form; but the idea of
the Father's presence seems to have been impressed upon the
minds of the bystanders.
"'The Book of Celestial Decrees' purports to be a collection of
communications from God our Heavenly Father, and Jesus our
Celestial Elder Brother. This is little, if anything, superior
to the preceding work.
"Their almanac appears to be in some measure founded upon that
originally prepared for the Chinese by the Jesuits, but prepared
by those who did not know much upon the subject, and therefore
they have adopted 366 days, the almanac copied from having been
one for leap-year. They, however, stated in contradistinction to
the ordinary Chinese almanac, that there are not any such things
as lucky days, 'as whoever shall with a true breast reverence
the Heavenly Father, the High Lord God, will be looked upon by
Him with complacency, and whatsoever times such please to attend
to their business, will be lucky and fortunate to them.'
"The book entitled 'The Regulations for the Army of the Ti-ping
Dynasty' is very remarkable for the _complete organization_
which it shows to exist amongst them, and for the _very
enlightened regulations_ it establishes for the treatment of the
people amongst whom they may be.
"'The Trimetrical Classic,'[21] so called from each line
containing only three words, is a very remarkable document, as
evidencing that the writer, if there was but one, possessed
great knowledge of both Old and New Testament history, of the
plan of salvation, and of practical Christianity. He appears,
also, to have much knowledge of Chinese history, and uses it to
guard against the hostility likely to rise amongst Chinese
against the Western nations, from the idea that they were
entirely indebted to them for a knowledge of the true God."
Although the above reports are very favourable as to the Ti-pings'
religion, still, upon many vital points they were undoubtedly defective;
but to qualify their shortcomings they subsequently published the Bible
in its full integrity, Old and New Testaments inclusive, copies of
which, with the Tien-wang's Imperial seal, are in possession of several
gentlemen in England.[22] Therefore, to denounce the Ti-ping movement as
evil and anti-Christian, because there exist _some_ errors of belief, is
not only most unjustifiable, but even implies that a person using such
an argument doubts the promised efficacy and result of God's Word.
The information gathered up to this time upon the religion of the
Ti-pings is particularly interesting and satisfactory; and if all
Christian men did not feel disposed to help them, they at least ought
not to have interfered against them; yet such was not the case, for even
at that early period many misnamed Christians, without in the least
_personally_ knowing anything of the movement, very loudly decried it.
Wrongful as this may seem, it only forms a part of the great
psychological problem--why it is that the minds of men will always, by a
vast majority, follow wrong instead of right?
The opposition the Ti-ping rebellion has met with from those whose
profession of Christianity should have made them its friends, can excite
no wonder; for, throughout the history of the world, has truth, freedom,
or Christianity, ever become manifest otherwise than through a dismal
vista of disbelief and bloodshed? It is a sad reflection, and a proof of
our frail, if not vile, mortality!
Some few months after the visit of the _Hermes_, the French war steamer
_Cassini_ proceeded to Nankin; she brought to Shanghae a reprint of the
remainder of Genesis, of Exodus, and a portion of the New Testament,
consisting of St. Matthew's Gospel, printed from the version of the Rev.
Dr. Gutzlaff.
This is the first account we have of the New Testament being seen
amongst the Ti-pings, although in some of their previous proclamations
it had been referred to: it proves the progress they were making; for
many of their errors were to be attributed to the fact that their belief
was grounded almost entirely upon the Old Testament. The Ti-pings have
been sadly abused for polygamy, &c., although I do not remember that
such facts have been made a _casus belli_ against the Imperialists; but
it must be remembered that as their laws were framed and already
constituted when the New Testament first came into their hands,
everything required to be altered; therefore people should recall the
maxim of Bacon, "that nature should be imitated by politicians, in the
_gradual_ character of her changes," and have the justice to admit, that
Hung-sui-tshuen, having made his laws as to marriage, &c., could not
possibly either overturn them at once, or see any reason to do so until
the truth either _gradually_ dawned upon him, or was inculcated by _some
of the many missionaries_ who overspread China. It seems very remarkable
that _none_ of them ever entertained this idea, excepting the American,
Mr. Roberts, who turned it to no advantage.
In the meanwhile, the possession of Nankin entirely altered the tactics
of the Tien-wang. Instead of continuing his rapid and triumphant march,
overcoming the Manchoos almost by the terror caused by the advance of
his forces, he settled down at what he had decided should become the
capital of his new empire; gathering together his followers in and about
Nankin and the neighbouring cities. For a month or two the whole Ti-ping
forces were busily engaged drilling, and fortifying the cities they
retained. During the same period, the Tien-wang and his chiefs were
employed constituting a regular government, with its attendant courts
and tribunals.
The government instituted was monarchical, Hung-sui-tshuen (the
Tien-wang) being the monarch; the other chiefs, titled Wang, bearing the
same relation to him as royal princes, that E-ching-wang, the Prince of
Kung, and the Soong-wang (one of the late Manchoo emperor's uncles) do
to the Manchoo dynasty.
The five principal leaders, besides their rank of Prince, constituted
both the Privy Council and Ministry. Six boards were formed, similar to
those of Pekin, with an additional one for Foreign Affairs. Yang, the
Eastern Prince, was appointed Prime Minister; Wei, the Northern Prince,
President of the Board of War; Fung, the Southern Prince, of the Boards
of Justice and Finance; Siau, the Western Prince, of the Civil Office
Board and Ecclesiastic Court; and Shih, the Assistant-Prince, of the
Board of Public Affairs and the Foreign Office.
The above arrangement was, however, subsequently altered, in consequence
of the increasing extent of the revolution. The five princes then
resigned their inferior appointments to others, continuing their duties
as Privy Council to the Tien-wang, and Supreme Generalissimos of the
five military divisions, into which their whole rule and territory were
divided. Other chiefs were elected to the dignity of Wang, with a rank
secondary to that of the Princes, and the whole formed a sort of
parliament. All the important affairs of state, such as the military
expeditions to be undertaken, plans of defence, &c., had first to
receive the sanction of this parliament, and were then submitted to the
Tien-wang for his approval. To a certain extent, the Tien-wang was
despotic in his government, for nothing could be undertaken without his
special sanction. This rule, although supreme, was still far from
constituting a despotism; and the ultimate decisions vested in him,
have, singularly enough, never created dissension in council. This is to
be accounted for not only by the fact that his subjects regarded him as
endowed with theocratical attributes, but also to the wisdom of his
mandates.
As it was impossible, during their belligerent state, to give full
effect to their Civil Boards or officials, the whole system of
government resolved itself into a military one, pending such time as
peace should be obtained, when they would be at leisure to cultivate the
arts and sciences, and form a legislature upon an entirely civil basis.
The occupation of Nankin has proved fatal to the success of the Ti-pings
hitherto. Insurrection, of whatever kind, to be successful, must never
relinquish the aggressive movement; directly it acts upon the defensive,
unless possessing some wonderful organization, its power is broken. The
principal element of revolutionary success is rapidity of action, and
when once this is forsaken, the consolidated strength of an established
constitution is advantageously brought to bear against rebellion.
The Tien-wang, by settling down at Nankin and commencing to defend his
position, committed a vital error, and one that lost him the empire. If,
instead of so doing, and affording his enemies time to rally and recover
from their wild panic, and concentrate their forces, he had aimed at the
one terminal point, Pekin, beyond all doubt, the very _éclat_ of his
victorious march would have carried him with an almost resistless
triumph into possession of the capital, and the consequent destruction
of the Manchoo dynasty would have given him the empire. The very fact
that for years afterwards, in spite of this unfavourable re-action, the
Ti-pings have been enabled, not only to hold their own against the
Imperialists, but to have utterly crushed them--had it not been for the
intervention of England--proves how easily they might have followed up
their first advantages.
Two courses were open to the Ti-pings, either of which, judging by their
career, would have led to the extinction of the oppressive Manchoo rule.
The first was, without a pause, to have continued their march upon
Pekin, abandoning each city as they seized it, and while enriching
themselves from the captured stores and treasuries, and strengthening
their forces by the crowds of discontented wherever they might pass, not
to have permitted the slightest reduction of their numbers by detaching
isolated garrisons.
The second would have been to have abandoned Nankin, and concentrated
all their forces in the southern provinces,--Kwang-tung, Kwang-se,
Kwei-chow, and Fo-keen,--a part of China, more than any other, bitterly
opposed to the Manchoos, and more important still, the native provinces
of the principal Ti-ping leaders. In this case, the whole of the country
south of the Yang-tze river could in a short time have been completely
wrested from the Manchoos, and then, if unable to obtain the whole
empire, they would at least have established a southern kingdom in
perfect integrity--and how superior this course of action would have
been to the irregular one they pursued!
It was not only a great mistake, but a great absurdity for the Tien-wang
to establish a capital, and set up a new dynasty before accomplishing
either of the foregoing courses.
Although for several years numbers continued flocking to the Tien-wang's
standard, still, they were not of the best material; the wealthier
classes, directly they found the revolution paused, paused too, and time
showed them that the obnoxious element was the Christian religion. So
long as the movement, in the earlier stages of patriotic excitement, was
looked upon as a means of overthrowing the foreign dynasty, it was a
national and a popular one; but as the foreign derived religious
character transpired, the bigoted and proud Chinese naturally began to
eye with suspicion a movement so vast, aiming not only at the subversion
of the reigning dynasty, but of the time-honoured superstitions,
ceremonies, and faith of the nation. The stationary phase, prejudicial
to any revolution, was doubly so to the Ti-ping, as it fully displayed
that the Christian, or foreign innovation, was as much their profession
as the popular anti-Manchoo feeling; but for this, the whole population
of China would have risen _en masse_ to throw off the foreign yoke.
Through our Faith the Ti-pings have heroically, and, until the British
_Government_ added their weight to the adverse scale, successfully
maintained an unequal struggle for years. Should we not then rather have
assisted than opposed them? Why should we, who pride ourselves upon our
superior freedom, oppose the advance of Christianity, and perpetuate a
most corrupt and barbarous government in Asia--a government more foreign
to the people whom it crushes than the Russian is to the Poles? Can the
British nation sympathize with the rebels to one and not with those to
the other, particularly when the latter are endeavouring to propagate
the Christian faith? Can the English nation, one of the most Christian
and enlightened in the world, deny all sympathy to those carrying on the
greatest patriotic struggle on record, a struggle that _would_, by the
admission of many high-minded missionaries, have Christianized more than
one-third of the human race?
The Imperialists gained many advantages through the stationary position
of the Ti-pings. Whereas, before, they contented themselves with
following an advancing and triumphant army, and occupying the towns and
districts as they were evacuated, they were now enabled to recover from
the demoralizing effects of their numerous defeats, and to concentrate
their efforts upon one or two points. The prestige of success, a great
element with Chinese troops, was for a time lost to the revolutionists,
and the Tartar forces despatched from the north combining with those
lately following at a respectful distance in the rear of the Ti-pings,
soon invested Nankin and Chin-kiang with apparently overwhelming
numbers.
The blockade of Nankin, notwithstanding the strength of the investing
forces, was neither close nor effectual. Several expeditionary armies
were formed and despatched by the Tien-wang to raise the country in
different directions. He seems to have reckoned too much upon the
patriotic spirit of his countrymen, besides committing the error of
settling down and attempting to consolidate his own power before
overthrowing that of the enemy. It is even very probable, if all these
expeditionary armies had been combined into one and marched upon Pekin,
that that city would have fallen.
In May, 1853, a small army of about seven thousand men crossed to the
northern bank of the Yang-tze-kiang, and after defeating a body of
Tartar troops who disputed their passage, proceeded rapidly in a
north-west direction, through the provinces of Ngan-whui and Ho-nan.
Kai-fung, the capital of Ho-nan, the city containing the only tribe of
Jews found in China, was unsuccessfully attacked.
Passing rapidly on, the Ti-pings effected the passage of the Yellow
River, and attacked the city of Hwae-king. Here they were likewise
unsuccessful, and a large army of Imperialists having collected, some
from the north, some from the neighbouring garrisons, and united with a
considerable force that had been detached in pursuit from the army of
observation before Nankin, the siege was raised, and the Ti-ping line of
march to the northward checked. Diverging to the westward for nearly 200
miles, they entered the province of Shensi, and on the 4th of September
captured the city of Yuen-keuh. This was the first city of magnitude
taken since leaving Nankin, and the treasure and supplies found at this
place proved very acceptable to the worn and destitute army. They once
more turned northwards, and marched steadily forward in the direction of
Pekin, capturing many important cities on the way. Late in the same
month they entered Chih-le, the most northern province of the empire,
and that in which Pekin is situated. Advancing with rapidity, and
capturing city after city, towards the end of October they reached the
Grand Canal, and proceeding by this, in a few days arrived at and
captured the town of Tsing-hae, distant some twenty miles from the port
of Tien-tsin. Tsing-hae now became the head-quarters of the Ti-ping
army; while the main body occupied the place, a column was detached
against Tien-tsin, before which city it appeared on the 30th October;
but being repulsed with considerable loss, the whole army went into
winter quarters at Tsing-hae.
In the meanwhile, the Manchoo court at Pekin was seriously alarmed at
the progress the Ti-pings were making, they being now distant but a few
days' march. Every exertion was made to stop their further progress; not
only was the Manchoo garrison of Pekin despatched against them, but
large bodies of Mongols were engaged and sent before Tsing-hae early in
November; and these forces combining with the Imperialist troops that
had followed the Ti-pings from the first day they crossed the Yang-tze,
and continually receiving reinforcements from every garrison town they
passed, now closely blockaded the Ti-ping position.
Soon after the departure of the first northern army, in May, a large
force was marched back upon the old route taken by the Ti-pings in their
advance upon Nankin. Proceeding up the Yang-tze-kiang, Ngan-king, the
capital of the province of Ngan-whui, was captured and made a base for
further operations. Many cities were captured, and their stores and
treasuries convoyed down to Nankin. Two strong columns were now detached
from Ngan-king, one in a westerly direction, penetrating through the
provinces of Kiang-si and Hoo-nan, while the other started due north to
the reinforcement of the army blockaded at Tsing-hae. Early in 1854, the
western army having passed the Tung-ting lake, retraced a part of their
old line of march, capturing the numerous cities on the bank of the
Yang-tze river. About May this army arrived before the three cities of
Han-kow, Han-yang, and Wu-chang, the capital of Hoo-peh, conveying the
immense supplies they had already captured; after a short siege, these
important places fell, thus placing the Ti-pings in possession of all
the principal cities from thence to Chin-kiang, a distance of more than
450 miles, and comprising the richest and most fertile portion of the
Yang-tze provinces.
In the meanwhile the northern column (which left Ngan-king some time in
November, 1853), making forced marches through Ngan-whui, struck the
Grand Canal in the province of Kiang-su, and rapidly following its
course through Shang-tung, city after city falling before its victorious
march, crossed the Yellow River in March, 1854, and captured by storm,
on the 12th April, the strongly-fortified city of Lin-tsing, on the
border of the northern province, Chih-le.
During this time the army at Tsing-hae remained closely blockaded.
While, entirely cut off from all supplies or reinforcements, it became
fast reduced by sickness, famine, and the sword; the enemy, upon the
contrary (but a few days' march from Tien-tsin, the great northern
commercial city and grain depôt; in the immediate vicinity of Tartary,
and, moreover, hardy and inured to the keen wintry storms, so trying to
the lightly-clad southerners, comprising the Ti-ping forces) had
everything in their favour. Large bodies of Mongolian troops were hired
and despatched by the Manchoo government against the blockaded
rebels--the Manchoo reserves, and even a large contingent of volunteer
Chinese, were sent to swell the imperialist ranks; and while time fast
reduced the number and efficiency of the Ti-pings, their foe day by day
became more numerous and formidable. The small Ti-ping army at the first
scarcely mustered seven thousand strong. Owing to the rapidity of their
march, the numbers who joined them by the way were inconsiderable,
compared with the resources of the enemy; the only addition they
received of any importance was in the province of Ho-nan, where a
detachment of local insurrectionists, nearly five thousand strong,
joined them; but this reinforcement was more than cancelled by their
losses in battle and from disease. The courage and discipline of this
small army must have been something wonderful. The steadfast
perseverance of their onward march, in the face of seemingly
insurmountable difficulties; their steady resistance to the
overwhelming numbers of the fur-clad hardy Tartar cavalry--an arm in
which they were totally deficient, and could not effectually oppose;
their firm endurance of the rigours of the northern winter, close to the
icy steppes of Tartary, to which they were unaccustomed, and for which
they were unprepared; their isolated march of more than fourteen hundred
miles; the heroism with which they supported attack, and finally their
successful escape,--all constitute one of the most remarkable campaigns
of modern times.
During the months of November and December the besieged made several
desperate but unavailing sorties, the enemy in each case repulsing them
with heavy loss. At last, early in February, 1854, after an occupation
of more than three months, hopeless of success, with famine in their
camp, and no prospect of succour from their friends, the whole garrison
sallied out and succeeded in cutting their way through the besiegers.
With gallantry hitherto unknown to the Chinese, this small but heroic
band commenced the most arduous operation of any army,--a retreat in the
presence of a vastly superior enemy. Inch by inch they retired,
continually facing about to repel the pursuing host. Masses of Tartar
cavalry whirled around them, now charging impetuously on front, rear,
and flanks, now hurrying in advance to dispute some difficult passage;
heavy columns of infantry, surrounding them on every side, rushed
incessantly to the attack, confident in their overwhelming numbers, and
encouraged by the hope of reward; yet never for a moment did they
succeed in breaking the unfaltering and orderly retreat of the Ti-ping
army, which slowly retired with its face to the foe, until, after three
months' endurance, a junction was effected with the forces which
garrisoned the city of Lin-tsing.
It is a singular fact that the Manchoo government dreaded the approach
of the small Ti-ping army more than the advance of the allied English
and French upon Pekin in 1860. An extract from a memorial of the Board
of Censors to the Emperor, found in the Summer Palace, runs thus:--
"In 1853, when the Cantonese rebels overran the country,
advancing impetuously towards the north, the alarm excited in
the capital was many times more serious than that now
manifested."
The fate of the Manchoo rule hung trembling in the balance, and the
consciousness of well-merited destruction struck terror to the hearts of
the corrupt and sanguinary government. A little more energy and
determination at this period would have won the empire; had the first
northern army been able to maintain itself at Tsing-hae until the
arrival of the second, the dynasty of Ta-tsing would have terminated.
The combined forces could assuredly have captured and held Tien-tsin
until the arrival of further reinforcements from Nankin, even if the
possession of that city, the grand supply depôt of Pekin, had not caused
the fall of the capital. The extraordinary northern march, and the
length of time that little army was able to retain its menacing
position, afford ample evidence that greater strength would have ensured
its success. Through neglecting that favourable and momentous
opportunity, the Tien-wang forfeited the grand object of his efforts
when open to his grasp. That his powerful mind was unequal to the
occasion is far less probable than that his expectations of his
countrymen were not realized. It is impossible that he could be ignorant
of the advantages of combination, and it appears certain that he
reckoned upon the general rising of the Chinese, as well as on the
omnipotent assistance of God. This is, in fact, manifestly plain from
his proclamations, and affords the only reasonable explanation of his
sending several small armies unsupported in totally divergent courses,
rather than concentrating all his available forces, and aiming directly
at the head-quarters of the Manchoo dynasty.
Although several smaller detachments joined the Ti-ping army at
Lin-tsing, it was unable to advance upon Pekin again; the favourable
moment having once passed, did not return. Several severe actions were
contested with no material advantage upon either side, and the
semi-steel-clad warriors of inner Mongolia were well matched by the
undefended revolutionists. Greatly harassed by the numerous cavalry of
the enemy, in May, 1854, the Ti-ping army slowly turned towards the
south, continually engaging the Imperialist forces and capturing many
important cities to the north of the Yang-tze river.
It is not generally known that Le-hsiu-ch'-éng, subsequently famous as
the Chung-wang, was the leader of the first northern expedition; but,
during my acquaintance with him, he has frequently reverted to it. From
his statements I inferred that he received no particular order to march
on Pekin, but simply a general one to conquer the country, and deliver
the people from the Manchoo rule. The direct march upon the capital was
his own determination, and the reinforcement eventually despatched to
his assistance was not at first intended, but was sent to him in
consequence of the request for more troops which he forwarded to Nankin
by disguised messengers after his passage of the Yellow River. He
declared that his troops had been within sight of the walls of Pekin,
and that he could easily have captured the city if the reinforcement had
joined him earlier; also that his retirement from Tsing-hae was caused
entirely by the volunteer troops of the Pekin district, the Mongols and
Manchoos being unable to stand against the attack of his men. If this be
true, it seems a singular fact that the Tartar dynasty should owe its
safety to the Chinese, although in the Pekin district it may fairly be
assumed that they have long become entirely Tartarized.
Meanwhile the Manchoos resorted to the most corrupt practices of a most
corrupt government, in order to obtain the necessary supplies to make
their defence. The sale of titles, offices, and degrees was carried to
an enormous extent. Twenty-three notifications were published in the
_Pekin Gazette_, putting up for sale every rank, honour, or emolument in
the kingdom. Prisoners were allowed to purchase their freedom, exiles
their return; functionaries were allowed to buy titles for their
maternal relatives, and any one and every one was allowed to purchase
for his father a rank superior to his own; in short, a system of entire
bribery and corruption was established.
Posthumous honours were also accorded to those who had been killed in
battle, extending to the fourth, fifth, or entire generation of their
ancestors; while those who ran away to fight another day received every
kind of degradation; all the complicated details of cunning deception
and bombastic warfare were resorted to by the Manchoo government in its
extremity.
The following document discloses facts connected with the troops of the
"paternal" government which might well have aroused the people to join
the Ti-ping standard of freedom.
Translated by Rev. Dr. W. H. Medhurst, Shanghae, Nov. 1, 1853:[23]--
"The petition of Luh-yu-ch'hang, Yuon-kwei-leang, Yeh-fung-chun,
Chin-sze-hang, Kin-ping-chin, and Wang-keing-chau, with many
others who reside in the various tythings of the 27th hundred,
and have to complain of robbery, rape, murder, and arson,
imploring that steps may be taken to repress further outrage,
and save the lives of the people.
"We, the above-named people, living in the quiet villages of the
various tythings of the 27th, and the 4th tything of the 25th
hundred, two or three miles distant from the city of Shanghae,
depend upon husbandry and weaving for our support, without
mixing in any outside disturbances. But recently, on the 30th of
October last, in the afternoon, the volunteer soldiers belonging
to the contingent from Hoo-kwang, came suddenly in a body, armed
with weapons, and rushed upon our villages, entering into our
several houses, to plunder our property; and when we reasoned
the matter with them they answered with scorn, and proceeded to
ravish our females; when we further pointed out the evil of
these proceedings, they immediately beheaded Wang-chang-kin and
Wang-keau-ke, while they stabbed to death Tsien-king-pang,
Chang-ko-kwang, and How-seih-ch'hang, besides wounding nine
others, both male and female. They then burnt down our houses,
amounting to seventy-seven apartments, a list of which is
appended to this petition.
"Our lives are now in the greatest danger, and the cry of
complaint is heard throughout the whole country on this account.
We have dared to prefix our names to the present petition, and
pray in a body the great officers to compassionate the poor
people, _who are after all the foundation of the country_. We
implore your gracious attention to this request, and pray you to
repress these volunteer soldiers, commanding them to obey the
laws and protect the people. A most fervent petition. Hien-fung,
3rd year, 10th month, 1st day. November 1st, 1853."
The following was the only notice taken of the above petition by Lew,
the Imperial commissioner:--
"Such things are doubtless very wrong, but they are the work of
idlers and vagrants, who personate my soldiers. I will issue
strict orders to my troops. Now go and be satisfied. _I hope a
worse thing will not befall you._"
While this was the common behaviour of the Imperialist troops in every
direction, the Ti-pings were acting as real deliverers to the people;
whatever excesses the besottedness of their spiritless countrymen may at
a later period have driven their new levies to commit. I cannot do
better than offer the contrast presented by the conduct of the Ti-ping
soldiery, in an account the Rev. Dr. Medhurst gives, in a letter quoted
in "Impressions of China," by Captain Fishbourne:--
"Having obtained admission into the city of Shanghae this
afternoon, I proceeded to one of the chapels belonging to the
London Missionary Society, where I commenced preaching to a
large congregation, which had almost immediately gathered within
the walls. I was descanting on the folly of idolatry, and urging
the necessity of worshipping the one true God, on the ground
that he alone could protect his servants, while idols were
things of naught, destined soon to perish out of the land; when,
suddenly a man stood up in the midst of the congregation, and
exclaimed:--'That is true, that is true! the idols must perish,
and shall perish. I am a Kwang-se-man, a follower of
Thai-ping-wang; we all of us worship one God (Shang-te), and
believe in Jesus, while we do our utmost to put down idolatry;
everywhere demolishing the temples and destroying the idols, and
exhorting the people to forsake their superstitions. When we
commenced two years ago, we were only 3,000 in number, and we
have marched from one end of the empire to another, putting to
flight whole armies of the Mandarins' troops that were sent
against us. If it had not been that God was on our side, we
could not have thus prevailed against such overwhelming numbers;
but now our troops have arrived at Tien-tsin, and we expect soon
to be victorious over the whole empire.' He then proceeded to
exhort the people in a most lively and earnest strain to abandon
idolatry, which was only the worship of devils, and the
perseverance in which would involve them in the miseries of
hell; while by giving it up, and believing in Jesus, they would
obtain the salvation of their souls. 'As for us,' he said, '_we
feel quite happy in the possession of our religion, and look on
the day of our death as the happiest period of our existence;
when any of our number die, we never weep, but congratulate each
other on the joyful occasion, because a brother is gone to
glory, to enjoy all the magnificence and splendour of the
heavenly world_. While continuing here, we make it our business
to keep the commandments, to worship God, and to exhort each
other to do good, for which end we have frequent meetings for
preaching and prayer. What is the use, then,' he asked, 'of you
Chinese going on to burn incense, and candles, and gilt paper;
which, if your idols really required it, would only show their
covetous dispositions, just like the Mandarins, who seize men by
the throat, and if they will not give money, squeeze them
severely; but if they will, only squeeze them gently.' He went
on to inveigh against the prevailing vices of his countrymen,
particularly opium-smoking. 'That filthy drug,' he exclaimed,
'which only defiles those who use it, making their houses stink,
and their clothes stink, and their bodies stink, and their souls
stink, and will make them stink for ever in hell, unless they
abandon it.'
"'But you must be quick,' he adds; 'for Thai-ping-wang is
coming, and he will not allow the least infringement of his
rules,--no opium, no tobacco, no snuff, no wine, no vicious
indulgences of any kind; all offences against the commandments
of God are punished by him with the severest rigour, while the
incorrigible are beheaded--therefore repent in time.'
"I could perceive, from the style of his expressions and from
his frequently quoting the books of the Thai-ping dynasty, that
he was familiar with those records, and had been thoroughly
trained in that school. No Chinaman who had not been following
the camp of the insurgents for a considerable time could have
spoken as he did.
"He touched also on the expense of opium-smoking, 'which drained
their pockets, and kept them poor in the midst of wealth, whilst
we who never touch the drug, are not put to such expense. Our
master provides us with food and clothing, which is all we
want, so that we are rich without money.'
"I could not help being struck also, with the appearance of the
man, as he went on in his earnest strain. Bold and fearless as
he stood, openly denouncing the vices of the people, his
countenance beaming with intelligence, his upright and manly
form the very picture of health, while his voice thrilled
through the crowd, they seemed petrified with amazement: their
natural conscience assured them that his testimony was true;
while the conviction seemed to be strong amongst them, that the
two great objects of his denunciation--opium and idolatry--were
both bad things, and must be given up.
"He spoke an intelligible Mandarin, with an occasional touch of
the Canton or Kwang-si brogue. His modes of illustration were
peculiar, and some of the things which he advanced were not such
as Christian missionaries were accustomed to bring forward. The
impression left on my mind, however, was that a considerable
amount of useful instruction was delivered, _and such as would
serve to promote the objects we had in view, in putting down
idolatry, and furthering the worship of the true God_."
At this time the city of Shanghae was in possession of the Triad rebels
(the society sworn to expel the Manchoos), who have not unfrequently
been confounded with the Ti-pings, to the prejudice of the latter.
Late in the summer of 1853, some few months after the capture of Nankin
by the Ti-pings, the Triad society, alive to the advantages of the
movement, rose up against the obnoxious Manchoos in many parts of the
country.
About the end of July, a body of the Triads succeeded in gaining
possession of the city of Amoy, one of the treaty ports, meeting with
but slight resistance, the inhabitants being glad to receive them. By
their singularly moderate conduct, the movement became very popular; in
fact, all their supplies were brought in by the country people, and
their principal strength was composed of these villagers, who remained
and fought against the Imperialist troops as long as the insurrection
lasted. Several cities in the neighbourhood were captured, and the
wealthy classes remained aloof from both contending parties; their
disposition towards the government was far too adverse for them to
assist it; but they contented themselves with simply withdrawing their
support, well knowing the savage revenge the "paternal" rulers would
wreak upon them and their helpless families, if they were to join the
rebellion, and it should afterwards fail. The country people throughout
the district remained hostile to the Imperialists until their recapture
of Amoy, when, to save their own and relatives' lives, they were
compelled to return to the Manchoo slavery, those being lucky who
escaped the indiscriminate vengeance of the government.
Captain Fishbourne, senior naval officer on the station, was present at
Amoy when it was captured by the Triads. He reports:--
"The insurgents having placed guards over the European Hongs,
_there was nothing to apprehend_, so we proceeded to Hong-kong,
when, after landing Sir George Bonham, we returned in the
_Hermes_ to Shanghae."
Upon the 11th of November the city of Amoy, which had been for some time
besieged by a vastly superior force of Imperialists, was evacuated by
the Triads, who, being short of supplies, marched out of the city in
broad daylight unmolested by the cowardly besiegers, who then marched in
to perpetrate the most revolting barbarities, in their ordinary manner,
upon the defenceless inhabitants. A large squadron of pirates composed
the naval force employed by the Imperialists in their siege of the city,
in the same manner as in their attack upon Ningpo when held by the
Ti-pings, on the 10th May, 1862, although upon this latter occasion the
Imperialist pirates were successful, an alliance having been entered
into between them and the British squadron commanded by Captain Roderick
Dew, R.N.
Captain Fishbourne, who was an eye-witness of the return of Amoy to
Manchoo rule, thus describes it:--
"Having engaged pirates, the authority was committed to them, to
sanction the atrocities that these would certainly commit; and,
as if that were not sufficient, they encouraged them to more
than they might otherwise be inclined to, for they promised
them six dollars for each head they would bring in.
"On the entry of these savages, the first thing they did was to
disperse in every direction in search of heads; regardless of
anything save that the people who possessed them should be
helpless; it mattered not to them that they were equally infirm
and unoffending: they had heads--these they wanted.
"All found were brought to the Chinese admiral" (it is said, the
same pirate chief who afterwards became Captain R. Dew's ally),
"whose vessel was close to us, so we saw all that was passing.
He then issued a mandate for their destruction. At first they
began by taking their heads off at the adjoining pier; this soon
was fully occupied, and the executioners becoming fatigued, the
work proceeded slowly, therefore an additional set commenced
taking their heads off on the sides of the boats. This also
proved too slow for them, and they commenced to throw them
overboard, tied hand and foot. But this was too much for
Europeans; so missionaries, merchants, sailors, marines, and
officers, all rushed in, and stopped further proceedings. The
mandarins, executioners, staff and all, took themselves off very
quickly, for fear of consequences they could not calculate upon,
but which they felt they had richly deserved: 400 poor creatures
were saved from destruction; 250 of these were wounded--some
with twenty, others less, but more dangerous wounds. Some had
their heads nearly severed; about thirty died. The Mandarins
then removed their scene of butchery a mile outside the town;
and during the next two days, after having obtained possession,
they must have taken off upwards of two thousand heads, or
otherwise destroyed that number of people. For days bodies were
floating about the harbour, carried out by one tide and brought
back by another, each time not quite so far, so that finally
they were only disposed of by being taken to sea.
"The only feeling the brutal pirates evinced, was that of
disappointment at being deprived (as they said) by us of three
thousand dollars.[24]
"Often during the operations, the poor people complained of the
treatment of the Imperialists; and it was certainly pitiable to
behold the needless destruction of property--needless if the
Imperialists had been soldiers or men--such never won or kept an
empire; _yet none of the Imperial forces are better_.
"Nor can it be said that these were the acts of subordinates,
for which the government was only remotely responsible, for they
were specially dictated by the Viceroy of the province, who was
a Tartar, and an uncle of the Tartar emperor. He even enjoined
the violation of solemn compacts entered into between the
Mandarins and heads of villages, before they would give up the
leaders in the revolt. The Mandarins avowed, that after the
government of Amoy was established, they meant to carry fire and
sword through the surrounding districts, as the people were all
tainted with revolutionary principles."
Well may it be asked--Were the people of England aware of these
enormities when they cherished and sustained the Manchoo? It cannot be
credited; and, therefore, it is well to point out what kind of
government they supported, what description of men they made war upon,
and what were the results of their interference.
On the 7th of September, Shanghae, another of the treaty ports, was
captured, and several other places in the neighbourhood were attacked by
different bodies of Triads. At this city also they seem to have behaved
with remarkable moderation, and are said to have found about £70,000 in
the treasury.
Although totally unconnected with the great Ti-ping revolution, they
still looked hopefully towards it, and, after some little hesitation,
sent a deputation, as likewise from Amoy, tendering their allegiance to
the Tien-wang. He, however, refused to accept them, despite the enormous
advantages he would have derived from the possession of the treaty
ports, until such time as they should understand and profess
Christianity; and it was probably one of the teachers he sent to them,
whose speech was reported by Mr. Medhurst in the letter quoted from a
few pages preceding.
Captain Fishbourne reports of them:--
"They know nothing of Christianity, but are very tolerant, and
allowed the missionaries a latitude in teaching, never before
enjoyed. They have lost all faith in idolatry, and no longer
cared to preserve appearances, by continuing idolatrous worship,
though some of them still use superstitions and idolatries. They
have behaved with much moderation, _and the facilities for trade
have been even greater than under the Tartar Imperial rule_. Of
course the import trade has been limited, because of the
disturbed state of the country; the export trade, on the other
hand, had been unusually great, not from any protection or
facilities afforded by the Imperial authorities, but a desire on
the part of holders of goods to realize."
While the Triad insurgents continued to manifest the most friendly
feeling towards the European residents at Shanghae, the Imperialist
troops collecting to the siege of the Chinese city, in their usual
style, became very dangerous and hostile. It was reported by Captain
Fishbourne:--
"Thus the Imperial troops made it a habit to place their targets
for ball practice, so that the riding-course and principal place
of resort for all foreigners, should be rendered dangerous, or
impassable."
Several times the European settlement was attacked by them, and was once
attempted to be fired; and, at last, so outrageous had they become, that
the British and French forces--in all less than three hundred men--were
compelled to attack their camp, and drive them further away from the
settlement, inflicting a loss, it is said, of three hundred killed;
losing themselves only two killed and fifteen wounded.
As it is universally known these Triad rebels were in every way
_inferior_ to the Ti-pings, and as they were allowed to capture the
treaty ports, and their conduct was always so friendly to Europeans, and
so far superior to that of the Imperialists, it _does_ seem a little
extraordinary that the British public have not penetrated the falsity of
the statement subsequently urged against the Ti-pings, in order to
attempt the palliation of the infamous policy of driving them from
Shanghae and Ningpo,--that the treaty ports must be held against the
Ti-pings, because, if the latter were to capture them, an immense amount
of British property and British lives _would_ be destroyed, &c.
During the Triads' occupation of Shanghae, a formidable, though at first
secret, opposition was insidiously at work against them among the
European community--the hostile intrigues of the Jesuits. These
priests, with a constancy and perseverance worthy a better cause, are
found plotting and making converts to a pseudo sort of Christianity all
over the country. It so happens, that to propitiate the Chinese, or not
to shock them by too great a departure from "old custom," they are
allowed to retain most of their idolatrous forms of worship, to which
are added the usual figures of the manifold saints, &c., of the Romish
church. Now the Ti-pings, who are strict iconoclasts, having several
times fallen foul of Roman Catholic establishments in the interior, and
in each case mistaken the figure of the Virgin Mary with a male child in
her arms for the very similar idol of Budha, have naturally confounded
Jesuitism with the Budhism it resembles. Consequently, the
Tartar-worshipping Jesuits are the most bitter enemies the Ti-pings have
ever had, knowing, as they do, that the success of the latter would
entirely destroy their work, and drive them from the many positions they
hold throughout China. Therefore, when the Jesuits ascertained the
Triads not only announced themselves as being about to join the
Tien-wang, but had actually sent deputations to, and received
instructors from him, they at once commenced intriguing for their
overthrow. The French consul and the French senior officer on the
station were both priest-ridden and bigoted men, and eventually, for
certain valuable considerations, assistance was afforded to the
Imperialists, and the Triads were driven out of a Chinese city without
the slightest shadow of justice or reason.
Both the English and French authorities deprived the Triads of the
duties they were justly entitled to levy on all export or import trade.
At last the French admiral, appropriately named La Guerre, determined
that the time had arrived to fulfil his own and his Jesuitical
colleagues' peculiarly unrighteous intentions. The Triads were suddenly
attacked (December, 1854) without having given the slightest
provocation, and several of their men, who were engaged constructing a
battery outside one of the city gates, murdered by the French sailors. A
few days later they surprised fifteen poor rebels asleep in the same
battery, and these were also butchered. Two days previous to this,
Admiral La Guerre savagely bombarded the city, although it contained
upwards of 20,000 innocent inhabitants, among whom the shot and shell
committed much slaughter. Allied to the ferocious Manchoo, the French
closely blockaded the city, and cut off all communication.
Some people delight in terming the Ti-pings bloodthirsty monsters, &c.;
but the following extract proves that the French not only excelled the
rebels, but even surpassed the Imperialists in wanton cruelty. In
"Twelve Years in China,"[25] by John Scarth, Esq., we find the following
episode of the blockade by the civilized and most Christian allies of
the Manchoo:--
"The French proclaimed a strict blockade, and shot down all that
attempted to hold communication with the rebels. We _saw_ one
evening a poor old woman that had been attempting to take a
basket of food for some poor person in the city, struck by a
ball from the French lines; her thigh was broken, and she lay
helpless on the ground. How horrible did war appear, when the
sentry levelled his rifle again, and fired at the poor old
creature, driving up a shower of earth close to her side.
Another shot, and another, were fired; at last she was hit again
in the back! she cried to us for help, but we could render no
assistance, except by sending to report the circumstance at
head-quarters. Shot after shot was fired. There were some rebels
watching the butchery from the walls; they could see us
distinctly. We were within rifle distance; and feeling that if I
were in their position, I would shoot at every foreigner I saw,
while foreigners were committing such acts, I went away really
for safety's sake, sick at heart to see such monstrous cruelty.
The woman, it was afterwards reported, lay on the spot moaning
till nearly midnight, when her cries ceased, and it was supposed
_some of the rebels_ had got her into the city out of the way of
further immediate harm."
The French eventually breached the walls, and with their creditable
allies assaulted the city, only, however, to be beaten back with a loss
of one-fifth their number. The Triads were at last starved out, and upon
the Chinese New Year's night (17th February, 1855) evacuated Shanghae,
and cut their way through the Imperialist lines. Three hundred, who had
surrendered themselves to Admiral La Guerre, were by that officer given
up to the Mandarins, and tortured to death. During three days every
atrocity was perpetrated by the Imperialists upon the unfortunate
inhabitants caught within the city, or the rebels who were hunted down
in the country. Upwards of 2,000 were barbarously put to death within
three days. As Messrs. J. Scarth, Sillar, and others have written,--"The
Imperialist soldiers even burst open the coffins in the burial-grounds,
and dragged out the rebel corpses and beheaded them." Women were
horribly mutilated and put to death; rebels were crucified and tortured
with red-hot irons; some were starved to death in the streets of the
city; others were disembowelled, and very many slowly cut to pieces.
When the Triads captured the city, they killed only _two_ men, tortured
none, and respected private property. The papers at Shanghae
stated,--"When the French and Imperialists got possession of the city,
however, there was something like slaughter. Heads were hung round the
city walls in bunches; the Pagoda Bridge had nineteen on it, and in some
places they were piled up in heaps!"
The conduct of those British officials who seemed anxious to carry out
the Manchoo-assisting policy of Sir John Bowring, Admiral Stirling, and
others, is thus severely reflected on by Mr. Scarth, who was present:--
"The very inconsiderate zeal which characterized the conduct of
Mr. Lay, the then acting Vice-Consul, and Mr. Wade, at that time
one of the officials in the Chinese Custom-house service, and
the open manner in which these gentlemen lent their aid to the
Mandarins, was strongly commented on by nearly all the foreign
community."
At page 217 of his interesting work he says:--
"A schooner going from Woo-sung to Hung-kong was suspected of
being about to take Chin-ah-Lin[26] and several other of the
city people; a force consisting of Chinese troops _and some
English marines, accompanied by the acting Vice-Consul_ (_who
seemed to be imbued with some extraordinary motives_), went down
to search the vessel. This was discovered; but those desirous of
preventing further bloodshed quietly continued, notwithstanding,
in the work they were determined upon, getting the unfortunate
men away from danger."
Some who are acquainted with such matters may understand this
"extraordinary" exploit, while those who know little of Chinese affairs
may naturally wonder whether the "15,000 dollars" offered for
Chin-ah-Lin's head by the Vice-Consul's Mandarin friends had anything to
do with it.
Not only at the Shanghae massacre in 1855 did British officials display
their taste for the Manchoo alliance. During 1854-5-6 Englishmen
continually interfered against the rising of the oppressed Chinese. In
1854 Sir J. Bowring allied the British fleet with the forces of that
notorious monster Yeh, and thus contributed to the extermination which
desolated the province of Kwang-tung. The city of Canton was almost the
only place in the province still held by the Mandarins. It was secured
to them by British means, and its security doomed to death more than one
million innocent people.
While Yeh busied himself with exterminating man, woman, and child, and
razing to the ground nearly every village _through which the rebels had
passed_, H. B. M.'s ships of war chased the rebel squadrons along the
China coast, dealing with them as pirates, because, forsooth, they were
armed, and because they had captured Chinese vessels when endeavouring
to force the blockade of Canton; H.M.'s ship _Bittern_ and the steamer
_Paou-shun_ hemmed in one division of the rebel fleet in the Gulf of
Pe-chi-le, sinking nearly every vessel, and giving up the crew of the
only one captured to the Manchoo executioners. Two junks escaped and
joined another squadron at Chusan. Yet these vessels shortly afterwards
allowed two missionaries to pass their blockade, because, as the chiefs
said, "they were good men, and preached the faith of Yesu!" In the
harbour of Shih-poo the destruction of another fleet is described in
"Twelve Years in China":--
"The junks were destroyed, and their crews shot, drowned, or
hunted down, until at last the whole number, about 1,000 souls,
were sent to their last account,--the _Bittern's_ men aiding the
Chinese soldiers on shore to complete the wholesale massacre!
the _whole_ were not killed; _one_ man was remanded and kept
over for examination! The evidence against the fleet as pirates,
was to be collected _after_ the execution of the victims!"[27]
British policy towards China has, during the last decade, been
influenced by men led by a small party of Chinese custom-house
mercenaries, who, while hired by the Manchoos, were permitted to bias,
not only Sir John Bowring, but even Lord Elgin. The independent and
honourable policy of Sir George Bonham and his colleagues gave place to
an "interested Mandarin-worshipping" diplomacy that has made England the
ally and saviour of the most sanguinary, corrupt, and worn-out despotism
in the world. Messrs. Wade and Lay, sometime Lord Elgin's interpreters,
and sometime the custom employés of the Manchoo, _may_ have thought the
views they imparted to the former were correct; but at all events they
were too much personally interested in the welfare of their Mandarin
friends to be impartial. The principal effect of this has been that the
Manchoo-influenced officials have united the representatives of England
with the Jesuit-influenced representatives of France in perpetuating the
Tartar cruelties, and in destroying the Ti-ping attempt to liberate
China and establish Protestant Christianity throughout the empire.
At Canton, Shanghae, and elsewhere, in 1854, the Chinese would have
succeeded in their righteous endeavours to throw off the Manchoo yoke;
at Shanghae, in 1860, at Ningpo and Shanghae in 1862, and upon other
occasions, the Ti-ping revolution would have succeeded but for British
intervention.
FOOTNOTES:
[17] See "Impressions of China."
[18] Alluding to Hung-sui-tshuen's visions.
[19] See Appendix A.
[20] Dr. Medhurst here makes a misapprehension. The Ti-pings believe the
Holy Spirit descended into their midst and possessed Yang-sui-tshuen,
the Eastern Prince, who became its mouthpiece and medium. This closely
resembles revivalist meetings in Ireland, &c.; but the religious
metaphorical language of the original Chinese, with its fine subtilty,
makes any literal translation impossible; therefore the most limited
signification should be placed upon any English version of this, the
_bonne bouche_ of the anti-Ti-pings.
[21] See Appendix A.
[22] Copies of the first five books of the Old, and the whole of the New
Testament, printed by the Ti-pings at Nankin, are now to be seen in the
Indian Court of the Crystal Palace (Sydenham), where they are exhibited
by Mr. J. C. Sillar.
[23] Shanghae was at this time in possession of the Triad rebels.
[24] They received ample satisfaction afterwards at Ningpo, when, allied
with the British, they obtained 3,000 dollars' worth of heads, with full
interest.
[25] Page 207.
[26] The Triad leader.
[27] _Hong-kong Gazette_, 12th October, 1855.
CHAPTER VII.
Home.--Its Desolation.--Intelligence of Marie.--Consequent
Proceedings.--Preparations for Pursuit.--River Tracking.--In
Pursuit.--The Lorcha Sighted.--Stratagems.--Alongside the
Lorcha.--On Board the Lorcha.--Critical Position.--A Friend in
Need.--Failure.--Lorcha again Reconnoitred.--Increased
Difficulties.--Another Attempt.--Alongside the Lorcha again.
Marie Discovered.--Marie Rescued.--Safe on Board.--Marie's
Explanation. The Lorcha in Pursuit.--She gains on us.--The
Lorcha opens fire.--Safe among the Ti-pings.
Eager to meet my betrothed, I had no sooner moored my vessel in the
Shanghae anchorage, and reported at the Consulate, than I sought her at
her aunt's dwelling, which was situated at the back of the American
settlement, at a considerable distance from any other European
habitation.
When I drew near the house, an indescribable presentiment of evil seemed
to possess me,--one of those prophetic warnings, so common, but yet such
a psychological mystery.
I walked rapidly along, until the turning of some rising ground, a
little distance in front, brought me within sight of the house. When I
reached the ridge that had concealed it from view, I paused a moment,
almost expecting to find that the building had vanished.
There, however, stood the house, safe enough to all appearance; so,
feeling reassured, I walked on. As I drew close, almost expecting Marie
would run forth to welcome me, I failed to discern any smoke issuing
from the chimneys, or any sign of life about the dwelling. My former
fear now returned in full force; I was within a few paces of the house,
and it appeared to be uninhabited.
I hurried forward to the door; it was unfastened; the lock was wrenched
off, and had evidently been broken open. I passed within, and loudly
called upon the former tenants by name; but echo alone replied. Passing
from room to room, I saw furniture scattered about in every direction,
broken and thrown down. The house presented a picture of utter ruin.
I ran through the rooms, still vociferating, and still mocked by the
echo of my own voice. They were silent and deserted. I was evidently the
only living thing within the walls. At last, hoarse with shouting, I
stood in silent despair, gazing on the destruction around. Marie and her
relatives had disappeared, and the scene of ruin told a tale of
violence.
For some moments all was still and quiet. At length, aroused by the
sound of footsteps in the lower rooms, a sudden hope cheered me, and I
hurried to meet them. A glance showed me I had deceived myself; a couple
of Chinamen, with eyes and mouth wide open, gaping at the broken
furniture, stood before me. I questioned them anxiously, trusting to
gain some intelligence, but all to no purpose. To my inquiries they
replied by stating that, having heard my hallooing, they had come to see
what was the matter. Further questioning simply elicited, "Gno
puh-shettah, gno puh-shettah" (I don't know, I don't know). Turning them
out, I searched every nook and corner, but without avail. All my efforts
were fruitless, no trace of anything that could enlighten me was
apparent--not a vestige, not a clue, rewarded my long and anxious
search.
All clothing and personal effects had been removed, and many light
articles of furniture; the heavier ones were broken and overturned. It
was impossible to tell what might have been destroyed or carried off by
thieves after the house had been deserted.
At last I was compelled to confess to myself that further search was
hopeless; I had searched diligently, and could discover nothing.
Sorrowfully I turned away from the house, and proceeded to several
Chinese dwellings in the neighbourhood; but at each received the
unsatisfactory answer, "Puh-shettah, puh-shettah."
Taking my interpreter with me, I called at many houses, but without
success; not the slightest information could I gather; the whole affair
remained a profound and impenetrable mystery. Everything led me to
believe some violent act had been perpetrated; besides, I was quite
certain that Marie would never have gone away willingly without first
communicating with me.
One evening when in my cabin, tired out with the day's useless
searching, and absorbed with bitter reflections, an old friend of mine,
Captain L., erstwhile of the Turkish Contingent, came on board to see
me, having just arrived from Hankow. After I had related the mysterious
disappearance of Marie, L. suddenly jumped from his seat with a loud
exclamation, and, questioning me a little further, declared he had
obtained a clue as to her destination.
It appeared that, while on his passage from Chin-kiang, the steamer had
passed close to a large Portuguese lorcha, and he had just caught a
glimpse of a girl on deck, of whom he then took no further notice, but
who he now felt sure was Marie.
I felt overjoyed at the discovery. L., my friend, had called with me at
Marie's relatives' several times, so I had every confidence that his
opinion was correct, and I determined to follow the trail so singularly
found. He declared he would accompany me, and kindly professed his
readiness to start at once.
Early in the morning I went ashore to the owners of the schooner, and
gave up the command to a friend. Philip, the mate, preferred joining
me; he had served in the Greek insurrection against the Turks, and was a
fine brave fellow.
Fortunately one of the river steamers--at that time few and far
between--was to leave Shanghae in the afternoon, so it was just possible
I might reach Chin-kiang before the lorcha's arrival, though that would
depend entirely upon the winds she had experienced. Accordingly, a few
minutes before the bell rang, the whistle blew, and the skipper gave the
hoarse command to "cast off." L., Philip, and myself, made our way on
board the _Yang-tze_ (named after the river) with our baggage. We each
took an ample supply of everything, as it would be necessary, in case
the lorcha should have left Chin-kiang previous to our arrival, either
to purchase or hire a vessel of some description to follow her. During
the passage to Chin-kiang, we kept a regular watch the whole time, one
or the other of us never leaving the deck, but, telescope in hand,
keeping a sharp look-out. Heavily hung the time, until we made Silver
Island ahead. I had put every possible interpretation upon Marie's
presence--if, indeed, it were she--on board the lorcha. I had adopted
every imaginable theory, but all to no purpose; the same idea would not
remain five minutes, and I was forced to give up the mystery as
unfathomable. Silver Island now hove in sight, and with my friends I
waited impatiently on deck, and scanned the vessels in port, until,
steaming slowly through the scanty shipping, we came to an anchor; but,
although several lorchas were there, my friend did not recognize the one
we sought for.
As the steamer remained but a short time at Chin-kiang, and it became
necessary to leave her as soon as possible, I sent my interpreter (whom
I had taken, together with my cook, and a female attendant for Marie in
case I should find her), amongst the numerous junks, to hire one for us
to live in for a few days, as there was no accommodation on shore. In a
little while he returned successful, and leaving the steamer, we all
took up our new quarters in a large Hankow junk, certainly not the most
comfortable in the world, but still very well under the circumstances.
The worst of it was, my sleeping berth that night happened to be in the
joss-house, a little den surrounded by a broad shelf filled with the
most horrible-looking small devils, of all colours and monstrosity,
starting forth from red-painted and tinsel-gilded little temples; and
although the crew seemed perfectly oblivious of the fact, by permitting
the gods' or imps' desecration by the presence of the "foreign devil," a
confounded old she-Chinese disturbed me at frequent periods throughout
the night, by crawling into my place through a little hole at the back,
to replenish the joss-sticks and incense, and to chin-chin Joss. The
witches of Macbeth were nothing to that old hag, as she stuck herself at
my feet, faintly seen by the dim light of a distant pot of oil burning
from the end of a small piece of pith, and slowly rocked herself about,
muttering some unintelligible jargon, out of which I could only
distinguish, "tomety feh, tomety feh, tomety feh!"
From the excited state of my mind; the irruptions of that aged
party--probably the great-grandmother of half the crew; the surrounding
phalanx of little devils, occasionally lighted up by a red and sudden
glow of the burning joss-sticks; the distant noise of the gambling crew,
in the fore part of the junk (Chinese sailors are inveterate gamblers,
generally spending the whole night at it when practicable), and the
irritable, restless thoughts all this induced, it may easily be imagined
how very delightful my numerous dreams were that night. It seems a
singular fact that nearly all the Chinese idols are of the most terrible
and demoniacal aspect; it is, however, easily to be accounted for, as
the Chinamen say the beneficent gods, being good, cannot do them any
harm; but the devils and evil gods being bad, they think it necessary to
propitiate them.
Directly we arrived at Chin-kiang, I proceeded to the Custom-house, and
ascertained that a lorcha had passed up the river only the preceding
day. I therefore at once sent my interpreter to look out for a
convenient and fast-sailing junk, either for sale or hire. The next day
he fortunately succeeded in finding one, a cut-down up-river junk, of a
particularly fast and shallow description; she had been altered into a
semi-European style, and furnished with a keel, and comfortable cabins
inside, was about 60 tons burthen, and altogether just the sort of craft
I wanted. On the river she would certainly be faster under sail than the
lorcha, and without wind she could either be tracked along the bank or
impelled by the large sweeps (_yulos_) she carried.
As, in the event of rescuing Marie, I determined to proceed with the
vessel to Nankin, the Chinese owner, who was also skipper, would only
come to terms upon my paying down half the value of his craft,
guaranteeing the remainder in case of loss, and hiring her at a monthly
rate. To this I instantly agreed, and hurrying all the preparations
forward, late on the same evening was enabled to start in chase of the
lorcha.
A stern chase is proverbially a long one; but in this case I had means
of progressing that the chase had not. The wind was too light for
sailing against the strong current, therefore I knew the lorcha must
either lay at anchor waiting for a breeze, or, if small and drawing but
little water, progress slowly by tracking along the bank; while, upon
the other hand, with my lighter vessel I should be able to keep close in
to the shore, and track along at the rate of two or three miles an hour.
Tracking is a very common operation in China, resembling our canal
tracking, only instead of horses the crew of the vessel pull her along,
a rope being taken ashore from the mast-head, to which the men yoke
themselves with a bridle having a wooden bar to rest upon the chest;
then away they start, singing in chorus some melancholy falsetto
monostich, or improvising as they go. At many parts there are regular
trackers, who make it their business. It is a hard and unprofitable
life, and these poor people, among others, are frequently seized by
officials, and compelled to track government vessels for many hundred
miles without reward, and then left to find their way home the best way
they can, if they do not starve in the meanwhile.
The night was fortunately a bright moonlight one, and I was enabled to
make considerable progress. Before daylight, however, the moon vanished
behind the distant hills, and, with her disappearance, we were compelled
to anchor till morning. At break of day I was up, eagerly scanning the
distant bosom of the river for the bark I was following. Nothing but the
sails of a few Chinese junks rewarded my long and anxious gaze. Yet it
was possible the lorcha might be hid from view by the first bend of the
river, where, scarcely three miles off, its waters disappeared behind
the land.
Rousing up my friends, and leaving them to follow me by tracking slowly
along, I dressed myself in Chinese clothes, put on a broad Chinese hat,
took my rifle and a good glass, and landing with my interpreter, started
off on the scout, making for an eminence some two or three miles
distant, close to the channel of the river. When arrived at its summit,
I found it commanded a capital view of the water for many miles; a
glance told me the lorcha was nowhere near, neither could I distinguish
her in the distance. Suddenly, my interpreter declared he could see her.
Knowing what powerful vision the Chinese frequently have, I instantly
brought the spot he pointed out--some eight or nine miles away--again
into the range of my glass. I saw several junks' masts, and after a long
and careful scrutiny, made out a couple much larger than the rest, which
might possibly be those of the lorcha; but at that distance, with
nothing but the bare masts, amongst others showing over some low land, I
could not be certain. The Chinaman still persisted that he was right;
and, trusting he might prove so, I returned on board.
During all that day we tracked steadily forward, and towards evening I
had the satisfaction of plainly observing the lorcha in the distance.
She was also being tracked, but was too heavy to move fast, so that we
were rapidly gaining on her, and in four or five hours ought to be
alongside. The difficulty would be to ascertain whether Marie was on
board, and if so, how situated. When I reflected that my friend had
observed her from the steamer as he passed, it did not seem improbable
that I might see her also; but her apparent freedom sadly interfered
with the idea that she had been carried off by force and was detained
against her will. Had it been so, she might have made signs of distress,
or called for help, when the steamer passed so close.
It was impossible to form any plan, or arrive at any fixed conclusion.
Circumstances alone could guide us. We had now entered the Ti-ping
territory, so I felt quite confident of safety on shore, whatever might
betide; besides, my commission from the Chung-wang would doubtless
obtain me assistance if I required it.
It would be quite easy for us to pass right alongside the lorcha without
exciting the slightest suspicion. In the first place, her people could
have not the least idea of our pursuit; and, in the second, we had but
to hoist a Chinese flag, and if they should happen to take any notice of
our vessel, they would simply think her a Chinese one, while we could
closely observe them from our small cabin windows.
It was just about dusk when the lorcha ceased tracking, and came to an
anchor under some steep hills. We were not more than half a mile astern,
so, concealing ourselves, but making the Chinamen lounge about the
decks, and stick up an old flag full of Chinese characters, without the
slightest hesitation we held on our course. The lorcha had anchored
within thirty yards of the bank, so, giving our vessel rather a broad
sheer into the stream, we passed close to her, in fact, almost grazing
her side. From our hiding-places we could see that her crew were mostly
Portuguese, and that she was armed heavily enough to sink our
lightly-built vessel in an instant; but Marie was not visible, neither
could we distinguish any trace of her.
As my friend was positive it was the same craft he had previously seen,
it was quite certain that some woman must be on board; therefore I
determined to ascertain who she was. Continuing on past the lorcha for
nearly a mile, until the turning of the river hid her behind the hills
she was anchored abreast of, we hauled close in to the bank and made
fast there.
Besides a larger boat, we carried one of the small canoes used at some
parts of the Yang-tze. In this I decided to drop down the river whenever
the moon should set, and endeavour to discover whether Marie was on
board the strange vessel.
To favour my design, towards midnight the weather became heavy, and the
moon soon after sank behind a thick bank of clouds; not a star could be
seen, and the night was perfectly dark. I now dressed myself with loose
black silk trousers, such as were used by the Ti-pings, tucking the ends
into a pair of soft-soled Chinese boots, a tight black silk jacket, and
a thick black felt Canton cap. I carried a pair of revolvers carefully
loaded in my belt, placed a coil of rope in the boat, and also a common
Chinese sleeping quilt. My friends desired to come with me; but I
decided otherwise, for it would be desirable to use stratagem rather
than force, and three of us, besides the man to manage the boat, would
overcrowd her. Neither would I allow them to cast off the vessel and
drop after me; for if I should find Marie and rescue her, it would be
necessary to keep out of the range of the lorcha's guns. I therefore
pressed the hands of my comrades, took my interpreter, a Canton man,
whom I knew I could depend upon, and, with one of the best men of my
crew to manage the boat, pushed off and commenced dropping down with the
tide. I had scarcely left my vessel when a sudden thought struck me, so,
turning back, I requested my friends to walk down the bank, take a
couple of the crew with them, all well armed, and station themselves on
the shore directly opposite the lorcha.
The strength of the tide swept the frail boat rapidly along, and soon I
found myself abreast of the hills close to the termination of which I
knew the lorcha lay at anchor. It was so very dark under the shadow of
the high land, that when we discerned the vessel we were within a few
hundred feet of her, and drifting down right upon her bows. We instantly
slipped overboard the small grapnel made fast to the end of the line I
had placed in the boat, and when it reached the bottom, held on to it,
and waited to make our last preparations for boarding. I found we were
still undiscovered; indeed, it would have been impossible to distinguish
our little canoe in the surrounding darkness even at that short
distance. After waiting a few moments, I whispered Aling (my
interpreter) to slack away the line, while the man in the stern steered
us as required with his paddle. Crouching low down in the boat, we
slowly glided under the bows of the lorcha, till we drifted right upon
her cable, grappling which I prepared to mount to the deck. Aling was to
follow me so far, and then remain stationary; he would thus be able to
assist me in case I should retreat to the bows with Marie, and, besides,
would bring up the other end of the line, after reeving it through a
ringbolt in the stern of the boat, both to secure a good means of
descent and to prevent the boatman, who we knew had no knife, from
shoving off in ease of alarm.
Slowly and noiselessly I clambered up the cable, and raising my head
above the lorcha's bulwarks peered cautiously around. At last I was able
to distinguish the forms of many of the crew lying about the deck
covered up in their quilts. This was as I expected it would be, and,
moreover, I trusted they were the Chinese part of the crew, for it was
winter, and I calculated the Portuguese would prefer sleeping below.
I proceeded very deliberately with my investigations, knowing that I had
plenty of time before daylight, and had no occasion to risk a discovery
by being too precipitate. Aling soon joined me, and I was just
whispering some instructions into his ear, when, with an exclamation, up
started a man within arm's length, until then concealed by the foresail,
upon the opposite side of which he must have been reclining. For a
moment I feared we were discovered, and sending Aling down into the
boat, drew a revolver, while I prepared to follow him. Instead of
approaching me, the man walked aft. I then knew he must be the look-out,
who, having slept on his watch, had probably gone aft to ascertain the
time. Not a moment was to be lost if I intended to take advantage of his
absence; softly calling upon Aling to return, I waited until he had
reached me, and then, slipping over the rail, wrapped my quilt about me
and walked aft.
Carefully stepping over the recumbent sleepers, I had just reached the
main-mast when I saw the drowsy watchman returning. I instantly threw
myself down on the deck, and, drawing the quilt over me, pretended to be
seeking sleep. The device succeeded famously, for, whether the man had
seen me or not, he evidently considered me to be one of the crew.
Drawing the corner of the rug from over my eyes, I saw him disappear
down the fore-scuttle. Most likely his watch had expired, and he went to
rouse his relief. Directly his head was below the combings of the hatch,
I started to my feet and continued getting aft. When I reached the cabin
skylight I spread myself out by the side of it and gazed below. A bright
lamp was burning, and everything inside was plainly visible. I could see
a full musket-rack, table, books, telltale compass, an open chart, a
revolver-case, and all the paraphernalia of a nautical drawing-room;
but what riveted my eyes more than all were the sleeping-berths--one on
each side--with their curtains drawn. It was useless gazing through the
skylight; the only plan to see the occupants of these berths would be to
open the curtains and look in. Another instant and perhaps the fresh
look-out man would be on deck. I had no time to spare. If the venture
was ever to be made, now was the moment to put it into execution. I
hesitated no longer, but, rising up, stole to the companion and
cautiously crept down the stairs, lifting foot after foot with a
noiseless cat-like movement. When I reached the bottom, I found myself
fronting another berth; but the loud snoring I could hear satisfied me
that she whom I wanted was not there. I passed on to the cabin door.
After listening a few minutes, I became satisfied the inmates, whoever
they might be, were fast asleep. Little did those wrapped in the sleep
of security dream that one who might prove their deadliest enemy was in
their midst! I must have strangely resembled the midnight murderer, as
with stealthy step I glided across the cabin, and, reaching the lamp,
turned it low and dim. One of the sleepers moved uneasily. I shrunk down
into the darkest spot under the table. Again all was quiet. I crawled up
to the nearest berth, moved the curtain half an inch, and peeped in; the
back of a man was visible. Slowly I crossed over to the opposite side,
and, performing the same operation at the foot of the berth, saw a
bearded face on the pillow. Marie was not in that cabin.
A small passage led from the after-part of the saloon, apparently
dividing two after-cabins from each other. I quickly passed into it, and
paused at a door upon my left. I listened for a little while to the
profound, oppressive silence, in which I could plainly distinguish the
palpitation of my own heart; at last I fancied I heard a female voice
within. I was just pressing my ear to the panelling when a coarse
ejaculation in a man's voice proceeding from the opposite cabin made me
start back; the handle was grasped; I had just time to crouch down at
the farthest end of the passage, when the door was rudely thrust open. A
man came forth, evidently in a state of intoxication, and, fortunately
turning away from my direction, shook his fist at the door I had just
left; then muttering a curse, blundered into the outer cabin. I could
hear him unfasten a locker, take something forth, and then followed a
gurgling, clucking sound; the bottle was dashed down upon the table with
a clash, and then the drunkard staggered up the companion-way on deck.
Surely I heard a woman's voice again! I dared not remain to satisfy
myself. I had not a second to lose; if the man should return before I
could escape from the cabin, he would certainly discover me, and then
all hope of rescuing Marie would be at an end. I hurried through the
cabin and up the companion undiscovered, although an exclamation from
one of the berths made me fear it was otherwise.
Upon reaching the deck, I found I was safe from any discovery upon the
part of my intoxicated friend, for he was stretched at full length upon
the deck, and already in the lethargic sleep of drunkenness. I stooped
over him to scan his features, and while doing so plainly heard voices
in the cabin. Undoubtedly I had been noticed passing through it. As I
turned towards the forepart of the vessel, I saw the watchman coming
straight towards me. He had most likely observed my movements, and was
coming aft to ascertain what I was about, mistaking me for one of the
crew. I snatched up my quilt from where I had left it, placed it over my
head and shoulders, and pulling my trousers out of my boots, assumed the
Chinaman as much as possible, and walked to meet him. Fortunately it was
the darkest hour of the night--that immediately before the grey of
morning,--and the thick clouds made it still more sombre. Until close up
to me I did not perceive he was followed by a Chinaman; the man himself
was a Portuguese. I loosened one of my revolvers, and taking it by the
barrel under my quilt, prepared to fell him. These Macao Portuguese
nearly all speak the Canton dialect, with which I was unacquainted; and
as the Chinese portion of the lorcha's crew would certainly be
Cantonese, I expected he would address me in their language, and
discover me at once. To my surprise he spoke in the _Pidgin_ English by
saying:--
"What thing wantchee aft side, Jack?" To which I replied, with indignant
emphasis,--
"_Hi-ya!_ what ting? wantchee look see what-tim, ga-la!"
The Portuguese, seemingly dissatisfied, seized hold of my rug. Just then
the Chinaman who had followed him interfered, and, pulling me away,
exclaimed to him,--
"What for foolo pidgin? No wantchee play ga-la!"
The Portuguese still seemed suspicious; but, giving me a pull,
Aling--for it was he--laid himself down as if to repose, and I quickly
imitated him. Although this vigilant look-out now left us, for more than
an hour he continued pacing the deck close by; daylight was fast
approaching, and we were tied to the spot. Aling told me that when he
saw the look-out come aft he suspected it was to overhaul me, and,
thinking the man would speak to me in Cantonese, he followed him to
assist me. It was principally for emergencies of this sort I had brought
Aling with me.
At last the watchful mariner moved aft to see what time it was, I
imagine; so, taking the opportunity, we both got forward, and, casting
off the line, descended into the boat. It was impossible to attempt any
further discovery that night, for although I had not been followed by
the inmates of the outer cabin, it was evident they had heard me pass,
or something had disturbed and made them wakeful; besides, it was too
late now, for daylight was already breaking. Bitterly disappointed, I
was compelled to order my companions to pull the boat away from under
the lorcha's bows by hauling in the line, to weigh the grapnel, and to
paddle inshore. Directly we reached the bank, I was met by my friends,
who rushed forward to inquire what success I had met with; in a few
words I told them all. At first they declared they would return with me
to the lorcha, jump on board, force the cabin I had heard the female
voice proceed from, and if Marie was there endeavour to carry her off;
soon, however, they decided upon a more reasonable course. Our boat was
too small to carry all; the sharp look-out would most likely discover
us; there certainly would not be time to paddle the boat, heavily laden,
up stream, and adopt my last manoeuvre; and we were quite unequal to
cope with the four or five Europeans and some ten or twelve Macao
Portuguese, besides Canton men, on board. The thing was plainly
impracticable; our only course was to wait until the next night, and
then try the same plan over again. I had made several important
discoveries. If Marie was on board, I knew where to find her. I had
acquainted myself with the interior arrangements of the lorcha, and I
was enabled to form a pretty accurate estimate of her crew; so that I
had obtained some valuable facts to guide me upon a second attempt.
I returned to my vessel much disturbed in mind; the menacing gesture of
the drunken brute I had seen in the passage, the voice proceeding from
the cabin he appeared to threaten, the possibility that Marie was the
inmate who had evidently excited and angered him, were painful
reflections.
Soon after my return on board the day broke, and my companions retired
to obtain the rest they had been without all night. For my part sleep
was out of the question; I was in a complete fever, and unable to do or
think of anything else than the probable result of my next attempt to
discover Marie. The day was perfectly calm; undisturbed by a ripple, the
broad expanse of the mighty Yang-tze glided swiftly past, glistening in
the lurid sun like a sheet of liquid gold. Unable to proceed, through
want of wind and the strength of the current, the lorcha remained at
anchor; while many times during the weary day I landed, and, concealed
amidst the bushes, watched her through my telescope. I was unable to
discover anything. The day was very cold, and but few of the crew were
about the decks. At last, towards evening, I made my last reconnoitre,
accompanied by my friend and one of our crew,--the latter for the
purpose of acting as a scout upon the movements of the lorcha; for, a
light breeze having sprung up, it was just possible she might attempt to
get under weigh.
It was upon this occasion I made a discovery that led to important
results. My attention was attracted to her stern windows. It was a
fortunate circumstance that we had gone rather below the vessel, as
otherwise we could not have noticed them. After closely watching these
ports until quite dark, and observing nothing of the interior of the
after-cabin or its inmates, we returned to our vessel with sanguine
hopes for the issue of the night's adventure.
My impatience became gratefully relieved in one way by the early setting
of the moon, but, upon the other hand, the night continued bright and
starlight,--in fact, so bright that it was evidently impossible to
repeat my _modus operandi_ of the previous night. Here was an apparently
insurmountable difficulty, for I should never be able to approach the
lorcha undiscovered! For several hours I remained in deep consultation
with my friends; but after discussing every plan we could imagine, the
fact remained patent, that none could be effected without attracting
observation; unless, indeed, I could hit upon the exact moment for
relieving the look-out man at some period between midnight and the dawn,
and when the rest of the crew would almost certainly be fast asleep. I
had almost decided to adopt this course, when my friend and Philip
proposed another. Their idea was, to get our vessel under weigh in the
middle of the night, tack down the river, and then get athwart hawse of
the lorcha, as if by accident; drop an anchor foul of the lorcha's, and
while all hands would be forward working to get the vessel clear, find
an opportunity to prosecute my search. This certainly appeared feasible,
and almost superior to the other plan; but, fortunately, while
considering which to adopt, I hit upon something better than either. I
suddenly remembered the ruse the Chinese pirates had attempted with me;
prompted by this, I conceived a plan that in all respects promised to
take me silently and undiscovered to the position I desired--under the
stern of the lorcha. Directly I unfolded the project to my companions,
they agreed with me that it was impossible to conceive a better.
It was already nearly midnight; we therefore commenced our preparations
without delay. Upon this occasion, I decided to take my friend as a
companion; we each dressed in black clothes, and besides taking our
revolvers, placed a couple of rifles in the boat. In the meanwhile,
according to my instructions, Philip had made the crew prepare a large
drag, in the form of a cross, made with two short and broad spars,
lashed together at their centres. When this was ready, the end of a long
coir rope was made fast to the middle, the other end being fastened to
our canoe, with a few fathoms to spare, which were passed ashore. The
drag was now placed in our large boat, and being pulled far out on the
river, was tossed overboard; this was signalled by showing a lamp.
Directly I saw the light, I gave the word to start away: Philip and
three of the crew, well armed, taking the end of the rope, walked down
the bank, keeping our canoe close under its shadow, and progressing as
fast as the drag at the other end of the rope was drifting with the
current. After proceeding in this order for twenty minutes, during which
we had slowly been hauling in the line till we had coiled nearly half of
it in the canoe, we arrived fairly abeam of the lorcha, and, almost
immediately afterwards, felt the jerk of the rope as it caught across
her cable. Gradually easing it out, our companions dragged us carefully
past the vessel--scarcely a hundred feet distant. At length the rope was
all payed out to the bare end, and taking a small line, one end of which
was retained by our companions ashore, we let go from the bank, and the
current quickly swept us into the stream until we were checked by it in
a direct line astern of the lorcha, now dimly visible in the distance.
We had one Chinaman in the boat to steer and paddle as necessary, and
slowly and cautiously we began hauling in the rope. We had not proceeded
far, when we came up to the drag towing some 70 or 80 yards astern of
the lorcha. To the upper arm of this we made fast a lantern with a
candle and matches in it all ready to light in a moment, and then
continued hauling upon the rope, which, as we took it inboard, was
passed over the stern by the Chinaman, and pulled ashore to Philip and
his men, by means of the small line.
When within fifty feet of the lorcha, we paused awhile, and watched
closely to ascertain whether any of her crew were visible; we were soon
satisfied that our approach could be conducted with perfect impunity,
for her stern was high, and not only protected us from the observation
of the look-out in the fore part of the vessel, but would hide us from
the view of any one except a person coming to look directly over the
taffrail. We could distinguish by the light from within, only
half-subdued by thin drapery, four stern ports, two on each side; but to
see who, or what, was in the cabins, it would be necessary to remove the
curtains. Stealthily and silently we now urged ourselves forward,
passing the rope along, hand over hand, till at last there we lay right
under the lorcha's counter--like a pilot-fish under the lee of a huge
shark. Erecting myself in the boat, I found that my shoulders reaching
just to the sill of the ports, I could easily raise myself up; but, to
my chagrin, found they were too small for me to pass through. It was
evident that originally only two ports had existed, but they were now
divided into four, by a slight stanchion, or framework, passing down the
centre of each. The curtains of the starboard side were closely drawn,
the glass part of a sliding sash closed, and it was impossible to see
within. Slacking away the rope a little, I grasped the other part of it,
and changed our position to the port counter.
The curtains were not so carefully closed at this side, and looking
through the open space I was able to view the whole interior of the
cabin. My first glance was attracted by the same man I had seen issue
from it on the previous night; he was seated at a table, and I saw
directly by his flushed face that he had been drinking again very
freely. The light from a large lamp was brilliant, and I could observe
his every expression with ease,--he was evidently labouring under strong
excitement, and in a few moments I saw him pour out a stiff
"second-mate's nip" of neat brandy, and gulp it down. His appearance
became, if possible, still more inflamed, and several times he started
up and went towards the cabin door, snatching up a key from the table.
Upon each occasion, after hesitating and listening at the open door,
with a fresh effort, and a drop of brandy to obtain resolution, he
resumed his seat, gritting his teeth and clenching his hands savagely.
His manner plainly told of some evil intention, and that he was
endeavouring to raise his determination to put it into execution. The
glass sash was not quite closed, and as he retired from the door for the
last time I heard a bitter "carajo!" hiss through his teeth with fierce
aspiration; followed by a few words uttered with energy in some Spanish
patois, from which I could gather: "carajo! my proud beauty--you scorn
my love, do you? Wait a little! wait a little, my lady; we shall change
places soon."
The man's appearance was so unmistakably South American that I felt no
surprise at his language. I had no doubt that his speech referred to the
inmate of the opposite cabin, so I instantly returned under its windows
to try and make some opening to see who she was. L., my friend, handed
me a large bowie-knife he had fortunately brought with him; I managed to
pick the window open with this, and moving the curtain with my fingers,
I peered cautiously through. I had no occasion to search further--Marie
was before me. Yes, there lay my betrothed; within a few feet, almost
within reach of my hands; yet I could neither touch, or embrace her--she
was in the power of the ruffian I had just seen. My fingers trembled
nervously with the curtain and sides of the port, while my heart heaved
with sudden and powerful excitement. For some moments I remained thus,
riveted and powerless. At the first glance I saw nothing but Marie; but
when the sudden shock had passed, a single moment explained the
situation. She was sleeping upon a sofa couch, and the table, chairs,
and every moveable article of furniture in the cabin, were piled against
the door. Her face was turned away from me, but I needed not to look
upon that to recognize her; the graceful form, perfectly outlined
against the white drapery of the couch, told that it was Marie.
When my thoughts returned, I became convinced I could not be better
placed for rescuing her. She was alone, within my reach, and I was at
the most concealed spot about the lorcha to take advantage of the
opportunity. A dark shadow surrounded the vessel, and, besides this, our
little boat was drawn close up under her stern. Nothing seemed likely to
interfere with my scheme to effect her escape except one thing, and that
was, the ports were too small for egress by them! My friend took my
place in the bow of our boat to survey the situation; the instant he
placed his hand upon the port, he drew his knife and commenced hacking
away at the stanchion: if this could be removed, there would be room to
pass through the two ports thus let into one. Desperately my friend
slashed away at the woodwork; his knife was sharp, and he made rapid
progress. Marie still slept on, and I would not awaken her for fear any
sudden exclamation might startle him in the opposite cabin.
The observations and action thus described occupied but a short time.
Thoughts are quick, but at such a crisis they speed like lightning. Our
work, too, was rapid, and soon would be accomplished; and it would only
remain to bring Marie from the cabin to the boat, through the stern
ports of the lorcha.
The stanchion was about four inches thick, and my friend had cut it more
than half through, when, suddenly he sank down in the boat, exclaiming,
"hish." Reaching to me, he whispered that some one was unlocking the
cabin door from the outside. I instantly changed places with him, and,
raising myself cautiously to a level with the port, peeped through. I
saw the door slowly opening, while a hand passed through was holding the
furniture that had been piled up, and keeping it from falling as the
door was gradually pressed inwards. Marie had evidently fallen into a
deep sleep through excessive fatigue, for even this noise did not wake
her.
Not a moment was to be lost. I turned to my friend, and whispered him to
hand me one of the rifles from the stern of the boat. Upon receiving the
weapon, I placed its muzzle close to the cut on the stanchion and fired.
Before the smoke cleared away I grasped the sill of the port, the
shattered woodwork gave way, and I raised myself into the cabin.
Directly I was able to discern anything, I saw that Marie had started
from her couch, and was gazing in a terrified manner in the direction of
the report; but, calling upon her by name as I advanced nearer, she
recognized me and rushed into my arms.
As I hurried her towards the stern ports, the door was pushed further
open. For a second I paused, and fired my revolver at the man I had
previously seen in the opposite cabin, just as he appeared in the
doorway with a pistol in each hand. My shot took effect, for he fell
prostrate across the threshold. Immediately afterwards I heard the loud
shouting of the alarmed crew, and the noise of hurrying footsteps
approaching the cabin.
Upon reaching the port, I found L. all ready to receive me, and hastily
passed Marie into the boat. Just as we shoved off, the door was burst
wide open, and in rushed a crowd of men, some holding lights, and all
armed. We hauled in upon the part of the rope fast to the drag, and,
reaching it, set light to the lantern on its upper arm. Directly this
was done we cut each part of the rope, letting go one end, and thus
sending the drag floating down the river, while the other end was made
fast to the bow of our boat. The lantern was not only intended to throw
the people of the lorcha off our track, but it was to be a signal to our
friends on shore to haul away upon the rope and pull us to the bank. It
had just tautened, and pulled us out of a line with the drag, when crash
went a volley of musketry from the lorcha, and we heard the bullets go
singing past in the direction of the floating light.
Within three minutes after cutting the rope we reached the bank, and
were tracked up stream by Philip and his men. Before getting abeam of
the lorcha we had the satisfaction to hear a boat pull away from her in
pursuit of the now distant lantern.
Upon reaching my vessel I took Marie to the best cabin, and left her
with the _ayah_ I had brought to wait upon and attend to her. For some
time I was left to my own reflections, my friends being engaged getting
the vessel under weigh, and making the crew track her along the bank.
At last Marie was ready to receive me, and on my joining her she gave me
an account of all that had happened since our last parting. It appeared
that everything had gone on quietly and happily until a few evenings
previous to my arrival at Shanghae, when one night Marie and her
relatives were startled by a loud knocking at the door. This was no
sooner opened than in rushed ten or a dozen men, led by the one I had
shot, who was no other than Manoel Ramon, the Chillinian I had rescued
her from in the first place at Whampoa. He declared he intended taking
them all to Hong-kong, where he stated Marie's father was waiting to
receive her. He allowed them to take their clothes and a few light
articles; they were then taken to a lonely part of the river, and
carried on board the lorcha, which directly afterwards weighed anchor
and commenced dropping down the river. Upon getting well clear of
Woo-sung, at the entrance of the Shanghae river, the lorcha was stopped
alongside a junk, and Marie's two relatives--her aunt and uncle--were
put on board, and the vessels instantly separated. Ramon then informed
her that her father was dead, that he had been made his heir, and that a
settlement had been left her upon condition that she should marry him.
For the first few days he had renewed his old protestations of
affection, and treated her respectfully; but latterly, finding her
aversion immovable, his bearing had entirely altered.
Rapidly flew the time, as, absorbed in our happiness, we remained
unconscious of its flight; at last I was startled by the increased
motion of the vessel, and knew that a fresh breeze had sprung up. This
change had not lasted long, when my friend L. came to the cabin-door and
beckoned me to go out to him. Wishing Marie good-night, and leaving her
to obtain the repose she needed, I followed him into the outer cabin,
and eagerly inquired what had occurred.
"Why, that confounded lorcha's in full chase, and will certainly
overhaul us within three hours," said my friend.
I hurried on deck with him, and found it was just daylight, and although
we had undoubtedly made considerable progress before the lorcha had
started in pursuit, yet there she was, some five or six miles astern,
and crowding all sail in chase.
After thinking it over a little while, we decided that sending the light
adrift upon the river had brought about the pursuit. When the men sent
in chase had come up to it, they doubtless saw at once that it had been
sent to drift down the river, and as it was certain it could not have
been started above the people they were in pursuit of, it was equally
sure that we must be above it. We had not thought of this at the time;
we only valued it as a ruse to throw off the close pursuit we expected,
and so give us time to return to our vessel undiscovered. So far we were
successful, but the whole style of the drag proved to the lorcha's
people that we must be above them, and _up_ the river, which caused her
to give chase so soon.
We were at this time some twelve or fourteen miles below Nankin, and I
at once determined to make for that place with all speed. The sails were
wetted down fore and aft, and everything done to make them draw as well
as possible. The breeze was moderately strong, but freshening, and the
stronger it came the quicker would the lorcha overhaul us, for being of
an European and heavier build, and spreading loftier and lighter canvas
than we did, it would tell considerably in her favour. Fortunately the
wind was dead aft, so our flat and shallow bottom was in this case an
advantage, whereas, a beam or leading wind would have made it quite the
reverse. The wind increased so quickly that in less than two hours the
lorcha had rapidly gained upon us, and was coming up hand over hand in a
cloud of canvas. She was yet more than two miles astern, but I was still
some six miles below Nankin, and although the breeze was now very
strong, I could not, with an adverse tide, hope to reach that city
before we were within the range of her pivot gun.
We tried every plan to increase our speed; an old awning was rigged out
as a stun'-sail upon one side, and a spare tarpaulin on the other,
besides which, several large flags were fastened together, bent to a
large bamboo, and hoisted above the mainsail to serve as a
gaff-topsail. It was now blowing half a gale of wind, and over a three
or four knot tide, the old vessel was staggering along under a press of
sail she had never felt before. Following directly in our wake, like a
sleuth-hound on the trail, the lorcha presented at this time a striking,
though to us unpleasant, picture. Rolling heavily from side to side, her
snow-white sails pyramid-like in form, and reaching from the deck to the
very summit of her long and taper spars, now bending like willows to the
blast; a long furrow of foam following in her wake, and two lines of
water leaping from each bow, and tossing high into the air a silver
spray, through which the morning sun formed myriads of tiny rainbows;
the stoop of the vessel, as with a movement like the bending of a
buffalo to the charge, she plunged forward burying her bows deep into
the rushing surge, and anon raising them high above as though to shake
the dripping element from her head--all these phases in the appearance
of our pursuer made her look a thing of life and beauty. While gazing
and thinking thus, I was abruptly recalled from the romantic to the
stern reality of the scene. The lorcha suddenly luffed up, puff went a
column of smoke from her lee bow, and while it was eddying amidst her
cordage the splash of a shot a few fathoms from our stern, accompanied
by the booming of a cannon, told me the danger had now commenced in
earnest, and that our pursuer was aware of our connection with the
affair of the previous night.
The shot had fallen so close under our stern that it was certain the
next five minutes would find us within range and entirely commanded by
the lorcha's guns. Upon the other hand, another half-hour might see us
safe under the walls of Nankin, unless some of our spars should be
crippled, or a shot strike us below the water-line. If either of these
misfortunes should occur, before we could make repairs aloft the lorcha
would be alongside; if hulled, before reaching the Nankin batteries we
should sink. I therefore made every preparation to run into the bank
and get ashore, in the event of such an emergency.
I placed Marie in the hold, right upon the bottom of the vessel, where
she would be below the water-line far enough to be safe from the
lorcha's fire. My friends and self got our rifles and a few things ready
in case we should have to take to the shore. We had the sails
continually wetted, and made the crew run fore and aft the decks to help
the vessel's way. In a few moments the lorcha luffed up again, bang went
her "long Tom," and the shot came whistling over our heads, passing some
yards clear of our rigging. We were now fairly within range, and our
pursuer fired at us as quickly as the pivot-gun could be loaded and
brought to bear. This kind of work went on for some time, till at last
the outworks of Nankin showed up only a mile or so ahead. The lorcha had
hitherto fired exclusively at our spars, but directly these forts opened
to view, she began aiming at our hull. Several large rents were torn
through our sails, though fortunately none of our spars had been struck;
but the gunnery practice of our enemy now became close and dangerous.
Two or three shots hurtled past a few feet over the decks, but then
crash came one right amidships, tearing in at one side and passing clean
through the other, as we rounded a sand-bank and became nearly broadside
on to the lorcha. As we fell into line again another smashed through the
stern, and, knocking off the helmsman's head, passed over the bows,
raking us fore and aft, but fortunately killing no one else. The lorcha
having to round-to each time she fired, in order to get her pivot-gun to
bear, her way was checked very considerably; and to this may our escape
be entirely attributed. At the time our helmsman was struck we had
already reached the first of the Nankin batteries. The people on board
the lorcha now saw their mistake, and, ceasing firing, kept steadily on
in chase. They changed their tactics--fortunately for us--too late.
Hoisting a flag the Ti-pings had given me when I left Soo-chow, I
steered past the point of the island just below Nankin, and passing the
batteries--crowded with soldiery gazing upon the chase--ran into the
creek, leading between some fortifications direct to the walls of the
city, and there anchored.
[Illustration: ESCAPE FROM THE LORCHA.
London, Published March 15^{th} 1866 by Day & Son, Limited Lithog^{rs}
Gate Str, Lincoln's Inn Fields.
Day & Son, Limited Lith.]
Directly I ran up the Ti-ping flag I was boarded by an officer from the
principal fort. To him I showed my commission from the Chung-wang, and
requested protection from the pursuing vessel. He pulled quickly ashore,
and just as the lorcha was rounding the point of the island and
preparing to follow me into the creek, I had the satisfaction to see a
gun fired across her bows, upon which she hauled off and gave up the
pursuit, her retreat accelerated by another shot from the fort sent
right into her.
While watching her through my glass, I plainly observed her owner,
Manoel Ramon, propped up in a chair on the quarter-deck.
CHAPTER VIII.
Ti-ping Operations.--Chinese Apathy.--The Ti-ping
Difficulty.--Popular Feeling.--Opposed to the
Ti-pings.--England's Policy.--Her Motives.--Dr. Bridgman
describes Ti-pingdom.--His Description of the Ti-pings.--X. Y.
Z.--Ti-pingdom in 1857.--Its Internal Economy.--Lord Elgin at
Nankin.--Gallant Exploit.--Its Interpretation.--Hung-jin arrives
at Nankin.--Hung-jin's Adventures.--Mr. Hamberg's
Narrative.--Hung-jin's Pamphlet.--Hung-jin Prime
Minister.--Nankin Invested.--Resumption of
Hostilities.--"Indemnity" demanded.--Conditions of Peace.--Cause
of Wars with China.--England's Foreign Policy.--The Opium Wars.
Towards the close of 1854, the detached armies of Ti-pings were
gradually compelled to abandon their isolated positions, and retire
closer upon their capital. During October, after forwarding all the
supplies obtainable to the treasury and granaries of Nankin, the Western
armies evacuated the important cities of Wu-chang, Han-yang, and Hankow,
and collecting the garrisons of the many others between them and Nankin,
retired quickly upon the latter, the siege of which the Imperialists
were beginning to press with a vigour encouraged by the weakness of the
garrison. This army falling rapidly upon the rear of the enemy's works,
put them to flight with great slaughter, and completely raised the
siege. After this, another force was marched to the relief of
Chin-kiang, which was also invested by a considerable Imperialist army.
At the close of the year, both Nankin and Chin-kiang were effectually
relieved, and the besieging armies driven back upon the cities of
Soo-chow and Shanghae in confusion. With the exception of the Northern
army, in occupation of the north side of the Yang-tze from Ngan-king to
Kwei-chow, nearly all the Ti-ping forces were concentrated in and about
the cities of Nankin and Chin-kiang, when, again committing the error
former experience should have taught him to avoid, the Tien-wang
separated his forces, and despatched several armies upon widely
divergent courses.
The principal operations were conducted towards the south, in the
provinces of Kiang-su, Ngan-whui, and the borders of Che-kiang and
Kiang-si, and towards the west, along the old route of the Yang-tze and
beyond the Tung-ting lake. Early in 1855 the Western division,
successful in all its operations, reached the city of Hankow, and
Wu-chang, the provincial capital, was for the third time carried by
storm, the Manchoo defenders suffering fearful loss. The Ti-pings now
held the three cities for a longer period than before; but, although
they obtained numerous recruits, they were unable to occupy the
adjoining provinces permanently and rescue them from the Manchoo rule.
The people at large, finding the revolution was to a certain extent
stationary, naturally waited for some grand and combined movement likely
to overthrow the Manchoo rule, and, however much they would have
rejoiced at the change, were careful to avoid implicating themselves
against the government until the prospect of success became more
apparent. The fearful experience of former failures warned the nation to
be cautious--in fact, the cautious alone remained in the land of the
living, the indiscriminate massacres after the slightest attempt at
rebellion having exterminated nearly every noble and patriotic spirit in
China. Besides, many who might otherwise have hazarded the venture held
back on account of the Ti-ping profession of Christianity (a change of
the ancient national train of custom and ideas what they not only looked
upon with suspicion, but with actual abhorrence). The hatred of the
Manchoo must indeed have been intense--or rather, the hand of God
powerful--to overcome the old and jealous prejudices of more than 2,000
years, and give the Tien-wang even any adherents.
The Southern army, breaking into several divisions during 1855, was
mostly victorious; many cities were captured, and large supplies of
every necessary and war material taken. Partisans were sent into all the
southern provinces and many local insurrections stimulated, but all too
feeble and desultory to be of any real assistance to the cause; though
the prompt and savage punishments inflicted by the Manchoo authorities
undoubtedly proved very damaging, the fear they inspired awing the
people into submission, and terrifying them from rising in rebellion
again.
For more than a year the Southern and Western armies maintained their
position; but early in 1856 they were again forced to retire upon
Nankin, which had become reinvested by the Imperialists. It will thus be
seen that, while the Ti-pings were detaching small armies just able to
overcome the local Manchoo authorities, the Imperialists, after
reinforcing the provincial troops so as to enable them to dispute the
ground with varying success, invariably concentrated all their reserves
and spare forces before Nankin. Considering that the Imperialists had
vastly superior numbers, and, moreover, held the whole of the revenue,
and completely surrounded the insurgents upon every side, the greatly
superior organization and courage of the Ti-pings is sufficiently proved
by the fact that they were able to compete with their more
advantageously situated enemy so successfully.
In the middle of the year, the Imperialists were attacked by the
recalled Ti-ping forces, before the city of Chin-kiang, and were
defeated with heavy loss; about the same time, their lines before Nankin
were assaulted by another division and completely broken up.
In this year an event took place, the consequences of which have proved
almost fatal to the Ti-ping revolution. From a period long anterior to
the commencement of the movement, the position of Europeans in China
was most unsatisfactory. The growing dread the Manchoos entertained of
foreign intercourse urged them to the adoption of the most repulsive and
arrogant behaviour upon all occasions, and it was just at the period
this was becoming almost unbearable that the Ti-ping insurrection took
place. It was therefore only natural that Europeans should regard the
rising power favourably. Directly the organization and professions of
the Tien-wang became fully known, it was almost the universal practice
to warmly advocate his cause, and sound thrilling pæans in his praise.
The clergy and religious world went half mad with joy; the societies for
providing Bibles for the naked savages who could not read them, almost
feared their work was coming to an end; and the mercantile part of the
foreign world entered into the wildest speculations (excepting the opium
smugglers). Eagerly the clerical expounders of mercy and goodwill wrote
home glowing accounts of the success of their teaching--blessed by an
overruling Providence!--eagerly the whole body of merchants, officials,
adventurers, &c., watched for some favourable prospect of _profit_, or,
as the thing is speciously termed, of "placing our commercial and
political relations upon a satisfactory basis"! All these benevolent and
large-minded Europeans waited a little, and when they found the
profitable change would probably take a long time to perfect, while in
the interval their gain _might_ be diminished, it was absolutely
wonderful how their sympathy--like Bob Acre's courage--oozed out at
their fingers' ends. Events soon occurred that extinguished the last
remnant of philanthropy. The missionaries (only a certain portion of
them, be it remembered) found out they could not take all the credit of
the rebellion to themselves,--or rather the religious element of it;
therefore they gradually cooled down, and some of them began to revile
it, at the same time taking precious good care not to put themselves to
inconvenience by going to teach the Ti-pings where they were in error.
The political and commercial body also found they would have to wait for
their ambitious and profitable projects, which did not suit them at all.
It was at such a crisis, the seizure of the opium-smuggling lorcha
_Arrow_ afforded a pretext for an appeal to arms; and this furnished all
those favourable circumstances, hitherto expected from the Ti-ping
movement, by a shorter and more direct road. It was sufficient for a
portion of the body mercantile, that they would get their nefarious
opium traffic legalized, and their general trade increased; it was
sufficient for the body politic that they would be able to place their
diplomatic affairs upon a satisfactory standing, and so humble the power
of the Chinese government as to be able to do with it whatever they
liked, _compelling_ it to conform to their will in every way--and all
for nothing, as the Manchoo government would be made pay the expenses
England would incur by an aggressive war. The Ti-pings were at once
thrown overboard. It mattered not that their cause was righteous and
holy; it was no longer _profitable_ to the British _trader_ or his
_government_, and with the usual error of mean selfishness, they took it
for granted that the Manchoos would always remain powerless, or else
forget to retaliate when they became able, for the gross treatment they
had received; neither could they perceive that although delays might
interpose before the final success of the Ti-pings, yet that, after a
short probation, the willing and unrestricted commerce the latter would
encourage, would be more profitable than the unwilling and forced trade
the Manchoos were _coerced_ into. Although meanness is generally the
result of ignorance, it seems almost a fatality that so large a portion
of Englishmen should have acted so wrongfully, and have been so
forgetful of their national fair-play. The whole affair speaks too
plainly of avarice and incompetent statesmanship.
Commander Brine, R.N., in his valuable and fairly-expressed work, "The
Taeping Rebellion," at pages 271-2, very truthfully observes:--
"The principal reason for the decline of the popularity of the
rebellion amongst Europeans may be found in the great change
that has occurred in our political relations with the Manchoo
government."
Again, speaking of the treaty settled after the "lorcha _Arrow_ war," he
says:--
"Two of its clauses, noted below, not only made the further
progress of the Taepings _unprofitable_, but absolutely made
their simple existence most objectionable to all Europeans who
hoped to open _trade_ with those provinces lying adjacent to the
upper waters of the Yang-tze. When Lord Elgin proceeded to
Han-kow, _he_ evidently looked upon them as a mere body of
rebels, sooner or later to be suppressed by government, and that
they in the interval interfered with the due carrying into
execution the terms of his treaty. Consequently he was not
inclined to show them much favour."
In this perfectly true conclusion is concealed the real motive of the
conduct the British _Government_ has pursued towards the Ti-pings. Not
only in China, but over the whole world--from Denmark to America, from
Abyssinia to Brazil, from New Zealand to Japan,--the policy of England
has been derogatory to her dignity, and would be calculated to elicit
merely feelings of contempt were it not so dangerous to her future
welfare. It seems, however, that the majority of Englishmen are
satisfied with a course of administration which advocates "peace at any
price," except when war can be undertaken with impunity, and some
aggression committed upon a weak neighbour, who is then compelled to pay
all the expenses. I, for one, protest against such lowering of England's
dignity and "just influence." I protest against the sacrifice of
national honour to mercenary interest,--of principle to profit.
Commander Brine's opinion has been amply verified--he wrote it early in
1862; since which period England, regardless of all pledges of
neutrality, has deliberately upheld the Manchoo dynasty, and made war
upon the Ti-pings, not to support any high principle, but prompted by
regard for the indemnity money to be wrested from the Imperialists,
influenced by the profits of the opium trade, and anxious to support the
Elgin treaty, which otherwise would have become inoperative.
It is no less singular than true, that the wars with the Manchoo
government in reality weakened it but very little:--in the first place,
the British troops were always met by the local forces, none being
withdrawn from opposition to the internal danger, which was dreaded much
more than any arising from the foreign expeditions;--in the second, the
indemnity money being deducted from the increased duties levied upon the
foreign trade, instead of impoverishing the Manchoo exchequer, was taken
directly from the pockets of the foreign merchants; and although the
exchequer was so much less in hand, it could hardly be looked upon as a
loss, considering that only one-fifth of the gross customs revenue of
the ports open to foreign trade was taken, and that the trade has
enlarged amply enough to make the returns, minus the indemnity, more
than equal to what they were before the war.
Subsequent to the visit of H.M.S. _Hermes_, and the French steamer
_Cassini_, the next communication between the Ti-pings and Europeans
took place a little more than a year later, when the American minister
visited Nankin in the U.S. frigate _Susquehanna_. The few extracts I
give from the accounts of the Rev. Dr. Bridgeman, and another writer,
X.Y.Z., each members of the expedition, coincide exactly with all
opinions ever given of the Ti-pings by credible people who have held
personal intercourse with them; and it is a singular, if not a sinister
circumstance, that these accounts are _all totally different_ from the
dispatches of Sir F. Bruce (British minister at Pekin), and consuls of
similar tendencies, who have either never seen the Ti-pings, or at all
events know nothing of their government, life, and manners.
The following are extracts from the Rev. Dr. Bridgeman:--
"1. Their government is a theocracy, the development apparently
of what is believed by them to be a new dispensation. As in the
case of the Israelites under Moses, they regard themselves as
directed by one who has been raised up by the Almighty to be the
executor of his will on earth.
"5. Their government is administered with _remarkable energy_.
"Far in the distance, hovering over the hill-tops--southward
from Chin-kiang-foo, the guardian city of the Great Canal, and
northward from Nankin, we saw encamped small bands of the
Imperialists, while all the armed multitudes in, and immediately
around these two cities, wrought up almost to frenzy, seemed
eager to rush forth and take vengeance on them as their deadly
foes,--'fat victims,' said they, 'fit only for slaughter.' They
exulted as they exhibited to us the scars and the wounds they
had received in bloody conflicts with the Manchoo troops, always
called by them, 'monster imps.'
"6. Their _order_ and _discipline_ are no less remarkable than
their energy. Under this new _régime_, both tobacco and opium
are prohibited.
"Every kind of strong drink, too, would seem to come into the
same category, and if any is used, it is only by special
permission."
At the city of Wuhu:--
"The people had returned:--whole families,--men, women, and
children,--were seen in their own houses, merchants in their
shops, and market people going and coming with provisions; all
most submissive to the officers and police, as they passed along
the streets.
"It was at their 'holy city,' however, as they frequently called
their new capital, that their _order_ and _discipline_ were
observed in the greatest perfection. Parts of the city were
appropriated exclusively for the uses of the wives and daughters
of those men who were abroad, as their armies, or elsewhere
employed in the public service.
"Everywhere else, as well as in the 'holy city,' extreme
watchfulness was observed in the maintenance of order; and all
irregularities, and infractions of the laws, were rebuked or
punished with a promptitude seldom seen among the Chinese. All
persons, without exception, had their appointed places and their
appropriate duties assigned, _and all moved like clockwork_."
Their unity of purpose Dr. Bridgeman speaks of as follows:--
"There is no community separate from their one body politic; at
least none appears, and no traces of any could we find."
Of their religion he reported:--
"Christians they may be in name; and they are, in very deed,
iconoclasts of the strictest order. They have in their
possession probably the entire Bible, both the Old and New
Testaments; and are publishing what is usually known as
'Gutzlaff's Version' of the same.
"Their ideas of the Deity are exceedingly imperfect. Though they
declare plainly that there is 'only One True God,' yet the
inspiration of the Holy Scriptures,[28] the equality of the Son
with the Father,[29] and many other doctrines generally received
by Protestant Christians, as being clearly revealed in the
Bible, are by them wholly ignored. True, they have formulas in
which some of these doctrines are taught; but then they are
borrowed formulas, and they have used them without comprehending
their true import. So I believe; and I think this is made
manifestly plain in the new version of their Doxology, or Hymn
of Praise, where Yang-sen-tsing, the Eastern King, is proclaimed
the Paraclete--the Holy Spirit."[30]
Dr. Bridgeman continues:--
"Our Saturday we found observed by them as a Sabbath-day; but
they appeared not to have any houses for public worship, nor any
Christian teachers, ministers of the Gospel so called. Forms of
domestic worship, forms of prayer, of thanksgiving, &c. &c.,
they have; and all their people, even such as cannot read, are
required to learn and use these. We saw them repeatedly at their
devotions; some of them were exceedingly reverent and devout,
while others were quite the reverse. Most, who were asked to do
it, promptly recited that form of the Decalogue which is given
in their tracts.
"A form of baptism was spoken of by them; but no allusion was
made by them to the ordinance of the Lord's Supper.
"We found them, according to their reformed calendar, discarding
the old notions of lucky places, times, &c."
Speaking of the public notices seen on the walls, he says:--
"The distribution of food, of clothes, and of medicines; the
payment of taxes, the preservation of property, the observance
of etiquette and decorum; and injunctions to repair to certain
quarters for vaccination,--these were among the topics discussed
in them. One document announced the names of sundry candidates
who had been successful in winning honours at a recent literary
examination in the Heavenly capital."
Thus, it appears, the "ignorant coolies" were literary coolies. It was
late in 1854 when Dr. Bridgeman visited Nankin, and thus wrote
concerning the power and extent of the rebellion:--
"Their _numerical strength, and the extent of territory under
their control_, are by no means inconsiderable. They said they
had undisputed control from Chin-kiang-foo, four hundred miles
up the Great River; and that besides the large numbers of troops
garrisoned and intrenched about Chin-kiang, Kwa-chow, and the
'Heavenly capital,' they had _four armies_ in the field,
carrying on active aggressive operations; two of these had gone
northward, one along the Grand Canal, and one farther westward;
they were designed to co-operate, and after storming and
destroying Pekin, to turn westward and march through Shansi,
Shensi, Kians-oo, into Sze-chuen, where they are expected to
meet their other two armies, which from Kiang-si and the Lake
provinces, are to move up the Great River, and along through the
regions on its southern bank.
"The _personal appearance_ of their men in arms, and of their
women on horseback, was novel. They formed a very heterogeneous
mass, having been brought together from several different
provinces, principally from Gnang-wui, Keang-si, Hoopeh,
Kwang-si, and Kwang-tung. The finest men we saw were from the
hills of Kiang-si, and those from Hoonan were the meanest and
least warlike. Their arms and accoutrements were quite after the
old fashion of the Chinese; but their red and yellow turbans,
their _long hair_, and their silk and satin robes, so unlike the
ordinary costume of the 'black-haired' troops, made the
insurgents appear like a new race of warriors. All the people we
saw were very well clad, well fed, and well provided for in
every way. They all seemed content, and in high spirits, _as if
sure of success_."
It will be seen that Dr. Bridgeman thought--as every one else did until
the arbitrary interference of the British _Government_--that the
"progress, and ultimate success," of the Ti-pings was certain, "under
the inscrutable providence of God."
The following are extracts from the communication written by X.Y.Z., and
published in the _North China Herald_ at that time.
"There is no change of policy or of feeling towards foreigners
since the visit of the _Hermes_. On the part of the people the
same _friendly_ feeling was manifested that was observed a year
ago.
"The visit of the _Susquehanna_ has put us in possession of
facts which prove that the insurgents have undisturbed control
of a large extent of country, so large as to furnish a guarantee
to their ultimate success. There seems to be nothing that can
prevent their triumph, but internal dissensions, of which at
present no symptoms appear.
"The city itself (Nankin) is under strict martial law, and
indeed is at present a mere military camp. The _most rigid
discipline and perfect order are maintained_.
"In passing through the city, little was seen to distinguish it
from other Chinese cities, except that some of the streets are
very wide, and appear to be kept in a state of cleanliness not
often seen in China.
"Whatever Hung-sui-tshuen may mean by calling himself the
brother of Jesus, it is but justice to say that no evidence was
found of its being insisted on as an essential article of faith
among the mass of his followers. And several officers who
subsequently visited the steamer, when asked what was meant by
it, professed themselves unable to give any information upon the
subject. They were so _evidently puzzled_, that it was plain
their attention had _never been called to the matter before_."
Speaking of the composition of the Ti-pings, X.Y.Z. says:--
"A few were from Kwang-se. These latter were all young men of
unusually fine appearance and more than ordinary intelligence,
and they were distinguished by some peculiarities of dress."
Of the civil administration he says:--
"The expedition reached the city of Wuhu on Thursday morning.
Here _the most cordial feeling was manifested_ by the
authorities and people. The visit to this place was of great
interest, as it afforded an opportunity of learning from
personal observation the character of the insurgent rule over
the people in districts which are no longer the seat of war. The
state of things is entirely different from that at Nankin. _The
people are engaged in their ordinary avocations, shops are
opened and trade carried on, as under the old régime_, though
the former prosperity of the place is by no means restored."
Upon perusing such statements, the British public will doubtless wonder
at the nature of the reports which emanated from their government, that
"the Ti-pings destroyed everything and restored nothing,"--were
"ruthless desolaters," "bloodthirsty marauders," "hordes of banditti,"
&c. It must, however, be remembered, that the authors of these
statements knew nothing about the Ti-pings; in some cases had never seen
one, and in all cases were anxious to meet the views of their official
superiors by prejudicing the public mind against the Ti-pings, and
thereby in some degree justifying the unwarrantable line of policy which
the British Government had decided on.
The year 1857 passed over without any important military movement, and
the Ti-ping Government was engaged in consolidating its power in the
districts and cities it held. The extent of territory and amount of
population entirely under their control was very considerable. They held
possession of about three-fourths of the large province of Ngan-whui,
one-third of Kiang-su, one-third of Kiang-si, and parts of Hoonan and
Hoopeh. In Kwang-si, Kwang-tung, Fo-keen, and Yun-nan, Ti-ping agents
were actively at work inciting the people to rise.
In the meanwhile, the administration of their territory was being
perfected;--the title "Wang" was reduced into a sort of feudal rank,
into which all governors of cities, lieutenant-governors, and governors
of provinces, and generalissimos, were admitted. The whole of their land
was divided into departments, or circles, each department into four
districts, and each district into twenty-five parishes. After the
governors of departments, or provinces, came the district chiefs, or
magistrates; then the parish magistrates; and then the five village
magistrates, or authorities, appointed over each circle of twenty-five
families. The Ti-ping territory included at this period not less than
70,000 square miles, with a population of about 25,000,000. At parts
where the Manchoo troops had been driven out of the country, a regular
system of monthly taxation was established, considerably more moderate
than the old. A tariff for the whole empire was published; while
throughout all their cities, the machinery of a regular government was
constituted, and the whole conducted with considerable energy and
success. The "Land Regulations of Political Economy of the Ti-ping
Dynasty" were put into force, and a large part of China reclaimed to
native administration. By these regulations, all land was divided into
nine classifications, and arranged according to produce. Divisions of
fields were arranged according to the number of persons in a family, and
the whole property was regulated as the document states, "so that all
the people in the empire may together enjoy the abundant happiness
provided by the Great God, our Heavenly Father and Universal Lord."
Periodical seasons were appointed for the examinations of literary
candidates, and filling of vacant offices. Harvest regulations and
community of interest were thus provided for:--
"As soon as harvest arrives, every vexillary must see to it,
that the five-and-twenty parishes under his charge have a
sufficient supply of food; and what is over and above of the new
grain he must deposit in the public granary. This must be done
with respect to wheat, pulse, flax, hemp, silk cloth, fowls, and
money; for the whole empire is the universal property of our
Heavenly Father, and when all the people of the empire avoid
selfishness, and consecrate everything to the Supreme Lord, then
the sovereign will have sufficient to use, and all the families
in the empire, in every place, will be equally provided for,
while every individual will be well fed and clothed."
From this system, and the vice-royalty of the governors, or wangs, the
Ti-ping government assumed a patriarchal feudal constitution. The
following regular conscription was levied:--
"If any man throughout the empire has a family, including wife
and children, amounting to three, four, five, six, seven, eight,
or nine individuals, he must give up one to be a soldier. With
regard to the rest, the widowers, widows, orphans, and
childless, together with the sick and feeble, shall be excused
from service, and shall all be fed from the public granary."
Religious observances were thus enjoined, in a manner which evinces a
spirit far different from that which the world was led to suppose
actuated the Ti-pings:--
"In every circle of five-and-twenty families, the youths must
every day go to the church, where the vexillary is to teach them
to read the holy books of the Old and New Testaments, as well as
the proclamations of the duly-appointed sovereign. Every
sabbath the five cinquevirs in the circle must lead the men and
women under their charge to the church, where the males and
females are to sit in separate rows. On these occasions there
will be preaching, thanksgivings, and offerings to our Heavenly
Father, the Great God and Supreme Lord. All officers and people,
both within and without the court, must every sabbath go to hear
the expounding of the Holy Book, reverently present their
offerings, and praise our Heavenly Father." "All the officers
throughout the empire, every sabbath day, must, according to
their rank, reverently and sincerely provide animals, with meat
and drink-offerings, for worship, in order to praise our
Heavenly Father; they must also explain the Holy Book. Should
any fail in this, they shall be degraded to the level of
plebeians."
During 1858 the Ti-pings continued their work of organization, and
undertook no military movement of importance. In consequence of so large
a concentration of their forces, supplies began to run short, and the
city of Chin-kiang was promptly abandoned, and a considerable force
detached into the province of Kiang-si. They still retained possession
of both banks of the Yang-tze for a distance of about 400 miles, and
large reinforcements were sent from Nankin to all their possessions upon
the northern side of that river.
In the meanwhile, Canton had been taken by the English and French
forces, the Taku forts had been captured on the 20th of May, and on the
3rd of July the Elgin treaty was concluded; a treaty that in all
respects proved nearly the death-warrant of the patriots.
On the 8th of November, Lord Elgin started from Shanghae upon the
expedition up the Yang-tze-kiang as far as Hankow.
On approaching Nankin, the squadron came into collision with the
Ti-pings in a similar, though more serious manner, than on the occasion
of the visit of the _Hermes_. Lord Elgin, with the characteristic
arrogance of Englishmen in foreign lands, disregarded the frequently
repeated and urgent request of the Ti-ping authorities; namely, that to
avoid misunderstandings as to men-of-war approaching their
fortifications during a time of battle and blockade (especially
considering the Manchoos had engaged some foreign vessels, and reported
continually that foreign war-steamers were preparing to attack Nankin,
&c.), "a small boat should be detached, to communicate with the
garrison; in which case there would be no chance of collision." By
referring to the visit of the _Hermes_, and the correspondence that took
place, it will be seen that she was followed by the Manchoo flotilla,
which took advantage of her presence to engage the Ti-ping forts, the
anxiety of the Ti-ping authorities upon which point pervades all their
communications to Sir George Bonham. Perfectly indifferent, then, to the
observance of a courtesy which any powerful belligerent in like
circumstances to those of the Ti-pings would have _compelled_, Lord
Elgin sent the gunboat _Lee_ ahead of the squadron,--"to communicate if
possible," as he reported. But instead of attempting the only correct
mode of communication in the case, by sending a boat in first, the
_Lee_, by her backing and filling in front of the batteries and
fortified positions, aided by the presence of a powerful squadron in the
rear, apparently awaiting the result of her reconnoitre, naturally led
the Ti-pings to suppose she was on the scout from a hostile fleet. In
consequence of this, the batteries opened fire on the _Lee_, and the
rest of the squadron, _prepared_ for the event, steamed up and opened
upon them with "considerable effect." Not satisfied with this, "they on
the following morning re-descended the stream to Nankin and bombarded
the forts, with but little reply for an hour and a half." What a gallant
exploit for British seamen! To silence forts which were perfectly
harmless, and slaughter the inmates at their ease.
The _Church Missionary Intelligencer_ of December, 1860, gives the
following account of the transaction:--
"In the latter end of 1858, a British squadron, with Lord Elgin,
passed up the river as far as Hankow, not without exchanging
shots, on more than one occasion, with the Tai-pings, and a
consequent loss of life was caused, which, by due precautions,
might have been avoided. On approaching Nanking, the capital
city of Ngan-hwui, the insurgents and Imperialists were found to
be in action. The British vessels were not recognized by the
Tai-pings: they were the first bearing the British flag which
had ascended the stream so far. Under the misapprehension that
they were acting in concert with the Imperialist fleets of junks
which commanded the river, the Tai-pings fired a shot at the
leading vessel, the _Lee_, and was replied to by the _Furious_,
_Cruiser_, _Dove_, and _Lee_, in full chorus. The garrison of
the forts was soon in flight, the guns abandoned. A little
timely explanation might have prevented this collision. On the
return voyage, when these forts were again approached, such an
explanation was resorted to. The water had fallen so low that
the two large vessels had been left behind, and the two
gun-boats were alone on their way to the river's mouth. To
engage the forts on going up, when the force was strong, was a
pleasant _divertissement_; but to venture on the same experiment
with two gun-boats, was, if possible, to be avoided; and that
the more so, as the nature of the channel compelled them to
steer immediately under the city walls, so that the decks could
easily have been swept by gingalls. On this occasion, therefore,
that was done which should have been done before--a
communication was opened with the insurgents, and the gun-boats
passed the forts unmolested."
The first act of the wolf and lamb drama was thus performed, and "those
outlaws," the Ti-pings, who _might_ possibly "interfere with the
carrying into due effect the terms of his treaty," were reported to
head-quarters, as not only having insulted and fired upon the British
ensign, but having actually violated a flag of truce--but it was _not_
reported that said flag of truce was unknown to the Ti-pings, and
therefore could not be recognized.
The affair is thus reported by Secretary Wade:--
"My orders were to inform the rebels that _we took no part_
(_?_) in the civil war, and interfered with no one who did not
molest us. (?) That a gun-boat had been detached from the
squadron before it passed Nankin, for the express purpose of
explaining the object of our expedition _had the rebels desired
to ask it_; that they had fired eight shots at the little vessel
so detached without a single shot being returned by her; that
the forts which had so fired had been made an example of, and
that the fact, together with the lesson they had themselves
received, might satisfy them of the absurdity of provoking our
men-of-war to hostility."
At the time the expedition passed Nankin it was generally supposed the
four principal chiefs besides Hung-sui-tshuen, the Tien-wang, were dead.
The Southern and Western Princes had fallen in action, and it was
rumoured the Eastern and Northern Princes had lost their lives in the
capital, in consequence of their attempt to rebel against the authority
of their king. I can only say that the report of the execution of the
Northern and Eastern Princes, together with large numbers of their
particular followers, has been very much exaggerated. The princes, and
some who supported them, seem to have been put to death for treason.
The earlier half of 1859 was unmarked by any important military movement
upon the part of the Ti-pings. The most interesting event of this period
was the arrival of the Tien-wang's relative, Hung-jin, at Nankin, after
many fruitless attempts to reach that place.
It will be remembered that upon the capture of the first city in
Kwang-si, Hung-sui-tshuen had sent messengers into Kwang-tung calling
all his and Fung-yun-san's remaining friends and relatives to join his
standard. Before this could be effected he was compelled to abandon the
position. Hung-jin, in the meanwhile, had started upon the journey with
some fifty friends of the two chiefs. Upon approaching the neighbourhood
of the place appointed to effect a junction, they ascertained that the
"God Worshippers" had raised their camp and marched away, and that the
Manchoo authorities were seizing and cruelly murdering every one
connected with them. Hung-jin now sent back into Kwang-tung all his
friends, excepting three, who, with him, made their way deeper into the
country, and endeavoured to join the army of "God-worshippers." The
Mandarins were, however, so strictly upon the watch for all travellers
or suspected persons, that he found himself under the necessity of
abandoning his attempt and returning home. Upon reaching the Hwa-hien
district, Hung-jin found that from henceforth home to him was but a
name. The Manchoo butchers were already in his native village, and he
was compelled to seek a refuge amongst strangers. In a short time he
again set forth, with several relatives of Fung-yun-san, to join the
Ti-pings; but finding the vigilance and cruelty of the Mandarins still
more severe than before, they were obliged to return unsuccessful. After
another fruitless attempt in the beginning of 1852, the chosen messenger
of Hung-sui-tshuen and his relatives in Kwang-tung, again arrived with
letters calling upon all faithful adherents of the two clans, Hung and
Fung, to join him at the city of Yung-gnan. Upon this, the old
rendezvous at Paddy-hill was selected as a place for assembling. Before
the day appointed for a general meeting, and when only some two hundred
members of the respective clans had arrived, Kiang-lung-chong, the
messenger, who had grown too bold and reckless after the easy triumphs
he had been accustomed to with the Ti-pings, acted without precaution in
the gathering, and involved those already present in destruction. With
these insufficient numbers he raised the standard of insurrection, which
being instantly reported to the district Mandarin, a considerable body
of soldiers were sent against them. The insurgents went bravely to the
fight, but being few and wholly unaccustomed to warfare, were soon
thrown into confusion. Kiang-lung-chong and a few others were killed, a
considerable number made captive by the troops, and the rest dispersed.
Hung-jin with about a dozen friends arrived at Paddy-hill just after the
defeat, being totally ignorant of the disaster. He and his companions
were seized by the people of the neighbourhood and imprisoned in a
house, previously to being delivered up to the Mandarins. As the Rev.
Mr. Hamberg's narrative states:--
"Hung-jin, lively and enthusiastic, desirous to lead his friends
to honour and to glory, now sat down in the midst of them in
deep sorrow and despair, and would gladly have given his own
life to save those whom he had brought with him into distress.
Feeling the cords wherewith his hands were tied together give
way a little, after some effort he got them free, and proceeded
to unloose those of his friends who were accessible, and
succeeded in liberating six of his companions from their bonds.
After it had become dark, they opened the door, and in the rainy
night hastened away to the mountains.
"Hung-jin, whose liveliest hopes had been so suddenly
frustrated, who had drawn upon himself the hatred and revenge of
so many involved in the present disaster, and who had no place
of refuge left to himself, now felt his own guilt and despair
too hard to bear. He therefore unloosed his girdle and was going
to strangle himself, when one of the fugitives came up to him.
Hung said, 'Try to escape and save your life, I will put an end
to my existence in this place.' The other then seized his hand
and drew him forward, exhorting him to continue his flight in
company with him, which he did. The next day, when Hung awoke
from a short rest in the bush, he missed his companion. He now
prayed to God, the Heavenly Father, to spare his life and
protect him amidst so many dangers. During the daytime he lay
concealed in the bush, and during the night-time he went on.
Once the people in search of fugitives passed very close to him
without observing him. Finally, after having passed four days
and four nights in the mountains without any food, he arrived at
the house of some near relatives in a very exhausted state. Here
he was concealed six days in a mountain cavern, and afterwards
his relatives gave him some money, with which he went on board a
passage-boat to go to another district, and seek refuge with
more distant relatives of the Hung clan. But even among these,
new trials awaited him; for also from their place a few of the
Hung clan had gone to Paddy-hill, whose further fate was
unknown. Some of the relatives of those missing were now
inclined to revenge the supposed death of their brethren, and
deliver Hung-jin to the Mandarins, but an old venerable headman
took him under his protection, and gave one of his grandsons to
Hung-jin as a guide, and this young man, being a Christian
convert, conducted him to Hong-kong in the end of April, 1852,
and introduced him to me. I was astonished to hear a person from
the interior of China speak with such interest of, and display
so much acquaintance with, the Christian religion. I liked to
listen to his animated narratives about Hung-sui-tshuen,
Fung-yun-san, and their followers, though at the time I could
form no clear conception of the whole matter, which then was
little known and still less believed. He wrote a few sheets of
paper, containing a short account of himself and
Hung-sui-tshuen, which I put into my desk, until I should have
further evidence as to their contents. I expected that Hung-jin,
who wished to study the Christian doctrine and be baptized,
would remain for some time at Hong-kong; but upon my return from
a tour on the mainland he had departed, as he had no means of
support in that place. In November, 1853, Hung-jin, who up to
that time had been engaged as schoolmaster at some place in the
interior, again visited me. He was still very desirous to be
baptized, and seemed to be sincere in his wish to serve God. He
declared himself willing to leave all matters in the hands of
Him who worketh all things after the counsel of His own will,
and to seek above all the Kingdom of God and His righteousness.
Hung-jin, with three of his friends from Clear-far, have since
been _baptized_, and are still studying the Holy Scriptures,
with the hope, in the Providence of God, hereafter to be enabled
to instruct their countrymen in the way of salvation."
Early in 1854, with the funds from the sale of his little work, which
Mr. Hamberg kindly gave him, Hung-jin embarked for Shanghae, _en route_
for Nankin; he also carried with him a number of religious books. After
remaining at Shanghae several months, during which he was neither able
to reach Nankin nor communicate with his friends, he returned to
Hong-kong. In the mean time Mr. Hamberg had died, and Hung-jin was
received by members of the London Mission Society, and by them employed
as a catechist and preacher during the years 1855 to 1858. In the
_Missionary Magazine_ he was soon after spoken of thus:--
"He soon established himself in the confidence and esteem of the
members of the mission, and the Chinese Christians connected
with it. His _literary attainments_ were respectable; his temper
amiable and genial; his mind was characterized by a versatility
unusual in a Chinese. His knowledge of Christian doctrine was
largely increased, and of the sincerity of his attachment to it
_there could be no doubt_."
Similar opinions were entertained by many devout and earnest
missionaries who were intimately acquainted with Hung-jin for a period
extending over six years; but Mr. Frederick Bruce, the British minister
at Pekin (who never saw Hung-jin, or, I believe, any other Ti-ping in
his life), true to the policy of his employers, thus writes from amidst
his Manchoo friends at Shanghae:--
DISPATCH TO LORD RUSSELL.
"Shanghae, September 4th, 1860.
"Hung-jin has sent to the missionaries in manuscript a pamphlet
which has made a considerable impression upon them. I see no
guarantee for the soundness of his doctrine or for the purity
of his life. I rather look upon his pamphlet as a crafty device
to conciliate the support and sympathy of the missionary body at
the time when the insurgents meditated the seizure of Shanghae."
It may naturally be asked, What has this to do with England's policy
towards China, and why should it affect the honourable neutrality she
was pledged to maintain? The answer simply is--a misrepresentation of
the acts and intentions of the Ti-pings might afford some colour of
justification for a line of policy which could not be defended.
The Bruce dispatch further states:--
"But as the chief (Hung-sui-tshuen) is an _ignorant fanatic, if
not an impostor_," &c.
We thus find this representative of the British Government not only
volunteering his unsupported opinion against a weighty mass of evidence
as to the religion, education, and acquirements of the chief, but
actually constituting the same tribunal as the sole judge of a solemn
question which must rest alone between Hung-sui-tshuen and his Creator.
About the middle of 1858, Hung-jin once more determined to try and join
his relative, the Tien-wang, and with this intent started in disguise,
and gradually made his way (by land) into the province of Hoopeh. In
December of the same year, while Lord Elgin's expedition was at Hankow,
he was heard from at a small town in the neighbourhood; in fact, he
managed to put on board one of the vessels a letter for Mr. Chalmers,
his teacher at Hong-kong. In the spring of 1859, he at last reached
Nankin, and soon after was appointed to the high rank of Kan-wang
(_i.e._, Shield Prince), in which position, and his subsequent one of
Prime Minister, he became familiar to Europeans. A letter which he wrote
to the Rev. Mr. Edkins, nearly a year later, contained the following
passage relating to the Tien-wang:--
"On meeting with his relative, the Celestial king, and having
daily conversations with him, he was struck by the wisdom and
depth of his teaching, far transcending that of common men."
Hung-jin--or rather the Kan-wang, as we must call him in future--joined
his friends at a troublous time, more than usually so even to a man who,
like him, had lived the prime of his life in difficulties and danger.
Within a few months after his arrival at Nankin, that city was closely
invested by a large and overpowering Imperialist army. Although since
1853, Nankin had frequently been in a state of siege, upon no previous
occasion had it been so hardly pressed. Towards the close of 1859, the
besieging forces were increased from 50,000 to upwards of 100,000
fighting men, all supplies were cut off from the city, and the
Imperialists flattered themselves that a short time would see the
garrison starved out. Darkly, though, closed that year around the
Ti-ping capital--surrounded as it was by savage foemen, thirsting for
the blood of its starving inhabitants--a danger, still more deadly, and
more bitter, was looming in the distance, although at the time
impalpable and scarcely conceived. It was a danger menacing the patriots
from civilized and Christian men, men who, in other lands, have given
their blood and treasure to causes far less deserving of their sympathy;
in short, it was the creation of the "China indemnity" extortion. Evil
as the effect of the Elgin treaty concluded in 1858 must have been to
the Ti-pings, it is yet possible that the successes they shortly
attained might have counteracted the prejudices so unjustly excited
against them; but when to this was added the question of indemnity, the
Ti-pings were doomed. It is probable that had they remained quiescent
until such time as the love of gold was satisfied, they might then have
been uninterfered with; unfortunately it was otherwise, a rapid series
of victories threatened destruction to the Manchoo dynasty, and with it,
of course, to the "China indemnity;" consequently, if the expenses of
this "little war" were to be secured, immediate action became
necessary, and the ruin of the Ti-pings inevitable.
In June, 1859, the British plenipotentiary, not satisfied with the route
_viâ_ Peh-tang, as proposed and decided upon by the Chinese authorities
for his passage to Pekin, had the coolness to choose his own path, and
when the mandarins naturally resisted such arrogance, to endeavour to
force it at the cannon's mouth. What would Englishmen think, and do, if
a Chinese fleet carrying an ambassador were to arrive in England, and,
refusing to land their ambassador according to our customs, advance
their fleet past all our fortifications without paying them the
slightest respect? This would be a very similar case to the Taku fort
disaster; and, moreover, it must be borne in mind that the affair took
place just after peace had been concluded, which must have given it the
complexion of a resumption of hostilities rather than that of a peaceful
embassy.
The excuse generally made for this sort of thing is, that it is
impossible to deal with semi-civilized nations as you would with
civilized ones, that is to say, the civilized nation is to descend to
the level of the semi-civilized one. This reasoning, illogical and
dishonourable at all times, is in this case totally inadmissible, for it
is at the least doubtful whether any cause for an appeal to arms
existed. It appears, however, that elasticity of principle and
inconsistency in action may be regarded as the important elements in the
policy of England--can it be better illustrated than by her conduct to
Germany and Denmark, to America and Brazil, to Russia and China?
Admiral Hope, a useful man to such a ministry, to use a nautical simile,
"went stem on like a Nor'-west buffalo" to the Taku forts, and
sacrificed a number of brave men needlessly. This led to the resumption
of hostilities, and we find Lord John Russell writing upon November
18th, 1859, to Mr. Bruce:--
"Unless, therefore, the most ample apology should be promptly
made and the other demands specified in my previous dispatch
complied with, you are instructed to state that _a large
pecuniary indemnity_ will be demanded by her Majesty's
Government from that of China."
By altering a few words, how like the ultimatum of a highwayman this
would read. Lord John Russell evidently did all he could to justify the
anecdote of Alexander the Great and the robber.
The Chinese indemnity plot thickened rapidly. Lord Russell's next
dispatch to Mr. Bruce, dated January 3rd, 1860, contained the
following:--
"We go to seek redress for these wrongs" (the resistance offered
by the Manchoo troops to the destruction of their barriers,
defences, &c., at the Taku forts, by Admiral Hope), "and to
require that the word of the emperor should be observed, and
that an _indemnity_ should be paid for the loss of men" (killed
trying to kill the Chinese troops who very correctly opposed
their unjustifiable attempt to force the fortified entrance of
the Pei-ho river), "and the heavy expense of obtaining redress"
(for their own fault).
Lord John Russell arrived at the superlative degree of the "China
indemnity" upon February 8th, 1860, when he penned the following to Mr.
Bruce:--
"It has been _decided_ between her Majesty's Government and that
of the Emperor of the French that the amount of indemnity-money
to be demanded of the Chinese Government shall be in each case a
sum of 60,000,000 _francs_," "towards the expense of the joint
expedition now on its way to the China seas."
Here was decisive action following promptly upon threats and
intimidation; who can say but that the finale to the Danish question
might have been different had the Foreign Secretary possessed equal
facilities for arranging the indemnity to be paid by Germany?
Upon the part of the British representatives it is denied that the
Chinese Government proposed Peh-tang as the route our plenipotentiary
should proceed by to Pekin; it is, however, admitted in the blue book
upon affairs in China, 1859-60, at page 43, that Mr. Bruce was
requested not to pass the river barriers:--
"They" (the Imperial Chinese commissioners) "would wish that on
his arrival at the mouth of the river he would anchor his
vessels of war _outside the bar_."
As this was disregarded by Mr. Bruce, it may naturally be inferred that
the request so constantly reiterated throughout the Chinese dispatches,
"that he (Mr. Bruce) must go by way of Peh-tang," was really made, but
was treated by the British plenipotentiary with the same contempt and
want of courtesy.
The instructions given to Lord Elgin upon his second embassy to China
were issued from the Foreign Office, April 17th, 1860; the conditions of
peace to be offered to China were:--
"First. An apology for the attack on the allied forces at the
Pei-ho" (_i.e._ the Chinese Government must apologize for
defending itself). "Secondly. The ratification and execution of
the treaty of Tien-tsin" (a treaty extorted from the Chinese
when under compulsion, the terms of which would probably not
have been really evaded). "Thirdly. The payment of an indemnity
to the allies for the expense of naval and military
preparations." (No wonder the Chinese ministers wrote "then the
demand for indemnity is yet more against propriety. Were China
to demand repayment of England, England would find that her
expenses did not amount to one half of those of China.")
Most undoubtedly previous to the _Arrow_ war the position of Europeans
in China was very unsatisfactory; but it is quite as certain that this
resulted as much from our aggressive and lawless proceedings, as from
the natural aversion of the Manchoo government for our intercourse. From
beginning to end, the whole history of the British connection with China
is discreditable. However just may have been the cause of complaint, it
is beyond all doubt that mean and disgraceful subterfuges have been
adopted as the _casus belli_ for each campaign undertaken against that
empire. Can an Englishman be found (excepting the opium traders, &c.)
who does not lament that blackest page of English history--the war that
was waged upon China in 1840, under the following circumstances:--
"In agreement with a treaty signed by British merchants, Captain
Elliott, her Majesty's superintendent of trade, caused 20,283
chests of opium to be delivered to Commissioner Lin. The opium
was destroyed by order of the emperor. The conditions for
terminating the war were, that China should pay £1,200,000 for
the opium; £3,000,000, which amounts to £1,000 per head, for the
destruction of 30,000 of her unoffending subjects, and bear the
expense of her own defence!"
The last war, which commenced in 1856, and was ultimately concluded by
the ratification of the treaty of 1858, by Lord Elgin in 1860, was
equally iniquitous with the first, and in the same manner was originated
by the detestable opium smuggling, the seizure of the opium smuggler
_Arrow_ being made the pretext for hostilities. Whatever may hereafter
be alleged, at the present time but few can be found to deny the fact,
that the wars with China have always been waged to force the opium
trade, and that by the last one the legalization of that vile traffic
was compelled.
Not without reason did the Manchoo great council of state use the
following passages in their dispatch to Commissioner Ho, who was at
Shanghae endeavouring to settle pacifically the Taku affair, and the
ratification of the treaty of Tien-tsin, previous to the resumption of
hostilities:--
"To come to the British minister's request to be properly (or
courteously) received when he comes north to exchange treaties,
if his intention be indeed peace (or friendly), he will (or let
him) leave it to the commissioner to think over all details
whatsoever of treaty arrangements in which management
(adjustment, compromise) may with propriety be effected; and
negotiations being set on foot at Shanghae, when both parties
are perfectly agreed, let him come north without a fleet, and
with a small retinue, and wait at Peh-tang, for the exchange of
the treaties; in which case China will certainly not take him to
task for what is past."
Referring to his former attempt to force his passage past the Taku
forts, when Admiral Hope was repulsed,
"But if he be determined to bring up a number of vessels of war,
and if he persist in proceeding by way of Takoo, this will show
that his real purpose is not the exchange of treaties, and it
must be left to the high officer in charge of the coast (or
port) defences to take such steps as shall be essential" (_lit.
as shall accord with right_).
This proposition, of course, was not entertained by Mr. Bruce or Lord
Elgin, who proceeded to act upon Lord Russell's instructions--"for the
joint occupation of Chusan, or some other portion of the Chinese
territory, in addition to the city of Canton, by the British and French
forces till the _indemnity_ is paid." So to obtain "material guarantees"
for this indemnity, the civilized nations proceeded to batter the
semi-civilized one into compliance, and the allied forces started upon
the Pekin campaign.
However wrong the Manchoos may have been, it cannot be denied that the
British _modus operandi_ in China has been equally bad; and whatever
right there may be on the civilized side, it would be difficult to read
the correspondence between the two governments and not admit that the
semi-civilized one has the best of the argument.
Commerce is a great and important element in the prosperity and
civilization of every nation, and especially so to England; but there is
something greater and more noble than commerce--that is, honour. The
advantages of trade, to be permanent and beneficial, must be conducted
honourably, and that is exactly what the Government of Great Britain has
been unable to do. All over the world its foreign policy, and its
attempts to force trade where it can be done with impunity, have not
only lowered the "just influence" of England and brought her into
contempt, but, in many cases, have created a burning resentment in the
breasts of those who have been wronged, that neither the present nor
future generation will forget. In every quarter of the globe mischievous
interference has taken place, often followed by those aggressive wars
which have been denounced by every great and enlightened statesman from
the time of Queen Elizabeth.
FOOTNOTES:
[28] This statement of Dr. Bridgeman's was incorrect. The opinions of
nearly all the other missionaries,--including the Rev. Drs. John,
Medhurst, Muirhead, Edkins, &c.,--acquainted with the Ti-pings and their
works, agree with the following explanation by the Bishop of Victoria,
of their acknowledgment of the inspiration of the Bible; besides which,
the proclamation of the Tien-wang (see page 84) fully states their
belief in the Divine equality of the Son (Celestial Elder Brother) with
the Father.
"While the imperial titles are raised by only one space, it is
interesting to observe that in their list of authorized books (published
as a preface to each volume), with the _imprimatur_ of Tae-ping-wang,
the words 'Old' and 'New Testament' each receive _an elevation of three
spaces_ in the enumeration, whereas Tae-ping-wang's name, even when
forming a portion of the title of books of their own original
composition, is only raised by _one_ space. This seems to be a plain
recognition of the paramount divine authority of the Holy Scriptures as
_God's Book_, above books of human authorship, and suggests the hope
that where so vital an element of essential truth _is present_, errors
will be rectified and defects expurgated, by the general circulation and
perusal of the Word of God, as the best and surest corrective of
imperfect views on the more mysterious doctrines of the Gospel. The
portions of the Holy Scriptures which they have already published,
exceed in quantity of contents all the other books which are of their
own composition added together. In the books recently brought from
Nankin, there is an impression in red ink, from a large moveable die or
stamp, with the two characters, Che Chun--'the Imperial Will
permits'--surrounded by the usual imperial symbols. This _imprimatur_ is
stamped upon the first page of the text in every book. With such a fact
as this before us, every _unprejudiced_ mind will perceive that there is
a new era of hope for the Chinese empire."
[29] Another part of the same explanation states the Ti-ping idea of
Christ's Divinity; while again, the following verse from the "Ode for
Youth" clearly sets forth his divinity and atonement. Were this not so,
it would evidently be the height of injustice to blame a people just
arising from the depths of idolatry and ignorance for a fault common
amongst ourselves; for have we not Socinians as well as Unitarians?
"It has been customary in native compositions, whenever the Chinese
names or titles of the Emperor occur, to commence a new column, as a
mark of honour, and to place the imperial name higher in the page by the
space of two Chinese words. The name of the Supreme Being is similarly
honoured, but has the distinction of being raised three spaces in the
page. An interesting modification of this usage is perceptible in the
imperial proclamations and manifestoes of Tae-ping-wang. The name of
Almighty God the Father is elevated three spaces; that of Jesus Christ
is raised two spaces; and the imperial name and titles of Tae-ping-wang
himself _are lowered one degree from the customary position_, and
receive the elevation of only one space. As minds are differently
biassed, this fact will be differently judged. To us, however, it
appears an indication that the insurgent leaders, although viewing Jesus
Christ as inferior to the Father as touching his humanity, recognize his
superiority to the most exalted of earthly potentates as touching his
divinity."
The unmistakable interpretation to place upon this, is,--no Chinese mind
could possibly place the _Son_ upon a _perfect_ equality with the
Father,--their entire system of thought and education debars this from
their comprehension; but with a reverence beyond all praise, the
Tien-wang actually lowered his own position to avoid trespassing upon
the divine attributes of his Saviour: which he has thus expressed in the
verse of the "Ode for Youth":--
"REVERENCE TO JESUS.
Jesus, His first-born son,
Was in former times sent by God;
He willingly gave His life to redeem us from sin.
Of a truth His merits are pre-eminent.
His cross was hard to bear,
The sorrowing clouds obscured the sun;
The adorable Son, the honoured of Heaven,
Died for you, children of men.
After His resurrection He ascended to heaven,
Resplendent in glory, He wields authority supreme.
In Him we know that we may trust,
To secure salvation and ascend to heaven."
Such are the sentiments of a man, who, besides his voluminous religious
compositions, has written the history of China; corrected her classics:
written innumerable works upon civil administration and foreign arts and
sciences, and who has nevertheless been designated in England as an
"_ignorant_ impostor and coolie." The British public must indeed have
been "green and greasy" (as Sir James Brooke once observed) to take in
all the secretary and under-secretary's reports, and swallow the
bullock, horns and all.
[30] In this opinion Dr. Bridgeman is also wrong; even his
fellow-voyageur X.Y.Z. thought differently, and wrote: "The titles
applied to these kings are no doubt _mere empty names_, without any
specific meaning, and are not necessarily to be understood as implying a
claim to super-earthly dignity."
CHAPTER IX.
The Sz-wang's Domestic Life.--Approach to Nankin.--Interior of
Nankin.--A Ti-ping Banquet.--Maou-lin, the Chung-wang's
Son.--The Chung-wang's Palace.--The Chung-Wang's Levee.--Ti-ping
Chiefs.--Chung-wang's appearance.--Council of War.--The
Review.--Cum-ho.--The March.--The Ti-ping Army.--Its
Organization.--Selection of Officers.--Equipment of the
Army.--Its Formation.--The Enemy in View.--Their
Retreat.--Preparations for Attack.--A Night Attack.--A Stockade
carried.--Charge of Manchoo Cavalry.--The Repulse.--The Enemy
retreat.--The Pursuit.--Complete Rout of the
Manchoos.--Maou-lin's Bravery.--Return to Nankin.
When I found the lorcha so effectually driven off, I instantly landed,
both to thank the chief in charge, and let him know who I was, and what
I wanted. I went ashore with my friend, and found that the high official
in charge of all the forts, batteries, and suburbs of Nankin, was the
Sz-wang. We were received by him in his official dwelling with much
civility, which changed into the greatest kindness directly he saw my
commission, and found that we were aiders and abettors of the Ti-ping
cause.
The Sz-wang was an elderly dignified man, and had formerly been a high
mandarin at Hankow; but when the Ti-pings first captured that city, he
had joined them with all his family. He entertained us very comfortably
to a rather luxurious dinner, consisting of _bêche-de-mer_, bird's-nest
soup, &c.; after which, the ladies and little Sz-wangs were introduced
with the wine,--just at the time they would have been retiring from the
table if in Europe. I was quite surprised with their appearance, it was
in such direct opposition to the strict seclusion in which the women
are kept amongst the Chinese. I afterwards found that the free
intercourse and elevated position of their women was one of the
innumerable innovations which marked the Ti-pings' superiority to the
Imperialists. A little son of the Sz-wang--the eldest of two--was put
into my arms, and, to my astonishment, commenced prattling the Lord's
Prayer in Chinese, although certainly not more than four years old. The
Sz-wang's wife, his two daughters, and several other ladies of his
household, all took part in a free and general conversation, quite
unlike anything ever seen amongst the Chinese elsewhere. About ten in
the evening, after family prayers, they retired for the night. The
prayers were commenced by the Sz-wang reading a chapter from the Bible;
after which a hymn was sung, every one standing; and then he dismissed
us all with a short extempore prayer. I returned on board highly pleased
with my first night at Nankin.
The next morning I landed with my friend, and obtaining horses the
Sz-wang had promised the previous evening to have ready, we started for
the city, the nearest point of which was about two miles distant. Our
way ran through a long and populous suburb, in which a very large
provision trade was being carried on, and great numbers of shaven-headed
Imperialists were to be seen about, all apparently busily engaged
disposing of their merchandise. The walls of Nankin cover an immense
area, being at the least eighteen or nineteen miles in circumference;
but for many years the greater part of the enclosed space has been
destitute of houses, and only used for gardens, or to cultivate corn and
other cereal produce. The Chinese have an old saying "that if two men on
horseback were to start in the morning and ride in opposite directions,
round the walls, it would be evening before they met." This is hardly an
exaggeration, on account of the angles and irregular turning of the
ramparts.
When we arrived before the N.E. gate, much delay took place previous to
our being admitted. The escort kindly furnished by the Sz-wang carried
passes for us, and besides this I showed the gate-keepers my commission.
None but _bonâ fide_ Ti-pings were allowed to pass in or out, and then,
only after a minute search; and I noticed that all who entered or came
forth carried a little wooden ticket at the waist, which had to be
exhibited to the guard. The walls, although of immense thickness, and at
the lowest part upwards of fifty feet high, were very poorly furnished
with artillery, merely two or three light pieces being mounted upon each
bastion, generally some 150 yards apart.
At last the warder-in-chief of that particular gate of Tien-kin (the
Holy City), came to us, and after a severe questioning we received
permission to enter. Passing through three high gates, under a tunnel at
least 100 feet long, we stood within the capital of the Ti-ping. A sharp
ride of more than half an hour brought us to the inhabited part of the
city, in its southern quarter. Our way passed through fields of grain,
interspersed with gardens, small villages, and detached houses. We
passed many soldiers, each of whom halted to salute us as "Wa-choong-te"
(foreign brethren). The southern part of Nankin was thickly inhabited,
and seemed altogether of a better and more handsome style than any
Chinese city I had previously seen. Many large palaces and official
buildings occupied prominent positions; the streets were very wide and
particularly clean, a rare thing in China; and the numerous people had
all a free and happy bearing, totally the reverse of the cringing and
humbled appearance of the Manchoo-governed Chinese. Upon reaching the
Chung-wang's palace, I had no occasion to announce myself, for almost
the first person I saw was my old acquaintance Le-wang, the
Commander-in-Chief's adjutant-general. I introduced my friend to him,
who, welcoming us warmly, carried us off, taking each by a hand with his
usual frank and friendly manner, and so leading us into the palace. The
Chung-wang, it appeared, was engaged planning important movements with
several of the generals and chiefs. The southern half of the province of
Ngan-whui, at this time (early spring of 1861) entirely under the
control of the Ti-pings, was threatened by a large Imperialist army
marching upon its western borders; and the Chung-wang was about to take
the field against them himself.
The Le-wang, having to join the council, left us to the care of the
Chung-wang's son and attendants, who certainly gave us no cause to
complain of their want of attention or friendliness, with which they
almost overpowered us.
Directly we were left to them, they took it into their heads that we
must be hungry; it was no use protesting they were mistaken, because the
polite thing in China is, if you want anything very particularly, you
must persistingly declare that you do not. The cooks were accordingly
set to work; and in a short time a table was spread; the two or three
elderly officials seated themselves complacently with us, although I do
not believe they were a bit more hungry than we were; and the crowd of
youthful pages, sons of retainers, &c., formed themselves into an
admiring circle all round. The Chinese have a wonderful idea of the
eating capacity of foreigners, and the earnest manner in which the
Chung-wang's pages pressed dish after dish upon us, as though our very
lives depended upon the quantity of viands we could stuff with at once,
proved they shared the common opinion of their countrymen.
Throughout the repast a regular flow of Ti-ping young gentlemen passed
through the hall, each coming up to us and saying in a positively
affectionate manner, "Tsin-tsin, Yang ta jen?" (How do you do, Foreign
Excellency?) When the plates and dishes were cleared away, they came up
and shook hands, and all lingered around us, each evincing the warmest
and kindest feelings.
The remarkable kindness and respect I have always experienced from the
Ti-pings, has long since filled my heart with sincere friendship for
them; but in this I am not singular, for every European who has had
communication with them has been similarly impressed.
The council of war having risen, I was very kindly received by the
Chung-wang in the evening, who at once gave orders to prepare quarters
for me and my friends in his own palace, and also expressed a wish that
I should accompany him on his expedition. I then informed him about my
betrothed, and the ladies of the palace, all eager to see her, kindly
promised to take every care of her and supply every comfort and
accommodation during my absence. When all the arrangements were settled,
I returned on board with my friend, accompanied by the Chung-wang's son,
Maou-lin, who, from our first meeting, had seemed to attach himself to
me, and who now wished to remain with me on board our vessel till our
return to the city.
Maou-lin, at that time, although only fifteen years of age, was already
celebrated for his courage and leadership in battle. He was excessively
fond of Europeans, always shook hands, and could say "good bye," "how do
you do," and use a few other English expressions. His appearance was
beautiful and delicate as that of a young girl, his voice the softest
and most melodious. How great must have been the enthusiasm that could
inspire a form fragile as his with a spirit so heroic! From his young
and feminine appearance it would never be credited that he could possess
such dauntless bravery in battle, yet have I seen him eclipsing the
valour of the bravest men; danger and fear were feelings he had never
known: brought up amidst the struggles of the Ti-pings for their lives,
he had been a soldier almost from his cradle, and had become inured to
peril and warfare. Brave boy! as I write of him his sweet voice is
ringing in my ear, and I almost _feel_ the power of his large earnest
eyes. During some years I felt the brother he always called me, and
thoroughly appreciated his beautiful character--brave, generous, deeply
religious, affectionate and impulsive--I never found, even amongst my
own race, one so truly admirable. And now where is he? If living, an
outcast and refugee in his native land, the land he loved so well and
fought for so nobly. If dead, one of the many thousand victims to a
cruel and unjustifiable hostility.
In the morning I moved my vessel farther up the creek, and leaving her
in the charge of the _lowder_, close up to the city gate, landed with
Marie, my two friends, and Maou-lin, and proceeded to take up our
quarters in Nankin. The Chung-wang's ladies received Marie very
affectionately, and, thanks to her knowledge of Chinese, she was soon
quite at home with them. In a short time the stranger girl was amply
supplied with rich dresses _à la Chinoise_, a style of costume
excessively becoming, consisting of loose petticoat trousers, and a
nicely cut over-garment reaching just below the knees, tight at the
neck, half tight at the waist, with loose sleeves, and a loose
embroidered skirt, open at the sides.
The Chung-wang's palace was a very extensive and handsome building, only
lately erected. Entering through an immense archway, supported by
beautifully sculptured granite columns, the outer door of a large
courtyard was reached. Passing through this, the covered way led direct
to the grand entrance of the palace, with its carved and gilded columns,
and roof covered with a brilliant representation of Chinese mythology.
Upon each side of the spacious courtyard, a range of low profusely
decorated colonnades extended past the front of the palace to the
grounds in its rear. Over the principal door was placed a board with a
gilded inscription, which told to what purpose the building was
dedicated. The door itself was covered with huge painted dragons, and
opened upon a court fronting the Chung-wang's tribunal. Here, and
throughout the palace, the cunning of the Chinese artisan was thoroughly
displayed, the stonework, windows, woodwork, ceiling and walls, forming
a series of most exquisite and curious specimens of sculpture; while
every available portion of the building was curiously carved in wood and
stone; a work far from being completed, and estimated to occupy three
years more at least. On either side of the grand entrance stood a
gigantic drum, always sounded when the Chung-wang held a court, or for
purposes of assembly or alarm. Immediately within the portals a
magnificent piazza extended a short distance up to the open court
fronting the tribunal, the roof formed of two immense domes, each one
mass of gold and silver, twisted into spiral flutings resembling a
shell-fish, peculiar to Chinese mythology. The domes were supported by a
number of brilliantly decorated columns, twined by serpents. The Hall of
Judgment, upon the other side of the stone court, was decorated in
crimson, except the walls, which were hung with large yellow satin
tablets, recording the honourable deeds of the Chung-wang, the
compliments and rewards received from the Ti-ping king, and various
moral proverbs from the Chinese classics; while, between these, tablets
of stone were engraved with texts from scripture; the intervening
portions of the wall containing a tablature of mythology, battles, and
landscapes, similar to the decorations around the outer colonnades, and
all illuminated in brilliant colours and with much ingenuity. The sides
of the Judgment Hall were ornamented in the same style as the other
parts of the palace, with miniature landscapes, covered with natural
shrubs and trees,--peach, acacias, magnolias, with their powerful aroma,
camelias of the most delicate hue, and others peculiar to China, all
perfectly developed upon the most minute scale. Half shrouded by
beautiful little weeping willows and the sensitive mimosa, diminutive
porcelain cities rested on the sides of tiny lakes, sparkling with gold
and silver fish; while here and there, hills covered with flourishing
vegetation in one part, and barren and rocky in another, rose from
amidst the trees, with several porcelain pagodas. The tribunal, the
table fronting it, and the surrounding chairs, were covered with yellow
satin, and directly behind and above the former a grand canopy of the
same material, of yellow and scarlet, was suspended. The ceiling was
hung with handsome glass lanterns and lustres, prettily ornamented with
rich silken cords and tassels reaching almost to the cornices, the
standards and banners of the Chung-wang drooped in heavy silken folds to
the ground. Passing on from the Judgment Hall, after traversing several
broad chambers, whose sides were filled with small offices containing
secretaries, scribes, &c., another open court was reached, with an
orchestra and musicians at each side; passing which, the Audience
Chamber was entered; then the apartments of the palace officials, and
another court, and finally the "Heavenly Hall," or place of worship;
beyond which were the private rooms of the Chung-wang and his household.
At the back of the palace a garden of rock-work, full of grottos, ponds
of water crossed by Chinese bridges, and all manner of grotesque Chinese
conceits, with a spacious summer dining pavilion in the centre, extended
to the colonnade. The rooms placed at the disposal of myself and friends
looked directly upon this, and prettier quarters it would have been
impossible to find in all Nankin.
The Chung-wang's residence was the grandest and most gorgeous in the
city, with the exception of the Ti-ping-wang's (Tien-wang), whose palace
covered an immense area, and was surrounded by a large yellow wall,
crowned with tall and graceful minarets, and a mass of green, golden,
and scarlet roofs.
A few days after my arrival at Nankin, the Chung-wang held a grand levee
to arrange the military operations for the year. Upon this occasion I
had the pleasure of meeting the enlightened Kan-wang (Hung-jin, the
Tien-wang's cousin), and the "accomplished prince," the Chang-wang. I
have already given the opinions of our missionaries with regard to the
Kan-wang's superior intellect and truly Christian character. In the
_Overland Register_, published at Hong-kong on the 25th of August, 1860,
he is spoken of thus:--
"His intercourse with Chinese Christians was what is termed
_edifying_, calculated to promote their _purity_ and stimulate
their zeal. With other Chinese he was the proselytizer,
fearlessly exposing their errors, and exhorting them to repent
and believe the Gospel. Over young men his influence was
peculiarly beneficial. In fact, whether the individuals were
young or old, the case was, as was once observed by Mr.
Chalmers, 'Whenever you see any one having long and frequent
intercourse with Hung-jin, you may be sure there is something
good going on in him.'"
The Kan-wang was the head of the Ti-ping administration, and was called
First Minister. During an intimacy of several years I proved him to be
not only a good Christian, but a man of most honourable principles, of
enlightened mind, and thoroughly civilized. It is, however, a task of
much difficulty and delicacy to draw a distinction amongst the Ti-ping
chiefs, simply because so many of them were equally distinguished. I
may, however, say that after the Tien-wang, the Chung, Kan, Chang, Ying,
I (the Tien-wang's eldest brother), and Tsan wangs were the greatest.
The Chang-wang was a sort of Home Secretary or Minister of the Interior;
neither this chief nor the Kan-wang held any executive military command,
although both were frequently in the field in order to introduce civil
administration into conquered provinces. The Chang-wang was considered
the most learned and accomplished man in the Ti-ping ranks, and hence
his title, "Accomplished Prince." His modest and unpretending manner,
politeness and education, made him one of the most agreeable of
companions. This chief, the Kan-wang, the Chung-wang's son, Maou-lin,
and several other men of rank, were studying the English language from
books supplied them by some missionaries. The Rev. Griffith John,
describing his visit to Nankin, wrote:--
[Illustration: THE CHUNG-WANG'S COUNCIL OF WAR.
DAY & SON, LIMITED, LITH.]
"The Chang-wang at Nankin begged of me to inform the 'Foreign
Brethren,' for him, that the following are his views:--'You have
had the Gospel for upwards of 1800 years, we only, as it were,
eight days. Your knowledge of it ought to be correct and
extensive; ours must necessarily be limited and imperfect. _You
must therefore bear with us for the present, and we will
gradually improve._ As for the Gospel, it is one, and must be
propagated throughout the world. Let the 'Foreign Brethren' all
know _that we are determined to uproot idolatry, and plant
Christianity in its place_.'"
I can answer for it that Chang-wang has done all in his power to carry
out his determination; his request for foreigners to "bear with" the
Ti-pings for awhile, and the reason he gives for it, afford a good
example of his just and liberal opinions. In age he was probably about
35, of middle height, and with a thoughtful, intelligent, and almost
pensive style of countenance. The Kan-wang seemed at least ten years
older, rather stoutish and tall, and with an open, pleasing face,
expressive of a kind and benevolent character. His little son was being
taught English, from a number of picture books written in Chinese and
English, and would always put his little hand in mine and lisp, "Good
morning, how do you do?" whenever I entered his father's palace.
The Kan and Chang wangs were well acquainted with geography and
mechanics, and besides, possessed books of reference, with plates, upon
every imaginable subject of Western civilization and science, which they
were constantly studying.
The chiefs all attended the Chung-wang's levee in their state robes and
coronets. The Chung-wang himself appeared with a beautiful crown; he was
the only chief besides his Majesty, the Tien-wang, who wore one of real
gold. The metal was beaten out thin, into beautiful filigree-work and
leaves, and formed into the figure of a tiger, the eyes being of large
rubies, and the teeth rows of pearls. At each side was an eagle with
outstretched wings, and on the top a phoenix. The whole crown was
magnificently decorated with large jewels set into the gold, while
pearls, sapphires, and other gems hung all around. In his hand the
Chung-wang carried a jade-stone sceptre or "yu-i," curved at each end,
and covered with groups of sapphires, pearls, garnets, and amethysts.
His state robe was a gorgeous affair, reaching almost to the feet, of
beautifully embroidered yellow satin, stiff with gold bosses and dragons
worked in gold, silver, and scarlet threads. Yellow embroidered
trousers, and boots of yellow satin, similarly ornamented, completed a
costume, than which--set off by his handsome and energetic features--it
would be impossible to imagine one more magnificent. When the Chung-wang
entered the Audience Hall and proceeded to his state chair, all the
assembled chieftains rose to their feet, and passing before him, dropped
upon one knee and saluted him, and then returned to their seats, after
which, the deliberations were entered into.
[Illustration: CHUNG-WANG'S CROWN.]
When the result of the council had been submitted to and approved by the
Tien-wang, orders were given to the generals to march at once upon their
several destinations. The Ying-wang was despatched with a large force
along the northern bank of the Yang-tze river, in the direction of
Han-kow and the province of Hoo-peh. Reinforcements were ordered to the
Shi-wang in Kiang-si, and the Kan-wang, with a large retinue, was sent
to the borders of Kwei-chow to accept the allegiance of a strong body of
insurgents from Kwang-tung, which had lately been tendered to the
Ti-ping emperor. Each of these chiefs, when prepared to start upon their
expedition, assembled their troops and harangued them in a most
energetic manner. Their addresses were received with acclamation, and it
required but little penetration to prophesy the Manchoo troops would
have but small chance of successfully opposing these enthusiastic and
determined men. With all their excitement they seemed possessed with a
firmness of purpose, and settled conviction to succeed. I conversed with
many while marching towards the city gates, and found all alike imbued
with the earnest belief that God, or as they expressed it, "The Heavenly
Father," was with them. Some were quite boys, of fifteen or sixteen
years. I asked several if they were not afraid to go to battle and be
killed, and one daring-looking little fellow, pointing to a great
cicatrice along the side of his neck, and another on his breast, told me
he had received the wounds fighting the "Demon-imps" (Manchoos), and
that he intended soon to have his revenge. Several of the elder soldiers
told me in a very serious manner that it was a good thing to be killed
fighting the "demons" (the Manchoos were so called because of their
idolatry), as they would then certainly go to heaven.
The Chung-wang, previous to commencing his march to Ngan-whui, reviewed
his body-guard in the large parade ground. This brigade, 5,000 strong,
marching under the Chang-wang's standard of green, was composed of one
of the finest bodies of men I have ever seen in my life. Until the
repulse from Shanghae it was their boast that they had never retreated
or turned their backs upon a foe. They were all natives of Kwang-si, the
Chung-wang's province, and came principally from the Maoutze, or
aboriginal mountaineers, who have never at any period of the Manchoo
invasion, become subject to, or been subdued by them; and who, at the
present time, still retain the ancient Chinese customs and their own
form of government, entirely independent and free of all allegiance to
the reigning dynasty. These Maoutze are the very bravest soldiers in
China, and are easily to be recognized by the enormous quantity of their
hair; for never having succumbed to and adopted the usurper's badge of
slavery--the shaved head--their hair has grown from infancy, reaching
almost to their feet when loose, and when dressed forming a tail of
great thickness, which, when wound round the neck, acts as a protecting
armour that no sword can penetrate in the day of battle.
Besides his brigade of guards, the Chung-wang reviewed another, composed
of remarkably fine Honan men, and commanded by Ling-ho, an adopted son.
This chief, celebrated for his reckless and dashing gallantry, had been
repeatedly and dangerously wounded. He was particularly attached to
Europeans, and at the time I met him, had two with him, one a Corsican,
who held the position of Lieutenant-Colonel in his regiment, and the
other a Sardinian, who was a Major. They had served with him several
years, were both married, and perfectly happy and contented, although
they had passed a considerable time without seeing another European than
themselves. The men they commanded were greatly attached to them, and
ready and willing to follow them anywhere. These two brigades, the
body-guard of the Foo-wang, second in command, and a small body of
cavalry, were all the troops the Chung-wang took with him from Nankin;
but these were the very _élite_ of the Ti-ping forces. The strength of
the whole division was about 7,500, which was to be considerably
increased by reinforcements in Ngan-whui.
At last, after all the other expeditionary forces had started, the
Chung-wang himself set forth. Marie I left in tears, but perfect safety
and comfort. After the last farewell she was led into the inner
apartments by her particular friend, Cum-ho (the Good Gold), the
Chung-wang's second daughter, a remarkably pretty girl of about her own
age. During the few weeks which had elapsed since our arrival at Nankin,
her Excellency Mademoiselle Cum-ho had been the inseparable companion of
Marie. My friend was generally with me, and I began to fancy that her
"Foreign Brother" was latterly assuming a very unbrotherly and more
affectionate relation. We were the first Europeans the Chung-wang's
ladies had ever seen, and my friend was a fine handsome specimen of the
race, therefore, it was not very astonishing that Mademoiselle Cum-ho
should have looked favourably upon him. Poor fellow! he must have
experienced considerable difficulty in making love, for at the time he
scarcely knew five Chinese words.
Field artillery was a thing totally unknown to the Chinese armies when I
joined the Chung-wang, but previous to leaving Nankin I prevailed upon
him to give me men to work them and the requisite authority to mount
three light 6-pound French field-pieces, and carry them with us. My
friends and self were each capitally mounted with strong and hardy
Chinese horses, for which the Chung-wang would not hear of payment. With
our small battery of artillery we were attached to his guards, and
marched rapidly forward. Besides my interpreter and cook, the Chung-wang
very kindly supplied us with a couple of pages each. This system of
pages is a very common one in the Ti-ping armies; every chief or officer
of rank has a number of them; they accompany him into the thickest of
the fight, each carrying a gun, which they hand to him and re-load as
fast as he can discharge them.
At the cities of Wuhu, Taeping-foo, Taeping-hien, and several others we
halted, and were joined by large reinforcements, so that before we
approached the neighbourhood of the enemy the strength of our army was
but little short of 27,000 men, independent of the camp followers, while
the baggage, coolie, and commissariat departments amounted to upwards
of 15,000. During the march I had capital opportunities of observing the
greatly improved state of the country under Ti-ping rule, and also of
admiring the conduct, character, and efficiency of their armies.
Much has been stated about the desolating and ruthless character of the
Ti-pings, but I entirely deny the accusation. I have been on many a long
march with them and have never found them act with the barbarity that
marked the late American war, or commit the atrocities perpetrated in
Poland and Circassia, or act as Englishmen have done to the unfortunate
natives of New Zealand. The Ti-pings never committed wanton devastation,
never destroyed crops of standing corn, as has been done by civilized
troops in New Zealand, in Algeria, and in the Shenandoah Valley.
The perfect organization of the Ti-ping armies contrasted favourably
with that of the Imperialists. The former, unpaid and voluntary,
observed strict discipline; the latter, receiving hire, constantly
mutinied; all military crimes, especially those of ill-using the
villagers and opium-smoking, were promptly and severely punished.
Outrages, no doubt, were committed by the Ti-ping forces, but, if so, it
was by those raw recruits who neither understood nor cared for the
Ti-ping cause. The great body of the army observed a moderation unknown
to the Imperialists; were it otherwise, instant execution was sure to
follow. If a village was invested, its inhabitants might command
security by tendering allegiance and conforming to the customs of the
conquerors. If a village was merely passed by, a moderate contribution
was required. There may have been, particularly in latter years,
exceptions to this course, but it was not the less the fundamental rule
which guided the operations of the Ti-ping armies. If they occupied a
district for any length of time, peace and contentment reigned there; it
was only when they rested but for a short period, and were followed by
the Imperialists, or, perhaps, by hordes of local banditti and
straggling bands of camp followers, that the country was desolated. Such
was my experience. Each Ti-ping Wang or Prince has under his special
control 100,000 people, including one army. Between the Wangs and
generals of armies come nine descriptions of officers, ranking as
ministers, and other great officers in charge of civil and military
departments of state. The military organization and all the titles, are
those used previous to the conquest of China by the Manchoo Tartars.
Each Ti-ping army, or keun, is composed of 13,125 officers and men,
under the command of a general (keun-shwae), and is divided into five
divisions (ying), front, rear, right, left, and centre.
A division musters 2,625 strong, commanded by a general of division
(sze-shwae), and contains five leu, or regiments, the front, rear, left,
right, and centre.
A regiment is composed of 525 men and officers, commanded by a colonel
(leu-shwae), and is divided into five tsuh, or companies, the first,
second, third, fourth, and fifth.
A company is composed of 104 men and officers, commanded by a captain
(tsuh-chang); then come four lieutenants (leang-sze-ma), distinguished
as the north, south, east, and west, each in command of four sergeants
(woo-chang), and twenty privates (woo-tsuh).
The lieutenants, and all above, have each a banner with his designation
inscribed on it, which increases in size with the rank of the officer.
Each division of an army is divided into three classes, or brigades. The
first consists of _bonâ fide_ Ti-pings, that is to say, all who are of
more than six years' standing; the second brigade, of acknowledged
brethren, of more than three but less than six years' service; while the
third, and generally largest brigade, includes all new levies, and less
than three years' service men. Each brigade is again divided into three
classes. The best and bravest men are armed as musketeers, or cavalry;
the next class as heavy gingall and halbert men; and the third as
spearmen. A great proportion of the three arms are flag-bearers, while
the standards of the chiefs are borne by officers of stanch Ti-pingism
and approved courage. The rank of these latter is upon an equal footing
with that of the commissioned officers, and the position is considered
the most honourable in the army. The bravest men I have ever seen in my
life were some of these standard-bearers. It is their duty to lead on
the whole army by advancing with their colours far in front, and I am
certain many a brave ensign must have fallen by the fire of his
comrades, at times wonderfully eccentric. Attached to each division of
guards (or the first class of the three brigade divisions) is one large
black flag, and when this is advanced, the division is compelled to
follow it upon pain of death, the rear rank men carrying drawn swords to
decapitate any who might attempt to run. This flag possesses not only
the signification the "black flag" does with Europeans, but must never
be carried in retreat before an enemy, nothing but death being permitted
to arrest its progress. This was well known to the Imperialists, and,
until assisted by British troops, officers, and supplies of shell,
artillery, &c., they rarely, if ever, awaited this terrible attack, and
even if courageous enough to do so, their chance of success was but
small indeed.
The absence of all mercenary attraction to their ranks arose from the
wish of the Ti-ping Government to have no adherents who could possibly
join them from other than religious or patriotic motives, these being
recognized as the element that contributed so largely to success. The
appearance of the men is quite a sufficient guarantee of the beneficial
effects of the system, for, instead of being taken from the very lowest
dregs of the people, as with the Imperialists, it is nearly always the
case that they are men of respectability, from either the working,
servant, or trading class; frequently they are of much higher social
position, and this is generally the case with the Kwang-tung and
Kwang-si men, whose superiority is such that it is mostly from their
ranks the officers are selected.
One of the wisest and most advantageous regulations of the Ti-ping army
is, that officers of every grade can rise by merit alone; a regulation
highly beneficial, most of their leaders having proved very superior
men; among others the Chung-wang, who, unaided, rose by his brilliant
attainments alone to the highest military rank.
The total inability of the Manchoos to alone meet the Ti-pings with any
chance of success, is easily to be understood when the different
military constitutions of the two powers are made known; for how is it
possible that armies entirely composed of the very lowest and most
degraded of the people, and whose officers obtain their rank by
corruption and bribery, can be able to compete with the patriotism of
the Ti-pings, or the superior talent of their chiefs?
The cowardice and cruelty of the Imperialists have long been notorious,
and, after the experience foreign officers have lately had, the courage
and humanity of the Ti-pings should have become equally so. I can assure
my readers that it is no slight devotion to the sacred cause of civil
and religious liberty, and not a little hatred of the Manchoo oppressor,
that encourages these people in their gallant struggle for freedom, and
makes them so cheerfully accept all the rigours, deprivations, and
incessant dangers of their cause. Any one who had seen them undergo the
terrible sufferings that I have would never afterwards doubt this. There
is one case especially, which shall be related in its proper place, the
horror of which I shall never forget, and that, sad to say, was caused
entirely through the interference of the British _Government_. It was
occasioned more particularly by the arrival of the Anglo-Chinese, or
"Vampire-Fleet," as it was called by the foreign residents of Shanghae,
under command of Manchoo _Admiral_--but British _Captain_--Sherrard
Osborne, and the progress of the mercenary contingents commanded by
Major Gordon, R.E., and others.
The equipment of the Ti-ping armies was much the same as that of the
Imperialists. What few cavalry they possessed were armed with heavy
swords of the yataghan shape, generally double-handled, and with a very
broad and thick blade; their firearms were light matchlocks, and
European muskets or pistols when they could obtain them. The musketeers
carried matchlocks, useless in wet weather, and European-made
double-barrelled guns, muskets, and pistols, generally of very inferior
quality. The second-class brigades usually carried one large gingall to
four men, the weapon when in use resting upon a tripod. The spearmen
simply carried a long bamboo with an iron spike in the end, and the
usual short, heavy Chinese sword, used by all their infantry. The spears
were proportioned to the men, and ranged from eight to eighteen feet
long. The flags were all attached to twelve-feet spears. Besides the
above-mentioned weapons, many men from the northern provinces were armed
with the Tartar bow, which was a much more accurate-shooting weapon than
either matchlock or gingall. Regiments of guards generally mustered
upwards of 2,000 strong. To each regiment were attached twelve buglers
in the shape of horn-blowers, the instrument used being a long brass
tube like a French horn, and sounding like a number of cow-horns
concentrated. Troops could be manoeuvred by the notes of this instrument
perfectly well. Besides the buglers, a corps of drummers formed the
other part of each military band, together with players upon the
hautboys, Chinese fifes, and serpent horns. Those who have seen a
Ti-ping army will readily agree with me that it is one of the most
picturesque and impressive sights in the world. The very becoming style
of the soldiers' dress, the brilliancy of the colours, the quantity and
richness of the silken flags, and the peculiar way in which the bearers
wave them about, or carry them streaming in the wind,--the forest of
spears presented by the spearmen of the army, the number of mounted
officers,--all unite in producing a vivid impression.
It was in such style that after a twenty days' march we came upon the
Imperialist troops in the neighbourhood of the Poyang Lake. Directly the
Chung-wang became aware of the enemy's vicinity, clouds of skirmishers
were deployed in front of the leading divisions, and the cavalry divided
into two bodies, one covering each flank. The advancing army meanwhile
continued its march in close columns, each column being four deep, and
at wheeling distance from the parallel columns on either side. This
formation of the Ti-ping armies much resembles the movement by "fours"
of the British army; but the files are single--what is usually termed
the Indian file, and each acts independently of the others. When it is
required to form line of battle, the columns simply halt and wheel into
line upon either flank, joining the points of the formations upon each
side. It will thus be seen that, instead of marching front forward as
European columns, they advance end on, and the front of each company
when on the march is at right angles to the head of the column. The line
of battle is formed four deep in consequence of this, but, if necessary,
is easily made less by the rear files being right or left faced, and
marched off parallel to their former position. The leading battalions
are always formed of the spearmen or poorest troops; the second line of
battle is composed of the second class men; and the third, or reserve,
of the best troops and guards.
In this order we advanced upon the Imperialists. I had divided my
artillery,--my friend with one piece and a company of thirty men joining
the right wing; Philip with another gun and the same number of men, the
left; while I remained, with the third gun, in the centre.
Throughout the day no collision with the enemy took place; numberless
videttes and pickets of Tartar cavalry were driven in, but we nowhere
came upon them in force. At last, just before dark, we came within full
view of the Manchoo army, drawn up in battle array in the centre of a
great plain immediately beyond the hilly ground from which we were about
to debouch. Our army was immediately halted upon its commanding
position, and a body of cavalry sent forward to reconnoitre. The
Chung-wang himself went with this force, and I accompanied him. When we
had approached to within a mile of the enemy, we halted and surveyed
them through our glasses. I estimated their strength at somewhere near
50,000, but what puzzled me most was the fact that about a third of this
force was well-equipped and hardy Tartar cavalry. The Ti-pings certainly
could not form square to resist them, and how otherwise they could
repulse their charges I did not know.
The Manchoos allowed us but small time to make our observations, for
while we were busied with them a large body of cavalry had been detached
from the nearest wing, and was galloping at full speed to intercept our
retreat. As they considerably outnumbered us, we followed the tactics of
that celebrated general who with twice 10,000 men marched up the hill
and then marched down again; only he walked, and we galloped away as
fast as we could. The Tartars could not catch us, and as we neared our
lines gave up the chase with one of those yells Tartars alone know how
to make.
The enemy occupied a remarkably unpleasant position for a Chinese army,
because they had but small room for running away, and this made us
believe they must either be very superior troops, or else have large
supports somewhere out of sight in their rear. Their situation answered
to the rim of a fan, each side being cut off by water,--the Poyang Lake
on one hand, and the river Yang-tze-kiang on the other. At the very apex
of this position we knew the Imperialists held the city of Hu-kau, a
strongly-fortified place; therefore we suspected they either depended
upon supports from thence, or on finding protection within its walls, in
event of defeat in the field.
As it was too late to commence any operations, we encamped upon the
rising ground for the night. Towards midnight, however, our pickets came
in with the report that the enemy were in full retreat. The Chung-wang
immediately ordered the army to follow in pursuit. Tents were struck,
the different corps assembled, and in a few minutes we were advancing at
a quick step, every man carrying a lantern, according to the practice of
the Chinese troops at night. After crossing the plain, we met with more
broken and irregular ground; skirmishing parties were sent out, and we
had not advanced far when those from the front fell back with
intelligence that the enemy were strongly posted in a row of stockades
and intrenchments directly on our line of march.
The Foo-wang was at once ordered to make a reconnaissance in force, and
feel the enemy's position preparatory to a grand attack at daybreak.
With my two friends, L. and Philip, I joined this corps and with it
pushed rapidly forward, the men still carrying their confounded
lanterns; we had, however, taken with us fifty of our gunners armed with
old Tower muskets, and, leading them without lanterns, marched a little
aloof upon the right flank of the column. We soon discovered the enemy,
whose whole line of intrenchments was illuminated with lanterns, and
directly our lights were seen a most tremendous roar of gongs, drums,
and war-horns commenced. Scouts were sent out dressed all in black, and
without lanterns, to ascertain the nature and strength of the defences.
With several of my men I went upon the same errand on the extreme left
of the enemy. Crawling along the ground, and taking advantage of every
inequality and cover, we got within 100 yards of the last stockade upon
the left: it was apparently furnished with several pieces of artillery
upon its front, surrounded with a moat, and altogether a formidable
field-work. Before retiring, I crawled away to the left of it, and found
the nature of the ground so unequal, and so many bushes scattered about,
that I fancied, if no pickets were posted at that part, it would be
quite practicable to advance a sufficient body of men under cover to
carry the work by a _coup-de-main_. If this could be done, the position
would be turned, and in all probability the enemy would be compelled to
abandon his whole line of defences.
I rejoined the Foo-wang, whom I found manoeuvring to alarm the Manchoos
and induce them to discover their force. Every man was carrying two
lanterns, one upon each end of his spear placed horizontally across his
shoulders, while quite a number of others were made fast to bamboos
stuck in the ground. After I proposed my plan to him, he decided to
maintain his advanced position until the Chung-wang's opinion was
ascertained; for which purpose one of his principal officers returned
with me to our main body. The Chung-wang approved of my design, and
placed 500 of his own guards under my command, and an equal number of
the Foo-wang's; directing the attack to be given just before daylight,
when the whole army should advance after and follow up my movements,
while a grand demonstration should be made upon the right of the works
by the Foo-wang's corps. At the appointed hour my division of stormers
assembled, all clothed in black silk jacket and trousers, every man well
armed with a musket, and carrying a bamboo spear to leap the moat with,
if necessary; meanwhile, the main body of the army was noiselessly
massed behind us, and the Foo-wang's division made more display of
lanterns and more feints to attack than ever. Of course my party left
their lanterns behind, and the main body took the same precaution for a
wonder. Moving rapidly towards the cover, we reached it just as the
Foo-wang commenced a false attack. Philip was with me, but I had left my
friend L. behind with the guns, with orders to follow me into the
stockade with them, in event of our taking it.
Slowly my men crept along in the direction of the work; we passed the
spot I had previously made my observations from, and had actually
reached within fifty yards of the parapet before we were discovered; the
whole of the garrison being apparently crowded upon the right side,
watching the distant firing instead of their own neighbourhood. Directly
the enemy observed us, rising erect with a tremendous cheer, we rushed
to storm the place, while the reserve kept up a heavy fire upon the
defenders to cover our assault. Passing to the rear of the stockade with
but little loss, for the fire of our supports swept the parapet, we
charged up to the ditch under a shower of arrow-headed rockets. At this
point men were dropping all around, for the fire of our comrades no
longer supported us; fortunately the ditch was dry, and leaping into it,
my men became well protected, for these Chinese stockades have no
flanking angles. But now a new weapon was brought into play. Unable to
show themselves, the garrison commenced throwing "stink-pots," over the
parapet, amongst us. The burns and suffocating fumes of these singular
missiles were fearful. Directly my men were all loaded--some placed upon
the flank of the stockade and the rest in its rear, so as to open a
cross fire--we clambered up the rampart, and lining the parapet, opened
fire upon the crowd huddled up in the interior. The advantage of the
position was entirely ours, for my men on the flank, enfilading the
parapet, shot down all who attempted to dislodge us, while upon our side
we rendered them the same service.
In almost perfect safety, for a few moments, we poured a close and
deadly cross fire into the mass of the enemy; but then, our supports
storming upon the front of the stockade, the defenders began to rush to
their only side of escape, and went over the parapet as fast as they
could. Jumping into the place sword in hand, we soon drove out or cut
down the few who still resisted, though not without loss, for many of
the defenders were armed with spears, with which they at first had a
considerable advantage over my short-sworded comrades, the spears we had
carried being left outside the ditch. The commander of the work was a
brave Tartar officer, who fought desperately and killed several of our
men with arrows. When these were all used, he rushed into the _mêlée_
with his heavy Tartar sword. If all the garrison had fought like him, I
doubt whether our enterprise would have proved so successful, for we
were considerably outnumbered. Wishing to save the life of this officer,
I ran up to him with the point of my sword lowered, and called upon him
to surrender; but, suddenly impelled forward by a rush of men, I came
within reach of his weapon, which in an instant was descending full upon
my head. Instinctively I raised my arm to the guard; at the same moment
a pistol was fired. I felt a pressure on my head, and the Tartar rolled
over at my feet; I turned to my rescuer, and found Maou-lin; the brave
boy had just had time to interpose his blade, which was driven down with
much force upon my head, and then so effectually to use his revolver.
By this time the stockade was ours: its former masters were all driven
out or killed; but, rapidly as this happened, we had but small time for
rejoicing, for scarcely had the last fugitive disappeared over the
parapet, when we heard the noise of a heavy column of the enemy rushing
to recapture the place. While the attacking troops were approaching the
right flank of the work, the dull rumbling in the rear told us the whole
force of the enemy, or at least a strong division, was moving to
surround us. We had just time to man the parapets when the advancing
column rushed forward to the assault. Crouched down in a double line, we
waited until the foremost ranks were within a few paces of the ditch;
our first line then delivered their fire, and stepped back to reload.
The advance was checked, and the attacking forces, crowded together by
the press from their rear, presented a living wall to our second volley,
delivered within ten feet. Before the killed and wounded had well
fallen, another volley poured in by our first line completely broke
them, and, leaving a heap of stricken men all along that side of the
stockade, they turned and fled.
Daylight had now arrived, and opened upon a crowded field of battle. The
enemy appeared in great strength massed in rear of the stockades, while
a movement to their left flank was being executed as fast as possible,
under cover of their whole cavalry, whose advance had caused the
rumbling noise in our rear. At a glance, I perceived the enemy's left
was completely turned, and the whole Ti-ping army was forming upon some
hilly ground almost at right angles to the line of stockades. Up this
the Tartar cavalry was charging at full speed in three strong lines,
each at least 5,000 strong. I naturally expected to see them ride
straight over the Chung-wang and all his men, for I had not at that time
seen the Ti-ping method of resisting a cavalry charge. Suddenly, and
while the cavalry were still at a considerable distance, the whole front
of our army gave way, and wheeling to the left, ran to the rear at the
double quick. I fully expected that when the lines reached the parallel
marching order a general flight would take place; but, to my
astonishment, the right files of each line stood fast, and the remaining
files sweeping past the parallel position, doubled back and formed a
complete circle. The second line advanced, and planted its gingalls in
the intervening spaces, the halberdiers forming a second line of
circles; while the third line, advancing from the reserves, doubled up
to the front, and entering those of the spearmen, composed an inner
circle of musketeers. Upon the left of the army, and in a line with the
stockades, the Foo-wang's division was formed _en échelon_, extending
from the front of the main body to little more than half a mile from the
stockade I held. This force was slowly moving up so as to close with the
position and rest its left flank upon it. Our cavalry was formed into
two bodies, one upon the right of the army and the other in rear of the
reserves. Such was the order in which the Ti-pings awaited the charge of
the Tartar cavalry.
The bright rays of the morning sun now flashed across the serried ranks
of the hostile armies and played fitfully on the glistening arms of the
long lines of Tartar cavalry as they dashed up the slopes in all the
pomp and circumstance of war. In far less time than is occupied in
perusing the account, the foremost Tartars had mounted the crest of the
rising ground, and charged full upon the front of our army. On they
went, line after line sweeping up the slight ascent, waving their
scarlet plumes and many-coloured banners. At last this gallant array was
burst asunder; a sheet of flame ran along the whole of our line,
followed by the crash of rolling musketry, mingled with the frequent and
hoarse reports of the heavy gingalls, before which the first line of
cavalry fell back broken and disorganized. The second line spread out
till the first had retreated through the openings, then closing again,
they dashed forward, only to meet a like repulse; and now the third and
strongest line advanced, doomed to utter destruction. Upon the extreme
left of the Foo-wang's line, now within a few hundred yards of the
stockade, my three pieces of artillery were suddenly unmasked and opened
upon the charging cavalry. Within pistol-shot distance, grape and
canister enfilading the dense lines of men and horses, carried
destruction through their ranks. The fire was steadily maintained by
alternate guns, and the hissing noise of the _mitraille_, as it rushed
through the air, followed by the dull sounding thud as man and horse
went down before it, was plainly heard at my position. Leaping and
struggling clear of the fallen men and horses, the Tartars actually
reached and endeavoured to break the formation of spearmen; but with
knee to the ground and their lances firmly placed, these successfully
maintained their ranks, while at such close quarters every shot told
upon the crowd of horsemen with deadly effect, the circle of musketeers
running round and round and keeping up an incessant fire, loading as
they passed towards the rear of the circle and firing as they came to
the front. Some circles were broken, and in a moment overwhelmed and
trodden under hoof; but in those instances the victors paid a heavy
penalty for their temporary success; from the circles on each flank and
those of the second rank and the reserves in line, a withering cross
fire swept their squadrons from front to rear and flank to flank.
[Illustration: DEFEAT OF THE TARTAR CAVALRY AT THE BATTLE OF HU-KAU.
DAY & SON, LIMITED, LITH.]
The last and most desperate charge of the enemy's cavalry was repulsed
with tremendous loss. Their order was no sooner broken than, rushing
from the right of the army, our cavalry brigade, nearly 2,000 strong,
came sweeping along the whole front, and, falling upon the flank of the
retreating and disordered enemy, completed their rout.
All this transpired in a few minutes, and even before the final repulse
of their cavalry, the Imperialists, unable to change front with
sufficient celerity or advantage, evacuated their line of intrenchments
and commenced retreating in good order, waving their numerous flags in a
figure of eight and sweeping the ground with them, according to that
method of defying an enemy peculiar to China. The Imperialists had
evidently received heavy reinforcements during the night, for, without
reckoning their defeated cavalry, their strength was at least double
that of our entire army; but at that time this was considered by the
Ti-pings as no great advantage.
The enemy was so completely outflanked, that, directly the last cavalry
charge had been repulsed, the Chung-wang hastened to follow up his
advantage. Line of battle was re-formed and the whole army advanced at a
run upon the retreating and manoeuvring columns. Abandoning the captured
stockade, with my detachment I rejoined the army, and, passing through
the Foo-wang's division, carried off the guns to the extreme right, now
actively engaged with the retiring left wing of the Manchoos in Chinese
fashion, that is to say, by waving of flags, distant volleys of
gingalls, &c., with yells, abuse, and gesticulation. The position was
still very unfavourable to the enemy; their long front was yet diagonal
to ours, and although their left wing was falling back as fast as
possible, so as to form a parallel line of battle, our whole line was
performing a side march to maintain its flanking attitude, and moreover,
was already engaging the troops attempting to take up a fresh alignment.
Consequent upon the imperfect system of Chinese drill, the retreating
troops were unable to effect a regular formation; one company would halt
too soon, another too late, and some not at all. Neither was our advance
much better, for the only well-formed position of a Chinese army is when
it remains stationary. The flag-waving and abusive part of the action
did not last long, for, seizing the opportunity, the Chung-wang advanced
the second brigades. Moving my guns well upon the right and out of the
eccentric line of fire from the heavy gingalls, I took up a position
enfilading whole divisions of the enemy, and opened upon them with
considerable effect.
For a little while the Imperialists stood this, and returned a sharp
fire from their gingalls and long matchlocks, but several lines of our
third brigade, or musketeers, forming at intervals with the second and
first, charged them amidst tremendous cheering. They broke, and throwing
away their arms, fled in confusion upon their centre. A well-timed
charge of our cavalry changed their flight into a complete rout, and
rushing frantically upon the stationary divisions of the centre, and
those occupied in changing ground, they threw the whole into disorder.
Not a moment was lost in following up the blow; our right wing and
centre, reserves and all, rushed upon the disorganized multitude, while
the Foo-wang with our left wing and the cavalry moved forward obliquely,
and attacked the enemy's right and the remnant of cavalry he had
re-formed in its rear. For some little time this part of the field was
well disputed, but at length, the left wing and centre, driven back upon
the right with immense slaughter, involved the whole army in
inextricable confusion. The reserves, without firing a shot, turned and
fled from the field, while their comrades, struggling and surging in one
huge mass, endeavoured to follow their example, while some few struggled
to arrest the victorious advance. Vainly strove the bravest Tartar
officers to animate their men; the hardiest veterans, extricating
themselves from the confusion, uselessly sacrificed their lives
attempting to re-form and gain time for the broken lines to rally and
open out in order; equally vain were the fierce efforts of the main
body, as, rolling and staggering along, they wavered, hesitated, and
sent forth storms of fire upon friend and foe alike, while the rallied
horsemen feebly charged the Foo-wang's cavalry, and, driven back,
hovered in rear and flank of its defeated infantry. The day was
irretrievably lost for the Manchoos. Nothing could stop our impetuous
charge, as with deafening shouts the whole army swept on victorious,
driving them back with fearful carnage. In vain the Imperialists
endeavoured to deploy; the head of every formation no sooner appeared
than the volleys of our musketeers swept them away, or the charging
spearmen and halberdiers annihilated them. Thrown into disorder and
mingled with the fugitive crowd, the right wing, no longer able to
oppose the Foo-wang, was burst asunder by our cavalry. The Imperialists
were totally routed. Halting the reserves and centre, the Chung-wang
re-formed them and moved in the direction of Hu-kau, while the two wings
and the cavalry pursued the panic-stricken multitude, eventually either
driving them into the waters of the Poyang Lake, some three miles from
the field of battle, or making prisoners of them.
In the mean while the Chung-wang advanced rapidly upon the small city of
Hu-kau, to where the reserves of the Imperialist army had already
retreated. A quick march of less than three hours brought us before its
walls, and, advancing my little battery, I prepared to enfilade the
parapet and cover the advance of our stormers. This, however, proved
unnecessary, for the enemy, profiting by their late experience, had
evacuated the place and embarked in numerous junks and gunboats upon the
Yang-tze river.
During the late engagement Maou-lin and Ling-ho had particularly
distinguished themselves. In vain had my two friends and the Corsican
and Sardinian officers attempted to compete with their valour. Foremost
in every assault Maou-lin or his adopted brother made themselves
conspicuous. All had received spear-wounds in the _mêlée_, but,
fortunately, none were very severe, and under the soothing influence of
the herbal decoctions the Chinese surgeons so well understand the use
of, they soon became healed. Our total loss in killed and wounded was
less than two thousand, while that of the enemy was immense: the whole
battle-field and line of retreat was literally covered with their slain,
while hundreds had perished in the waters of the Poyang Lake.
Hu-kau had been a military depôt of the Imperialists, and in it we
captured considerable stores of grain and war material. After an
occupation of several weeks, the object of the expedition in the defeat
of the Imperialist army, having been so successfully accomplished, the
Chung-wang abandoned that place, and sending back the divisions that had
joined him in Ngan-whui with large convoys of grain, and the sick and
wounded of the army, to be carried to Nankin, he advanced with his first
division through the southern part of Ngan-whui into the province of
Che-kiang, upon a march of observation, preparatory to the grand
campaign of the summer, that had been decided upon at Nankin by the
military council.
I returned with the larger portion of the army to Nankin, and took my
friends with me, as it was my intention to communicate with agents at
Shanghae and transact various affairs connected with forwarding the
Ti-ping cause. The Chung-wang was so pleased with the effectiveness of
my little field battery that he kept it with him, and before parting
with him I received his best thanks, whilst each of my friends were
given a certificate for their gallantry in the action and the capture of
the stockade.
CHAPTER X.
Prospects of the Ti-pings in 1860.--Their Operations.--Relief of
Nankin.--Rout of the Imperialists.--Ti-ping Successes.--British
Interference.--Ti-pings advance on Shanghae.--The Chung-wang's
Address.--Mr. Bruce's Notification.--Mr. Bruce's Dispatch.--The
Future of China.--The Chung-wang's Dispatch.--Mr. Bruce's
Inconsistency.--Missionary "Holmes."--His Statement.--His
Uncourteous Behaviour.--His Inconsistencies.--Suppressed
Missionary Reports.--Rev. Griffith Johns' Report.--Newspaper
Extracts.--The Shanghae Massacre of Ti-pings.--Newspaper
Extracts.--The Author's Reflections thereon.
Gloomy, indeed, were the prospects of the Ti-pings at the opening of the
year 1860. The garrison of Nankin, reduced to less than 20,000 men by
the continual reinforcements despatched to the armies in Kiang-si,
Ngan-whui, and the north bank of the Yang-tze--a proceeding rendered
necessary by the shortness of supplies in the capital--was cut off from
all communication with its armies in the field by a series of works
forming a complete line of circumvallation from the Tsin-hwai river,
which enters the Yang-tze a few miles above Nankin, to Yentzeke, a
position about five miles below the city, and situated on the Yang-tze
river. Large fleets of Imperialist war-junks blockaded the river
communication of the city from below, while, far as the eye could reach,
over hill and valley, the many-bannered hosts of the besieging army
occupied the whole surrounding country. It seemed but a question of a
few weeks more whether the Imperialists would have the courage to storm
the city, or whether starvation would exterminate the noble and
patriotic band of the first Christian movement in China. It was then the
power and organization of the Ti-pings were displayed to their fullest
extent; at no time, since the erection of their standard of liberty, had
their cause been threatened by so imminent a danger, and at no time had
their movements been so skilfully conducted, as during the three months
preceding the relief of Nankin. The tactics first adopted were those of
distracting the attention of the besiegers, and obliging them to detach
portions of their force. In accordance with this project, the army in
the Eastern province of Ngan-whui, commanded by Le, the Chung-wang
(formerly general of the first Northern expedition), and the army in
Kiang-si, commanded by the I-wang (the Tien-wang's brother Shih-ta-kae),
by forced marches placed themselves upon the rear of the besieging army,
and seriously threatened its lines of communication.
The Chung-wang, starting from the vicinity of Wuhu and Tai-ping-foo, on
the south bank of the Yang-tze, by a flank march in a south-easterly
direction, placed himself immediately in the rear of the grand army of
Imperialists encamped before Nankin. Detaching a strong column to
threaten the cities of Soo-chow and Chang-chau, the principal depôts of
the enemy, he hurried his main body by forced marches to the provincial
capital Hang-chau, and, after heavy fighting, upon the 19th of March
mined the walls, and obtained possession of the outer city. The Manchoo
garrison, after holding out in the inner or Tartar city for six days,
were succoured by a considerable force from Kiang-su, which joining
them, recovered the city; the Ti-pings retiring, after inflicting severe
loss amongst their opponents.
In the meanwhile, the I-wang, concentrating his forces upon the Kiang-si
frontier, also invaded the Che-kiang province, but from a point more to
the south. After capturing the prefectural cities Ku-chau and Yen-chau,
and descending the Tsien-tang river to within a short distance of
Hang-chau, he suddenly turned north, and effected a junction with the
Chung-wang.
This strategy, however, had not the anticipated effect, and the
Imperialist army, besieging Nankin, continued to direct their main
efforts to the recapture of that city. The garrison, in consequence,
became reduced to the greatest straits, and suffered terrible
privations. During all their trials, their hope and courage never
faltered for a moment; in the midst of his perishing people, the
Tien-wang calmly and sublimely taught them to call upon God as the sure
means of deliverance from their pressing danger.
Hanging his banner from the walls of his palace, and seated within full
view and range of the Manchoo commander's camp, upon a hill directly
opposite, the Tien-wang devoutly composed a special doxology for the use
of the garrison. From the soldiers on the walls to the little children
in their mothers' arms, by day and by night, the voice of praise and
supplication ascended to the heavens. Whatever _we_ may consider the
faults and errors of these men, most of them are now in the presence of
their Maker; and if a full and earnest and Christian belief in His Word
can benefit mankind in a future state, they--and, after a close
intercourse of several years with the Ti-pings, I say it without a
shadow of doubt--will be rewarded.
At last, finding it impossible to effect the relief of the capital by
distant operations, it became imperative to assemble an army of relief
without delay. Arrangements were accordingly made for a simultaneous
attack by the armies in the field, and a sortie in force by the
garrison. The combined forces of the Chung and I-wangs marched directly
upon the rear of the besieging army, and on the 3rd of May, the garrison
sallying forth from each gate of the city, according to preconcerted
signal, the advanced guard of the approaching army burst through the
Imperialist lines, and effected a junction with them. The day was
bitterly cold, and, taking advantage of a thick snow-storm, the van of
the army of relief--which, to the number of nearly 20,000, had, by a
successful raid for horses, been mounted for the occasion--made their
charge with complete success.
Directly the combination was effected, the entire force turned upon the
Imperialist army. The right and left wing of the besiegers, considerably
distant from the centre through which the Ti-ping cavalry had charged,
and, moreover, unable to perceive the movements taking place, through
the snow-storm and grey light of the morning, and being informed only of
the sortie, moved forward upon the city, confident in their numbers, and
expecting to easily drive back the weakened garrison, and enter the city
with them.
Meanwhile, leaving a detachment with the troops from the city to hold
their ground, the Ti-ping cavalry charged straight back upon the enemy's
centre, and falling upon them while they were yet re-forming and in
confusion, drove them off the field with tremendous slaughter. Then,
forming into two bodies, they attacked each wing of the Imperialist
army, which, having discovered the arrival of reinforcements to the
garrison, was now retreating to its lines. It was at this critical
moment the Ti-ping cavalry, after literally riding over the reserves in
rear of the lines, came down upon them. Pressed by the attack of the
garrison in their rear, and unable to cross the creeks and ditches in
face of the cavalry in any order, the carnage became fearful. All the
trenches, dug by their own hands, were choked by the bodies of the
Imperialists--scarcely a man that had crossed those limits escaped. When
the work of slaughter could be safely entrusted to the garrison alone,
the cavalry followed in pursuit of the retreating enemy. The whole
Ti-ping army having now arrived upon the field, the rout of the
Imperialists became total--arms, flags, ammunition, and provisions,
everything that made them an army, were abandoned, and in the wildest
panic its miserable remnants fled for refuge to the district city of
Tan-Yang.
It is estimated that they lost no less than 60,000 men during the action
and pursuit. The country for many miles was covered with their bodies,
which also filled the creeks, and stopped the running waters.
Vigorously following up their successes, town after town, including that
of Tan-Yang, fell into the hands of the Ti-pings. Several Imperialist
armies marched from Soo-chow and Chang-chow to oppose them, but in each
case were totally defeated; the second in command was killed, while
Ho-chun, the Manchoo Commander-in-Chief, committed suicide. The mass of
disorganized troops dispersed themselves all over the country for
plunder, and great numbers flocked to the magnificent city of Soo-chow,
the gates of which were closed against them; they then gave themselves
up to all kinds of excesses, and setting fire to the extensive and
wealthy suburbs, committed every description of pillage and rapine. When
the Ti-ping army approached, a few days later, the authorities abandoned
it, and this, the most important city in Central China, fell into their
hands upon the 24th day of May.
During the next three months the Ti-pings were engaged in taking
possession of all the cities within a considerable distance, and in
establishing their rule throughout the adjoining departments, including
the silk districts of Ly-hong, Wu-seih, Kin-tang, Es-hing, Tay-saam,
Tsat-lee, Kia-hing, Hu-chau, &c. Supplies were forwarded to Nankin in
large quantity, the Budhist idols and temples were demolished far and
wide, and in their stead the Ti-pings introduced the Holy Scriptures to
every household within their jurisdiction. Their regular and moderate
system of taxation was enforced, and those country people who at the
first alarm had fled from their homes were gradually returning. At
Shanghae, in the meanwhile, the report of the Ti-ping successes, and
the prospect of their early advance upon that city, was made the
occasion for the first display of that un-English perfidy that has since
been carried to such a monstrous extent.
It will be remembered that the British authorities had already
recognized the Ti-pings as a belligerent power, and were therefore not
only bound to observe a strict neutrality by every article of
international law, but had actually sought and communicated with them,
and in the person of Sir George Bonham solemnly guaranteed in writing
their observance of neutrality, receiving from the revolutionists a
similar assurance. Yet, in flagrant violation of the professions of
non-intervention, Mr. Bruce took upon himself, in his capacity as
superintendent of British trade, to commit a breach of neutrality by the
following proclamation and its fulfilment:--
"The undersigned issues this special proclamation, &c.
"Shanghae is a port open to foreign trade, and the native
dealers residing therein have large transactions with the
foreigners who resort to the place to carry on their business.
_Were it to become the scene of attack and civil war, commerce
would receive a severe blow_, and the interests of those,
whether foreign or native, who wish to pursue their peaceful
avocations in quiet, would suffer great loss.
"The undersigned will therefore call upon the commanders of Her
Majesty's naval and military authorities to take proper measures
to prevent the inhabitants of Shanghae from being exposed to
massacre and pillage, and to lend their assistance to put down
any insurrectionary movements among the ill-disposed, and to
protect the city against _any attack_.
(Signed) "FREDK. W. A. BRUCE.
"_Shanghae, May 26, 1860._"
The solemn pledges made by England were thus deliberately violated, but,
as will be seen, that injustice was prompted by mercenary
considerations, masked by philanthropic pretensions. Besides this, we
find Mr. Bruce audaciously, if not idiotically, declaring his intention
to violate a British guarantee:--
"And it appeared to me _that without taking any part_ in this
civil contest, or expressing any opinion on the rights of the
parties, we might _protect_ Shanghae from attack, and _assist_
the authorities in preserving tranquillity."
As Mr. Bruce states defending cities for the Manchoos by shooting down
the Ti-pings is "without taking any part" in the internecine war, it
would be amusing to have his ideas as to the meaning of "taking part."
Not satisfied with injuring the rights of an acknowledged belligerent,
Mr. Bruce, a few days after, adds insult to injury. The Kan-wang having
forwarded a dispatch to the consuls of England, France, and the United
States, Mr. Bruce issued the following instructions to the British
Consul:--
"With reference to the letter addressed to you, in common with
the consuls of France and the United States, by one of the
leaders of the insurgents, I am clearly of opinion that it is
both inexpedient and objectionable on principle that her
Majesty's consuls should hold any communication with the
insurgents at Soo-chow, and I have, therefore, to instruct you
_to take no notice of it_."
It would be satisfactory to know upon what "principle" Mr. Bruce excuses
this act of injustice, and, also, where he obtained his ideas of
belligerent and neutral "principles." The inconsistency of his conduct
will be seen a little further on, when, although taking "no notice" of
the Ti-ping dispatch, he sends them a communication which he expects
_they_ are to notice.
Throughout the rebellion, the Ti-pings had naturally been anxious to
obtain possession of some seaport at which they would be enabled to
trade with foreigners, and obtain supplies of arms and munitions of war,
as the Imperialists did at the treaty ports. After Soo-chow had been
occupied about three months, the Ti-pings, relying on the pledges that
had been given, marched upon Shanghae to take possession of it, the
Manchoo power being completely crushed.
Previous to this advance, Soo-chow had been visited by a large number of
missionaries and mercantile gentlemen, who all reported most favourably
upon the character, aim, and religion, of the insurgents. Of these
reports, however, those only were made public to the people of England
which contained false and garbled accounts, intended to justify the
violation of neutrality and the defence of Shanghae. Before referring to
the suppressed reports, we will notice the attack upon the city.
Depending upon the British guarantees and good faith, the
Chung-wang--leaving the bulk of his forces to garrison different places,
and march against the remaining Manchoos in the field--advanced upon
Shanghae himself to treat with the foreign representatives; and
expecting no opposition, instead of throwing his large and victorious
army rapidly upon the city, simply brought with him a portion of his own
body-guard, and some 3,000 irregular troops, more as an escort than for
any offensive purpose. On approaching the city, the Chung-wang addressed
and forwarded to the Foreign Ministers the following communication--the
very same which Mr. Bruce ordered the consul to take "no notice of."
"Le, the Loyal King of the Heavenly Dynasty, &c., to the
Honourable Envoys, &c.
"Previous to moving my army from Soo-chow I wrote to you,
acquainting you that it would soon reach Shanghae, and that if
the residences of your honourable nations and the mercantile
establishments would hoist yellow flags as distinguishing marks,
I would give immediate orders to my officers and soldiers
prohibiting them from entering or disturbing them in any way. As
you would consequently have received and perused my letter, I
supposed you would act according to the tenor of it. I was not
aware, however, until yesterday, that the people of your
honourable nations had erected churches in other places in the
prefecture of Sung-keang in which they taught the Gospels, when
my army, being at the town of Sze-king, fell in with a body of
imps (Imperialists), who resisted its progress, when my soldiers
attacked and destroyed a number of them. Among these imps there
were four foreigners, one of whom my soldiers killed, as they
did not know to what country he belonged. However, in order to
maintain my good faith to treat foreigners well, I caused the
soldier who had killed the foreigner to be at once executed,
thus keeping my word.
"Afterwards, seeing that there was a church at Sze-king, I then
knew for the first time that the people of your honourable
nations came there to teach the Gospel, and that although they
had not hoisted a yellow flag, they had not been assisting the
imps.
"But though the past is done with, precautions can be taken for
the future. My army is now about to proceed directly to
Shanghae, and in the towns or villages through which it will
pass, should there be churches, I earnestly hope that you will
give orders to the people of them to stand at the doors to give
information that they are churches, so that there may be no
mistakes in future.
"My forces have already arrived at Tseih-paen, and they will
soon reach Shanghae. I therefore earnestly hope that you the
honourable envoys will call the people of your nations before
you, direct them to close their doors, remain inside, and hoist
yellow flags at their houses, when they need have no fear of my
soldiers, as I have already given orders to them that they must
not, in that case, molest or injure any one.
"As soon as I myself arrive, I purpose discussing with you all
other business. In the meantime I send this hasty communication,
and take the opportunity to inquire after your health.
"Tai-ping, Tien-kwo, 10th year, 7th moon, 9th day (August 18th,
1860)."
When the Chung-wang had arrived within a short distance of Shanghae, Mr.
Bruce, although taking "no notice" of the Ti-ping communications, was
sufficiently inconsistent to forward the following despatch:--
"NOTIFICATION.
"Reports having reached us of an armed force having been
collected in the neighbourhood of Shanghae, we, the commanders
of the military and naval forces of her Britannic Majesty at
Shanghae, hereby give notice that the _city of Shanghae_ and
foreign settlement are militarily occupied by the forces of her
Britannic Majesty and her ally the Emperor of the French; and
they warn all persons that, if armed bodies of men attack or
approach the positions held by them, they will be considered as
commencing hostilities against the allied forces, and will be
dealt with accordingly.
"Shanghae, August 16, 1860."
This precious notification was sent on board a gun-boat and taken to a
place entirely out of the line of march of the advancing forces, and of
course was not delivered. Unprepared for foreign hostility, the
Ti-pings, upon the 18th of August, appeared before Shanghae, and driving
in the Tartar outposts advanced with a run to the walls, perfectly
unacquainted with the fact that they were manned by English and French
soldiers. Instead of the friendly reception always given by the Ti-pings
to foreigners, and which they expected would now be returned, they were
met with a storm of shot, shell, and musketry. The few following
extracts are from the official organ, and give an account of the
unjustifiable slaughter of men whose great hope was to enter into close
and friendly relations with their "foreign brethren," for whose "strict
neutrality" the British Government had solemnly pledged itself:--
"The camp had an earthwork all round, on which several American
cannon were mounted. Since the allied occupation of the city all
executions have been perpetrated here. Against this place the
rebels advanced with unusual boldness. The Chinese soldiers and
officers fought for some time with great spirit, but at last ran
away as fast as possible, followed by the insurgents, who hoped
to rush pell-mell with them to the city, and get through the
west gate."
Now commences the "reception" given to the patriots by men whom, from
first to last, they have considered and treated as brethren.
"Captain Cavanagh then ordered the bridge to be destroyed, and
gave the insurgents a rather _warm reception_ from the city-wall
with rifles and canister.
"In the course of the afternoon two guns of Captain McIntyre's
Madras mountain train were seen coming along outside the city
wall, with only a small moat between them and the foe"--(Foe!
The word is false: the Ti-pings came as friends, not foes)--"who
were dodging about behind graves, houses, and trees, towards the
south gate; but, _curious to relate, not a shot was fired_."
The "curious" thing to relate is the wonderful forbearance of those men,
who, although several hundred of their comrades were mowed down by the
savages on the walls, never retaliated with a single shot, but even
permitted two guns to be placed in a commanding position from which they
were subsequently used against them with fatal effect.
"The nature of the country outside the gates gave ample scope to
the enemy to conceal themselves, so it was only when a group
could be observed that the howitzers and a Chinese gun--the
latter under Gunner Warwick--could be used with effect. The
insurgents, however, are certainly no cowards, and constantly
showed themselves near the wall from the south and the west
gates.
"The firing of the foreigners, both from the cannon and rifles,
was excellent. As soon as canister was useless, the foe were
treated to shell, thrown time after time into the very middle of
their flags.
"When driven back from the south gate, the rebels retired past
the south-west angle, where Lieutenant O'Grady, who was waiting
for them in the piquet-house with some marines and Sikhs, gave
them another dressing.
"Captain Maxwell, at the little south gate, had given his
Loodianahs plenty to do, and although they were only armed with
Brown Bess, they inflicted no small loss on the enemy.
"Gunner Deacon, Royal Marine Artillery, had rigged up a gun
belonging to the _Taoutae_, and worked it in the coolest manner
and with great success.
"Among others killed on the enemy's side was an European who had
made himself very conspicuous. Accompanying him was a
half-caste, who _unfortunately_ managed to escape. There were
several foreigners to be seen among the insurgents, and another
is supposed to have fallen outside Captain Budd's position."
The murderous sentiment expressed in the foregoing passage would be much
more appropriately applied to the conscience-bound mercenaries who
defended Shanghae. All the _gallant_ deeds related were, literally, the
slaughter of some 300 Ti-pings who made _no reply whatever_ to the
dastardly fire of men, who upon that day inflicted an indelible stain
upon their nation's scutcheon.
The official report continues:--
"As soon as it could be done in safety, parties were sent from
the various posts to _burn down_ such houses in the suburbs as
could afford shelter to the enemy, and the fires raged outside
the west and south gates during the whole of Saturday night.
Thus ended the first day's work, with _no small loss_ to the
enemy, but _without a single casualty_ to report on the foreign
side."
The officials not only carefully ignore the burnings and destruction
committed by British troops, when they write of precisely similar
doings upon the part of the Ti-pings, but actually report upon the
"_gallantry_" of certain officers and men concerned in this butchery of
unresisting victims.
The report proceeds with the next day's exploits:--
"Sunday morning broke upon a scene of conflagration and
destruction. Our _gallant_ allies (the French) set to work, in a
manner peculiar to themselves, to drive away the danger, and, to
prevent its recurrence, fired the suburb, which is by far the
richest and most important collection of native houses. It is
here that the Chinese wholesale merchants live. An immense
quantity of goods, especially sugar, was stored there, and as
the conflagration in its rapid progress licked up a sugar hong,
or soy factory, the flames sprang up with fearful grandeur.
"About two o'clock the _Kestrel_ and _Hong-kong_ came steaming
down against a strong tide past the burning suburb. The firing,
too, had recommenced at the south gate from double-shotted guns
and howitzers. Driven from their cover by these means, and
compelled to take up a new position, the enemy laid himself open
to some fine rifle practice. McIntyre's guns were too well
handled to let them hide in any of the buildings yet standing,
and _Lieutenant O'Grady_, with some marines, opened a most
destructive fire from the look-out. This _gallant_ officer is
really an excellent shot, and we believe it is reckoned in this
affair twenty men fell to his rifle, with scarcely one
intervening miss."
What can the people of England think of a British officer coolly resting
his rifle, through sheer _gaîté de coeur_, upon the parapet, and
shooting down twenty of his fellow-creatures while in perfect safety
himself? not a single shot in reply being directed towards any part
where Europeans were stationed.
The terrible work was thus continued:--
"On Monday morning, the 20th August, the enemy had advanced in
greater strength than ever. It was really a curious sight to see
them moving along every one of the little paths which run
parallel to the city walls, each man carrying a flag, and all
moving in Indian file, but in excellent order, _and quite calm
and steady_. On they came _without hesitation_, perfectly within
range, and seemed to direct their attention principally to the
west gate. Lieutenant O'Grady had been sent there with some
marines to assist Captain Cavanagh; and the Madras artillerymen
having rigged up a gun, a heavy fire was kept up, and the
insurgents have to thank the nature of the ground that their
loss was not very large. _Strange to say, scarcely a shot was
returned._"
When interested people state this, one can easily imagine what the truth
must be.
"During the night the dispatch boat, _Pioneer_, had proceeded up
the river, and began dropping 13-inch shells in among the rebel
flags. One of these exploded right in the very centre of about
100 red banners, which immediately afterwards disappeared.
"Some pretty examples might be given of the _splendid_ way the
shooting was carried on. A large number of yellow flag rebels
were observed to enter a long white house about three-quarters
of a mile off. Captain McIntyre" (who would have been killed on
the first day outside the walls, if the Ti-pings had only
thought fit to answer the murderous fire poured upon them) "put
a shell through the roof, and among others is supposed to have
wounded the second officer in command of the rebel army."
It was not the second in command, it was the Chung-wang himself who was
wounded, a piece of shell striking him on the cheek, and causing a
slight impediment of speech ever afterwards. The last attempt the
Ti-pings made to enter Shanghae was repulsed on Monday night. Of the
next day the report states:--
"On Tuesday but very little work took place, as the rebels had
retreated quite out of range. The conflagration raised by the
French in the water suburb was still raging, and it was
melancholy to see hong after hong, full of valuable goods,
falling a prey to the devouring element."
After the advance of the Ti-pings upon the first day, when they were
unexpectedly driven back with a loss of about 3,000 men, they met Mr.
Milne, a missionary. These men were Chinese, and must have been maddened
by the unprovoked slaughter of their relatives and comrades, but instead
of wreaking vengeance, as naturally to be expected from Asiatics, with a
forbearance beyond all praise they did not even make him a prisoner,
but, upon finding he was a missionary, sent him to the city gates with a
guard to protect him from any straggling and vengeful soldier. Mr. Milne
reached the gate in safety, but his guard while retreating were each
shot down by British soldiers upon the walls!
At the time this unparalleled breach of faith took place at Shanghae,
England was bound by every tie, legally or theoretically binding, to
maintain a strict neutrality between the two contending powers. Not only
by Sir George Bonham's, Consul Meadows', Lord Elgin's, and Mr. Bruce's
guarantees was the nation pledged to a neutral position; there was also
an Ordinance of Neutrality passed by Sir John Bowring, Governor of
Hong-kong, in 1855, the principal clause of which is as follows:--
"That it shall be a misdemeanour punishable by not more than two
years' imprisonment, &c., for any British subject within any
part of China to assist _either the existing Chinese
government_, or any or either of the different factions at
present engaged, or who may be hereafter engaged in opposition
to the government, by personal enlistment in the service of
_either_ of the said several parties, or by procuring other
persons to enlist in such service, or by furnishing, selling, or
procuring warlike stores of any description, or by fitting out
vessels, or by knowingly and purposely doing _any other act to
assist either party, by which neutrality may be violated_."
It is therefore highly improbable that Mr. Bruce dared upon his own
responsibility to violate all these existing bonds and regulations: much
more does it resemble the policy of secret instructions. A perusal of
the despatches of the Minister at Pekin must lead to this conclusion,
more particularly when a comparison is drawn between the following
extracts from a despatch of Mr. Bruce to Lord Russell, dated Shanghae,
June 10th, 1860, and his defence of Shanghae only a few weeks later:--
"Without discussing" (he is discussing with Earl Russell,
therefore the plan of intervention was undoubtedly submitted to
him) "whether intervention, under the peculiar circumstances of
the civil contest in China, _be justifiable or not_, or whether
it would be expedient, with a view to opening the Yang-tze river
to trade, to recapture towns, such as Nankin and Chin-kiang,
which command it, _I am inclined to doubt the policy_ of
attempting to restore by force of arms the power of the Imperial
government in cities and provinces occupied, or rather overrun,
by the insurgents."
Yet scarcely two months elapse when Mr. Bruce acts in direct
contradiction to this opinion!
The following passage from the same despatch speaks in the _very
strongest terms against intervention_:--
"The Chinese officials, pressed for money, and relying on
foreign support, would become _more than ever cruel, corrupt,
and oppressive_; and the Chinese, deprived of _popular_
insurrection, their rude but efficacious remedy against local
oppressors, would _with justice throw on the foreigner the odium
of excesses which his presence alone would render possible_. The
consequence would be, popular hostility, reprisals, and that
train of events which would render it necessary to _appropriate
permanently_ the province occupied, or to retire from it,
_leaving behind a bitter ill-will among the people_. _No course
could be so well calculated to lower our national reputation, as
to lend our material support to a government the corruption of
whose authorities is only checked by its weakness._" (_!!!_)
Such is the opinion of a resident British minister, an opinion
constantly reiterated. The people of England may then well wonder at
conduct in such direct opposition to the reports of the Government
representative in China. The observations of Col. Sykes, M.P., &c., in
his advocacy of a high principle, are worthy of attention. At page 18 of
his valuable little work "The Taeping Rebellion in China," he states:--
"Incredible as it may appear, while we were shooting down those
who asked for our friendship, and were defending a city
belonging to a government with which we were at war, and
collecting custom duties by Mr. Lay and other British subjects,
on account of the Emperor of China, that very emperor was
sanctioning British and French officers and soldiers being
tortured and put to death at Pekin, and the Prince Kung, the
brother of the emperor, in whom we are now placing such implicit
confidence, was at that time in such a position at Pekin as to
have been able to prevent the cruelties perpetrated upon our
officers and men."
People generally disregard everything connected with China, considering
the policy towards that empire, and its affairs, of but small moment to
themselves or state. Unless engaged in the China trade, in a selfish and
narrow-minded point of view it may be so; but if we reflect upon the
immensity of the Chinese empire, its direct population of one-third of
the human race, and its indirect brotherhood with about one-half
(including Malays, Tartars, Eluths, Mongolians, Thibetians,
Cochin-Chinese, Anamese, &c.),--upon the fact that this vast Empire has
outlived all the mighty ones of Europe,--that her civilization,
Christianity, and power, _has yet to come_,--if we think why and for
what purpose the Creator has fashioned one-half his people of the same
race, or ponder as to the future of a people who constitute a body
sixteen times more numerous than the population of Great Britain, and
who may possibly at a future time attain a position in the world
proportionately equal to the present greatness of England herself--if
these facts are reflected upon, they will present deep and interesting
themes to the mind of every man not entirely absorbed with his own
littleness, and who can rise above the exigencies of the present moment.
Repulsed from the walls of Shanghae by those whom he had always regarded
as brothers in the same Faith, the Chung-wang sent the following
proclamation to the European consuls on the 21st August:--
"Le, the loyal Prince of the Heavenly Dynasty, &c., &c.,
addresses this communication to you, the Honourable Consuls of
Great Britain, United States of America, Portugal, and other
countries.
"That good faith must be kept is the principle which guides our
dynasty in its friendly relations with other peoples; but
deceitful forgetfulness of previous arrangements is the real
cause of foreign nations having committed a wrong. When my army
reached Soo-chow, Frenchmen, accompanied by people of other
nations, came there to trade. They personally called upon me,
and invited me to come to Shanghae to consult respecting
friendly relations between us in future. Knowing that your
nations worship, like us, God the Heavenly Father and Jesus the
Heavenly Elder Brother, and are therefore of one religion and of
one origin with us, I placed entire and undoubting confidence in
their words, and consequently came to meet you at Shanghae.
"It never occurred to my mind that the French, allowing
themselves to be deluded by the imps (the Chinese Imperial
authorities), would break their word and turn their backs upon
the arrangement made. Not only, however, did they not come on my
arrival to meet and consult with me, but they entered into an
agreement with the imps to protect the city of Shanghae against
us, by which they violated their original agreement. Such
proceedings are contrary to the principles of justice.
"Now, supposing that the French take under their protection the
city of Shanghae, and a few li (a mile or two) around it, how
will they be able, within that small space, to sell their
merchandise, and to carry on conveniently their mercantile
transactions?
"I have also learnt that the French have received no small
amount of money from the imps of Hien-Fung (the emperor), which
they have without doubt shared amongst the other nations. If you
other nations have not received the money of the imps, why did
several of your people also appear with the French when they
came to Soo-chow and invited me to Shanghae to confer together?
It is as clear as daylight that your people also appeared at
Soo-chow, and urgently requested me to come to Shanghae. Their
words still ring in my ears; it is impossible that the affair
should be forgotten.
"My army having reached this place, if the French alone had
broken their engagements, coveted the money of the imps, and
protected their city, how was it that not one man of your
nations came to consult personally with me? You must have also
taken money from the imps of Hien-Fung and divided it amongst
you. Seeing, again, you committed a wrong, without taking into
consideration that you would have to go to other places than
Shanghae to carry on commercial business. You do not apparently
know that the imps of Hien-Fung, seeing that your nations are of
the same religion and family as the Heavenly Dynasty, used money
to establish a connection; this is employing others to kill, and
using schemes to cause separations.
"The French have been seduced by the money of the imps, because
they only scheme after profits at Shanghae, and have no
consideration for the trade at other places. They have not only
no plea on which to meet me, but still less have they any ground
on which to come before God the Heavenly Father, and Jesus the
Heavenly Elder Brother, or even our own armies, and the other
nations of the earth.
"Our Sovereign Lord was appointed by heaven, and has ruled now
for ten years. One half the territory he possesses contains the
rich lands in the east and south. The national treasury contains
sufficient funds to supply all the wants of our armies.
Hereafter, when the whole face of the country is united under
our sway, every part will be contained within our registers, and
our success will not depend on the small district of Shanghae.
"But with human feelings, and in human affairs, all acts have
their consequences. The French have violated their faith, and
broken the peace between us. Since they have in advance, acted
thus contrary to reason, if they henceforth remain fixed at
Shanghae to carry on their mercantile business, they may so
manage. But if they again come into our territory to trade, or
pass into our boundaries, I, so far as I am concerned, may in a
spirit of magnanimity, bear with their presence and refrain from
reckoning with them on the past. Our forces and officers,
however, who have now been subjected to their deceit, must all
be filled with indignation, and desirous of revenge; and it is
to be feared that they will not again be permitted, at their
convenience, to repair to our territory.
"On coming to Soo-chow I had the general command of upwards of
one thousand officers, and several tens of thousands of
soldiers, a brave army which has power to put down all
opposition, and whose force is as strong as the hills. If we had
the intention of attacking Shanghae, then what city have they
not subdued? What place have they not stormed?
"I have, however, taken into consideration that you and we alike
worship Jesus, and that, after all, there exists between us the
relationship of a common basis and common doctrines. Moreover, I
came to Shanghae to make a treaty in order to see us connected
together by trade and commerce; I did not come for the purpose
of fighting with you. Had I at once commenced to attack the city
and kill the people, that would have been the same as the
members of one family fighting among themselves, which would
have caused the imps to ridicule us.
"Further, amongst the people of foreign nations at Shanghae,
there must be varieties in capacity and disposition: there must
be men of sense, who know the principles of right, and are well
aware of what is advantageous and what injurious. They cannot
all covet the money of the impish dynasty, and forget the
general trading interests in this country.
"Hence, I shall for the present repress this day's indignation,
and charitably open a path by which to alter our present
positions towards each other. I am extremely apprehensive that
if my soldiers were to take Shanghae, they would not be able to
distinguish the good from the bad, in which case I shall be
without grounds to come before Jesus, the Heavenly Elder
Brother.
"Out of a feeling of deep anxiety on your behalf, I am
constrained to make an earnest statement to you foreign nations,
as to what is wisdom and what folly in these affairs, and as to
the amount of advantage and injury of the different courses open
to you. I beg you, foreign nations, again carefully to consider
what course would be gainful, what a losing one.
"Should any of your honourable nations regret what has occurred,
and hold friendly relations with our state to be best, they need
have no apprehensions in coming to consult with me. I treat
people according to right principles, and will certainly not
subject them to any indignities. Should, however, your
honourable nations still continue to be deluded by the imps,
follow their lead in all things, without reflecting on the
difference between you; you must not blame me if hereafter you
find it difficult to pass along the channels of commerce, and if
there is no outlet for native produce.
"I have to beg all your honourable nations to again and again
weigh in your minds the circumstances; and now write this
special communication, and trust you will favour me with a
reply.
"I beg to make inquiries after your health.
"Taeping, Tien-kwo, 10th year, 7th moon, 12th day."
With strange, but most probably compulsory inconsistency, after the
defence of Shanghae, Mr. Bruce, although previously opposing any
intervention or help to the Manchoos in the strong terms already quoted
in his despatch to Lord Russell concerning that event, abuses the
Ti-pings almost as strongly, as if to justify the outrage he had been
guilty of towards them. In one part of the despatch referred to, dated
Shanghae, September 4th, 1860, Mr. Bruce, speaking of the Ti-ping
advance upon Shanghae, states:--
"They were perfectly, however, aware of our intention to defend
the town. It was explained to them in the most unequivocal
manner by Mr. Edkins during his late visit to Soo-chow, to whom
they seem to have attributed an official character. It probably
conduced to the ungracious reception he met with."
Now this passage is entirely contrary to fact, which will be perceived
directly on perusing the account given by Mr. Edkins _himself_. At
another part of his defence, Mr. Bruce states:--
"It is certain that even Hung-jin (Kan-wang), from whom, as
_educated_ in a missionary school, and therefore _better
instructed in religious doctrine_, and of more _liberal_ views
than the Ti-pings in general, the Protestant missionaries
expected great things, declined to abandon or postpone the
attempt on Shanghae."
This hollow accusation against Hung-jin in particular, and the Ti-pings
in general, is as ridiculous as it is so to call the Ti-pings
_illiberal_, because they would not desist from capturing an important
city of the enemy, the possession of which was absolutely necessary for
their existence.
It is now desirable to notice the following extract from the same
despatch. The Mr. Holmes referred to in it visited Nankin about the
same time Shanghae was defended, and wrote an account of what took place
in such terms as to render it difficult to believe it ever emanated from
the pen of a minister of the Gospel, particularly when it is remembered
that the stronger the grounds might have been to condemn the religious
belief of the Ti-pings, the greater the duty of Mr. Holmes to fulfil his
mission and teach them better. Mr. Holmes was sent to China as a
missionary and not as a theological critic; neither was he required to
teach those who were perfect in the Faith; his services were required by
(and had he done his duty would have been given to) people struggling
through the clouds of paganism and ignorance, such as he describes the
Ti-pings to have been encompassed with. Why, then, did Mr. Holmes make
no attempt to succour those who acknowledged the same Saviour, whose
Word he professed to teach, who had accepted the Bible in its full
integrity, and who, in my presence, have implored missionaries to remain
among and teach them those mysteries they were not able to interpret?
Why did Mr. Holmes report in such an uncharitable spirit of men freely
receiving and professing Christianity, and make not the slightest effort
to rectify the faults he so condemned? Mr. Holmes has thus laid himself
open to severe censure; but he is not the only missionary to blame.
Although vast sums of money are contributed in England, and expensive
missions sent to people and countries that _will not profess_; how is it
that _no attempt_ has been made to help the millions at one time
constituting the Ti-ping revolution, who not only _professed_
Christianity as their principal object, but who fought, suffered, and
died for it.
Mr. Bruce goes on to state:--
"I enclose herewith a very interesting account given by a Mr.
Holmes, a Baptist American missionary, of a trip he had made
lately to Nankin....
"I beg _particularly_ to call your Lordship's attention to Mr.
Holmes's general reflections at the close of his letter....
"But as the chief is an _ignorant fanatic, if not an impostor_,
and the bulk of his adherents are drawn from the dangerous
classes of China, the result is the rule of the sword in its
worst form....
"Their system differs in nothing, as far as I can learn, from
the proceedings of a band of _brigands_ organized under one
head."
Mr. Bruce, it will be seen, went quite out of his way to enclose this
"interesting account" from an "_American_ Baptist missionary," but quite
overlooked the reports of the British missionaries, which were entirely
suppressed.
As for Mr. Bruce's reflections upon the "ignorance" of the Ti-ping-Wang,
and the form of "brigandage," those who follow through this history will
probably feel justified in questioning the accuracy of his conclusions
and in condemning the spirit which dictated them.
The following are extracts from the "particularly recommended" account,
and embrace the principal points:--
"We ran all night, and next morning anchored in the mouth of the
creek which leads from the river up to the city of Nankin. On
inquiring for some one with whom we could communicate, I was
invited to enter the fort, and on doing so was received by a
tall Kwang-si officer. He greeted me as his _ocean brother_, and
drawing me down to a seat beside him in the _place of honour_,
entered at once into conversation."
Upon entering the city, Mr. Holmes states:--
"We were received by a venerable-looking and very polite old
man, whom we learned to call Pung-ta-jen (his Excellency Mr.
Pung). He had been requested by the Chang-wang to entertain us
with supper.... We found him exceedingly polite and affable, and
I thought I could discern some appearance of _real_ religious
character, which is more than I can say for any other man I
met."
Mr. Holmes was thus received by the Chang-wang:--
"On being seated, he began the conversation as follows:--
"'Wha-seen-sung (be assured), foreigners and men of the Heavenly
kingdom are all brethren. We all believe in the Heavenly Father
and Son, and are, therefore, brethren. Is it not so?'
"I then mentioned the object for which I had come, speaking of
the deep interest which had long been felt in their cause by
foreign Christians.
"After receiving assurances from him of their _gratification_ at
my arrival, we retired.
"The Tien-Wang, we were informed on the evening of our arrival,
was _much gratified_ at our coming.
"After this, the Chang-wang invited me in to see him again.
Being quartered in his house, it was quite convenient to go in
at any time.... He then proceeded to give an outline of
Christianity, which, though very loose and general, _contained
little that could be objected to_:--God, the Creator of all
things; Jesus, his son, the Saviour of the world; the Holy
Spirit--the words correct in the main, though I afterwards
became convinced that neither he, nor any of them, had any
adequate idea of their true signification. 'Was this what we
believed, also?' he asked, when he had finished his
recapitulation. I gave him to understand that I had _no
objection_ to make to what he had said, but that they appeared
to have other doctrines which I did not understand the import
of, for example, Mr. Pung had spoken of worshipping the Heavenly
Father, the Heavenly Brother, and the Tien-Wang, and of these
three being one. To this he simply replied _that Mr. Pung had
preached erroneously_."
Now this plain avowal of the _correct_ and _intimate_ knowledge the
Ti-ping leaders possessed of Christianity might well, one would suppose,
have satisfied even Mr. Holmes; for what more could be expected from men
but newly awakened to the truth, and yet struggling towards the
gradually increasing light?
Another striking example of the enlightened character of the Ti-ping
chiefs is thus given by Mr. Holmes, and should certainly have impressed
him favourably:--
"Another similar chair was placed near him (Chang-wang), on
which he invited me to be seated, and at once began to question
me about _foreign machinery_, &c. He had been puzzled by a map
with parallel lines running each way, said to have been made by
foreigners, which he asked me to explain. He then submitted to
my inspection a spy-glass and a music-box, asking various
questions about each."
The following account may be designated coolly insolent and not
trustworthy, being founded on fictions:--
"John i. 1.--Christ is here pronounced to be God; does Tien-Wang
claim to be God or man? Matt. xxii. 29, 30.--How is this to be
reconciled with the statement that the Western Prince has
contracted a marriage in the other world? Matt. xx. 25-26.--How
is this to be reconciled with the Tien-Wang's assumption of
authority in spiritual matters? John iii. 13, Gal. i. 8, Rev.
xxii. 18-19.--How can Tien-Wang have another revelation? This
document the Chang-wang was _afraid_ to present to his chief. He
returned it to me, and I supposed that I should hardly find a
man bold enough to keep it in his possession."
This may be the _American_ Baptist mode of procedure, but we may easily
believe it is hardly the style in which an English missionary of
ordinary good manners and education would act. If a Chinaman were to
arrive in England and draw up a similar list of queries, and send them
to the Queen, it would afford a precisely parallel case. The Chang-wang,
after assuring Mr. Holmes his hyperbolical theories were "erroneous,"
must have felt himself grossly insulted by the latter's uncourteous
catechising. When about to leave Nankin, Mr. Holmes states:--
"On Wednesday we had determined to return. On announcing our
intention, we were _entreated_ to remain a few days longer. He
(Chang-wang) also invited me to _come back again_, and bring
with me my family, _offering to give me a place in his own
house_. On our departure a sum of money was offered us to 'buy
tea,' as it was stated, 'on our way home.' This we declined....
He insisted that he would have no face if he sent away a guest
without making him some present, and substituted a piece of
silk, which, with several little articles received before, are
preserved as memorials of the visit. A present of a small globe,
with several other foreign articles, were very gladly received
on his part."
From the extracts I have given, one might naturally suppose Mr. Holmes
would have returned from his visit favourably impressed; with what
astonishment, then, will be perused the following "reflections":--
"I shall content myself with a few general reflections upon the
state and prospects of this movement. I went to Nankin
predisposed to receive a favourable impression.... I came away
with my views entirely changed. I had hoped that their
doctrines, though crude and erroneous, might, notwithstanding,
embrace some of the elements of Christianity. I found, to my
sorrow, nothing of Christianity but its names, falsely applied,
applied to a system of _revolting idolatry_."
How does this agree with the well-known uncompromising iconoclasm of the
Ti-pings? How can it be reconciled with the statements given by Mr.
Holmes as to the Christian knowledge of the Chang-wang? which, he says,
"_contained little that could be objected to_," or the passage, "I gave
him to understand that I had _no objection_ to make to what he had
said"? Is it from this Mr. Holmes derived his idea of "revolting
idolatry"? The narrative continues:--
"Their idea of God is distorted until it is inferior, if
possible, to that entertained by other Chinese idolaters. The
idea which they entertain of a Saviour is likewise low and
sensual, and his honours are shared by another." (Compare this
with the Tien-Wang's proclamation at page 84, giving the titles
to the chiefs, and _strictly forbidding_ himself to be addressed
by any appellation that may infringe upon the attributes of the
"Celestial Elder Brother" (our Saviour), and then judge of its
truth.) "The Eastern King is the saviour from disease, as he is
the saviour from sin." (The Eastern King had been dead some
years.) "Among the features of their theology that _shocked_ me
most may be mentioned the following:--They speak of the wife of
the Heavenly Father, whom they call Tien-ma (Heavenly Mother),
&c., &c."
If Mr. Holmes was so "shocked," it would have been his duty to teach
instead of to criticise them, especially as they "entreated" him to
remain, or "come back" to them.
He further states:--
"I had hoped, too, that though crude and erroneous in their
notions, they would yet be ready to stand an appeal to the
Bible" (meaning his arrogant list of queries), "and to be
instructed by those competent to expound its truths. Here, too,
I was disappointed."
This is palpably unjust, when in the same narrative he states they
"_entreated_" him to stay with them. Such are the opinions of the
missionary on whose testimony the British Government mainly rely.[31]
It now becomes necessary to notice the _suppressed_ missionary reports,
furnished by members of the London Mission Society and Propagation of
the Faith Society.
These reports appeared a few years back in the _Missionary Magazine_,
but I venture to again make them public, not only to support and prove
my own view of the Ti-ping revolution, but because I feel certain that
only a very small proportion of the British people can have seen them,
as, if it had been otherwise, a far different policy would have been
employed in the treatment of the Ti-pings.
The following extracts are from the narrative of a journey amongst the
Ti-pings, by the Revs. Edkins, John, Macgowan, and Hall, bearing date
"Shanghae, July 16, 1860:"--
"THE RELIGIOUS VIEWS AND PRACTICES OF THE INSURGENTS.
"From the information acquired, it is evident that the religious
element enters very powerfully into this great revolutionary
movement. Nothing can be more erroneous than the supposition
that it is a purely political one, and that religion occupies
but a subordinate place in it. So far is this from being the
case, that, on the contrary, it is the basis upon which the
former rests, and is its life-perpetuating source. The downfall
of idolatry, _and the establishment of the worship of the true
God_, are objects aimed at by them, _with as much sincerity and
devotion_ as the expulsion of the Manchús, and the conquest of
the empire. In opposition to the pantheistic notions of the
philosophers of the Súng dynasty, they hold the doctrine of the
personality of the Deity; in opposition to the popular
polytheistic notions, _they have the clearest conception of the
unity of God_; and in opposition to the fatalism of
philosophical Budhism, they believe in and teach the doctrine of
an all-superintending Providence. This appears on the very
surface, and no one can be among them for any length of time
without being impressed with it. They feel that they have a work
to accomplish, and the deep conviction that they are guided by
an unerring finger, and supported by an omnipotent arm in its
execution, is their inspiration. Success they ascribe to the
goodness of the Heavenly Father, and defeat to his
chastisements. The Deity is with them, not an abstract notion,
nor a stern implacable sovereign, _but a loving father_, who
watches tenderly over their affairs, and leads them by the hand.
The Scriptures of the Old and New Testament are their proposed
standard of faith now, as they were at the commencement of the
movement.
"THE FEELINGS ENTERTAINED BY THE INSURGENTS TOWARDS
FOREIGNERS, AND THEIR PROSPECTS OF FUTURE SUCCESS.
"The feeling which they entertain towards foreigners is
apparently of the most friendly nature; they are always
addressed as 'our foreign brethren.' 'We worship the same
Heavenly Father, and believe in the same elder Brother, why
should we be at variance?' They seem to be _anxious for
intercourse with foreigners, and desirous to promote the
interests of trade_. _The opening up of the eighteen provinces
to trade, they say, would be most pleasing to them._ Some would
say that policy would make them talk in this way--suppose it
did; how is it that policy, or something akin, does not make the
Imperialists speak in the same way? They say that foreigners
will be respected whenever they pass through their territory;
and the respectful attention they have paid to those who have
visited them is a sufficient proof of their sincerity.
"A great deal has been said about the cruelty of the
'long-haired rebels'; but in this there has been _much
exaggeration and misrepresentation_. _In no instance have we
witnessed any traces of wilful destruction._ It is true they
kill, but it is because they must do so or submit to be killed.
They burn, but so far as our observation went, it is invariably
in _self-defence_. Much of the burning is done by the
Imperialists before the arrival of the rebels, and the cases of
suicide are far more numerous than those of murder. The fact
that all the women have been allowed to leave Súng Kiang, and
that they are known, in many cases, _to have made attempts to
save_ men and women who had plunged themselves into the canals
and rivers, is a _proof that they are not the cruel relentless
marauders that they have been represented, to be by many_. They
are revolutionists in the strictest sense of the term; both the
work of slaughter and of plunder are carried on so far as is
necessary to secure the end. These are evils which necessarily
accompany such a movement, and are justifiable or otherwise in
so far as the movement itself is so."
The following letter was written by the Rev. J. Edkins and the Rev. G.
John, giving a report to the secretary of their society of a visit to
the Ti-pings at Soo-chow. It is dated "Shanghae, August 16, 1860," and
proves the incorrectness of Mr. Bruce's statements, that Mr. Edkins
informed the Ti-pings, "in the most unequivocal manner," that Shanghae
would be defended against them, and that Mr. Edkins met with an
"ungracious reception."
"REPORT OF REV. GRIFFITHS JOHN TO REV. DR. TIDMAN.
"Shanghae, August 16, 1860.
"By the last mail you were informed that two letters had just
been received from Soo-chow; one from Hung-jin, the Kan-wang, to
Mr. Edkins, and another from the Chung-wang, to Mr. Edkins and
myself, inviting us both to Soo-chow, to meet the former king.
We felt that only one course of action was left open to us as
Christian missionaries. We were exceedingly anxious to have an
interview with this man, for the purpose of ascertaining the
truth on various points of interest--of encouraging him in his
praiseworthy endeavours to correct the errors connected with the
movement--of learning what might be done towards spreading the
truth among his people--and of suggesting plans and improvements
for his consideration. With this object we left Shanghae on the
30th ult., accompanied by three other brother missionaries. At
one point we passed a floating bridge, which had been
constructed by the Insurgents, and left in charge of some of the
country people. A proclamation was put up on shore, exhorting
the people to keep quiet, attend to their avocations, and bring
in presents as obedient subjects. One of the country people
remarked, as we were passing along, that the proclamation was
very good, and that if the rebels would but act accordingly,
everything would be all right. 'It matters very little to us,'
said he, 'who is to be the emperor--whether Hien-fung or the
Celestial King--provided we are left in the enjoyment of our
usual peace and quiet.' Such, I believe, is the universal
sentiment among the common people. A part of the bridge was
taken off to allow our boats to pass through, after which it was
closed again very carefully. _The country people were, for the
most part, at their work in the fields as usual._ The towns and
villages presented a very sad spectacle. These once flourishing
marts are entirely deserted, and thousands of the houses are
burnt down to the ground. Here and there a solitary old man or
old woman may be seen moving slowly and tremblingly among the
ruins, musing and weeping over the terrible desolation that
reigns around. Together with such scenes the number of dead
bodies that continually meet the eye were indescribably
sickening to the heart. It must not be forgotten, however, that
_most of the burning is done by the Imperialists_ before the
arrival of the Insurgents, and that what is done by the latter
_is generally in self-defence_, and that more lives are lost by
suicide than by the sword. Though the deeds of violence
perpetrated by the Insurgents are neither few nor insignificant,
_still they would compare well with those of the Imperialists_.
The people generally speak well of the old rebels. They say that
the old rebels are humane in their treatment of the people, and
that _the mischief is done by those who have but recently joined
them_. We were glad to find that, both at Soo-chow and
Kwun-shan, _the country people were beginning to go among them
fearlessly to sell; and that they were paid the full value for
every article_. We were told at the latter place that to sell to
the rebels is good trade, as they give three and four cash for
what they formerly got only one cash.
"We reached Soo-chow early on the 2nd inst., and had an
interview with the Kan-wang on the same day. He appeared in a
rich robe and gold embroidered crown, surrounded by a number of
officers, all of whom wore robes and caps of red and yellow
silk. On our entering he stood up and received us with a hearty
shake of the hand. He said that our visit made him very happy,
and that his heart was quite set free. He then made kind
inquiries about his old friends in Shanghae, both native and
foreign. He was much pleased to hear of the progress of the
Gospel at Amoy; of the recent accession of converts to the
Church in the neighbourhood of Canton and Hong-kong; and of the
late revival in the West. 'The kingdom of Christ,' said he,
'must spread and overcome every opposition; whatever may become
of the celestial dynasty, there can be no doubt concerning this
matter.'
"He then put off his crown and robe, and dismissed his officers;
after which we had a free and confidential conversation on
various points. We gladly accepted an invitation to dine with
him. Before partaking of the viands prepared for us, he proposed
that we should sing a hymn and pray together. Having selected
one of Dr. Medhurst's hymns, he himself started the tune, and
sang with remarkable correctness, warmth, and energy. After a
short prayer offered up by Mr. Edkins, we sat at table. The
conversation turned almost exclusively upon religious subjects,
in fact, he did not seem to wish to talk about anything else. He
seemed to feel very grateful to Dr. Legge, Messrs. Chalmers,
Hamberg, Edkins, and others, for their past kindness to him. He
told us that his object in leaving Hong-kong for Nan-king was
solely to preach the Gospel to the subjects of the celestial
dynasty; and that on his arrival he begged permission of his
cousin to be allowed to do so. The chief, however, would not
hear of it, but insisted upon his immediate promotion to the
rank of king. Though thoroughly devoted to the new dynasty, and
determined to live or die with it, he told us repeatedly that he
was much happier when employed as a Native Assistant at
Hong-kong, than now, notwithstanding the dignity conferred upon
him and the authority with which he is invested. We were
escorted on horses to our boat at a late hour.
"We visited him again on the following day. On our arrival at
his residence, we found a foreign merchant waiting upon him, and
the Kan-wang considerably agitated in mind. The reason of this
we afterwards learnt was, that he had heard that the letters
which he had sent to the representatives of foreign powers at
Shanghae had not been opened; and that the city was held by
English as well as French soldiers. _The first he spoke of as a
personal insult to himself, and the second as a direct violation
of the principle of neutrality which foreigners should adopt
between the two contending parties._ * * *
"Though we told him that these were matters with which we, as
_Missionaries_, had nothing to do, still we could not but feel a
secret sympathy with him.
"After the merchant had left, we had a very interesting
conversation with him on various matters, but especially the
character of Taeping Wang, the chief. Before separating, he
proposed that we should commend each other to the care of
Almighty God, and invoke His blessing in prayer. After singing a
hymn, he engaged in prayer. His prayer was exceedingly
appropriate, fervent, and scriptural. _He prayed that all the
idols might perish, that the temples should be converted into
chapels, and that pure Christianity should speedily become the
religion of China. This was a most interesting spectacle--a
spectacle never to be forgotten._
"We were all much pleased with the Kan-wang. His knowledge of
Christian truth _is remarkably extensive and correct_. He is
very anxious to do what he can to introduce pure Christianity
among his people, and to correct existing errors. He says,
however, that he can do but very little actively in this work,
and that hence he is very anxious to get as many Missionaries as
possible to Nan-king, to teach the people. 'I cannot do much,'
said he, 'but if you will come, I will get you chapels, exhort
the people to attend, and will attend myself regularly.' He has
prepared a prayer for the use of the soldiers, which is
remarkably good. He wished us to prepare a series of simple
prayers for general distribution. We took with us a number of
copies of the whole Bible, and a good selection of tracts, all
publicly delivered to his care. These will, I have no doubt, do
their work among not a few. He expressed his opinion that the
Chief is a pious man, notwithstanding all his errors. He
devoutly worships God, and is a constant reader of the
Scriptures. The Bible and the 'Pilgrim's Progress' seem to be
his favourite books. The Kan-wang thinks that much may be done
in course of time towards putting him right on various points.
_It is very gratifying to find that he does hold the Scriptures
of the Old and New Testaments as the inspired Word of God, and
the standard of faith._"
The following extracts are quoted from the press of China, upon the
subject of repelling the Ti-pings from Shanghae. The _Overland
Register_, Sept. 11th, 1860, in its general summary, states:--
"However affairs may be affected at the North by the action of
the Allied Forces, the late proceedings at Shanghae will
probably inflict a damage which no success at the North will or
can compensate for, and the case is the more dangerous because
that _interested_ persons are led to scandalize the
insurrection, that the shame of the slaughter of the Insurgents
before Shanghae by the arms of Christian England and Catholic
France may be lessened. It will be seen from the details given
elsewhere that the advance of the Insurgents upon Shanghae has
been checked by the _direct_ interference of the allied forces
in concert with the Imperial rabble, and by way of adding insult
to injury, and of stemming the tide of indignation which a
_truly_ christian public sentiment might be expected to pour
upon the policy which dictated such action. Sundry individuals
are _persuaded_ to _write_ down the Insurgents who have survived
the _shooting_ down, and make them out worse than their heathen
countrymen. Hardly had the echo of the Christian muskets died
away and the heathen allies finished cutting off the arms and
legs of the slain to secure their ornaments, when it is found
out suddenly that the rebels are blasphemous outlaws, and do not
understand _the doctrine of the Trinity_ as taught in the
theological schools of England and other Christian countries,
and upon the word, every man who would save the reputation of
the allied councils, at once commences to damn the Insurgents
for blasphemy, that he may be able to bless the Allies for _foul
and cruel murder_. We have especial reference to a lengthy
dissertation by one Rev. J. L. Holmes, which is far too long for
republication in this edition, and which should not find place
if it were possible; and though shame may cause many to accept
any excuse for _the unwarranted and cruel slaughter_ of the
half-christianized victims who came to be converted, not killed,
yet we trust there may be found some whose Christianity will
take precedence of nationality even, and that the Insurgents may
find sympathizers, even though that sympathy involve
condemnation of the policy which prompts either to shoot them or
write against them.... The fact is, a gross and unmitigated
error has been committed at Shanghae, and all the writing that
can be published cannot alter the error or excuse it. The
Insurgents did not come professing a pure Christianity, on the
contrary, every missionary who has visited them, and even their
traducer, who shared their hospitality at Nankin, received their
parting gifts of friendship, and then returned to print five
columns of detraction and abuse in the _North China Herald_,
bearing testimony that the Insurgents admit the imperfection of
their religious knowledge, and only beg that teachers might be
sent them, so that they might know the truth _as it is in
Jesus_; and the Christian world may well cry 'shame!' upon any
Missionary of the Gospel, who going among them, instead of
seeking to instruct them, spends the time of his hospitable
reception in seeking out their errors and publishing them in
order to turn sympathy away from them and palliate the crime
that had already been perpetrated at their expense."
Speaking of the French Jesuitical influence working against the
Ti-pings, _The Overland Register_ continues:--
"That France should spurn the Rebellion, it is but natural, for
the Insurgents have the _Bible_, and next to the devil, a free
Bible may be supposed the object of direst attack on the part
of a Jesuitical priesthood. But it will be long ere the stain
upon British honour and justice and Christian profession is
erased. It is currently stated that the French are savagely bent
upon the utter destruction of the Insurgents, and that they will
insist upon an attack upon Nankin." (This was mooted at that
time, as per Mr. Bruce's despatches, but was not executed,
because, as another writer stated, "They have it in their power,
we are told, and nobody doubts the truth of the statement, to
ruin the foreign trade at Shanghae, and they also have it in
their power to form with the representatives here of foreign
powers provisional regulations by which in existing
circumstances the destruction of that trade may be prevented."
This was thoroughly appreciated; therefore, while gradually
destroying the Ti-pings and undermining their cause,
_neutrality_ was also pretended.) "Such a thing is by no means
beyond the bounds of possibility, so that ere long the world may
be edified with the sight of the 'Defender of the faith,' in
company with the 'woman arrayed in purple and scarlet,' and the
disciples of Buddha, all joining in the hue-and-cry after the
rascally Bible-reading insurgents.
"Happy are they who fall by the merciful administration of
Christian warfare, for if once their power is broken, there are
other Governor Yehs in China to take the place of the cowardly
brute who tortured and slaughtered 60,000 of his countrymen in
the Canton province, and Shanghae may be treated to the same
spectacle which six years ago sent a thrill of horror all over
the civilized world, with only this difference--_that the
responsibility will rest upon those professedly Christian
nations who will have been the cause of them_."
This has happened; but the thrill of horror was either not felt, or the
professing Christian nations have become exceedingly callous; but then,
"six years ago," it was Yeh who did all that; during 1860-1-2-3-4, it
was done by Christian nations.
"The political creed of the insurgent leaders is _all_ that
could be wished by the most enthusiastic admirers of what strong
nations call 'international comity,' when the weaker party have
anything worth possessing. If the proclamations and other
writings from insurgent sources are sufficient authority (and we
know of no reason why they should be otherwise regarded), their
position is about as follows:--
"1. That _Chinese_, not Tartars, shall rule China; and surely no
Western nation can find fault with that.
"2. That the exclusive policy heretofore maintained by the
Imperial Government shall be superseded by a liberal policy, so
that China may become one in the great Congress of Nations,
instead of standing aloof in childish pomposity.
"3. That a free access be given to the arts and manufactures of
other nations.
"4. That kindly relations be cultivated with all foreign people,
and the resources of the country be developed by a liberal
exchange of its products for those of other lands.
"5. That the improvements in various mechanical arts, the
inventions of foreign nations, be introduced into the country.
"We have neither time nor space to complete the list, but it may
be said, generally, that in the political creed of the insurgent
leaders there appears, from beginning to end, a complete
revolution of the Chinese ideas in every important particular,
and there is not an item of it that should not meet with the
warm sympathy of every man who cares for the welfare of any
country besides his own, or even any man whose only interest in
foreign nations is limited to what may be got out of them...."
It has lately been the common practice to represent the Ti-pings as
"monsters of cruelty," "ruthless devastators," &c. The following
extracts, from a communication by a "correspondent of the _North China
Herald_," republished in the _Nonconformist_ of Nov. 14th, 1860, give
some authentic particulars respecting the Shanghae massacre of Ti-pings.
Upon the approach of the Ti-pings to the walls of the city, the writer
states:--
"When it was discovered that they were real rebels, orders were
given to fire on them. They waved the hand, begged our officers
not to fire, and _stood there motionless_, wishing to open
communication and explain their object. No notice was taken of
this, but a heavy fire of rifles and grape was kept up on them
for about two hours, when they retired with a loss estimated at
two hundred. Here, as at the South-gate, they seem to have
essayed to open communication, and to have been replied to in
the same way. After they had been driven back, the French
soldiers rushed frantically among the peaceful inhabitants of
the place, murdering men, women, and children, without the least
discrimination. One man was stabbed right through as he was
enjoying his opium-pipe. A woman, who had just given birth to a
child, was bayoneted without the faintest provocation. Women
were ravished and houses plundered by these ruthless marauders
without restraint. Everything was taken away from the poor
people, who were trying to escape, and thrown into a heap, so as
to do away with the possibility of ever being reclaimed. Unless
the article or articles were immediately yielded, the bayonet
was brought in to decide the question."
The truth of these statements can be supported by the evidence of my
personal friends, some of whom were wounded when trying to rescue
helpless women from unheard-of barbarity.
"After this sort of work had been going on for some time, the
beautiful temple of the 'Queen of Heaven' was set on fire by the
French. The fire had been extending ever since, so that now the
Eastern suburb presents a sad spectacle. The burning of the
Southern and Western suburbs by the English, and the greater
part of the Eastern suburb by the French, has deprived thousands
of their happy homes and reduced them to irretrievable poverty."
Recounting the events of the following day, the author states:--
"Now the firing and shelling commenced. The Insurgents stood it
for several hours _like men of stone, immovable, without
returning a single shot_. At length a well-directed shell from
H.M.S. _Pioneer_, bursting in the midst of one of the hamlets,
and another from the _Racehorse_, which followed the former in
about two seconds, bursting in the midst of the other hamlet,
started them fairly."
At Si-ka-wei, a village some few miles from Shanghae, the following
proclamation was found posted upon the Roman Catholic church:--
"The Chung-wang herewith commands his officers and soldiers that
they may all be thoroughly acquainted with it. Having received
the Heavenly decree to lead my soldiers everywhere to fight, the
soldiers have already come to Shanghae and have pitched their
tents at the chapel. Now it is ordained _that not the minutest
particle of foreign property is to be injured_. The veteran
soldiers are supposed to be acquainted with the Heavenly
religion, that foreigners together with the subjects of the
celestial dynasty all worship God and equally reverence Jesus,
and that all are to be regarded as _brethren_ (or to belong to
the body of brethren). The veteran soldiers will surely not dare
to offend, but I have been thinking that the soldiers who have
but recently joined us are ignorant of this being a place of
worship, and are unable thoroughly to understand that their
religion is one with, and their doctrine has the same origin as,
ours. Hence the propriety of issuing this command. Because of
this, all the soldiers, whether veterans or otherwise, are
commanded to be fully aware that, hereafter should any one be
found guilty of injuring the property, goods, houses, or chapels
of foreigners, it is decreed that he will be decapitated
without mercy. Let all tremble and obey. Don't disobey this
command. 7th month, 15th day."
The _Times_ of India contains the following, in the article from its
Shanghae correspondent, dated October 24th:--
"I thank you for having done what you could for your suffering
fellow-creatures in China, but the work is not done yet.
Hitherto you have heard nothing but the details of rebels being
handed over to the Imperialists for torture; of Shanghae, with
its notorious execution-ground, being held by English and French
troops; of a steamer manned by sailors from French ships of war,
and loaded with rice, being sent to the relief of Imperialist
cities; of English officers and sailors fortifying cities and
mounting guns, and instructing the Tartar soldiers in fighting
against the rebels; of guns being plundered from the Taepings;
of duties being collected for the Imperialists; and last, not
least, of innocent blood having been shed by Englishmen, and all
this _without one single act of retaliation_, a circumstance
perhaps _unparalleled in the history of the world_."
But enough of extracts from the press; it is sufficient to state that,
with few exceptions, the whole British press of China and India
emphatically condemned the flagrant violation of honour, of
international law, and of solemnly pledged neutrality. Although too late
to prevent the deeds in China that have tarnished the national honour of
England, it is yet possible that similar atrocities may be in future
arrested, if the British people will only be a little more watchful of
the dealings of their Government with foreign nations, and will seek
wider sources of information as regards them than such as may be
presented through ordinary channels. It is, moreover, of particular
importance that, upon every question of foreign policy, a man should be
competent to judge for himself: to content oneself with "home policy" is
simply absurd, for while other nationalities and other races exist, home
policy will entirely depend upon foreign conduct, and the relations that
are established abroad; in fact, as much so as the conduct and
management of a household is regulated by society and the customs of its
neighbours.
FOOTNOTES:
[31] The opinions of Mr. Holmes afford a fair sample of the anti-Ti-ping
missionaries.
CHAPTER XI.
Ti-ping Polygamy.--Ti-ping Women.--Their Improved
Position.--Abolition of Slavery by the Ti-pings.--Its Prevalence
in China.--Moral Revolution effected by Ti-pings.--Their
Religious Works.--Their Conduct Justified.--Jesuit
Missionaries.--Consul Hervey's Despatch.--Apathy of
Missionaries.--Its Consequences.--Chinese Antipathy to
Christianity.--Christianity of the Ti-pings.--Their Forms of
Worship.--Ti-ping Marriages.--Religious Observances.--The
Ti-ping Sabbath.--Its Observance.--Their Ecclesiastical
System.--Forms of Worship.--The Mo-wang.--Ti-ping Churches.
During my intercourse with the Ti-pings, if one part of their system and
organization appeared more admirable than another, it was the improved
position of their women, whose status, raised from the degrading Asiatic
_régime_, approached that of civilized nations. This improvement upon
the ignorant and sensual treatment of 2,000 years affords strong
evidence of the advancement of their moral character. Although the
practice of polygamy has by some war Christians been used as an argument
to justify murdering the Ti-pings, I do not remember an instance in
which those ultra-moral personages have endeavoured to teach the
Ti-pings the difference between the law of well-beloved Abraham's time,
upon which many of their religious rules are framed, and the later
dispensation of the Gospel. It is, however, a great mistake to imagine
that the Ti-pings are either confirmed or universal polygamists. In the
first place, as they have thrown off _all_ the other heathen practices
of their countrymen, there is no reason to suppose they would make this
an exception. In the second place, I know that many who have become
enlightened by the New Testament, have abandoned polygamy; while a vast
number of the rest, only partially instructed, are either averse to it,
or simply maintain the establishment of one principal and several
inferior wives, or concubines, according to ancient custom, and as a
mark of high rank. It is also a fact that in some countries a plurality
of wives is rather beneficial than otherwise; and it may be that China
is one of these. But above all, however detestable we may consider
polygamy, where is the _Divine_ command against it?
The Ti-pings have abolished the horrible custom of cramping and
deforming the feet of their women. But although, under their improved
system, no female child is so tortured, many of their wives have the
frightful "small feet;" having, with the exception of the natives of
Kwang-se, some parts of Kwang-tung, and the Miau-tze, originally
conformed to the crippling custom. All children born since the earliest
commencement of the Ti-ping rebellion have the natural foot. This great
benefit to the women, their consequent improved appearance, and the
release of the men from the tail-wearing shaven-headed badge of former
slavery, form the two most conspicuous of their distinguishing habits,
and cause the greatest difference and improvement in the personal
appearance of the Ti-pings as compared with that of their
Tartar-governed countrymen. The much higher social position of the
Ti-ping ladies over that of their unfortunate sisters included within
the Manchoo domestic _régime_, has long been one of the brightest
ornaments of their government. A plebeian Ti-ping is allowed but one
wife, and to her he must be regularly married by one of the ministers.
Amongst the Chiefs, marriage is a ceremony celebrated with much pomp and
festivity; the poorer classes can only marry when considered worthy, and
when permitted to do so by their immediate rulers. In contradistinction
to the Manchoos, the marriage knot when once tied can never be unloosed;
therefore, the custom of putting away a wife at pleasure, or selling
her--as in vogue among the Chinese--or the proceedings of the British
Court of Divorce, has not found favour in their sight.
Every woman in Ti-pingdom must either be married, the member of a
family, or an inmate of one of the large institutions for unprotected
females, existing in most of their principal cities, and superintended
by proper officials; no single woman being allowed in their territory
otherwise. This law is to prevent prostitution, which is punishable with
death, and is one which has certainly proved very effective, for such a
thing is unknown in any of the Ti-ping cities. The stringent execution
of the law has, in fact, been rather too severe, for I have seen cases
where women have rushed about the streets to find new husbands directly
they have received the melancholy tidings of their late beloved's
decapitation by the "demon imps." It is possible these bereaved ladies
may not have been on the strength of the regiment; but at all events
this acting of the law was rather too exaggerated. The conduct of the
Chinese lady who fanned her husband's grave to dry it previous to her
early acceptance of a new lord, and so preserve a correct propriety, is
more excusable than this. Woman is by the Ti-pings recognized in her
proper sphere as the companion of man; the education and development of
her mind is equally well attended to; her duty to God is diligently
taught, and in ordinary worship she takes her proper place; many of the
women are zealous and popular teachers and expounders of the Bible; in
fact, everything is done to make her worthy of the improved position she
has attained by reason of the Ti-ping movement.
The institutions for unprotected women are presided over by duly
appointed matrons, and are particularly organized and designed to
educate and protect those young girls who lose their natural guardians,
or those married women whose husbands are away upon public duty, and who
have no relations to protect and support them. Very many of the women
accompany their husbands upon military expeditions; inspired with
enthusiasm to share the dangers and severe hardships of the
battle-field. In such cases they are generally mounted upon the Chinese
ponies, donkeys, or mules, which they ride à la Duchesse de Berri. In
former years they were wont to fight bravely, and could ably discharge
the duties of officers, being however formed into a separate camp and
only joining the men in religious observances. The greatest physical
comfort to the women is their enjoyment of natural feet and the ability
to move about as they wish; though, unfortunately, it is only amongst
the youngest that this prevails entirely. It is utterly impossible to
describe a more striking contrast than that presented in the walk and
carriage of two women, one having the compressed, and the other natural
feet; the former, even when standing still, has a very unsteady
appearance, but when stumping along with the usual uncertain tottering
gait, apparently in danger of rolling over at every step, the crippling
custom excites the utmost disgust and the greatest commiseration for its
victims. And yet this revolting exhibition is by the Chinese described
as "swaying elegantly from side to side like the graceful waving of the
willow tree!"
It is, probably, due to the feet--and Chinese feet are naturally very
well formed--being of their natural shape, and the consequent elegance
of carriage, that many of the Ti-pings' wives have been selected as the
handsomest prisoners captured during the war, and that they appear in
such advantageous contrast with the Imperialists.
The detestable system of slavery is totally abolished by the Ti-pings,
and the abolition made effective by punishment with decapitation upon
the slightest infringement of the law by male or female. The law as far
as the slavery of men was concerned had no great occasion for existence,
such cases being uncommon in China; but the real necessity for such an
important innovation consisted in the fact that every woman was more or
less a slave. The head wives of the aristocrat and the plebeian,
although not actually recognized as slaves, are still purchased by the
bridal present, upon receipt of which, and never otherwise, they are
handed over to their purchaser, or husband. The inferior wives are
simply bought; with or without the knowledge of their family, for no
equality of position is required, as they are selected according to the
fancy of their future master, from relatives or slave-dealers as the
case may be. Besides those who are purchased for wives, a great
proportion of the women of China become the concubines of successive
masters, by whom they are sold from one to the other; many are bought
for domestic slavery; but vast numbers are purchased for a life of
public infamy. The establishments set apart for this purpose are
immense, and contain several hundred women purchased at the tenderest
ages and reared to this wretched existence. At Hong-kong, at Shanghae,
and several other places in China, buildings of this class are
maintained upon the British territory, and the Hong-kong colonial
government, and Shanghae municipal council, regularly tax and recognize
them. It is the common practice of the poorer Chinese to sell their
female children, and when the vastness of the population, and the fact
that these children are mostly purchased for immoral purposes, is
considered, the consequences may easily be imagined. At many and widely
separated parts of China, I have seen comely young maidens from twelve
to twenty years of age, offered for sale by their mothers, or
speculators, at prices varying from _six_ to thirty dollars, so that, as
I have frequently heard the Chinese say, "You may sometimes buy a
handsome girl for so many cash a catty (weight of one pound and a third)
_less_ than pork." This is the precise state of things which the
Ti-pings would not tolerate amongst themselves, and which they would in
time have taught all China to abhor were it not for foreign
interference.
If the Ti-pings had not been interfered with, it is possible, though
very improbable, they _might_ have caused a temporary falling-off of
trade, consequent upon the nullification of Lord Elgin's treaty, the
usual effects of civil war, &c., and it is quite certain the residue of
indemnity, as far as the Manchoos were concerned, would have been lost;
but whatever might or might not have been the result, trade would not
have suffered much, for the Ti-ping power would soon have been supreme.
Far nobler, then, would it have been for England to have avoided the
contamination of the Manchoo alliance, and to have preserved the respect
and friendship of at least a portion of the Chinese empire.
[Illustration: SALE OF A CHINESE GIRL AS WITNESSED BY THE AUTHOR AT
E-CHING, ON THE RIVER YANG-TSE-KIANG.
London, Published March 15^{th} 1866 by Day & Son, Limited Lithog^{rs}
Gate Str, Lincoln's Inn Fields.
Day & Son, Limited, Lith.]
The wonderful achievement of the Ti-pings, not only in effecting an
important moral revolution, but also a national deliverance of their
countrymen, affords an almost incredible psychological phenomenon.
Rising, as it were intuitively, from the lowest depths of moral
degradation, they suddenly recognize and instantly abandon all those
vices and national evils which had become engrafted upon the Chinese
mind by the solemn and unswerving practice of 2,000 years. With
meteor-like perception, the great originator of the revolution becomes
convinced of the degradation of his countrymen. China, rooted to her
antiquity, her seclusion, and her apathy, beyond the most distant hope
of change or improvement, yields to this new influence, and bows before
the teaching of the almost unknown student, Hung-sui-tshuen. The
traditional lore of more than 2,000 years, the mystic and
deeply-venerated teaching of ancient sages, the profligacy and idolatry
sanctioned and indulged in for ages, are suddenly disregarded. But in
one way can this be accounted for. Divine Providence has manifested
itself in a manner as marvellous and superhuman as in the recorded
miracles of old. The miraculous interpositions of Divine Power in the
olden times appealed to the senses of small portions of a semi-barbarous
people by a physical and visible wonder. This most extraordinary of
revolutions has effected the moral regeneration of a vast proportion of
the human race by an invisible and wonderful agency. Therefore, whatever
may be the apparent result of the hostility of foreign dynasties, of
this we may rest assured, the Almighty Power that has seen fit to kindle
the glimmering sparks of the first Christian movement in modern Asia has
lighted a torch that may not easily be extinguished, faint and obscure
as that light may burn amid the gloom of persecution which, in all
climes, and in all ages, has marked the dawn of Christianity. Nations
may rejoice over the seeming triumph of their policy, and may witness
unmoved the martyrdom of the noble Ti-ping leaders, but nevertheless the
moment will arrive when that smouldering spark will burst into a fire
that may not be controlled by human agency.
I have probably had a much greater experience of the Ti-ping religious
practices than any other European, and as a Protestant Christian I have
never yet found occasion to condemn their form of worship. In the first
place, the principal and most important article of their faith is the
Holy Bible in all its integrity--Old and New Testaments entire. These
have always been circulated through the whole population of the Ti-ping
jurisdiction, and printed and distributed to the people gratuitously by
their Government. Besides the Bible, numerous religious works by the
Tien-wang (the Tai-ping king), and Kan-wang (his prime minister), have
been commonly circulated among their followers; but I entirely deny that
these, or any single one of them, tend to alter, modify, or supersede
any part of the Word of God, as some persons have taken upon themselves
to intimate. These works have been issued as the individual explanations
and opinions of the two authors, but never as any essential article of
belief. Had such not been the case, is it likely the Bible would have
been given in a complete form, by which any peculiar and erroneous
teaching of the Tien-wang would have become exposed? And is not this
free and unlimited circulation of the Scriptures the very best and most
certain prospect of improvement? So anti-Christian, however, have been
the arguments of nearly all opposed to the Ti-pings, that it is even
possible some of their sect may dispute this truth.
Any one influenced by a sense of justice or Christian feeling will
naturally wonder why a large proportion of idolaters, suddenly converted
to the faith and accepting the Bible with joy, should require any
defence for their unavoidable errors--errors common among the most
perfect, and such as new disciples must, in the natural order of
_learning_ the holy mysteries, have been surrounded with. The answer
must be, that all those in any way interested in the suppression of the
Ti-pings, carefully circulated all the errors they could detect and all
they could invent, cautiously concealing the fact that, whatever errors
there might be are to be attributed to the Ti-pings not being able to
thoroughly master, and rightly interpret, in a few years what no
Christians have been able to do unanimously in nineteen centuries.
It may be asked, What had the religion of the Ti-pings to do with the
war that has been waged against them?--was that religion the true _casus
belli_? Was any _casus belli_ ever stated? Assuredly not. With none of
the circumstances allowed by _men_ to justify killing their
species--such as a just war, a defensive war, &c.--the Ti-pings have
been most wantonly massacred. It may be urged by some that the
sanguinary war maintained by the revolutionists can be held as a proof
of their un-Christian character, and that they are endeavouring to
propagate their faith by the sword. The simple reply to this is, that
the Ti-pings have proved themselves to be far more merciful than their
enemies. Oppressed and persecuted, their patriotism became aroused; they
sought not to establish their faith by the sword; they sought to recover
their patrimony from the usurping Tartar. They fought to uphold
Christianity, not to crush it. Far from being incited by fanaticism to
deeds of blood, it is a well-known fact--particularly stated by the
Revs. Griffith John, Joseph Edkins, Lobschied, Muirhead, and
others--that the Ti-ping chiefs have always deplored the great loss of
life consequent upon their struggle for liberty. In the tenth century,
Christianity was introduced into Denmark by the sword, in the thirteenth
into Prussia, and became established throughout Europe by religious
wars. All Christianity has been compelled frequently to maintain itself
by force of arms. The seventh century witnessed the wars against the
Saracens; and if, as some people have stated, the Ti-pings had been
fighting for the purpose of _establishing_ their religion, and were
wrong for so doing, then it is a sad reflection that all Christianity
must be wrong, and that our Christian ancestors should have become
either martyrs or Mohammedans.
The annals of history, and the practices of modern civilization,
sufficiently prove the necessity of civil liberty for the enjoyment of
Christian worship; why, then, should the Ti-pings be blamed if, in order
to obtain the latter, they have been compelled to fight for their
freedom?
The rise of the Ti-ping rebellion singularly resembles many events
mentioned in sacred history, and many of the Ti-pings have delighted in
comparing themselves to the Israelites of old. Even should the
revolutionists have placed a warlike interpretation upon such passages
from the _New Testament_ as, "Think not that I am come to send peace on
earth; I come not to send peace, but a sword;" "for he beareth not the
sword in vain;" who among us dare judge them as misinterpreters of
Gospel, remembering the conversion of the heathen is executed according
to the will and pleasure of the Lord, and not by any rule or formula
laid down by man? It would be idle and presumptuous to say this must be
the plan, or that shall be the manner; and yet there have been found
ministers of the Gospel who are ready to justify the outrages committed
on the Ti-pings, because they think they have not accepted the Word of
God in the manner they should have done!
When the statements of the various missionaries are perused, it must be
wondered how it is that those who have been sent to China through the
Christian generosity of the British public, have never yet attempted to
succour or guide aright the great Christian revolution. The Bishop of
Victoria, the Revs. Griffith John, Muirhead, Edkins, Mills, Milne,
Lobschied, Lambath, and many others too numerous to mention, have
rejoiced in the most eloquent terms about the Ti-pings, have partially
approved, and criticised their acts, when sending _their reports_ to
England. What have they _done_ to assist those who have "entreated"
them, as Mr. Holmes, the Baptist missionary, was entreated, to come and
teach the Word of God? Absolutely nothing!
Last year, it was estimated that the whole number of Protestant
Christian converts in China, the result of more than thirty years of
missionary labour, was some 1,400, and these included all the employées
of the different mission establishments, many of whom, I have good
reason to know, have an amount of faith similar to that of the
Portuguese rice Christians of Macao, who, not long since, struck in a
body, and told the priests they would not be Christians any longer,
unless they received another quarter of a catty more rice per day.
England sends more missionaries amongst the poor benighted heathen than
any other nation; yet the work of all she has sent to China put together
will not equal the proselytes of one Jesuit. The Jesuits penetrate the
vast Chinese empire in every direction, shaven-headed, and dressed as
natives. With a sublime earnestness of purpose, many of them devote
their lives to their missionary work; adopting the strange and hostile
country, and giving up for ever all ties of home, kindred, or nation,
these devoted men never depart from China, but, till death relieves
them, labour with that unfaltering perseverance so eminently
characteristic of the order of Jesus. I do not, by any means, advocate
either the principles of the Jesuits, or their peculiar mode of
propagating them; but what I do maintain is, that while the
self-sacrifice of the Jesuits forms one extreme of missionary labour, so
the confinement of Protestant missionaries to the treaty ports
constitutes the other, and that many could be well employed in the
interior.
What excuse can missionaries give for their surprising negligence of the
Ti-ping rebellion? Can it be that ministers of the Gospel egotistically
preferred their 1,400 converts to the 70,000,000, and upwards, of those
who might have become Christians under the Ti-ping authority during
1861-2, had our missionaries helped them, and our Government permitted
them to exist? Of course not! Well then, why? Let the British officials
who prevented the few missionaries who would have gone to the Ti-pings
reply for them, and those who would not go at all reply for themselves.
Their reasons must indeed be plausible to find approbation. If the
Ti-pings were _very_ bad, all the more occasion for teaching them; if
very good, how is it the missionaries allowed them to be sacrificed
without protest? In all probability no reply would be given; but the
conduct of the British consuls at Canton, Ningpo, and Shanghae, affords
the true answer, as far as those missionaries who were willing to preach
the Gospel to the Ti-pings are concerned. At Canton they were refused
passports to the territory of insurgents. At Ningpo the missionaries
were withdrawn from that city when it was captured by the Ti-pings, as
Mr. Consul Hervey states in his despatch of Dec. 31st, 1861, to Mr.
Bruce:--
"I would here state that with a view of avoiding needless
discussions with the insurgents.... I thought it best to desire
our missionaries to abandon the city.... The city has now become
a gigantic camp, and a scene of desolation and riot, and has
therefore ceased to be the fit and proper abode for teachers of
Christianity and propagators of the gospel. (?) _This step will
tend to simplify considerably our future relations with the
Taepings at Ningpo._"
This sinister passage must be remembered when considering the
treacherous expulsion of the Ti-pings from the city by the allied
Anglo-Franco-Manchoo piratical fleet.
Do the subscribers to the mission funds expect Mr. Consul Hervey to be
the director of the missionaries, or a competent judge of "a fit or
proper abode for teachers of Christianity"?--if so, in the latter case
they are wofully deceived.
Captain Corbett, R.N., writes to Admiral Hope from Ningpo on the 20th
December, 1861:--
"The missionaries are gradually removing out of the city. I
thought it my duty to remonstrate with them against remaining
_where, in the event of any difficulty arising between ourselves
and the Taepings, they would prove a source of great
embarrassment to us_."
Why all this anxiety to force the missionaries away from their duty? To
get them out of the way before the commencement of the hostilities
already decided upon, seems the only answer!
At Shanghae Mr. Consul Medhurst has interfered with the missionary work;
but, above all, Mr. Bruce's regulations actually _prohibit_ the
communication of missionaries or any other British subject with the
Ti-pings; in consequence of which, I was compelled to _smuggle_ the Rev.
W. Lobschied up to Nankin in May, 1862.
It will thus be seen, the teaching of the Word of God, and the spreading
of the Gospel unto the uttermost ends of the earth, has, in China, been
made subservient to official intrigue. This may somewhat explain the
extraordinary apathy of missionaries, although it certainly cannot
justify their neglect of their Master's orders. Missionaries should be
servants of Christ alone; but out in China, it appears, they are either
politicians, or they permit the object of their sacred mission to be
perverted by unscrupulous officials, and thereby become secularized.
Whatever may have been the benefit of the missions hitherto, their
wanton, cruel sacrifice of the greatest Christian movement this world
has ever witnessed has dimmed their glory with a shadow all time cannot
remove; it is even needless to blame them for neglecting the innumerable
and less favourable points of the Ti-ping religion--the grand and
unalterable _fact_ was the possession of the whole Bible as their only
faith, and the hitherto unparalleled free circulation of it by the
martyred revolutionists.
Only last June, the Bishop of Victoria, at the Highbury College grounds,
referred to some of the remarkable scenes incident to the rebellion, and
observed--"that in Amoy, which had suffered deeply, missionary work had
made more progress than in any other city in China! One effect of the
Ti-ping movement had been the wide-spread destruction of idolatry, by
which a vast work had been done, preparatory to that of the missionary."
The idols, indeed, _were_ all destroyed, but the missionaries did not
step in. And now that the Ti-pings have been driven from their former
possessions, and nearly exterminated, all the idols have been replaced
by the Manchoos; and the missionaries may rest assured it will take them
infinitely longer to overthrow the re-established Budhism than it
occupied the Ti-pings in the first place. The Chinese have been edified
by witnessing the Europeans fighting to suppress what has always been
looked upon by natives as a religious movement, alien to the ancient and
national faith of the country, in fact, as Christianity, or the religion
of the foreigners. This being the case, it would be absurd to expect the
Chinese will again come forward and adopt the creed for which they are
daily beholding the Ti-pings suffer,--a creed to which they are
naturally averse, and dare not profess if they would, not only from
dread of their Manchoo Government (which will certainly keep a sharp
look-out to suppress any new outbreak of a movement which so nearly
overthrew their own dynasty), but from the very fact that they have seen
the strong and resistless "foreign devils" allied to the Manchoos for
the express purpose of exterminating the Ti-ping Christians. There can
be no ground for cavilling about the right of the Ti-pings to such
denomination, the fact being that they accepted the Bible, acknowledged
it as the Word of God, and worshipped His Son, as the Tien-wang has
written, "as the Saviour of men's souls." Can the missionary-made
Christians do more?
For my part, I shall ever rejoice, because I have been in a position to
render what little assistance I could to many hundreds of the Ti-pings
who have requested me to give them the foreign interpretation of
different articles of faith; and I shall ever regret that, while
missionaries are sent with exhaustless munificence into parts that _will
not profess_ Christianity, to the Ti-pings, under whose authority
millions _have_ professed and accepted the Scriptures with an enthusiasm
and firmness of purpose never excelled, not one has been sent or
volunteered to go.
It is difficult to understand, how ministers of the Gospel should not
have felt a generous sympathy with men, whose profession of Christianity
not only entitled them to the brotherhood they have always claimed with
Europeans, but actually deprived their movement of a very great element
most essential to its success--the popular national rising against the
Manchoos.
Even Mr. Bruce, their greatest enemy, has stated,--
"My impression is that both the prospects of the extension of
pure Christianity in China through the instrumentality of these
men, and the success of the insurrection among the Chinese,
viewed as a political movement against the Tartar Government,
have suffered materially from the religious character
Hung-sui-tshuen's leadership has imparted to it.
"Not only the gentry and educated classes, but the mass of the
people, regard with deep veneration the sages upon whose
authority their moral and social education for so many
generations has reposed. And the profession of novel doctrines
resting on the testimony of a modern and obscure individual,
must tend not only to deprive the revolt of its character as a
national rising against the Tartar yoke, but must actually
transfer to the Tartars and their adherents the prestige of
upholding national traditions and principles against the
assaults of a numerically insignificant sect."
What could appeal more powerfully to our sympathy than this statement of
an enemy? But for their profession of Christianity the Ti-pings would
have carried the whole population of China with them long ago. Mr. Bruce
in the above statement, and all persons acquainted with Chinese
character, agree that the minds of the people are so immutable and
apathetic, and so fixedly rooted to the ancient superstitions and
idolatry of their country, that all change seems impossible. This being
admitted, is it not certain that some superhuman effort must be made?
The Chinese, with their strong and peculiar idiosyncrasies, will never
be _taught_ Christianity: whenever they become Christians, it will be in
exactly the same manner the Ti-pings became so, viz., by their own
readings of Scripture, as the Author shall see fit to inspire them, but
certainly not through foreign teaching or interpretation. If the Ti-ping
rebellion _should_ be utterly extinguished, the result will be dismal
for generation after generation. The cause of true religion will have
been delayed and driven backwards. It is to be hoped that it may be
otherwise, and that the Bishop of Victoria prophesied truly when he said
that--
"On the eventful day on which the flag of Taeping-Wang floated
triumphantly from the battlements of Nankin, a light has been
kindled in the empire of China, which shall _never_ be
extinguished, and those first and faint glimmerings of truth
will brighten with increasing clearness, and 'shine more and
more unto perfect day.'"
As I have already stated, the principal feature of the Ti-ping faith is
their acknowledgment of the Holy Bible as the word of the True God. All
their religious practices are deduced from its authority, and, in so far
as they have been able to effect it, their form of worship and belief
assimilates to Protestantism. All the principal sacraments of the
Protestant religion are either observed or celebrated with such error or
approximation as they have been interpreted with. The holy communion,
unfortunately, has not been correctly understood; in its place every
fourth Sunday the Ti-pings are in the habit of partaking of grape-wine.
Each Sabbath three cups of tea are placed upon the altar as an offering
to the Trinity; it is only since 1859, when Hung-jin, the Kan-wang,
joined the Ti-pings, that the cups of tea have been tasted; previously,
they were a part of the offerings rendered up at each worshipping,--a
custom generated by their confusion of the ancient sacrifices mentioned
in the Old Testament with the offerings and the Lord's Supper of the
New.
Baptism constitutes the principal and most important of their
sacraments. Until the arrival of the Kan-wang at Nankin, none but
grown-up persons who, after a strict and lengthened examination, were
found duly qualified, were admitted to the fellowship of the Ti-pings
and baptized as Christians. The following were the forms observed, as
issued by the royal authority of the Tien-wang, in the "Book of
Religious Precepts of the Ti-ping Dynasty":--
"FORMS TO BE OBSERVED WHEN MEN WISH TO FORSAKE THEIR SINS.
"They must kneel down in God's presence, and ask Him to forgive
their sins; they may then either take a basin of water and wash
themselves, or go to the river and bathe themselves; after which
they must continue daily to supplicate Divine favour, and the
_Holy Spirit's_[32] assistance to renew their hearts, saying
grace at every meal, keeping holy the Sabbath day, and obeying
all God's commandments, especially avoiding idolatry. They may
then be accounted the children of God, and their souls will go
to heaven when they die; all people throughout the world,
whether Chinese or foreigners, male or female, must observe this
in order to obtain salvation."
The prayer of the recipient of baptism was as follows:--
"I [_A. B._], kneeling down with a true heart repent of my sins
and pray the Heavenly Father, the Great God, of His abundant
mercy, to forgive my former sins of ignorance in repeatedly
breaking the divine commands, earnestly beseeching Him also to
grant me repentance and newness of life, that my soul may go to
Heaven; while I, from henceforth, truly forsake my former ways,
abandoning idolatry and all corrupt practices, in obedience to
God's commands. I also pray that God would give me His Holy
Spirit to change my wicked heart, deliver me from all
temptation, and grant me His favour and protection, bestowing on
me food and raiment, and exemption from calamity, _peace_ in
this world and glory in the next, through the mercies of our
Saviour and elder Brother, Jesus, _who redeemed us from sin_. I
also pray that God's will may be done on earth as it is done in
Heaven. Amen."
These prayers, together with many others, were slightly altered by the
Kan-wang, whose superior, in fact perfect knowledge of Christianity as
practised by the English Protestant Church, led to the improvement of
many and important forms of the Ti-ping worship. Unfortunately through
the total loss of the numerous and valuable original Ti-ping documents I
had gathered during my service and intercourse with those people, I am
unable to give my readers a literal translation, or do more than notice
what may be never otherwise known or rendered verbatim to this world.
All my journals, manuscripts, and other original papers, collected upon
the spot, have, although often recommenced, been successively captured
by the Imperialist troops, with the rest of my baggage; therefore I must
request those who may feel an interest in my narrative, to excuse the
incompleteness of any parts I have recounted from memory.
Marriage among the Ti-pings is solemnized with remarkable strictness,
and the ceremony is performed by an officiating priest, or rather
presbyter. All the heathen and superstitious customs of the Chinese are
completely relinquished. The ancient customs by which marriages were
celebrated--the semi-civilized espousal of persons who had never
previously seen each other; the choice of a lucky day; the present of
purchase-money, and many others--are abolished. Those only that seem to
be retained are the tying up of the bride's long black tresses, hitherto
worn hanging down, and the bridegroom's procession at night, with music,
lanterns, sedan-chairs, and a cavalcade of friends (and in the case of
chiefs, banners and military honours), to fetch home his spouse. As a
natural consequence of the absence of restraint in the enjoyment of
female society, marriages amongst the Ti-pings are generally love
matches. Even in cases where a chief's daughter is given in alliance to
some powerful leader, compulsion is _never_ used, and the affianced are
given every opportunity to become acquainted with each other.
I have frequently seen the marriage ceremony performed, and I can only
say that, excepting the absence of the ring, it forms as close and
veritable an imitation of that practised by the Church of England as it
is possible to imagine. When the bridal party are all met together, they
proceed to the church (_i.e._ "the Heavenly Hall," within the official
dwelling of each mayor of a village or circle of twenty-five families,
excepting in the case of chiefs, who are married in their own hall), and
after many prayers and a severe examination of the bride and
bridegroom's theological tenets, the minister joins their right hands
together, and when each have accepted the other, pronounces a concluding
benediction in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. To the best
of my belief divorce is not only not permitted, but actually unknown or
thought of. Adultery is punishable with death; and it may be that this
is the only case in which the Ti-pings consider a complete release _a
vinculo matrimonii_ justifiable. All their rules upon the subject, and
in fact their entire penal code, I once possessed; unfortunately I have
no translations, and none are to be obtained outside their ranks.
All Budhistic ceremonies are rigidly prohibited at funerals, and also
the common Chinese sacrifices to the manes of their ancestors, while a
form of Christian burial is established, and a regular service read over
the coffin by an officiating minister.
Various forms of prayer, ceremonies, and thanksgivings are used upon all
felicitous or adverse events:--upon the commencement of all expeditions,
at births, building of houses, previous to battles, after victory and
after defeat, for daily use, for all sick and wounded persons, for
harvest, for rulers and princes, for blessings and success vouchsafed,
which they invariably attribute to God.
In every household throughout the length and breadth of the Ti-ping
territory the following translation of the Lord's Prayer is hung up for
the use of children, being painted in large black characters on a white
board:--
"Supreme Lord, our Heavenly Father, forgive all our sins that we
have committed in ignorance, rebelling against Thee. Bless us,
brethren and sisters, thy little children. Give us our daily
food and raiment; keep from us all calamities and afflictions,
that in this world we may have peace, and finally ascend to
Heaven to enjoy eternal happiness. We pray Thee to bless the
brethren and sisters of all nations. We ask these things for the
redeeming merits of our Lord and Saviour, our Heavenly Brother
Jesus' sake. We also pray, Heavenly Father, that Thy holy will
may be done on earth as it is in Heaven; for thine are all the
kingdoms, glory, and power. Amen."
Frequently I have watched the Ti-ping women teaching this prayer to
their little children, the board containing it being always the most
prominent object in the principal apartment of their dwelling. Children
have often run up to me on entering a house, and then pulling me
towards the board, commenced reading the prayer.
[Illustration: TEACHING THE LORD'S PRAYER IN A MIDDLE-CLASS TI-PING
HOUSEHOLD.
DAY & SON, LIMITED, LITH.]
The seventh day is most religiously and strictly observed. The Ti-ping
sabbath is kept upon our Saturday, and no sooner has the last knell of
the Friday midnight sounded, than, throughout Ti-pingdom, the people are
summoned to worship their God. The Sabbath morn having been ushered in
with prayer, the people retire to their rest or duties. During the day
two other services are held, one towards noon and the other in the
evening. Each service opens with the Doxology:--
"We praise Thee, O God, our Heavenly Father;
We praise Jesus, the Saviour of the world;
We praise the Holy Spirit, the sacred intelligence;
_We praise the Three persons, united as the True Spirit," &c._
This is followed by the hymn:--
"The true doctrine is different from the doctrine of the world.
It saves men's souls, and affords the enjoyment of endless bliss.
The wise receive it at once with joyful exultation.
The foolish, when awakened, understand thereby the way to heaven.
Our Heavenly Father, of His infinite and incomparable mercy,
Did not spare His own Son, but sent Him down into the world,
To give His life for the redemption of all our transgressions,
When men know this, and repent of their sins, they may go to heaven."
After this the minister reads aloud a chapter of the Bible, and then
follows a creed, which is repeated by all the congregation standing,
similar to that contained in the Ti-ping trimetrical classic, than which
a more closely resembling counterpart of our Apostles' Creed it would be
difficult indeed to imagine.
"But the Great God,
Out of pity to mankind,
Sent His first-born Son
To come down into the world.
His name is Jesus,
The Lord and Saviour of men,
Who redeems them from sin
By the endurance of extreme misery.
Upon the cross
They nailed His body,
Where He shed His precious blood,
To save all mankind.
Three days after His death
He rose from the dead,
And during forty days
He discoursed on heavenly things," &c.[33]
After this the whole congregation kneeling, the minister reads a form of
prayer, which is repeated after him by those present. When this litany
is concluded, the people resume their seats and the minister reads to
them a sermon, after which the paper containing it is burnt. During the
singing of hymns the voices are accompanied by the music of very
melancholy-sounding horns and hautboys. Upon the conclusion of the
sermon the people all rise to their feet and with the full accompaniment
of all their plaintive and wild-sounding instruments, render with very
great effect the anthem:--
"May the king live ten thousand years, ten thousand times ten
thousand years."
Then follow the Ten Commandments, with the special annotations affixed
to each:[34]--
"1. Worship the Great God.
2. Do not worship depraved spirits.
3. Do not take God's name in vain. His name is Jehovah.
4. On the seventh day is the Sabbath, when you must praise
God for His goodness.
5. Honour father and mother.
6. Do not kill or injure people.
7. Do not commit adultery, or practise any uncleanness.
8. Do not steal.
9. Do not lie.
10. Do not covet."
The services are concluded with a hymn of supplication, and then large
quantities of incense and fire-crackers are burnt.
The Sabbath is most strictly kept; not the slightest infraction is
permitted: shops are closed, work suspended, and even military
operations if possible. Upon that day, between services, the chiefs meet
together to discourse upon religious subjects and frequently to
supplicate the assistance of Divine Providence for a deliverance from
the incessant dangers and perils of their hazardous life. Meanwhile the
ecclesiastics, until church-time arrives, proceed through the camps and
dwellings, examining and instructing the soldiers, women, and children.
The ecclesiastical system of the Ti-pings is a form of presbytery. The
Tien-wang is king and high priest over his people; four princes occupy
the next rank in the lay government of the Church, and after them
several grades of clergy, who have to pass special and very severe
examinations before obtaining their orders. These clerical examinations
are conducted by the Ecclesiastical Court, presided over by the four
principal divines and four princes, at Nankin; but before office is
bestowed upon successful candidates, the whole of the papers, essays,
and work of the student are submitted to that extraordinarily diligent
man, the Tien-wang, subject to his approval or rejection. Not only this,
but the whole work of his vast territory and numerous followers, passes
through and is culminated in his hands.
Over each parish of five-and-twenty families, a minister is placed, and
a Church, or Heavenly hall, is built for him; over each circle of
twenty-five parishes, a superior or elder of the Church is appointed,
who, in rotation, visits all the churches under his control upon
successive Sabbaths. In like manner the chief ecclesiastic of the
district performs his duty, and above him, the superior of the
department. Once during each month, the whole of the people are
assembled--soldiers, civilians, men, women, and children, in some
prominent locality under the canopy of heaven; a platform is erected,
and their chief Wang or governor preaches to them, and gives a general
lecture upon the subject of all orders, military, civil, and social
administration. This mass meeting is also practised previous to any
grand or important movement taking place.
Issuing forth from the gates of the city, the entire populace follow
their governor, who, proceeding to the elevated position selected for
him, generally a small hillock or rising ground, harangues them with
great energy and enthusiasm. His large--eight-foot square--wang flag is
planted by his standard-bearer immediately behind him, while his two
snake flags (the armorial insignia of the chiefs) are held upon either
hand by their particular bannermen. The foot of the hillock is encircled
by the chief's body-guard, outside whose cordon the troops, with their
numerous and many-coloured banners, are formed in brigades; between
which, the civilians, men, women, and children, are congregated.
As nearly as I can remember, the following is _verbatim_ the delineation
of an address I heard the Mo-wang deliver at Pau-Yen. Upon reaching a
table in the centre of the elevated platform, he said aloud, "Let us
praise the Heavenly Father;" upon which he knelt down, the whole
multitude following him and praying for several minutes. The Mo-wang
then rose and asked, "Are all the country magistrates present?"
Receiving an affirmative answer, he then spoke as follows:--
"The great God our Heavenly Father has sent the Tien-wang to
rule over us, and to subdue the rivers and mountains to his
dominion. This is by the great goodness of the Heavenly Father.
All you country people, therefore, should listen reverently to
the commands of the king, which I now proclaim. Formerly the
people suffered much; now you have found peace, and the land is
again becoming rich. I exhort any who still remain away from
their homes to return to them without fear. The previous
distresses which you have endured were sent by the will of
Heaven. They are now past, to return no more. _All among our
troops who are so wicked as to rob or abuse you shall be
punished with death. If there be any such now among you or
prowling through the country, bring them to me, and I will
punish them as they deserve._ I also exhort you to regularly
render the tribute and taxes due to the king. You have eaten the
bitter, you may now enjoy the sweet. As for you, O Heavenly
soldiers (Tien-ping), we trust only to the help of the Heavenly
Father, and expect to obtain the empire. Listen then to the
commands of the king. From the beginning till the present all
our sufferings and battles have been for you, O people of the
middle kingdom, that you might be freed from the hated dominion
of the Manchoos. We have hitherto succeeded only by the favour
of the Heavenly Father. Whenever, therefore, you go to fight
them, let your heart be true to Him, and never suffer the imps
to overcome you. When you go forth, do not rob the people, do
not commit violence upon females, nor burn houses. If any of you
do these wicked things, I will not pardon but certainly punish
you."
At these gatherings, the infinite variety of military costume, the
bright and gorgeous colours, the rich floating folds of the silken
flags, the whole variegated appearance of the multitude of well and
becomingly dressed members of a new people, as it were, united for the
cause of freedom, and imbued in a wonderful and enthusiastic manner with
the fixed determination of Christianizing their mighty empire,--all
these combined, presented to the moralist a grand and imposing aspect.
Besides the priests appointed to regular parochial duties, great numbers
are attached to the army, and each Wang, or chief of high rank, is
provided with several, both to perform the household religious services,
and instruct the immediate followers of the chief.
The clergy are all dressed entirely in black; the elders, or superiors,
being distinguished by an ornament of pearls worn on the front of their
head-dress.
The churches of the Ti-pings are not separate buildings, but consist of
a Sacred, or "Heavenly hall," specially constructed for the purpose of
Divine worship, in all the principal official buildings, and palaces of
the princes or Wangs. In every case the Heavenly hall is the most
important portion of the building, and its consecrated character is
never violated by being used for other than religious purposes.
[Illustration: TI-PING LADIES OF RANK.]
FOOTNOTES:
[32] It has, notwithstanding such evidence of their appreciation of the
fact, been stated that the Ti-pings denied the Trinity and the Holy
Ghost.
[33] Trimetrical Classic. See Appendix.
[34] Annotations. See Appendix.
CHAPTER XII.
Ti-pingdom in 1861.--Its Armies.--The Foreign Policy of
England.--Its Consequences.--Admiral Hope's
Expedition.--Comments thereon.--Its Results.--Lord Elgin's Three
Points.--Official Communications.--Secret Orders.--Evidence of
such.--Their Object.--Official Communications.--Mr. Parkes'
Despatch analyzed.--Newspaper Extracts.--Official Papers.--Mr.
Parkes' Measures.--His Arrogant Behaviour.--Result of the
Yang-tze Expedition.--Ngan-king Invested.--Modus Operandi.--The
Ying-wang's Plans.--His Interview with Mr. Parkes.--Sacrifices
his Interests.--Sketch of the Ying-Wang.--Hung-jin's
Adventures.--The Chung-wang's Operations.--The Results.--Siege
of Hang-chow.--Its Capture.--Manchoo Cruelties.--Position of the
Ti-pings in 1861.
Far brighter dawned the spring of 1861 upon the Ti-ping cause than did
the opening of the previous year. In nearly every direction the
revolutionists were victorious: the principal forces of the Manchoo
emperor were completely routed, and a considerable portion of the most
valuable territory in China had fallen into their hands, and was fast
becoming thoroughly consolidated as a part of their possessions. It
seemed as though at last their heroic struggles were about to receive
their well-merited reward. So great was the prestige of their late
triumphs that, wherever they marched, whole armies of Imperialists
vanished away without striking a blow, or, if unable to seek security in
precipitate flight, defended themselves with the wild unorganized
desperation of despair.
The extent of country entirely under the Ti-ping rule was very
considerable. Along the line of the great Yang-tze river, from N.E. to
S.W., their territory extended from its banks below Chin-kiang into the
central part of the province of Kiang-si, south of the Poyang lake, a
distance of more than 360 miles; while from the boundaries of their
possessions N.W. of the river to the opposite limits in the S.E., an
irregular breadth of 200 to 250 miles included the whole of their
settled dominions, forming an area upwards of 90,000 square miles, and
containing a population of some 45,000,000. Besides this, large portions
of the provinces of Hoo-peh, Hoo-nan, Fu-keen, Che-kiang, and the
distant Sze-chuan, were occupied by powerful Ti-ping armies. The lowest
approximate strength of their forces at this time might be estimated at
350,000; but a large proportion consisted of mere boys. This force was
divided into five principal armies, the remainder doing garrison duty at
Nankin, Soo-chow, and many other of the most important cities within
their jurisdiction. One of the five armies in the field was commanded by
the Ying-wang in the province of Hoo-peh: the Chung-wang commanded a
large force in the southern districts of Ngan-whui; the Shi-wang, with a
very powerful army, was operating in the central part of Kiang-si; and
the Kan-wang, having proceeded to the province of Hoo-nan, was joined by
upwards of 40,000 insurgents from the old seats of rebellion against the
Manchoo dynasty,--the provinces in the southern limit of the empire,
Kwang-tung, Kwang-se, and Kwei-chow; and, besides this force, far away
upon the western boundary of China, Shih-ta-kae (I-wang), the Ti-ping
emperor's brother, in command of a large army, was successfully
operating in Sze-chuan. In fact, north, south, east, and west, the star
of the patriots shone brightly in the ascendant, while that of the
Manchoos seemed setting in the gloom and darkness, through which,
upwards of two hundred years ago, it had struggled into existence. The
greatest empire in the world appeared at length about to be relieved
from that incubus which for two centuries had paralyzed its hopes and
energies; the enlightenment of China seemed approaching, step by step
with the advent of Christianity, which, following rapidly on the
expulsion of the Tartar, with its vast train of benefit and improvement,
promised, not alone to place that empire upon the pedestal of greatness
yet reserved for her, but to realize corresponding advantages for the
whole civilized world. One dark cloud alone appeared to cast a shadow
upon so bright an horizon--the policy of the British Government.
Language can scarcely express how seriously the interests of the
universe, and of England in particular, have been prejudiced by a
persistence in the suicidal measures dictated by a policy so mistaken.
Forcibly as the moral effect of the general foreign policy of England
has been denounced by statesmen, how few have been found to raise their
voices in the British senate in protestation against the practical evils
which that policy has engendered in the far East, a country abounding in
tea and silk, and now paralyzed by opium instead of being enriched by
the manufactures of Great Britain. The moral effect of bad
statesmanship, however much it may weaken England's just influence and
the future peace of Europe, cannot sensibly affect the _present_ wealth
and pursuits of the people. Trade, politics, civilization, and religion,
are pretty well balanced and regulated throughout Europe; therefore,
whatever evil might result from the foreign policy of the British
Government, no particular improvement could be expected to take place in
a state of affairs which we consider almost perfect. But very different
are the results of our peculiar kind of foreign policy in the case of
China. With that extensive empire present relations are unsatisfactory,
and the mutual benefits to be derived from a free intercourse are yet
hidden in the vale of futurity. Mutual benefit is hardly the correct
expression, for from a country which may be regarded as the richest in
the world in proportion to its extent and population, England would
derive far greater commercial advantages than she could possibly bestow.
Whenever a prospect of the most satisfactory relations offered, and
whenever a free intercourse was not only offered, but actually
established by any section or part of that innumerable people, it would
be only natural for England to rejoice, if not for the sake of the
Chinese, and the higher objects of humanity, at least for selfish
motives. But this is exactly what the British _Government_ has proved
incapable of appreciating, by preferring temporary interests to those
which were much greater and far more lasting.
The Ti-pings offered not only satisfactory relations and free
intercourse, but every advantage that England could possibly wish for or
be benefitted by. Christianity and civilization, as practised among
ourselves, would have become morally and physically certain under their
rule. The detestable opium trade would have been completely annihilated,
and British produce would have taken its place, to the benefit of the
Chinese, and the relief of the choked markets and distressed operatives
of England. The fulfilment of the Ti-ping law, that European "brethren"
should "go out or in, backwards or forwards, in full accordance with
their own will or wish," whether for pleasure or "to carry on their
commercial operations," _did_ throw open the whole of their territory to
free intercourse and trade, and would have done the same for the entire
Chinese empire. The exclusiveness and hatred of the Manchoo Government
to the "outer barbarians" and "foreign devils" _was_ by the Ti-pings
changed into friendship and kindness. Modern improvements would have
been extensively introduced. The trade, at present restricted to a few
treaty ports, would have become universal throughout the empire, and the
vast stores of mineral riches, almost unknown to foreigners, would have
yielded forth their mines of wealth, while a general and enormous
commerce, perfectly free and unfettered (excepting opium), would have
thrown open an empire richer in itself than all Europe. To England
especially, as the greatest commercial power, an inexhaustible source
of profit would certainly have been established, and would have
produced, without aggression or usurpation of territory, a revenue far
excelling any derived from India. All these and many other important
advantages _were_ partially established by the Ti-pings, and would
undoubtedly have been completed upon the final overthrow of the
Manchoos.
Strong as these inducements should have been to cause England to adopt a
different policy towards China, and much as such a course would have
tended to her own advantage, there was another and a higher
consideration which she should have permitted to influence her. As a
powerful and influential nation, a duty was cast upon her, if not to
extend the hand of friendship to a people who were nobly struggling to
follow her in the path of civilization and to learn the true religion,
at least not to thwart such efforts, and, by untimely interference,
render them hopelessly inoperative. Personal experience, the reports of
men of intelligence and honour, all prove but too plainly how the
friendly Ti-ping nation was crushed by British interference. It has been
urged that the friendly professions of that people were not genuine, and
that their undertaking would never have been performed. Had such a
course, so opposed to their nature, been pursued, surely it would have
been more grateful to the martial spirit of England to resort to arms
for the purpose of enforcing an observance of good faith and honour,
than for that of avenging the capture of a wretched opium smuggler.
Upon the 11th of February the expedition under command of Admiral Hope,
started for the Yang-tze-kiang with the object of opening that river to
foreign trade, in accordance with the treaty lately concluded at Pekin.
In all respects this expedition was of the greatest importance, as well
to the Chinese as the foreigners whom it most particularly interested.
Its results were entirely prejudicial to the Ti-pings. The diplomatic
and military authorities of the expedition mostly opposed the Ti-ping
movement for its interference with the "carrying into due effect the
terms of the treaty" just forced from the Manchoo at the cannon's mouth,
and the almost certain prospects of its success, which would not only
sadly affect the "China indemnity," but their own individual prospects
of office and aggrandizement expected through their intercourse with the
suddenly changed polite and obliging Manchoo mandarins. The deputation
of the mercantile community attached to the expedition was utterly
absorbed with its trading pursuits, and looked upon anything and
everything likely to interfere with its _immediate_ profits with no
little amount of hostility: the _future_ was completely ignored; its
expectations were an uninterrupted trade for _three_ years, and a return
to England with a large fortune; therefore it is hardly to be wondered
at that it looked with hatred upon the change progressing in the shape
of the Ti-ping revolution. Besides the personal and spontaneous
prejudice entertained by these two classes against the Ti-pings, it
seems pretty certain that directly after all the efforts of the Manchoo
Government to repel foreigners by _force_ had failed, intrigues to
deceive and induce them to act against the rebels they were unable to
subdue, were successfully adopted. Even Mr. Bruce (who had stated in his
despatches--"If there is one art of diplomacy understood by the Chinese
it is that of separating interests which ought to be identical") seems
to have been thoroughly imposed upon, while the false professions of the
Manchoos, in order to obtain the assistance of the British against the
Ti-pings, have had no small share in consummating that gross outrage.
Again discussing the policy of assisting the Imperialists (which the
latter had requested, making great protestations of "friendship,"
"mutual commercial interests," &c.), he says:--"It is evidently for the
interest of the Chinese authorities to induce us to embark in a course
of action which will embroil us with the insurgents."
Yet, eventually, Mr. Bruce chose to place implicit faith in their
professions, and took one occasion out of many, in that disgraceful
affair of the Anglo-Chinese fleet (depending upon the truth of the
truthless Prince Kung, whose hands yet reeked with the blood of our
murdered countrymen), to give his favourable opinion to the British
Government; and the British people, depending upon their
representatives, who depended upon the Government, who depended upon Mr.
Lay, who depended upon Wan-siang, president of the Manchoo Foreign
Office, who depended upon Prince Kung, who depended upon some one else,
actually permitted the very laws of the land to be set aside, by
allowing the ordinance of neutrality to be broken, and the Foreign
Enlistment Act to be declared null and void. Fortunately the disgraceful
affair terminated in the most ignominious manner, and the British
sailors were saved the degradation (that had been thrust upon the
soldiers) of becoming the mercenary braves of a corrupt and sanguinary
despotism.
Upon the opening of the Yang-tze to trade, and the selection of the
cities of Han-kow, Kiu-kiang, and Chin-kiang as the treaty ports, it
became necessary to enter into some agreement with the Ti-pings, who
commanded the river throughout its principal positions; in fact, by
their possession of Nankin, Wu-hoo, Tae-ping-foo, the cities of
Seaou-shan, Tung-shan, and several others, this trade was almost as
completely in their power as the valuable silk trade had been since May,
1860. In consequence of this, Admiral Hope (ignoring, with all the
arrogance of superior strength, the fact that the murderous repulse of
the Ti-pings from Shanghae had given them a perfect right to make it a
_casus belli_, and to retaliate upon British commerce, lives, or any
other possession) communicated with the Ti-ping authorities at Nankin,
and _pledged_ the neutrality of the British nation once more.
The Earl of Elgin's instructions to Admiral Hope contain the
following:[35]--
"It is obvious, however, that before British vessels can
navigate the river in safety, some understanding must be arrived
at with the rebels, who are believed to be in possession of
certain points upon it. It is with the view of obtaining your
assistance towards the accomplishment of this object that I now
address myself to your Excellency.
"Nothing, I am confident, would so surely tend to the
establishment of such an understanding on a satisfactory basis
as your Excellency's own presence and authority, if your other
engagements should permit of your proceeding up the river in
person. At any rate, I would venture to suggest that a naval
force, sufficiently large to inspire respect, should present
itself before Nankin, and that the rebel authorities should be
informed _that we do not appear as enemies, or with the
intention of taking part in the civil war now raging in China_,
but that we require from them some sufficient assurance that
British vessels proceeding up or down the river for trading
purposes shall not be interfered with, or subjected to
molestation by persons acting under their orders."
In his letter of instruction to Mr. Parkes, who accompanied the admiral
as diplomatic secretary or agent, Lord Elgin gave three points to be
observed:--
"THE EARL OF ELGIN TO MR. PARKES.
"Hong-kong,
"_January 19, 1861_.
"1. That attempts on the part of foreigners to introduce into
the disturbed districts munitions of war and recruits should be
vigorously repressed."
"2. That the dues of the Chinese Government on foreign trade,
both inwards and outwards, should be collected at Chin-kiang or
Shanghae."
"3. That we should maintain an attitude of _strict neutrality_
between the Imperial Government and the rebels."
HOW LORD ELGIN'S INSTRUCTIONS WERE INTERPRETED AND ACTED ON.
Notwithstanding existing pledges of neutrality, the Imperialists
were supplied with ships, stores, arms, and every munition of
war _they_ required, at Shanghae and all the _treaty ports_.
The revenues were secured to the Tartars, and the ports of
collection defended against the Ti-pings.
By assisting the Imperialists in every possible way; protecting
the treaty ports and constituting Imperialist bases of operation
against the Ti-pings at each of them; allowing trade with the
Imperialists and prohibiting any with the Ti-pings;--by
supplying the Imperialists with revenue, and protecting it
against the Ti-pings;--by defending Shanghae for the
Imperialists and shooting down the Ti-pings when they demanded
it in 1860 and 1862;--by supplying the Imperialists with arms to
the prejudice of the Ti-pings.
The following passage appears in the letter of instructions addressed
by the Earl of Elgin to Mr. Parkes, viz.:--
"It is not possible to anticipate with certainty the reply which
the rebel leaders may give to the communication which the
admiral is about to make to them, although there is, I think,
reason to hope that they will not receive it in an unfriendly
spirit; nor, if it were possible, would it be necessary that I
should attempt to do so on the present occasion, _as you are
already fully acquainted with the views that I entertain
respecting the policy which it is expedient to adopt towards
them_, and the objects which we ought to endeavour to accomplish
under the provisional arrangement for opening up the Yang-tze,
which has been entered into by Mr. Bruce and Prince Kung."
Reading these instructions together with the third of the three articles
above cited, it would not be unreasonable to conclude that a policy of
neutrality was intended to be acted upon: how far such intentions were
sincere may be gathered from the following "orders" addressed to
Commander Aplin.
"ORDERS ADDRESSED TO COMMANDER APLIN.
"Memo. _Coromandel_, Nanking, _March 28, 1861_.
"You are, in company with Mr. Muirhead, to wait on the chief
authorities of the Taepings, for the purpose of making the
following communication, leaving a copy with them, should they
wish you to do so, and noting their answers in the margin for my
information.
"(Signed) J. HOPE,
"Vice-Admiral, and Commander-in-Chief."
"Commander APLIN,
Her Majesty's ship _Centaur_, Nanking."
"COMMUNICATION MADE BY COMMANDER APLIN TO THE TAEPING
AUTHORITIES AT NANKING.
"I am directed by the Commander-in-Chief of the naval forces of
her Majesty the Queen of England in China, to acquaint you that
it is his intention to have beacons put up on the river-side
between Woo-sung and Fu-shan....
"_That the Governments of England and France having ordered_
that any attempt of the Taeping army to enter Shanghae or
Woo-sung shall be repelled by force; and it being clear,
therefore, that the presence of the Taeping troops in that
vicinity can be productive of no good to them, and may lead to
collision, it is very desirable that they should not approach
within two days' march of these places, and the
Commander-in-Chief requests that orders may be sent to the
officers in command of their troops to this effect; copies to be
supplied to me. _Should this be done, he will exert his
influence to prevent any hostile expedition issuing from these
places for the purpose of attacking the Taeping troops._"
With regard to this document, in the first place, the statement that the
English Government had "ordered" Shanghae and Woo-sung to be defended
_vi et armis_, is simply untrue. The Foreign Secretary's first
"_orders_" with regard to the defence of Shanghae, or any other treaty
port, bear date, "Foreign Office, July 24th, 1861," and are given to Mr.
Bruce:--
"I have received from the Admiralty, together with other papers,
a copy of Vice-Admiral Hope's letter to you of the 8th of
May.... I have caused the Admiralty to be informed, in reply,
that I am of opinion that Vice-Admiral Hope's measures should be
approved; and I have _now_ to instruct you to endeavour to make
arrangements to secure the neutrality of all the treaty ports
against the rebels. The Government of Pekin will probably make
no difficulty in abstaining from using the treaty ports as bases
of operations against the rebels, provided the rebels on their
side refrain from attacking those ports.... _You will
understand, however, that her Majesty's Government do not wish
force to be used against the rebels in any case, except for the
actual protection of the lives and property of British
subjects._
"I am, _&c._,
"(Signed) J. RUSSELL."
If then orders had been issued to Admiral Hope or any one else, they
must have been _secret_ orders, for none are upon record to such effect
as stated in the communication to the Ti-ping authorities. Moreover, the
_condition_ upon which the neutrality of the treaty ports was proposed
in the Foreign Secretary's despatch was _not_ observed. The Pekin
Government was never asked to abstain from using Shanghae as a base of
operations against the Ti-pings; on the contrary, they were not only
assisted to make it one by the moral and indirect support of the British
authorities, but by the actual assistance of British soldiers and
sailors in the field, chiefly headed by Admiral Hope, who almost before
the ink of his guarantee was dry openly violated it. What renders this
flagrant disregard of all truth and honour still more to be deplored is
the fact that the Ti-pings, in their wonderfully earnest endeavours to
cultivate the friendship of Europeans, complied with every requisition
of _even_ Admiral Hope and his colleagues. They agreed not to attack
Shanghae for the space of _one year_, upon the special understanding
that the British upon their part would prevent the Imperialists from
using that city for any aggressive or belligerent purposes; and although
not even the shadow of an attempt was made by Admiral Hope, or any other
_British_ authority, to fulfil the pledges given upon the part of
England, with an almost incredible forbearance and good faith, the
Ti-pings to the very day, nay, nearly to the very hour, faithfully, but
entirely to their own prejudice, refrained from any attack upon
Shanghae. As for the orders with regard to _Woo-sung_, they can only be
attributed to the exuberant imagination of the diplomatic Admiral, such
place having never upon any occasion been referred to by the "orders"
from the Foreign Secretary.
It is difficult indeed to consider Admiral Hope's communication, either
in accordance with the _public_ instructions of Lord Elgin and Earl
Russell, or other than in direct opposition to them. Of course it would
be idle to suppose that either Mr. Bruce, the minister to Pekin, Admiral
Hope, Mr. Parkes, the diplomatic agent, or any of the consuls, would
have dared to systematically violate the orders of their Government; it
can therefore only be concluded that secret orders were given.
To those who cannot reconcile Admiral Hope's and Mr. Parkes's
communications with the Ti-pings, with the explicit instructions they
had each received, and can neither approve of their idea of "strict
neutrality," it must appear that the Admiral's communication at Nankin
was simply a very unsailor-like trap to catch the Ti-pings. The plot was
doubtless very creditable to the ingenuity and diplomatic finesse of
those who planned it; but those admirable politicians, though remarkably
indifferent moralists, cannot easily reconcile it with honour and
justice. Had the drama been enacted nearer to home, it would from its
very clumsiness have attracted attention; but as it occurred so far
away, scarcely a soul but those personally interested either knew or
cared anything about it.
The intention evidently was to induce the Ti-pings to promise not to
attack Shanghae, and then, by converting that city into a base and
nucleus for the Manchoos, to _compel_ them to do so for their
self-preservation. The theory was a bold one, and would have been
realized were it not for the extraordinary forbearance of the Ti-pings,
which forced Admiral Hope, and the others, to commence hostilities
themselves. The _conditions_ upon which the insurgents had agreed not to
attack Shanghae, the violation of the British pledges, and the _true_
position of affairs, of course, formed no part of the programme to be
made public; and it was correctly considered that China was too far
away, and the British people not sufficiently interested to scrutinize
matters very closely. Thus it is that a few unprincipled officials have
been able to attempt the justification of their conduct, upon the pleas,
that the Ti-pings _broke faith_ and attacked Shanghae, and that the
leaders of this great Christian and patriotic movement were a horde of
banditti who desolated everything, and meditated the destruction of
Shanghae, &c. &c. &c.
The reply of the Ti-ping authorities to Admiral Hope's "strict
neutrality" despatch, as translated by government interpreters, is
thus:--
"Mung, the Tsan-sze-keun (successor elect to the Prince Tsan),
of the heavenly Tai-ping kingdom, issues the following urgent
orders to the Ching Tsin-kwan, Ai-teene, and Moh-hun-te" names
of certain high officers, "for their information:--
"'Whereas officers, deputed by the Admiral of Great Britain,
have come to the palace of the Tsan-sze-keun, and stated that,
as Shanghae and Woo-sung are depôts of their commerce, _they_
have undertaken the protection of those two places, in order
that the safety of all classes of the people living there may be
secured; they therefore request that the forces of the Celestial
dynasty may not go to those two places, the same being
_unnecessary_, and not likely to be attended with any material
advantage. The Tsan-sze-keun accordingly issues these urgent
orders to his younger brethren, in order that they may direct
the troops composing the different divisions that, whenever they
arrive in the vicinity of the places named, they must not
approach nearer to them than 100 li, an arrangement which will
conduce to the advantage of both parties. They are also to
understand that the capture of those places is to form no part
of the plan of campaign for the PRESENT YEAR.'"
This decree sufficiently evinces the anxiety of the Ti-ping Government
to act in accordance with the wishes of that of England.
Commander Aplin thus reported the result of his mission to Admiral
Hope:--
"With reference to the communication made by me to the chief
Taeping authorities at Nankin.... I received a promise to-day
that the order should be given, as requested, respecting the
beacons; that, with regard to the 2nd paragraph of the
communication, an order would be sent to their officers in
command not to attack Shanghae or Woo-sung THIS YEAR"....
Mr. Parkes, in his report of the means by which the agreement of the
Ti-pings to Admiral Hope's communication was obtained, states:[36]--
"We replied that, of course, any insurgents having the folly to
attack Shanghae, after the Governments of France and England (?)
had determined to protect that port, would meet certain
destruction, but that the object of the Commander-in-Chief was
to prevent collision and unnecessary bloodshed. We had long been
doing all in our power to avoid this; (!!!) _we took no part in
the struggle_ between the Taepings and the Imperialists, with
whom we were also at peace, and should fall out only with those
who injured us ... and any Taeping movement upon Shanghae would
be considered as an attempt to injure us. (!!) Were they, on
their part, equally anxious to maintain a friendly understanding
with us, they would surely write the orders they had been
requested to furnish if this were the case, and a refusal to do
so would naturally lead us to mistrust their intentions." (!!!)
Mr. Parkes continues:--
"I endeavoured to make clear to them the objects of British
policy in China; (?) that our interests here were strictly
commercial, and that they must disabuse their minds of an
impression which I fancied they entertained, that we, like
themselves, sought the possession of territory, and therefore
that our interests were opposed to theirs. It was for the
protection of our commerce, and for that purpose only, that we
stationed a force at Shanghae."
Mr. Parkes had ample room to dilate on this subject, for it is difficult
to imagine in what light, save that of an usurpation of territory, the
Ti-pings could behold the seizure of Shanghae, Woo-sung, Ningpo, &c.
"Experience," continues Mr. Parkes, "had proved to us that we
could not trust to the Imperial Government to protect the place,
either against the Taeping forces, or the inferior bodies of
insurgents...; that experience had also shown that, owing to
their imperfect organization and discipline, plunder and
violence marked the progress of the Taepings; and consequently,
_to secure the safety of our people and their property, it was
necessary we should protect ourselves_. (!!) That this mode of
protection was perfectly efficient, but as it put us to expense
and inconvenience, we should be glad when it was rendered no
longer necessary by the restoration of the country to order,
whether this was effected by its becoming wholly Taeping, or by
reverting to Imperial rule, and when Shanghae or any other place
that the English Government might see fit to protect, would
revert to the hands of the governing power.... They (the
Taepings) wished to know, however, in which way the Admiral
would 'use his influence' to prevent their being attacked by the
Imperialists from Shanghae; and whether one of their officers
would be allowed to visit Shanghae to learn what arrangements
were made in this respect."
This very singular extract is much open to objection. 1. If "experience
had proved" that the Imperialists were unable to withstand the Ti-pings,
how is it that Mr. Parkes states, with regard to the defence of
Shanghae, &c., "we should be glad when it was no longer rendered
necessary by the restoration of the country to order," particularly when
the policy that was pursued naturally prolonged the struggle and delayed
that result? 2. The inaccuracy of the statement that, "to secure the
safety of our people and their property, it was necessary we should
protect them ourselves," is thoroughly proved by the capture of Ningpo
by the Ti-pings on the 9th December, 1861, when not the slightest
particle of British property was touched, and all foreigners were
treated as "_brothers_" by the Ti-pings; and, moreover, by the fact that
_not a single case is upon record_ in which the Ti-pings have ever
retaliated upon European life or property when they might have done so
with every justification. 3. Then, with regard to the "any other place
that the English Government might see fit to protect," when the whole of
the province, with the exception of Shanghae, _was_ in the possession of
the Ti-pings, and when the entire silk and a great proportion of the tea
trades were also in their undisturbed possession, why was not Shanghae
surrendered to the rising and triumphant power, as Ningpo had been;
particularly when we are told that "it was rendered no longer necessary,
by the restoration of the country to order," to pursue the policy of
defending the treaty ports, or any other place, "that the English
Government might see fit to protect"?
Mr. Parkes continues his report thus:--
"I then said that our discussion had chiefly related to
Shanghae, and to the warning given them by the Admiral not to
approach that port; but I was anxious to learn how far the
friendly dispositions they professed" (more than the
Imperialists ever did) "would induce them to abstain from
obstructing our commerce, and whether they were disposed to
agree to propositions of the following nature:--
"1. No Taeping force to advance within 100 li of any Chinese
port or place open by treaty to British trade, _provided_ that
the Tartar government do not send out expeditions from those
parts or places to attack the Taepings." (It was upon this
condition the Ti-pings promised not to attack Shanghae during
the "present year," 1861.)
"2. The Taeping authorities or forces not to obstruct the
transit of native produce to the aforesaid ports or places, nor
to prevent British merchandise passing from thence into the
interior." (This clause always was, and has been, faithfully and
regularly observed; and such being the case, upon what grounds
but the extraction of the "indemnity" from the Imperial customs
at Shanghae, can the plea of injury to trade upon the capture of
that city by the Ti-pings rest, seeing that elsewhere they never
injured, but did their utmost, even amidst the sanguinary and
fierce prosecution of civil war, to foster and preserve it?)
"At the close of the interview I had to go into some further
explanations as to the rights and duties of neutrality, in
consequence of their having asked whether the English vessels of
war at Nankin would carry supplies from them to the besieged
garrison at Ngan-king, which I, of course, told them could not
be done."
This savours rather highly of hypocrisy when it emanates from one of
those fully acquainted with what was to be. "Of course," their
destruction being predetermined, the Ti-pings "could not be" assisted;
can Mr. Parkes and his superiors explain the conduct described in the
following extract by the same "rights and duties of neutrality"?
"TO THE EDITOR OF THE _Shanghae Times_.
"Sir,--Do the authorities think that the terms of the treaty
were that foreign vessels should be allowed to transport troops
and ammunition for the suppression of this revolutionary
movement in China?
"That foreign vessels should be the chief instruments in the
hands of this imbecile government to do their _dirty work_,
although garnished with _gold_. Can it be possible that H. B.
M.'s Government will allow its ships to take passengers from
here--_ostensibly as coolies, but really as soldiers_--a fact to
which the whole foreign and native community here are alive? Can
it be possible that, after so much experience and the sacrifice
of so many of our countrymen, we are going to throw ourselves
needlessly into the boiling caldron?
"Let us look before we leap. Vessels are loading here with
soldiers for Shanghae" (Imperialist soldiers). "The fact is
known at Hong-kong, and it will create much difficulty. Let the
history of the three past wars with China teach us not to create
another.
"Yours, &c.,
"A FRIEND TO CHINA.
"Hankow, _January 11, 1862_."
For some months this disgraceful work proceeded, till at last the
following official sanction appeared:--
"CONSUL MEDHURST TO MR. BRUCE.[37]
"Shanghae, _March 21, 1862_.
"Sir,--The Taoutae" (Manchoo governor of the walled Chinese city
of Shanghae) "having been anxious for some time past to get a
reinforcement from the army under General Tseng-kwo-fan"
(Manchoo general commanding Imperialist troops up the river
Yang-tze) "for the relief of this garrison and that of
Sung-kiang-foo, and having repeatedly questioned me as to the
possibility of allowing a few British vessels to be chartered
for the purpose of bringing the troops down....
"The Taoutae accordingly entered into negotiations with a house
here for the employment of a certain number of steamers for the
conveyance hither of 9,000 men.... I at once addressed Sir J.
Hope a letter, ... and from his answer ... you will observe that
he entirely approves of the measure.
"I have, &c.,
(Signed) "W. H. MEDHURST."
This arrangement, in accordance, we are bound to believe, with the
"duties of neutrality," was executed by the house of Mackenzie,
Richardson, & Co., of Shanghae, _in consideration of the sum of 180,000
taels (£60,000)_ paid by the Manchoo Government.
While the British steamers have passed the walls of Nankin, crowded with
Imperialist troops, hastening to the destruction of the Ti-pings in the
neighbourhood of Shanghae, I have sat on the silent batteries and
sympathized with the too credulous people who, faithful to _their_
promises of neutrality, foolishly allowed the Tartar troops to pass
scathless right under the muzzles of their guns, simply because they
were safely sheltered by the British ensign flying over them. The _ruse_
of shipping the soldiers as coolies, and so smuggling them past the
Ti-ping positions, was abandoned upon the _legalization_ of the trade by
the same admiral and authorities who, but a few months previously, had
explained the "duties of neutrality" to the Ti-pings, and had given them
to understand it was impossible _their_ stores could be conveyed to
Ngan-king, as any such act would constitute a breach of neutrality!
After the _legalization_, the Imperialist _braves_ were carried down to
Shanghae by thousands, and many a time I have longed to put a shot
through the hulls of their conveyances; but the Ti-pings would not allow
me, because, as they said, it might hurt the "foreign brethren"!
Meanwhile, directly the cowardly rabble had passed out of range of the
batteries, their yells of bravado could be plainly heard, and British
oak and British seamen became hidden and disgraced by a cloud of Manchoo
flags waved in defiance, whenever it could be done in safety.
As Mr. Parkes and his co-adjutors did not obtain an instant compliance
with their grossly unjust demands upon the Ti-pings, viz., not to attack
Shanghae, a city belonging to them by every known right as natives of
the soil, if they were able to capture it from the Manchoos; not to levy
duty upon the British vessels passing through their territory, and to
avoid all the principal ports, the great sources of revenue to their
enemies, simply because their capture of such places _might_ interfere
with the British trade--they took more active measures, _viz._:--
"To effect this, we proceeded early on the following morning to
the palace of the Tien-wang ... and on arriving there at 10 A.M.
handed the following note to an officer, with the request that
it might be sent to the Tien-wang:--
"The undermentioned British officers, namely, Captain Aplin,
senior naval officer in the Yang-tze river, and Mr. Parkes,
having been engaged during the last five days in fruitless
endeavours to arrange certain important business with the
Taeping authorities, and being greatly inconvenienced by the
delay thus occasioned, respectfully request admission to the
Tien-wang, or that the Tien-wang will appoint an officer to meet
them with full authority to settle their business without
further trouble.'"
Let Englishmen apply this arrogant document to themselves. The Tien-wang
was crowned sovereign over a vast territory; his large armies were in
victorious possession; and he, being invested with all the mystery and
divine attributes common to eastern monarchs, became a much more
unapproachable object than western rulers, even to his own people. What
would Englishmen do if some foreign official, dissatisfied with waiting
"five days" in negotiation with their proper authorities "to arrange
certain important business," were to force themselves into Her Majesty's
palace, and "request" her to personally treat with them, or "appoint an
officer to meet them," and so infringe official etiquette?
Not satisfied with issuing this presumptuous summons, Mr. Parkes
proceeds:--
"After having repeatedly inquired whether the Tien-wang had
taken any notice of our application, and been as often told that
it had been sent in to him, we at last ascertained that instead
of this having been done, our note had been forwarded to the
Tsan-sze-keun" (one of the Ti-ping secretaries of state, and the
proper authority to receive any communication). "We now told the
officer who had deceived us to bring back our note, and while
waiting for it the Tsan-sze-keun and Le Teen-tseang, a chief who
had taken a prominent part at all the interviews, sent to tell
us that the orders we wanted should be ready to-morrow. _We took
no notice of this message_, and they sent a second time to say
that they wished to see us at the Tsan-sze-keun's residence. To
this we replied that having found it necessary to make an
application to the Tien-wang himself, we could not now return to
them, _and that if they_" (the persons appointed by the Ti-ping
Government to transact such business) "_wished to speak with us
they should come to the palace_."
If Mr. Parkes had met with the fate of Mr. Richardson and others in
Japan, or experienced indignities similar to those suffered by Mr. Edan,
political agent at the Bhootanese court, during his superlatively
arrogant dictation to the Ti-ping chiefs, can it be denied that it
would have been his own fault?
In his explanation of thrusting himself into the Tien-wang's palace, and
outraging all the Ti-ping rules and ceremonies, Mr. Parkes has evidently
forgotten himself, and represented his own conduct as that of the
Ti-pings. He says:--
"It was clearly necessary to take a stand of this kind when we
saw that the ignorance and pride of these people induced them to
assume the same absurd and insufferable pretensions in their
treatment of foreigners that characterized the Mandarins in days
that are past."
This little conceit of the diplomatic agent is really amusing, by reason
of its being perfectly unique. I cannot remember another instance in
which the Ti-ping has been compared with the Manchoo in behaviour to
foreigners or anything else. When people set themselves to work
deliberately to injure others, it generally happens that they strive to
vilify them in order to justify themselves. To this motive, I suppose,
we must ascribe the "clearly necessary stand" of Mr. Parkes.
The result of the Yang-tze expedition, in so far as the Ti-pings were
concerned, amounted to a treaty of neutrality between them and England;
a promise on their part not to attack Shanghae, and to remain 100 li
(about 30 miles) away from it during the "_present year_" (1861), upon
_condition_ that the British authorities prevented the Imperialists from
attacking them from that place, or using it for belligerent purposes;
and a pledge from Admiral Hope, that if the Ti-ping forces were to
attack the other treaty ports, all British subjects being "unmolested
both in their persons and property, the commanders of the vessels of war
stationed there will receive directions in _no way whatever to interfere
in the hostilities which may be going on_, except for the purpose of
protecting their countrymen, should it be necessary to do so." It also
resulted in their being compelled to break their engagements, and thus
expose themselves to British hostility and encourage the violation of
solemn pledges of neutrality. Grave as are the accusations which may be
brought forward against a number of British officials, it must be
admitted that their conduct fully justified the most severe
animadversions.
In the meanwhile, during the negotiations at Nankin, the Ti-ping forces
mentioned in the first pages of this chapter were severally engaged
prosecuting, upon the whole, a very successful series of operations.
The city of Ngan-king (capital of Ngan-whui province) having become
closely invested by an Imperialist army of some 20,000 men, and a
flotilla of several hundred gun-boats, the Ying-wang was charged with
the relief of that city during his march up the course of the Yang-tze
to his destined operations in the province of Hupeh.
Although Ngan-king had been threatened by Imperialist forces during some
eighteen months, until the spring of 1861 it had never been seriously
menaced, the Manchoo _braves_ having contented themselves with the
ordinary phase of Chinese warfare--watching, flag-waving, and yelling at
a safe distance from any probable vicious attempt of the dangerous
Chang-maous.[38] Ngan-king, however, was a place of great strength for
Chinese warfare; it formed the _point d'appui_ of all Ti-ping movements
either to the northern or north-western provinces, and previous to any
attack upon their capital, Nankin, or its fortified outposts, its
reduction was an absolute necessity. The city being built right on the
brink of the great river, was absolute mistress of that important
highway, without which, and its invaluable water communication, any
extensive movement of the Manchoo armies in an easterly direction became
impracticable. At last, therefore, the Manchoo warriors girded up their
loins, that is to say, tucked up the bottoms of their petticoat
inexpressibles, fiercely wound their tails around their cleanly-shaven
caputs, made a terrible display of huge flags, roaring gongs, horridly
painted bamboo shields, and a most extravagant waste of gunpowder, and
moving forward with terrific cloud-rending yells, established themselves
safely out of cannon-range of the walls, and proceeded to complete the
investment of the doomed city by building themselves in with a
formidable series of earth-works and stockades, from which they could
neither climb out nor enemies climb in. As a rule, the Chinese never
fight unless they are obliged to. Not that they are so cowardly as some
Europeans have mistakenly seemed to believe, but rather from those
singularly refined traits of reasoning which, with these peculiar
people, border closely upon the absurd. For instance, having myself
often spoken with Chinamen regarding their ineffective and almost
childish, but for the merciless treatment of the vanquished, military
tactics, I have always been answered to the following effect:--
"Hi-ya, how can? Two piecee man no can stop one place aller same time,
spose nother piecee man _must_ wantchee come, mi must wantchee go; spose
mi _must_ wantchee stop, nother piecee man no can come."
Singularly enough this principle is generally applied. If a determined
resistance is _certain_, those who should attack content themselves by
safely fortifying themselves at a distance, as in the case at Ngan-king;
but should the determination of the defensive party be doubtful, then an
attack, with no little impetuosity and daring, will almost surely take
place.
Now, the Ti-pings have never been known as remarkable for the logic,
cowardice, or whatever it may be termed, generally peculiar to the race
of Chinese: upon the contrary, their reputation has ever been that of
fighting men. In consequence of this certain prospect of hard knocks in
the event of their being irrational enough to try and climb over the
walls of Ngan-king when the Ti-pings were determined to try and prevent
them, the Imperialists very wisely made themselves masters of the
situation by establishing a complete cordon of stockades around the
city, extending from the river above to a point just below its walls,
calculating, with a perfect philosophy, that when the rice within the
city became finished, those without might make a good breakfast, then
scale the walls free from any "hard knocks," and, better than all,
gather the heads of the helpless and famished garrison, _ad libitum_;
thus capturing the city, obtaining the emoluments of a long and easy
campaign, and winding up with the head-money, all without the danger of
fighting.
Meantime, although the city was fast becoming straitened for provisions,
the Ying-wang confined his efforts for its relief to distant operations,
probably considering its garrison amply sufficient not only to maintain
the place, but to prevent any complete blockade by sallying forth upon
the Manchoos, as their strength, although less than half that of the
besiegers, was considered such as would not be likely to diminish their
possible chance of victory. In this case, however, too much was expected
from a mostly newly-levied force, exposed to the attack of Honan
_braves_ and Tartar troops, the best forces in the service of the
Manchoo emperor.
The Ying-wang, his plans, and the success attending his hitherto
operations, became known to the Yang-tze expedition, under Admiral Hope,
in March. Upon the 22nd of that month Mr. Parkes visited the Ying-wang
at the city of Hwang-chow, situated upon the northern bank of the river,
50 miles from the treaty port Han-kow. In his report of the interview he
states:--
"At the gate by which we entered I observed a proclamation in
the name of the Ying-wang, assuring the people of protection,
and inviting them to come and trade freely with the troops.
Another proclamation, addressed to the latter, prohibited them
from that date from wandering into the villages and plundering
the people. A third notice, _appended to the heads of two
rebels_, made known that these men had been executed _for
robbing_ the people of their clothes while engaged in collecting
grain for the troops."
This statement, to those who know anything about the Ti-pings, appears
perfectly true; how does Mr. Parkes reconcile it with his report that
"plunder and violence marked the progress of the Ti-pings"?
"He informed me that he was the leader known as the Ying-wang
(or Heroic Prince); that he was charged from Nankin to relieve
Ngan-king, and had undertaken a westward movement with the view
of gaining the rear of the Imperial force, and besieging that
city on the western side. So far he had been completely
successful.
"Leaving Tung-ching, a city forty miles to the north of Nankin,
on the 6th instant, he marched in a north-westerly direction
upon the city of Hoh-shan, thus avoiding all the Imperialist
posts in the districts of Yung-chung, &c. On the 10th he took
Hoh-shan, where there was no considerable force to oppose him;
and then turning to the south-west, reached Yung-shan on the
14th, which fell in the same way. Hastily securing the munitions
of these two places, of which he stood in need, he pressed on to
Kwang-chow, and succeeded in surprising a camp of the Amoor
Tartars, killing, as the Ying-wang said, all the men, and
capturing all the horses. This, and a small affair at Paho,
placed him in possession of Kwang-chow, which he entered without
opposition on the 17th instant. He had thus taken three cities,
and had accomplished a march of 600 li (say 200 miles) in eleven
days, and was now in a position either to attack in rear the
Imperial force which he had just turned, and draw them off from
Ngan-king, or, postponing that operation, to occupy Han-kow,
from which he was distant only fifty miles. He added, however,
that he felt some hesitation in marching upon the latter place,
as he had heard that the English had already established
themselves at that port.
"I commended his caution in this respect, and advised him not to
think of moving upon Han-kow, as it was impossible for the
insurgents to occupy any emporium at which we were established,
without seriously interfering with our commerce, _and it was
necessary that their movements should be so ordered as not to
clash with ours_."
Now this exaggerated "caution" and absurd regard for "_our_ commerce"
made the Ying-wang sacrifice his _own_ interests.
His expedition was planned for the express purpose of capturing Han-kow
(preparatory to that of Wu-chang, the capital of the Hupeh province,
situated directly opposite, on the other side of the Yang-tze); the
relief of Ngan-king was to be effected _en route_, either by the direct
attack of his army or by the effect of its success elsewhere. At the
time of his interview with Mr. Parkes, either operation was simply a
matter of choice, for Han-kow was almost undefended and offered an easy
capture; while having completely outmanoeuvred the besiegers of
Ngan-king, he might have fallen upon their rear, and, with a sortie of
the garrison, probably exterminated them. Of course, to effect either
plan a continuation of his hitherto prompt and decisive action was
imperative; this, however, became arrested by the unfortunate and
prejudicial presence of the English, who, in the midst of his successes,
established themselves at the city the capture of which formed the
terminal point of his campaign. Of course, Mr. Parkes does not report
the threats of hostility thrust upon the Ying-wang to deter him from
advancing upon, and occupying the Eldorado on which foreigners of every
degree were greedily intent, trusting to the terms of the Elgin treaty
with the Manchoo Government for the fulfilment of their golden visions.
But it were idle, indeed, to suppose so energetic a commander as the
Ying-wang would allow all the fruits of his past operations and the
favourable prospects of a rapid prosecution of his movement, to be lost
either by "hesitation in marching upon Han-kow," or by the _advice_ of
Mr. Parkes. The Ying-wang undoubtedly received a threat of "strict
neutrality" in event of his appearing at Han-kow--that sort of
"neutrality" with which Mr. Parkes was "fully acquainted," and which has
invariably been assumed towards the Ti-pings, but which some might
interpret by the words, "gratuitous hostility."
The Ti-ping cause suffered from British contact in this, as in every
other instance, as the Ying-wang delayed his march upon Han-kow, and
sent to Nankin for orders. His army, although mustering nearly 50,000
men, did not possess a fighting strength of more than half that number,
the rest being simply the coolies in usual attendance upon all Chinese
armies; therefore delay in the enemy's country simply meant defeat. The
critical and favourable moment to strike a successful blow was lost,
and while the great cause of Christianity and freedom was once more
paralyzed by the incubus of British interests, the opponents to both
received such ample time to concentrate their out-generalled forces,
that when, after a delay of several months, the Ying-wang received
orders to advance upon Han-kow, and open communication with the British
authorities, he encountered their vastly superior army close to the city
of Ma-ching, and after a most desperately contested battle, was defeated
with heavy loss, and then gradually driven beyond the city of Ngan-king
without having been able to succour that position, or obtain the
slightest advantage from his previous brilliant exploits.
The Ying-wang, although only twenty-four years of age, had already, by
his extraordinary courage, obtained one of the highest positions among
the Ti-pings, ranking at this time as a generalissimo of the army, and a
noble of the first degree, with the honourable title of Ying-wang
(Heroic Prince). By the Imperialists he had received the cognomen of
"Sze-ngan-kow" (Four-eyed dog), in consequence of his remarkably rapid
and successful strategy; and next to the Chung-wang his presence
inspired more fear in Manchoo bosoms than the vicinity and operations of
any other Ti-ping leader. Singularly romantic were the antecedents of
this young and gallant chieftain. A youthful Cantonese student, while
immersed in studying the wise proverbs of the Chinese classics, he
chanced to meet a fellow-scholar related to some of the Hung family, who
had originated and still formed so important a part of the Ti-ping
rebellion. Shortly afterwards, having been unfairly treated in his
examination by the corrupt government officials, he turned towards the
new doctrines of the Ti-pings, and, with the assistance of his friend,
paid a visit to Hung-jin, the future Kan-wang, who at this time, 1857,
was fulfilling the duties of Christian teacher and catechist to the
London Missionary Society at Hong-kong. Of an impulsive and enthusiastic
disposition, he soon became a convert to Christianity, which Hung-jin
preached with an eloquence that obtained the future Prime Minister of
Ti-ping-wang the confidence and entire approval of all missionaries and
Christians for many years, though, singularly enough, when the time of
Hung-jin's elevation to the second place among the Ti-pings
arrived--that is to say, the moment when by his power and influence it
might naturally have been _known_ that his exertions to Christianize
China would have become immense, and would have been accompanied by
proportionately gigantic results--his English pretended friends for the
most part abandoned him.
The Ying-wang added one more to the large number of proselytes obtained
by the earnestness and devotion of the warm-hearted and noble-minded
Hung-jin. He had been for some months under the tuition of the latter,
and had become greatly attached to him, when, deeply impressed by the
information of the imprisonment of Hung-jin's mother, wife, and several
other relatives, by the Canton mandarins, because of their connection,
though very distant, with the principal members of the Ti-ping
rebellion, and that they were only saved from execution by the efforts
of some missionaries, he formed the determination to rescue them from
imprisonment and ill-treatment.
Proceeding with his fellow-student to the city of Canton, they managed,
through bribing some of the prison warders, to obtain a moment's
admission to the aged mother of Hung-jin. To their surprise they found
with her, besides other relatives, a granddaughter of surpassing beauty,
who was the orphan of Hung-jin's brother--a brother who, with nearly the
whole of his family, perished during the ruthless massacres of the
innocent kindred of the Ti-ping rebels. Although their first meeting
lasted but a few minutes, it seems the future Ying-wang and the
beautiful captive maid became mutually attached. In their case, however,
the romance admits of explanation. I have myself seen both the Ying-wang
and the lady, and I consider that of each sex they were by far the most
handsome I ever beheld in China. I can, therefore, easily believe that
when in the wretchedness of her captivity, the young and noble-looking
student appeared before her surrounded by all the extra attractions of
his position as her deliverer, the lonely and miserable girl turned
towards him with her whole heart. Not less natural seems the passion of
the student, whose newly-aroused religious enthusiasm predisposed him to
entertain the warmest feelings towards those he came to rescue and whose
cause he had already espoused. During the short moments of his first
interview, he told the prisoners to be prepared for an attempt to escape
upon a certain night. The appointed time arrived, but no rescue, for the
would-be deliverer, betrayed by one of the gaolers whom he had bribed
and trusted, was seized while making his way into the prison by means of
false keys, and thrust, helpless as themselves, among those anxiously
awaiting his assistance. Brought before the cruel Manchoo mandarins, he
was sentenced to the barbarous death by "cutting into a thousand
pieces," while Hung-jin's mother, wife, niece, and several other
relatives, were condemned to torture and decapitation.
Time flew onwards, and at length the evening before the fatal day
arrived. What dread and overpowering feelings those poor doomed
creatures felt upon that last day of life, while anticipating the horrid
tortures coming with the morrow's sun, I do not know; but what I can
tell is, that suddenly, about midnight, the doors of their prison were
burst asunder, and the whole of the captives liberated by an
insurrection of famine-maddened Chinamen.
These tumults, created for want of rice, are of very frequent occurrence
in China, and are often attended with great loss of life; in nearly all
such cases the rioters break open the prisons and augment their strength
with the released captives. To such an event were the Ti-pings indebted
for their brave Ying-wang, for many a future victory, and for the
Manchoos' oft-repeated defeat.
Making his way down to the European settlement, Hung-jin's pupil, with
his teacher's mother, wife, and niece, and several male relatives of the
Hung family, found safety under the kind protection of some European
missionaries. In the morning they all embarked and took passage to
Hong-kong on board an American river steamer plying between the two
places, and within four or five hours anchored in safety under the folds
of the flag of freedom.
Hung-jin's happiness in the release and society of his wife and mother
may easily be imagined; but soon rumours of other Manchoo persecution
reached him, and, dreading the sudden death of his dearest relatives, if
captured, he determined to make his way to Nankin, and then return for
them, if such a plan proved practicable. His travel through the country
and ultimate arrival at Nankin has been noticed in another chapter;
suffice it, therefore, to say, he was accompanied by him who afterwards
became the Ying-wang, himself disguised as an itinerant surgeon, and the
latter as his attendant. Upon their arrival at Nankin, Hung-jin was
detained and created Kan-wang by his relative the Ti-ping-wang, while
his companion, receiving a commission in the Ti-ping army, was given
letters to a number of Ti-ping partisans in the provinces of Kwang-tung,
Fo-keen, and Kiang-si, and also received instructions to bring the
Kan-wang's relatives from Hong-kong, and having delivered his
despatches, to return to Nankin in company with those who would join his
party (several Ti-ping officers accompanying him) by the way. Reaching
Hong-kong safely, disguised as wandering mendicants, the whole of the
refugees succeeded in arriving at the first rendezvous in small parties
of two or three, under his guidance. At this place several hundred men
mustered in arms, and recruited at other parts of their route. After
many encounters with the Manchoo troops and many perilous adventures,
the Ying-wang having principally contributed to the successful efforts
of his comrades by his distinguished gallantry, re-entered Nankin with
the Kan-wang's family. Soon after the successful issue of his mission,
the Ying-wang was promoted, and received the beautiful niece of his
patron and friend in marriage.
The Ying-wang having studied for a military life and possessing
undaunted bravery, soon rose in the Ti-ping army, and during the famous
victories obtained over the besiegers of Nankin in May, 1860, while in
command of a small division, defeated the Tartar body-guard of
Chang-kwoh-liang, second in command of the Imperialist army, and killed
that general, falling himself desperately wounded in the moment of
victory. Upon his recovery he received the title and position of
Ying-wang.
While in the west, successes that would undoubtedly have led to the
capture of Han-kow and other important positions were rendered nugatory
through the presence of the English; in fact wherever the Ti-pings
carried on their operations apart from that baneful influence, good
fortune crowned their efforts.
The Shi-wang in Kiang-si, the I-wang in Sze-chuan, the Kan-wang in
Hoo-nan, and the Chung-wang in Che-kiang, were successful in each
province.
Although the movements of the three former Wangs were very extensive,
and although the Shi-wang had captured the capital and many other large
cities in Kiang-si, and in June had occupied the city of Wu-chang-hien
(situated a few miles below the Ying-wang's position at Hwang-chow, but
on the opposite side of the river, and from which two points the armies
of the Shi and Ying Wangs would have co-operated in the reduction of
Han-kow, but for the stoppage of their movements caused by the presence
of British authorities and merchants at that city, and the menaces they
had been treated to by the politicians of the Yang-tze expedition), all
these operations paled before those of the Chung-wang in Che-kiang.
Pressing rapidly forward with a small army of observation, the
Commander-in-Chief made a false attack upon the important city of
Hang-chow, the provincial capital, strongly garrisoned by Tartar troops
of the Eight Banners, and after satisfying himself as to the strength of
the enemy, by a rapid and brilliantly executed series of manoeuvres,
succeeded in capturing the important cities of Chapoo, Hayen, Kashen,
Hoo-chow, Hi-ning, &c., and, in fact, obtaining complete possession of
all that most valuable territory extending from the south of the Ta-hoo
lake to the walls of Hang-chow, and from the banks of the river Yang-tze
to the sea at Shanghae, with the exception of that small portion
adjacent to the latter city that was guaranteed by the agreement with
Admiral Hope to remain a neutral ground during the "present year."
In consequence of the tactics pursued by the Commander-in-Chief as the
result of his short campaign of observation, the main body of the two
armies respectively commanded by the Shi and Kan Wangs were recalled
from their distant successes and concentrated at the important cities of
Hwuy-chow (capital and centre of the green tea districts in Ngan-whui,
upon the south of the Yang-tze, at the time completely under the
jurisdiction of the Ti-pings) and Soo-chow, with a large force already
under the personal command of the Chung-wang himself. These two columns
were marched, the one from Soo-chow in a south-westerly, and that from
Hwuy-chow in an easterly direction, co-operating with each other upon
the city of Hang-chow.
The Manchoo force concentrated at Hang-chow for its defence, and for the
general defence of the Che-kiang province, numbered 125,000 men, of whom
35,000 were Tartars of the Eight Banners, the whole commanded by the
Imperial commissioner and Tartar general, Luy-chang, assisted by the
noted Chinese commander Chang Yuh-leang.
At the commencement of the Chung-wang's campaign, a movement took place
which was attended by a success that put in action the hostile
operations of the British Government, and thus brought disaster to the
Ti-pings, whose available forces amounted to about 295,000 men, as
opposed to 420,000 Manchoo Imperialists. Although to a casual and
uninformed observer these figures may appear greatly advantageous to the
Imperial cause, such was very far from being the case. With the
exception of their Tartar troops and certain portions of the Chinese
regulars, the Manchoo Government could not depend upon its defenders.
Those who might fairly be trusted did not exceed two-thirds of the total
number; the rest, comprising the militia (_braves_), were comparatively
useless in the field, and many of the veteran Ti-pings confidently
advanced against a greater odds than ten to one.
The two divisions of the Chung-wang's army uniting under the walls of
Hang-chow, commenced the siege of that city with much vigour. The Tartar
garrison being of great strength, and aided by an army in the field, for
nearly a month the progress of the besiegers was not very material.
Numerous actions occurred, and a severe struggle was maintained, without
any decided success upon either side. At last, unable to carry the city
by direct attack, after severely repulsing a sortie of the garrison,
combined with an attack of the army of co-operation, the Chung-wang
determined to reduce the city by cutting off its communications, and
with this intent organized operations that, judging by their results,
proved of the very gravest importance to Manchoo, foreigner, and Ti-ping
alike.
Establishing the main body of his army in lines of circumvallation
around Hang-chow, a strong division of nearly 50,000 men was detached
under the command of the generals Hwang and Fang, with orders to capture
all the important cities to the south-east of Hang-chow, and terminate
the expedition with the full possession of the seaport Ningpo, one of
the treaty ports open to foreign trade.
Dividing into two columns, respectively commanded by the above-mentioned
generals, the division pushed rapidly forward, acting under the direct
orders of the Shi-wang, who superintended the movement against the
enemy's communications, while the Chung-wang himself conducted the siege
operations. The columns of Hwang and his colleague Fang, during the
month of November, successively captured all the cities to the south and
south-east of Hang-chow, while other expeditionary columns detached by
the Shi-wang obtained possession of all situate between the possessions
of the Ti-pings in the north and north-east, round to the westward, and
to the positions occupied by the two subordinate generals; thus
completely cutting off every communication of the besieged city. After
reducing the departmental and district cities, Shaou-shing, Fung-wha,
Yü-yaou, Yen-chow, Tsze-ke, and many others, and after receiving a
deputation from the European residents of Ningpo, who left them highly
satisfied, the leaders of the two columns effected a junction of their
forces, and, moving upon Ningpo, carried that city by a sudden assault
on the 9th of December, 1861. Meanwhile, other divisions, detached from
the Chung-wang's army, captured and garrisoned all the southern,
western, and eastern departments of the province, so that when, upon the
29th of December, the garrison of Hang-chow succumbed to famine and the
determined assault given by the besiegers on that day, the whole of
Che-kiang became subject to the Ti-ping Government.
In consequence of these successful operations, the end of the year found
the Ti-pings in almost entire possession of the two richest and most
densely populated provinces of China, Che-kiang and Kiang-su, while the
small portion of Kiang-su yet held by Manchoo authorities was comprised
within a radius of thirty miles around Shanghae. Faithfully observing
_their_ part of the agreement made with Admiral Hope and his coadjutors,
the Ti-pings refrained from any advance upon Shanghae, even although
the non-fulfilment by the British authorities of the _conditions_ upon
which the said agreement was made fairly released them from its
obligations; but directly the "present year" had expired, every other
position in the province being already in their hands, troops were moved
forward to drive the Manchoos from this their last stronghold in the
province.
As has been already observed, the position of the Ti-pings was one which
but for the interference of the British Government must undoubtedly have
caused the overthrow of the Manchoo Tartar dynasty. They possessed the
valuable silk districts, the tea districts of Ngan-whui and Che-kiang,
the cotton districts of Kiang-su, and the potteries and porcelain
manufacturing districts of Kiang-si, which together constitute the
principal sources of revenue in the empire. The repulse of the
Ying-wang, and consequent fall of Ngan-king upon the 5th of September,
afforded the Imperialists but little compensation for their defeats
everywhere else. Ngan-king, completely invested by land and water, and
unrelieved by the Ying-wang, after its garrison had endured the most
terrible privations, fell into the hands of the besiegers. Three
regiments of the garrison, unable to endure the horrors of the famine
raging within the doomed city, which had reduced them to cannibalism of
the most frightful description, human flesh being eagerly sought at the
price of eighty cash per catty[39] and devoured with avidity,
surrendered to the Imperialists upon condition of a free pardon, but
were massacred to a man, and their headless bodies cast into the
Yang-tze. After this the remaining portion of the fighting men came to
the usual Chinese arrangement with the besiegers, and leaving the city
unmolested, reached the Ti-ping position at Loo-chow. Then came the
triumph of the Manchoos, who, entering the city, ruthlessly slaughtered
the non-combatant inhabitants: men, women, and children, whose mutilated
bodies were borne down towards the sea by the swiftly rushing waters of
the great river. I beheld them mangled with every atrocity that fiends
could perpetrate, floating down the stream in hundreds, huddled
together, while the river steamers, _Governor-General_ and _Carthage_,
surrounded by the ghastly remnants of mortality, became impeded in their
movements.
[Illustration: MAP OF CHINA _Showing the position of Ti-ping Tien-Kwoh,
or the settled dominions of the Ti-pings at the close of the year 1861,
the zenith of the Ti-ping Power. Also indicating the most important
movements places &c., connected with the Revolution from its
commencement_.
London Day & Son (Limited)]
The capture of Hang-chow and the entire of the Che-kiang province
concluded the operations of the Ti-pings in 1861. They had now attained
a magnificent position; the richest provinces and most important cities
of China had become subservient to them, the most valuable sea-coast in
the world was partly theirs, their base of operations against the
Manchoos could not be surpassed, and it only now remained to capture the
commercial city of Shanghae. The whole of the trade of the interior,
valuable beyond calculation, was justly theirs,--it had been so since
1860; but yet that city was maintained by British forces as the citadel
of the Manchoos, whereby the Ti-pings were defrauded of the export and
import duties which belonged to them, but which, in the hands of the
Manchoos, not only answered for the "indemnity," but served to obtain
for them all munitions of war needed to carry on the struggle. Under
these circumstances, the possession of Shanghae became imperatively
necessary, and yet such was the chivalrous observance of good faith on
their part that they refrained from hostilities until the expiration of
the "present year," although long since released from all moral
obligations, and prompted by all considerations of self-interest and
aggrandisement to subjugate Shanghae without a moment's notice or
delay.
FOOTNOTES:
[35] See Parliamentary "Correspondence respecting the opening of the
Yang-tze-kiang river to foreign trade."
[36] See Blue Book, "Upon the Rebellion in China," presented to
Parliament April, 1862.
[37] See "Further Papers relating to the Rebellion in China," presented
to both Houses of Parliament by command of her Majesty.
[38] Long-haired, a name given the Ti-pings because of their tresses.
[39] About fourpence per 1.333 lb. avoirdupois.
CHAPTER XIII.
Life in Nankin.--Ti-ping Character.--Its Friendly
Nature.--Religious Observances.--Cum-ho.--Curious Adventure.--A
Catastrophe.--Love-making.--Difficulties.--Trip to
Shanghae.--Reflections.--On the Yang-tze River.--Life on the
River.--An Adventure.--The Deserted Lorcha.--The Murdered
Crew.--"Mellen's" Fate.--Arrival at Shanghae.--Return
Voyage.--Sin-ya-meu.--A "Squeeze Station."--The
"Love-chase."--Fraternizing.--Wife-purchasing.--The Grand
Canal.--China under Manchoo Rule.--Its Population.--The Manchoo
Government.
After my return to Nankin from the Chung-wang's army, I spent some very
pleasant months in that city. The warm summer weather of central China
produced a sort of lassitude both of mind and body, and for a time,
while leading a happy and listless life, mixing with the kind and
enthusiastic Ti-pings, or wandering through the beautiful gardens of the
Chung-wang's palace with Marie, the outer world became forgotten.
Aroused each day with the rising sun, my friend, Philip, and I would
meet the Chung-wang's household at the morning prayers in the "Heavenly
Hall." Here, from about six o'clock till seven, I regularly joined in
the prayers of people whose devotion I have never seen excelled
elsewhere. The men and women were separated by occupying different sides
of the Hall, and the worship was generally conducted by the Chung-wang's
chaplain. After a long form of supplication, the anthem was chanted,
followed by a doxology and hymn; the officiating minister then closed
the service by reading a written prayer, which when finished was always
set on fire and consumed.
[Illustration: A TI-PING CHURCH.
DAY & SON, (LIMITED) LITH.]
Oftentimes while kneeling in the midst of an apparently devout
congregation, and gazing on the upturned countenances lightened by the
early morning sun, which poured its golden rays through the quaintly
carved windows, have I wondered why no British missionary occupied my
place, and why Europeans generally preferred slaughtering the Ti-pings
to accepting them as brothers in Christ; and while scanning the
assembled Christian Chinese, praying from the Bible we Europeans trust
in and declare to be our guide, I have felt a sympathy and enthusiasm
for their cause that never can be weakened or subdued.
About an hour after prayers the great drums at the palace entrance would
sound for the morning meal. When the family were assembled, the
following form of grace was given by the master of the house, or, in the
absence of the Chung-wang, by his brother:--
"Heavenly Father, the Great God, bless us thy little ones. Give
us day by day food to eat and clothes to wear. Deliver us from
evil and calamity, and receive our souls into heaven."
After breakfast the household would disperse upon their various daily
occupations,--the ladies to their private apartments, there to employ
themselves with embroidering the exquisitely ornamented shoes and silken
garments in vogue among the Ti-pings, to perform more domestic duties,
or amuse themselves with music and singing.
The Chung-wang's cousin, Yu-wang (the Admired Prince), being
Vice-President of the Board of War, and member of the Tien-wang's Privy
Council, seemed generally overwhelmed with business. First he would
gallop off with a numerous escort to the offices of the "Board of War."
Having returned from thence, after the mid-day meal he would don his
state robes and attend the royal court. This chief possessed a high
reputation for wisdom in council, sanctity in living, and bravery in the
field.
Besides his civil appointments, he was a general of the "Loyal troops of
the palace of the Tien-wang" (the veteran _élite_ of the Ti-ping
forces). He was married to but one wife, though many of his associates
were polygamists, and, although a young man, was of a remarkably grave
and religious character, so much so, that even his little running pages
seemed affected by it and forgot their wild mischievous propensities.
Each day the major-domo mustered his people to prayers, to feed, and to
work. The captain of a detachment of the Chung-wang's body-guard
regularly drilled them in the large courtyard of the palace. The
Commander-in-Chief's adjutant-general, Lee-wang, daily conducted the
business connected with his office, employing an immense number of
scribes, officials, and soldiers, who waited and carried away huge
sheets of yellow proclamations almost larger than themselves. In another
part of the Chung-wang's palace his private secretaries seemed for ever
writing, or rather painting, interminable Chinese characters on
large-sized paper and small-sized paper, which they continually added to
the vast heaps of manuscript piled up around them, while I have often
wondered what it could all be about.
These various duties were executed with a wonderful exactitude and
regularity, almost mechanical; indeed, throughout Nankin and every part
of Ti-pingdom I have always found a similar state of methodical
organization.
I frequently visited the Minister of the Interior, the Chang-wang
(Accomplished Prince), and other chiefs, with my two companions, and we
were always received with such kindness and hospitality that every house
in Nankin became our home. We usually employed a part of each day
instructing the Ti-ping soldiers in gunnery or drilling them upon a plan
combining the line and column formation of European tactics with their
own more undisciplined manoeuvres. The Chinese are well known for their
imitative ingenuity; but we found these _free_ Chinamen still more
easily taught, their quick acquirement of English words and
extraordinary aptitude for every kind of instruction being really
marvellous.
When I look back upon the unchangeable and universal kindness I have
always met with from the Ti-pings, even while their dearest relatives
were being slaughtered by my countrymen, or captured by the Manchoos to
be tortured to death and their wives and daughters when not killed
infamously outraged and passed from hand to hand by the rabble
Imperialist soldiery, it almost seems to be a dream, so difficult is it
to comprehend their magnanimous forbearance, when, according to the _lex
talionis_ in vogue among civilized nations, they should have executed
every Englishman they met with similar barbarities to those practised
upon the unfortunate Ti-ping prisoners given up by British officers
(during the years 1862-3-4) to the Manchoo authorities.
During all my intercourse with the Ti-pings I can recollect nothing
_more_ unpleasant than being made "bogie" to frighten unruly children;
and even this was of rare occurrence, so great a feeling of respect for
Englishmen did their parents entertain. Sometimes, while strolling
through a city, I have been pointed out as a white man bogie to little
yellow-skinned Ti-pings by their black-haired pretty mother, qualified,
however, in most cases by a polite invitation to enter and partake of a
cup of tea; and so the only offence that could be taken at becoming
"bogie" would be from the unflattering opinion one's appearance caused
in the juvenile imagination. How different are the scowling looks and
the epithet "Yang-quitzo" applied to us with the aspiration of hate by
our Manchoo allies!
The kind and friendly feeling of the Ti-pings I often found so excessive
as to be absolutely annoying. For hours together I have been quite
wearied out by their attentions. Some impulsive Ti-pingite would seize a
hand of his "foreign brother" and retaining it between his own for
several hours, all the time maintain an energetic conversation,
perfectly regardless as to whether I understood him or not; probably
when tired he would leave me in the hands of a particular friend, who in
turn, after exhausting his own conversational powers and my patience,
would give me up to another. To those who have experienced the ordinary
dislike and contumely of the Chinese, the surprising friendliness of the
Ti-pings is no less remarkable than pleasant. The ingenuous earnestness
with which they always welcomed Europeans as "Wa-choong-te" (brethren
from across the seas), and the apparent sincerity with which they would
claim the relationship as fellow-worshippers of "Yesu," seems to have
impressed all who have really been among them with similar feelings of
unmingled pleasure.
When I remember in what manner these people have been treated by my
country, I almost feel the blush of shame at being an Englishman. None
who love their country can behold its foreign policy with satisfaction,
or hope for its future. It requires but a glance at the history of the
greatest nations of ancient and modern history to perceive our danger,
and the parallel between our present position and the meridian of their
greatness. The yearning for self-aggrandizement has caused the overthrow
of many nations, and day by day we see the rich colonies forming part of
some overgrown aggressively created empire, seceding from and breaking
the power of their former oppressor. Well for us or our descendants will
it be if by changing our policy and pursuing one of righteousness and
non-aggression, England is preserved from destruction amid the regular
and successive crash of falling nations.
Can we look upon our acquisition of India, of our old American colonies,
of New Zealand and the Cape of Good Hope annexations, &c., or our wars
with China, Burmah, Japan, and last though not least, our war upon the
Ti-ping Christian revolution, without remembering the fate of the mighty
empire of Imperial Rome? Can we ponder with satisfaction over the former
greatness of Spain, Portugal, and Holland, the decline of their power,
and its causes? In connection with this subject I cannot forbear quoting
the following extract from a letter written by the Bishop of Victoria to
the Archbishop of Canterbury, dated Hong-kong, May 23rd, 1853, and in
which, referring to the Ti-ping revolution, he states:--
"And if Britain, and, above all, Britain's Church, neglect the
call, and arise not to her high behest as the ambassadress of
Christ and the heraldress of the cross among these Eastern
empires, then the page of history will hereafter record the
melancholy fact that, like Spain, Portugal, and Holland, who
each enjoyed their brief day of supremacy and empire in these
Eastern seas, and then sank into insignificance and decay, so
Britain, wielding the mightiest sceptre of the ocean, and ruling
the vastest colonial empire of the world, failed to consecrate
her talents to Christ, and, _ingloriously intent on mere
self-aggrandizement and wealth, fell from her exalted seat in
merited ignominy and shame_."
At Nankin each day the signal for prayer was given from the Tien-wang's
palace, when the great gongs within the first courtyard were sounded.
The signal was then repeated from house to house, till at last the
brazen reverberation having died away in the most remote corners of the
city, and having been echoed along the massive ramparts by the solitary
watchmen to the distant suburbs, the knee of every man within, or in the
adjoining villages without the walls, became bent in prayer. Often have
I stood upon the old time-worn mural defence of Nankin, with the last
lingering light of sunset throwing strange fantastic shadows around me,
and listened to the humming noise rising up from the praying people
below. At other times I have gazed from that same ancient wall at
midnight, as the last hollow tap from the sentinel's bamboo drum was
sounded, have seen the whole populace assemble to welcome the Sabbath
day; then turning towards the distant hills, crowned with the
fortifications and numerous tents of the idolatrous Imperialists, I have
felt that God would never forsake those who so fervently believed and
studied his word.
Dark days have come upon the Ti-ping cause; but although many have
perished who hopefully assured me "the Heavenly Father would protect
them," and although others are now wanderers from what they had settled
as a Christian territory, so long as even one righteous believer shall
remain, I have faith in God's word for their eventual success.
The idol-worshippers and the worshippers of mammon have together made
merry over persecuted Christians, but if right is ever vindicated upon
earth, and if the Bible shall not for the first time in its history
cause the entire extermination of those who suffer for professing it, a
day will come when their unholy rejoicing shall be turned into trouble
and lamentation. That day of retribution may be far distant, yet recent
events would seem to prove it near; and whenever it does come, how
terrible it will be.
Time flew onward at Nankin with seemingly treble rapidity, so happily
passed the days with myself and European comrades. At last a shadow came
athwart the general happiness. My friend, since our return to the city,
had taken every advantage of his honourable scars to forward his dumb
suit of her ladyship Cum-ho, the Chung-wang's daughter, and as _he_
thought with great success. Nearly every day Miss Cum-ho and Marie would
join us in the palace gardens, and from simple "Chin-chining," pressing
one hand on the region of his heart, &c., my friend somehow managed to
pick up a little Chinese in a very short time, by which his courtship no
doubt was considerably benefited. For awhile things went on thus; but
one unpropitious morning the pretty princess was entrusted with a little
brother for a ramble in the gardens. As usual, at the commencement of a
large shrubbery my friend and her ladyship took the wrong path, and so
became separated from Marie and myself.
We could not have strolled far, when suddenly a most tremendous
screaming arose in the direction of the palace. Leaving Marie to follow
me, I ran in the direction of the noise as fast as possible. When close
up to the termination of the shrubbery, I heard voices proceeding from a
little by-path, and, following it up, soon ascertained the cause. It
appeared that the princess having become absorbed with my friend's
endeavours to study the Chinese language, forgot her young brother, and
left him to his own devices, when, with the usual perversity of small
people, he straightway got into mischief. Not content with making mud
pies on the open walks of the shrubbery, or otherwise innocently amusing
himself, this wretched child saw fit, in an evil moment, to investigate
the dark and tortuous windings of the path in which I found him.
Late rains had made the out-of-the-way part this infant mind determined
to explore, a perfect quagmire, through which he had successfully
wriggled along, until, reaching one of those large earthen jars peculiar
to China, sunk into the ground, and filled with agricultural compost,
the Chung-wang's youngest "olive-branch" tumbled in. After the first
suffocating dip, he had managed to stick his head out and give tongue in
his loudest key. The scene of disaster being only a few hundred yards
from where the servants lived in rear of the palace, the noise had
attracted the attention of several, who at once hastened to the spot;
and they had just succeeded extracting their young lord from his
unenviable position when I arrived among them.
His little Excellency was led off by the faithful serving-men, while I
returned for Marie, and after seeing her to the palace, ran down the
shrubbery to its end, and there, calmly oblivious to all besides
themselves, found my friend and his companion side by side on one of the
garden seats. Miss Cum-ho was terribly frightened at my tale, not only
for the sake of her brother, but because the affair would make known her
meetings with my friend. We had no time to make any arrangement by which
this might be avoided, for I had scarcely told them of the mischance
when up came a couple of young pages in search of the lady.
Upon reaching the palace, the Mrs. Chung-wang appeared, superintending
the washing of her son and ready to receive her delinquent daughter. Two
old duennas, of particularly vinegar aspect, advanced upon the girl, who
for a moment clung to my friend's arm. That moment, however, must have
sufficed to show the Chung-wang's better-half the state of her
daughter's affections, whom she now sharply upbraided while being
dragged into the palace. Poor Cum-ho disappeared in tears, doubtless
severely pinched by her two guards, while the injured "parent," after
seeing her purified boy carried in before her, retired with a Parthian
exclamation of "Yang-quitzo," thrown at my friend.
It was the first time I had ever heard an European called "foreign
devil" in Ti-pingdom, and Mrs. Chung-wang must have been hugely offended
to have uttered such a thing. Turning to L----, I exclaimed, "Well, old
fellow, what do you think of it?"
"Think," he answered; "why it's the last I shall see of Cum-ho."
"Yes, I suppose it will be; but that won't trouble you much?"
After a moment's thought, my friend seriously said to me:--"My dear
fellow, I really believe I love that girl; Chinese or not, she is a
good, warm-hearted creature, and--I think she loves me; besides, she is
very pretty. What do you think of her hair? is it not long and
beautiful? I do not believe any English girl has such tresses. She has a
straight nose too, and her eyes are very fine; don't you think so?"
"Yes, there's no question about it; she is a very good-looking girl,
but, unfortunately, you must remember she is the Chung-wang's daughter."
"I don't care if she's the Lord Duke of Macaciac's daughter; if she
loves me I _will_ see her again."
"Have you spoken to her about love?" I asked.
"I cannot exactly say I have, for I do not know the Chinese version of
the verb, but I believe she understood what I meant when I tried to. How
do you express "I love you" in Chinese?"
"Gno gnae ne," I told him as well as I knew.
"Noo nay nee; well, I think I shall remember that; noo nay nee; yes,
that's simple enough; but how shall I meet Cum-ho again to tell her so?
that's the question."
"Trust to the Chinese Cupid, if there is one; besides, if she loves you,
depend upon it you will hear from her somehow before long; but I must
say I still retain a vivid remembrance of some of your Hong-kong
attachments; there was A-far, the pretty daughter of Canton Jack, our
boatman; do you forget how desperately in love you fancied yourself with
that sun-burnt, black-eyed, rough-headed 'Sanpan girl?'"
"Oh, nonsense," replied my friend, pettishly, "there's a vast difference
between the two; at that time I was fresh from England and could not be
much smitten by a Chinese boat-girl, with the thoughts of the dear girls
at home filling my mind. But now I have been so long in China I have
almost forgotten what an English woman is like; you cannot deny that
Cum-ho is handsome; see what a beautiful little mouth she has, what
teeth, what ----."
"There, that will do, my friend; it is needless to recapitulate the fair
celestial's charms, you are evidently a victim of the little Chinese
god; but I will just ask one thing; apart from the danger of becoming
obnoxious to so powerful a chief as the Chung-wang, who would certainly
never look with pleasure upon an alliance between his daughter and
yourself, leang-sze-ma (lieutenant) in his guards though he has made
you,--how would you feel disposed to carry home to England a Chinese
wife?"
"Home!" said he, bitterly; "most likely I shall never see home again, at
all events I love the girl, and I am determined not to give her up so
easily; if I escape the gingall-balls and rusty spears of those rascally
Imps, the Chung-wang may yet be willing to give me his daughter; it
appears to me the marriage ceremony of the Ti-pings is much like ours,
and if nothing else will succeed, why, an elopement _à la_ Ti-ping
Gretna Green may."
"You shall never do anything so rash," I responded, as we entered the
palace and proceeded to our quarters, "we shall be leaving Nankin for
some days very shortly, and when we return, if you are still of the same
mind, we will resume the subject and see what can be done."
After this event Cum-ho was never permitted to meet us, although she
managed now and then to send a message by Marie to the "Yang-quitzo."
The misfortune of that confounded child would have proved a source of
much merriment, but for the interruption of our pleasant promenades it
effected. Besides making a prisoner of Cum-ho, it very considerably
annoyed Marie and myself; for the vigilance of the elder ladies of the
household having become aroused, they carefully watched over my
betrothed wherever she went. I cannot but admit that, one and all, the
women of Ti-pingdom were paragons of modesty and propriety, and although
in this case their espionage proved rather vexatious, I did not admire
them less for it.
Previous to this, I had determined to take a trip to Shanghae in order
to ascertain, if possible, the purport of the will left by Marie's
father, and also to make various arrangements with regard to obtaining
supplies of grain, European arms, &c., for Nankin; all of which the
Manchoos were able to obtain _ad libitum_ from Europeans at the treaty
ports, although furnishing the same articles to the Ti-pings was
strictly prohibited by the British authorities, in spite of their
pledged neutrality. Before setting out upon my journey, I had an
interview with the Minister of the Interior, Chang-wang, who gave me a
number of passes, requesting me to bestow them upon respectable
Europeans and inform them Nankin was open to trade. A few foreign
vessels were occupied trading to the city, and among them my friend
Mellen, with two of his own lorchas. I had met him several times when in
port, and shortly before I set out for Shanghae he had sailed with the
vessel he was on board, intending to return with a cargo of rice, &c.
When all was ready for a start, I had no small difficulty in getting my
friend away with me; Philip I left behind to continue drilling and
otherwise instructing the soldiery, and also as my agent for other
affairs. Besides the bother with my friend, I experienced a more serious
one before getting the crew of my vessel to obey orders. These men
during my stay had become thoroughly Ti-pingized, and having allowed
their hair to grow, did not seem at all inclined to shave and adopt the
Manchoo badge of slavery again. So attached to the Ti-ping
re-establishment of Chinese customs had they become, that I was
compelled to call in the Sz-wang to make them shave and leave Nankin. It
may be that, as a rule, the Chinese are pretty well contented with and
accustomed to the monkey tail, but let their national spirit once be
aroused upon the subject, they feel the degradation bitterly. With
scarcely an exception, the whole crew violently protested against
resuming the guise of the Tartar, and one fine young fellow felt so
acutely while under the hands of the barber that he actually cried like
a child.
At last, however, the tresses were all shorn off, and having parted with
Marie with the full intention of making her my wife when I returned, and
having given her a letter for Cum-ho, concocted by my friend from a
Morison's Chinese and English Dictionary, the anchor was rudely dragged
forth from its snug hiding-place in the muddy bottom of the Nankin
creek; then clapping my shiny-headed men on to the halyards fore and
aft, all sail was made, and Nankin bidden adieu for a time.
The Yang-tze river, at its mildest mood and lowest period in the middle
of winter, is still a mighty and a swift-running stream; but in summer,
when swollen with the vast torrents from the melted snow of the region
of great mountains, amid which it rises far away beyond the western
limits of Thibet, its waters rush fierce and foaming far into the
country upon either side of its proper channel. Such was the case upon
my departure from Nankin.
Sailing was out of the question, because what little wind there came
was, as the sailors say, dead on end. But although our canvas could not
help us on our way, the boiling tide did, and that at the rate of nearly
five knots an hour. I have many a time floated along the bosom of that
grand Yang-tze, and with nature all beautiful around me, crew and
servants obedient to the slightest wish, and, above all, a sympathizing
friend, fancied more complete happiness impossible.
At such moments I have often reflected upon the great Ti-ping movement,
and wondered whether my partisanship could have blinded me to any of its
defects, and so led me to disagree with the manifold tales of horror and
detraction narrated by persons who opposed the rebellion. I have even
tried to persuade myself that I was a fool, that I had been imposed upon
and deceived by the Ti-pings as to their real character, and that the
hostile reports were true. But then I could not help feeling myself
sincerely a well-wisher of the rebels; I knew that I became a partisan
from my conviction of the righteousness and favourable characteristics
of their cause, and from no mere worldly interest or attraction; and,
moreover, against the hearsay adverse testimony I could certainly plead,
"seeing is believing," and prefer my own eyesight and personal
experience to the tales of others, the greater proportion of whom had
never even seen a Ti-ping under any circumstances, much less when at
their home and uninfluenced by the horrors of Asiatic warfare. Besides
this, nearly all my friends and acquaintances were entirely of the same
opinion as myself, including the Revs. W. Lobschied, Griffith John, and
other missionaries, who had really seen Ti-ping life and manners.
[Illustration: A Mast Head View Of Nankin From The River As It Appeared
On The Morning Of Departure.
London, Published March 15^{th} 1866 by Day & Son, Limited Lithog^{rs}
Gate Str, Lincoln's Inn Fields.
Day & Son, Limited, Lith.]
These driftings on the Yang-tze were productive of much meditation. Far
from the trammels, disturbance, and troubles of the great cities of men,
with the warm pure air blowing freshly upon us, we could think only of
the justice and reason of things, completely unbiassed by the
stereotyped customs and formal conventionalities of society; but the
living voice of Nature all around us, manifested in the murmur of the
moving waters, the humming noise of manifold insects, the myriad lamps
of the fire-fly at night, and the brilliant-coloured feathery songsters
in full chorus among the reed-beds' luxuriant foliage by day, whispered
a better and more comprehensive theory of existence. So far as society
was concerned, it might have been extinct, for we were at such times
perfectly isolated, myself and friend were alone with regard to
companionship, will, and authority. Of course this sort of life requires
change; it is all very well for a few months; but then one seems to wish
for something more than the voice of nature, and the novelties of
strange people, new faces, and busy life, become excessively attractive.
To descend unto the mere creature comforts of such living:--at four in
the morning we arose; As-sam, with meek devotion, or rather serpent-like
Asiatic stealthiness, would bring coffee, containing just a dash of
strong waters, with a little breakfast of rice-cake or toast, by way of
fortifying oneself in a cholera country. This sailors' inseparable
morning stimulant despatched,[40] habited in thin white silk, we were
douched with many buckets of water, drawn overnight and separated from
the thick muddy particles of the Yang-tze by settling and cooling till
morn, when the clear part was poured off for use; then a couple of
brawny Chinese mariners would rub us down like young horses, and our day
began.
If the _locale_ was favourable and the breeze light, a stroll along the
river's bank, gun in hand, keeping time with the progress of our vessel
with the tide, almost surely supplied us with many fat pheasants, wild
pigeons, and some of the numerous Chinese summer water-fowl, or snipe
and curlew of singular variety. A stroll to the trees and bushes further
inland would possibly reward us with a few woodcock, rice-birds or
ortolan, and other delicious game peculiar to China.
Whenever the game-bag became full, or the sun too high to be pleasant,
we returned to our floating home, probably with some fish purchased from
a solitary dip-net fisherman, working at a little clear spot among the
tall bulrushes overhanging some tideless deep pool, the favourite resort
of his legitimate prey.
About 11 a.m. our breakfast was served, that breakfast a feast for an
epicure: choice and fragrantly-scented tea the principal beverage, and
fish, newly plundered from the rich stores of the river, the standing
dish. How shall I sing your praises, ye finny tribes of the Yang-tze?
Large and small, long and short, thick and thin, flat and deep, every
conceivable shape and colour, with every possible flavour appertaining
to fishes of any part of the world, or the most approved delicacy, I
safely pronounce ye unequalled by your brethren of foreign seas, lakes,
or running streams. Above all ranks the delicious Ke-yu (chicken-fish),
combining the qualities of British salmon, turbot, and whiting, equally
the favourite of natives and Europeans, and in some of the distant
cities eagerly purchased at fabulous prices by the wealthy gourmands.
The remnants of fish being carried away, the hot and greasy face of
As-sam would be thrust into our cabin, followed by that individual's
other parts, carefully bearing to his yet strong-appetited masters a
brown and juicy pheasant or wild duck, done as he knew how to do them,
with Chinese ingenuity and cunning spices. A plentiful supply of
fruit--oranges, pears, pumelos, peaches, li-chees, and Chinese
preserves--finished a cheap, though almost Sybarite repast; and last,
but not least in a hot climate, one glass of ice-cold water was
forthcoming.
If the day was not oppressively hot, we would while away the time with
books, or my friend would bring out his soft-toned flute, and join in
melody with the birds, huge dragon-flies, and other flying, creeping,
and crawling things, which had all woke up to be happy in the bright
sunshine.
Should we, perchance, fall in with some fellow wanderer, we met as
brothers and equals; but this did not often happen. Swiftly roll the
yellow waters, yellower still in the fierce sunlight, spreading away
over islands, villages, and cultivated fields, far into the interior.
Sometimes, when in flood, even 500 miles from its mouth, this mighty
river is bounded here and there by the glittering horizon of its own
waters. At one spot the roof of a tall house just shows above the
stream; at another the tops of some great trees may be noticed bending
along with the rushing tide.[41]
Purple, dim, and vast, rise the mountains, lazily flaps the white
canvas, while through the tall bulrushes beautiful little summer ducks
skim about, great "Bramley" kites wheel high above, uttering their
piercing cries, and in and out of the feathery-topped bamboo strange and
brilliantly-plumaged birds incessantly play. Still we glide with the
flowing waters, which, from unknown mysterious regions flow onward, flow
ever, towards the great outside ocean, whither for hundreds of centuries
it has flowed, untired and unceasing, and whither it will flow to all
eternity.
"Ho-li" is echoed along the decks, and reverentially our long-tailed
cook brings burning charcoal between iron pincers. The day is too hot
now for work, for talking, almost for thinking, and whilst the tide
sweeps along, we slowly puff our cheroots and recline under the grateful
shade of the awning in a state of semi-coma.
Lying on the flat of our Saxon backs, and lazily wreathing
reflective-producing columns of smoke from our Manilas, we build castles
in the air, loftier far and not so grim as those which ever and anon
frown back at the mountains on either side. We dream with revolver in
belt and gun at hand, ready to knock over stray unwary ducks, or savage,
plundering, military Manchoos, should it become necessary. Little kings
are we in our own right; obsequiously bends As-sam, pattern of boys and
servants, to our lordly nod; meekly answers A-foo, _lowder_, captain,
and pirate that he is; for the white men are strong, the Chinese think,
and we must be civil to them while awake, even if we murder them when
asleep.
We have no bad smells here, no wear and tear and flurry of cities; our
habits are primitive, and for the most part, we own the open heavens
only as our roof, and breathe the pure and uncontaminated atmosphere of
the temperate zone.
A mid-day siesta, for at night we must be watchful of straggling
piratical Manchoo gunboats, followed by another gunning excursion in the
cool of the evening, or possibly a few minutes passed in some secluded
village; then dinner at dusk, almost the same as breakfast, excepting
the addition of curry (real curry, not as is often the case, a
yellow-looking mess of that name only), some of the many descriptions
of Chinese vegetables, and pastry made by that clever As-sam; followed
by a game of chess, a duet with my concertina and friend's flute, and a
fragrant Manila to accompany the constitutional after-dinner
quarter-deck promenade, terminate the pleasures of the day.
While daylight lasted we were generally safe; but whenever night spread
her sable mantle over river, shore, and man alike, the utmost vigilance
was required. By generally keeping underweigh all night, and choosing
the centre of the stream, with one or two exceptions I avoided any
serious danger from the Imperialist _braves_ and gunboats, as one
well-directed shot would mostly satisfy them; some of my friends,
however, were not so fortunate, and on this occasion of my river life I
came upon a scene of horror I never shall forget.
After successfully running past the fortifications and flotillas
situated at the commencement of the Imperialist jurisdiction, early one
morning, when within a few miles of Chin-kiang, we came in sight of a
lorcha close in to the river's bank. As the wind was too scant to be
useful for vessels bound up the river, at first I paid but little
attention to the otherwise singular position of the strange craft, but
when nearly abreast, to my astonishment I discovered her to be the
_Fox_, my friend Mellen's lorcha. The daylight was now pretty well
developed, and almost at the same time I was enabled to discern some one
on deck waving a large white signal. Upon this I steered directly for
the lorcha, and when sufficiently near, saw the figure was that of a
woman, apparently alone; that the vessel was evidently derelict, from
the confusion and dismantled state of her rigging, and that she was run
ashore high and dry, her bow actually projecting a considerable way over
the land.
Running as close alongside as we could without grounding, we anchored in
the stream right abeam of her, and arming ourselves and a couple of good
men, my friend and I proceeded to board the lorcha. Upon doing so we
were met at the gangway by the old nurse of Mellen's children, who was
wringing her hands and loudly vociferating the peculiar lament in vogue
among the Chinese women when in grief.
A deserted ship has at all times a disheartening, melancholy sort of
effect, upon a sailor at all events; but although I had seen such a
thing before, even far away upon the vast ocean hundreds of miles from
the nearest land, I never experienced so sudden and so fearful a chill
as the moment my feet touched that lorcha's deck. It was not the
grievous aspect of old As-su, neither was it the deserted appearance of
the vessel itself, but the atmosphere seemed heavy with some undefinable
horror, that unearthly smell, or rather perception, of human blood which
those who have discovered deeds of slaughter will easily appreciate, but
which I cannot further explain.
Of course my first endeavour was to gather something from the old nurse,
meanwhile my friend proceeded aft towards the lorcha's cabin. Before I
could distinguish anything tangible from the sobbing "hi-yo hi-yo's" of
As-su, I was startled by his horrified exclamation.
"Great God! come here, A----," called he in the sharp accents of
powerful excitement. In a moment I was by his side and gazing down
through the torn-off cabin skylight.
I have passed among the bodies of thousands killed in the sanguinary
Chinese battles; I have moved slowly along creeks, ay, even the broad
Yang-tze itself, literally choked with poor remnants of humanity; quite
lately I have wandered through once happy Ti-ping villages, at this time
tenanted alone with the starved, dead, and the miserable living
cannibals, yet existing upon their former companions. I have passed
through all these fearful scenes, yet never did I feel the overpowering
horror I experienced while gazing into that lonely cabin; lonely,
indeed, for only the bodies of the ruthlessly murdered composed its
ghastly tenancy.
Blood stained the sides, the ceiling, and the furniture, while the deck
of that gory cabin seemed one coagulated mass. Doubled up at the foot of
his berth my poor friend Mellen, one of the bravest among the brave, lay
mangled and hideous; above him, in the very attitude of protecting her
husband, stood the corpse of his noble-hearted wife, frightfully
disfigured and covered with wounds; while the innocent little child lay
gashed and lifeless by its father's side. I will not further horrify my
readers with a description of the fearful nature of the wounds inflicted
upon these unfortunates; suffice it to say that although Mellen himself
was cut up with many, his brave wife was literally hacked to pieces.
I afterwards ascertained, through inquiries made in the vicinity by my
interpreter A-ling, and from the testimony of the nurse As-su, who
escaped the fate of her mistress by secreting herself, that my friends
had been thus brutally murdered by a number of Imperialist soldiery in
combination with some of the crew.
Poor Mellen had on board a large amount of money, some £6,000 sterling.
At E-ching his crew had informed the Mandarins of this, and they, taking
the opportunity to pocket a large sum by simply gratifying their hatred
of a solitary "foreign devil," had authorized a party of soldiers to
murder him. These soldiers assembled on board a large _Ti-mung_ close to
where I found the _Fox_; but as the latter happened to pass them during
the day, and moreover, in company with another vessel, their designs
were frustrated for a little while. With true Chinese cunning, however,
these wretches managed to get Mellen into their murderous clutches. At
the village of Kwa-chow, within sight of the treaty port Chin-kiang, the
Chinese _lowder_ (captain), by making some plausible excuse, induced his
master to anchor there and allow him to go on shore. Returning on board
with a couple of soldiers disguised as merchants, this wretch (who was
actually the father of Mellen's wife, and whose life his master had once
saved at the peril of his own) pretended the pseudo traders were anxious
to have a large cargo taken to Nankin, to be embarked some distance up
the river, and for which they agreed to pay a very high freight. Mellen
was very unwell, and trusting to the statements and integrity of his
Chinese father-in-law, unfortunately agreed to return up the river and
take in the fictitious cargo for the Ti-pings. That same night his
vessel was anchored but a short distance from the _Ti-mung_ and her
bloodthirsty crew. About midnight the assassins took to a couple of
small boats and pulled for their prey. At this time the confederates
among the lorcha's crew made a noise on deck, probably to get Mellen out
in the dark, when their work would be safer than in a light cabin with a
deadly revolver to oppose them. Mrs. Mellen, leaving her sick husband
below, ran on deck with a revolver, and seeing the two boats close
alongside, instantly fired several shots at them. As the yelling savages
swarmed on board, she ran down to her husband closely followed by them,
and then the butchery commenced. Poor Mellen was killed rising from the
berth, and ere he could draw the sword I found half unsheathed just
underneath him. His wretched wife, after suffering every torture and
atrocity the cruel Chinese particularly excel in, died over her
husband's body, faithful to the last, with one arm round his severed
neck, the other upraised as though to ward the blow her eyes had seen
coming ere they closed for ever. Poor girl! I can never forget the
horribly mutilated state in which I found her: it would hardly have been
possible to touch an unwounded spot on her body. She had killed one and
hit another of the murderers; they stated ashore that she was as bad as
a "Yang-quitzo" (all this my interpreter ascertained); and they wreaked
a most ferocious vengeance upon the defenceless woman. When the victims
were killed, the treasure was carried off, and the whole vessel
pillaged fore and aft; and when everything of the slightest value had
been taken, the crew and soldiers, after running her ashore upon the
bank, took their departure. The old nurse, after some time, had ventured
from her hiding-place, and for four days had been living on the deck of
the charnel ship when we boarded her.
Having sent news of the tragedy to Chin-kiang, a steamer came to the
spot and towed the _Fox_ down to Silver Island, where the mangled bodies
were removed and given Christian burial. And so terminated my friendship
with poor Mellen and his courageous wife; since then all my friends, I
may say, in that distant and fatal land have perished by the sword, by
sudden death, or by the deadly diseases of the country.
The facts of the foregoing barbarous murders I forwarded to H.M.'s
consul at Chin-kiang, who, with the officers of the gunboat on the
station, beheld the bodies and saw them buried, yet no redress was ever
sought from the allies of the British Government. This is but one of
many and many a similar specimen of the Manchoo feeling towards
Englishmen, and this is the style of people who are to be firmly
established throughout China by the overthrow of the Ti-ping rebellion
by the aid of British arms.
Leaving my vessel at Chin-kiang (I had at this time entirely purchased
her from the previous owner), in charge of A-ling, I took a passage to
Shanghae with my friend on board one of the river steamers. When all
business was arranged, I set out upon my return to Nankin, leaving L----
in charge of a fine lorcha we had jointly purchased as a blockade-runner
to the Ti-ping capital, to follow me as fast as wind and tide would
allow. I found out Marie's relatives, and they told me that Manouel
Ramon had inherited all her father's property, that he had raised a
foreign contingent of Manila-men and Portuguese, with which he had
joined the Imperialists, and that he was determined to be revenged upon
myself and betrothed.
While at Shanghae I sought out many Europeans who owned lorchas, Ningpo
boats, and other river craft, and stating the advantages to be derived
from trade with Nankin, induced a goodly number to undertake the risk,
to whom I bestowed the passes given me by the Chung-wang. When I had
settled various transactions with regard to obtaining arms, agents, and
a correspondence with that portion of the Shanghae press known to be
impartial, I returned by steamer to Chin-kiang, accompanied by Captain
P----, whom I had formerly seen in command of the schooner whose crew
had mutinied at the Lang-shan crossing. I had met him in Shanghae, and
he willingly took a share of my vessel at Chin-kiang, agreeing to run
her himself in the Nankin trade.
Upon reaching Chin-kiang and taking up my quarters on board the old
craft, I determined to proceed with her to a town some thirty miles up a
branch of the Grand Canal, purchase a cargo of rice, and take it with me
to Nankin. This idea was soon put into force, and after the _lowder_ had
collected his men from the gambling dens in the village immediately
opposite the city of Chin-kiang, on the other side of the river, we got
underweigh. With a light breeze and beautiful weather we proceeded
merrily on our trip, with that exhilarating feeling the prospect of a
visit to a strange and interesting country always produces.
After being swept down stream for more than an hour, just below Silver
Island, we came to the entrance of the creek up which lay our further
course. Steering into its mouth, we left the swift and turbid waters of
the great Yang-tze, and landing our crew with their collars and rope,
slowly tracked along the quieter stream. Our destination was the town of
Sin-ya-meu, the great emporium of that part of China. From the river
inland the whole country is richly cultivated, and the style of
agriculture and farm-house seems more nearly approaching that of
England than I have observed elsewhere. Barley, wheat, rye, and oats
greet the eye in place of the interminable paddy-fields of most parts of
China. Haystacks are seen about the farms, and the dwellings are all of
a large and spacious build. The country is slightly wooded and full of
wild pigeons, and of these my friend and self obtained many, thanks to
our double-barrels. These pigeons are quite unlike any I have seen in
other countries; their colour very closely resembles that of the dove,
but the breast and wings are like the golden plover; and a beautiful
circlet round the neck, similar to the ringdove, with a large black
tail, completes their exquisite plumage. The delicacy of this bird
excels that of any other I have ever tasted, yet the Chinese pay no
attention to their presence, and neither attempt to catch, eat, tame, or
do anything else with them.
This country would be perfect were it not for the imperfections of the
people who inhabit it, or rather, the evil qualities of its rulers, for
I believe the Chinese themselves are capable of almost any improvement.
During my trip to Sin-ya-meu I particularly noticed the abominable
extortion of the Manchoo Government. Although the distance from the
mouth of the creek to the town is considerably less than thirty miles, I
passed no fewer than fifteen custom-houses established along its banks.
The creek is a very broad one, and forms the principal route for the
wood rafts bound from Han-kow (up the Yang-tze) to the town. I passed
many on my journey, and conversed with the merchants to whom they
belonged, who all bitterly complained of the gross extortion of the
Customs officials, and assured me that by law no more than two
duty-stations were authorized, yet at each of the fifteen they were
squeezed of the same amount of duty that ought only to have been paid
twice.
Sin-ya-meu I found to be a very extensive unwalled town, the centre of
an immense trade. What little business is transacted at the treaty port
Chin-kiang, is entirely dependent upon Sin-ya-meu; and unless the native
merchants can be induced to establish themselves at the former city, it
will never become a place of much commercial importance.
[Illustration: A MANCHOO SQUEEZE STATION.]
While the invaluable A-ling was negotiating for the rice, I took a trip
as far as the walled city of Yang-chow-foo with my friend P----. This
town and the district has long been famous for its women, who, the
natives say, are the handsomest in China. Although our experience was
limited to a couple of days, from what we saw in the country and town
during daylight, and in the sing-songs at night, we were able to form
the same opinion. The women, though darker than those of the Honan
province, are quite as straight-featured and much more rosy and robust.
They also appeared taller than is usual in south and central China, and
their eyes seemed larger and not quite so oblique.
When within a few _li_ of Yang-chow, a turn of the creek placed our boat
close to a pair of damsels on the bank, but they no sooner espied the
strange faces of myself and P----, than they rushed towards a
neighbouring farm-house, screaming "Yang-quitzo-li" (foreign devils are
coming) at the top of their shrill voices. We had just that moment been
talking of the reputed loveliness of the Yang-chow ladies, and P----,
with his head full of the subject, jumped ashore and ran after the two
fugitives in order to have a nearer opportunity to satisfy himself as to
their superior charms. With my boy As-sam I followed my friend on shore.
The girls, terrified by the pursuit of the "foreign devil," were headed
by that individual just before they managed to hobble up to the house.
Their crippled feet sadly interfered with what would otherwise have been
their very graceful figures. Their faces were certainly very pretty, and
the excitement added not a little to their interesting appearance. At
first, when P---- appeared between themselves and their home, they clung
to each other and continued to yell, while several Chinamen came running
towards them armed with hoes and spades, and the dogs of the farm joined
chorus with a tremendous barking. But when the ladies found my friend
did not attempt to carry them off, but continued in front of them bowing
and scraping like a French dancing master (although this, of course,
they did not know), and when the advancing Chinamen observed my
fowling-piece and one of the snapping curs had been saluted with a large
stone between its eyes, which changed the baying into howling, the
commotion gradually subsided, although paterfamilias, and materfamilias,
who now put in her appearance, seemed by no means satisfied.
When the farmer's men, carrying hoes and other agricultural instruments,
for the nonce converted into warlike weapons, arrived upon the scene,
P---- suddenly thrust a hand into an inside breast pocket of his coat,
and winding up a small musical-box he carried there, changed the
combative feeling of the natives into the greatest surprise and
curiosity. Taking advantage of the pause, while the astounded people
seemed to look upon my friend, with "the British Grenadiers" issuing
from the region of his heart, as a "Joss" man, I told As-sam to inform
the head of the family that we had landed to inquire the way to
Yang-chow. This seemed to brighten the old fellow's dingy countenance
without the aid of water, although he still seemed dubious as to whether
we were "Joss" men, robbers, or honest travellers. One of his sons at
this moment displayed a remarkable genius by guessing the cause of my
friend's music, and it afterwards transpired that the clever youth had
an old musical-box in a forgotten corner of the paternal dwelling, which
had been obtained from the foreign-frequented city of Chin-kiang a year
or two ago, but had been broken by over-winding just when it began to
play.
The two pretty daughters having been conveyed to the inner apartments by
their watchful mother, who, I believe, penetrated the real cause of our
visit, and did not seem very much inclined to dazzle the vision of the
strangers from afar with their celestial charms, we were invited to tea
by their father, and the musical-box was produced for the general
delight of the company.
After tea and rice-cakes had been despatched, the musical-box nearly
worn out, and the girls peeping through the bamboo screen fairly
propitiated by our gentle manner and extraordinary tales, the old farmer
discovered that he had in former days been acquainted with As-sam's
father in Canton; at once we were pressed to remain and partake of
dinner, and the already genial humour of the old man became redoubled.
The day passed over very comfortably, except that at dinner the Chinese
yeoman would persist in being polite, and as this involved the
fishing-up of pieces of meat from the dinner bowls with his own
chop-sticks and the careful depositing of the same morsels in his
visitors' basins, it was not exactly pleasant.
Towards evening we were gratified by the presence of the young women to
perform various duties in the principal room, in which we were
established. Whether the small cups of rice-spirit at dinner had made
their father unusually relaxed in domestic _régime_ I do not pretend to
say, but he certainly called his daughters up to him, and actually
permitted them to be gazed upon by strangers and to gaze in return, and
to listen to their marvellous tales of other lands, these latter
singularly improved upon by As-sam whenever my knowledge of the Chinese
language was at fault.
To my unqualified surprise, when upon the point of taking our departure,
As-sam asked me to let him have fifty dollars and stop it from his
wages, as he wished to buy our host's youngest daughter! It appeared
that the old gentleman, warmed with the recollection of his friendship
for our servant's father, or impressed with As-sam's importance and
wealth through the eloquence of that cunning individual himself, and
seeing him in connection with Europeans, whom the Chinese always look
upon as overburdened with dollars, had offered him his daughter in
marriage for the sum of fifty dollars. I refused to be a party to the
transaction, so As-sam had to leave without a bride, although he
promised to return and claim her whenever he had saved her value. I bade
the farmer and his household farewell, wishing more than ever for the
success of my Ti-ping friends, who had abolished this buying and slavery
of women among themselves, and intended, God willing, to do so
throughout the land.
Upon reaching Sin-ya-meu I found the faithful A-ling had obtained the
cargo of rice and loaded our craft with it. We therefore at once set out
upon our return to Nankin, choosing the route by the Grand Canal, which
would bring us into the Yang-tze river at Kwa-chow, some few miles above
Chin-kiang.
Placing the crew on to the _yu-lo's_ (which, working in a figure of
eight motion, urge a vessel along upon the same principle as the screw
propeller), by these large oars our vessel was soon impelled beyond
Sin-ya-meu and into the Grand Canal. This magnificent work of olden time
is artificial for an extent of some 550 miles. Originally throughout
nearly the whole of this length, its sides were built of marble, with an
uniform breadth of more than 150 feet, and a depth of not less than 25.
Since the conquest of China by the Manchoos, however, this great work
has been sadly neglected, and at many parts the marble sides are no
longer visible. At frequent intervals between Hang-chow (the capital of
the Che-kiang province, where the canal terminates in the waters of
Hang-chow bay) and the city of Lin-tsing (where it joins a branch of the
Pei-ho river and continues on for about 180 miles up to Pekin, the
capital of China), the canal is no longer navigable, while the sluices,
having become neglected, have broken down the raised embankment and
flooded the surrounding country. This vast work was executed about 600
years ago by Koblai Khan, the first Emperor of the Yuen or Mongol
dynasty, as a means of supplying the sterile province of Chi-le (in
which the capital is situated) from the rich and fertile provinces of
Keang-su, Shang-tung, and Che-kiang, through which the canal is
constructed.
Not only the Grand Canal, but every other work of art, antiquity, and
manufacture, has been injured and allowed to fall into decay by the
Manchoo dynasty. Although the latter claim descent from the refugee
Mongol Princes, who were expelled from China by the first of the native
dynasty of Ming, A.D. 1366, they have done far less towards any
advancement of the physical or moral prosperity of China. During the
Mongol era many great works of public benefit and improvement were
preserved and others created, but since the epoch of the Manchoo China
has seriously deteriorated in every phase of her antique civilization.
The Manchoo conquerors are self-evidently preying upon the nation at the
present day, even although they have been in possession two hundred
years, and exhibit not the slightest wish to improve or benefit the
people, whom they only plunder. They seem to be actuated by the
knowledge that their reign is but for a time, and consequently rule
against freedom or improvement in order to make that time as long as
possible. They have proved themselves to be unequalled destroyers, and
have produced absolutely nothing. All Chinese of mind and education
declare that the Manchoo dynasty cannot last; even the highest officials
of the very Government itself have made the same observation to members
of the last British Embassy to China. Had the Ti-pings not possessed
Christianity, China would have risen to their standard as one man; had
the revolution not seemed likely to interfere with British "indemnities"
and opium trading, it would have succeeded; and had not England
interfered, the wretchedness of China would have been relieved by the
change of dynasty, the necessity for which becomes more apparent daily.
The only advancement China has undergone during the Manchoo rule has
been her rapid increase of population within the last century. For more
than one hundred years after the conquest the depopulating effect
continued in full force. Thousands of the Chinese emigrated to Formosa,
Hae-nan, Thibet, Cochin-China, Ava, Siam, the territories of the
Miau-tze, and other independent tribes; while many thousands fell by the
sword, and a greater number perished by famine, the inevitable and most
deadly companion of war in that densely populated and closely cultivated
country. But since the Chinese have become used to the Tartar yoke,
about the middle of the eighteenth century, the population has continued
increasing at the Malthusian ratio of doubling every twenty-five years.
Still this enormous increase is estimated to have simply restored to the
land the number of people it maintained before the Manchoo invasion.
This conclusion is formed from the most moderate data, but, as Malthus
himself observes, "The more difficult as well as the more interesting
part of the inquiry is to trace the immediate causes which stop its
further progress." The loss of life by the Ti-ping revolution may be one
cause, for it is a moot question whether war be not one of the ordained
methods to arrest the pro-creative power. This, however, is a
consideration for those who have made such theories their study. At all
events it is certain that the great increase of the population of China
has ceased, and it is palpable that, with already more than three
hundred inhabitants on a square mile, the soil is unable to support any
further multiplication of its children.
The increase of the population of China seems another likely enemy of
the continuance of the Manchoo dynasty. The ranks of the people having
become full again, all the old hatred of the Tartar, his tail-wearing
badge of servitude, extortion, monopoly of office, oppression, &c.,
naturally assume a more formidable aspect. The means of livelihood are
also more precarious, and the famine riots have become more frequent and
threatening, the impoverished people of course turning against the
Government whose extortion not a little helps to create their misery.
The number of malcontents become continually increased, while the
impotence and corruption of the Government, or rather the Manchoo
subjugators, is daily more apparent to them.
It is a singular fact that the Tartars have never amalgamated with the
Chinese, and that at the present day, by their organization of the eight
tribes of "Bannermen," they are as distinct as during the reign of their
first Emperor. Manchoo troops of the "eight banners" garrison every
important city in China, Manchoo officers hold every military command,
but I never found a Chinaman who would admit relationship to one, or
that did not feel himself insulted by the supposition.
Whether the cause may be patriotism, famine, increase of population, or
the extortion and oppression of the Government, certain it is that at
this period[42] the Chinese are unusually disaffected towards their
rulers, and that, besides the Ti-ping movement, there are distinct
rebellions progressing in each of the eighteen provinces.
The Manchoo Government is generally admitted to be hopelessly
oppressive, cruel, and totally corrupt; it is also believed that they
have, and by their system are compelled, to oppose Christianity and
modern civilization. In the face of all these facts he must indeed be a
very wise or a very foolish man who will either venture to believe that
the Manchoo-Tartar dynasty can endure, or will wilfully criminate
himself by upholding their cause. Most probably the British Government
thought only of their own interests during their late interference, and
it is at least doubtful whether a sincere mercenary motive or a sincere
desire to perpetuate the Manchoo dynasty would have been the most
wicked.
FOOTNOTES:
[40] The coffee of the morning watch (4 a.m. to 8 a.m.) has become so
inveterate and cherished a custom that I have had a main-yard carried
away in a sudden squall while rousing the men from the galley-fire and
their hook-pots.
[41] The immense volume of water composing the Yang-tze in the middle of
summer must be incredible to those who have not seen it. In consequence
of its great rise (some 35 feet) and strong current, villages and towns
are always built upon high ground throughout the whole length of its
course.
[42] Commencement of the year 1865.
CHAPTER XIV.
Ti-ping Revolution in 1861.--Official Correspondence.--Its
Review.--Professions of Neutrality.--How carried out.--Captain
Dew's Interpretation.--Ti-ping Remonstrance.--Cause of British
Hostility.--Mr. Bruce's Assertions.--Mr. Bruce's Second
Despatch.--Mr. Bruce's Difficulty.--His Inconsistency.--Despatch
No. 3.--Inconsistent Statements.--Ti-pings approach
Ningpo.--Interview with Ti-ping Chiefs.--Mr. Hewlett's Interview
with "Fang."--General Hwang's Despatch.--General "Fang's"
Despatch.--Capture of Ningpo.--British Intervention.--Ti-ping
Moderation.--Open Hostilities commenced.--Commander Bingham's
Despatch.--Taeping Reply.--Commander Bingham's Rejoinder.
In order to form a just appreciation of the position of the Ti-ping
revolution at the close of the year 1861, it becomes necessary to review
briefly the political relations of each party engaged in it from the
period of ratification of the Yang-tze expedition treaty of neutrality
with the Ti-pings (by Admiral Hope), and the commencement of actual
hostilities against them at the opening of the year 1862.
By the following review of the official correspondence (as given in Blue
Book form of "Papers relating to the Rebellion in China" for 1861) men
of every party, partial or impartial, may form an opinion as to British
policy in China.
Exactly thirty-six days after his solemn pledges of
non-intervention--given in accordance with his instructions from Lord
Elgin--to the Ti-ping authorities, at their capital, Admiral Hope, upon
hearing of the capture of Chapoo, penned the following orders, dated
H.M.S. _Scout_, Nagasaki, May 8, to Captain Dew, H.M.S. _Encounter_:--
"You are further to put yourself in communication with the
leader of the rebel forces, and to point out to him that the
capture and destruction of the town of Ningpo would be extremely
injurious to British trade, and that of foreigners generally,
and, therefore, that you require him to desist from all hostile
proceedings against the town, and, without committing yourself
to the necessity of having recourse to force, you will remind
him of what took place last year at Shanghae, and the
impossibility of his capturing the place should you find
yourself compelled to assist in its defence, a course, you will
add, you are unwilling to adopt, as placing you in a hostile
position in regard to the Taepings generally, _with whom we have
no wish to quarrel_."
In this despatch the Admiral states he has no "wish to quarrel" with the
Ti-pings, yet, in violation of his own pledges, and his orders to
"maintain an attitude of _strict neutrality_," he constitutes himself
dictator over their operations--operations unavoidable during their
expulsion of the Manchoos, and essential to their self-preservation,
general interests, and military honour--and interferes between the
belligerents and their natural rights; and then continues as follows:--
"You will further, immediately on your arrival at Ningpo, place
yourself in communication with the Chinese authorities for the
purpose of ascertaining what their means of resistance are, and
the probabilities of their proving successful; and should you
find them amenable to advice, you will point out to them such
measures as circumstances may render expedient, _and you will
place every obstruction in the way of the capture of the town by
the rebels_...."
At this time not only was British national faith pledged to a neutral
course, but the Admiral's actions were diametrically opposed to his
instructions.
Mr. Bruce, writing some time previously to Lord Russell upon this
subject, in a despatch dated Tien-tsin, January 3, 1861, states:--
"But I have directed Mr. Sinclair" (Consul at Ningpo) "not to
undertake the defence of the city, and _to confine his efforts_,
should it be attacked, to a _mediation_, which may save the
place from being the scene of pillage and massacre."
In a despatch to Admiral Hope, upon the same affair, Mr. Bruce writes:--
"I do not consider myself authorized to protect the town of
Ningpo from the insurgents...."
In his instructions to the consul at Ningpo, Mr. Bruce stated:--
"But I do not consider myself authorized to afford any military
protection to the town of Ningpo, or to take any active measures
against the insurgents.... Your language should be, _that we
take no part_ in this civil contest, but that we claim exemption
from injury and annoyance at the hands of both parties...."
These _professions_ of neutrality received the following sanction from
the British Government:--
LORD J. RUSSELL TO MR. BRUCE.
"Foreign Office, March 28, 1861.
"Sir,--Her Majesty's Government approve the instructions which
you gave to Mr. Consul Sinclair, as reported in your dispatch of
the 3rd of January last, with reference to the probability of
the rebel forces attacking Ningpo.
"I am, &c.,
(Signed) "J. RUSSELL."
How, then, can Admiral Hope's offering "every obstruction in the way of
the capture" of Ningpo by the Ti-pings be accounted for, otherwise than
as the result of secret instructions from the British Government; for it
would indeed be preposterous to imagine that the Admiral dared act in
direct opposition to the public orders, or that, having done so, his
disobedience would have received the unqualified approval his "every
obstruction" policy did.
Admiral Hope, in a despatch to Mr. Bruce, of the same date as the "every
obstruction" one, in detailing his plan, wrote:--
"There can be no doubt of the importance of Ningpo to _our
trade_ under existing circumstances, and should you therefore
find it expedient to sanction forcible interference for its
security, I request you will communicate with Captain Dew
direct...."
By this it appears that a British Admiral would have felt himself
justified in considering his Government's orders, his own pledges, and
the national honour, secondary in consequence to the temporary
advantages arising from "our trade." Lord Russell, upon receipt of the
Admiral's "every obstruction" despatch, instructed Mr. Bruce as
follows:--
"I have received ... a copy of Vice-Admiral Hope's letter to you
of the 8th May, respecting the measures adopted by him for the
defence of Ningpo.... I have caused the Admiralty to be
informed, in reply, that I am of opinion that Vice-Admiral
Hope's measures should be approved.... You will understand,
however, that Her Majesty's Government _do not wish force to be
used against the rebels in any case except for the actual
protection of the lives and property of British subjects_."
Professions of neutrality are here reiterated, although at the same time
the Admiral's hostile policy is approved of. Meanwhile, in the face of
these plain orders to "observe neutrality," Admiral Hope thus addressed
the Ti-ping chief in command of Chapoo:--
"The following communication from Vice-Admiral Sir James Hope,
K.C.B., commanding the naval forces of Great Britain in China,
is made to the General commanding the Taeping troops at
Chapoo:--
"1. I have been informed that the troops under your orders have
lately captured the town of Chapoo, and that there is an
intention on their part of advancing on Ningpo.
"2. As the capture of Ningpo would be extremely injurious to
British _trade_, and that of foreigners generally, I beg you to
desist from advancing on that town within a distance of two
marches.
"3. Should these my wishes be disregarded, and I sincerely trust
they may not be, as it would be with deep regret that I should
place my forces in a hostile position towards the Taepings,
_with whom we wish to maintain amicable relations_, I may be
compelled to assist in the defence of Ningpo, and in that case I
need hardly point out to you the hopelessness of success on your
part, whilst what occurred at Shanghae last year is still fresh
in your memories.
(Signed) "R. DEW, Captain.
"_Encounter_, June 11, 1861."
In this despatch the Ti-ping general is insulted by menace; an unmanly
reference is made to Shanghae; a hostile attitude is threatened if the
Ti-pings capture cities the possession of which is most essential to the
success of their cause--and yet, withal, a wish "to maintain amicable
relations" is professed!
Upon the 8th August, 1861, after the singular interpretation of
neutrality by his subordinates and Admiral Hope, Earl Russell indited
the following order to Mr. Bruce:--
"Her Majesty's Government desire to maintain, as they have done
hitherto, neutrality between the two contending parties in
China. If British subjects are taken prisoners by either party,
you should do your utmost to save them from torture or capital
punishment, but otherwise you should _abstain from all
interference in the civil war_."[43]
When the massacre before Shanghae, in 1860, is remembered, when the
subsequent approval of Admiral Hope's hostile intentions is considered,
and when the various modes in which our pledges of neutrality were
indirectly violated are counted, this despatch will require no comment.
In fulfilment of the desire (to maintain neutrality, "_as they have done
hitherto_," upon the part) of his Government, Captain Dew gave all the
assistance he possibly could to the Manchoo defenders of Ningpo; besides
framing eight plans[44] for the defence of the city against the
Ti-pings; according to Mr. Bruce:--
"He fitted twelve heavy guns with carriages, &c., to mount on
the walls."
Again, in the same despatch,[45] Mr. Bruce states:--
"Captain Dew had gone farther, than he was strictly warranted in
doing, in his desire to save the city of Ningpo...."
We are forced to believe this fitting of heavy guns, and defence of
Chinese cities, a part of the neutrality Her Majesty's Government had
"hitherto" maintained, and in their opinion a true interpretation of
this order, "that excepting intercession for British prisoners our
authorities should abstain from _all_ interference in the civil war!"
Captain Dew's next interpretation of this order took the form of a
buccaneering exploit against the Ti-ping custom-houses. Upon the
occupation of the country between the silk districts and Shanghae by the
Ti-pings, Europeans were sent in charge of the silk boats plying on the
inland waters, one being placed with each valuable boat load, in order
to pass it through the Ti-ping territory as foreign property. Consul
Medhurst, in a despatch to Captain Dew,[46] writes:--
"The consequence is, that foreign escorts go inland without
passports, and a number of irresponsible seamen are introduced
into the country ... the result of this state of things cannot
be good.... The _principal_ danger to be feared by persons
sending up country arises, not so much from the acts of the
rebels themselves, as from the squeezing and plundering
propensities of the _Imperialist forces_, and from the pilfering
attacks of lawless peasantry.... Both kinds of marauders might
be kept in good check through visits made periodically by Her
Majesty's gun-boats.... If you approve of this scheme, I would
suggest your sending a gun-boat up in the course of the next few
days...."
Captain Dew having approved the "scheme," we will proceed to notice what
he did. Instead of paying attention to "both kinds of marauders" pointed
out by Consul Medhurst as the "principal danger," the Captain, towards
the middle of June, as stated in _The Friend of China_, employed himself
about the following piratical outrage:--
"Sixteen boats freighted with bales of silks and cocoons, with
some Europeans in charge of them, and belonging to European
firms in Shanghae, were passing a Taeping custom-house at
Loo-chee, some distance up the Shanghae or Wong-poo river. They
were brought to, and a small duty of four dollars per bale of
silk was demanded. The boats belonging to two of the firms paid
the duty and proceeded on their voyage, but the person in charge
of the boats belonging to Messrs. Adamson & Co., of Shanghae,
refused to pay it, and he was then told he could not proceed
until the duty was paid, and the boat and bales of silk were
consequently taken possession of. This was construed into an act
of 'atrocious piracy,' and the _Flamer_ and Captain Dew went to
Loo-chee to demand restitution. Explanations were given by the
Taeping Governor of the district, but they were unavailing; the
unqualified restoration of the silk was insisted on under a
threat of bombardment; the boats and bales of silk were
therefore surrendered to Captain Dew, but as some small arms
were missing, Captain Dew took possession of the guns of the
custom-house, and seized some customs' police, and took them
away with him to be detained until the arms missing from the
boat should have been returned. The letter written by the
Governor of the district, named Wan, to the authorities of
Shanghae, consequent upon this outrage, is dignified and
forbearing, and it were well for us to act in the spirit it
manifests. The above are only examples of our professed
neutrality; many others, however, have occurred."
The following are extracts from the letter written upon the subject by
the Ti-ping chief, Wan:--
"I find on inquiry, that the silk, &c., lost by your merchant,
was seized in lieu of duties, in consequence of an attempt on
his part to get by the custom-house and _evade_ payment of
duties, on which he was arrested, and your charge, therefore,
that he was plundered, is utterly without foundation.
"The Truly Sacred Lord who has established the Divine Dynasty,
has also _established custom-houses wherever the country is
quiet_, and by his law all merchants who pass these must pay the
_regular duties_, and your merchant _in daring to force his way
through and evade the payment of customs, and you_ in coming
here and making a disturbance _and squeezing the money back_,
have behaved in a manner at utter variance with propriety....
"A special communication."
Meanwhile, Mr. Bruce, the chief diplomatist, unable to justify this
increasing aggression otherwise, fiercely assailed the Ti-ping theology
and civil administration. In a despatch to Lord Russell, dated at
"Pekin, June 23, 1861,"[47] he takes upon himself to state (supremely
indifferent to, or rather ignoring, the valuable testimony of the Revs.
Griffith, John, Edkins, Medhurst, Muirhead, Legge, &c.):--
"The evidence of _all_ classes of observers seems unanimous,
both as to the destructive nature of the insurrection, and as to
the blasphemous and immoral character of the superstition on
which it is based."
Does Mr. Bruce and those who agree with him, venture to term _our_ Bible
the so-called "blasphemous and immoral superstition?"--for on that, and
that alone, is the Ti-ping faith established. The following extracts
from the same dispatch, and two others, having been approved by Her
Majesty's Government, contain a complete key to the course taken against
the Ti-pings, and lay bare a policy deduced from false premises, and
founded upon utter violation of principle. The three despatches under
consideration consist of--1. Mr. Bruce to Lord Russell, June 23, 1861;
2. Mr. Bruce to Vice-Admiral Sir J. Hope, Pekin, June 16; 3.
Vice-Admiral Sir J. Hope's reply to Mr. Bruce, dated, _Impérieuse_,
Hong-kong, July 11.--Dispatch No. 1 states:--
"In the enclosed letter to Sir James Hope, to which I beg to
draw your Lordship's attention, I have stated at length the
dangers to which the progress of the insurrection exposes
British interests in China.... Our permanent interests are those
of _trade_, the prosperity of which is linked with order and
tranquillity. We have, in addition, a _temporary interest
arising out of the indemnities_ payable from the custom-house
revenue, which is, however, intimately linked with the former.
"What is to become of these interests if the ports fall into the
hands of the rebels?"
Here we have the true cause of British hostility to the Ti-pings. Not
that our Government feared the trading "interests" would suffer if the
Ti-pings captured the treaty ports--by no means; but they dreaded the
certain loss of the "temporary interest arising out of the indemnities."
They knew full well, as a quotation from dispatch No. 3 will prove, the
Ti-pings had never injured our trade; that although the capture of the
ports _might_ cause a temporary stagnation, those who would take them
came as their "brothers" in Christ, and ultimately would have
established a free and general commerce throughout the country; but
they also knew that the success of the Ti-pings would imperil their
existence, by stopping the indemnification for the last unnecessary and
aggressive war with China, and by sweeping away the immense revenue
derived from the vile opium traffic.
In the same despatch, Mr. Bruce, with his usual acumen, winds up his
syllogism of fallacious assertions--"The nature of the insurrection is
destructive" and its religion "blasphemous and immoral;" the
insurrectionists are able to capture the Imperial cities, therefore, the
"commercial prosperity" of the treaty ports and the "temporary
interests" would be destroyed by the success of the Ti-pings--in the
following words:--
"The motives of the far larger part of the force are, I
apprehend, a desire to live on the spoils of the rich and
industrious, to carry off women, and to lead a life of alternate
adventure and licence, with little feeling for the Taeping
cause.... I see, therefore, little hopes of communities like
those of Shanghae and Ningpo escaping destruction.... The
commercial prosperity of the ports would receive a fatal
blow.... The proceeds of the custom-houses would fall off, and
nothing but force would enable us to receive the proportion of
duties we are entitled to" (the indemnities) "under the
convention of Pekin, out of their diminished receipts."
Now, I submit, these forebodings with regard to the indemnity having
been verified by the capture of Ningpo and the rapid success of the
Ti-pings, led to the participation of England in the Chinese internecine
war. If Mr. Bruce, by the above-quoted statements, intended to advise
his Government to assist the Imperialists--and they cannot admit of any
other interpretation--how can that distinguished and consistent
statesman reconcile them with his strong disapproval of any such policy
expressed only a few months before, and which I have already quoted in a
previous chapter:--
"No course could be so well calculated to lower our national
reputation, as to lend our material support to a Government the
corruption of whose authorities is only checked by its
weakness."
Mr. Bruce first states, the worst possible policy England could choose
would be to interfere against the Ti-pings; and then he declares, if we
do not interfere, "that nothing but force would enable us to receive"
indemnities and enjoy trade. The _present_ British Government has
thought fit to adopt the suicidal course pointed out by Mr. Bruce, and
now it has experienced the fact that "no course could be so well
calculated to lower our national reputation." The last testimony of Mr.,
or rather, Sir F. Bruce; of Mr. Lay, C.B., late Inspector-General of
Chinese Customs; of Captain Sherrard Osborne, R.N., late Admiral of the
so-called Anglo-Chinese flotilla; and of all who have the least
opportunity of knowing anything about the subject, unite in confessing
the evil of the past policy exercised towards the Ti-pings, and state
that the Manchoo Government, despite the fact that it owes its very
existence to the help of the British, has thoroughly returned to its
exclusiveness, its evasion of treaty obligations, and its hatred of the
"outer-barbarians" who have saved it from extinction.
We will now proceed to notice despatch No. 2, addressed by Mr. Bruce to
Admiral Hope, which affords further proof of the false principles on
which British interference was founded:--
"The Government will soon be in possession of the accounts ...
of the agreement entered into by the rebels not to attack
Shanghae for a _twelvemonth_, and of the corresponding assurance
that, _if we are not molested in trading up the river_, our
_desire_ and _intention_ are to remain _neutral_ in the civil
contest now in progress in China....
"Her Majesty's Government will probably abstain from rendering
active assistance _at present_ to the Imperial Government, both
on account of the assurances of neutrality we have given to the
insurgents, and on account of the serious and indefinite
consequences to which any such intervention would in all
probability lead."
The signification of the "at present" will be seen upon perusal of the
following paragraph, which exactly describes the plan very shortly
adopted by the British Government, in direct violation of those
"assurances of neutrality we have given to the insurgents":--
"Another course is open to consideration, namely, that of taking
the open ports or the principal ones under our protection and
safeguard, and declaring that we will repel by force any attack
upon them by the insurgents. _Considering that by treaty we have
an interest in the revenue derived at these ports from trade,
and that this, the only source of our indemnities, would be
materially diminished, if not altogether destroyed_, should they
be assaulted and captured ... I think it may be urged, with
truth, in justification of such a course, that it affords the
best means of protecting our interests.... But this course is
not unattended with difficulty. The insurgents would naturally
object, that in leaving the revenue and administration of these
places in Imperial hands, we do in reality assist the
Imperialists."
This conclusion is correct; for, so impossible was it to usurp the
treaty ports and not "in reality assist the Imperialists," that the mask
was thrown off by openly making war upon the Ti-pings. The only
"difficulty" to allude to, which indeed is really almost creditable to
the conscience of Mr. Bruce, was the fact that England was pledged to
the opposite policy; but it must be remembered that the only tie which
bound her to carry out that policy was one of justice and honour, while
strong temptations to its violation were in existence; also, that it is
not the lot of every minister to be able to discern how the commercial
interests of his country may be best provided for.
"To this we should reply that we exercise the legitimate right
of self-defence in protecting our own interests, and that if in
doing so we are obliged to limit the belligerent _rights_ of the
insurgents, _the cause_ is to be found in the ruthless nature of
the war they wage."
This excuse is the principal one given by the British Ministry to
justify its breach of faith; but "the cause" must, from what has already
been stated, be regarded as utterly false.
But, should we for a moment admit the hypothetical "ruthless nature of
the war they wage," by what right were we "obliged to limit the
belligerent rights of the insurgents," when it is universally admitted
that the Imperialists are quite as ruthless, if not more so? Moreover,
did the British Government attempt to limit the belligerent rights of
either North or South in America? yet the one was ruthless enough, and
the cotton trade was injured. Unscrupulous persons who would justify the
destruction of semi-civilized people, when it can be done with impunity,
may say these cases are not parallel; nevertheless, the only difference
is, that with America we have treaties allowing Englishmen to settle and
trade everywhere, while in China the treaty limits the settling and
trading to certain parts. The principle of non-intervention applies
quite as strongly to the one nation as the other; moreover, the Ti-pings
never did, or would have attempted to, blockade the trade of any port at
which Europeans were settled. Did either belligerent so far study
foreign interests in America?
To resume our review of despatch No. 2, Mr. Bruce continues:--
"The Government would, no doubt, wish to hear from you whether
Nankin could be attacked with success by a purely naval force."
...
After deprecating any partial hostilities against the Ti-pings, the
despatch continues:--
"And on the other hand, we should lose a favourable opportunity
of placing our relations with the Emperor on a satisfactory
footing, if we were deprived by some incidental event of the
power of making our aid _a matter of bargain_ with the Imperial
Government.... The longer we are able to preserve an indifferent
attitude between the two parties, the more inclined they will be
to _bid higher_ for our friendship and support."
What an accomplished frequenter of the Rialto the author of these
creditable sentences would have made! This despatch was written on the
16th June, 1861; within seven months open hostilities were initiated
against the Ti-pings by Admiral Hope, in direct violation of his
Government's existing orders to maintain neutrality; and within nine
months the British Government adopted the policy "of taking the open
ports under our protection," and violated all pledges of neutrality by
prosecuting a regular, though never openly declared, war upon the
insurgents.
The following are the most important passages from despatch No. 3. They
plainly state that our "commercial interests" would _not_ suffer from
the acts of the rebels, and that trade was _not_ injured by them,
although completely in their power.
After disapproving of any attack upon Nankin, Admiral Hope states:--
"The Taeping authorities will be open to easy access by us so
long as Nankin remains the seat of Government; and from such
experience as our short intercourse has afforded, I see a fair
prospect of our acquiring sufficient influence with them to
enable us to carry _all points which are essential to our
commercial interests_, even to that of eventual abstinence from
molesting the consular ports.
"It is further clear that we cannot afford to quarrel with them,
as _at any moment they might stop the whole trade of Shanghae_,
at this time by far the largest portion of that from China."
Nothing can be more to the point than this admission that the Ti-pings
did not injuriously affect our trading interests; but the opium traffic
and indemnities _were_ threatened, and to save them the treaty ports
were held against the victorious patriots.
In his reply to the three despatches quoted from, Earl Russell wrote:--
"I have to state to you that Her Majesty's Government agree with
Admiral Hope in regarding an attack on Nankin as highly
impolitic, but it _might_ be expedient to defend the treaty
ports _if_ the Chinese" (Manchoos) "would consent not to use
those ports for purposes of aggression."
It will thus be seen Lord Russell did not authorize the defence of the
treaty ports even "_if_ the Chinese (Manchoos) would consent not to use
those ports for purposes of aggression," as he indefinitely states that
in event of such action upon the part of the Manchoo Government, "it
_might_ be expedient to defend" them. Yet, although even this ambiguous
suggestion could not become an absolute order in the absence of the
fulfilment of the condition precedent, the British authorities in China
acted as though Lord Russell had imperatively _ordered_ the military
occupation of the ports, upon the proviso having been agreed to by the
Imperial belligerent; and it was not till _after_ the open violation of
the oft-guaranteed neutrality by the commencement of systematic
hostilities against the Ti-pings, that the Foreign Secretary publicly
authorized the proceedings.
Admiral Hope declared "all points" could be carried with the Ti-pings,
even regarding their avoidance of the treaty ports, "_essential_ to our
commercial interests." Most undoubtedly he was correct. The Ti-pings
never injured the trade, and would have abstained from molesting the
treaty ports had they been made neutral; but the ports having become the
principal depôts of the enemy, naturally compelled them to endeavour to
obtain possession of them.
When the agreement or treaty of neutrality was made with the Ti-ping
authorities by the leaders of the British expedition opening up the
Yang-tze to trade, Mr. Parkes reported:--
"They wished to know, however, in which way the Admiral would
use his influence to prevent their being attacked by the
Imperialists from Shanghae; and whether one of their officers
would be allowed to visit Shanghae, to learn what arrangements
were made in this respect."
No such arrangements ever were made, although upon that _condition_ had
the Ti-pings consented to refrain from capturing Shanghae for "one
year." When at length they were driven to attack the very citadel of the
enemy, they truthfully gave this reason:--
"If there were no impish (Manchoo) forces at Shanghae and
Woo-sung, the Chung-wang and She-wang would certainly not think
of sending their troops to take those places."
Upon July 28, the British Consul at Shanghae wrote to Mr. Bruce:--
"The Imperialist authority does not extend beyond a circuit of
from fifty to sixty miles from Shanghae, and I see no reason
whatever to suppose that they will ever be able to drive the
rebels beyond that limit.... The presence of foreign forces in
this city alone saves its authorities from summary ejection.
But, if the rebels were allowed to take possession, the country
in our immediate vicinity would at once lapse into the wretched
state of anarchy which exists beyond the rebel lines; the native
population would inevitably disappear, property would miserably
deteriorate." ...
Mr. Bruce, in his notice of this despatch to Lord Russell, states:--
"Your Lordship will observe that he states that the capture of
Shanghae would be fatal to the commercial prosperity of the
port. To me it is rather a matter of surprise that trade should
continue at all.... The export of silk between June 1860 and
June 1861 has, in spite of these disadvantages, amounted to
85,000 bales."
Directly after this we find Mr. Bruce bearing testimony that Ti-ping
"success in any locality is attended with its total _destruction_!"
Admiral Hope admitted that the insurgents had the Shanghae trade, "by
far the largest portion of that from China," entirely in their power,
but did _not_ stop it; Mr. Medhurst (Shanghae Consul) declared the whole
country within "fifty to sixty miles" was under Ti-ping jurisdiction;
and Mr. Bruce notices the large export of silk from the districts where
silk, he states, meets with "total destruction"! Now, common sense may
inquire whether this totally destroyed country, "wretched state of
anarchy," "native population that inevitably disappeared," and "property
that miserably deteriorated," could have managed to produce 88,112 bales
of silk in the year 1861? This, with only one exception, was the largest
amount _ever_ exported from China in one year. The silk districts were
entirely in the possession of the Ti-pings, and every bale had passed
through their hands. A reference to the table of statistics[48] will
convince the most sceptical that the Ti-pings actually _increased_ the
valuable trade, but that since their expulsion from the silk districts,
the produce and exportation of that article _has fallen off more than
one half_.
There is another matter to be considered with regard to the political
morality of Mr. Bruce. At the beginning of the year 1861 he officially
stated:--
"It does not appear to me necessary to take any part in this
conflict; but our material interests at Shanghae justify us in
insisting on its being exempted from attack _until_ the
insurgents have sufficiently established their superiority to
enable us to consider the contest as respects that part of China
at an end. In that case, the population of the town will be
quite ready to acknowledge the new power, and the authority of
the Mandarins will fall without a blow."
Yet, when, according to the extracts from the despatch of Consul
Medhurst, this "_until_" had arrived by the complete establishment of
the Ti-ping superiority, Mr. Bruce singularly enough forgets his
declaration of only a few months previous.
The Ti-pings at length, after successively capturing the important
cities of Shou-shing, Fung-wha, Yü-yaou, and Tsze-kee, came in contact
with the British authorities at Ningpo. Having occupied every part of
the Che-kiang and Kiang-su provinces, to the south of the Yang-tze, with
the exception of the three treaty ports, Shanghae, Ningpo, and
Chin-kiang, the Ti-pings, both to preserve their conquests and prosecute
their cause, were obliged to advance upon those cities, which had become
the strongholds of the enemy. Upon their approach to Ningpo, a
conference was held by the representatives of Great Britain, France, and
the United States. The official report of this meeting states:--
"It has been decided that the undersigned[49] shall proceed this
day (28th Nov.), on board Her Majesty's gun-boat _Kestrel_, to
the rebel head-quarters ... and having obtained an interview
with the insurgent leaders, shall convey to them verbally, as
well as in writing, the following message:--
"'1. That the undersigned take _no part_ in this civil contest,
but that they claim exemption from injury and annoyance at the
hands of both parties." ...
This fresh pledge of neutrality, together with three other clauses
respecting the forthcoming occupation of Ningpo, the foreign settlement,
and the lives and property of the European residents, was given to the
Ti-ping generals at Yü-yaou and Fung-wha. Nothing could have been more
satisfactory than the result of this communication. The following are
extracts from the account given by Mr. Hewlett (Consular Interpreter) of
the interview with the Ti-ping chiefs:--
"We at once informed Hwang (Commanding-General at Yü-yaou) of
the object of our visit," to which "he gave his unqualified
assent, 'although,' he added, 'in the event of the Mandarins
resisting, and of my having to attack Ningpo, I cannot be
responsible for the lives of any of your countrymen who may
remain inside the city. Otherwise, I will do all I can to
prevent their being molested, and will at once behead any of my
followers who dare to offer them any annoyance.'
"He assured us that his desire was to keep well with foreigners,
with whom _he was anxious to open trade_; spoke of us as
worshippers of the same God and the same Jesus as themselves,
and denominated us--'Wai-hsiung-te'--_their foreign brothers_.
"He seemed to entertain no doubt whatever of being successful in
his attack on Ningpo.
"Eager inquiries were made on all sides for foreign firearms, of
which they seem to have but few--a want that would be
sufficiently felt were they ever to come in contact with troops
courageous enough to stand against them."
This paragraph may fairly account for the successes afterwards gained
over the ill-armed Ti-pings by Major Gordon's and other troops, well
provided with British artillery, shell, rifles, &c., &c.
"As far as human life is concerned, the rebels, at the capture
of Yü-yaou, appear to have used their opportunity with
forbearance; we saw but few dead bodies, and of those some, as
we were informed, _were their own men who had been caught
plundering and burning_.
"Hwang having informed us that another body of troops, also
under the She-wang's orders, and commanded by one Fang, a
general of equal rank with himself, was advancing on Ningpo from
the Fung-wha, or south-west side, we proceeded up that branch of
the river early on Monday morning, the 2nd instant, and found
the said insurgents encamped at a place called Pih-too, but ten
miles from Ningpo."
The following account of Mr. Hewlett's interview with Fang is worthy of
the best attention, proving, as it does, the earnest desire of the poor
Ti-pings to be on terms of friendship, even brotherhood, with all the
nations of their "foreign brethren;" and that _any reasonable_ wish of
the British authorities would have been complied with.
"We at once went ashore, and put ourselves in communication with
the leader, Fang, a man of only 25 years of age, and a native of
Kwang-se. We hastened to represent to him the serious injury to
trade that must ensue on the capture of Ningpo by his forces,
and the consequent loss that would accrue to foreign interests,
besides the danger, in reality no slight one, to foreign life
and property, to be apprehended both from the lawless characters
in his own ranks, and equally so from the bands of unruly
Cantonese and Chin-chew men at Ningpo, ever on the look-out for
an opportunity of indiscriminate plunder. We ended by eagerly
dissuading him from advancing on Ningpo.
"To our two objections Fang replied by assuring us that his
party were most anxious to keep well with foreigners, who,
indeed, were no other than their brothers, inasmuch as both
worshipped one God and one Jesus; and that as for trade, that
would be allowed to go on as formerly, while he begged us to
feel quite at ease as to the persons and property of our
countrymen, any molestation shown to whom would be followed by
instant decapitation. _Their object being the overthrow of the
present dynasty, they could not allow Ningpo to remain in the
hands of the Imperialists._
"It was with difficulty that we succeeded in persuading Fang to
delay his attack on Ningpo for one week; another day, he said,
was to have seen him there, had we not interposed.
"One could not help feeling struck with the earnestness and
apparent sincerity of this young leader. Whilst alive to the
dangers attending the cause in which he was engaged, he seemed
to be confident that the support of Heaven would carry them
through all their difficulties, and that, so aided, they must
prevail. He told us that nearly the whole province was in their
hands, or would be before long, and that Hang-chow, the
provincial capital, would fall, 'as soon as Heaven should see
fit to give it into their hands.'"
The General Hwang gave the following reply to the communication of the
foreign representatives, which, together with Fang's, fairly expresses
the aim and feeling of the Ti-ping Government:--
"HWANG, TAI-PING LEADER AT YU-YAOU, TO CONSUL HARVEY."
"Hwang, a noble of the rank of E,[50] with the prænomen 'Paon
teen' ('Precious Heavenly'), and Commander-in-Chief of the chief
army of his Highness Prince[51] Tsung, who is of the Royal
body-guard in the capital of the Heavenly Dynasty, which is the
dynasty patented under the true Divine Commission as the
Heavenly Kingdom of Universal Peace, addresses an official
communication to F. Harvey, Esq., Her Majesty's Consul; W.
Breck, Esq., United States Consul; Lieutenant H. Huxham, Royal
Navy; Captain L. Obry, His Imperial Majesty's Navy, in reference
to the interview held (this day) for the purpose of deliberating
on the maintenance of friendly relations between the respective
countries.
"From the foundations of the heavens and the earth, the world
has been divided into the central kingdom, China, and the
external kingdoms, foreign countries. Each kingdom, whether
China or those of foreign countries, has been ruled over by men
of its own nation. (This has been the universal practice.)
"But in the time of the Ming dynasty the Tartar imps, originally
serfs from beyond the northern frontier, stole into China, and
usurped the emblems of royalty [_lit._, seized upon the divine
materials], making unclean and polluting the land to a degree
that no tongue can tell of [_lit._, to a degree difficult for
the fingers to reckon].
"Even till now, and during a period of more than 200 years, have
they been going on in their wickedness, until at last their cup
of iniquity is filled to the overflowing.
"At these their sins the Heavenly Father being exceeding wroth
[_lit._, his anger was as an earthquake], would have destroyed
the world; then Jesus, the Heavenly Elder Brother, out of his
mercy and lovingkindness towards mankind, sent down the true and
holy Lord, the Heavenly King, to wash out the stains of the
northern serfs, and to set up anew the house of Han [_i.e._, to
re-establish a purely native dynasty].
"These, then, are the times of changing the dynasty, and of
reforming the kingdom prescribed by Heaven and submitted to by
man.
"The command of the valiant troops of this great army has been
conferred upon me by royal commission, with the allotted task of
rooting out of the earth all that is unholy [_lit._, of
destroying in the east and exterminating in the west, part of a
complete sentence, signifying a thorough eradication of evil
from all the four quarters of the globe], and of visiting on the
heads of their rulers the afflictions of the people.
"The highest object of my mission is none other than the
foundation and establishment of the dynasty; subordinate to
that, my aim is the welfare of the people [_lit._, the
black-haired multitudes], that I may weed out from among them
those that oppress, and give peace to such as are true of heart.
"Hence it is that throughout the whole of my onward course
'there were none' (as it is written) 'that came not forth with
meat and drink to welcome the soldiers of the King.'[52]
"Our great army having at this time invaded the province of
Che-kiang, and the representatives of your several countries,
stationed at Ningpo, having come this day to my head-quarters at
Yü-yaou, to deliberate about maintaining amicable relations with
us, on the understanding of mutual non-interference, and having
requested me to order my troops to abstain, on their arrival at
Ningpo, from injuring the persons or property of your respective
countrymen at that place, I hereby promise to issue the above
orders to my troops, and to command them to respect the terms of
the agreement.
"In case any of my troops should dare, contrary to my orders, to
molest any of your countrymen or to injure their property, I
will, on your arresting and handing over to me the offender, at
once behead him.
"In the same way, if any of the subjects of your respective
countries should, contrary to your orders, take upon themselves
to assist the imps in repelling our advance, you will in your
turn direct them to refrain from so doing.
"From and after this date the friendly arrangement now agreed
upon is to be binding on both parties.
"Sincerely trusting that you will not allow yourselves to feel
anxious about this matter, and with wishes for your good health,
I beg to forward this special communication.
"19th day of the 10th month of the 11th ('Sin-yew') year of the
Heavenly Kingdom of Universal Peace" [November 29, 1861].
The General Fang gave the following answer:--
"FANG, TAI-PING LEADER AT FUNG-HWA, TO CONSUL HARVEY.
"Fang, Commander-in-Chief of the Forces, charged with the
reduction of the disobedient, and a member of the Royal
body-guard in the capital of the Heavenly Dynasty, &c., in
official reply to F. Harvey, Esq., Her Majesty's Consul; W.
Breck, Esq., United States Consul; Lieutenant H. Huxham, R.N.;
Captain L. Obry, His Imperial Majesty's Navy, requesting them to
set their minds at rest.
"The Almighty God, the Supreme Lord, the Heavenly Father, and
Jesus the Heavenly Elder Brother, sent our true and holy Lord,
the Heavenly King, down into the world, and ordained him to be
Ruler over the Central Kingdom. To destroy the imps, to deliver
the people, and to rescue the Central Empire; these are the
chief objects of his desires.
"The special task of chastising the nation[53] [_lit._, those
without the palace doors], with a view to the establishment of
the Dynasty, has now been conferred upon me by royal commission.
My mission is simply to show compassion to the people, and to
punish the crimes of their rulers.
"The troops of my great army have now entered the department of
Ningpo, and I fully purpose capturing the departmental city, and
making it revert to the King to serve as a basis from which we
may give peace to and console the four estates of the nation
[scholars, husbandmen, mechanics, and traders].
"I have this day received your letter, and informed myself
completely of its contents; all the requisitions therein
contained I promise to comply with. I will, therefore, order my
troops to frame their conduct after the Divine pattern, and to
abstain from tumult and acts of aggression.
"Wherefore I beg of you to set your minds at rest.
"Good faith, as a principle of action, being a most important
desideratum, no retractation must be made in respect of the
number of days conceded prior to our advance on the city.
"With reference to the persons and property of your respective
countrymen, I will issue the strictest orders, forbidding either
the one or the other to be injured in the very least degree.
Trade shall be allowed to continue as usual, with the additional
advantage of being conducted on a fairer footing. On no account
will acts of violence or robbery be permitted.
"One word from the superior man is sufficient to settle any
affair; he is true, he is sincere, and hence no mistake or
misunderstanding can arise.
"Whilst forwarding this in reply, I beg to express my wishes for
your happiness.
(Enclosed, twenty-one Proclamations.)
"22nd day of the 10th month of the 11th ('Sin-yew') year of the
Heavenly Kingdom of Universal Peace" [2nd December, 1861].
Faithfully fulfilling that extraordinary example of their willingness to
preserve friendship with foreigners--the promise to delay their
occupation of Ningpo one week--the Ti-pings, immediately upon the
expiration of the seven days, on the morning of December 9, moved up to
the city walls, and within an hour Ningpo was completely in their
possession; the Manchoos, Mandarins, regular troops, _braves_, pirates,
and all, having fled from the city, scarcely striking a blow in its
defence.
Although the British authorities contented themselves upon this occasion
with underhanded hostility against the Ti-pings, the same unworthy
procedure was equally as much a violation of the principle of their
pledged neutrality as the open warfare they shortly commenced in the
neighbourhood of Shanghae. As all assertions of this description require
proof, it is necessary to encumber this narrative with extracts from the
official documents that, for the honour of England, should remain in
oblivion for ever, were they not necessary to prove the disreputable
transactions of various officials, and my reasons for advocating the
Ti-ping cause.
I have already noticed the singular sort of interpretation put upon the
"no wish to quarrel," "the wish to maintain amicable relations," and the
orders to "abstain from all interference in the civil war," "maintain an
attitude of strict neutrality," &c., by Admiral Hope and Captain R. Dew.
We will therefore conclude the review of "fitting twelve heavy guns,"
&c. at Ningpo, by one other example of breach of faith and neutrality.
The instructions to the Ningpo Consul by Mr. Bruce were to "take no
part" in defending the city. The written guarantee forwarded to the
leaders of the _powerful_ advancing army were precisely similar. "The
undersigned take _no_ part in this civil contest." Now, in spite of
these pledges, we have seen Admiral Hope order "every obstruction" to be
placed before the Ti-pings. In his account of the capture of Ningpo he
fairly admits his own faithlessness thus:--
"2. Everything had been done to assist the Imperialists in the
defence of the town, except the use of force, in their favour,
and their Lordships will not fail to observe how utterly useless
such measures proved, in consequence of the cowardice and
imbecility of the Mandarins."
This taking "no part" and at the same time doing "everything to assist"
one belligerent requires no comment.
When the Ti-ping forces assaulted Ningpo, the Commander-in-Chief of the
Imperialists ran away, and being lowered over the city wall with a
number of retainers, received protection from the British Consul, who
facilitated their escape. This same Consul, in his report of the city's
capture to Lord Russell, states:--
"Ningpo is now in the full and unquestionable possession of the
Taeping forces. I am glad to state that, up to the present time,
there has been no slaughter, or massacre, or fires, within the
walls; and that, with the exception of a few men killed, and a
certain amount of destruction of property, the rebels have, so
far, conducted themselves with _wonderful moderation_."
Admiral Hope, in his report to the Admiralty of the same event,
states:--
"The behaviour of the rebels has been good hitherto, and they
profess a strong desire to remain on good terms with
foreigners."
Here we find the most positive proof that the principal alleged reason
for the defence of Shanghae against the insurgents, namely, because
their "success in any locality is attended with its _total
destruction_," is utterly false. While "the ruthless nature of the war
they wage" is thus urged (as though even it could justify the
dishonouring of British pledges) against the Ti-pings, we find that upon
the only occasion this theory was subjected to proof, by the reports of
their most bitter opposers, they behaved "_with wonderful moderation_."
Mr. Parkes (late Secretary to Lord Elgin's Embassy), in a memorandum
upon the capture of Ningpo, still further proves the great friendliness
of the insurgents. He says:--
"The Ningpo rebels have shown the utmost desire to be on
friendly terms with foreigners. Outside the south gate, which
formed the point of attack, stands the establishment of the
Sisters of Charity, which, if occupied, would form excellent
cover for an assaulting force, as its upper windows command the
city walls; yet, although they crouched underneath its
enclosures, as they collected for their rush on the gate, they
did not trespass for a moment within the premises. Another large
Roman Catholic establishment was one of the first buildings they
had to pass, as they poured into the city, flushed and excited
with their success; but they only stopped to _welcome_ a small
knot of foreigners who were standing underneath the porch, and
to charge their people to offer them no harm. Roman Catholics
and Protestants they hailed indiscriminately as being of the
same religion and fraternity as themselves....
"The house of one of the principal Chinese of Ningpo, who is
well known at Shanghae, from his wealth and the prominent
support he has always given to the Government, remain untouched,
_simply because he has hired a Frenchman to live in it, and give
his name temporarily to the premises_."
Now the ignorant and designing have delighted themselves by exhausting
the most damnifying epithets upon the so-called "bloodthirsty
marauders," "ruthless brigands," &c.; yet the following extract from the
same memorandum (of an enemy, be it remembered) seems to indicate those
persons as being either remarkably imaginative or mendacious:--
"It must be stated, however, to their credit, that as yet the
capture of Ningpo, and it is believed also of the other cities
of this province, has _not_ been marked with those atrocities
which the rebels are known to have committed elsewhere."
The "atrocities" committed elsewhere were those occasioned by the hard
necessity of the war, and when the Ti-pings had no choice but to kill or
be killed. But the question of Ti-ping atrocities could not possibly be
construed into any fair cause of hostilities against them, it being a
well-known fact that of the two belligerents they were by far the most
humane.
The occupation of Ningpo by the Ti-ping forces may be justly considered
the culminating point of their successes, and the termination of a
period of British policy towards them, that period being the deceitful
one. Almost immediately after that important event, the hitherto covert
hostility of the British Government became exchanged for a more decided
action, and the epoch of open hostility was established by the
commencement of direct military operations against the Ti-pings from
Shanghae, shortly followed by the same policy at Ningpo.
Some few days after the fall of Ningpo, Admiral Hope proceeded to Nankin
for the purpose of obtaining a renewal of the promise by the Ti-ping
authorities not to attack Shanghae for one year, as the former agreement
expired at the end of 1861. The arrangement, however, was not again
approved by the Ti-pings, not only because the British contracting
officials had broken faith with regard to their pledge of preventing the
Imperialists from using Shanghae for purposes of aggression against
them, but from the fact that Shanghae had become the very arsenal and
rallying-place of their enemy. To these principal and all-sufficient
causes, others might be added, such as the undeniable belligerent right
of the Ti-pings to capture any city just as they captured Ningpo.
The Ti-ping authorities having very properly refused to become a party
to prejudice their own interest, Admiral Hope conducted the following
communication with them, as if to find some pretext for making the
approach of the Ti-pings upon Shanghae a _casus belli_. The
correspondence is well worthy of the closest attention. The open
arrogance and unsound reasoning of the British portion being no less
conspicuous than the righteous tenor and sound argument of the Ti-pings.
"COMMUNICATION MADE BY COMMANDER BINGHAM TO THE TAEPING
AUTHORITIES AT NANKING, ON THE 27TH OF DECEMBER, 1861.
"I am directed by the Commander-in-Chief of the Naval Forces of
Her Majesty the Queen of England in the Chinese Seas, to
acquaint you--
"1. That during the last year certain British subjects have
sustained losses by robberies committed in the territories which
are held by your armies, and that it is therefore necessary that
you make immediate and satisfactory arrangements for their
receiving compensation. These losses amount to 7,563 taels 1
mace 7 candarenes, 4,800 dollars, 20 bales of silk, and 2
muskets, as shown by the accompanying list.
"2. That junks which carry British colours are no less British
vessels than those which are foreign-built, and that they must
be allowed to pass up and down the river free from examination
or any other molestation, in conformity with the agreement made
with you in the early part of this year. That in order to insure
that no junk hoists a British flag which is not entitled to do
so, their papers will be examined by the senior officer here,
who will take the British flag away from any vessel not entitled
to wear it, and will give notice of having done so to the Chief
Officer of the Customs.
"3. That the promise made by you that your troops should not
approach within 100 _li_ of Shanghae and Woo-sung has not been
faithfully observed. The Commander-in-Chief now requires that,
in proof of your good faith you select an officer of high rank
who shall accompany him to Shanghae and who shall from thence
proceed in company with one of his officers to the ports in its
vicinity, which are held by your forces, so that the order on
the subject may be shown to the officers commanding them, with
the view of preventing further mistakes.
"4. That a large and valuable British trade having sprung up at
Kiu-kiang and Hankow, the Commander-in-Chief is under the
necessity of requiring a promise from you that your forces will
not approach these places within 100 _li_; also that you are
distinctly to understand that Silver Island, the residence of
the British Consul at Chin-kiang-foo, is not to be molested.
(Signed) "HENRY M. BINGHAM.
"_Renard_, Nanking, December 27, 1861."
"REPLY OF THE TAEPING AUTHORITIES AT NANKING TO COMMANDER BINGHAM.
"Mung, the young Prince of Tsan, Jin, Prince of Chang, and Se,
Prince of Shun, Defenders of the Court, Pillars of Heaven, in
the Divine Kingdom of Universal Peace, being the Kingdom of the
Heavenly Father, the Heavenly Elder Brother, and the Heavenly
King, make this joint reply to Captain Bingham, British Senior
Naval Officer at Nanking.
"On the 18th day (December 28) of the 11th month of the 11th or
Sin-yew year of the Divine Kingdom of the Heavenly Father,
Heavenly Elder Brother, and Heavenly King, we received your
letter setting forth four points, which you state you had been
directed to communicate to us by the Naval Commander-in-Chief of
your country.
"We have acquainted ourselves with the contents of your
communication, which has occasioned us the greatest surprise; we
bear in mind that while your country pays adoration to Jesus,
our Divine Kingdom respectfully worships Shang-te.
"The worship of Jesus is the fount and origin of our religions,
and thus from age to age we have been as one family; therefore
when your country came to discuss matters with us in the spring,
our Lord the Heavenly King issued to us his sacred commands
ordering us to receive you with courtesy, and to deal with you
in perfect sincerity, in order to mark our high regard for those
who are allied with and are of the same origin as ourselves.
Being thus united by our religion, which is the worship of
Heaven, and also by our friendly (political) relations, it is
above all things necessary that we should respectively adhere to
our Heavenly principles both in mind and action, and that we
should compare our wants with those of others, instead of
seeking only our own profit at the expense of the interests of
our fellow-men. It is thus that you prove your friendship to be
indeed sincere.
"On considering the four proposals set forth in your
communication, we find that our Divine Kingdom cannot assent to
them, and we shall proceed to state in detail the grounds of our
refusal.
"The first point is a demand for compensation for 7,360 taels
and odd silver, 200 taels' worth of copper cash, 4,800 dollars,
20 bales of raw silk, and 2 muskets, all said to have been taken
by people of our Divine Kingdom in the 5th, 6th, and 7th months
of the present year at Soo-heu, Suh-kea-kiang, Lew-hoo,
Kaou-ching (Laou-ching), and other places.
"There is an absence of right in this demand. Everything
deserving of credit admits of proof. Although the places named
are not 1,000 _li_ distant from our capital, they are situated
several hundreds of _li_ from it, and nearly half a year has
elapsed since the alleged occurrences took place.
"It is unreasonable to demand compensation for claims, when no
proofs can be produced, and the assertion of such claims is in
itself a very unfriendly act. Were we, of the Divine Kingdom, to
put forward such unfounded claims, what course, may we ask,
would your country pursue? If our nation have indeed established
a custom-house at San-le-keaou, and exacted a double levy of
duty in the manner stated, how is it, as your merchant-boats are
constantly passing that spot, that a single instance only of
such conduct should have occurred? We will not, however, take
upon ourselves to deny that your boat had to submit to the
exaction; but, granting that it occurred, it should be
remembered that at this juncture, when a movement is going on
throughout the Empire, local marauders and wandering people
naturally take advantage of the opportunity afforded them to
commit depredations. How, therefore, do you know that these
robberies were not the work of parties of these vagabonds,
simulating the appearance and profiting by the fear inspired by
the troops of the Divine dynasty? Or how do you know that some
of the Tartar imps have not personated the officers and troops
of the Divine Kingdom, and in that feigned character plundered
your merchant-boats, with a view, by these nefarious means, of
causing ill-will between our two families? Moreover, if the
places named have indeed been brought under the rule of our
Celestial dynasty, our lieutenants must be there in garrison;
and if these irregularities were committed by their troops, how
is it that your country did not immediately bring them to the
notice of those officers, in order that they may at once take
steps for the punishment of the offenders? Instead of doing
this, however, you allow a long time to elapse, and then you
suddenly come to our capital to raise discussions with us on the
subject at this distance!
"In the second point of your communication you claim, 'that
junks which carry British colours are no less British vessels
than those which are foreign-built, and must therefore be
allowed to pass up and down the river free from examination or
any other molestation, in conformity with the agreement made in
the early part of this year.'
"On this we have to observe, that an agreement once entered into
should be most faithfully and strictly adhered to, and cannot be
departed from. Now in the agreement concluded with you in the
spring, it is not stated that junks carrying British colours are
no less British vessels than those which are foreign-built, and
are therefore entitled to pass free from examination or
molestation.
"The idea is now suddenly started by your country for the first
time. But in the transaction of business, an open and
straightforward course of action must be pursued, if distrust
and suspicion are to be avoided. Suppose that a Chinese
merchant has goods, the duties on which amount to a considerable
sum, and that your country would not ask him to pay more than
half that sum in return for a flag and papers which should free
him from all charge on passing our custom-houses, is it not
evident that the dishonest trader would gladly turn such an
opportunity to account, and that in that case we should soon
find that our custom-houses had been established to no purpose?
"Moreover, the rules of the custom-houses of our Divine Kingdom
permit the merchants and people of all places, and those who
still shave their heads, to pass to and fro, and trade in salt
and other goods on payment of the duties that are defined by
regulation. This institution has been too long in existence to
make it reasonable that it now should be set aside.
"Again, in the former agreement, no arrangement whatever was
made respecting the employment of Chinese junks by your country,
the stipulation as to the free passage to the river being
confined to vessels of your own country. We agreed to this
arrangement as a friendly act to those who are of the same
family as ourselves. But if native junks should be largely
employed by your nation, we have good cause to fear the
treachery of the Imperial imps, who will employ these junks in
the furtherance of their own dark and evil designs by falsely
passing them off as your trading-craft. If this were the case,
how greatly would our difficulties of defence be increased!
"Furthermore, the customs form the most important source of
revenue on which we depend for the support of the soldiers of
our Divine dynasty; and if, by undue protection granted to
native junks, the payment of duties is avoided, general
indignation would be felt among all our princes, high
functionaries, officers, and soldiers; and they would never
allow such an arrangement to continue in force. In putting
forward this proposal, your country shows that you seek only
your own profit, regardless of the welfare of others; and you
are acting in a manner that is calculated neither to promote
friendly relations, nor to induce reliance on your own
promises.[54]
"The third point states that the promise made in the second
month of the present year, that the Taeping troops should not
approach within 100 _li_ of Shanghae and Woo-sung has not been
faithfully observed, &c.
"It is true that in the spring of this year we did make an
agreement of this nature, but if we discuss it by strict
principles it will be seen that there is no spot under the wide
canopy of heaven that was not created by Shangte, that upon us
rests the obligation of recovering by our arms the whole of
China for Shangte, and that it is difficult for us to make any
exception in the matter of territory, even to the extent of a
foot of soil. It was only in consideration of your nation being
of the same origin as ourselves that we acted as we did.
"Though commerce may be to you the means of livelihood, to us
the possession of territory is all-important. It was only as a
mark of our benevolent and just regard for our fellow-men that
we consented for the space of the present year to avoid making
any attack on Shanghae and Woo-sung, and when we entered into
that agreement we issued our commands requiring it to be
observed at all places in our possession, and have received
reports from our various commanders, assuring us that our orders
have been most scrupulously observed. But as it is obligatory on
our Divine armies to kill the imps wherever they are to be
found, how can our heavenly troops be forbidden to fulfil this
duty? If there were no impish forces at Shanghae and Woo-sung,
the Chung-wang and She-wang would certainly not think of sending
their troops to take those places; and should you be willing to
undertake the expulsion of the impish soldiers, then our Divine
dynasty will send officers to tranquillize those places, and to
protect not only the people but your trade also.
"Why, then, should the advance of our Divine soldiers within 100
_li_ occasion you any apprehension? The present year is now
drawing to a close, and with it the time named in our agreement,
and we can never consent that our Divine troops shall not
prepare to attack those places, simply out of consideration for
your trade. It occasions us, therefore, great surprise to
suddenly receive from you such a proposal, at the very time when
the Chung-wang and She-wang, at the head of several millions of
the Divine soldiers, are engaged in recovering from the enemy
Soo-chow, Hang-chow, and the whole province.
"Your fourth point is to the effect that, as a large and
valuable British trade has sprung up at Kiu-kiang and Hankow,
you wish us to promise not to approach these places within 100
_li_, and also not to molest Silver Island, the residence of the
British Consul at Chin-kiang.
"We have well considered this proposal, and consider that in
putting it forward your country has committed a grave error. The
case stands thus:--It is now long since our vast and illustrious
Empire of China became the prey of these Tartars, who know no
respect for Shangte, nor any other worship than that of devils.
All sons and daughters of Heaven should be moved with the
deepest enmity against them, with a hatred too deep to allow of
their living together with them in the same world, and,
therefore, wherever they are to be found, death should await
them at our hands. Strange that just at the very time when we
are about to despatch troops to take Hankow, Kiu-kiang,
Chin-kiang, and Silver Island, your country should seek, under
the guise of maintaining friendly relations with ourselves, to
render secret assistance to the Tartar imps, by occupying
several of their most important positions, and thus completely
fettering our movements.
"How can we possibly consent to such a proposal?
"When we have taken Hankow, Kiu-kiang, Chin-kiang, and Silver
Island, and tranquillized those places, if your country should
then wish to conduct trade there as before, what is there to
prevent your entering into further negotiations with our nation
on these points? That being the case, what object can you have
in requiring us not to take those places? If you entertain fears
as to the conduct of our soldiers, and think that they may
commit wanton slaughter or destruction, you should know that
Heaven guides all our actions, and that while we kill all those
who pay Heaven no respect, we save, on the other hand, all those
who prove themselves, by worshipping Heaven, to be Heaven's
children.
"All our power is derived from Shangte, and from Christ comes
our support; all our acts are done in their sight and receive
their entire approval.
"If you make the anticipated dispersion of the merchants and
people of those ports an argument in favour of your proposal, we
meet it by observing that when your officers conferred with us
in the spring, this very point came under discussion. At first
it was proposed on your side that we should not attack Kiu-kiang
and Hankow, but afterwards, when we made it clear (to your
officers) in the orders we gave them that it was necessary that
we should attack and take the whole of China, as being the
territory of Shangte, they replied, If your troops do not kill
or injure British subjects, or do not burn or plunder British
houses or property, then we shall remain neutral and assist
neither party. To which we replied that you should not only
remain neutral, but should also take no offence at our troops,
if the people in their alarm were to disperse, and thus cause
your trade to be interfered with. Your officers replied, We
shall take no offence, but we shall require you to give us
notice of your intention to attack these places. To this we
answered, We will not refuse to give you notice before we make
our attack, but we are afraid that our communications with you
may be obstructed by the impish camps, and that when we shall
have succeeded in sweeping these away, the time then left will
not be sufficient for the purpose, and the omission may prove a
cause of trouble. We added, however, that your country must not
again act as you did at Shanghae, where you received the letters
of our nation, and yet assisted the Tartar forces to defend that
city. Thus it will be seen that the point has been already fully
considered, and that it is useless to enter into any further
discussion.
"To resume. As friendly relations exist between us, let us
regard each other as people of the same family. Those whom we
are thus hotly engaged in slaughtering are no other than the
Tartar imps and robbers, and the whole empire of China is the
conquest we intend to effect. As the Tartar imps have not yet
been exterminated, and the great work of conquest is still
incomplete, we cannot give our consent to such proposals as
those which your country now makes to us.
"Your only course, therefore, is to wait until the Tartar imps
shall have been annihilated, when we shall be ready to give our
attention to any advantageous measures that your country may
have to propose.
"We trust you will listen to this advice and raise no further
questions; also that you will firmly maintain the present
peaceful relations, and give no occasion for distrust or
ill-will. These are the hopes that should be earnestly
entertained on both sides.
"P. S. We observe that the translation of the letter before us,
and the paper communicating the points under discussion (the
English original?) are written on white paper and bear no seal.
It is very difficult for us to know whether documents thus
prepared are spurious or authentic, and we fear that they could
easily be imitated by the Tartar imps, and that the fraud might
be attended with serious consequences.
"We trust, therefore, that in order to establish the
authenticity of your documents your country will in future
observe the practice of affixing your seal to them.
"Dated the 22nd day of the 11th month of the 11th or Sin-yew
year of the Divine Kingdom of Universal Peace, being the Kingdom
of the Heavenly Father, Heavenly Elder Brother, and Heavenly
King (January 1, 1862)."
"COMMANDER BINGHAM TO THE TAEPING AUTHORITIES AT NANKING.
"_Reward_, Nanking, January 1, 1862.
"I am directed by the Commander-in-Chief of the Naval Forces of
the Queen of England in the Chinese Seas to acknowledge the
receipt of your reply to the communication made by me four days
ago, and to acquaint you--
"1. That in bringing the demands for compensation for the
robberies committed on British subjects to the notice of the
authorities at Nanking, instead of exacting redress for them on
the spot where they were committed, he has given you the
strongest proof of his desire to treat you in a friendly manner.
"Your refusal to do justice gives him the right to take his own
measures for procuring adequate redress for these injuries.
"2. That he will take effectual measures to prevent any vessel
carrying the English flag which has not the right to do so, but
that he will not permit vessels, whether of European or Chinese
construction, which are owned by British subjects, to be
interfered with in any way or under any pretext, in their
undoubted right of navigating the Yang-tze-kiang River free from
all molestation, and you will do so at your peril.
"3. The towns of Shanghae and Woo-sung, as you well know, are
occupied by the military forces of England and France, and if
you repeat the absurdity of attacking them, you will incur, not
merely a repulse as on a former occasion, but such further
consequences as your folly will deserve.
"4. Your refusal to enter into an engagement to leave Silver
Island, Kiu-kiang, and Hankow free from molestation, all places
which you have not the slightest chance of attacking with
success, proves to the Commander-in-Chief that your expressions
of friendly feeling are mere words, and the necessity of dealing
with you accordingly.
(Signed) "HENRY M. BINGHAM."
FOOTNOTES:
[43] See page 46, Blue Book.
[44] See page 50, Blue Book.
[45] See page 64, Blue Book.
[46] See page 50, Blue Book.
[47] See page 51, Blue Book.
[48] See Appendix B.
[49]
William Breck, Esq., United States Consul.
M. Leon Obry, His Imperial Majesty's Navy, commanding steamer
_Confucius_.
Lieutenant Henry Huxham, R.N., commanding H.M.'s gunboat _Kestrel_.
Frederick Harvey, Esq., Her Majesty's Consul.
[50] "E" corresponds to the Chinese title "Kung," or Duke.
[51] _i.e._, She-wang (the Assistant Prince).
[52] A quotation from the "Sze Shoo Mencius," tom. i. chap. 2. The King
of Tse is inquiring of Mencius whether he ought to take possession of
the kingdom of Yeu, lately conquered by him. Mencius, instancing the
practice of the ancient kings Wan and Woo under similar circumstances,
replies that, unless the voice of the people invites the invader to take
possession, he is not justified in so doing. Hence the rebels would have
it believed that they have enlisted in their cause the sympathies of the
nation, without which, according to received notions, it will be
impossible for them to obtain the "Teen-ming" (the Divine Commission),
and, by consequence, the Empire.
[53] _i.e._, those of the nation who do not submit.
[54] "On the occasion when they recently stopped some British junks at
Woo-hoo, eventually retaining two (subsequently released by the
_Bouncer_), in pledge for payment of duty, on the whole their demand
amounted to 2,000 taels. Their right to levy moderate duties on all
vessels trading in the territories they hold was allowed in the original
arrangement entered into with them, but they were, at the same time,
distinctly acquainted that I had stationed a vessel of war at Nanking
for the express purpose of securing to British vessels entire freedom in
the exercise of their right of navigating the Yang-tze. The necessity of
preventing any interference whatever with the passing trade by the
rebels, arises from the impracticability of recovering any duties they
might extort without a serious collision. In the case of Imperialists,
redress could always ultimately be obtained by reference through the
Minister to the Government at Peking.--J. HOPE."
This is the excuse given for depriving the Ti-pings of their revenue.
* * * * *
Transcriber's Notes
Obvious punctuation errors repaired.
The frontpiece and title page contain Chinese characters which may not
be rendered correctly unless the correct fonts are installed.
Hyphen added: co[-]adjutors (p. 342), E[-]CHING (caption of image facing
p. 304), E-ching (p. 379), Kwang[-]si (p. 144), Pei[-]ho (pp. 229, 230),
sand[-]bank(s) (pp. 107, 202), semi[-]civilized (p. 228), Shang[-]te (p.
418), Soo[-]chow (pp. 272, 273), Tai[-]ping (p. 306), Tien[-]Kwoh
(caption of map facing p. 359), Ti[-]mung (twice on p. 132),
water[-]fowl (p. 20), Woo[-]sung (p. 199).
Hyphen removed: banner-men (p. 322), blood[-]thirsty (p. 415),
fire[-]arms (pp. 79, 408), good[-]will (pp. 88, 102), main[-]land (p.
21), Ning[-]po (p. 356), Po[-]yang (p. 88), Shen[-]si (p. 157),
under[-]mentioned (p. 342), Vice[-]roy (p. 71), Wu[-]hu (p. 267),
Ye[-]su (p. 175).
The following words appear in multiple forms and have not been changed:
"benefited" / "benefitted", "Budhist" / "Buddhist", "gunboat" /
"gun-boat", "Han-kow" / "Hankow", "Honan" / "Hoonan" / "Hoo-nan",
"Hoopeh" / "Hoo-peh", "Nan-kin" / "Nan-king" / "Nankin" / "Nanking",
"Shang-te" / "Shangte", "Tae-ping" / "Taiping" / "Tai-ping" / "Ti-ping",
"Woo-san-kwei" / "Wu-san-kwei".
p. 61: "jingall" changed to "gingall" (a gingall battery).
p. 70: "Atalanta" changed to "Atlanta" (the occupation of Atlanta).
p. 86: "sovereignity" changed to "sovereignty" (his divine commission to
earthly sovereignty).
p. 86: "sufficent" changed to "sufficient" (with guns or sufficient
powder).
p. 88: "Imperalist" changed to "Imperialist" (Imperialist troops in
Hoo-nan).
p. 111: "1838" changed to "1858" (Elgin treaty (June 1858)).
p. 125: duplicate "that" removed (that something was most likely
dangerous).
p. 197: "exclaming" changed to "exclaiming" (exclaiming, "hish.").
p. 212: "inconoclasts" changed to "iconoclasts" (iconoclasts of the
strictest order).
p. 237: "skook" changed to "shook" (shook hands).
p. 241: "acomplished" changed to "accomplised" (accomplished prince).
Caption of image facing p. 261: "HU-KAN" changed to "HU-KAU".
p. 271: "superintendant" changed to "superintendent" (in his capacity as
superintendent).
p. 295: "dissertion" changed to "dissertation" (a lengthy dissertation
by one Rev. J. L. Holmes).
p. 329: "ursurpation" changed to "usurpation" (without aggression or
usurpation).
p. 331: "gave" changed to "give" (to give his favourable opinion).
p. 331: "bravos" changed to "braves" (becoming the mercenary braves).
p. 342: "Imperialst" changed to "Imperialist" (the Imperialist
_braves_).
p. 344: "forgottten" changed to "forgotten" (has evidently forgotten
himself).
p. 348: "Impearialist" changed to "Imperialist" (all the Imperialist
posts).
p. 349: "prejudical" changed to "prejudicial" (prejudicial presence).
p. 350: "chieftian" changed to "chieftain" (gallant chieftain).
p. 354: "politicans" changed to "politicians" (politicians of the
Yang-tze).
p. 356: "compartively" changed to "comparatively" (were comparatively
useless).
p. 368: "parient" changed to "parent" (the injured "parent,").
p. 371: "Sze-wang" changed to "Sz-wang" (to call in the Sz-wang).
p. 388: "detoriated" changed to "deteriorated" (has seriously
deteriorated).
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