Title: Diary of John Manningham
Author: Manningham, John
Language: English
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[Illustration: _Harl. MS., Brit. Mus., N^o. 5353, fo. 111_]

G. F. TUPPER, LITHOG: LONDON. 1868.



  DIARY
  OF
  JOHN MANNINGHAM,

  OF THE MIDDLE TEMPLE,
  AND OF BRADBOURNE, KENT, BARRISTER-AT-LAW,

  1602-1603.

  EDITED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT BY
  JOHN BRUCE, ESQ.,

  AND PRESENTED TO THE CAMDEN SOCIETY BY
  WILLIAM TITE, ESQ., M.P., F.R.S., F.S.A.,
  PRESIDENT OF THE SOCIETY.

  WESTMINSTER:
  PRINTED BY J. B. NICHOLS AND SONS.

  M.DCCC.LX.VIII



  WESTMINSTER:
  J. B. NICHOLS AND SONS, PRINTERS,
  25, PARLIAMENT STREET.



  TO
  THE COUNCIL AND MEMBERS
  OF
  THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

GENTLEMEN,

When you did me the honour to appoint me President of your most useful
Society as the successor of the Marquess Camden, I felt anxious to
express my sense of that honour by some appropriate acknowledgment.

I at first thought of printing a MS. from my own library, but, not
finding one that seemed exactly suitable, in my difficulty I applied to
my old and valued friend Mr. Bruce, and he pointed out to me
Manningham's Diary in the British Museum as possessing a varied interest
in the literary world which was likely to commend it to your notice. I
willingly adopted his suggestion; and I owe to him my sincere
acknowledgments for the pains he has bestowed in seeing the work through
the press, and in prefacing it with an interesting essay.

I have now to offer you this copy of Manningham's little book, and to
assure you how sincerely I am

Your obedient and obliged servant,

  WILLIAM TITE.
  42, Lowndes Square,
  3rd October, 1868.



PREFACE.


The original of MANNINGHAM'S DIARY, which is here printed, is No. 5353
in the Harleian collection of MSS. in the British Museum. It is a
diminutive 12mo. volume, measuring not quite six inches by four, and
containing 133 leaves. The handwriting, of which an admirable
representation is given in the fac-simile prefixed, is small, and in the
main extremely legible; yet in some few places, from haste in the
writer, from corrections, from blotting, from the effects of time, and
from other obvious causes, difficulties have occurred in a word or two,
which, even with the assistance of gentlemen most skilful in reading the
old hands, have not been entirely overcome. The few instances in which
the collater has been baffled are indicated by marks of doubt.

The first historical writer who noticed this little volume for a
literary purpose was Mr. John Payne Collier. In his Annals of the Stage,
published in 1831 (i. 320), Mr. Collier quoted from this Diary various
passages connected with his special subject, and drew attention to the
principal personal facts disclosed by the writer respecting himself,
namely, that he had many relations in Kent, and had probably been a
member of the Middle Temple.

The late Mr. Joseph Hunter was the next writer who used the work for an
historical purpose.[1] With his well-known fondness for genealogical
inquiries he applied himself to determine who the writer was whom Mr.
Collier had designated merely as a barrister. In this inquiry Mr. Hunter
was completely successful. Pursuing the clue given by the mention of
relationships in Kent in the various ways which would occur to a person
skilled in such investigations, Mr. Hunter fell upon a track in which
coincidences between the facts stated in the MS. and those elicited by
his own researches followed one another so rapidly as in the end to
leave not even the shadow of a doubt that the desired result had been
obtained.

    [Footnote 1: See his Illustrations of Shakespeare, i. 365.]

We shall briefly indicate the course by which Mr. Hunter arrived at his
conclusions. It looks easy enough after the end has been attained, but
it will be borne in mind that inquiries of this kind are extremely
discursive. The statement of a few leading facts upon the establishment
of which the final conclusion is arrived at, gives no idea of the time
lost in investigations which are merely tentative. In all such inquiries
we are soon reminded of the pretty passages which, after turnings and
windings almost _ad libitum_, are ultimately found to lead to nothing.

Besides cousins of at least seven different names who are alluded to by
the Diarist, several of them in connection with Canterbury, Sandwich,
and Godmersham, there is one whom he specially commemorates as "my
cousin in Kent" (p. 19), and whom he frequently vouches by that
designation, or merely as his cousin, as his authority for information
which he chronicles. This cousin was evidently the writer's most
important connection--the great man of the family. To visit him and his
somewhat wayward second wife was the principal object of the Diarist's
journeys into Kent. It also appears that this cousin was a man advanced
in life,--roughly stated to be 62 years of age in March 1602-3, and that
he resided at a place called Bradbourne, in the neighbourhood of
Maidstone. This last fact led directly to the identification desired.

Bradbourne was easily found. It has been for centuries a family seat in
the parish of East Malling. Hasted has represented the house in one of
his pictorial illustrations pretty much as it yet exists. It has been
shorn indeed of many of the noble trees, of the deer, and of some of the
other aristocratic adornments with which the county historian surrounded
it, but it still stands a stately old-fashioned red-brick mansion,
probably of the date of the reign of Queen Anne. Long before that period
the same spot was occupied by a previous residence of a county family.
From the time of the Protectorate it has belonged to a branch of the old
Kentish stock, the Twysdens; and before they purchased it--"in the reign
of Queen Elizabeth," as Hasted remarks[2]--"it was in the possession of
a family named Manningham."--Manningham! Our diarist slightly alludes to
a cousin of that name, "G. Manningham, deceased."[3] The clue was vague,
but at that little chink there entered light sufficient to guide the
researches of an antiquary.

    [Footnote 2: Vol. ii. p. 215, ed. 1782.]

    [Footnote 3: P. 108.]

The inscriptions on the older monuments in East Malling church are
printed in Thorpe's _Registrum Roffense_.[4] To them Mr. Hunter had
recourse, and with good success. Amongst them he found one upon a
monument[5] still standing on the north side of the chancel of the
church to a Richard Manningham, evidently a person of importance in that
neighbourhood. It is not stated in the inscription that he was the
owner of Bradbourne, but he lived at the time when our author paid his
visits thither, and his age, as given on the monument, although not
coincident with that stated by the Diarist,--for the monument declares
that Richard Manningham died on the 25th April, 1611, in his 72nd
year,--was sufficiently near to stimulate to further inquiries. But
without following Mr. Hunter step by step it will be enough to state
that from the inscription he went to Doctors' Commons, where, under the
vicious system of mismanagement which then prevailed, he was one of the
favoured two or three who were permitted to use the testamentary
records, whilst all other inquirers were excluded with a most offensive
disregard of courtesy. The will of Richard Manningham helped on the
inquiry very considerably. It was further advanced by an heraldic
Visitation of Kent, and was finally and triumphantly concluded by an
inspection of the register-books of the Middle Temple.

    [Footnote 4: Lond. 1769, fol. p. 793.]

    [Footnote 5: The inscription is surmounted by a bust of singular
    coarseness, evidently the work of some country sculptor, and
    executed in the worst taste and manner.]

Without derogating in the slightest degree from the merit of Mr.
Hunter's investigations, or desiring to deprive his memory of one atom
of the credit which attaches to it on that account, we prefer to state
the facts respecting the Manninghams in words of our own, which will
enable us to weave into the narrative some additions to the results of
Mr. Hunter's inquiries.

About the middle of the sixteenth century the Manninghams were a
numerous family of the middle class,[6] branches of which were scattered
about in various parts of England. The Richard Manningham of the
monument at East Malling was born at St. Alban's; Robert Manningham,
descended from a stock which removed out of Bedfordshire into
Cambridgeshire, lived and died at Fen Drayton in that county; George
Manningham dwelt in Kent, and from the marriages of his female
descendants in that county there probably sprang the numerous cousinred
of the family to which we have already alluded. Their _status_ in Kent
before Richard Manningham settled at Bradbourne may be inferred from one
fact which appears in the Diary, namely, that George Manningham was
bound as surety with William Somner, father of the well known antiquary
of Canterbury, for the father's performance of the duties of the
registrarship of the Ecclesiastical Court, in which office he preceded
his son.

    [Footnote 6: "_Honestâ natus familiâ_" are the words of the
    inscription to Richard Manningham, the very words used also as
    descriptive of the descent of Sir Thomas More on his monument in
    Chelsea church; _familiâ non celebri sed honestâ natus_. (Faulkner's
    Chelsea, i. 207.)]

Richard, Robert, and George Manningham are all stated to have been
relations, and probably they all stood about upon a par in worldly
circumstances, but Richard pursued a way of life which enabled him to
shoot ahead of all the members of his family. Of his youth we have no
particulars, but he was well educated even according to present notions.
He united an acquaintance with modern languages to the share of
classical knowledge taught in our old grammar-schools, and is
commemorated as having spoken and written Latin, French, and Dutch, with
freedom and elegance, and as having been able at the age of sixty-two to
repeat _memoriter_ almost the whole of the first and second books of the
Æneid.

Brought up to some branch of commerce, he was a member of the Mercers'
Company of London, and in his business days resided in the metropolis,
but age found him with a competency, and brought with it some customary
infirmities. He retired from London, purchased the quiet sheltered
Bradbourne, and passed the evening of his days in occupations in which
literature bore a considerable share.

He was twice married; the first time to a native of Holland, a family
connection of the Lady Palavicini, afterwards wife of Sir Oliver
Cromwell, the uncle of the future Protector.[7] This marriage was a
happy one. The lady survived the purchase of Bradbourne,[8] and was
buried in the church of East Malling. Richard Manningham's second match
was with a Kentish widow. The traces we find of her in the Diary do not
leave an impression that she added much to her husband's happiness. She
is not alluded to in his will. We may therefore conclude that she died
between 1602 and 1611.[9] There is no mention of issue by either
marriage.

    [Footnote 7: Diary, pp. 49, 51.]

    [Footnote 8: The last notice we have of her is under the date of
    1595, when her husband, "at her request and for her sake," lent her
    kinsmen, Arnold Verbeck, Abraham Verbeck, and Goris Besselles,
    merchant-strangers, 400_l._ which remained due with all interest
    upon it up to the 21st January 1611-12, the date of his will. He
    forgave his debtors the amount, provided they paid 40_l._ a piece to
    Margarita and Susanna Verbeck, daughters of Arnold, and to the
    testator's niece Janeken Vermeren, daughter of his first wife's
    sister, within twelve months after his decease.]

    [Footnote 9: The registers of East Malling do not begin until 1640.
    We beg warmly to acknowledge our obligations to the Rev. W. L.
    Wigan, the rector, who in the kindest manner searched from 1640 to
    1660 for entries relating to the Manninghams, but without finding
    anything about them.]

Childless, solitary, and infirm, Richard Manningham was in no degree
misanthropic. Out of his abundance he applied considerable sums in
charity, and for the benefit of his kindred, and at an early period
looked around for a Manningham who might inherit the principal portion
of his property and carry on his name. His choice fell upon John
Manningham, a son of Robert of Fen Drayton, and his wife Joan, a
daughter of John Fisher of Bledlow in the county of Bedford. That person
is our Diarist.

Richard Manningham carried out the obligations of this adoption in the
most liberal way. It is obvious from the Diary that John Manningham,
whom Richard Manningham designated by the several titles of "cousin,"
"kinsman," and "son in love," received a generous education of the best
kind. He was intended for the practice of the law, and on the 16th
March, 1597-8, was entered of the Middle Temple, as the son and heir of
Robert Manningham of Fen Drayton, gentleman, deceased. John Chapman,
probably the same person who is mentioned in the Diary as one of the
cousins who lived at Godmersham,[10] and John Hoskyns, were the members
of the Inn who were his sureties upon his admission.

    [Footnote 10: Diary, pp. 108, 111.]

On the 7th June 1605, having kept his exercises and been on the books
for the needful seven years, he was called to the degree of an utter
barrister; whether afterwards advanced to the dignity of being permitted
to plead in actual causes in court does not appear.

Whilst in the Temple he had for his chamber-fellow Edward Curle, son
of William Curle, a retainer of Sir Robert Cecil, who procured him to
be appointed one of the auditors of the Court of Wards. Several
persons of this family are quoted in the Diary, and the close
relationship of chamber-fellow ripened not merely into lasting
friendship with Edward Curle, and with his brother Walter, who
afterwards became Bishop of Winchester, but into affection towards
their sister Anne. John Manningham and Anne Curle were married
probably about 1607. A son was born to them in 1608, who was named
Richard after the _quasi_-grandfather at Bradbourne. Two other sons
were subsequently named John and Walter, and three daughters, Susanna,
Anne, and Elizabeth. Where John Manningham lived after he quitted the
Temple, whether in London with a view to practice at the Bar, at
Hatfield which was the place of residence of the Curles, or at
Bradbourne with his "father in love," then a second time a widower,
does not appear.

On the 3rd January 1609-10, the old merchant proved the reality of his
assumed fatherhood by executing a deed of gift to John Manningham of the
mansion-house of Bradbourne and the lands surrounding it in East
Malling, and two years afterwards, on the 21st January, being, as he
states, "in tolerable health of body in regard of mine age and
infirmities," he made his will. It confirmed, "if needful," the deed of
gift to John Manningham, appointed him sole executor, and with some
slight exceptions and the charge of a considerable number of legacies,
most of them tokens of remembrance, gave him all the residue of his
property. The multitude of the old man's legacies and not less so their
character tell of his continuing interest in the connections of his past
life. They read like the last utterances of a warm and affectionate
spirit casting back its glance upon those from whom it was about to
part; whilst his adjuration to his adopted son to discharge the amounts
with punctuality, although deformed by the verbiage of legal formality,
and smacking a little of the mercantile estimate of the indispensable
importance of payment on the very day, is not devoid of real solemnity.
Omitting some of the tautologous expressions it reads thus:--"I charge
John Manningham, by all the love and duty which he oweth me, for all my
love and liberality which I have always borne [to] him and his
heretofore, but chiefly in this my will, that he pay every legacy within
six months after my death, those excepted that are appointed to be paid
at certain days, and those to be duly paid at their days appointed, as
my trust is in him, and as he will answer afore God and me at the latter
day!" Nor is the pious close of the document without a share of true
impressiveness:--"Having thus, I thank God, finished my will, and set an
order in my worldly affairs, I will henceforward await God's will to
depart hence in peace, most humbly beseeching him that when the day of
my dissolution shall be come, I may by his grace be armed with a true
and lively faith, firm hope, and constant patience, and be ready to
forsake all to go to my blessed Saviour and Redeemer Jesus Christ. Amen,
good Lord!"

He had not long to wait. His will was dated, as we have remarked, on the
21st January, 1611-12. On the 25th of the following April,[11] Richard
Manningham entered into his rest, and John Manningham into possession
as adopted heir. On the following 1st of May he proved the will of his
"father in love" at Doctors' Commons.

    [Footnote 11: The year 1611, given on the monument as that of the
    death, is contradicted by the date of the will and other
    circumstances. It should have been 1612.]

The few particulars we have been able to gather of the course of this
family after the death of Richard Manningham are little more than a
brief register of dates. On the 16th April 1617, William Curle the
father died. He was interred in Hatfield church, where a monument
commemorates his fidelity as a public officer, his good-fortune in his
children and friends, and his calm and happy death.[12]

    [Footnote 12: "_Verâ fide Christianâ_" are the words of the epitaph,
    which were deemed an authority by the Index-maker for Clutterbuck's
    Hertfordshire, ii. 370, for entering a "Christiana Curle" in his
    list of names.]

In 1619, John Philipot, York Herald, made a Visitation for Kent as
Deputy for Camden, the Clarencieux. On this occasion John Manningham
registered his arms and pedigree. It is observable that he did not
introduce into it the descent of his cousin Richard Manningham from
their common ancestor, nor even his name. If the Visitation may be
depended upon we may infer that between the time when the return was
made and the 21st January 1621-2, when John Manningham made his own
will, he lost his daughter Anne by death, and his youngest son, to whom
he gave the name of his brother-in-law Walter, was born. Before the same
day his other brother-in-law and chamber-fellow Edward Curle had also
died. The last trace we have found of him is in 1613.

In the will of John Manningham to which we have just alluded, and which
it will be observed was dated like that of his predecessor on a 21st
January, he described himself as of "East Malling, esquire," and devised
Bradbourne and all the lands derived from his "late dear cousin and
father in love" Richard Manningham, "who for ever," he remarks, "is
gratefully to be remembered by me and mine," to his widow for life and
after her decease entailed the same on his three sons in succession. He
gave to his daughter Susanna a marriage portion of 300_l._; to
Elizabeth, 250_l._; to the little Benjamin of his flock, the young
Walter, anything but a Benjamin's share of 100_l._; and to his executors
20 nobles a piece; all the rest of his personalty he divided between his
widow and his eldest son. He named as executors Dr. Walter Curle, who
had then ascended upon the ladder of preferment to the Deanery of
Lichfield, and John Manningham's cousin, Dr. William Roberts of Enfield.
The Will was proved on the 4th December, 1622, by Dr. Curle alone, Dr.
Roberts having renounced.

Two further facts bring to an end the brief glimmerings we have been
able to discover respecting the third generation of the Manninghams at
Bradbourne.

Bishop Walter Curle made his will on the 15th March 1646-7, and left to
his nephew and godson Walter Manningham a sum of 50_l._ To the boy's
mother--"my loving sister Mrs. Anne Manningham," the Bishop left "a
piece of plate of twenty ounces."[13]

    [Footnote 13: See Lansd. MS. No. 985.]

Nine years afterwards the "loving sister" had followed the Bishop into
the better land. Where she was buried does not appear, certainly not at
East Malling. Bradbourne then fell to the second Richard Manningham, who
sold it in 1656 to Mr. Justice Twysden, in whose family it still
remains. Thus drops the curtain upon the connexion of the Manninghams
with East Malling.

Other persons of the same name appear in the succeeding century, one on
the episcopal bench as Bishop of Chichester, from 1709 to 1722, and his
son Sir Richard Manningham as a distinguished physician and discoverer
of the fraud of Mary Tofts the rabbit-breeder, but their connexion with
the subjects of our inquiry does not very clearly appear.

Turn we now from the Diarist and his family to the Diary. It was written
by John Manningham whilst a student in the Middle Temple, and runs
through the year 1602 down to April in 1603, Occasionally, as we have
remarked in one of our notes, some few of the entries are out of
chronological order, either from mistake of the binder or irregularity
of the Diarist. In some cases it clearly arose from the habit of the
latter of making his entries in any part of the book where there
happened to be a vacant space. The consequences are of so little moment
that we have thought it best in printing to follow the order of the
original MS. as it now stands.

Chronological sequence is the less important as the book is scarcely
what is generally understood by a Diary. It is rather a note-book in
which the writer has jotted down from time to time his impressions of
whatever he chanced to hear, read, or see, or whatever he desired to
preserve in his memory. The result is a curious patchwork. Anecdotes,
witticisms, aphoristic expressions, gossip, rumours, extracts from
books, large notes of sermons, occasional memoranda of journeys into
Kent and Huntingdonshire, with some little personal matter of the true
Diary kind, are all thrown together into a miscellany of odds and ends.

Our Diarist could not have lived in a better place than in an Inn of
Court for the compilation of such a book. The common dinner and the
common supper, the less formal gatherings at the buttery-bar and around
the hall fire, and in the summer time the exercise taken in the pleasant
garden--an indispensable accompaniment of an Inn of Court--brought
together multitudes of the "unbaked and doughy youth of the nation,"
full of life and spirit, most of them under training for legal practice
or public business, and sparkling with all the freshness and
volatility, the exuberance and glow which distinguish the opening of
young wits. This was the very place to furnish materials for such a
note-book as we have described. Among such companions the _bon mot_ of
the bar, the scandal of the Court, the tittle-tattle of the town, were
the very _pabulum_ of their daily conversation. A witty sarcasm would
tell among students not "past the bounds of freakish youth" with
infinite effect, and it mattered little--such was the universal freedom
of language and manners in those days--how literal the expression, or to
what kind of subject it related. Perhaps even additional zest was given
to a pithy speech by its want of reserve in relation to transactions
which we have come to regard as better left untalked about. Neither was
there found any greater difficulty in writing about such matters than in
speaking of them. The line of stars which occasionally will be found
stretching across our page indicates the occurrence of passages which
principally on this ground we have deemed it unadvisable to print.

The time in which our Diarist wrote was distinguished by one event of
surpassing interest--the death of the great Queen who had ruled the
country for more than forty years. In reference to that event he
possessed peculiar opportunities of acquiring information, and what he
has told us is essentially of historical authority. His channel of
communication with the Court was Dr. Henry Parry, subsequently Bishop of
Gloucester and afterwards of Worcester, at that time one of her
Majesty's chaplains and on duty in that character at the Queen's death.
On the 23rd March 1602-3, the rumours respecting her Majesty's health
were most alarming. The public were even doubtful whether she was
actually alive. In satisfaction of his curiosity our Diarist proceeded
to the palace at Richmond, where the great business was in progress. He
found assembled there the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Keeper,
and others of the highest official dignitaries. The Queen still lived,
and the ordinary daily religious services were still kept up within the
sombre palace. Dr. Parry preached before the assembled visitors, and our
Diarist was permitted to be one of the audience. The sermon was as
little connected as could be with the urgent circumstances which must
have drawn off the thoughts of his congregation, but in the preacher's
prayers both before and after his discourse he interceded for her
Majesty so fervently and pathetically, that few eyes were dry.

Service over, Manningham dined in the privy chamber with Dr. Parry and a
select clerical company, who recounted to him the particulars of the
Queen's illness; how for a fortnight she had been overwhelmed with
melancholy, sitting for hours with eyes fixed upon one object, unable to
sleep, refusing food and medicine, and until within the last two or
three days declining even to go to bed. It was the opinion of her
physicians that if at an early period she could have been persuaded to
use means she would unquestionably have recovered, but she would not,
"and princes," our Diarist remarks, "must not be forced." Her fatal
obstinacy brought her at length into a condition which was irremediable.
For two days she had lain "in a manner speechless, very pensive and
silent,"--dying of her own perverseness. When roused she showed by signs
that she still retained her faculties and memory, but the inevitable
hour was fast approaching. The day before, at the instance of Dr. Parry,
she had testified by gestures her constancy in the Protestantism "which
she had caused to be professed," and had hugged the hand of the
archbishop when he urged upon her a hopeful consideration of the joys of
a future life. In these particulars our Diarist takes us nearer to the
dying bed of the illustrious Queen than any other writer with whom we
are acquainted.

Dr. Parry remained with the Queen to the last. It was amidst his prayers
that about three o'clock in the morning which followed Manningham's
visit to the palace she ceased to breathe.

For the last few years the public mind had been disturbed by claims put
forth on behalf of a multitude of pretenders to the now empty throne.
The people had been bewildered and alarmed by the production of no less
than fourteen different titles advanced on behalf of a number of
separate claimants. A strong impression prevailed that on the Queen's
death a struggle was inevitable--that the long peace which the country
had owed to the Tudors would come to an end with them. The vacancy had
now occurred, and every one was anxious to know in what manner the
claimants would prefer their claims, and who would arbitrate amongst
their clashing interests? Above all things, as likely to involve the
most important changes, what course would be taken by the Roman
Catholics? It seemed a great opportunity for them, so great that no one
imagined they would allow it to slip past.

The statements of our Diarist at this time are of particular interest.
The ministers of the late Queen acted with equal promptitude and
prudence. Sir Robert Cecil had settled the matter long ago, and all his
fellow-ministers now concurred in what he had done. Not an instant was
lost; at the very earliest moment, at day-break, in less than four hours
after the Queen had ceased to breathe at Richmond, a meeting of the
Council was held at Whitehall. A proclamation already prepared by Cecil,
and settled by the anxious King of Scotland, was produced and signed. At
10 o'clock the gates of Whitehall were thrown open. Cecil, with a roll
of paper in his hand, issued forth at the head of a throng of gentlemen,
and with the customary display of tabards and blare of trumpets
proclaimed the accession of King James.

"The proclamation," remarks our author, "was heard with great
expectation and silent joy, no great shouting." At night there were
bonfires and ringing of bells, but "no tumult, no contradiction, no
disorder in the city; every man went about his business as readily, as
peaceably, as securely, as though there had been no change nor any news
of competitors." The quickness and unanimity of the council, combined
with the popular feeling in favour of King James, fixed him at once in
the new dignity. Opponents were overawed and silenced when they found
that the supporters of the King had as it were stolen a march upon them,
and that, although he himself was absent, his friends were in possession
of all the powers of government on his behalf. The previous agitation
subsided almost instantly. The disturbed sea rocked itself to rest.

From this time general anxiety was directed towards the North. "The
people is full of expectation, and great with hope of our new King's
worthiness, of our nation's future greatness; every one promises himself
a share in some famous action to be hereafter performed for his prince
or country." The anticipations which the people framed for themselves
from the change of sex in their new governor, from the change of age,
and from the ambition which they imagined would be developed in him by
his transference from a small rough unsettled country to one which by
forty years of steady government had acquired a unity, a solidity, a
definite and noble position among the nations of the world, of which all
true Englishmen were proud, have no where been brought so clearly before
us, as in the pages of our Diarist. Such anticipations were like the
fire of brushwood. It is painful to think of the disappointment to which
they were doomed.

Besides these events of an historical character, there are scattered
through the Diary a multitude of notices of persons of less social
position than Elizabeth and James, but not by any means of less
interest. Living among lawyers, it was of course that many of the young
student's notes would relate to them. But many of the lawyers of that
day, both those who had earned the honours of their profession and those
who still remained _in statu pupillari_, were men about whom we can
never learn too much. In these notes we have glimpses of Sir Thomas
More, of Bacon, Coke, Lord Keeper Egerton, of Judges Anderson, Manwood,
and Catline, of the merry old Recorder Fleetwood, of his graver
successor Croke, and of the beggar's friend, Sir Julius Cæsar. Among the
younger men we may notice Sir Benjamin Rudyerd, the future Lord Chief
Justice Bramston, and the man who in the coming stormy times was for a
period more prominent than them all, the statesman Pym. It will be seen
in a note at p. 104, that the publication of this volume has given an
opportunity for the settlement of the question, whether Pym had what may
be termed a regular legal education, which his biographers have left in
doubt. The Middle Temple has clearly the high honour of reckoning him
upon their roll.

Of non-legal persons who are here brought before us with more or less
prominency, we need scarcely allude to the entries relating to
Shakespeare and the performance of his Twelfth Night, which were first
noticed by Mr. Collier, and have been used by every subsequent writer on
dramatic subjects. The unfortunate Overbury comes before us several
times, such as we should have expected to find him, inconsiderate and
impetuous. Ben Jonson flits across the page. Of Marston there is a
disagreeable anecdote which has not been left unnoticed by poetical
antiquaries. Sir Thomas Bodley and Lord Deputy Mountjoy are alluded to.
There is an excellent account of an interview with old Stowe the
antiquary, a valuable glimpse of the Cromwell family during the boyhood
of the Protector, and references, some of them of importance, to Sir
Walter Raleigh, to his foolish friend Lord Cobham, to the wizard Earl of
Northumberland, and of course many allusions to the Cecils, both to Sir
William, and to that youngest son to whom, according to the joke which
is here preserved, his father's wisdom descended as if it had been held
by the tenure of Borough-English.

One peculiarity of this Diary is the very large proportion of it which
is given up to notes of sermons. There is something in this which is
characteristic of the time as well as of the writer. It was a
sermon-loving age, and that to a degree which it is scarcely possible
for us to understand in our degenerate days. Another thing which is
equally at variance with modern notions is that, when reading the
original manuscript, we pass at once from passages which we have been
obliged to reject as unfit for publication to notes of pulpit addresses
which inculcate a high-toned morality based upon those sound principles
which apply even to the thoughts and feelings. It is clear that the
incongruity in this contrast which is painful to us was not then
perceived. The coarseness of the popular language on the one hand, and
the affection for pulpit addresses, even among students of the Inns of
Court, on the other, were both parts of what we are accustomed to term
the manners of the age, and, like all things universally accepted, their
rights and wrongs were never very minutely criticised. The language we
have objected to is of course entirely indefensible. It was the slough
of a coarser generation, which our ancestors had not then entirely cast
off.

Of many of the sermons as represented in these notes we think highly,
but we have printed the whole of them in smaller type, so that they may
be distinguished at a glance, and if there be any of our readers to whom
they are less acceptable, they may be easily passed over.

Among the preachers who are here commemorated will be found some of the
most celebrated divines of the day;--Dr. Lancelot Andrewes, Dr. James
Montague, Dr. John Buckeridge, Dr. John King, Dr. Parry, and Dr. George
Abbot, none of them yet Bishops; Andrew Downes the Grecian; Dr. Thomas
Holland, Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford; Dr. Giles Thompson,
afterwards Dean of Windsor; with two fervid orators, frowned upon by
many of their brethren, but most influential with the people,--one of
them Mr. Egerton, whose congregation assembled "in a little church or
chapel up stairs" in Blackfriars, and the other Mr. Clapham, who was the
incumbent of a church at Paul's Wharf.

In notes, for the most part very skilfully taken,[14] of sermons of men
so various in their acquirements, and many of them so eminently
distinguished, we have examples of the pulpit oratory of the age, with
evidences of the nature of the doctrines then generally prevalent in the
Church of England, and of some of the qualities which tended to make the
preaching of those doctrines popular.

    [Footnote 14: So skilfully that one is inclined to suspect that the
    business of note-taking may have been at that time one of the
    branches of legal education. A few occasional mistakes of course
    there are, and when extremely palpable we have sometimes not thought
    it worth while to notice them.]

Nor is the book devoid of notices of many other circumstances which were
characteristical of the time. The following are examples. At p. 22 we
find an account of the operation of lithotomy, stated to be then first
brought into medical practice; at p. 46 we learn that "a certain kind of
compound called _Laudanum_" had been recently introduced as the
chloroform, and at p. 132 that the game of shuttlecock was the croquet,
of the day. In another place (p. 110) the fantastical and affectedly
humble salutation to the knee alluded to by dramatists of the period is
said to have been one of the many changes in fashion attributed to
English travellers returned from Italy. At p. 36 there is a notice of an
article apparently of fashionable costume which we are unable to
explain, "Kentish tails." It is said of these things, whatever they
were, that they "are now turned to such spectacles, so that if a man put
them on his nose he shall have all the land he can see." What
connection, if any, there may be between the tails here mentioned and
the old legend of Kentish tails, we are obliged to leave to the
consideration of persons versed in the antiquities of that county.[15]
There are other passages which deal with the fashions of the day. It was
a time in which ladies' dressing-rooms were nearly allied to
apothecaries' shops, and the art of manufacturing female beauty seems to
have fallen into the hands of probably a lower and irregular class of
medical practitioners. The poets are full of allusions to this subject.
Massinger sums it up in a passage which we may be excused for quoting:--

                      there are ladies
    And great ones, that will hardly grant access,
    On any terms, to their own fathers, as
    They are themselves, nor willingly be seen
    Before they have ask'd counsel of their doctor
    How the ceruse will appear, newly laid-on,
    When they ask blessing.    .    .    .    .
    .    .    .    .     Such indeed there are
    That would be still young in despite of time;
    That in the wrinkled winter of their age
    Would force a seeming April of fresh beauty,
    As if it were within the power of art
    To frame a second nature.

    [Footnote 15: We referred the passage to our late dear friend the
    eminent Kentish antiquary and founder of the Archæological Society
    for that county, the Rev. Lambert B. Larking, and received in reply
    one of his customary kindly and suggestive letters. Since we wrote
    to him, his earthly career has come, alas! to an end. The Camden
    Council have lost a distinguished member, and many persons a
    singularly warm-hearted and unselfish friend. He was indeed one of
    those attractive characters who carry into old age the fervour and
    generosity of early life. There never lived a man in whose heart of
    hearts there dwelt a deeper scorn of everything untruthful,
    disingenuous, or mean, or who was more distinguished by a total
    abandonment of all selfish interests. Deeply versed in the history
    of his beloved native county, and possessed of large antiquarian
    collections derived principally from unpublished materials, the
    information which he had gathered through a course of many years was
    at the service of every applicant, and frequently furnished valuable
    materials for other writers, whilst an over-anxiety to attain an
    impossible completeness prevented his bringing to an end works which
    would have established his own right to a high position in the
    literature of research. His work on the Domesday of Kent we trust
    will soon be issued to the subscribers. We doubt not that it will
    justify our estimate of the scholarship and diligence in inquiry of
    our kind and amiable friend.]

The anecdotes jotted down by the young Templar speak for themselves.
They of course derive their principal value from the names to which they
are attached. Notices of personal peculiarities are so singularly
evanescent, they live so entirely in the observation and memory of
contemporaries, that it is a biographical gain to have them recorded in
any shape. Apparent trifles, such as the waddling gait of Sir John
Davies, the stately silence of Lord Montjoy at the dinner table, the
description of the popular preacher Clapham--"a black fellow with a sour
look but a good spirit, bold and sometimes bluntly witty," the fussy
particularity of Fleetwood the recorder, the vanity of old
Stowe,--these, and memoranda such as these, impart a life and reality to
our conceptions of the men to whom they relate, which cannot be derived
from volumes of mere dates and facts.

Of the recorded witticisms, the peculiarity which will strike the reader
in this case, as in all others of the same description, is their
singular want of originality. Good things which were current in the
classical period are here re-invented, or warmed up, for the amusement
of the contemporaries of King James. And the same thing occurs over and
over again, from generation to generation. _Mots_ which descended to the
times of Manningham reappeared in the pages of Joe Miller, are recorded
among the clever sayings of Archbishop Whateley, and in one instance at
least may be found among the pulpit witticisms of Rowland Hill.

The book is one which would bear a large amount of illustrative
annotation. We have endeavoured in most cases to keep down what we had
to say to mere citation of the ordinary standard books of reference--the
tools with which all literary men work. It is well for them that our
literature can boast of instruments so well suited to their purpose as
Dr. Bliss's edition of Wood's Athenæ, Mr. Hardy's edition of Le Neve's
Fasti, and Mr. Foss's Lives of the Judges--the books to which we have
principally referred. May the number of such works be increased!

Finally, we have the grateful task of returning thanks to two gentlemen
who have specially assisted us in issuing this book. To Mr. John
Forster, the author of the Life of Eliot and of many other valuable
historical works, we are indebted for the use of a transcript of part of
the Diary here printed; and to Mr. John Gough Nichols, like the Editors
of most of the volumes printed for the Camden Society, we owe the great
advantage of many most useful suggestions during the progress of the
work. The results of their kindness and of the liberality of Mr. Tite
will we hope be acceptable to the Society.

J. B.



MANNINGHAM'S DIARY.


[Sidenote: Harl. MS. 5353.

fo. 1.]

A puritan is a curious corrector of thinges indifferent.[16]

    [Footnote 16: This and the subsequent memoranda up to fo. 5 have
    been apparently jotted down at odd times upon the fly-leaves of the
    little book in which what is more properly called the Diary was
    written.]


SONG TO THE QUEENE AT THE MASKE AT COURT, NOV. 2.[17]

    Mighty Princes of a fruitfull land,
      In whose riche bosome stored bee
      Wisdome and care, treasures that free
    Vs from all feare; thus with a bounteous hand
    You serue the world which yett you doe commaund.
          Most gracious Queene, wee tender back
            Our lynes as tributes due,
          Since all whereof wee all partake
            Wee freely take from you.

    Blessed Goddess of our hopes increase,
      Att whose fayre right hand
    Attend Justice and Grace,
      Both which commend
    True beauties face;
    Thus doe you neuer cease
    To make the death of warr the life of peace.
          Victorious Queene, soe shall you liue
            Till Tyme it selfe must dye,
          Since noe Tyme euer can depriue
            You of such memory.

    [Footnote 17: The Queen here mentioned was of course Queen
    Elizabeth. The writing on this page is in many places so much worn
    away as to be difficult to decipher.]


IN MOTLEYUM.

[Sidenote: fo. 2.]

    O cruell death, to murder in thy rage
    Our ages flower, in flower of his age. (_Holland._)


IN SPENSERUM.[18]

    Famous aliue, and dead, here is the ods,
    Then God of Poets, nowe Poet of the Gods.

    [Footnote 18: Spenser died Jan. 16, 1598-9.]


MARCH 29, 1602.

I sawe Dr. Parryes[19] picture with a Bible in his hand, the word upon
it, _Huic credo_, and over his heade an heaven, with a motto, _Hoc
spero_.

    [Footnote 19: Dr. Henry Parry was at this time a prebendary of York.
    He was afterwards successively Dean of Chester, and Bishop of
    Gloucester, and Worcester, and died 12 Dec. 1616. (Hardy's Le Neve,
    i. 439; iii. 66, 177, 264.)]


EPIGRAM; Mr. Kedgwyn.

    The radiant splendor[20] of Tom Hortons nose
    Amates the ruby and puts downe the rose,
    Had I a iewell of soe rich an hewe,
    I would present it to some monarchs viewe,
    Subjects ought not to weare such gemms as those,
    Therefore our Prince shall have Tom Horton's nose!

        [Footnote 20: The word "lustre" is interlined above "splendor,"
        as another suggested reading in place of the latter word.]

       *       *       *       *       *


[Sidenote: fo. 2^b.]

EPITAPH IN THE CHAUNCERY[21] AT SANDEY IN BEDFORD[SHIRE.]

    Cur caro lætatur dum vermibus esca paratur?
    Terræ terra datur, caro nascitur ut moriatur;
    Terram terra tegat, demon peccata resumat,
    Mundus res habeat, spiritus alta petat.
    Why growes our fleshe so proud,
    Whiles 'tis but made wormes foode?
    This earth must turne to earth.
    To dye flesh tooke it birth,
    The earth our earth must hyde,
    Our synnes the deuill betyde,
    The world our goodes must haue,
    And God our soules will saue.

    [Footnote 21: Chancel or chantry?]


[Sidenote: fo. 3.]

_Certayne devises and empresaes taken by the scucheons in the
Gallery[22] at Whitehall; 19 Martij 1601._

    [Footnote 22: Pepys mentions on two occasions a gallery at Whitehall
    called the Shield Gallery (Diary, i. 105, 133), and Hentzner
    enumerates among things worthy of observation in that spacious and
    memorable palace, "Variety of emblems on paper, out in the shape of
    shields, with mottos, used by the nobility at tilts and tournaments,
    hung up here for a memorial," Journey into England, p. 29, ed.
    1757.]

The scucheon, twoe windmilles crosse sailed, and all the verge of the
scucheon poudred with crosses crosselets, the word _Vndique cruciatus_.
Vnder written these verses:

    When most I rest behold howe I stand crost,
      When most I moue I toyle for others gayne,
    The one declares my labour to be lost,
      The other shewes my quiet is but payne.
    Vnhappy then whose destiny are crosses,
    When standinge still and moveing breedes but losses.

The devise manie small tapers neere about a great burning, the word,
_Nec tibi minus erit_.

The devise a taper newe blowen out, with a fayre blast from a cloude,
the word, _Te flante relucet_.

The scucheon argent with a hand and a pen in it, the word, _Solus amor
depinget_.

Two garlandes in a shield, one of lawrell, the other of cypresse, the
word, _Manet vna cupressi_.

A ship in the sea, the word, _Meus error ab alto_.

A man falling from the top of a ladder, the word, _Non quo, sed unde
cado_.

A scrole of paper full of cypheres, the word, _Adde unum_.

A sunne with sweete face in it averted from an armed knight, shaddowed
in a cloud all but his handes and knees, which were bended; the word,
_Quousque auertes?_

[Sidenote: fo. 3^b.]

The scucheon, a grayhound coursing, with a word, _In libertate labor_;
and another grayhound tyed to a tree and chafinge that he cannot be
loosed to followe the game he sawe; the word, _In servitute dolor_.

A fayre sunne, the word, _Occidens occidens_.

A glorious lady in a cloud in the one syde, and a sunne in the other;
beneath a sacrifice of hands, hartes, armes, pennes, &c. the word,
_Soli, non soli_.

A kingfisher bird, sitting against the winde, the word, _Constans
contrariæ spernit_.

A palme tree laden with armor upon the bowes, the word, _Fero at
patior_.

An empty bagpipe, the word, _Si impleueris_.

An angle with the line and hooke, _Semper tibi pendent_.

A viall well strunge, the word, _Adhibe dextram_.

A sable field, the word, _Par nulla figura dolori_.

A partridge with a spaniell before hir, and a hauke over hir; the word,
_Quo me vertam_.

The man in the moone with thornes on his backe looking downwarde; the
word, _At infra se videt omnia_.

A large diamond well squared, the word, _Dum formas minuis_.

A pyramis standinge, with the mott _Ubi_ upon it, and the same fallen,
with the word _Ibi_ upon it.

A burning glas betwixt the sunne, and a lawne which it had sett on fire;
the word, _Nec tamen cales_.

A flame, the word, _Tremet et ardet_.

A torch light in the sunne, the word, _Quis furor_.

A stag having cast his head and standing amazedly, weeping over them;
the word over, _Inermis et deformis_; under, _Cur dolent habentes_.

A torche ready to be lighted, the word, _Spero lucem_.

A man attyred in greene, shoting at a byrd in the clowdes; the one
arrowe over, the other under; the 3. in his bowe drawne to the heade,
with this word upon it, _Spero vltimam_.

A foote treading on a worme, _Leviter ne peream_.

A dyall in the sunne, _In occasu desinit esse_.

A ballance in a hand, _Ponderare est errare_.

A fly in a hors eye, _Sic ultus peream_.

A scucheon argent, _Sic cum forma nulla placet_.

A ship sayling in the sea, _Portus in ignoto est_.

An eagle looking on the sunne, _Reliqua sordent_.

A branche sprung forth of an oake couped, the word, _Planta fuit
quercus_.


[Sidenote: fo. 5.]

MARCHE 28, 1602.[23]

    [Footnote 23: This was Palm Sunday.]

At the Temple: sermon, the text, Mark, x. 20.

Notes: All the commandementes must be observed with like respect. It is
not sufficient to affect one and leave the rest vnrespect, for that were
to make an idoll of that precept. Obedience must be seasoned with love;
yf any other respect be predominat in our actions, as feare of
punishment, desyre of estimacion &c. they are out of temper.

Christ propoundes these commaundementes of the 2nd table, because, yf a
man cannot observe these, he shall never be able to keepe them of the
first, for yf a man love not his neighbor whom he hath seene, howe shall
he love God whom he hath not seene?

And he that is bound to observe the lesse must keepe the greater
commaundement.

The doctrine of justificacion consistes upon these pillars, 1. _Ex
merito, si non ex condigno at ex congruo._ 2. And this upon free-will,
for noe merrit with[24] a free agent. 3. And this upon a possibilitie of
keeping the commaundementes, for _liberum arbitrium_ is a power of
performing what wee would and should, and _libertas voluntatis_ and
_liberum arbitrium_ are severall.

    [Footnote 24: _Sic_, but _qu._ "without."]

Noe man can performe anie any action soe well but he shall fayle either
in the goodnes of the motion efficient, the meanes, or end.

[Sidenote: fo. 5^b.]

Justificacion by workes is but old Pharisaisme and newe Papisme; the
Papists distinguishe and make _Justiciam legalem_ and _evangelicam_; the
1. in performance of outward required accions; the 2. in the intent
supplied [?]

All the sacrifices that God was most delighted with are for the most
part sayd to be young, a lambe, &c. and the exhortacion of him which was
more the agent and more learned than anie, for he was a King and the
wisest that ever was, is, Remember thy Creator in the dayes of thy
youth, &c.

There is a generall and a speciall love of Christ wherewith he embraceth
men; the 1. is here ment and mentioned, and with that he loves all which
doe but endeauour to be morally good; soe doubteles he loved Aristides
for his justice, which was a work of God in him, and so being a good,
God could not but love it, and him for it.

But the speciall is that whereby he makes us heires of eternall lyfe,
and adoptes vs for his children.

Beholding him, God regardes the least perfections or rather imperfect
affections in us; he will not breake a crazed reede.


[Sidenote: fo. 6.]

AT ST. CLEMENTES;[25] THE PRECHER.[26]

    [Footnote 25: St. Clement Danes in the Strand.]

    [Footnote 26: The rector at this time was Dr. John Layfield, of
    Trin. Coll. Cambridge, one of the revisers of the translation of the
    Bible temp. James I. and one of the first fellows of Chelsea
    College. Newcourt's Repertorium, i. 572.]

Note: The breade in the sacrament becoming a nourishment is a medicine
to our whole bodye.

The manner of receyving Christes body in the sacrament; as to make a
question of it by way of doubting, is dangerous, soe to enquire of it to
knowe it is relligious.

Wee receive it[27] _non per consubstantialitatem sed per germanissimam
societatem_. (_Chrisostom._)

    [Footnote 27: In the MS. this word stands "is."]

It must be received with five fingers, the first the hand, the 2. the
understanding, 3. fayth, 4. application, 5. affection and joy; and this
makes it a communion.

"Take and eate," the wordes of the serpent to Eua, the wordes of the
brasen serpent to vs; those were beleued and brought in perdicion, these
yf beleived are the meanes to saluation.


[Sidenote: fo. 6^b.]

_Out of a booke called_ THE PICTURE OF A PERFECT COMMONWEALTH.[28]

    [Footnote 28: Written by Thomas Floyd; published Lond. 1600, 12mo.]

A wicked King is like a crazed ship, which drownes both it selfe and all
that are in it.

Pleasures are like sweet singing birds, which yf a man offer to take
they fly awaye.


DR. MOUNFORDES[29] SERMON. (_Ch. Dauers._)

    [Footnote 29: Dr. Thomas Mountford was a prebendary of Westminster
    from 1585 to 1681-2. (Hardy's Le Neve, iii. 350.)]

Of pleasure. _Momentaneum est quod delectat, æternum quod cruciat._

It is better to eate fishes with Christ, then a messe of pottage with
Esau.

_Nil turpius quam plus ingerrere quam possis digerere._

The glutton eates like a dogge, and lives like a hogg, having his soule
as salt onely to keepe his body from stinkinge.

He that filleth his body emptieth his soule.

_Id pro Deo colitur quod præ omnibus diligitur._

_Vtinam_, sayth Augustine, _tam finiatur quam definitur ebrietas_.

Bacchus painted yonge, because he makes men like children, vnable to goe
or speake, naked because discouers all.

It is noe better excuse for a drunkard to say that it was his owne that
he spent, then yf one should say he would cut his owne throate, for the
knife that should doe it is his owne.

Drunkennes is the divells birding synne; the drunkard like the stale
that allures other to be taken like it selfe.

Matt. 12.

Envie and mallice will barke though it be so musselled that it cannot
bite.

[Sidenote: fo. 7.]

It is almost divine perfection to resist carnall affection.

When wee censure other men wee should imitate that good imitator of
nature Apelles, whoe being to drawe a face of an great person[30] which
wanted an eye, drewe that syde only which was perfect.

    [Footnote 30: Originally written "Emperour" and afterwards "great
    person." When the word "Emperour" was altered, the writer omitted to
    correct the preceding article.]

The malicious man is like the vultur, which passeth ouer manie sweete
gardens and never rests but vpon some carrion or garbage, soe he neuer
takes notice of anie thing but vices.

Libellers are the divels herauldes.

_Invidus alienum bonum suum facit peccando malum._

Envy, though in all other respectes it be a thing most execrable, yet in
this it is in some sort commendable, that it is a vexacion to it selfe.
It is like gunpowder, which consumes itselfe before it burnes the house.
Or the fly _pyrausta_, which would put out the candle, but burns
itselfe.

Honor is like a buble, which is raysed with one winde and broken with an
other.


MR. DOWNES.[31]

    [Footnote 31: The celebrated Andrew Downes, appointed Regius
    Professor of Greek at Cambridge in 1595. (Hardy's Le Neve, iii.
    660.)]

The love of the world is the divels eldest sonne.

Honour, riches, and pleasure are the worldly mans trynitie, wherewith he
committs spirituall idolatry.

Thankefullnes is like the reflex of the sunne beame from a bright bodie.

After a full tyde of prosperitie cometh a lowe ebbe of adversitie. After
a day of pleasure a night of sorrowe.

[Sidenote: fo. 7^b.]

Honour is like a spiders webbe, long in doinge, but soone vndone, blowne
downe with every blast. It is like a craggy steepe rocke, which a man is
longe getting vpon, and being vp, yf his foote but slip, he breakes his
necke. Soe the Jewes dealt with Christ; one day they would have him a
king, an other day none; one day cryed Hosanna to him, an other nothing
but crucifie him.

The world is like an host; when a man hath spent all, body, goodes, and
soule with it, it will not vouchsafe to knowe him.

Laban chose rather to loose his daughters than his idols, and the riche
man had rather forsake his soule then his riches.

If a citizen of Rome made him selfe a citizen of anie other place, he
lost his priviledge at Rome; yf a man wilbe a citizen of this world, he
cannot be a citizen of heaven.

Ambitious men are like little children which take great paynes in
runninge vp and downe to catch butterflyes, which are nothing but
painted winges, and either perishe in takinge or fly away from them.

Covetous man like a child, which cryes more for the losse of a trifle
then his inheritance; he laments more for losse of wealth then soule.

A covetous man proud of his riches is like a theife that is proud of his
halter.


MR. PHILLIPS.

The proverbe is that building is a theife, because it makes us lay out
more money then wee thought on; but pride is a theife and a whore too,
for it robbes the maister of his wealth, and the mistress of her
honesty.

[Sidenote: fo. 8.]

The drunkard makes his belly noe better then a bucking tubb, a vessell
to poure into, and put out at.

_Bona opera habent mercedem, non ratione facti, sed ratione pacti._

_Non est refugium a Deo irato, nisi ad Deum placatum._

Synn is Adams legacy bequeathed to all his posteritie: nothing more
common then to committ synn, and being committed to conceale it.

A concealed synn is _tanquam serpens in sinu, gladius in corde, venenum
in stommacho_; it is like a soare of the body, the closer it is kept the
more it festers.

_Scelera quandoque possunt esse secreta, nunquam secura._

Confession must be _festina, vera, et amara_.

Confession of synne onely at the hour of death, is like a theifes
confession at the gallowes, or a traytors at the racke, when they cannot
choose.

_Sine confessione justus est ingratus, et peccator mortuus._

The mercy of God is never to be despayred of, but still to be expected
even _inter pontem et fontem, jugulum et gladium_.

Dissembled righteousnes is like smoake, which seemes to mount up to
heaven, but never comes neare it.


Prayse is a kinde of paynt which makes every thing seeme better then it
is. (_Cha. Dauers._)

To prayse an unworthy man is as bad as to paint the face of an old
woman. (_Idem._)

Sorrowe is the punishment and remedy for synn; _sic Deus quod poenam
dedit, medicinam fecit._ (_Augustine._)


[Sidenote: fo. 8^b.]

MR. MUNOES[32] OF PETERHOUSE IN CAMBRIDGE.

    [Footnote 32: Monoux or Munoux?]

_Primum querite regnum Dei, et omnia adjicientur vobis._ Tullies
brother, in a sort reprehending or discouraging his suit for the
consulship, tells him that he must remember that he is _novus,
consulatum petit_, and _Romæ est_; the Devill, perhaps least any should
attempt to put this precept in practise, will terrifie us by shewinge vs
our weakenes, and that greatnes. _Terræ filius es; regnum quæris?
Coelum est, &c._

_Sit modus amoris sine modo._

_Beatus est, Domine, qui te amat propter te, amicum in te, et inimicum
propter te._

Quere 3. (1.) _Quere Deum et non aliud tanquam illum._ (2.) _non aliud
præter illum._ (3.) _non aliud post illum._

_Diuitiæ non sunt bonæ, quæ te faciant bonum, sed unde tu facias bonum._

Beda interpreted those letters, S. P. Q. R. written upon a gate in Rome,
_Stultus Populus Quoerit Romam_, intimating they were but fooles that
went thither for true relligion.

Yf Christ had thought well of wealth he would not have bin soe poore
himselfe. He was _pauper in ingressu_, borne in a manger; _in
progressu_, not a hole to hide his head in; _in egressu_, not a sheet of
his owne to shroude him in.

The covetous persons like the seven leane kine that eate up the seven
fatt, and yet remaine as ill favoured as before.

Yf thou carest not to liue in such a house as hell is, yett feare to
dwell with such a companion as the Divel is.


[Sidenote: fo. 9.]

SERCHEFEILD OF ST. JOHNS IN OXFORD.[33]

    [Footnote 33: Dr. Rowland Searchfield, Bishop of Bristol from 1619
    to 1622. (Wood's Athenæ, ii. 861.)]

_Cursus celerimus, sæpe pessimus._

_Sit opus in publico, intentio in occulto._

A dissembled Christian, like an intemperate patient, which can gladly
heare his physicion discourse of his dyet and remedy, but will not
endure to obserue them.

_Minus prospere, qui nimis propere._


MR. SCOTT, TRINIT. CANT'BR.

_Dum sumus in corpore peregrinamur a Domino._

_Non contemnenda sunt parva, sine quibus non consistunt magna._

The soules of the just men are like Noahs doue sent out of the arke;
could finde noe resting place upon the earth.

He that hath put on rich apparrail will be carefull he stayne it not; he
that hath put on Christ as a garment must take heede he soile not
himself with vices.

       *       *       *       *       *

An high calling is noe priviledge for an impious action.


All our new corne comes out of old feilds, and all our newe learning is
gathered out of old bookes. (_Chaucer._)


Words spoken without consideracion are like a messenger without an
errand.


Our owne righteousnes at the best is but like a beggars cloke, the
substance old and rotten, and the best but patches.


[Sidenote: fo. 9^b.]

AT BRADBORNE WITH MY COSEN THIS CHRISMAS. 1601.

My cosen[34] told me that Mr. Richers would give his cosen Cartwright
8,000_l._ for his leas of the abbey of towne Mallinges, the Reversion
whereof the L. Cobham hath purchased of hir Majestie.

    [Footnote 34: The cousin alluded to, and frequently vouched as an
    authority by the Diarist, was Richard Manningham, esq. of Bradbourne
    in East Malling, Kent. He survived his wife, who is mentioned in
    this page, and died 25th April 1611, æt. 72.]


An old child sucks hard; _i.[e.]_ children when they growe to age proue
chargeable.


Peter Courthope said it would be more beneficiall yf our woll and cloth
were not to be transported but in colours; but my cosen[35] said we may
as well make it into clokes and garmentes, as dye it in colours before
we carry it ouer; for both variable, and as much change in colour as
fashion.

    [Footnote 35: Cousin Richard Manningham had been a successful
    merchant in London. Hence the importance evidently attached to his
    remarks on Subjects connected with commerce and foreign countries.]


JANUARY.

    To furnishe a shipp requireth much trouble,
    But to furnishe a woman the charges are double.

    (_My cosens wife said._)


The priviledge of enfranchising anie for London is graunted to every
alderman at his first creation for one: to every sherif for 2: to every
maior for 4. (_Cosen._)

And almost any man for some 40_l._ may buy his freedome, and these are
called free by redemption.

If a man prentice in London marry, he shall be forced to serve of his
time, and yet loose his freedome. But yf a woman prentice marry, shee
shall onely forfayte hir libertie, but shall not be forced to serve.
(_Cosen._)

To be warden of the Companie of Mercers is some 80_l._ charge; to be one
of the livery, a charge but a credit. A bachelor is charged at the
Maiors feast some 100 markes.


[Sidenote: fo. 10.

Jan. 1601.]

The Flushingers wanting money, since hir Majesties tyme, and while they
were our friends, seised certayne merchant ships [and] forced them to
give 40,000_l._ The merchants complayned but could not be releived.
Oftymes the Princes dutys are defrayed with the subjectes goods.


Sir Moyle Finche of Kent married Sir Frauncis Hastinges daughter and
heir,[36] worth to him 3,000_l._ per annum. All his livinge in
Lincolnshire and Kent, &c. worth 4,000_l._ per annum. (_Dene Chapman._)

    [Footnote 36: This marriage is not mentioned by Dugdale (Bar. ii.
    445) nor in Collins (iii. 382, ed. Brydges). Both of them mention
    only one marriage of Sir Moyle, which was the source of all the
    importance of his family, namely, with Elizabeth sole daughter and
    heir of Sir Thomas Heneage. After Sir Moyle's death this lady was
    created Countess of Winchelsea.]


8. Dyned at Mr. Gellibrands, a physician, at Maidstone.


11. Mr. Fr. Vane, a yong gent, of great hope and forwardnes, verry well
affected in the country already, in soe much that the last parliament
the country gave him the place of knight before S^r. H.(?) Nevell; his
possibilitie of living by his wife verry much, shee beinge daughter and
co-heire to S^r. Antony Mildmay; and thought hir mother will give hir
all hir inheritance alsoe; the father worth 3,000_l._ per annum, the
mother's 1,200_l._[37] (_Mr. Tutsham._)

    [Footnote 37: These expectations of the growing importance of Mr.
    Francis Vane were not altogether disappointed. At the coronation of
    James I. he was made K.B. and on 19th December 1624 was created
    Baron Burghersh and Earl of Westmoreland. He died in 1628. The Sir
    Anthony Mildmay here alluded to was of the Mildmays of Apethorp, co.
    Northampton.]


The Duke of Albues [Alva's] negligence in not fortifying Flushinge
before other places in the Netherlands was the cause he lost the
country, for, when he thought to have come and fortified, the towne
suddenly resisted his Spanish souldiers, and forced them to returne.
(_Cosen._)


18. I rode with my cosen's wife to Maidstone; dyned at Gellibrands.

[Sidenote: fo. 10^b.

Jan. 1601.]

As we were viewinge a scull in his studye, he shewed the seame in the
middle over the heade, and said that was the place which the midwife
useth shutt in women children before the wit can enter, and that is a
reason that women be such fooles ever after.

My cosen shee said that the Gellibrands two wives[38] lived like a
couple of whelpes togither, meaninge sporting, but I sayd like[39] a
payre of turtles, or a couple of connies[40], sweetely and lovingly.

    [Footnote 38: It appears in an omitted passage that, besides the
    physician Gellibrand, there was another of the same family, who is
    mentioned as Th. Gellibrand.]

    [Footnote 39: Live, MS.]

    [Footnote 40: _i. e._ rabbits.]

       *       *       *       *       *

Mr. Alane, a minister, was very sicke. Gellibrand gave him a glyster,
and lett him bloud the same day, for a feuer; his reason was, that not
to have lett him bloud had bin verry dangerous; but to lett bloud is
doubtfull, it may doe good as well as harme.

       *       *       *       *       *

My cosen shee told me, that when shee was first married to hir husband
Marche, as shee rode behinde him, shee slipt downe, and he left hir
behinde, never lookt back to take hir up; soe shee went soe long a foote
that shee tooke it soe unkindly that shee thought neuer to have come
againe to him, but to haue sought a service in some vnknowne place; but
he tooke hir at last.


Wee were at Mrs. Cavils, when she practised some wit upon my cosen[41].
Cosen she called double anemonies double enimies. Mrs. Cavill desired
some rootes, and she referd hir to hir man Thomas Smith.

    [Footnote 41: My cosen, shee, MS.]


[Sidenote: fo. 11.

Jan. 1601.]

My cose she Speaking lavishly in commendacions of one Lovell of
Cranebrooke (a good honest poore silly puritane,) "O," said shee, "he
goes to the ground when he talkes in Divinitie with a preacher." "True,"
said I, "verry likely a man shall goe to the ground when he will either
venture to take vpon him a matter that is to waightie for him, or meddle
with such as are more then his matche." "I put him downe yfaith," said
one, "when he had out talked a wiser then himselfe." "Just," said I, "as
a drumme putes downe sweete still musicke, not as better, but mor
soundinge."


22. AT LONDON.--_In a booke of Newes from Ostend._

Touchinge the parly which Sir Fr. Vere held with the Archduke there,
till he had reenforced himself, Sir Franc. said that the banes must be
thrice askt, and yf at the last tyme anie lawefull cause can be showen,
the marriage may be hindred. The Duke answered, he knewe that was true,
yet, he said, it was but a whore that offered hir selfe.


Divers merchants arrested by Leake for shipping ouer cloth aboue the
rate of their licence. (_Theroles_ [?] _nar._)


The Companie of Peweterers much greived at a licence graunted to one
Atmore to cast tynne, and therefore called him perjured knaue; whereupon
he complayned to the Counsell, and some of them were clapt vp for it. "I
will be even with him for it yfaith," said one that thought he had bin
disgraced by his credit; "Then you will pay him surely," quoth I.


[Sidenote: fo. 11^b.

Jan. 1601.]

    Nature doth check the first offence with loathing,
    But vse of synn doth make it seeme as nothing.


The spending of the afternoones on Sundayes either idly or about
temporall affayres, is like clipping the Q. coyne; this treason to the
Prince, that prophanacion, and robbing God of his owne,--(_Archdall._)

       *       *       *       *       *

Hide to Tanfeild;[42] "It is but a matter of forme you stand so much
upon." "But it is such a forme," said Tanfeild, "as you may chaunce to
breake your shins at, unless you be the nimbler."

    [Footnote 42: The "Hide" here mentioned was probably the future Sir
    Lawrence, elder brother of Sir Nicholas the future Lord Chief
    Justice, and uncle to Lord Chancellor Clarendon. (Foss's Judges, vi.
    335.) Tanfield was the future Lord Chief Baron, whose only daughter
    was mother to Lucius Lord Falkland. (Ibid. 365.)]


Certaine in the country this last Christmas chose a jury to finde the
churle of their parishe, and, when they came to give their verdick, they
named one whose frende, being present, began to be verry collerick with
the boys for abusing him. "Hold you content, gaffer," said one of them,
"if your boy had not bin one of the jury you had bin found to have bin
the churle." The game of vntimely reprehension and the verry course of
common Inquests, all led by some frend.


[Sidenote: fo. 12.

Jan. 26.]

The L. Paget upon a tyme thinkinge to have goded Sir Tho. White (an
alderman of London) in a great assembly, askt him, what he thought of
that clothe, shewing him a garment in present. "Truly, my Lord," said
he, "it seemes to be a verry good cloth, but I remember when I was a
yong beginner I sold your father a far better to make him a gowne, when
he was Sergeant to the L. Maior; truly he was a very honest
sergeant!"[43] None so ready to carpe at other mens mean beginnings as
such as were themselves noe better. (_Reeves._)

    [Footnote 43: Dugdale remarks that the first Paget who "arrived to
    the dignity of Peerage" was son to "---- Paget, one of the Serjeants
    at Mace in the City of London." (Bar. ii. 390.) Sir Thomas White was
    of course the founder of St. John's college, Oxford.]


Tarlton[44] called Burley house gate in the Strand towardes the Savoy,
the Lord Treasurers Almes gate, because it was seldom or never opened.
(_Ch. Dauers._)

    [Footnote 44: Richard Tarlton, the celebrated low comedian and Joe
    Miller of his day.]


Repentaunce is like a drawebridge, which is layd downe for all to passe
over in the day tyme, but drawne up at night: soe all our life wee have
tyme to repent, but at death it is to late. (_Ch. Dauers recit._)


It was ordered by our benchers, that wee should eate noe breade but of 2
dayes old. Mr. Curle said it was a binding lawe, for stale breade is a
great binder; but the order held not 3 dayes, and soe it bound not.


EPITAPHE OF JOHN FOOTE.

    Reader look to' it! Here lyes John Foote,
    He was a Minister, borne at Westminster.


ALIUD OF MR. CHILD.

    If I be not beguild,
    Here lies Mr. Child.

    (_Ouerbury recit._)[45]

        [Footnote 45: We have retained these trifling entries solely on
        account of the name appended to them. The unfortunate Sir Thomas
        Overbury, who was son of a gentleman of Gloucestershire, having
        taken his B.A. degree at Queen's College, Oxford, removed in
        1598 to the Middle Temple.]


  I will be soe bolde as to give the Assise the lye:
  (_Ch. Dauers in argument._)


"I came rawe into the world, but I would not goe out rosted," said one
that ment to be noe martyre. (_Curle nar._)

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: fo. 12^b.

Jan. 1601.]

This last Christmas the Conny-catchers would call themselves
Country-gentlemen at dyce.

When a gentlewoman told Mr. Lancastre he had not bin soe good as his
word, because he promised shee should be gossip to his first child
(glaunceing at his bastard on his landres), "Tut," said he, "you shall
be mother to my next, if you will."


ANAGRAM.

    Margaret Westfalinge.
    My greatest welfaring.[46]

    (_Streynsham nar._)

        [Footnote 46: Herbert Westfaling, Bishop of Hereford (1585-1602)
        had a daughter Margaret who may have been the lady here alluded
        to, although at this time married to Dr. Richard Eedes, Dean of
        Worcester. (Wood's Athenæ, i. 720, 750.) Like many of these
        trifles, it will be observed that the anagrammatic reading is
        incomplete.]


    Davis.
    Advis. Judas.

    (_Martin._)


FEBR. 1601.

[Sidenote: Feb. 2.]

At our feast wee had a play called "Twelue Night, or What you Will,"
much like the Commedy of Errores, or Menechmi in Plautus, but most like
and neere to that in Italian called _Inganni_[47]. A good practise in it
to make the Steward beleeve his Lady widdowe was in love with him, by
counterfeyting a letter as from his Lady in generall termes, telling him
what shee liked best in him, and prescribing his gesture in smiling, his
apparaile, &c., and then when he came to practise making him beleeue
they tooke him to be mad.

    [Footnote 47: It seems from remarks of Mr. Hunter, in his
    Illustrations of Shakspeare, i. 391, that the Italian play here
    alluded to was not one of those termed the _Inganni_, of which there
    are several, but the _Ingannati_, which, like the Taming of the
    Shrew, is a play preceded by a dramatic prologue or induction,
    entitled _Comedia del Sacrificio di gli Intronati_. There is no
    separate title-page to the _Ingannati_, but there are several
    editions of the _Sacrificio di gli Intronati_, in which the
    _Ingannati_ is introduced, printed at Venice in 1537, 1550, and
    several subsequent years.]


[Sidenote: 12.]

_Quæ mala cum multis patimur læviora putantur._


[Sidenote: 11.]

Cosen Norton was arrested in London.


[Sidenote: fo. 13.

Febr. 1601.]

He put up a supplicacion to Sir Robt. Cecile presented by his wife,
whome he tooke notice of the next day, which remembring [was?] with out
being remembred what he had done in it. The effect of this petition was,
that, whereas Copping had their goods forth of Mr. Cranmers hand (whoe
had dealt but to honestly for such vnthankefull persons), and they
should have a certaine summe yearely, they could neither gett payment,
nor haue him account; he said twenty pounds were enough to keepe the
Lunatike their mother, when Cranmer had the goodes; nowe he deductes
50_l._ for hir, and yett keepes hir far more basely. And therefor humbly
desyre Copping might be brought to some order. Norton tels me this
Copping is a notable riche practiser, &c.


Cosen Norton told me that one Mr. Cokayne of Hertfordshire gott his
brother H. Norton by a wile to his house, and their married him upon a
pushe to a kinswoman of his, and made a serveingman serve the purpose
insted of a preist.


[Sidenote: Feb. 14.]

Bounty is wronged, interpreted as duty.


My Cosen Garnons told me that the old Earle of Sussex[48], being in
seruice in the North, was intangled by his Marshall, but extricated by
the Earle of Leycester, whose overthrowe afterward he covertly
practised. _Quædam beneficia odimus; vitam nulli debemus libenter._

    [Footnote 48: Thomas Ratcliffe, third Earl of Sussex (1556--1583.)
    The reader of Kenilworth will need no further illustration than a
    reference to those attractive pages.]


The office of the Lord Keeper better worth then 3000_l._ per annum, of
the Admirall more, of the Secretary little lesse. (_Idem._)


[Sidenote: fo. 13^b.

Febr. 1601.]

My Cosen Garnons told me that the Court of Wardes will send a
prohibicion to anie other Court to cease from proceeding in anie suite,
whereof themselues may have colour to hold plea in that Court. Soe
prædominat a Court is that nowe become.


[Sidenote: 18.]

Went to my Cosen in Kent.


[Sidenote: 19.]

I was at Malling with Mr. Richers.


The Bishop of London[49] is Dr. Parrys crosse frend. (_Mr. Richers._)

    [Footnote 49: Bishop, afterwards Archbishop, Bancroft.]


In discourse of Mr. Sedley[50], he told me, that his lady said he is
gone over sea for debt, which Mr. Richers thinks was caused by his
lavishe almes; for Mr. Sedley would not sticke himselfe to say, yf any
gentleman spent not aboue 500_l._ a yeare, he gaue as muche to the
poure; and as he was prodigall in giuinge, so was he indiscreet in
bestowinge, appointinge vile fellowes to be the distributors of it: he
is now at Padua, without anie man attendant. He went into Italy to
learne discourse, he was nothing but talke before. I maruaile what he
will be when he returnes, said he. Reade muche but not judicious.
(_Idem._) Mrs. Frauncis Richers said he was a gentle gentleman. F. is
open in talke. Plotters for him.

    [Footnote 50: Probably Mr. William Sedley of the Friars in
    Aylesford, afterwards the first Baronet of this family. His lady,
    here alluded to, was Elizabeth, daughter and heir of Stephen Darell
    of Spelmonden, and widow of Henry Lord Abergavenny, ob. 1587.
    Hasted, ii. 170, ed. 1782.]


Miller, a rich yeoman about Rotham,[51] when he came to entreate he
might be abated in the assessment for subsidies, threwe in a note that
he was worth but 550_1._ land fee simple: one of Mr. Sedley's almesmen.

    [Footnote 51: Wrotham?]


[Sidenote: fo. 14.

Febr. 1601.]

[Sidenote: pag. prox.]

This day Mr. Cartwright had bin with my cosen to knowe whether he denied
to hold anie land of him. My cosen acknowledged that he held divers
parcells of him, but doth not certainely knowe howe it is all bounded.
My cosen told me it was concealed land, and recovered by Mr.
Cartwright's father against Mr. Catlin, of whom my cosen bought
Bradborne.


Sir Robert Sydney hath bought Otford House, and sells it againe by
parcells.


Mr. Cartwrightes father and Mr. Richeres mother were brother and sister,
soe they first cosens.


Mr. Jo. Sedley[52] hath built a house in Aylesford which cost him aboue
4000_l._; hath not belonging to it aboue 14 acres of ground. Perhaps he
purposed to haue bought the Lordship, which indeede was afterward
offered vnto him, but he soe delayed the matter, that particuler men
haue it nowe. It is thought the Lord Buckhurst would buy the house, &c.
(_Cos._)

    [Footnote 52: Qu. John afterwards the second Baronet?]


[Sidenote: Feb. 20.]

Yf a man in the Lowe Countryes come to challenge a man out of his house,
and because he comes not forth throwes stones at his windowes, this [is]
a crime capitall, because an assault in [on?] his house, which is his
castle. (_Cosen told me._)


[Sidenote: fo. 14^b.

Febr. 1601.]

Out of a book intituled "Quodlibets"[53] written by a secular priest
called Watson, against the Jesuites, fol. 151 & 152. His special
arguments for a tolleracion in relligion. 1. That yf tolleracion were
induced, then there should be no collor to publishe bookes howe
tyrannical the persecution of Catholikes is. 2. Then England should not
be called the nursery of faction. 3. Then the Spaniard should have noe
Prince to band on his side.[54] 6. The subjects would not be so fitt to
be allured to rebellion. 7. The safety of hir Majesties person is mutche
procured. All slight.

    [Footnote 53: "A Decacordon of Ten Quodlibeticall Questions
    concerning Religion and State: wherein the author, framing himself a
    Quilibet to every Quodlibet, decides an hundred crosse
    Interrogatorie doubts, about the generall contentions betwixt the
    Seminarie priests and Jesuites at this present," 4to. n. p. 1602.]

    [Footnote 54: There are in Watson's book other arguments numbered 4
    and 5, but probably the Diarist did not think them worthy of note.
    Watson's remarks are not so much arguments in favour of toleration
    abstractedly considered, as reasons why it would not answer the
    purpose of Father Parsons and the Jesuits to support its
    introduction into England.]


One Kent, my cosen's brother by his mothers side, living in
Lincolneshire, bought a jewell, part of a price [prize?] that was
brought in to that country. The Earle of Lyncolne[55] hearing of it,
sent for Kent, and desyred him to bestowe it on him, but when Kent would
not part from it for thankes, the Earle gaue him a bill of his hand for
the payment of 80_l._ at a certaine day. At the day, came and demaunded
it, the Earl would see his bill, and when he had it he put it in his
pocket, and fell in talke with some gent. then present; but when Kent
continued still in the roome, expectinge either his bill or his monie,
the Earl gave him hard wordes and sent him away without either.
(_Durum._)

    [Footnote 55: Henry Clinton, the second Earl of Lincoln of that
    family, succeeded to the title in 1585, as heir to his father the
    Lord High Admiral, and held it till his death in 1616.]


[Sidenote: Feb. 19.]

[Sidenote: *]

Mr. Cartwright demaundes some three acres of land of my cosen, which he
saith one John Sutor of Bradborne gave vnto the Abby of Towne Mallinge,
by the name of Sutors Croft, lying betwixt his house and the churche. My
cosen denies it.


My Cosen shee told him that Joane Bachellor vpon Thursday last had sent
hir some fishe, which she sent back againe. Whereupon he said shee was
of an ill nature that could not forgive. And this shee tooke in such
snuffe that she could not afford him a good look all that day, but
blubberd, &c.


[Sidenote: fo. 15.

Febr. 1601.]

This day there came certaine bags of pepper to New Hide to be conveyed
to one Mr. Clarke of Ford, but they were seised by the Searcher of
Rochester as goods not customed, &c.


S^r. Jaruis Clifton[56] beinge at a bare baytinge in Nottinghamshire:
when the beare brake loose and followed his sonne vp a stayres towards a
gallery where himself was, he opposed himselfe with his rapier against
the fury of the beast, to saue his sonne. This same his beloued sonne
not long after dyed, and his death was opened vnto him very discreetely
by a gent, that fayned sorrowe as the case had bin his owne, till S^r.
Jaruis gave him wordes of comfort, which after he applyed to S^r. Jaruis
himselfe. (_My cosen._)

    [Footnote 56: Sir Gervase Clifton, a man of great wealth and power
    in Nottinghamshire, was created a peer in 1608. In 1618 he died by
    an act of the same hand which had so gallantly defended his son from
    the bear. His title of Lord Clifton in now united to that of Earl of
    Darnley.]


[Sidenote: fo. 16.

Febr. 1601.]

One Burneham of London, whoe was the Watergate officer at Flushinge,
being troubled with the stone, soe much that it was a hindraunce vnto
him in the execution of his office, ventured a dangerous cure, and was
cutt for it, but dyed of it. This cure by cutting is a newe invention, a
kinde of practise not knowne to former ages. There is a seame *  *  *
which the surgeons searche with a crooked instrument concaued at the one
ende called a catheter, wherinto they make incision, and then grope for
the stone with an other toole which they call a duckes bill: yf the
stone be greater then may be drawne forth at the hole made by the seame,
the partie dyes for it. (_My cosen._)


A certaine goldsmith in Cheape was indebted to my cosen above 100_l._
and after executed for clipping gold. Sir Richard Martin[57] seised the
goodes for the Queen. After hir Majestie gave commaund by word of mouth,
that all the debtes should be paid, but, because there was noe warraunt
under hir Majesties hand, S^r. Richard refused to pay, yet he deliuered
certaine of the goodes to my cosen, to be sold by him, which he made
30_l._ of and retained it. All the satisfaccion he could haue.

    [Footnote 57: Warden of the Mint.]


_Vita coelibis bis coelestis_, considering the crosses of marriage,
and the aduise of the Apostle.


[Sidenote: Feb. 24.]

AT ROCHESTER, AT THE ASSISES.

Mr. Thomas Scott of Scottes Hall,[58] in Kent, is Sherife of Kent.

    [Footnote 58: In the parish of Smeeth. The Scotts of Scotts Hall
    were originally seated at Bradbourne.]


[Sidenote: fo. 16.

Febr. 1601.]

One Tristram Lyde, a surgeon, admitted to practise by the archbishops
letters, was arraigned for killing divers women by annoyntinge them with
quicksylver, &c. Euidence giuen that he would haue caused the women to
haue stript themselues naked in his presence, and himselfe would haue
annoynted them; that he tooke upon him the cure, and departed because
they would not give him more then their first agreement. He pleaded
theire diseases were such as required that kinde of medicine, that it
was there owne negligence by takinge cold, by going abroade sooner then
he prescribed, soe he was acquited.

Sergeant Daniel[59] sitting there as judge sayd he knewe that there
might be a purgacion by a fume, and that to cure by cutting a gutt was a
dangerous venture, and a rare skill, for he could neuer heare of anie
had that cunning but onely one man, and that was learned in Turkie.

    [Footnote 59: Judge in the Court of Common Pleas, 1604-1610.]

If a man kill an other (as they say) in hott bloud, excepte there appear
some cause to heate his blond, the jury must finde it murder. (_Per
Sergeant Danyell._)

There was one gave another rude words, whereupon a third standing by
said to him to whome they were spoken, "Will you endure such an injury?
Fayth, putt vp them and put vp any thing." Hereupon the party present
fetcht his weapon, mett with the other that gaue him those wordes, and
[in] the presence of the setter on fought with him, and slewe him, the
other standinge by and doinge noe more. Yet they were both condemned at
this assises, and after executed.

[Sidenote: fo. 16^b.

24 Febr. 1601.]

There was one had his booke given him at the prisoners barr, where the
ordinary useth to heare and certifie there readinge. And one Mr.
Gylburne start up sayinge, "He will reade as well as my horse;" which
wordes Sergeant Daniel, havinge before allowed the cleargy, tooke verry
ill, telling him playnely that he was too hasty: and yet caused the
prisoner to be brought nearer that Gylburne might hear him reade, and
he reade perfectly.


IN THE CATHEDRALL CHURCHE AT ROCHESTER.

Monuments. Of Jo. Somer of Newland, clerke of the Privy Signet, and
Martin (_sic_) his wife, daughter to Ed. Ridge, late widdowe of Th.
Colepepper. They had 6 sonnes, but all deade, and 2 daughters: whereof
the one called Frances was married to James Cromer, by whom one daughter
called Frances. _Versus._

    _Sunt nisi præmissi quos periisse putas._


_In Naui Ecclesiæ._

_Thomas Willowbee, Decanus 3^s, obiit anno 25 Reg. Elizab., 76 ætatis
suæ, et 10^o decanatûs._

_Gualterus Phillips, nouissimus prior et primus decanus, obijt 23^o
Nouemb. 1570, ætatis 70, decanatûs 30^o._


[Sidenote: May 2, 1602.

fol. 17^b.]

At Glastenbury there are certaine bushes which beare May flowers at
Christmas and in January, and there is a walnut tree which hath no
leaues before Barnabies day in June, and then it beginns to bud, and
after becomes as forward as any other.

  (_Mr. Towse narravit._)


I heard that the old Earle of Hartford[60] maried Alderman Parnels
[Pranell's] sonnes widdow; shee was the daughter of Viscount Bindon.

    [Footnote 60: Edward, son of the Protector Somerset, Earl of
    Hertford from 1559 to 1619, the same who married Lady Catherine
    Grey. The lady here alluded to, Frances daughter of Thomas first
    Viscount Howard of Bindon, became ultimately the celebrated Duchess
    of Richmond and Lennox of the reigns of James I. and Charles I.]


[Sidenote: May 9, 1602.

fo. 18.]

ATT THE TEMPLE CHURCHE.

Dr. Montague,[61] his text Joh. iii. 14: "As Moses lift up the Serpent
in the Wildernes so must the Sonne of Man be lift up."

    [Footnote 61: Dr. James Montague, first master of Sidney Sussex
    College, editor of King James's Works, and subsequently Bishop
    successively of Bath and Wells and of Winchester.]

Speaches are either historicall of a thing past, propheticall of a thing
to come, legall of a thing to be done, or figurative when one thing is
said and an other ment. Figures there are in scripture, two almost
peculiar, typicall and sacramentall, the one shewing one thing by an
other, the other declaring what is conferred by another.

Moses had speciall commaundment to erect this Serpent, and yet God did
not dispense with the 2nd Commaundment, for this Serpent was not made to
be worshipped, but to be looked upon.

God cannot dispense with anie commandment of the first table but he
should cease to be God, as the first, Thou shalt have none other[62]
Gods but me; admit a pluralitie, and himselfe should be none, &c. but
with the 2nd table he often dispenseth, for those concerne man
immediately.

    [Footnote 62: others, in MS.]

The text is hystoricall, Numb. xxi. 9, and typicall. Christ resembled by
the brasen Serpent, Syn by the stinging.

[Sidenote: May 9, 1602.

fo. 18^b.]

Moses while he was in the Wildernes had onely the place of a mediator
not a iudge, and therefore we read that whensoeuer the people murmured,
God punished them. But when Moses left his station, and would at any
tyme become a iudge ouer them, God neuer punished the people that
murmured, but Moses that forgot his place. Christ, vntill the latter
day, hath the place of an aduocate, but then he shalbe a iudge of the
quicke and dead.

Wee reade of three exaltacions of our Saviour, one upon the crosse to
purchase our pardon; 2, from the graue for the publication thereof; 3,
to heauen for the application of his resurrection; and all these were
necessarilie to be performed by him, for the consummation of our
salvation.

The Serpent was not lifted up in the Wildernes before the people were
stung by the serpents, and Christ is not to be propounded on the Crosse
as a comfort untill the sting of Synn be felt throughly.

[Sidenote: May 9, 1602.

fo. 19.]

The Scripture telleth us that of all beasts the Serpent is the most
subtill, and his subtilty is obserued in three points: first, when those
nations in Syria and other hott countries found themselues often
endangered by the stinging of venomous beasts, amongst other remedies
they invented charming, which the serpent perceuinge, to auoyd their
cunning and effect his malice, he would stop both his eares, the one by
laying it close to the earth, the other by stopping it with his tayle.
Soe fareth the synner; lett the preacher speake never soe heauenly, yet
will he close one eare with worldly thoughts, and the other with fleshly
imaginacions. The second property of his subtilty is in defending his
heade, where his lyfe lyes, it will soe winde it selfe about that part,
that [it] is a matter of greate difficulty to cutt of a serpentes heade.
In every man there is some radicall and capitall synn, which is
predominant, and this the devil endeavours by all slightes to preserve.
The third point of the serpents subtilty is accounted the attractiue
power which remayneth in the heade deuided from the body, for it is
proved by experience that, yf a serpent be cutt in many peeces, yf his
heade remaine aliue, yet that part will gather the rest togither againe;
soe leave the head synn alive, and it will gather a whole body againe.

As Christ is the heade of the Churche he never suffered nor dyed.

The brasen Serpent was made like the live and true serpents in all
thinges, the sting onely excepted; Christ was made like man in all
things sauing synn.

All which beheld the brasen Serpent were cured; all that beleeve in
Christ are saved.

Remedies are either naturall, by virtue of some inherent qualitie in the
medicine applied; or by diuine influence and institution, when some
thing is effected either beyond or contrary to the force and nature of
that which is used. And this is miraculous; soe was the curing of the
blind by laying spittle and clay upon the eyes of the blinde. Soe the
cure of the lame by washing in the poole of Bethesdas, and soe the
healing of the Israelites by beholdinge the brasen Serpent.

Fayth properly in things beyond or contrary to reason.

[Sidenote: May 9, 1602.

fo. 19^b.]

As by the institucion of marriage the heate of the flesh is abated, soe
by our mysticall connection with Christ the heate of syn is allayed.


MAY 13. AT THE TEMPLE CHURCHE.

[Sidenote: May 13, 1602.

fo. 20.]

One Moore of Baliol Colledge in Oxford; his text Amos iii. 6: "Shall
there be evil in the city and the Lord hath not done it?" _Malum culpe
et malum poene_; of the latter onely God is the author. God may be
said to be the author of synn permissive, and an actor in synn, though
not the author of the synne, for ther is noe action but he is the first
cause of it: and yet he is noe partner or cause of the il in the action,
noe more then he which rideth vpon a lame iade, can be said to be the
cause of his limpinge, though he be the cause of his paceinge, nor a
cunning musician the cause of discordes when he playeth on a lute that
is out of tune. There is a two-fold power in every thing, and both
derived from God; the one of creacion, whereby every thing worketh
according to nature, as the fyre to burne, &c.; and the other of
preservacion, whereby that force is continued, and if the second be
withdrawne the first perisheth, for God is not a mere efficient
externall, as the taylour of the garmente, or a carpenter of the house,
whose effects may continue though their labour continue not, but he is
an inherent continuall assistant cause, soe that yf he withdrawe his
power of preseruing the power of creacion is idle, soe the fire in
furnace could not burne the children, &c.


DE ASCENSIONE DOMINI.

    Non omnis questio est doctrinæ inquisitio,
    Sed quædam etiam est ignorantiæ professio.


Cicatrices Dominus seruauit post resurrectionem et in judicio seruaturus
est, vt fidem resurrectionis astruat: 2. Vt pro omnibus supplicando ea
patri representet: 3. Vt boni quam misericorditer sint redempti videant.
4. Vt reprobi quam iuste sint damnati recognoscant. 5. Vt perpetuæ
victoriæ seu [suæ?] triumphum deferat.

(_Beda._)


[Sidenote: May 16, 1602.

fo. 20^b.]

May 16, 1602. AT PAULES CROSSE.

One Sanders made a Sermon, his text 1 Timoth. vi. 17: "Charge them that
are riche in this world that they be not high mynded; and that they
trust not in vncertayne riches; but in the liuing God, which giueth us
abundantly all things to enioye."

Charge them that they lift up their soules to God in heavenly
meditation, not against God by worldly presumption.

Charge the riche, therefore there were diversitie of condition and
estates of men in the primitiue Churche, not all thinges common in
possession, as the Anabaptists would haue it.

When there came one to Pope Benedict to entreat him to make more
Cardinals, he demaunded first yf he could deuise how he might make more
worldes: for this was to litle for the Cardinals which were already.
Such ambitious covetousnes the Pope noted in those holie ones.

Good meate is often tymes corrupted by a bad stommache, and good
doctrine of small effect with bad hearers. Yett the minister must not be
discouraged: but proceed in his calling, that yf synn cannot be avoyded
yet it may become vnexcusable.

Ephesus, whereof Tymothie was Bishop, was the confluence of honour and
wealth, like our London.

The surgeon is not to be blamed that findes and shewes the corrupt and
rotten parts of the body, but the body which is soe corrupt as to breed
them; soe the preacher not to be disliked for reprehending our synnes,
but our selves for committing things worthy reprehension.

[Sidenote: May, 1602.

fo. 21.]

Good things though common are not to be contemned for their commonness,
noe more then the sunne, the light, the ayre, &c.

The vsuror sometymes looseth both his principall and interest, the
husbandman his labour and his seede, the merchant aduentures lyfe and
goods; but the profession of the preacher is subiect to greater then all
these, for he may loose both his owne and the peoples soules.

It is one of the most heauie judgments that God useth to threaten to
anie nation with whom he is displeased, that he will remoue their
candlesticke and send a famine of the word amongst them.

God made some riche, and some poore, that twoe excellent virtues might
flourishe in the world, charitie in the riche, and patience in the
poore. Pride is the sting of riches. _Tolle superbiam, et diuitiæ non
nocebunt._

A man may speake of his owne riches, soe it be without arrogancy, for it
is a good thinge to speake of the loving kindenes of the Lord.

Magistrates and rich men must not be like the filling stones in a
building, but arche and corner stones, which support others.

When persons of meane worth thrust themselves into places beyond their
condicion and hability, it is all one as yf the rough mortar and pebles
should appeare in the roomes of the squared stones in a fayre building.

Themistocles said there was no musicke so sweete vnto him as to heare
his owne prayses.

In the primitiue Churche the riche men were soe proud that they refused
to receive the Sacrament with the poore.

The examples of the incertaintie of riches by often and suddain
casualtyes should be like Lott's wife to the beholders, to remember and
avoid the like. The multitude followe the riche men, as a swarme of bees
followe a man that carries the hiue of honie combes, rather for the love
of the honie then his person, more for the love of his money then his
manhood.


[Sidenote: 23 May, 1602.

fo. 21^b.]

AT WESTMINSTER.

Dr. Androes, Deane of that Churche,[63] made a Sermon, his text John
xvi. 7: "Yet I tell you the truth, It is expedient for you that I goe
away, for if I goe not away the Comforter will not come vnto you, but if
I depart I will send him vnto you."

    [Footnote 63: Dr. Lancelot Andrewes was Dean from 1601 to 1605, when
    appointed Bishop of Chichester. He was afterwards translated, first
    to Ely, and afterwards to Winchester. This sermon was preached on
    Whitsunday.]

These wordes have reference to the feast which is celebrated this day:
whereupon St. Augustine said, _In verbo fuit promissio missionis, et in
festo missio promissionis_: for soe it is in the second of the Acts.
"When the day of Pentecost was come they were all filled with the Holy
Ghost."

These words were spoken to the disciples when their hearts were full of
sorrowe that Christ must part from them, and therefore had need of
comfort, for they had cause of sorrowe, for yf a man would not willingly
be forsaken of any, as Paule complayneth 2 Tim. iv. 10, that Demas had
forsaken him, would it not greiue the disciples to [be] forsaken by such
a frend as Christ had bin vnto them, whoe in one place speaking vnto
them asketh this question, Which of you hath wanted any thing since you
followed me? And in an other place he compareth them while he continues
with them to the children of the bridechamber.

[Sidenote: 23 May, 1602.

fo. 22.]

Besides the tyme of his departure might aggravate their sorrowes, for
it was then when he foretold soe many persecutions should come upon
them. And therefore here he ministers words of comfort, telling them
that is expedient, and expedient for them, that he should leaue them,
for thereby they should receive a benefit, and that of soe high a nature
as they were better to want him then it. And further for their comfort
he added, that, though he would forsake them, yet he would not leaue
them like orphanes destitute of all frends, but would send them a
Comforter.

And here he made his prayer, which being ended with the Lordes prayer,
he proceeded with his text: and first noted that Christ rendred a reason
of his departure, though it be not requisite alwayes that gouernors
should render a reason to their subiects of all their commaundments, for
in the 1 Sam. the Kinge gives noe other reason but it was his pleasure.
2. It is a mylde reason, not harshe like that in Marke ix. cap. 19 v.
"O, ye faythles generacion, howe long shall I bee with you, how long
nowe shall I suffer you?" but here he deliueres it meekely, and moues
them with expediency, and that not for himselfe, _non nobis, sed vobis
expedit_. And therefore because it is expedient it ought not to greive
them, in soe much as the profit they shall gayne will countervayle the
pleasure which they must forgoe by his departure.

[Sidenote: 23 May, 1602.

fo. 22^b.]

And yet it might seeme strange that they should gayne by loosing him; it
is reade, _Dissolve coelum et veni ad nos, Domine_, and againe, _Veni
ad nos, et mane nobiscum_. But to goe from them what desyre could they
haue? Here may arise three difficulties. 1. The disciples might have
rejoyned, and sayde, What neede, what care wee for any other Comforter?
soe long as you are with us, wee desyre noe other. 2. Why might not the
Holy Ghost have come, and yet Christ tarried with them; could they not
be togither? 3. Howe can it be expedient for anie to loose Christ? what
comfort can there be in those wordes which tell them Christ will forsake
them?

1. Our happiness is to be reunited to God, from whom we were fallen by
our first fathers synn; for as it is the perfection of a branche that is
broken of to be ingrafted againe that it may growe with the body, soe is
it the felicitie of man to be vnited to his Creator. And in this vnion,
as well as God must be partaker of man, soe must man be made partaker of
God, otherwise there can arise noe vnion: the former was effected by
Christ's incarnacion, and the second is perfected by the inspiration of
the Holy Ghost, whoe is as it were the connexion and loue knot of the
deitie. Christ hath as it were made his testament, and the Holie Ghost
is the executor, 1 Cor. xii. Christ is the word: and the Holy Ghost is
the seale of it, 2 Corin. i. 22. "Christ hath purchased redemption for
us:" and the Holy Ghost must give us seisin, Eph. i. 14. And in
conclusion Paule sayth, viii. Rom. 9, "He that hath not the Spirit of
Christ is not his:" and therefore was it expedient and necessary that
the Holy Ghost should come; for, as Christ was _complementum legis_, soe
is the Holy Ghost _complementum Evangelii_.

[Sidenote: 23 May, 1602.

fo. 23.]

2. They may stand togither, they may beare one an others presence, for
the manhood of Christ was conceiued by the Holy Ghost, and the
Euangelist sayth, _Vidi Spiritum descendentem et manentem super eum_.
But yet it was expedient they should not be togither vpon the earth;
expedient, as Augustine noteth, _non necessitatis pondere, sed divini
consilii ordine_, and two reasons are given for [it] in the part of the
Holy Ghost. 1. Yf the Holy Ghost should have come downe while Christ was
upon the earth, whatsoever the Holy Ghost should have done in his person
would have bin ascribed to Christ. 2. He would have appeared to have
bin sent from the Father alone. And soe it would not have bin so
apparant that he proceeded from the Father and the Sonne bothe.

[Sidenote: 23 May, 1602.

fo. 23^b.]

3. Expedient it was that Christ should depart from them, howe good
soeuer his presence was vnto them. Wee knowe that bread is the strength
of mans hart, yet sometymes it may be expedient to fast: our bloud is
the treasury of our lyfe, yet sometymes it is expedient to loose it; our
eyesight is deare and precious vnto us, yet sometymes it is expedient to
sitt in a darke roome. And here it is expedient that Christ should
withdrawe his presence, not corporal onely, but his invisible presence
of grace alsoe. 1. It is expedient that children which growe fond of
their parentes should be weaned. The Apostles were to full of carnall
and terrene cogitacions even after his resurrection; they asked him,
Wilt thou restore the Kingdome to Israell? therefore nowe it was highe
tyme they should put of childishnes and be taught, as Paule sayth that
henceforth they knowe him no more in the fleshe; and this must be
effect[ed] by withdrawing his corporall presence, which they began to
dote upon; and for the taking away the presence of his grace, that was
expedient alsoe. 1. Least being to full they should begin to loath it,
as the Children of Israel did manna in the wildernes. And upon this
reason did the prophet threaten a famine of the word when the people,
being full, contemned it. 2. That they should not growe proud with
abundaunce; the Psalmist sayth, "Yf I say I cannot be removed," and "It
is good that I was in trouble, for before I went wronge." Peter was soe
sure and confident upon himselfe, that yf all the world should haue
forsaken Christ, he would not, and therefore because he stoode soe much
vpon himselfe it was expedient that suche a swollen bladder should be
prickt, as he was till he denied and forswore his master; And even this
withdrawing of grace was a kind of grace, that seing his owne weaknes he
might possesse his soule in humility, with[out] which there is noe grace
to be expected. And therefore, _expedit superbo vt in peccatum incidat_.
And to this purpose are these wordes of Paule that the messengers of
Sathan, _i. e._ temptacions, were sent to punish him, least he should
growe proud.

Christ is our advocate in defending vs when the Divel accuseth vs
falsely; he is our intercessor and mediator by pleading a pardon for vs
when Sathen layes his greatest and truest accusations against us; he is
our high priest to offer sacrifice for vs.

Christ left them not as orphanes, but sent another unto them whoe was
equall with himselfe, otherwise they should have loss by the change.

[Sidenote: 23 May, 1602.

fo. 24.]

The Holy Ghost hath diuers offices and soe diuers effects: he enlightens
the understandinge, and soe is called the Spirit of truth: he certifies
the will, and soe is named the Spirit of Holines: he delivers from the
bondage of Sathan, and soe is the Spirit of comfort, which is the cheife
and very consummacion of all. The Holy Ghost is not given to all in the
same measure, nor the same manner. When Christ breathed vpon his
disciples they received the Holy Ghost; and, when the Holy Ghost came
like fyrey tongues, they were filled with him: breath was warme, but
fyre is hotter: there was heate in both, but not equally. Elias prayed
that the Spirit of [Elijah] might be doubled upon him.

The gifts of the Holy Ghost are obteyned and perfected divers wayes;
vnderstanding and fayth by the word which is the truthe; holynes of
lyfe, by prayer, meditation, and good workes; consolation by receiving
the sacraments.


[Sidenote: 7 Junij, 1602.

fo. 24^b.]

A lewde fellowe coming before Sir W. Rawley to be examined concerninge
some wrecke which he had gotten into his handes, and being demaunded
whether he would sweare to such articles as they would propound, answerd
that he would sweare to anie thinge they would aske him, and then being
admonished he should not be soe rashe in soe serious a matter as
concerned his soule soe nearely, "Fayth," said he, "I had rather trust
God with my soule, then you with my goods." (_Ch. Da._)

       *       *       *       *       *


[Sidenote: Junii 16^o, 1602.

fo. 25.]

AT PAULE'S CROSSE.

Mr. Barker; his text Luke ix. and the last verse, "Noe man that putteth
his hand to the plough and looketh back is apt to the Kingdome of God."

The fyre from Heaven which consumed the sacrifices in the old lawe was
preserved by continuall addicion of fuell, soe the heauenly virtue of
Chrystian charitie being kindled in the hart of man, must be preserved
by continuall meditacions on the word of God. Yf any should aske why it
was commaunded in Leviticus that the people should offer _primitias_ and
in Exodus that they should alsoe give _decimas_, I should make no other
answer, but that wee should not onely remember our Creator in the days
of our youth, but alsoe serue him in holines and righteousnes all the
dayes of our lyfe.

_Aliud est incepisse, aliud perfecisse._

Some in their liues, like the image in Nebuchadnethers dreame, Dan. ii.,
goodly beginninges, but earthie endings.

The Diuel laboureth most against our perseveraunce because that virtue
onely hath a promise of coronacion.

There be but seven steps in the ladder that leades downe to hell, and
the lowest, saving desperacion, is a custom of synning.

[Sidenote: 6 Junii, 1602.

fo. 25^b.]

These combined discommodities ensue the custome of synning; _fit
diabolus ad oppugnandum audacior, anima ad peccandum promptior, Deus ad
condonandum difficilior._ This virtue of Christian magnanimity or
perseveraunce consisteth in _patiendo et faciendo_: in _patiendo_, 2^o,
in _ferendo et perferendo_; _faciendo_, by continuance in preaching
fayth, and in good lyfe.

Christ compared Christian profession to a plough. And why, 1. to soe
base a thing, 2. to soe laborious a thing, 3. to that onely? 1. That
none howe base soever by condicion or profession should despayre of
attayning Heaven; and meane thinges may be compared with the greatest.
Christ sayth the Kingdom of Heaven is like a litle leaven, and to a
smaller thing then that, it is like a grayne of mustard seede; and here
to a plough, that none might despayre. Simon a tanner, Peter a fisher,
Paul a tent-maker, Joseph a carpenter.

Some great ones, Theophilus. Some ladyes, in the Acts. Some customers,
and some from the beggars, as Lazarus. And yet, that rich men might not
contemne it for the baseness, he compares it to a riche jewell, a
precious stone, &c.

2. The place of the preacher is a calling of great paynes and trauaile.
He selected and spake of the Archbishop of Canterbury as the sunne
amongst the ministers, and the old Deane of Paules[64] compared to the
moone. And Dr. Overall, the newe deane, to the newe moone, gravity and
learning and life; the ministers to starrs.

    [Footnote 64: Dr. Alexander Nowell, died 13th Feb. 1601-2; Dr. John
    Overall was elected 29th May 1602. (Hardy's Le Neve, ii. 315.)]


[Sidenote: Junij 9, 1602.

fo. 26.]

MARTI, lib. 10, Epig. 47.[65]

    I take noe care to gett, my wealth was left me,
    I reape the harvest of what'ere I sowe,
    I stur not muche abroade, home best befits me,
    I ne're received wronge, nor none I owe.
    I travaile not in publique busines,
    Nor ought's within my charge but myne owne soule,
    My body's healthfull, fitt for exercise,
    Myselfe enioys myselfe without controule.
    I have a harmeles thought, an æqual friend,
    My clothes are easy, and my face wants art,
    I greive not when I rest, nor doe I spend
    More tyme in sleepe then nature can impart.
    I cast the worlde behinde, Heauen is my guide,
    I would be what I am, and nought beside;
    But above all, [and] which is all and summe,
    I neither wishe nor feare the day to come.

    TH. SM.

        [Footnote 65: This epigram was a great favourite with our
        forefathers, and consequently there are many translations of it.
        Mr. Collier, in his Bibliographical Account of Early English
        Literature (i. 223), gives two examples, one by D. T. an author
        whose name is not yet discovered, and the other by Ben Jonson,
        printed from his own MS. at Dulwich. We have not been able to
        identify TH. SM. with any certainty.]


[Sidenote: June, 1602.

fo. 26^b.]

    _Arbella Stuarta: tu rara es et bella.
    Henricus Burbonius: rex bonus orbi._


[Sidenote: 12.]

Common preachers worse then common swearers, for these doe abuse but
Gods name, but they abuse Gods worde. (_Curle._)


[Sidenote: 15.]

Upon a tyme when the late Lord Treasurer, Sir William Cecile, came
before Justice Dyer[66] in the Common Place with his rapier by his side,
the Justice told him that he must lay aside his long penknife yf he
would come into that Court; this speache was free, and the sharper,
because Sir William was then Secretary. (_Bradman._)

    [Footnote 66: Sir James Dyer, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas from
    1559 to 1582. He was of the Middle Temple, the Inn of Court to which
    our Diarist belonged. (Foss's Judges, v. 480.)]

There is nowe a table placed for the barresters crosse over the hall by
the cuppord, which one called St. Albanes, because he said it was in the
waye to Duns-table.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: 16.]

"Roome! Roome!" said one, "Here comes a woman with a cupbord on hir
head;" of one that had sold hir cupboard to buy a taffaty hat.
(_Franklin._)


[Sidenote: 16 June, 1602.

fo. 27.]

Kentish tayles are nowe turned to such spectacles, soe that yf a man put
them on his nose he shall haue all the land he can see. (_Idem._)


[Sidenote: 22.]

Sergeant Heale, since he became the Queens Sergeant, came to the Lord
Keeper,[67] desyring that he would heareafter give him more gratious
hearinge; otherwise, his clients already beginning to fall from him, he
would nowe betake himself to his ease in the country, and leave this
troublesome kinde of lyfe. The Lord Keeper made him noe other answere
but said, yf that were his resolucion he doubted[68] not but the
blessing of Issakar would light upon him. (_Mr. Bennet narr._) _Vide_
Gen. xlix. 14: "Issachar shall be a stronge asse couching downe betweene
two burdens; and he shall see that rest is good; and that the land is
pleasaunt, and he shall bowe his shoulders to beare, and he shalbe
subiect unto tribute."

    [Footnote 67: Egerton, Lord Keeper from 1594 to 1603. Sergeant Hele
    was one of the legal butts of the time. (See Foss's Judges, vi. 141;
    Egerton Papers, pp. 315, 391, 399.)]

    [Footnote 68: doubt it, MS.]


[Sidenote: June 20, 1602.

fo. 27^b.]

AT PAULES, ONE OF BALIOL COLLEDGE IN OXFORD.

His text iii. Jonah, 4 et 5. "Yet forty dayes and Niniuy shall be
destroyed. 5. So the people of Nineueh beleeued God," &c. He diuided his
text into Jonahs sermon to the people of Nineueh, and the peoples
repentaunce at the sermon; the former consists of mercy, "yett fourty
dayes," and justice, "and Nineueh shall be destroyed;" Gods patience and
his iudgment. He might have sayd, as the prophet David sayd, "My song
shall be of mercy and iudgment."

Four things in the effect of the Sermon; fayth in beleuing God, and that
was not fruitles. 2. fasting, and that was not frivolous. 3. their
attyre, that was not costly, but sack cloth. 4. their number, that was
not small, from the greatest to the lowest. As Noah's doue came from the
floud with an oliue braunch in the mouth, soe this heauenly dove (for
soe Jonah signifieth) came from the waters of the sea with a sermon of
mercy in his cry, "Yett fourty dayes."

God is pitifull; it was Christ's commaundement to his Apostles that they
should say "Peace be vnto you" when they entred into anie house.

[Sidenote: 20 June, 1602.

fo. 28.]

Noted by Jonahs crying in the middest of such a city, that the preachers
must not be timerous to tell anie of their faults, nor feare the person
of anie man. Yet he reprehended those which are to sharpe reprehenders
without circumstaunce. Such as Bernard calleth _non correptores, sed
corrosores_, such may be termed _bilis et salsugo_, like the people of
India which are said to barke instead of speakinge; _canis et tuba
vitiorum._ But, as he misliked those sharpe biters, soe must he needes
speake against such preachers as flatter greate men, and sowe cushions
under their elbowes. They are like Heliotropium, which turnes the flower
with the sunne, though a cloud be interposed, soe they follow greatnes
though clouded with synn; like the riuer Jordan, turnes and windes euery
way; speake nothing but silken wordes; at last the[y] become _serui
multitudinis_; say anie thing to please the people.

Nineveh, as St. Augustine in his booke _De Civitate Dei_, signifieth not
the citie but the synns of the people; and soe the prophecy verryfied,
for that synn was destroyed by their repentaunce within 40 dayes. But he
rather inclined to expound it by way of an implyed condicion, that they
should be overthrowen vnles they repented; soe was that prophecy of Isah
understoode to Hezekiah, Isaiah xxxviii. "Thou shalt dy and not live."

God is slowe in punishing, yet _tarditas poenæ gravitate pensatur_.

Gratious and righteous is the Lord in sparing and punishing.

The synne of Nineveh was Idolatry.


[Sidenote: 20 June, 1601.[69]

fo. 28^b.]

    [Footnote 69: There is a chronological confusion, either of the
    writer or the bookbinder, in this and subsequent entries. Having in
    vain endeavoured to unravel it, we have thought it better to follow
    the manuscript as it stands.]

DR. BUCKRIDGE,[70] AT THE TEMPLE CHURCHE.

    [Footnote 70: Subsequently President of St. John's, Oxford, and
    occupant in succession of several episcopal sees. He died Bishop of
    Ely in 1631.]

Compared the lawe of nature to the night, reason to the starres, the
written lawe to the morning or dawning of the day, and the lawe of grace
to the sunnshine of the day; the first to the blade, the second to the
eare, the third to the seede of corne.

Synn must be like an hedge of thornes sett about, not within, our garden
to keepe us in goodnes. In tymes past men were afeard[71] to committ
synn, but ready to make confession; nowe the world is changed, for nowe
every one dares comitt anie synne, but is ashamed to make confession.

    [Footnote 71: "ashamed" is interlined in the MS. above "afeard."]


[Sidenote: 25 June, 1602.

fo. 29.]

Mr. Foster of Lyncolnes Inn told these jeastes of Sir Thomas Moore as
we went to Westminster. One which had bin a familiar acquaintaunce of
Sir Th. Moores in his meaner fortunes, came to visit him when he was in
the height of his prosperitie. Sir Th. amongst other parts of
entertaynement shewed him a gallery which he had furnished with good
variety of excellent pictures, and desyred his frendes iudgment which he
liked best; but he making difficulty to prefer anie Sir Tho. shewed him
the picture of a deathes head with the word _Memento morieris_, which he
commended as most excellent for the deuise and conceit. The gent. being
desyrous to knowe what he conceiued extraordinary in soe common a
sentence, he told him, "Sir, you remember sometymes you borrowed some
monie of me, but I cannot remember that you have remembred to repaye it:
it is not much, and though I be chauncellor I have vse for as little,
and nowe me thinkes this picture speakes vnto you _Memento Mori æris_,
remember to pay Moore his money."

After he was deprived of his place and dignity, whereas his gentlemen
were wont after he was gone forth of church to signifie to their lady
that his lordship was gone before, himselfe upon a Sunday came from his
seate when prayer was ended, opened his ladyes pue dore, saying,
"Madame, his lordship is gone before" (alluding to the losse of his
place); and then, "Come wife, nowe wee may goe togither and talke."

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: 13 March, 1601.

fo. 29^b.]

Mr. Watts and Mr. Danvers had fiery wordes.


Commonly those which speake most against Tullie are like a dog which
comming into a roome where he espies a shoulder of mutton lying upon
some high place, fells to barking at it, because he cannot reache it.
(_Watts._)


Vpon a tyme when Burbidge played Richard III. there was a citizen grone
soe farr in liking with him, that before shee went from the play shee
appointed him to come that night vnto hir by the name of Richard the
Third. Shakespeare ouerhearing their conclusion went before, was
intertained and at his game ere Burbidge came. Then message being
brought that Richard the Third was at the dore, Shakespeare caused
returne to be made that William the Conqueror was before Richard the
Third. Shakespeare's name William. (_Mr. Touse?_)


[Sidenote: 14.]

Mr. Fleetewood the Recorder[72] sitting in judgment when a prisoner was
to have his clergy and could not read, he saued him with this ieast,
"What, will not that obstinat knave reade indeede? Goe take him away and
whip him." (_Mr. Bramstone.[73]_)

    [Footnote 72: Fleetwood, like the Diarist, was of the Middle Temple.
    Many of his curious letters were published by Sir Henry Ellis (Orig.
    Letters, 1st Ser. vol. ii.)]

    [Footnote 73: The Lord Chief Justice from 1685 to 1642, whose
    Autobiography was published by the Camden Society.]


He imprisoned one for saying he had supt as well as the Lord Maior, when
he had nothing but bread and cheese.


[Sidenote: fo. 30.

2 Marche, 1601.]

This day there was a great Court of Merchant Adventurers; two were sent
from the Counsell to sitt and see their proceedings at their Courtes,
and to make relacion. At this Court two questions were moved. 1. Whether
their Companie were able to vent all the clothes made in England yf they
might choose their place in the Lowe Countries, and be ayded by hir
Majestie for the execution of their orders? Resolved that they are able.
2. Whether they can continue a Companie to trade yf the Earle of
Cumberlandes licence take effect, whereby he hath liberty to ship over
what cloth he pleaseth, contrary to hir Majesties patents and graunts to
the merchaunts? Resolved by handes that they cannot. (_Mr. Hull nar._)

Their Courts consist of one Gouernor, one Deputy, a Secretary, and these
sitt at a table raysed a little, and 24 Assistants sitt about; the
autority of these continues but six moneths; these speake, heare, and
iudge of other mens speaches in Court. The greater part of the present
at any Court carries the iudgment. (_Idem._)


[Sidenote: fo. 30^b.

3 May, 1602.]

Mr. Touse told that in the last cirquit into Yorkeshire the Vice
President of Yorke would have had the upper hand of Justice Yeluerton,
but he would not yeld. (_Mr. Touse._)


Long since, when Justice Manwood[74] roode Somersetshire circuit with
Lorde Anderson, there happened a great quarrell between the Lord Sturton
and Sir Jo. Clifton, in which affray the Lord Anderson himselfe, onely
with his cap in his hand, tooke a sword from a very lustie tall fellowe.
Of such a courage is Anderson. (_Idem._)

    [Footnote 74: Sir Roger Manwood was a Justice of the Common Pleas
    1572 to 1578, and Lord Chief Baron from 1578 to 1593. Sir Edmund
    Anderson was Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas from 1582 to
    1603. (Foss's Judges, v. 516; vi. 51.)]


My chamberfellow[75] told me of Mr. Long's opposition against him, and
howe he had ouermatcht him; told me of his owne preferment to Sir Robert
Cecile by the Lord Cheif Baron Periams and Lord Cheif Justice Pophams
meanes, almost without his owne suite. By Sir Roberts fauour he obtayned
the cancelling of an obligacion wherein his father[76] stoode bound to
Auditor Tucke not to vse that office or receive the profits for a
certaine tyme.

    [Footnote 75: Edward Curle, who is so frequently mentioned in other
    parts of the Diary. At this time he was keeping his terms in the
    Middle Temple preparatory to being called to the bar. He had been
    admitted of the Inn, _specialiter_, on the 29th Nov. 1594. The
    Diarist subsequently married Curle's sister Anne.]

    [Footnote 76: William Curle of Hatfield, one of the Auditors of the
    Court of Wards.]


[Sidenote: 4.]

Those which presume upon repentaunce at the last gaspe by [the] theeves
example on the crosse, doe as yf a man should spurr his horse till he
speake because wee reade that Balams asse did soe when his maister beate
him.


This day Serjeant Harris was retayned for the plaintife, and he argued
for the defendant; soe negligent that he knowes not for whom he
speakes.


Soe many accions of _Quare impedit_ in the Common Place, that it were
well a _Quare impedit_ were brought against the _Quare impedit_ for
hindering other accions.


[Sidenote: fo. 31.

28 June, 1602.]

One that would needes be married in all the [_sic_] hast, though he were
soe verry a beggar that the preist told him he would not marry him
because he had not money sufficient to pay him his duty for that
service, "Why then," said he, "I pray you, Sir, marry me as far as that
will goe. Nowe I am here I must needes have something ere I goe."

       *       *       *       *       *

A Puritan scholemaister that taught litle children in their horne
bookes, would not have them say "Christ crosse A. &c." but "Black spott
A." Another being to invit his frend, desyred him come and take part of
a Nativity pie at Christ tyde with him.


When a Puritan that had lost his purse made great moane as desyrous to
haue it againe, another minister (meaning to try his spirit) gaue forth
that he was able to helpe him to it by figur-casting; whereupon the
Puritan resorted vnto him; and the day appointed for the purpose, the
other told him that when he caste a paper into the chaffing dishe of
coales which he placed before them, he should looke in the glasse to see
the visage of him that had it; but the flame being too short for him to
aduise well what face it was, he earnestly entreated to see it againe.
"Oh," said the other, "I perceue well the cause why you could not
discerne it was that you trust to much in God." "Whoe, I," said the
Puritan, "I trust noe more in God then the post doth. Lett me see it
once againe." Such hyppocrytes are those professors. (_Ch. Dauers._)


[Sidenote: fo. 31^b.

May 4.]

Mr. Fleetwood, after he was gone from supper, remembred a case to the
purpose he was talking of before he went, and came againe to tell vs of
it, which Mr. Bramston said was as yf a reueller, when he had made a
legg at the end of his galliard, should come againe to shewe a tricke
which he had forgotten.


This day there was a strange confused pressing of souldiers, carrying
soe to the ships, that they were thrust togither under hatches like
calues in a stall.


[Sidenote: 6.]

When hir Majestic had giuen order that Spenser should haue a reward for
his poems, but Spenser could haue nothing, he presented hir with these
verses:

    It pleased your Grace vpon a tyme
    To graunt me reason for my ryme,
    But from that tyme vntill this season
    I heard of neither ryme nor reason.

    (_Touse._)


A gentleman whose father rose by the lawe, sitting at the benche while a
lawyer was arguying in a case against the gentleman, touching land which
his father purchased, the gentleman, more collerick then wise, sayd the
lawyer would prate and lye, and speake anie thing for his fee: "Well,"
said the lawyer, "yf your father had not spoken for a fee, I should haue
noe cause to speake in this cause to day." The posterity of lawyers hath
more flourished then that either of the clergy or citisens.


[Sidenote: fo. 32.

August 1602.]

_Notes out of a copie of a letter written by way of dedicacion of_
CHARLES THE FIFTH HIS INSTRUCTIONS TO HIS SONNE PHILLIP: TRANSLATED
OUT OF SPANISHE, _and sent to hir Majestie_ BY LORD H. HOWARD.[77]

    [Footnote 77: Created Earl of Northampton in 1604-5, died 1614.]

Hir Majesties affections are not carued out of flint, but wrought out of
virgin wax, and hir royall hart hath ever suted him in mercy, whom hir
state doth represent in Maiesty.

If anie sentence were mistaken by equivocacion of wordes, or ambiguity
in sence, I onely blame the stintles rage of destinie, which ever
carryeth the best shaftes of my unluky quiuer to such endes as are most
distant from the white I aymed at.

Since I began, each fruit hath answered his blossom, each grayne his
seede, all eventes there hopes; my selfe onely, more vnfortunate then
all the rest, have sowne with teares, but can reape with noe reuolucion.

I have presumed once againe (least the ground of my deuocion, by lying
to long fallowe, might seeme either waxen wyld or ouergrowne with
weedes,) to breake the barren soyle of myne vnfruitfull brayne, that
prosperous successe may rather want at all tymes to myne endeuors, then
endeuor to my loyall determinacion.

You are that sunne to me, whose going downe leaues nothing but a night
of care.

The divel, like those painters which are skilfull in the art of
perspectiue, taketh pleasure, by false colours and deceitfull shaddowes,
to make those things seeme farthest of which are nerest hand (as death),
and to abuse our nature with vayne hopes.

[Sidenote: fo. 32^b.

August, 1602.]

As the glasse of tyme is turned euery hour vpside downe, soe is the
course of our vncertaine lyfe; as that part which before was full is
emptied, and that other which was emptied is replenished, soe fareth
this world interchangeably.

As the highest region of the ayre is cleare and without stormes, soe hir
minde free from all distemperes of affection.

Those that liue not in the safe arke of your gracious conceit, &c.

The sea can brooke noe carcasses, nor hir Majesties thoughts admit of
castaways.

The fig-tree never bare fruit after it was blasted by the breath of
Christ; noe plant can prosper that never feeles the comfort of the same;
soe, &c.

In this the difference, Adam dyed because he eat of it (_i. e._ the tree
of lyfe), but I shall dye before I looke on it.

Manie find frends to couer faults; my cloke is innocency. An eye may be
cleare enough yet not discerne without your light; a course may be
direct yet endles without your clewe. My dealings may be free from base
alloy, but yet not currant amongst honourable persons without the liuely
print of your cherefull countenaunce. What dangerous diseases breed in
bodyes naturall by putrefaction springing out of the sunnes eclipse, the
same, or rather greater by proportion, must growe in well affected
myndes by the darke vayle of your discouragement.

[Sidenote: fo. 33.

August, 1602.]

Patience like a pill by continuall vse looseth his virtue.

I wonder at your matchles worth as they that are borne vnder the North
Pole doe at the sunne, whose comfort they feele not at all, or without
anie great effect.

Praye that since there is but one period and bounder, one high water
marke both of your happie life and our countryes good, the same may be
inlarged aboue ordinary termines, defended by all extraordinary meanes,
and augmented with all speciall fauour which either death possesseth or
heaven promiseth. That ever in the zodiack, our princely virgin may
assend with assistance of all happie planets.

Such is my beliefe in your administracion of right, as with the
faythfull daughter of Darius, while I live I will deeme _me captum esse
quamdiu Regina vixerit_.

The world is governed by planets, not fixed starrs.


[Sidenote: fo. 33^b.

8 August, 1602.]

One Mr. Palmes told at supper that one Mr. Sapcotts, a Northamptonshire
gentleman, married his owne bastard; had never anie issue by hir. After
his death shee was with child, would not discover the father. Sapcotts
left hir worth some 400_l._ yearely, yet none will marry hir.


[Sidenote: October 1602.]

Mr. Kempe in the King's Bench reported that in tymes past the
counsellors wore gownes faced with satten, and some with yellowe cotten,
and the benchers with jennet furre; nowe they are come to that pride and
fa[n]tasticknes, that every one must[78] have a veluet face, and some
soe tricked with lace that Justice Wray[79] in his tyme spake to such an
odd counsellor in this manner: _Quomodo intrasti, domine, non habens
vestem nuptialem_? Get you from the barre, or I will put you from the
barr for your folish pride. (_Ch. Da: nar._)

    [Footnote 78: much _in MS_.]

    [Footnote 79: Sir Christopher Wray was a puisne Judge of the Queen's
    Bench from 1572 to 1574, and Lord Chief Justice of that court from
    that time to 1592. (Foss's Judges, v. 546.)]


[Sidenote: 9.]

Every man semes to serue himselfe.


[Sidenote: October, 25.]

As the fox and the asse were travayling by the way, they overtooke a
mule, a strange beast as they thought, and began to be verry
inquisitive, like a couple of constables, to know whence he came and
what his name might be. The mule told them his name was written in his
foote, and there they might reade it yf they would; the foxe dissembling
sayd he was not bookish, and askt the asse what he could doe. He like an
asse, without feare or witt, went about to shewe his schollership; but,
while he was taking up the foote to reade what was told him, the mule
tooke him such [a] blowe with his foote that the asse paid for his
cuning [?]. Such are meere schollers. (_Ed. Curle._)


[Sidenote: fo. 34.]

_Maiores in sacris litteris progressus proemia maiora postulant; et
plures in vita necessitates plura vitæ necessaria subsidia requirunt_:
these causes of a plurality in a dispensacion.


_Dr. Parryes Ale for the Spring._

[Symbol: Rx]. Of the juyce of scouruy-grasse one pint; of the iuyce of
watercresses, as much; of the iuyce of succory, half a pint; of the
iuyce of fumitory, half a pint: proportion to one gallon of ale: they
must be all tunned vp togither.


There is a certaine kinde of compound called _Laudanum_, which may be
had at Dr. Turner's, appothecary, in Bishopgate Streate; the virtue of
it is very soueraigne to mitigate anie payne; it will for a tyme lay a
man in a sweete trans, as Dr. Parry told me he tryed in a feuer, and his
sister Mrs. Turner in hir childbirth.


The Lord Zouche, a verry learned and wise nobleman, was made Lord
President of the Marches of Wales after the death of the old Earle of
Pembroke.[80]

    [Footnote 80: Henry Herbert, second Earl of Pembroke of that family,
    died 19 Jan. 1600-1. His successor in the Presidency of Wales here
    alluded to was Edward the last Lord Zouche of Haryngworth, before
    the abeyance was determined in 1815.]


[Sidenote: fo. 34^b.]

My cosen told me that the custome of burning women with their husbandes
in Goa began vpon this occasion; the women of that country being
skilfull in poysoninge, and exceedingly giuen to the synn of lechery,
could noe sooner like an other, but presently their husband would dye,
that they might marry him whom they best liked: whereuppon it came
to[81] passe that one woman burried manie husbands, and soe the King
lost many subiects. And therefore to preuent this mischiefe the King
ordeined, that, whensoeuer the husband died, the wife should be burned
with him, in great solemnitie of musike and assembly of frendes,
esteeming by this meanes to moue the wiues to make much of their
husbands, yf not for the loue of their companie, yet for loue of their
owne liues, since their safety consisted in their preseruacion.

    [Footnote 81: it, in MS.]


EPITAPHES IN THE TEMPLE CHURCHE.

_Hic jacet corpus H. Bellingham, Westmerlandiensis, generosi, et nuper
Socij Medii Templi, cuius relligionis synceritas, vitæ probitas,
morumque integritas, eum maxime commendabant: obijt 10 Decembr. 1586,
ætatis suæ 22^o._


On the South side on a pillar.

D:O:M

[Sidenote: fo. 35.]

_Rogerio Bisshopio, illustris interioris Templi Societatis quondam
studioso, in florentis ætatis limine morte immatura prærepto, qui ob
foelicissimam indolem, moresque suauissimos, magnum sui apud omnes
desiderium relinquens, corpus humo, amorem amicis, coelo animum
dicavit._

_Monumentum hoc amoris et moeroris perpetuum testem charissimi posuere
parentes._

_Obijt 7^o Sept. 1597: ætatis suæ 3._


EPITAPHE IN THE CHURCHE AT HYTHE IN KENT.

    _Whiles he did live which here doth lye
      Three suites [he] gott of the Crowne,
    The Mortmaine, fayre, and Mayralty,
      For Heith this auncient Towne;
    And was himselfe the Baylif last,
      And Mayor first by name;
    Though he be gon, tyme is not past
      To prayse God for the same._

    (Of John Bridgman; obijt 1591.)


[Sidenote: fo. 35^b.

May.]

_W. Wats, Antagonista. Summum jus non est summa injuria jure positivo,
sed equitate._

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: 14.]

Mr. Curle, my chamber-fellowe, was called alone by parliament to the
barr.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: 29.]

Those which goe to churche onely to heare musicke, goe thither more for
_fa_ then _soule_. (_B. Reid._)


One said, yong Mr. Leake was verry rich, and fatt, "True," said B. Reid,
"pursy men are fatt for the most part."


"He takes the stronger part still," of one that would be sure to drinke
stronge beare yf he could come to it.


[Sidenote: fo. 36^b.

April, 1602.]

_A medicine for the windines in the stomach._

[Symbol: Rx]. A quarter of a pint of lavanda spike water, half as much
balme water, a fewe cloues, and a little long pepper beaten together;
drinke this at twise. (_Mrs. Cordell's exper^t._)


_For the haymeroyds._

[Symbol: Rx]. Two ounces of shoemacke brayed, and put it to halfe a
pint of red rose water; warme them over the fyre, and bath the place
with it. (_My Cosen exper^t._)


The covetous man rides in a coache which runnes upon 4 wheeles. The 1.
Pusillanimity. 2. Inhumanity. 3. Contempt of God. 4. Forgetfulnes of
death. (_Dr. Chamberlayne._) It is drawne with two horses. 1.
_Rapacitas._ 2. _Tenacitas._ The divel the coachman, and he hath two
whippes. 1. _Libido acquirendi._ 2. _Metus amittendi._


[Sidenote: 6.]

This day there was a race at Sapley neere Huntingdon, invented by the
gentlemen of that country: at this Mr. Oliuer Cromwell's[82] horse won
the syluer bell: and Mr. Cromwell had the glory of the day. Mr. Hynd
came behinde.

    [Footnote 82: This "Mr. Oliver Cromwell" was in truth, according to
    other writers who have mentioned him, Sir Oliver Cromwell, stated to
    have been knighted by Queen Elizabeth074 in 1598, created K.B. at
    the coronation of King James, and uncle to his namesake the future
    Protector. An ancestor of his in the reign of Henry VIII. is
    described by Mr. Carlyle as "a vehement, swift-riding man."
    (Cromwell's Letters and Speeches, i. 42, ed. 1846.) Sir Oliver
    seems to have inherited some of the ancestral qualities.]


[Sidenote: fo. 37.

Aprill, 1602.]

While I was at Hemmingford Dr. Chamberlayne told me that Dr. Bilson was
made Bishop of Winchester[83] by the meanes of the Earl of Essex. Nowe
the Bishop, being visitor of Trinity Colledge in Oxeford by his place,
promised to the Lady Walsingham,[84] that he would make him that nowe is
President after Dr. Yeilder's[85] decease, and for this purpose expelled
such fellowes as he thought would be opposite, and placed such in their
roomes as he knewe would be sure vnto him. By this meanes Dr.
Chamberlaine was defeated of his right, being an Oxefordshire man, whom
by their statutes they are bound to preferr before anie other.

    [Footnote 83: Translated from Worcester 1597; died 1616.]

    [Footnote 84: Widow of Secretary Walsingham.]

    [Footnote 85: Dr. Arthur Yildard died 1st Feb. 1598. Dr. Ralph
    Kettell "was nominated and admitted by Thomas Bilson, Bishop of
    Winchester, 12th Feb. 1598." (Hardy's Le Neve, iii. 572.)]


The fellowes of that Colledge are to nominat two, and the visitor within
six weekes must elect the one of them to be President.


Upon marriage with the Lady Poliuizena,[86] Sir Henry Cromwell conueyed
his lands vnto his sonne Mr. Oliuer in marriage. Soe Mr. Oliuer with his
owne and his ladyes living is the greatest esquire living in those
partes, thought to be worth neere 5000_l._ per annum. There liues a
housefull at Hinchingbrooke, like a kennell.

    [Footnote 86: "Lady Poliuizena" was Anne dau. of Giles Hoofman or
    Hooftman, of Antwerp, mentioned in p. 51, and widow of Sir Horatio
    Palavicini, a well known native of Genoa settled at Baberham, in co.
    Cambridge. Sir Horatio died 6th July 1600: his lady, fulfilling the
    customary obligations of her widowhood to the very letter, was
    married to Sir Oliver on the 7th July 1601. Sir Henry Cromwell who
    is mentioned in this paragraph was the Golden Knight; father of Sir
    Oliver and grandfather of the Protector. He died in January 1603-4.
    In the April before his death, Sir Oliver, being in possession of
    his father's lands under the arrangement mentioned in this
    paragraph, received King James at Hinchinbrooke on his way from
    Scotland to take possession of the throne. There is no mention of
    Sir Henry having been present on that occasion.]


Mrs. Mary Androes, daughter and heir to Mr. Androes of Sandey, was
married to one Mr. Mayne of Grayes In; had 1000_l._ present, and yf
Androes have issue, to have an other. Mayne had but 150_l._ per annum.


[Sidenote: fo. 37^b.

Aprill, 1602.]

I hear that the yong Lord North was married to Mrs. Brocket, Sir Jo.
Cutts his Ladies sister, being constrayned in a manner through want of
money while he liued in Cambridge; he had some 800_l._ with hir. Shee is
not yong nor well fauoured, noe maruaile yf he loue hir not.[87]

    [Footnote 87: The young gentleman here alluded to, who was just
    twenty years of age, was Dudley the third Lord North, who succeeded
    to that title on the death of his grandfather, the second Baron, on
    3rd Dec. 1600. Dugdale informs us that the lady alluded to was
    Frances daughter of Sir John Brockett of Brockett Hall, co.
    Hertford, and that there was issue of the marriage four sons and two
    daughters. Lord North himself died on the 6th Jan. 1666-7, being
    then 85 years of age. (Baronage, ii. 394.)]


On Easter day Dr. Chamberlaine was at Sir Henry Cromwells, and
ministered the communion, but without booke.


[Sidenote: 15.]

I was with my cosen in Kent, and he told me that there is one[88]
[Transcriber's Note: Blank space was in original text and is maintained
here]       , a rich broker in London, whose first wife had such a running
strong conceit in hir head that the sherifes sought still to apprehend
hir, that noe perswasion to the contrary preuayling with hir, first
shee cutt hir owne throate, and that being cured, she brake hir necke by
leaping out at hir garret windowe.

    [Footnote 88: Blank in orig.]


Jo. Vermeren a Dutchman, of kin to my cosens first wifes sisters
husband, had issue a daughter married to one Niepson. Their daughter was
married to one Hoofman, a notable rich man, whoe in his beginning was
but a pedler of pottes, yet after, by his good fortune and industry, he
proued soe wealthie that he gave 10,000_l._ with his daughter in
marriage to Sir Horatio Poliuizena, now deceased, and the widdowe
married to Mr. Oliuer Cromewell, the sonne and heir of Sir Henry
Cromwell. This marriage, and certaine land he had from his Uncle
Warrein,[89] cleared him out of debt.

    [Footnote 89: Sir Henry Cromwell's first wife was Jane daughter of
    Sir Ralph Warren, Lord Mayor of London in 1536 and 1544. Sir Ralph
    had an only son named Richard, who was seated at Claybury, Essex.
    This was the uncle Warren here alluded to. On his death Lady
    Cromwell was his heir, and upon her decease uncle Warren's lands
    would descend to Sir Oliver.]


[Sidenote: fo. 38.

18 Aprill, 1602.]

My cosen concluded with William Tunbridge of Ditton to give him 115_l._
for a leas of Ditton ruffe for 25 yeares.


[Sidenote: 16.]

Dr. Parry told howe Dr. Barlowe, nowe one of hir Majesties chapleins,
received a checke at hir Majesties, because he presumed to come in hir
presence when shee had given speciall charge to the contrary, because
shee would not haue the memory of the late Earl of Essex renewed by him,
who had preached against him at Paules. "O, Sir," said shee, "wee heare
you are an honest man! you are an honest man, &c."


Hir Majestic merrily told Dr. Parry that shee would not heare him on
Good Friday; "Thou wilt speake against me, I am sure," quoth shee; yet
shee heard him.


[Sidenote: 18.]

Duke de Neveurs a Frenchman departed for France this day.


[Sidenote: 19.]

My cosen told me that Vicars, King Henry the 8. his Sergeant Surgeon,
was at first but a meane practiser in Maidstone, such a one as Bennett
there, that had gayned his knowledge by experience, untill the King
advanced him for curing his sore legge.


A light hand makes a heauy wound.


[Sidenote: 20.]

I rode to Dr. Parryes. Shee[90] said there was noe greater evidence to
proue a man foole then yf he leaue the University to marry a wife.

    [Footnote 90: So in MS.]


[Sidenote: fo. 38^b.

21 Aprill.]

Dr. Parry told howe his father was Deane[91] of Salisbury, kept a
sumptuous house, spent aboue his reuenewe, was carefull to preferr such
as were men of hope, vsed to haue showes at his house, wherein he would
have his sonne an actor to embolden him.

    [Footnote 91: Not Dean, but Chancellor. He was collated in 1547,
    deprived during the reign of Queen Mary, but restored shortly after
    the accession of Queen Elizabeth. He died in 1571. (Hardy's Le Neve,
    ii. 651, 652.)]

He shewed me the sermon he made at Court last Good Fryday; his text was,
"My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me?" It was right eloquent and
full of sound doctrine, grave exhortacions, and heavenly meditacions.
_Vox horrentis_, forsaken; _Vox sperantis_, My God; _Vox admirantis_,
Why hast thou, &c. Mee! There was in Christ _Esse naturæ, Esse gratiæ,
Esse gloriæ_. God's presence 2^x [_duplex_?] by essence, by assistance;
dereliction, withdrawing, and retyring.


I returned to Bradborne.


Shee[92] would have sent a part of a gammen of bacon to the servants; my
cosen said he loued it well, &c.; and, because he wold not send that she
would, shee would not that he would, and grewe to strange hott
contradiction with him. After, when shee sawe him moued (and not without
cause) shee fell a kissing his hand at table, with an extreeme kinde of
flattery, but neuer confest shee was to violently opposite.

    [Footnote 92: Evidently his cousin's wife.]


[Sidenote: fo. 39.

22 Aprill.]

The _fleur de luce_, as we call it, takes his name, I thinke, as _Fleur
de Lis_, which _Lis_ is a river in Flanders neere Artoys.


[Sidenote: 26.]

I came from my cosens to London.


[Sidenote: 27.]

Perpetuityes are so much impugned because they would be preiudiciall to
the Queenes proffit, which is raysed dayly from[93] fines and
recoueryes.

    [Footnote 93: for in MS.]


One Parkins of the Inner house a very complementall gentleman; a
barrester but noe lawyer.


[Sidenote: 28.]

In the Star Chamber the benche on that part of the roome where the
Queenes armes are placed is alwayes vacant; noe man may sitt on it, as I
take it, because it is reserued as a seate for the Prince, and therefore
before the same are layed the purse and the mace as notes of autority.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: 30.]

Those which name such as they ought not, and such as they knowe to be
vnfitt, to be Sheriues of London, doe but goe a woll-gathering,
purposing to fleece such men. (_Cosen Onsloe._) And they goe a fishinge
for some 100_l._ or 2, as they nominated my cosen this yeare.


[Sidenote: fo. 39^b.

October, 1602.]

One Mr. Ousley of the Middle Temple, a yong gallant, but of a short
cutt, ouertaking a tall stately stalking caualier in the streetes, made
noe more a doe but slipt into an ironmongers shop, threwe of his cloke
and rapier, fitted himselfe with bells, and presently cam skipping,
whistling, and dauncing the morris about that long swaggerer, whoe,
staringly demaunding what he ment; "I cry you mercy," said the gent., "I
tooke you for a May pole." (_Ch. Da. nar._)


[Sidenote: 9.]

Sniges nose looked downe to see howe many of his teethe were lost, and
could neuer get up againe. (_Th. Ouerbury of Sniges crooked nose._)


Sir Frauncis Englefields house ouerthrowne by the practice of Mr.
Blundell of the Middle Temple, whoe, being put in speciall trust, tooke
a spleen vpon a small occasion against the heir, and presently in his
heate informed the Earl of Essex, that such a conveyaunce was made of
soe goodly an inheritaunce in defraud of the Queen, and soe animated him
to begg it, to the vtter ruine of that house. (_Mr. Curle nar._)


One told a jest, and added, that all good wittes applauded it; a way to
bring one to a dilemma, either of arrogance in arriding, as though he
had a good witt too, or of ignoraunce, as thoughe he could not conceiue
of it as well as others.


[Sidenote: fo. 40.

10 Oct. 1602.]

AT PAULES CROSSE.

Dr. Spenser[94] preached. He remembred in his prayer the Companie of the
Fishmongers, as his speciall benefactors while he lived in Oxford; his
text the 5 of Isay, v. 4.

    [Footnote 94: Dr. John Spenser, fellow-student with Hooker at Corpus
    Christi College, Oxford, and president of that college from 1607 to
    1614. Wood states (Ath. Oxon. ii. 145) that he was "a noted preacher
    and a chaplain to King James I." It was to him that upon Hooker's
    death his MSS. were delivered over for completion of the
    Ecclesiastical Polity. The sermon of which Manningham took such
    copious notes was printed in 1615, after Dr. Spenser's death, under
    the editorship of Hamlet Marshall, his curate. The author of the
    Christian Year speaks of it as "full of eloquence and striking
    thoughts; the theological matter almost entirely, and sometimes the
    very wordes, being taken from those parts of Hooker in which he
    treats of the visible church." (Hooker's Works, ed. Keble, i.
    xxiii.)]

We are soe blind and peruerse by nature, that wee are soe farre from the
sence of our owne imperfections and the terror of our synn, that either
not seing or not acknowledging our owne weaknesses, wee runne headlong
into all wickednes, and hate soe much to be reformed, that God is fayne
to deale pollitikely with vs, propounding our state vnto vs in parables,
as it were an others case, that thereby drawing man from conceit of
himselfe, which would make him partiall, he might draw an uncorrupt
iudgment of him self from him selfe. Soe dealt the Lord with David by
the parable of the poore mans sheepe, and soe here he taketh up a
comparison of the vine, to shewe Israell their ingratitude.

Parables are proportionable resemblances of things not well understoode;
they be vayles indeed, which couer things, but being remoued give a
kinde of light to them which before was insensible, and makes them seeme
as though they were sensible.

The things considerable in the text are, first, The churche, resembled
by the vine. 2. Gods benefits towards the Churche expressed in the
manner of his dressing the vine. 3. The fruit expected, grapes, iudgment
and righteousnes. 4. The fayling and ingratitude, by bringing forth
sower and wylde grapes; oppression and crying. 5. God's judgment, vers.
6.

[Sidenote: fo. 40^b.]

In the Church he considered, what it is, and where it is.

The Churche is compared most aptly to the vyne, for neither of them
spring naturally. _Non sumus de carne, nec voluntate hominis, sed
bene-placito Dei._ 2. Both spring, and growe, first in weakenes, yet
then they claspe their little hands and take hold on of an other, and
soe going on _crescunt sine modo_, the increase without measure, as
Pliny sayth. 3. Noe plant more flourishing in the summer, none more
poore and bare[95] in winter. All followe the Church in prosperitie, and
the rich, the mighty, the wise, in persequution fall away like leaves.
4. Bring forth fruit in clusters, which cheres the hart. God and men and
angels reioyce when the Church aboundes in workes of righteousnes and
true holines. 5. Both have but one roote, though manie branches; Christ
is the true foundacion, other then this can no man lay. 6. The branches
are ingrafted, and as in planting all are tyed alike with the outward
bond, yet all proue not alike, soe all haue the same profession and
outward meanes, yet all growe not nor fructifie alike: but it is the
inward grace that maketh the true branche; as he is a Jewe that is one
within. Rom. ii. 28, 29.

    [Footnote 95: "here Naked" in interlined in the MS. as another
    reading.]

[Sidenote: fo. 41.]

2. The Lord's vineyard is not to be knowne by the fruit (for we reade
here that it bringeth forth wyld grapes), but where the roote is
planted, where Christ is professed, there the Church is; it is nowe
universall, not yed to anie place; we reade of 7 Churches in the
Reuelacions, though all not alike pure, yet all churches: Israell is his
eldest sonne, though a prodigall: as betwixt man and woman after a
publique contract celebrated, though the woman play the harlot and bring
forth children of fornicacion unto hir husband, yet continues shee his
wife whose name shee beares vntill a publique divorce be sued. Some
churches are soare, some sicke, some soe leprous that noe communion
ought to [be] continued with them, yet churches still. Yf anie aske, as
manie papists use to doe, where our church was before Martin Luther was
borne, we aunswer that it is the same churche that was from the
beginninge, and noe newe on as they terme it, for the weeding of a
vyneyard is noe destroyinge, nor the pruning any planting; for we have
remoued but idolatrie and a privat masse of ceremonies, which with the
burying the author[?] of life in a hidden and unknowne language had
almost put the heavenly light out of our candlesticke; and when the
trashe of humaine inventions had raysed themselues to soe high esteeme,
it was tyme to say, "Yf Ephraim play the harlot, yet lett not Israell
synn."

[Sidenote: fo. 41^b.]

Jerusalem litterally is the mother Churche of all.

The Churche, like the vine that hath many branches but one roote, may
haue severall members, but all knit together with the vnity of three
bonds--one Lord, one fayth, one baptisme. But nowe Rome, usurping over
his fellowes, speakes like Babilon in the 18 Reuel. "I cannot erre," and
have encroched an article vpon the Creede, that must be beeleeved upon
payne of damnation, that there is one visible heade of the Churche
(which must be the Pope). And yet in an oecumenical Counsell of 330
Catholike Bishops it was decreed that Constantinople should have equall
authority with Rome; which plainely confuted their usurped universall
supremacy. Yet the Popes, by the assistaunce of the Emperours, haue,
like ivy, risen higher then the oke by which it climed: soe much that
our countriman Stapleton doubts not to call his Holines _Supremum in
terris numen_.

3. The benefites and manner of dressing the vine: Genesis is but the
nurse of it; Exodus, the removing; Leviticus, the ordering and manner of
keeping it; Josua, the weeding, &c. God soe loued it that he gave his
onely Sonne to redeeme it, and when he gave him, what gave he not with
him?

Might not the Church use the wordes of the leeper in the Ghospell:
"Lord, if thou wilt, thou canst make me cleane;" and why then
complaynest thou?

[Sidenote: fo. 42.]

True it is, yf we consider his power: for he that is able to rayse vp
children to Abraham of stones, to make the iron sweate, &c. can purifie
our corruptions yf wee regard his power, and that without our meanes;
but God hath tyed himself to ordinary meanes, by his eternall decree:
and he that will not heare Moses and the prophets neither will he
beleeve though one should rise from the dead. Many were foule with the
leprosie in Nathans [Elishas?] tyme, yet none cured but Naman.

4. The fruit. All things, euen the meanest, imitate the Creator in doing
something in their kind for the common good, not themselves alone; the
olive doth not anoint itself with its owne oyle; the trees and plants
which spend themselues in bringing forth some fruit or berry holds it
noe longer then till it be ripe, and then letts it fall at his masters
feete; the grape is not made drunke with its owne iuyce.

"He that receiveth a benefit hath lost his liberty," saith Seneca; and,
since we have received such benefits of God as we can not, we would not
renounce, lett us glorifie him in our bodies whose we are, not our owne.

Aeternitie cometh before we worke, therefore our workes merit not
eternall life: and infants incorporat into the mysticall vyne are saued
though they dy before they are able to bring forth anie good worke.

Our good workes growe as it were in a cold region; the best of them,
even our prayers, scarce come to perfection throughe the imperfection of
our nature.

[Sidenote: fo. 42^b.]

Good workes to be performed for mutuall helpe, and though we holde
ourselves sufficient, yet they are to be done, even as every thing
bringeth forth something yf for noe other purpose yet to continue in its
owne state; like the spring, which, because it yeildeth water, is
therefore continually fed with water.

_Bona opera sunt via regni, non causa regnandi. (Bernard.)_

The fruits brought forth; wyld grapes: an heavy sight to a carefull
husbandman, to haue noe better reward of his paynes.

I pray God the Church of England may not justifie the synns of Sodome
and Judas. Couetousnes, the roote of all wickednes, maketh men desyre to
be greate rather then good, and this desyre causes them to sucke even
the lyfe from one another. There is a synn amongst us which hath not bin
heard of amongst the Gentiles, that wee should robb God, and that is in
tithing. Howe manie desyrous that the labouring man, the minister, might
be put out, that themselues might haue the inheritaunce. It is the
corruption of the ministery that all the dores of entraunce are shut up
but the dore of symony, soe that the most and best places are for the
most possessed by the worst; and, yf anie of the better be forced to
come in, they are constrayned to make shipwracke of a good conscience.

[Sidenote: fo. 43.]

If it be true which is published in the names of the popish faction, the
Pope hath sent a dispensation that the popish patrons may sell their
presentations, soe be it the money come to the maintenance of the
Jesuites. And will Peters successor thinke it lawefull to sell the
guifts of the Holie Ghost? Will Simon Peter become Simon Magus? But he
will nowe become a fisher for men; because he findes in their mouthes
greater peices then twenty pence. The ministers are like the hart and
liver, from whence are derived lyfe and nourishment by sound doctrine
and good example into the members of the Church, and yf these be corrupt
it is much to be feared the whole body is like to languishe in a
dangerous consumption.

In defrauding the ministery, we pull downe the pillers of the house wee
dwell in.


[Sidenote: fo. 43^b.

11 October, 1602.]

The Lord Zouche, Lord President of the Marches of Wales, begins to knowe
and use his authoritie soe muche that his iurisdiction is allready
brought in question in the Common place, and the Cheif Justice of that
bench[96] thinkes that Glostershire, Herefordshire, &c., are not within
his circuit.

    [Footnote 96: Sir Edmund Anderson; 1582-1605.]

When he came to sitt on the benche at Ludlowe, there were, as it was
wont, two cushions layd, one for the Cheife Justice Leukenour, another
for the President, but he tooke the on, and casting it downe said, one
was enough for that place. (_Tho: Overbury._)


Sir Walter Rhaleighs sollicitor, on Sheborough, was verry malapert and
saucy in speache to Justice Walmesley[97] at the bench in the Common
place; soe far that, after words past hotly betwixt them, he said he
thought it fitt to commit him for his contemptuous behauiour, but the
other iudges were mum. _Quantus ille!_ His wordes, "Before God, you do
not well to lay their practises vpon us. You knowe me well enough. If
you list, &c."

    [Footnote 97: Mr. Justice Thomas Walmesley, puisne Judge of the
    Common Pleas 1589-1611. (Foss's Judges, vi. 191.)]

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: fo. 44.

10 October, 1602.]

I heard that Sir Robert Cecile is fallen in dislike with one of his
Secretaries of greatest confidence (Mr.[98] [Transcriber's Note: Blank
space was in original text and is maintained here]       ,) and hath
discarded him, which moues manie coniectures and much discourse in the
Court. This Secretary was a sutour to be on of the clerkes of the
signet, as a place of more ease and lesse attendaunce then a clarke of
the counsell, which it is though[t] he might haue.

    [Footnote 98: Blank in MS.]


The Irish Earle of Clanrichard[99] is well esteemed of by hir Maiestie,
and in speciall grace at this tyme; hath spent lavishly since he came
ouer, yet payes honestly. (_Mr. Hadsor._)

    [Footnote 99: Richard of Kinsale, the fourth Earl, 1601-1635.]


The Earl of Ormond[100] is purposed, and hath licence, to marry his
daughter to one of his cosens, not to the Lord Mountioy as was thought.
(_Idem._)

    [Footnote 100: Thomas, the tenth Earl, 1546-1614. The young lady
    here mentioned, who was the Earl's only child, was ultimately
    married, through the influence of King James I. to Sir Richard
    Preston, subsequently created Earl of Desmond.]


Evill companie cuttes to the bone before the fleshe smart. It is like a
fray in the night, when a man knowes not howe to ward. (_Ch. Dauers
booke._)


The libertines from the rose of _Sola fides_, sucke the poyson of
security. (_Idem._)


A souldier being challenged for flying from the camp said, _Homo fugiens
denuo pugnabit_.


Booth being indited of felony for forgery the second time, desyred a day
to aunswere till Easter terme; "Oh!" said the Attorny, "you would haue a
spring; you shall, but in a halter," (_Ch. Da._)

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: 25.]

I heard that Sir Richard Basset is much seduced, indeed gulled, by one
Nic. Hill, a great profest philosopher, and nowe abuseth this yong
knight by imagined alchymie.[101] (_Jo. Chap._)

    [Footnote 101: Antony Wood tells several strange tales about
    Nicholas Hill, who was one of the astrologers and alchemists whom
    the Earl of Northumberland gathered round him during his long
    imprisonment in the Tower. Ben Jonson laughed at

                    "those _atomi_ ridiculous
        Whereof old Democrite and Hill Nicholas,
        One said, the other swore, the world consists;"

    and the world at large seems to have entertained a very mean opinion
    of the modern upholder of those doctrines. His end, according to a
    hearsay commemorated by Wood, was very unhappy, and was connected
    with the other person mentioned in our text. It is said that he fell
    into a conspiracy with "one Hill of Umberley in Devonshire,
    descended from Arthur Plantagenet, Viscount Lisle, a natural son of
    King Edward IV., who pretended some right to the crown." Being
    forced to fly into Holland, Hill practised physic at Rotterdam, in
    conjunction with his son Laurence, on whose death he went into an
    apothecary's shop, swallowed poison, and died on the spot. (Ath.
    Oxon. ii. 86.)]


[Sidenote: fo. 44^b.

12 October, 1602.]

The Earle of Sussex keepes Mrs. Syluester Morgan (sometyme his ladies
gentlewoman) at Dr. Daylies house as his mistress, calls hir his
Countesse, hyres Captain Whitlocke,[102] with monie and cast suites, to
braue his Countes, with telling of hir howe he buyes his wench a wascote
of 10_l._, and puts hir in hir veluet gowne, &c.: thus, not content to
abuse hir by keeping a common wench, he striues to invent meanes of more
greife to his lady, whoe is of a verry goodly and comely personage, of
an excellent presence, and a rare witt. Shee hath brought the Earle to
allowe hir 1700_l._ a yeare for the maintenaunce of hir selfe and hir
children while she lives apart. It is coniectured that Captain
Whitlocke, like a base pander, hath incited the Earl to followe this
sensuall humour, *   *   *   as he did the Earl of Rutland. (_J.
Bramstone nar._) The Countesse is daughter to the Lady Morrison in
Hartfordshire,[103] with whom it is like she purposeth to liue.  *   *
*   A practise to bring the nobilitie into contempt and beggery, by
nourishing such as may prouoke them to spend all vpon lechery and such
base pleasures.

    [Footnote 102: Capt. Edmund Whitelocke, a brother of Sir James
    Whitelocke, father of Bulstrode Whitelocke. The Captain was one of
    the gayest and wildest of men, a great traveller, "well seen in the
    tongues," "extreme prodigal," a fellow of infinite merriment, and
    suspected of being concerned in half the plots and duels of his day.
    He was in trouble with the Earl of Essex, and again about the Powder
    Plot, and probably knew familiarly all the prisons in the
    metropolis. He died about six years after the time with which our
    Diarist is dealing, at Newhall, in Essex, the seat of his friend the
    Earl of Sussex. The Earl attended his funeral, and laid him
    honourably in the chapel of the Ratcliffes. See _Liber Famelicus of
    Sir James Whitelocke, (Camden Society,)_ pp. iv. 10. The Earl of
    Sussex hero alluded to was Robert the fifth Earl of the family of
    the Radcliffes, 1593-1629.]

    [Footnote 103: Bridget, daughter of Sir Charles Morison of
    Cashiobury, Herts. She was aunt to the wife of the celebrated Lord
    Falkland.]


When there came one which presented a supplicacion for his master to the
Counsell, that vpon sufficient bond he might be released out of Wisbishe
Castle, where he lay for recusancy, that he might looke to his busines
in haruest, the Lord Admirall[104] thought the petition reasonable, but
the old Lord Treasurour, Sir W. Cecil, said he would not assent, "for,"
said he, "I knowe howe such men would vse vs yf they had vs at the like
aduantage, and therefore while we haue the staffe in our handes lett us
hold it, and when they gett it lett them vse it." (_Mr. Hadsor nar._)

    [Footnote 104: Lord Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham.]


[Sidenote: fo. 45.

October, 1602.]

_Out of a Poeme called "It is merry when Gossips meete"_ S. R.[105]

    [Footnote 105: These initials, inserted by a later hand, indicate
    "Samuel Rowlands," the author of this very popular little volume.
    The first edition bears a date in 1602, and had probably just been
    published when it attracted the attention of our diarist.]

Such a one is clarret proofe, _i. e._ a good wine-bibber.

    There's many deale vpon the score for wyne,
    When they should pay forgett the Vintner's syne.

       *       *       *       *       *

    A man whose beard seemes scard with sprites to have bin,
    And hath noe difference twixt his nose and chin,
    But all his hayres have got the falling sicknes,
    Whose forefront lookes like jack an apes behind.

      A gossips round, thats every on a cup.


[Sidenote: fo. 45^b.

October 12, 1602.]

Mr. Steuen Beckingham of Hartfordshire was brought into the Kings benche
at the suit of two poore ioyners whom he hath undone; they seeled his
house, which came to a matter of some 80_l._ and they could hardly
obtain anie thing by suit. A man of a hott collerick disposicion, a
creaking loud voyce, a greasy whitish head, a reddish beard, of long
staring _mouchetons_; wore an outworne muff with two old gold laces, a
playne falling band, his cuffs wrought with coloured silk and gold, a
sattin doublet, a wrought wastcote, &c. _vt facile quis cognoscat haud
facile si cum alijs convenire posset, qui voce, facie, vestitu ita secum
dissidet_. One of his witnesses would not aunswere any thing for him
vntill he were payd his charges in the face of the court. Soe little
confidence had he in his credit, whoe had dealt soe hardly with his
ioyners.


On Fossar, an old ioyner dwelling [in] Paules Churchyard, a common and a
good measurer of ioyners work.


Mr. Prideaux, a great practiser in the Eschequer, and one that usurpes
vpon a place certaine at the barr, left his man one day to keepe his
place for him, but Lancaster of Grayes In comming in the meane tyme,
would needes haue the place, though the man would haue kept it. "For,"
said L. "knowes thou not that I beeleue nothing but the reall presence?"
meaning that he was a Papist; and besydes, "could not thinke it to be
_corpus meum_ except Mr. Prideux himselfe were there." (_Mr. Hackwell
nar._)


[Sidenote: fo. 46.

16 October, 1602.]

When Mr. Dodridge,[106] in his argument of Mr.
Darsies patentes, and soe of the prerogatiue in generall, he began his
speache from Gods gouernment. "It is done like a good archer," quoth Fr.
Bacon, "he shootes a fayre compasse."

    [Footnote 106: This anecdote derives some little _vraisemblance_
    from the circumstance that Sir John Doderidge, who was a justice of
    the King's Bench from 1612 to 1628, was looked upon as a man of a
    philosophical character of mind, and of very large acquirements.
    Fuller remarks that it was hard to say whether "he was better
    artist, divine, civil or common lawyer" (Worthies, i. 282), and
    Croke, that he was "a man of great knowledge as well in common law
    as in other human sciences and divinity." (Reports, Car. 127, cited
    in Foss's Judges, vi. 309.)]


There was an action brought to trie the title of one Rooke an infant for
a house and certaine land. "All this controversye," said the attorny,
"is but for a little rookes nest."


_An Epitaphe upon a bellowes maker._

    Here lyes Jo. Potterell, a maker of bellowes,
    Maister of his trade, and king of good fellowes;
    Yet for all this, att the houre of his death,
    He that made bellowes could not make breath. (_B. J._)[107]

        [Footnote 107: These initials are by a more recent hand. The
        lines do not appear in the published works of Ben Jonson.]


[Sidenote: 24.]

Mr. Bodly, the author, promoter, [and] the perfecter, of a goodly
library in Oxford, wan a riche widdowe by this meanes. Comming to the
place where the widdowe was with one whoe is reported to haue bin sure
of hir, as occasion happened the widdowe was absent; while he was in
game, he, finding this opportunity, entreated the surmised assured gent.
to hold his cardes till he returned. In which tyme he found the widdowe
in a garden, courted, and obteined his desyre; soe he played his game,
while an other held his cardes.[108] He was at first but the sonne of a
merchant, vntill he gave some intelligence of moment to the counsell,
whereupon he was thought worthie employment, whereby he rose. (_Mr.
Curle._)

    [Footnote 108: The lady alluded to was Anne Carew, daughter of a
    merchant of Bristol and widow of a person named Ball. She had a
    considerable fortune.]


[Sidenote: fo. 46^b.

24 October.]

_Mr. Dr. King,[109] preacher at St. Andrews in Holborn, at Paules
Crosse, this daye._

    [Footnote 109: Dr. John King, styled by King James the King of
    Preachers. Queen Elizabeth presented him in 1597 to the rectory of
    St. Andrew's in Holborn, and to a prebend in St. Paul's in 1599. He
    was Bishop of London from 1611 to 1621. (Newcourt's Repert, i. 211,
    275; Hardy's Le Neve, ii. 303.)]

His text 2 Peter ii. v. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9. The length of his text might
make some tedious semblance of a long discourse, but the matter shortly
cutt itself into two parts, example and rule; one particular, the other
generall; the one experiment, the other science; the one of more force
to proue, the other to instruct. The argument is not _a posse ad esse_,
but _ab esse ad posse_; it hath bin, and therefore may be; nay by this
place it shalbe, for _lege mortali quod vnquam fuit, et hodie fieri
potest_; but _lege æterna_, that which hath bin shalbe agayne. Here is
an acted performaunce, a demonstracion, [Greek: to hoti], which are most
forceable to persuade, being of all thinges sauing the thinges
themselves neerest our apprehension, leading from the sense to the
vnderstanding, which is our certaynest meane of acquiring knowledge,
since philosophie teacheth _quod nihil est intellectu, quod non prius
fuit in sensu; sicut audiuimus, et fecerunt patres nostri_. Hystory and
example the strongest motives to imitation. Rules are but sleeping and
seeming admonitions. Thomas would not beleeue vnles he thrust his
fingers into Christes sydes, and felt the print of his nayles; and we
are so obstinat, wee will hardly beeleue except Godes judgments thrust
fingers and nayles into our sydes.

[Sidenote: fo. 47.

Oct. 1602.]

[Sidenote: fo. 47^b.

Oct. 1602.]

The examples are bipartite: each containing contrary doctrines, like the
language of them in the last chapter of Nehemias, half Jewishe, half
Ashdoch; like the bands of the Levites, that parted themselves one
companie to one mount to blesse, the other to an other to curse, the
people; soe the one part denounceth judgment, the other declareth mercy:
they may be compared to the cleane beastes, Deut. xiv., which had parted
hoofes, and chewed the cudd; soe here on the one syde is the old world
drowned, on the other Noach saved; on the one Sodom burned, on the other
Lott preserved. They are three of the strangest and fearefullest
examples in nature; the fall of the Angells, the drowning of the world,
the burning of Sodome; they stretch from one end to an other, alpha and
omega, heaven and earth, men and angels, the most excellent payre of
God's creatures, and the deluge oecumenicall and universall. But God
in his punishment, like a wise prince, will begin at his owne sanctuary,
at his owne house, _non habitabit mecum iniquus_, I will not suffer a
wicked person to dwell in my house, and therefore first turned the
angels from his habitacion. Angels in their creacion, _vere_ [Greek:
deuteron], the second light, the eyes and eares of the great king,
continuall attendantes in his court and assistauntes of his throne; they
are farr above the greatest saint, for wee shalbe but like them, and
they are next to the Sonne of God, otherwise he had said nothing when he
said, to which of the angells sayd he at anie tyme, &c. _Heb._: they
were _in summo non in tuto_, or rather _non in summo sed in tuto_,
untill they synned. But what their synne was, I may safely say I knowe
not. One sayth _non seruarunt principatum_, and St. Jo. sayth, _non
steterunt in veritate_, their synn was treason, [they] continued not in
their allegeaunce and fidelity; an other, _et in angelis vacuitatem,
prauitatem, infamiam reperiit_; an other, though an absurd opinion, that
it was fleshly lust, and concupiscence, by carnall copulacion with women
upon earth, and this they would lay upon these wordes, and the Sonnes of
God tooke the daughters of men; but of this it was sayd, _perquam noxium
audire et credere_. And yet it became as common as it was absurd,
because men thereby thought they might sooth themselves in that synn,
and thinke it tollerable when angells had done the like before them.

An other opinion more probable, that it was noe carnall, but spirituall
luxury that overthrewe them, a kinde of selfe love, when they overvalued
their owne excellency, and forgat their Creator; and this opinion that
their synn was pride is the most receiued and most like, because after
his fall the first temptation that he made was of pride to Adam in
paradise, _enim similis altissimo_.

[Sidenote: fo. 48.

October, 1602.]

[Sidenote: fo 48^b.

October, 1602.]

The Diuel neuer desyred to be like God in his essence, for that being
impossible he could never conceiue it, and that is neuer in appeticion
which was not first in apprehension. Yet he may be sayd to affect it
_desyderio complacentiæ, non efficaciæ_, because he might please himself
with such conceits, not conceaue howe he might attaine to those
pleasures, and to this purpose some there be that write as though they
had been taken up into the third heaven, and heard and seene the
conflict betwixt Michael and the diuel: and will not stick to affirme
that Michael had his name because when the diuel like a great giant
bellowed out blasphemie against the most highest, denying that he had
any creator or superior, Michael should resist and tell him, _Quis ut
Deus_, which is the interpretacion of Michael; soe though it be
incertaine what was the synn of angells, yet is it most certayne that
they fell from the highest happines to the lowest wretchednes; the fall
was like lightning suddein, and the place of it not possible to be
found; it passeth the capacitie of man to expresse it by comparison soe
perfectly that he may say _hoc impetu_; and for their payne it is
_transcendens, et transcendentia transcendit_, it is invaluable,
incomprehensible, passeth all hyperbole; there was a present amission of
place, grace, glory, the fruition of Godes presence, &c. which is the
greatest of miseries, _felicem fuisse_: but there remaines a fearefull
expectation of future miseries, _et Nihil magis adversarium quam
expectatio; et Quo me vindicta reservas?_

It was the opinion of Origen long since condemned for erronius, that the
diuels might be saued, and his reason was because they had _liberum
voluntatis arbitrium_, which might perhaps change and encline to the
desyre of good, and soe through repentaunce obteyne mercy; but the
diuels are soe obdurate in their malice that though they may have
_stimulum conscienciæ_, yet they can neuer come _ad correptionem
gratiæ_, and in that opinion Origen is said [Greek: Platonizein] non
[Greek: Christianizein]. Another prop to his opinion was Jacobs ladder,
where he imagined the descending and ascending of angels could meane
nothing but the fall and restitution of angels.

[Sidenote: fo. 49.

October 1602.]

The second example is the drowning of the world, a descent from heaven
to earth in judgments. The world is termed [Greek: kosmos] of the
Grecians, from the excellent beauty thereof, and of the Lattynes
_mundus, quia nihil mundius_, but here it is used to expresse the
universalitie of the destruction, as the hystorie declares it Gen. vi.
7, etc. vii. 21, 22, 23, 24: God destroyed euery thing that was vpon the
earth from man to beast, to the creeping thing, and to the foule of the
heaven, onely the fishes escaped, and the reason one rendreth was
because the sea onely was undefiled at that tyme; there was then noe
sayling upon that element, noe pyracie and murder committed upon it, noe
forrein invasion intended over it, noe trafficque with the nations for
straunge comodities, nor for one an others synnes and vices; all the
other creatures were polluted by man, and were [to] be purged with that
floud. The ayre as farr as our eyes could looke and fascinate, even the
foules as far as our breath could move, were infected with the contagion
thereof; all were uncleane, all were to be clensed or punished. The
greatnes of their number cannot excuse, but aggrauates the offence. A
multitude may synn and their synn is more grievous, _qui cum multitudine
peccat, cum multitudine periet_; and for the most part, the most are the
worst. It is noe sound argument, it is well done because many doe so.
The fox brings forth many cubbes, and the lyon hath but one whelpe at
once, yet that is a lyon, and more then manie foxes. The harlot boasts
that shee had manie moe resorted to hir house then Socrates to his
schole, but hir followers went the way of darknes.

[Sidenote: fo. 49^b.]

October, 1602.]

"And brought in the floud:" and therefor a miracle supernatural wrought
by the finger of God, not as some imagine by the conjunction of
waterishe planets, soe atributinge all to and confirming all by naturall
meanes, they say the world shalbe destroyed by fire, as it was by water,
when there shall happen the like conjunction of firy, as there was of
watery planets; but beleeve God, whoe sayth _Ego pluam_. And this was
against nature to destroy hir owne workes. The length of the rayne,
forty dayes, the continuaunce of the waters for twelve monethes, the
dissolucion of soe muche ayre with water as should make a generall
deluge. These are directly against the rules of naturall philosophie,
besydes the influence of a planet never stretcheth beyond his
hemisphere, all which shewe plainely, that it was the miraculous worke
of God, not effected by the course of nature. This was not _imber in
furore missus_, to destroy or famishe some particular city or country,
of which kinde of baptismes our land hath within fewe yeares felt many,
but this made the sea, which before made but one spheare with the earth,
as man and wife make but one flesh, breake the boundes of modesty and
overflowe the whole; that which before was the girdle of the earth, nowe
girt it, but in such a fashion, that it stiffled all. It was such a
dropsie in the world, that our simples having lost their former virtue,
we were permitted to eat flesh for the preseruacion of our liues, which
before were prolonged with the naturall herbes and fruits of the earth,
more hundreds then nowe they can bee scores with our best helpes of art
or nature.

But it may be said, What, will God punishe the goode with the wicked?
Will he drownd, all together, the righteous and the bad? Will he say
_Pereant amici, modo pereant inimici_? Will he command _stragem tam
amicorum quam hostium_? Shall his judgments be like the nett in the
Gospell, that catcheth good and bad togither? Noe, for he punished the
old world. This floud was his sope and nitar to scoure of the filth, to
seuer the good from the euill, the wheat from the chaffe. He brought the
floud upon the ungodly, but he "saued Noah, the eighth person;" a small
number, a child may tell them, a poore number, _pauperi est numerare_,
but eight persons saved. Those tymes were evil, but there are worse
dayes not instant but extant, wherein iniquitie prescribes hypocrisie,
settes hir hand to manie false bills, settes downe one hundred for ten,
the whole is overflowne with all wickednes, &c. The second part is God's
mercy, but he "saued Noah" like a ring on his finger, he kept him as
writing in the palme of his hand, as the apple of his eye, and as a
seale on his heart. He built him a castle stronger then brasse, and
lockt him up in the arke like a jewell in casket. He preserved him safe
in a wodden vessell amongst the toppes of mountains, in a world of
waters, without card, tacleing, or pilot. He was saued between judgment
and judgment, like Susanna betwixt the twoe elders, like the Children of
Israell betweene two walles of water in the Red Sea, like Christ
betweene the two theiues; soe that it may be truly sayd, it was noe
meaner a miracle in sauing Noah, then in drowning the whole world.

[Sidenote: fo. 50.

October, 1602.]

But "saued Noah, the eight person, a preacher of righteousnes." Here is
a banner of hope to all that feare God. When Justice was running hir
course like a strong giant to haue destroyed the whole world, Mercy
mett, encountered, and told hir that she must not touch Gods anoynted,
nor doe his prophetes anie harme. There was Noah, "a preacher of
righteousnes," and he must be spared, he was a preacher, not a whisperer
in corners, singing to himselfe and his muses. This Noah was the hemme
of the world, the remnant of the old, and the element of the newe: he
was _communis terminus_, the first shipwright, and yet "a preacher of
righteousnes." Nowe concerninge the estimacion of preachers in auncient
tymes, and the contempt of that calling in these dayes, their high
account with God, and their neglect with men, from hence he said he
could paradox manie conclusions which tyme forced him to ouer slip. But
in this age lett a preacher be as aunciently discended and of as good a
parentage, bee as well qualified, as soundly learned, of as comely
personage, as sweete a conversation, have a mother witt, and perhaps a
fathers blessing to, lett him be equall in all the giftes and ornamentes
of nature, art, and fortune to a man of an other profession, yet he
shall be scorned, derided, and pointed at like a bird of diuers strange
colours, and all because he beares the name of a preacher.

[Sidenote: fo. 50^b.

October, 1602.]

Tymes past were so liberall to the clergy that for feare all would have
runne into their handes there were statutes of mortmaine enacted to
restrayne that current: but devotion at this day is grown soe cold, that
the harts and hands of all are a verry mortmaine it self; they hold soe
fast they will part from nothing; noe, not from that which hath bin of
auncient given to holie uses. There are in England aboue 3000
impropriacions, where the minister hath a poore stipend; their bread is
broken amongst strangers, the foxes and their cubbes liue in their
ruines, the swallowe builds hir nest and the satyres daunce and revill
where the Leuites were wont to sing, the Church liuings are seised vpon
and possessed by the secular; it was the old lawe, that none should eate
the bread of the aultar but those that wayted at the altar, those things
which were provided for the pastors of our soules, with what conscience
can they receive, which are not able to feede them. _O miseram sponsam
talibus creditam paranymphis._

[Sidenote: fo. 51.

October, 1602.]

It is strange that that abhominable synn of Symony should be so common,
that it is no strang thing for a learned man to purchase his promotion;
but the honest must say to their patron, as Paule to the lame, _aurum et
argentum non habeo, quod habeo dabo_. I will liue honestly, I will
preach diligently, I will pray for you deuoutly, but that _quid dabitis_
liveth still with those of Judas his humor. They thinke all to much for
the preacher, nothing to much for themselves; it must be enacted that
they may not haue to much for feare of surfetting; they would haue them,
according to the newe dyet, brought downe to the skin and bone, to cure
them. "All their speaches and actions tend to our impouerishment," saith
he, "as though wee were onely droanes and they the bees of the State.
The Lord commaunded to bring into his tabernacle, but these strive whoe
may carry out fastest, and blesse themselves in the spoile, saying with
that Churche robber, _Videtis quam prospera nauigatio ab ipsis dijs
immortalibus sacrilegis detur_, but the hier of these labourers, this
field of Naboth, &c., will cry out against them. Christ, when he was
vpon the earth, wipped those out the Church which bought and sold in the
Church, what will he doe with those which buy and sell his church
itselfe? I speake not this, because I would perswade you to give your
goodes unto ns; _non vestra, sed vos_, nay, _non nostra sed vos,
quero_. I doe but advertise you to consider whether the withholding the
tenth may not depriue you of the whole, the spoiling the Churche of hir
clothes may not strip you of your living, the impropriating hir
benefices may not dispropriat the Kingdome of Heaven to you."

[Sidenote: fo. 51^b.

October, 1602.]

"A preacher of righteousnes" or a righteous preacher, such a one as Jo.
Baptist was; he preached, as all ought to doe, by his lyfe, by his
hands. By his lyfe; _vel non omnino vel moribus doceto._ He preached
amendement from synn, he preached the lawes of nature and the judgments
imminent, and as some thinke he preached Christ alsoe. And wee preache
the lawe of nature: doth not nature teache you, &c. Wee preache faythe:
then being justified by faythe. Wee preache the lawe of Moses: Christ
came not to breake but to fulfill the lawe. We preach righteousnes,
_semen et germen_, embued, endued, active, and contemplative,
justificacion and sanctificacion, primitiue and imputed, the one in
Christ absolute, the other in us. Righteousnes acted by Christ and
accepted by us, which is the true justifying righteousnes, and aboue all
the others.

The third example of Sodome and Gomorrhe. They were not condemned onely,
but condemned to be ouerthrowne, and soe ouerthrowne that they should be
turned, not into stones which might come togither againe, but into
ashes; neither soe onely, for there had bin some mitigacion, yf they
might soe have perished that they should not haue bin remembred, but
they must be an example to all posteritie. Their remembraunce must not
dye.

[Sidenote: fo. 52.

October, 1602.]

The cuntry is said to have bin a verry pleasaunt and fruitfull soyle,
but _terra bona, gens mala fuit_, and therefore it was destroyed with
fyre from a seven tymes hotter myne then that seven times heated ouen.
It was hell-fyre out of heaven, fire from coales that were neuer blowne,
it rayned fyre. As Kayne was sett as a marke to take heede of bloudshed,
soe are those places an example to the ungodly; there remaines untill
this day such a noysom water that some call it the Diuels Sea; others
the Sea of Brimstone, for the ill savour; the Dead Sea, for noe fishe
can liue in it, soe foule that noe uncleane thing can he clensed in it,
soe thicke a water that nothing can sinke into it. There are certaine
apples fayre to the eye which being touched in _fumum abeunt, tanquam
ardent adhuc, et olet adhuc incendio terra_. There is seen a cloud of
pitche and heapes of ashes at this daye, their woundes are not skinned
ouer, they appeare for ever.

[Sidenote: fo. 52^b.

October, 1602.]

"And deliuered just Lott." The word signified a kinde of force, as
though he had pulled him out; here is Lottes commendacion that he liued
amongst the wicked, and was not infected with them; _bonum esse cum
bonis non admodum laudabile_; _nihil est in Asia non fuisse, sed in Asia
continenter vixisse, eximium._ Soe was Abraham in Chaldea, Moses in the
Court of Pharao, and yet noe partakers of the synnes of those places,
"vexed with the uncleane conversacion." _Non veniat anima mea in
consilium eorum!_ The justice of Lott was professed enmity with the
wicked. When Martiall asked Nazianzeene but a question, Nazianzeene told
him he would not answere _nisi purgatus fuerit_. Wee must not say soe
much as "God saue them!" to the wicked. But our stomakes are to strong;
wee can digest to be drunke for companie, to rend the ayre with
prodigious oathes in a brauery, but not rend our garmentes in contrition
of heart; wee can telle howe to take 10 in the 100, nay 100 for 10, with
a secure conscience; this synne of usury is a synn against nature, like
the synn of Sodome. Wee will dissemble with the hyppocrite, temporise
with the politician, deride with the atheist. Men thinke nowe a dayes
that Arrianisme, Atheisme, Papisme, Libertinisme, may stand togither,
and like salt, oyle, and meale be put togither in a sacrifice. Their
conscience is sett in bonde, like Thamar when shee went to play the
harlott. They had rather haue the shrift of a popishe priest then heare
the holsome admonicion of a preacher; they have Metian, Suffetian
myndes; _Vertumni, Protei_; any relligion, every relligion will serve
their turne. Rome, that second Sodome, which still battlith our Church
and relligion, lett it charge hir wheirein the Gospel hath offended this
44 yeares, and at last it will appeare all hir fault wilbe noe more but
innocence and true godlines. _Est mihi supplicii causa fuisse piam_, &c.

God's mercy in particuler to our nation, in prosperity, in trade,
auoydaunce of forrein attempts, appeasing of inbred treasons and
dissensions, &c. soe that wee may say these 44 yeares of hir Majesties
happie government is the kalender of earthly felicity wherein the
Gospell hath growne old, yf not to old to some which begin to fall out
of love with it, but were it as newe as it was the first day of hir
Majesties entraunce, wee should hear them cry "Oh, howe beautifull are
the feete of those that bring glad tydyngs of salvacion!" _Eamus in
domum Domini_, &c. And lett us pray to Christ that, as the Evangelist
writes he did, soe the Gospell may _crescere ætate et gratia_.

"The rule followeth," saith he, "which I promised, but tyme and order
must rule me. It is but the summe of the examples, it is the same liquor
that ranne from those spouts and is nowe in this cysterne. It runnes
like that violl in the Gospell with wyne and oyle, wherewith Christ
cured the wounded travailer; it runnes like Christes syde, with water
and bloud, judgment and mercy; punishment and comfort," &c.

_Consciencia est coluber in domo, immo in sinu._


[Sidenote: fo. 53.

28 October, 1602.]

In the Chequer, Mr. Crooke,[110] the Recorder of London, standing at the
barr betweene the twoe Maiors, the succeeding on his right hand, and the
resigning on his left, made a speache after his fashion, wherin first he
exhorted the magistrates to good deserts in regard of the prayse or
shame that attends such men for their tyme well or ill imployed; then he
remembered manie hir Majesties fauours to the Citie, their greate and
beneficiall priviledges, their ornaments and ensignes of autoritie,
their choise out of their owne Companies, &c. "Great, and exceeding
great," said hee, "is hir Majesties goodnes to this City," for which he
remembred their humble due thankefulnes; next he briefly commended the
resigning Sir Jo. Jarrett,[111] saying that his owne performances were
speaking wittnesses for him, and the succeeding, for the good hope, &c.:
and then, showing howe this maior, Mr. Lee, had bin chosen by the free
and generall assent of the Citye, he presented him to that honourable
Court, praying their accustomable allowaunce.

    [Footnote 110: Afterwards Sir John Croke, Recorder of London from
    1595 to 1603, Speaker of the House of Commons in 1601, and a Judge
    of the King's Bench under James I. (Foss's Judges, vi. 130.)]

    [Footnote 111: Sir John Garrett or Garrard.]

The Lord Chief Baron Periam comended the Recorders speache, and
recommended hir Majesties singular benefits to their thankefull
consideracions, admonished that their might be some monethly strict
searche be made in the Cytie for idle persons and maisterles men,
whereof there were, as he said, at this tyme 30,000 in London; theise
ought to be found out and well punished, for they are the very scumme of
England, and the sinke of iniquitie, &c.

[Sidenote: fo. 53^b.

28 October 1602.]

The Lord Treasurer, L. Buckhurst,[112] spake sharpely and earnestly,
that of his certaine knowledge there were two thinges hir Majestie is
desyrous should be amended. There hath bin warning given often tymes,
yet the commaundement still neglected. They are both matters of
importaunce, and yf they be not better looked vnto the blame wilbe
insupportable, and their answere inexcusable. The former is, nowe in
this time of plenty to make prouision of corne to fill the magazines of
the Citie, as well for suddein occasions as for prouision for the poore
in tyme of dearth: this he aduised the maior to have speciall care of,
and to amend their neglect by diligence, while their fault sleepes in
the bosome of hir Majesties clemency. The other matter was the erecting
and furnishing hospitals. Theise were thinges must be better regarded
then they have bin: otherwise, howesoever he honour the Cytie in his
priuat person, yet it is his dutie in regard of his place to call them
to accompt for it.

    [Footnote 112: Thomas Sackville, poet and statesman; Lord Buckhurst,
    1567-1604, Earl of Dorset, 1604-1608, and Lord Treasurer,
    1599-1608.]


[Sidenote: fo. 54.

27 Oct. 1602.]

Thou carest not for me, thou scornest and spurnest me, but yet, like
those which play at footeball, spurne that which they runne after.
(_Hoste to his wife._)


Wee call an hippocrite a puritan, in briefe, as by an ironized terme a
good fellow meanes a thiefe. (_Albions England._)


[Sidenote: 28.]

He lives by throwing a payre of dice, and breathing a horse sometyme,
_i. e._ by cheatinge and robbinge. (_Towse nar._ [?]).


    _In Patres Jesuitas.
           Tute mares vitias, non uxor, non tibi scortum,
           Dic Jesuita mihi, quî potes esse pater?_


When there was a speach concerning a peace to be made with Spayne, a
lusty cauallier at an ordinary swore he would be hangd yf there were a
peace with Spaine, for which words he was sent for to the Court, and
chargd as a busie medler, and a seditious fellowe; he aunswered, he
meant noe such matter as they imagined; but he ment plainely that
because himselfe was a man of armes, yf wee should haue a peace he
should want employment, and then must take a purse, and soe he was sure
he should be hanged yf there were a peace with Spaine. (_Mr. Gorson._)


One said the Recorder was the mouth of the Cytie; then the City hath a
black mouth, said Harwell, for he is a verry blacke man.


[Sidenote: fo. 54^b.]

OCTOBER 31. AT PAULES

Dr. Dene [?] made a Sermon against the excessiue pride and vanitie of
women in apparraile, &c., which vice he said was in their husbands power
to correct. This man the last tyme he was in this place taught that a
man could not be divorced from his wife, though she should commit
adultery.

He reprehended Mr. Egerton, and such an other popular preacher, that
their auditory, being most of women, abounded in that superfluous vanity
of appa[raile].


AT THE TEMPLE CHURCH

One Mr. Irland, whoe about some three yeares since was a student of the
Middle Temple, preached upon this text: "Thy fayth hath saued the, goe
thy waye in peace."

The Persians had a lawe, that when any nobleman offended, himselfe was
neuer punished, but they tooke his clothes, and when they had beaten
them they gave them vnto him againe; soe when mans soule had synned,
Christ took our flesh upon him, which is as it were the apparaile of the
soule, and when it had been beaten he gave it us againe.


In the afternoone Mr. Marbury of the Temple, text xxi. Isay. 5 v. &c.
But I may not write what he said, for I could not heare him, he
pronunces in manner of a common discourse. Wee may streatche our eares
to catch a word nowe and then, but he will not be at the paynes to
strayne his voyce, that wee might gaine one sentence.


[Sidenote: fo. 55.

Octob. 1602.]

I love not to heare the sound of the sermon, except the preacher will
tell me what he says. I thinke many of those which are fayne to stand
without dores at the sermon of a preacher whom the multitude throng
after may come with as greate a deuotion as some that are nearer, yet I
beleeve the most come away as I did from this, scarse one word the
wiser.


[Sidenote: fol. 55^b.

1 Nov. 1602.]

A preacher in Cambridge said that manie in their universitie had long
beards and short wittes, were of greate standing and small
vnderstandinge; the world sayth _Bonum est nobis esse hic_, and _Soluite
asinum_, for the Lorde hath neede of him; the good schollers are kept
downe in the vniuersitie, while the dunces are preferred. (_Cosen Willis
narr._)


One Clapham, a preacher in London, said the diuell was like a fidler,
that comes betymes in the morning to a mans windowe to call him vp
before he hath any mynde to rise, and there standes scraping a long
tyme, till the window opens, and he gets a peece of syluer, and then he
turnes his backe, puts up his pipe and away; soe the diuel waites in
Gods presence till he hath gotten some imployment, which he lookt for,
and then he goes from the face of God.


[Sidenote: 2.]

Suspicion is noe proofe, nor jealousy an equall judge.


[Sidenote: 1.]

Dr. Withers, a black man, preached in Paules this day, his text Mark ix.
2, &c.


Of the transfiguracion of Christ: whereby, first, we learne to contemne
earth and the pleasure thereof, in regard of the heauenly glory wee
shall receiue. 2ndly. by the hope of this glorie the paynes of this lyfe
are eased. 3dly. by this transfiguracion of Christ wee are taught that
he suffered the indignitie of the Crosse not by imposed necessitie, but
of his owne good will and pleasure.

In that he tooke but three disciples it may be collected that all
thinges are not at the first to be published to all men, but first to
some fewe and after to others.

[Sidenote: fo. 56.

1 Nov. 1602.]

He tooke them vp into a mountaine, to shewe their thoughtes and hopes
must be higher then the earth; lifted vp to the heauens like a cloud.
The mountaine was high and alone. Two principall points of regard in a
fortificacion; that it be difficult of accesse, and far from an other
that may annoy it. The glory of Christ's kingdome is hard to be
attayned, the way is steepe and high, _facilis descensus Averni, sed
revocare gradum superasque euadere ad auras, hic labor, hoc opus est_,
and it can not be equalled by anie.

The lyfe of a Christian is like Moses serpent, which was terrible to
looke vpon in the forepart, but take it by the tayle and it became a
rodd to slay him; soe yf we consider onely the present miseries of this
lyfe, which usually accompanied a true Christian, it would terrifie a
man from the profession; but take it by the tayle, looke to the ende and
glory that wee hope for, and it is lyfe incomparably most to be desyred.

Paule sayth our body shall rise a spirituall body, not a body that
shalbe a spirit, for spirits are noe bodies: but a body glorious,
nimble, incorruptible as a spirit.

"At that day," sayth the Prophet, "the moone shall shine as the sunne,
and the sunne shall be seven times as bright;" the unconstant condicion
of man is compared to the moone, and Christ is the sunn of righteousnes,
&c.

[Sidenote: fo. 56^b.

Nov. 1602.]

Christ carried them into a mountayne apart, for commonly the multitude
is like a banquet whether every one brings his part of wickednes and
vice, and soe by contagion infect one an other.

It was a wonder howe the glorious diuinity could dwell in flesh, and not
showe his brightnes; but it was the pleasure of the Almightie to eclipse
the splendor with the vayle of our body, but here like the sunne out
[of] a cloud he breaketh forth, and his glory appeareth.


[Sidenote: fo. 57.

4 Nov.]

Barker told certaine gent. in the buttry that one of the benchers had
sometime come downe for a lesse noyse: "Soe he may nowe too, I think,"
said Whitlocke, "for I thinke he may finde a lesse noyse anie where in
the house then here is."


[Sidenote: 5.]

Mrs. Gibbes seing a straunger's horse in their yard, asked a thrasher,
"Whose horse?" He told hir. "Wherefore comes he?" "Wherefore should he
come," said he, "but to buy witt?" (_viz._ a clyent to the counsellor.)
(_Mr. Gibbes._)

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: 5.]

Mr. Curle told me he heard of certaine that Mr. Cartwright[113] comming
to a certaine goodfellowe that was chosen to be Maior of [a] towne, told
him soe plainely, and with such a spirit, of his dissolute and drunken
life, howe vnfit for the office to governe others when he could not rule
himselfe, &c. that the man fell presently into a swound, and within thre
dayes dyed. Whether Cartwrightes vehemency, the manes conceit, or both
wrought in him, it was verry straunge. Happened in Warwickshire.

    [Footnote 113: _Qu._ Thomas Cartwright, the leader of the Puritans.
    He was at this time master of a hospital at Warwick, where he died
    in 1603.]


[Sidenote: fo. 57^b.

4 Nov. 1602.]

Mr. Hadsor[114] told Mr. Curle and me that he heard lately forth of
Irland, that whereas on Burke, whoe followes the Lord Deputy, had
obteyned the graunt of a country in Irland in consideracion of his good
seruice, and this by meanes of Sir Robert Cecile, vpon Sir Robert
Gardneres certificat vnder his hand, and all this after passed and
perfected according to the course in the courts in Irland. Nowe of late
an other Burke, one of greate commaund and a dangerous person yf he
should breake out, hearing of this graunt, envyed, grudged, and
vpbrayded his owne deserts, intimating as much as yf others of meaner
worth were soe well regarded and himselfe neglected, he ment perhaps to
give the slip and try his fortune on the other party. The Lord Deputy
having intelligence hereof, and foreseeing the perilous consequence yf
he should breake out, sent for the otheres patent, as desyrous to peruse
the forme of the graunt, but when he had it he kept it; and, upon aduise
with the Counsaile, cancelled both the patent and the whole record, to
preuent the rebellion like to ensue upon the graunt. A strange
president.

    [Footnote 114: Richard Hadsor, of the Middle Temple, occurs
    frequently among the State Papers of James I. and Charles I. as a
    person in communication with the government on Irish affairs. We
    shall find further particulars respecting him hereafter.]


Sir Robert commends none but will be sure to haue the same under the
hand of some other, on whome, yf it fall out otherwise. then was
suggested or expected, the blame may be translated. (_Idem._)


He told further that Mr. Plowden[115] had such a checke as he neuer
chancd [?] of, for saying to a circumuenting justice of peace, upon
demand made what were to be done in such a case, that by the lawe
neither a justice nor the counsell could committ anie to prison without
a cause, vpon their pleasure.

    [Footnote 115: Probably Edmund Plowden, the author of the Reports,
    whose connection with the Middle Temple is commemorated by a range
    of buildings which bears his name.]


[Sidenote: fo. 58.

3 Nov. 1602.]

Mr. Gardner of Furnivales Inne told howe that Mr. King, preacher at St.
Androes in Holborne, beinge earnestly intreated to make a sermon at the
funerals of [a] gent, of their house, because the gent. desyred he
should be requested, made noe better nor other aunswer, but told them
plainely he was not beholding to that house nor anie of the Innes of
Chauncery, and therefore would not. He is greived it seemes because the
gents. of the Innes come and take up roomes in his churche, and pay not
as other his parishioners doe. He is soe highly esteemed of his
auditors, that when he went to Oxeford[116] they made a purse for his
charges, and at his return rode forth to meete him, and brought him into
towne with ringing, etc.

    [Footnote 116: He was of Christ Church. The occasion alluded to was
    perhaps on his proceeding D.D., which he did in this year, 1602.
    Wood says that he had so excellent a volubility of speech that Sir
    Edward Coke would often say of him that he was the best speaker in
    the Star Chamber in his time. (Ath. Oxon. ii. 295.)]


[Sidenote: 6.]

6. I heard that the Earl of Northumberland liues apart againe from his
lady nowe shee hath brought him an heire, which he sayd was the soder of
their reconcilement; he liues at Sion house with the child, and plays
with it, being otherwise of a verry melancholy spirit.[117]

    [Footnote 117: Henry, the ninth Earl of Northumberland, known as the
    Wizard Earl, and remembered for his fifteen years' imprisonment in
    the Tower. His wife was Dorothy, daughter of Walter Devereux, the
    first Earl of Essex of that family, and widow of Sir Thomas Perrott.
    The child here alluded to must have been Algernon, the tenth Earl,
    who is stated by Collins to have been baptised on the 13th Oct.
    1602. (Peerage, ed. Brydges, ii. 346.)]


A gentlewoman which had bin to see a child that was sayd to be possessed
with the diuel, told howe she had lost hir purse while they were at
prayer. "Oh," said a gent. "not vnlikely, for you forgott halfe your
lesson; Christ bad you watch and pray, and you prayed onely; but, had
you watched as you prayed, you might have kept your purse still." (_W.
Scott nar._)


[Sidenote: 5.]

"I was muzeled in my pleading," said Mr. Martin, when he was out, and
could not well open.


"He will clogg a man with a jeast, he will neuer leaue you till he hath
told it." (_Of Mr. L._)


[Sidenote: fo. 58^b.

November 6.]

Mr. Overbury, telling howe a knave had stolne his cloke out of his
chamber, said the villeine had gotten a cloke for his knavery.


One said of a foule face, it needes noe maske, it is a maske it selfe.
"Nay," said another, "it hath neede of a maske to hide the deformitie."


I heard that Dr. Redman, Bishop of Norwiche,[118] Dr. Juel, professor at
. . . . .[119] in the Low Cuntryes, and Mr. Perkins of Cambridge,[120]
all men of note, are dead of late.

    [Footnote 118: Dr. William Redman, Bishop from 1594 until his death
    on 25th Sept. 1602. (Hardy's Le Neve, ii. 470.)]

    [Footnote 119: Blank in MS.]

    [Footnote 120: William Perkins, of Christ Church, Cambridge, and
    minister of St. Andrew's in that town; the well-known Calvinistic
    divine.]


The preacher at the Temple said, that he which offereth himselfe to God,
that is, which mortifieth and leaueth his pleasures and affection to
serue God, doth more then Abraham did when he offered to sacrifice his
sonne, for there is none but loues himself more dearly then his owne
children.


[Sidenote: 10.]

The embasing of the coyne for Irland hath brought them almost to a
famine, for the Queen hath received backe as muche as shee coyned; they
haue none other left, and for that none will bring anie victuall vnto
them. (_Mr. Curle nar._)


I heard that the French King hath reteined the Sythers [Switzers?] for
8,000_l._ present and 3,000_l._ annuall, [and] hath sold divers townes
to the Duke of Bulloine, whoe means to be on the part of the Archduke
for them.


"I was brought up as my frends were able; when manners were in the hall
I was in the stable," quoth my laundres, when I told hir of hir saucy
boldnes.


[Sidenote: fo. 59.

10 November.]

Mr. Curle demaunded of Wake a marke which he layd out for him when they
rede with the reader; his aunswere was he lived upon exhibicion, he
could not tell whether his friends would allowe him soe much for that
purpose. (_Sordide._)

Soe soone as they began to rate the charges at St. Albans awaye startes
hee. "He did justly, a dog would not tarry when you rate him," said L.


Mr. Blunt, a great gamester, marvellous franke, and a blunt cauelier.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: 8.]

Mr. Bacon, in giving evidence in the Lord Morleys case for the forrest
of Hatfield, said it had alwayes flowne an high pitche; _i. e._ hath bin
allwayes in the hands of greate men.


The first Lord Riche was Lord Chauncellor of England in Edward VI.'s
tyme[121] (_Bacon._)

    [Footnote 121: Robert Lord Rich, Lord Chancellor from 1547 to 1551.]

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: 12.]

In the Starr Chamber, when Mr. Moore urged in defense of attournies that
followed suites out of their proper courts, that it was usuall and
common; the Lord Keeper said, "_Multitudo peccantium pudorem tollit, non
peccatum_."


"Ha! the divel goe with the," said the Bishop of L. to his boule when
himselfe ran after it. (_Mr. Cu._)


[Sidenote: fo. 59^b.

November, 1602.]

"Size ace will not, deux ace cannot, quater tree must," quothe
Blackborne, when he sent for wine; a common phrase of subsidies and such
taxes, the greate ones will not, the little ones cannot, the meane men
must pay for all.


The old Lord Treasurers witt was as it seemes of Borrowe Englishe
tenure, for it descended to his younger sonne, Sir Robert.


A nobleman on horsebacke with a rable of footmen about him is but like
a huntsman with a kennell of houndes after him.

       *       *       *       *       *

The Dutch which lately stormed the galleys which our ships had first
battered, deserve noe more credit then a lackey for pillaging of that
dead body which his maister had slayne. (_Sir Robert Mansell._)


_Sequitur sua poena nocentem._


Bacon said that the generall rules of the lawe were like cometes, and
wandring stars. Mr. Attorney [Coke] said rather they were like the
sunne; they have light in themselves, and give light to others, whereas
the starrs are but _corpora opaca_.

The Attorney said he could make a lamentable argument for him in the
remainder that is prejudiced by the act of the particular tenant; but it
would be said of him as of Cassandra, when he had spoken much he should
not be believed.


A difference without a diuersitie, a curiosity.


Vennar, a gent. of Lincolnes, who had lately playd a notable
cunnicatching tricke, and gulled many under couller of a play to be of
gent. and reuerens, comming to the court since in a blacke suit, bootes
and golden spurres without a rapier, one told him he was not well
suited; the golden spurres and his brazen face uns[uited?]


[Sidenote: fo. 60.

November, 1602.]

A vehement suspicion may not be a judicial condemnacion: the Lord Keeper
said he would dimisse one as a partie vehemently suspected, then
judicially condemned [_sic_].

The callender of women saynts was full long agoe.

       *       *       *       *       *

    A womans love is river-like, which stopt doth overflowe,
    But when the river findes noe lett, it often runnes too lowe.


[Sidenote: 14.]

An hypocrite or puritan is like a globe, that hath all in _conuexo,
nihil in concauo_, all without painted, nothing within included. (_Mr.
Curle._)


About some three yeares since there were certayne rogues in Barkeshire
which usually frequented certaine shipcoates every night. A justice
having intelligence of their rablement, purposing to apprehend them,
went strong, and about midnight found them in the shipcoate, some six
couple men and women dauncing naked, the rest lying by them; divers of
them taken and committed to prison. (_Mr. Pigott._)


_Posies for a jet ring lined with sylver._

"One two:" soe written as you may begin with either word.

"This one ring is two," or both sylver and jet make but one ring; the
body and soule one man; twoe frends one mynde.

"_Candida mens est_," the sylver resembling the soule, being the inner
part.

"_Bell' ame bell' amy_," a fayre soule is a fayre frend, &c.

"Yet fayre within."

"The firmer the better;" the sylver the stronger and the better.


_Mille modis læti miseros mors una fatigat._

       *       *       *       *       *[122]

    [Footnote 122: We have here ventured to omit seven pages of extracts
    from an academical oration by Thomas Stapleton the controversialist,
    "_An Politici horum temporum in numero Christianorum sint habendi_,"
    printed among his works.]

[Sidenote: November, 1602.

fo. 64^b.]

Yf foure or five assist one which kills another, the lawe sayth they
shall all be hanged, because they have deprivd the Queene of a subject;
but is this a way to preserve the Queens subjects, when there is one
slayne already, to hang up four or five more out of the way? Is this to
punishe the fact or the State? (_Benn._)


[Sidenote: 16.]

    Goe little booke, I envy not thy lott,
    Though thou shall goe where I my selfe cannot.


[Sidenote: 18.]

One would needes knowe of a philosopher what reason there was that a man
should be in love with beauty; the other made noe other answer, but told
him it was a blind mans question. Soe one wondered what sweetenes men
found in musicke they were soe much delighted in, an other said it was
but the doubt of a deaf man, &c.


"_Flumen orationis, micam vero habuit rationis_," hee had a streame of
wordes, but scarce a drop of witt.


Beauty more excellent then many virtues, for it makes itselfe more
knowne: noe sooner seene but admired, whereas one may looke long enough
upon a man before he can tell what virtue is in him, untill some
occasion be offered to shew them.


[Sidenote: 28.]

Captaine Whitlocke, a shuttlecock: flyes up and downe from one nobleman
to an other, good for nothing but to make sport, and help them to loose
tyme.[123]

    [Footnote 123: See page 60.]


[Sidenote: fo. 65.

14 November, 1602.]

DR. DAWSON _of Trinity in Cambridge_, AT PAULES CROSSE.

His text, vii. Isay. 10. All the while he prayed he kept on his velvet
night cap untill he came to name the Queene, and then of went that to,
when he had spoken before both of and to God with it on his head.

Yf Godes words will not move us, neither will his workes. If _dixit_
will not perswade, neither can _fecit_ induce us.

A regall not a righteous motive.

Puts on the visard of hypocrisie.

_Omne bonum a Deo bono_, as all springs from their offspring the sea.

Judge the whole by part, as merchants sell their wares, the whole butt
by a tast of a pint, &c.

Jobs patience compared to Gods not soe muche as a drop to the sea, or a
mote to the whole earth.

Sinfull man approching Gods presence is not consumed as the stuble with
the fyre, because man is Gods worke, and Gods mercy is ouer all his
workes.

What will you make me like unto, or what will you make like unto me,
saith God.

_Scriptura discentem non docentem respicit_, and therefore penned in a
plaine and easie manner.

_Essentia operis est potentia creatoris._ Here he stumbled into an
invective against contempt of ministers, and impoverishing the clergy.
Pharoes dreame is revived, the leane kine eate up the fatt, and were
never the fatter. Laymens best liuings were the Church livings; yet the
gentry come to beggery.

[Sidenote: fo. 65^b.

14 November, 1602.]

_Magnum solatium est magnum supplicium a magno impositum_; but
intollerable when the basest make it their cheife grace to disgrace the
ministers.

Christ calls them the light of the world, and they are the children of
darknes that would blowe it out.

Pride is a greate cause of unthankefullnes, when he shall thinke _omne
datum esse tuum officium et suum meritum_.

Bishop Bonner made bonefires of the bones of saints and martyres in
Queen Maries days.

Praysd our happy gouernment for peace and religion; and soe ended.


[Sidenote: fo. 66.

21 November, 1602.]

Though a fashion of witt in writing may last longer then a fashion in a
sute of clothes, yet yf a writer live long, and change not his fashion,
he may perhaps outlive his best credit. It were good for such a man to
dy quickly. (_Of Dr. Reynolds; Th. Cranmer._)


Reynolds esteemes it his best glorie to quote an author for every
sentence, nay almost every syllable; soe he may indeede shewe a great
memory but small judgment. Alas, poore man! he does as yf a begger
should come and pouer all his scraps out of his wallet at a riche mans
table. He had done what he could, might tell where he had begd this
peece and that peece, but all were but a beggerly shewe. He takes a
speciall grace to use an old worne sentence, as though anie would like
to be served with cockcrowen pottage,[124] or a man should like delight
to have a garment of shreeds. (_Cra. and I._)

    [Footnote 124: "Cock-crown. Poor pottage. _North._" Halliwell, Arch.
    Dict. i. 260.]


The old deane of Paules, Nowell, told Dr. Holland that he did _onerare_,
not _honorare, eum laudibus_.


That which men doe naturally they doe more justly; subiects naturally
desire liberty, for all things tend to their naturall first state, and
all were naturally free without subjection; therefore the subiect may
more justly seeke liberty then the prince incroach upon his liberty.
(_Th. Cran._)


Lucian, after a great contention amongst the gods which should have the
first place, the Grecian challenging the prioritie for their curious
workmanship, though their stuff were not soe rich, the other for the
richnes of their substaunce, though they were less curious; at last he
determines, the richer must be first placed, and the virtuous next.
(_Th. Cran._)


[Sidenote: fo. 66^b.

21 Nov. 1602.]

Jo. Marstone the last Christmas he daunct with Alderman Mores wiues
daughter, a Spaniard borne. Fell into a strang commendacion of hir witt
and beauty. When he had done, shee thought to pay him home, and told him
she though[t] he was a poet. "'Tis true," said he, "for poets fayne and
lye, and soe dyd I when I commended your beauty, for you are exceeding
foule."


Mr. Tho. Egerton, the Lord Keeper's sonne,[125] brake a staff gallantly
this tilting; there came a page skipping, "Ha, well done yfayth!" said
he, "your graundfather never ranne such a course." (_In novitatem._)

    [Footnote 125: Perhaps grandson, son to Sir John Egerton, the Lord
    Keeper's eldest son and successor. Sir Thomas Egerton, the Lord
    Keeper's eldest son, died in Ireland in 1599. It may be doubtful
    whether the "Tho." in the MS. was not intended to be erased.]


"His mouth were good to make a mouse trap;" of one that smels of
chese-eating.


A good plaine fellowe preacht at night in the Temple Churche; his text,
lxxxvi Psal. v. 11, "Teache me thy wayes, O Lord, and I will walk in thy
truth."

1. Note David's wisdome in desyring knowledge before all things. 2. Our
ignoraunce that must be taught. 3. Our imperfection. David was an old
scholler in Gods schole, and yet desyred to be taught. 4. Thy wayes; not
false decretals, &c. nor lying legends, &c.

Soe soone as the Arke came into the Temple the idol Dagon fell downe and
brake its necke; when God enters into our harts our idol synnes must be
cast out.


AT PAULES CROSSE

[Sidenote: fo. 67.

21 Nov. 1602.]

MR. FENTON, reader of Gray's Inn. His text, Luke xix. 9, "This day is
salvacion come unto this house: insoemuch as this man also is become the
sonne of Abraham." This is an absolution, and a rule of it, 1. He that
pronounceth the absolution is Christ; 2. The person absolued is Zachee.
An example that may most move this auditorie to followe Christ; since
this man was rich and a ruler of the people, whereas the most of them
that followed Christ had nothing to loose; 3. The ground of his
absolucion, that he was the sonne of Abraham, which he proved to Christ
by his fayth, to the world by his works. He observed 5 parts: 1. The
nature of the absolution, that it is a declaracion of saluacion. 2. By
whom it is declared, viz. by Christ. 3. How far it extended, to Zachee
and his family. 4. Upon what ground, that is, his fayth and repentaunce.
5. Howe soone, "This day."

Saluacion is come; wee are not able to seeke it; therefore Christ sayd,
"Enter into thy fathers joy;" for wee are not capable that it should
enter into us; but enter into that joy as the bucket into the fountayne.
Yf he should endeauour to prefix a preface for attention, he could not
finde a better then to tell them he must tell them of saluation. None
under the degree of an angell was thought worthie to publishe the first
tydinges of it to a fewe shepheards.

[Sidenote: fo. 67^b.

21 Nov. 1602.]

Noe preacher able to giue his auditorie a tast of saluacion. It is one
thing to forgive, another thing to declare forgivenes of synnes; the
former is personall, and that Christ carried to heaven with him, the
other ministeriall, and that he left behinde to his disciples and
apostles; "Whose synnes you binde shallbe bound, whose synnes you remitt
shalbe loosed."

The raysing of Lazarus, a resemblaunce of absolucion. Lazarus had layen
three dayes when Christ came to rayse him; he bad him come out; here is
his voyce, which being seconded by divine power restored him to lyfe;
soe the word of God preached to a synner, being seconded with divine
grace, rayseth the synner.

Popishe priests and Jesuites play fast and loose with mens consciences.

Jesuites come into riche mens houses, not to bring them salvacion, but
because there is something to be fisht for. Jesus and the Church wee
knowe; but whoe are these? Soe they are sent away naked and torne, like
those presumptuous fellowes that would have cast out diuels in Christs
name without his leaue, and the God of heaven will laugh them to scorne.

[Sidenote: fo. 68.

21 Nov. 1602.]

Not all poore blessed, but the poore in spirit onely; nor all rich
cursed, but the riche in this world onely; for here is Zache blessed.
Howsoever Christs words import a greate difficulty for rich men to enter
into heauen, when, after he had compared heauen gate to a needles eye,
and the rich man to a cammel, hee aunswered his disciples words, that
all things are possible with God, and as though it were a miracle with
men. Hardly can he runne after Christ when his hart is lockt vp in his
coffer. But the scripture tells us there is a rich Abraham in heaven, as
well as a Dives in hell. Yf anie have inriched themselves by forged
cauillacion lett them not despayre, for soe did Zache. Yf anie have a
place that he must have vnder him as many officers as Briareus had
hands, through whose hands many things may be ill carried, lett him not
be discouraged, for soe had Zache. Yf anie be branded with infamie lett
him yet be comforted by the example of Zache, for soe was hee, and yet
became a true Christian.

Saluacion came unto Zache by a threefold conveyaunce: 1. By his riches,
which to the good are sacramentes of His favor. 2. That himself being
conuert, his whole family was soe; the servants and attendants are the
shaddowes of their master; they moue at his motion. 3. That all his
househould was blessed for his sake; such are the braunches as the
roote; the whole lumpe was made holie by the first fruits.

Thrice happie land, whose prince is the daughter of Abraham, crowning
it with the sacraments of temporall blessings. Add, O Lord! this
blessing, that hir dayes may be multiplied as the starres of heaven.

[Sidenote: fo. 68^b.

21. Nov. 1602.]

To become the sonne of Abraham is to receive the image of Abraham. He
hath two images, his fayth, and his workes. Imitate him: 1. In rejoycing
in God, as Simeon did when he had Christ in his armes, and this joy made
the burden seeme light to the lame man when he carried his bed, after
Christ had cured him. 2. In hospitallitie he received angels, and
amongst them God, for one was called Jehoua. 3. In despising to growe
rich by ill meanes. Sodome could not make him rich, because he would not
have it said that the diuel had made him riche.

There is none but would spend the best bloud in his body, and stretch
his verry hart strings, to be made sure of his salvacion; but the matter
is easier, you must stretch your purse-strings, and restore what you
have gotten wrongefully, otherwise noe security of saluacion.

A peremptory to conclude before his premisses.

[Sidenote: fo. 69.

21 Nov. 1602.]

What motives to restitution. Should I propound the rigor of the lawe,
you will say that is taken away by the gospell. Should I sett before you
the commendable examples of such as professed restitution, you will
alledge your owne imperfection--they were perfect and rare men, wee must
not look for such perfection. Shall I tell you there are but four crying
synnes, and this is one of them--"The syn of them that have taken from
others by fraud or violence cryeth before the Lord of Hosts," as though
nothing could appease but vengeance. Yet, you will say, though the syn
be heynous, yet the mercy of God is over all his workes, and there is
more virtue in the seede of the woman to heale then there can be poison
in the serpent to hurt us. And God forgiueth all upon repentaunce. 'Tis
true God absolueth the penitent, but upon condicion that he restore the
pledge that he withheld, and that which he hath robbed. But may not this
be dispensed withall by the gospell? The shaddowe points at the truthe.
In the v. of Numbers, 7 [v.] besides the ransom for the attonement, the
goods that were deteyned must be restored. Christ resembleth the ram,
&c. _Ob._ Hath not Christ paid all our debts for us? Yes, but such as
thou couldst not pay thyselfe; he hath satisfied God for thy syn, and
thou must satisfie thy brother for the wrong thou hast done him yf thou
beest able, otherwise thou must look for noe absolucion, for without
repentaunce and amendment noe absolucion, and without restitution no
true repentaunce. It may be you will say you are sorry for that you have
gayned wrongfully, and meane to doe soe noe more. This is noe true
sorrowe nor sufficient repentaunce, for soe long as you reteine the
thing, there is a continuaunce of the syn, for thou holdest that
willingly which was gotten wrongfully. Surely yf a theife had taken your
purse, and should tell you he were sorry, but could not finde in his
heart to give you it againe, you would thinke he did but mocke you. But
be not deceived, God will not be mocked. Glaunces make noe impression.
There is a worldly sorrowe, and there is a godly sorrowe. Soe long as
the goods are retained _poeitentia non agitur sed fingitur_. But
_pænitentia vera non est pænitenda_. But you will say, yf I should make
restitution I should empty manie of my bags, and make a greate hole in
my lands, and this would make me sorry againe; but this is worldly. Soe
there would followe a certaine kinde of shame upon restitucion; but the
point is to resolve first to restore, and then doubt not but the wisdome
of God will cause you to restore without shame, as the cunning of the
diuel made you gett without shame.

[Sidenote: fo. 69.

21 Nov. 1602.]

This day. When God came to reprehend and denounce judgment against Adam
in Paradise, it is sayd he walked; but when he comes with saluacion he
comes with hindes feet swiftly. This day. Against procrastinacion and
deferring repentaunce. It is a fearefull saying, they shall striue to
enter in and cannot, because they came not soone enough; too many think
they have the Spirit of God in a string, and are able to dispatch all
while the bell is tolling. But God sayth, they shall cry, but I will not
hear them; then they shall seeke me earely, but they shall not finde me,
because they cry and seeke too late. The example of the theife on the
crosse is noe example. It was a miracle, that Christ might shewe the
power of his diuinity in his greatest humiliacion: besides, the theife
had moe and greater graces then manie of the disciples at that time, for
some had forsaken and none durst confesse him. And besydes, he were but
a desperat theife that would presume because the prince had graunted one
pardon.

Outward actions of Christ point at inward and spirituall matters; the
raysing of Lazarus that had bin dead three dayes was with great
difficulty. Christ was fayne to cry out and grone ere he could get him
up. And the disciples could not cast out the diuel that had possessed
the man from his infancy. And when Christ cast him out it was with
wonderfull tormentinges to the possessed; soe dangerous delay, for the
difficulty to repent, syn growing as deare as old, &c.


[Sidenote: fo. 70.

22 Nov. 1602.]

I heard that one Daniel, an Italian, having appeached one Mowbray, a
Scott, of treason against his King, Mowbray challenged the combat, and
it was appointed to be foughten.


[Sidenote: 25.]

Lord Cheife Baron Manwood[126] understanding that his sonne had sold his
chayne to a goldsmith, sent for the goldsmith, willed him to bring the
chayne, enquired where he bought it. He told, in his house. The Baron
desyred to see it, and put it in his pocket, telling him it was not
lawefully bought. The goldsmith sued the Lord, and, fearing the issue
would proue against him, obtained the counsels letters to the Lord, whoe
answered, "_Malas causas habentes semper fugiunt ad potentes. Ubi non
valet veritas, prevalet authoritas. Currat lex, Vivat Rex_, and soe fare
you well, my Lords;" but he was committ. (_Curle._)

    [Footnote 126: 1578-1603. (Foss's Judges, v. 516.)]


    Take heed of your frend;
      You are in the right----
    Your foe strikes by day,
      Your freind in the night.


Mr. Nichols, of Eastwell in Kent, wrote a booke which he called the Plea
of Innocents;[127] wherin it seemes he hath taken vpon him the defense
of Puritans more then he ought, for I heard that he is deprived, and
must be degraded for it, besides imprisonment and perpetuall silence,
before the High Commissioners at Lambeth.

    [Footnote 127: The title of the book is "The Plea of the Innocent:
    wherein is averred That the Ministers and People falslie termed
    Puritanes are iniuriouslie slaundered for enemies or troublers of
    the State." 12mo. 1602. The author, Josias Nichols, was instituted
    to the rectory of Eastwell in 1580, deprived 1603, but buried there
    May 16, 1639. Hasted's Kent, fol. edit. iii. 203.]


Women, because they cannot have their wills when they dye, they will
have their wills while they live.


[Sidenote: 27.]

Dum spero pereo. (_J. Couper's motto._)

       *       *       *       *       *

John Sweete: wee shine to:--a companie of stars about the moone. (_His
devise._)


[Sidenote: fo. 70^b.

27 Nov. 1602.]

There were called to the bar by parliament, Shurland, Branstone,
Bradnum, Bennet, Gibbes, Jeanor, Rivers, Paget, Horton, and Crue.


The diuine, the lawyer, and the physicion must all have these three
things, reason, experience, and autority, but eache in a severall
degree; the diuine must begin with the autoritie of scripture, the
lawyer rely upon reason, and the physicion trust to experience.


    The happiest lyfe that I can fynd,
    Is sweete content in a setled mynd.

       *       *       *       *       *

Serjeant Harris, standing on day at the common place barr with the other
sergeants, and hauing scarce clients enough to hold motion,--"They talke
of a call of sergeants," said he, "but for ought I can see wee had more
neede of a call of clients."

When one said that Vennar the graund connicatcher had golden spurres and
a brasen face, "It seemes," said R. R., "he hath some mettall in him."

A proud man is like a rotten egge, which swymmes above his betters.


[Sidenote: fo. 71.

28 Nov. 1602.]

AT PAULES,

MR. TOLSON of Queenes Colledge in Cambridge; his text in Ephes. v. 25:
"As Christ alsoe hath loved the Church, and hath given himself for hir,
that he might sanctifie it."

The blessinges of God to man are infinit and exceeding gracious; many
being giuen which we knowe not of, many before wee aske them, manie
which wee are unthankefull for; but of all this gift is most admirable,
most inestimable, Christ gave himselfe.

He considered the person giving, the party receiving.

There is noe creature soe base and little but if it be considered with
reason it may shewe, as were written in greate caractars, that there is
a God.

God is infinit and eternall, therefore can be but one in essence. One
person doth not differ from another really in the essence of deity. Yet
each person differeth really from other, and haue their proper personall
operacions not common to all. Soe here Christ is said to have giuen
himselfe, that is, the person of the sonne of God, perfect God and
perfect man; he gave not his body, nor his soule, nor his whole
humanitie onely,--for if all the creatures in the world were heaped up
togither to be giuen, they were noe sufficient sacrifice to satisffie
the justice of God,--but he gave himselfe, his whole person.

But two deaths of the soule, synn and eternall damnacion; to affirme
that the soule of Christ suffered either were horrible blasphemie.

[Sidenote: fo. 71^b.

28 Nov. 1602.]

Wee must soe worship God as a trinity in vnity, and an vnity in trynity,
otherwise we worship but our owne fastasie.

Christ was _et sacerdos et sacrificium_, he gave himselfe.

_Christus totus mortuus est, non totum Christi_, the whole person of
Christ and both his natures suffered; his deity and soule being mortall
could not, but his whole person, wherein both natures are indissolubly
united. _Christus homo in terra, deus in coelo, Christus in utroque._

Christ not made in nor by the Virgin, but of the Virgin; therefore
perfect man, not an essence of a nature above the angels but inferior to
the Godhead: but the splendor or brightnes of Gods glory, the engraven
forme of his person, (Hebr. i. cap.) therefore perfect God.

He gave himselfe not for all men, but for his Church; he died for all
_sufficienter non efficienter_; he would have all men saued, _revelata
non occulta voluntate_, or rather, as a Father sayth, _Deus vult omnes
salvos fieri, non quod nullus hominum sit quem non velit salvum fieri,
sed quia nemo salvus fit nisi quem velit_; he saveth whom he pleaseth,
and they are saved because he will.

Christ gave himselfe for the Church, and hence growes the greate
quarrell betwixt Papists and us Protestants, for, this gift being soe
precious that none can be saved without it, every one is ready to
intitle himselfe thereunto, and challeng his part therin; noe heretike
so damnable, but would hold he was of the Churche, but the point is
whether they bee what they pretend, or haue what they arrogate. And
here, because, as he said, the text gaue him occasion, and he had
direction from the superuisor of this sea, he spake some thinge against
the common enimye.

_Ecclesia dicitur [Greek: apo tou ekkalein], ab evocando_, because it is
a people called from the rest to be sanctified by Christ.

[Sidenote: fo. 72.

28 Nov. 1602.]

The Church is compared unto the moone for fayrenes and to the sonne for
brightnes, therefore the church is not a companie of reprobates, and
idolatrous hereticks, as Rome is. Christ is not the head of such a body.
Those which give him such a body doe, as the poet sayth, _humano capiti
cervicem adjungere equinam_, but if they define the Church such a
congregacion, the[y] may easily mainteane theirs to be one.

The Papists have a trick of appropriatinge the name of the Church to
themselves onely; as they reade the Church, it is theirs dead sure; but
this is but the fashion of Cresilaus of Athens, a franticke fellowe,
that would board all ships that arrived, searche and take account of all
things as they were his owne, when poore fellowe he was scarse worth the
clothes on his backe.

The Papists call their masse a bloudles sacrifice, but yf wee look backe
but [to] the late tymes before hir Majesties happie entraunce, wee may
see tokens and wittnes enough, that it is the most bloudy kind that ever
was invented.

Christ gave himselfe: noe virtue that is not voluntary: he gave himselfe
willingly, soe saith he, "I lay downe my life, and noe man taketh it
from me," though the Jewes layd violent hands upon him, which made them
inexcusable; yet because yf he would have resisted, they could not have
effected their malice, therefore his subjection to their violence was
voluntary.

[Sidenote: fo. 72^b.

28 Nov. 1602.]

Nowe from informing your understandings, give me leave, said he, to
proceede to the reforming your wills and affections.

Vses. Since Christ hath giuen himselfe for vs, such worthles creatures,
such nothings indeed, let us dedicate our soules, ourselves, our
thoughts, and actions to his service for a reasonable sacrifice. Christ
gaue his whole person for vs, wee must give our whole selues to him; not
as some which are content to be present at his seruice, but haue their
myndes about other matters; or as others which will say they haue given
their mynds to God, and serue him in their soule, though their bodies be
present where he is most dishonored, as the yong degenerat trauayler
that can be content, be present, and perhaps partaker at a masse, and
yet thinke he can be sound at the hart for all that. But wee must apply
both body and soule to Christs seruice. Most trauaylers returne, either
worse men or worse subjects; caveat in permitting to many trauailers.
Some can be content to be feruent and zealous in the halcion dayes of
the gospell, as Peter, but lett the sword, persecution, be once drawne
out the[y] strait withdrawe them selves and leaue their maister. Yf
the[y] think they spie a tempest but comming a farr of, strait they runn
under hatches. Yf Judas come with a kisse, and a companie with swordes
and staues, they are gone. All were hott and zealous against the Papist
in the beginning of hir Majesties raigne; all cold, as it were asleepe,
nay dead, in these tymes.

Some slaunder the Court as though they were neuters, some the
universities as yf inclining to Popery, many looking for a tolleracion;
but whither shall wee goe? here is the word of lyfe.


[Sidenote: fo. 73.

5 Dec. 1602.]

MR. LAYFEILD AT ST. CLEMENTS.

His text, 2 Cor. iii. 7: "Whoe hath alsoe made us fitt ministers of the
Newe Testament, not of the letter, but of the spirit: for the letter
killeth, but the spirit quickeneth."

He had preached heretofore of this text, and had in that sermon obserued
out of this place that the duty of a Christian and a fitt minister are
severall and distinct. Nowe he considered the object whereabout the
office of a minister is imployed, which is the Newe Testament, and to
this purpose he shewed the difference betwixt the Old and Newe
Testament, the old lawe and the newe, which consisted not onely in this
(which the Papists make to all), that the newe is more plaine then the
old, and that Moses was the writer of the first and Christ of the
latter; but this the true essentiall difference, the old was a covenant;
a mutuall sponsion and stipulacion; a promise upon condicion; something
to be performed on either part. _Fac hoc_, sayth God to man, this is the
lawe to be observed by man, _et vives_, and I will give thee lyfe; trust
me with that. But the gospell, the Newe Testament, is a covenant
absolute, like that "I have made a covenant with myne eyes," and that "I
have made a covenant with David that I will not fayle:" a promise on
Gods part onely, like a testament in this, that it is a free donacion
without condicion precedent, all meerely of grace and favour from God.
Noe merit from us. When he assended he gave gifts unto men.

When man had entered into covenant with God, and by breaking of it
became soe farre his debtor that he had forfayted body and soule for his
synn, God dealt mercifully with him, and tooke a sacrifice of some
living beast as a bond which deferred, not satisfied, the debt, and this
to continue till Christs comming, whose death should be a discharge of
that obligacion, and the whole debt alsoe for soe manie as could obtaine
Christs favour.


[Sidenote: fo. 73^b.

5 Dec. 1602.]

In the afternoone, the same man at the same place. After a briefe
recapitulacion of what he had deliuered in the forenoone, he proceeded
to shewe the office of a minister of the Newe Testament, with the
difference betweene the preists of the Old and the ministers of the Newe
Testament. The office of those was to teache the covenant, to denounce
the curse, and to take sacrifices of synners as obligacions and
testimonies against the synner that he had soe often forfayted his soule
and body; the office of the minister of the New Testament is to preache
both the lawe to deject and humble the synner by the operacion of the
spirit; and the gospell to rayse and comfort him, that he may not
despayre and dye, but beeleeve and be saved; their office is alsoe as
executors of Christs testament to dispose of his legacyes, his promises;
that is, to remitt synnes to every penitent beleeving synner; and
lastly, to impart and confirme the graces by ministring his blessed
sacraments.

The letter killeth, for that sayth in the lawe, Thou must doe this, thou
must not doe that, otherwise God must be satisfied; thou must be
punished, or els thou must have pardon. Man could not obserue them; man
was not able to abide the punishment--was like a man in prison, could
not gett forth to sue for pardon; was like a poor man deepely indebted,
had noe meanes to make satisfaction. The gospell likewise in the letter
sayth, Thou must repent, thou must beleeue, or els thou canst not be
saued; and yet none of them is in our power. But the spirit quickeneth;
that shewes vs Christ hath satisfied, and giues vs grace to beleeve it,
&c.

[Sidenote: fo. 74.

5 Dec. 1602.]

The lawe of the Old Testament is not abolished by the Newe, but the old
covenant, the condicion of the lawe, is taken awaye; for the lawe
continues and hath a singular vse in the ministry of the Newe Testament,
to make a synner knowe and confesse himselfe such a one, for before he
finde his synnes greuous he hath noe neede of a sauiour; as Christ sayd,
"I came not to call the righteous but synners to repentaunce," and "Come
vnto me, all ye that are weary, and I will easye you," and "The whole
neede not the physitian."

Yf the minister dispense Christs legacyes to a counterfayt and
dissemblinge penitent, yet they haue done their duty. And as Christ sayd
to his disciples, "When you enter into anie place, say peace be with
you, and yf the Sonne of peace be not there, your peace shall returne
againe vnto you."

Christ made his testament, bequeathed legacyes, made his executors the
disposers of them: therefore there must be certaine markes and notes, as
certaine as the names of persons to knowe the persons to whom the
legacyes are bequeathed, otherwise the executors cannot knowe howe [to]
dispose of them. And these markes are fayth and repentaunce, for to
euery one that repenteth and beleeueth remission of syn is giuen: and
therefore it followeth, against the doctrine of the Church of Rome, that
a man must beleeue, and knowe that he beleeueth, hath fayth and
repentaunce, for that generall fayth of that church in generall is noe
more but to beleeue noe [more?] but this, that all that is in the
Scripture is true, that all that beleeue shall be saued, and that noe
man knoweth whether he beleeue or repent. But, on the contrarie, we hold
that beleeue and fayth must be in particuler, and then such a person is
become a legatary certaine in Christs testament, and capable of the
disposicion of the promise.


[Sidenote: fo. 74^b.

7 Dec. 1602.]

In Justice Catlines[128] tyme one Burchely brought a Replegiar _"quare
averia cepit et injuste detinuit", et declare "quod cepit et detinuit
unam vaccam"_, and soe it was recorded. After, when Meade came to argue,
he pleaded this in abatement; and Burchely, perceuing the recorde was
faulty, entred the words _et vitulum_, and then said there was a calfe
in the case in the roll (an Essex case). Justice Catline demaunded to
see the record, and, the wordes being written soe newely that they were
not dry, "It is true," sayd he, "your cowe hath newly calved, for shee
hath not lickt the calfe dry yet." (_Colebrand._)

    [Footnote 128: There were two contemporary Judges of this name, but
    this was probably the one who was Lord Chief Justice of the King's
    Bench from 1559 to 1574. (Foss, v. 471.)]


The abuse of the Statute for reforming errors in the Kings Bench, &c.
hath frayed the clients from their suites, when they see they can haue
noe judgment certaine or speedy.

       *       *       *       *       *

Three men's opinions preferred before five, yf not all togither; as in a
writt of error in the Kings Benche to reverse a judgment in the Common
place. Yf there be three of one opinion to reverse, and the fourth would
haue it affirmed; nowe regarding the judgment in the Common place, with
this mans opinion there are five on the on syde, and but three on the
other, yet those three shall prevaile.

[Sidenote: fo. 75.

Dec. 7, 1602.]

Out of a little book intituled _Buccina Capelli in laudem Juris_:[129]

    [Footnote 129: We have not found any other trace of this "little
    book." It was probably a work of one of the celebrated French
    Protestants of the name of Cappel. (_La France Protestante_, iii.
    198.)]

Lawe hath God for the author, and was from the beginning.

Jurisprudentia est naturæ effigies, ut Demosthenes; humanitatis
initium, ut Isocrates; libertatis fundamentum, ut Anaxagoras; recte
viuendi norma, ut Diodorus; æqui bonique ars, ut Ulpianus. Confert
divitias, quibus egenos fulciant, amicos sublevent, patriam vel labentem
sustineant, vel precipitantem erigant, vel florentem augeant; honores,
quibus illustrati familiam suam obscuram illustrent, novam exornent,
insignem decorent, facultatem qua inquinatam improborum vitam retundant
et comprimant, et optimorum optimè traductam muncribus et mercede digna
et laudabili ornent et illustrent, ut majores dicantur.

Quid aliud vult sibi legis nomen quam hoc, ut velit quicquid sit
insolutum ligare, quicquid dissolutum legis severitate devincire,
quicquid corruptum, quicquid inquinatum, illud resecare vel resarcire.
Cuidam percontanti quomodo respublica florere, et statu fælicissimo quam
diutissimè permanere possit, respondet Solon, "Si illi quos fortuna ad
infimam plebis sortem depresserat penderent a præscripto magistratuum,
et quos fortuna ad altiorem dignitatis gradum erexerat penderent a
præscripto legum."

Literis incumbunt juuenes ut fiant judices.


Scio qualis fuerim, immo qualis fuisse non deberem; cognosco qualis sum,
timeo qualis futurus sim, et magis timeo quo minus doleo; utinam magis
dolerem, ut minus timerem.

Doleo quia semper dolens dolere nescio.

Quo modo nisi per dolores sanabitur, qui per delectationes infirmatur?
Doce me salutarem dolorem.


[Sidenote: fo. 75^b.

Dec. 1602.]

Dunne[130] is undonne; he was lately secretary to the Lord Keeper, and
cast of because he would match him selfe to a gentlewoman against his
Lords pleasure.

    [Footnote 130: Donne the poet. His marriage to the Lord Keeper's
    wife's niece, the daughter of Sir George More, is a well-known
    circumstance in his history.]


On Munday last the Queene dyned at Sir Robert Secils [_sic_] newe house
in the Stran. Shee was verry royally entertained, richely presented, and
marvelous well contented, but at hir departure shee strayned hir foote.
His hall was well furnished with choise weapons, which hir Majestie
tooke speciall notice of. Sundry deuises; at hir entraunce, three women,
a maid, a widdowe, and a wife, eache commending their owne states, but
the Virgin preferred;[131] an other, on attired in habit of a Turke
desyrous to see hir Majestie, but as a straunger without hope of such
grace, in regard of the retired manner of hir Lord, complained; answere
made, howe gracious hir Majestie in admitting to presence, and howe able
to discourse in anie language; which the Turke admired, and, admitted,
presents hir with a riche mantle, &c.

    [Footnote 131: The mention of this "device" enables us to correct a
    little mistake of the otherwise most careful and accurate editor of
    Chamberlain's Letters, temp. Elizabeth, (Camden Soc.) p. 169. The
    "device" was not the composition of John Davies of Hereford, but of
    John Davies, the future Sir John, author of the poem on the
    Immortality of the Soul]


[Sidenote: fo. 76.

12 Dec. 1602.]

AT ST. CLEMENTS.

A plaine plodding fellowe, sometimes of Queenes Colledge in Cambridge,
his text Heb. cap. xi. v. 8. He noted the fayth of Abraham, and the
fruit thereof, his obedience; he shewed the kindes of fayth, and sayd
this fayth of Abraham was not hystoricall, not miraculous, not a
momentary fayth; such lasts noe longer then prosperitee, &c. but it was
the true justifieng fayth, which was a firme beleife of Christs
comminge, with the application of his merits. He named fayth to be the
gift of God, because Abraham is said to be called. God performeth his
promises in his due tyme, or in a better kind. He promiseth long lyfe to
the godly: yet oftentymes he takes them away in the floure of their age,
but he gives them a better lyfe for it.

Abraham went into a straunge country; therefore trauailing lawefull, soe
it be either specially warranted by Gods call, or to profitt the
country, not to see and bring home ill fashions, and worse consciences.

He was called, therefore euery one must [take] upon him some calling and
profession, and this calling must be allowed of God; therefore the trade
of stageplayers vnlawefull.

The land of promise given to Abraham for the syn of the people; lett vs
leave synning least our land be given into the hand of a strange people
againe, as it was sometyme to the Romans, and lastly to the Normans, for
a conquest.


[Sidenote: fo. 76^b.

12 Dec. 1602.]

AT THE BLACK FRIARS.

MR. EGERTON, a little church or chappell up stayres, but a great
congregacion, specially of women. After "God be mercifull," reade after
the second lesson; having sat a good tyme before in the pulpit, willed
them to sing to the glorie of God and theire owne edifying, the 66 Psal.
2 part; after he made a good prayer, then turnd the glas, and to his
text, Acts vii. 23, &c. Here he made a recapitulacion of that he had
deliuered the last Sabboth, and soe he came to deliuer doctrines out of
this text. When he had said what he thought good of it, he went to
catachise; it seemes an order which he hath but newely begun, for he was
but in his exordium questions; then he prayed, sung a plasme [psalm],
gave the blessing, and soe an end.

He remembred out of his former text these notes, v. 17: That God
performes his promises not in our tyme, but in his tyme, which is best,
because he is wisest. 2. The pollicy of man folishnes with God. They may
maliciously oppose themselves therein, but cannot alter his decree. 3.
God makes our enimies become our frends, and causeth them to doe good
vnwittingly. 4. Parents ought to giue their children educacion, as well
as foode and rayment, and rather bring them up in learning and trades,
then proud inheritances with wronge. 5. Moses a good orator and a good
warrior, mighty in wordes and in deedes, yet modest in all.

[Sidenote: fo. 77.

12 Dec. 1602.]

Then in his text: Not dispaire of calling, for Moses was 40 yeares old
before he thought of this busines. 2. God put the motion in his heart.
3. Lawefull to protect the wronged and reproue them that doe ill, though
a man be hated for his labour. 4. The good rejoyce and are glad to see
the magistrate, and euery good Cristian and true subiect glad to see the
principall magistrat with a gard about, as well to reward and protect
the good, as to reuenge the wronged, glad like[132] one that in a hott
sunshine sees a fayre leauy tree, which promiseth a shaddowe yf he be
sunburnt; such is the prince to the good subject.

    [Footnote 132: There is here a superfluous repetition of "glad like
    a glad as" in the MS.]

Those which come to sermons and goe away vnreformed are like those which
looke in a glas, spie the spott in their face, but will not take the
pains to wipe it off.

He defined catechising to be a breife and familiar kinde of teaching the
principles of relligion, in a plaine manner by way of question and
aunswere, either publiquely by the minister, or privately by the maister
or mistres of the family. Herein noted the difference betwixt preaching
and catechising, that that is a large continued course of speache, and
may be performed onely by the minister.


It is the custome (not the lawe) in Fraunce and Italy, that yf anie
notorious professed strumpet will begg for a husband a man which is
going to execution, he shal be reprieved, and she may obteine a pardon,
and marry him, that both their ill lives may be bettered by soe holie an
action. Hence grewe a jeast, when a scoffing gentlewoman told a
gentleman shee heard that he was in some danger to haue bin hangd for
some villanie, he answered, "Truely, madame, I was a feard of nothing
soe much as you would have begd me." * * *


In England it hath bin vsed that yf a woman will beg a condemned person
for hir husband, shee must come in hir smocke onely, and a white rod in
hir hand: as Sterrill said he had seen.

[Sidenote: fo. 77^b.

12 Dec. 1602.]

Montagne tells of a Piccard that was going to execution, and when he
sawe a limping wenche coming to begg him, "Oh, shee limps! she limps!"
sayd hee, "dispatch me quickly," preferring death before a limping wife.


J. Cooper demaunded of Nic. Girlington, whoe is lately returned from
Fraunce, what thing he tooke most delight in, in all his travail. He
told him to see a masse in their churches, it was performed with such
magnificent pomp and ceremonie, in soe goodly a place, as would make a
man admire it. The Hugonots are coupt up in barnes, as it were, in
regard of the Papists churches.


I heard that Geneva is beseiged by the Duke of Savoy.


[Sidenote: 16.]

Mr. Hadsor told me that the Earl of Ormonds daughter is come to our
Court, and that shee shall be married to yong Ormond, cosen german to
the old Earle, which yong man was in prison here in Engl[and,] but is
nowe to be released.


[Sidenote: 17.]

Mr. Girlington told me there was on Blackewell brought ouer as
apprehended and sent over by Sir Thomas Parry, Embassador in Fraunce,
because he had confessed under his hand that he came from the Spanyard
to murder hir Majestie or burne the Navy.


[Sidenote: 18.]

Heard that certaine in ragged apparrell, offring their seruice in the
Navy, were apprehended as suspected, and found worthy suspicion.


[Sidenote: fo. 78.

16 Dec. 1602.]

I brought in a moote with Jo. Bramstone.


[Sidenote: 18.]

I was with Stowe the antiquary. He told me that a modell of his picture
was found in the Recorder Fleetewoods study, with this inscription or
circumscription, JOHANNES STOWE, ANTIQUARIUS ANGLIÆ, which nowe is cutt
in brasse and prefixed in print to his Survey of London.[133] He sayth
of it, as Pilat sayd, "What I have written, I have written," and thinkes
himselfe worthie of that title for his paynes, for he hath noe gaines by
his trauaile. He gaue me this good reason why in his Survey he omittes
manie newe monuments: because those men have bin the defacers of the
monuments of others, and soe thinks them worthy to be depriued of that
memory whereof they have injuriously robbed others. He told me that the
Cheife Citizens of London in auncient tymes were called Barons, and soe
divers kinges wrote unto them "_Portegrevio et Baronibus suis London._,"
and the auncient seale had this circumscription, "SIGILLUM BARONUM
LONDONIARUM."

    [Footnote 133: "_Ætatis suæ 77_, 1603." This now rare engraving was
    carefully copied by John Swaine, and republished in the Gentleman's
    Magazine for Jan. 1837.]


[Sidenote: fo. 78^b.

18 Dec. 1602.]

I heard that Dr. Smith, Master of Clare Hall,[134] is Vice Chauncellor
of Cambridge this yeare. It was told me by one of St. Johns Colledge
that Dr. Playfare[135] hath bin halfe frantike againe, and strangely
doted for one Mrs. Hammond, a gentlewoman in Kent, is nowe well
reclaimed, and hath reade some lectures since. A mad reader for
divinity! _proh pudor, et dolor!_

    [Footnote 134: Dr. William Smith, master of Clare Hall from 1598 to
    1612, when he became Provost of King's College. (Hardy's Le Neve,
    iii. 671, 683.)]

    [Footnote 135: Dr. Thomas Playfere of St. John's College was Lady
    Margaret's Professor of Divinity from 1596 to 1609. (Hardy's Le
    Neve, iii. 654.)]


Mr. Perkins was buried verry neere with as great sollemnity as Dr.
Whitaker.[136]

    [Footnote 136: "His funeral was solemnly and sumptuously performed
    at the sole charges of Christe College, which challenged, as she
    gave him his breeding, to pay for his burial; the Vniversity and
    Town lovingly contending which should express more sorrow thereat.
    Dr. Montague, afterwards Bishop of Winchester, preached his funeral
    sermon, and excellently discharged the place, taking for his text,
    _Moses my servant is dead_." This is Fuller's description of the
    honourable way in which Perkins was brought to his grave. (Holy
    State, ed. 1840, p. 71.) Whitaker died in 1595, and was buried in
    St. John's College, whereof he was master. (Ibid. p. 53.)]


The Lord Mountjoy in Ireland will never discourse at table; eates in
silence. Sir Robert Gardner mislikes him for it, as an unsosiable
quality (_Hadsor_); but great wisdome in soe captious a presence,
especially being such a man as desyres to speake wisely.


Mr. Bramstone told howe he sold his bed in Cambridge. Mr. Pym[137] sayd
he did wisely, for he knewe those that kept their beds longe seldome
prove riche.

    [Footnote 137: Doubt has existed whether Pym the statesman was a
    member of one of the Inns of Court. The allusion to him in our text
    has led to inquiries which have enabled us to place this point
    beyond a question. J. E. Martin, Esq. Librarian of the Inner Temple,
    has sent us an extract from the books of the Middle Temple, which
    proves that "Mr. Johannes Pym, filius et heres Alexandri Pym nuper
    de Brymour in comitatu Somerset, ar. defuncti," was admitted
    "generaliter" into the Society of the Middle Temple on the 23rd of
    April 1602. His relation Mr. Francis Rowse and Mr. William Whitaker
    were his sureties, "et dat pro fine ad requisicionem M^{ri} Gybbes,
    unius Magistrorum de Banco hujus hospicii, nisi, xx^s."]


[Sidenote: 21.]

One Merredeth, a notable coward, when he was in field, and demaunded why
he did not fight and strive to kill his enemies? He, good man, told
them, he could not finde in his heart to kill them whom he never sawe
before, nor had ever any quarrell with them.


[Sidenote: fo. 79.

19 Dec. 1602.]

AT PAULES.

One with a long browne beard, a hanging looke, a gloting eye, and a
tossing learing jeasture; his text "Take heede of false prophets which
come to you in sheepes clothinge, but within are rauening wolves; you
shall know them by their fruits."

False prophets _qui veritatem laudant sed amant mendacia_ preache truely
but liue wickedly. He ran over manie heresies, and concluded still to
take heede of them; false prophets which soothe up in synn by pardons
for past, and dispensacions for synn to come.

The sheepes clothing, pretended innocency, simplicity, and profitt; they
come onely to teache us the auncient universall, and that relligion
which our fathers lived and dyed in; that ours is scarse an hundred
yeares old, received but in a corner or twoe as it were of the world.

But ours is auncient, theirs newe, all since 600 yeares after Christ, as
their universall vicarage. 2. Their singing by note in the churche. 3.
Their lifting up of the breade. 4. Auricular confession and universall
pardon, &c.

[Sidenote: fo. 79^b.

19.]

The multitude noe signe of the churche, for Noah and his family in the
old world, Lott in Sodome, &c.

And a true note of the true church, that it hath bin allways persecuted,
and the false the persecutor. Abel slayne, &c. This cruelty the property
of wolves.

His whole sermon was a stronge continued invectiue against the papists
and jesuites. Not a notable villanous practise committed but a pope, a
cardinall, a bishop, or a priest had a hand in it; they were still at
the worst ende.

They come, they are neuer sent, they come without sending for.


[Sidenote: fo. 80.

19 Dec. 1602.]

[Sidenote: fo. 80^b.

19 Dec. 1602.]

In the afternoone, at a church in Foster Lane end, one Clappam, a blacke
fellowe, with a sower looke, but a good spirit, bold, and sometymes
bluntly witty; his text Salomon's Song, iv. ca. 3 v.: "Thy lips are like
a thred of skarlett." For the exposicion of this text he said he would
not doe as many would after the fancy of their owne braine, but
according to the Scripture, expound it by some other place, and that was
ii. of Josua, where he findeth the same words, a skarlet thred, v. 21,
"Shee bound the skarlet threed in the windowe." He told a long story of
Rahab before he came to the threed; and after almost all his sermon was
some allusion to that story. Rabby Shulamo makes this comparison, that
the lips are said to be like a threed of skarlett, to signifie such
person in the churche whose promises are performaunces, whose wordes are
workes, as the red threed was a simbole and a signe unto Rahab. Rahab
was a tauernes, and it signifies alsoe an harlot, because such kinde of
people in that country used to sell their honesty with their meate. Like
scarlett; the colour sheweth life within, as palenes death.

Joshua a type of Jesus, and the wordes the same in seuerall languages.
Moses could not bring the children of Israel into the land of promise,
but that was the office of Joshua; the lawe could not be our saviour,
but Christ is he that must bring us to heaven. Joshua sent two spies;
Christ obserued the same number, and alwayes sent two disciples
togither. 3. What the spies undertooke and promised according to their
commission was firme and ratified by Joshua; whose synnes the disciples,
and nowe the ministers, according to their power, remitt or binde on
earth, shalbe remitted or bound in heaven.

There are enough of Rahab's profession in euery place; a man may finde a
greate many more then a good sorte. "I would not give a penny for an 100
of them," said he.

Rahab beleeved and shewed it by hir workes. Every one will say he
beleeues, but except he can showe it to me by his workes, I will not
give two strawes for it; lett him carry it to the exchange and see what
he can gett for it.

[Sidenote: fo. 81.

19 Dec. 1602.]

An harlot is like a pantofle or slipper at an inne, which is ready to
serve for every foote that comes.

Paule, like the spies, was lett downe out at a windowe, and ouer a city
wall too. Wee promise in babtisme to fight against Sathan; but, alas,
will some say, I finde that I haue often stroue with him, and still I
finde I goe away with some wound or other. "Be therefore comforted" sayd
he, "for these woundes are signes of your fighting."

When God deliuered his people from the Aegiptians he led them with a
pillar of light, but caste a darke cloud betwixt, "and soe the blinde
buzards," said he, "ran up and downe, they knewe not about what."

When he shewed that Salmon was the husband of Rahab, he said "Yf anie
nowe, after 44 yeares preaching, and the bible being in English were
ignorant of that, it were a horrible shame." And here he sett downe a
posicion that none could soundly interpret or vnderstand the Scripture
without genealogy, which he commended verry highly.

Of love; they wilbe at your commaundement. But you may doe it yourselfe.
You shall commaund and goe without.


[Sidenote: fo. 81^b.

22 Dec. 1602.]

When Dr. Colpeper, warden of New Colledge in Oxford,[138] expelled one
Payne of that house for some slight offence, this Payne recited that
verse alluding to their name.

    [Footnote 138: Dr. Martin Culpeper, warden 1573 to 1599. (Hardy's Le
    Neve, iii. 555.)]

    _Pæna potest demi, Culpa perennis erit._ (_Rous._)


[Sidenote: 24.]

I tooke my journey and came to Bradborne.


John Kent told me of a pretty cosenning connycatching trick of late used
in London. On that was in execution for debt at the suit of a gent. that
dwelt in a far country, procured one of his acquaintaunce to surmise
that his creditor was deade, dyed intestate, and he the next of kin, and
thereupon to procure letters of administracion, by coulour whereof he
might have good opportunity to discharge the party, which was effected
accordingly.


My cosen told me that the county of Kent hath compounded, by the
mediacion of the justices of peace, with the Greene clothe to be
discharged of the purueyors for the Queenes house for all victualls, &c.
except timber and carriage, with the price of wheate raised to 20_d._
the bushell, which before was but 10_d._, and for this to pay 2100_l._
per annum, for which the parishes rated, and East Malling at 5_l._


[Sidenote: 27.]

We have good cardes to shew for it, said a lawyer to the old Recorder
Fleetewood: "Well," said he, "I am sure wee have kings and queenes for
us, and then you can have but a company of knaues on your syde."


[Sidenote: fo. 82.

29 Dec. 1602.]

I tooke my journey about my cosens busines, to have a sight of certaine
bondes in Mrs. Aldriche handes, as executrix to hir husband, wherein my
cosen G. Mannyngham, deceased, and his executors, &c. with William
Sumner, stoode bound; which bonds, by the meanes of my cosen Mr. Watts,
I had a sight of, and finde that eache of them is in 500_l._ The
condicion of one of them is to pay to Mr. Aldriche during his lyfe
100_l._ yearely at severall feasts. And yf William Sumner fayle in
payment, or not put in nue suretyes upon the death of anie, then to
stand in force. Nowe Sumner sayth he did not pay allwayes at the day,
and it is apparent that noe sureties are put in since the death of my
cosen, nor since the death of one Savil an other obligor. The condicion
of the other was, whereas Mr. Aldriche had deputed William Sumner to
exercise his office, that he should not comitt any thing which might
amount to a forfayture of the letters patents whereby Mr. Aldriche held
his office, and alsoe that William Sumner should performe all covenants
conteyned in a payre of Indentures bearing the same date with the
obligacion, all dated the 20 of June _A^o Reginæ 37, A^o Dni. 1595_.
These I was to have a sight of, that yf the legataries sue my cosen, as
executor in the right of his wife, he might pleade these obligacions in
barr.


[Sidenote: fo. 82^b.

29 Dec. 1602.]

I lay at my cosen Chapmans at Godmerrsham.


I dined at my cosen Cranmers at Canterbury, and by him understoode howe
Mr. Sumner had submitted himselfe to the arbitrement of Mr. Rauens and
another, but the arbitrators, not regarding their authority, shuffled it
vp vpon a sudden betweene Mrs. Aldriche and Sumner, whereas the
submission and obligacion was betweene one of Mr. Aldriches sonnes and
Sumner; and soe, by their negligent mistaking, all was voyd. The cause
of controversy was, Mr. Aldriche dyed some 2 or 3 dayes before the day
of payment, his widdowe executrix desyred the whole, Sumner denied all,
yet, in regard that Mrs. Aldriche should cancell his bondes and make him
a generall acquittaunce, he offred 20 markes, and the arbitrators gaue
but 20_l._, which Sumner refuseth to pay, and therefore the widdowe
threatenes either to sue the bondes or bring an accion of accompt
against Sumner for all the monies he receiued as deputy; but Sumner told
me he hath generall acquittances for all accompts, except the last
quarter.


This night I lay at my Cosen Watts, by Sandwich, and he rode with me the
next morning to Canterbury.


[Sidenote: fo. 83.

30 Dec. 1602.]

Sir Wa. Rawley made this rime upon the name of a gallant, one Mr. Noel,

    The word of deniall, and the letter of fifty,
    Makes the gent. name that will never be thrifty. (_Noe. L._)

and Noels answere,

    The foe to the stommacke, and the word of disgrace,
    Shewes the gent. name with the bold face. (_Raw. Ly._)


My cosen Watts told me that the Bishop of Yorke, Dr. Hutton,[139] was
esteemed by Campion the onely man of all our divines for the fathers.

    [Footnote 139: Dr. Matthew Hutton, Archbishop of York, 1595-1606.
    (Hardy's Le Neve, iii. 115.)]


That opinion which some hold that Paule did not publishe his writings
till he and they were confirmed by Peter, as the head of the Apostles,
is plainely everted by the 1 and 2 chapters to the Ga[lla]thians, where
it is apparant that Paule withstoode and contradicted Peter, &c.


[Sidenote: 31.]

[Sidenote: fo. 83^b.

Dec. 1602.]

[Sidenote: fo. 84.

Dec. 1602.]

Dyned with my cosen Watts, at my cosen Cranmers in Canterbury. In
discourse howe obstinate some are, that they will not confesse a fact,
wherefore they were justly condemned, my cosen Cranmer remembred this
story. Not long since one Keyt a Kentishe man had made [his] will,
whereby he bequeathed a great legacy to one Harris, but after, being
displeased, he gave out that he would revoke his will, and Harris should
have nothing, whereupon Harris, thinking to prevent his purpose, hired a
thrasher to murther him. This poore knave having effected this villany
began to grow resty, could not endure to worke any more, but would be
maynteyned by Harris for this feate, otherwise most desperatly he
threatened to reveall the matter. Thus the fellowe fedd soe long, and
spent soe lavishly upon himselfe and his queanes, out of Harris's purse,
that Harris, growing weary of the charge, began to thinke howe he might
conceale the first by practising a second murther; which he plotted in
this manner, he would invite the knave to a dynner at Maidstone, and
procure some to murther him as he should come through the woodes. But
the fellowe, fearing the worst (because they had bin at some hott words
before) imparted his feare to his whore whome he kept, told hir that yf
he were murthered shee should accuse the Harrisses, and wisht hir to
looke in the bottome of his deske, and there shee should finde that
would be sufficient to hang them. As he feared it happened, for he was
murthered; the queane brought all to light, and those papers in his
deske shewed the whole manner of the former murther of Keyt, whereupon
the Harrises were indited, found gilty, and adjudged to be hanged. The
former tooke it upon his death that he was guiltles of the latter
murder, but the other confest it as he was tumbling from the ladder.


When certaine schollers returning from Italy were at the Bishops of
Canterbury, amongst other they came about my cosen Cranmer with their
new fashioned salutacions belowe the knee. He, like a good plaine honest
man, stoode still, and told them he had not learned to dissemble soe
deepely.


Hee told mee what dissembling hyppocrites these Puritanes be, and howe
slightly they regard an oath: Rauens having a booke brought unto him by
a puritane to have his opinion of it, the booke being written by B.
Bilson, Rauens as he had reade it would needes be shewing his foolishe
witt in the margent, in scoffing at the booke. When the fellowe that had
but borrowed it was to carry it home again, he swore it neuer went out
of his hands. After, when it was shewed him what had bin written in it
when himselfe could not write, he confessed that Ravens had it; then
Rauens forswore his owne hand.


[Sidenote: fo. 84^b.

7 Jan, 1602.]

I came from Canterbury to Godmersham.


Cosen Jo. Chapman takes the upper hand and place of his elder brother
Drue.


Mr. Jo. Cutts, Sir John Cutts sonne and heire, was married some two
yeares since to Mr. Kemp of Wye his daughter; keepes foure horses, foure
men, his wife a gentleman and a mayde, and hath but 200_l._ per annum in
present; mary his meate and drinke and horse meate is frank with Mr.
Kemps. He shall be heir to Sir Henry Cutts of Kent; is like to be worthe
some 1,500_l._ per annum, after his father and mother and Sir Henry
Cutts and his ladyes death.


Stafford, that married Sir John Cutts daughter hath brought his yonger
brother to this composicion, that there is 300_l._ per annum for his
children, 200_l._ of it for his wife during hir life, and 100_l._ for
hir husband, shee to keepe hir selfe and children, he to be soe limited
because too prodigall.


  [Sidenote: fo. 85.}

          fo. 85^b.} nil.

          fo. 86.

          30 Jan. 1602.]

AT PAULES CROSSE.

One BARLOWE, a beardless man of Pembroke Hall in Cambridge.

[Sidenote: fo. 86^b.]

After his prayer and before he came to his text, he made a large
exordium after this fashion; that yf Paule sayth of himselfe that he was
amongst the Corinthians in weaknes, in feare and trembling, much more
might he say the like of himselfe: whoe was weake in deliveraunce and
methode, &c. Yet he entreated they would not heare, as some say they
will heare, the man, but that they would regard the matter. Of all parts
of Scripture the book of the Preacher may seeme most befitting a
preacher, wherein is lively depainted the vanity of the world and all
things therein: wherof at this time he intended to speake, but not out
of the Preacher, but out of the words of St. Paule, and those were
written in the viiith chapter to the Romans, the 19, 20, 21, and 22
verses. His distribution of this text, or rather context as he called
it, because he said it was like Christs garment soe wouen togither that
it might not be parted, was into five points: 1. That the creature is
subject to vanity, v. 20. 2d. The reason of this subjection, by reason
of him which hath subdued it vnder hope. 3. That the creatures shall be
delivered, and hope for deliveraunce. 4. The effects of the subjection
to vanity: every creature groneth with us, v. 22. 5. The effect of hope,
the feruent desyre of the creature wayteth, &c. v. 19. He said this
place of Scripture is accounted the hardest in all Paules Epistles. For
the first, that the creature is subject to vanity, he interpreted the
word by "creature" is ment, in this place, the heavens, the elements,
all things made of them, or conteyned in them, except men and angells.
The vanity of the creature is in two points, 1. In the frustracion of
their end, which is twoefold, the service of God, that made them; 2d.
and the service of good men, for whom he made them. The 2d vanity, that
they are subject to corruption, not of annihilacion of matter, but
decaying in force and virtue.

The creatures, yf they had their owne will, would destroy the wicked and
save the godly alone. As the earth would open hir mouth and swallowe
them quicke, as it did Datham and Abiram. The lyons would devoure them,
as it did the accusers of Daniel, but shutt their mouths against the
innocent. The fier would burne them, as it did those which cast the
three children into the furnace. It hath bin obserued that as well the
influence of the heauens as the fertilnes of the earth is decayed, and
that the whole world is the worse for wearing, the heavens themselves
growing old as doth a garment.

2. God hath subdued the creature, for it is he alone that maketh the
sunne shine, and powreth downe rayne as well upon the good as the bad,
&c. and the reason of this subjection is the synn of man; for all these
being created for mans vse, when he synned they were punished with him.

[Sidenote: fol. 87.

Jan. 1602.]

3. They shall be delivered from this bondage when there shalbe a newe
heaven and a newe earth; not that the substance of these shalbe
abolished, but a newe forme and perfection added, when they shall enjoy
their ends and be of religion. The elements shall melt with fyre, a
comparison from mettall which is melted not to be consumed, but to be
purified and put in forme.

The morall uses; 1. patiently to endure the afflictions of this life,
for as thoughe the Apostle should laye them in a balance to weighe them,
he sayth that the momentary afflictions of this lyfe are not worthy the
waighte of glory that is layed vp for us in the life to come.

We may truely say that the afflictions of these tymes wherein we liue
are not worthy the glory, for these are non, wee living in abundant
prosperity and peace, but tymes of persecution may come, wherein these
may be comfortable arguments; and, he said, that for ought he could see
the crosse was the proper badge and cognisaunce of a Christian. There
are soe many kindes of takinge; of takinge bribes, monie, gifts, &c.
that there be fewe will take paynes with the creatures.

The creatures travayle togither with us, a metaphore taken from travayle
with child: which is caused from syn, and is a desyre to be delivered.

[Sidenote: fo. 87^b.]

When the sonnes of God shall be reuealed, _i. e._ when the number of the
elect be called, for whose sake the dissolucion of the world is
deferred. The Jewes must be conuerted before the world can be dissolued.
He that before the dissolucion of abbies had foretold what was to happen
unto them for their fault and wickednes which liued in them, yf they had
thereupon repented and entred into a new course of lyfe, though this
could not perhaps haue stayed their dissolucion, yet it might haue saued
themselves in some better state; soe when men are foretold of the
dissolucion of the world, which is hastned and caused for our synnes,
though our repentaunce and amendment of lyfe cannot hinder the
dissolucion, yet may it be good for ourselves.


[Sidenote: fo. 88.

30 Jan. 1602.]

IN THE AFTERNOONE, AT ST. PETERS BY PAULES WHARFE, MR. CLAPHAM. GEN. IV.
8.

"Yf a man doth not well, synn lieth at the dore," like a dog, sayd he,
that will snap him by the shins.

[Sidenote: fo. 88^b.

Jan. 1602.]

By primority of birth Kaine had the inheritaunce of land, and the rule
of his brother Habel. He was Lord over him, and did domineer, a title
that was used, and is allowed by all to temporall persons, but by some
fantasticall curious heads of late denied to the ecclesiasticall
governors. A sort of busie superstitious and factious braines there be,
and some in this city, that are afrayed of they know not what, would
haue something if they could tell what it ment: they are like a goose
that stoopes when it comes in at a barne dore, though it knowe not
wherefore. These forsoothe crye into the eares of those auditors that
like and followe them, that there must be noe such title as Lord given
to anie ecclesiastike person, because Christ sayd to his disciples; "Be
ye not called Lord," and "The rulers of the Gentiles beare dominacion,
but you not soe," Math. xx. Indeede the Scripture talkes after that
manner, but not that meaning, and at last they come out with a place,
and tell the people they read, Luke xxii. 25. "The kings of the Gentiles
be called Gracious Lords, but ye shall not be soe:" and this they say
cuts home indeede, just as a leaden sawe; for they may well say they
reade so: but I dare say they cannot reade soe in the Scripture, they
bely Christ when they say he said soe; he never spake those words; it
is a punishment for our synnes that wee cannot reade right in this age.
They are unlearned malitious that reade soe. The word in the text
originall is [Greek: euergetai], derived of the particle [Greek: eu],
good, and the other verbe [Greek: ergazomai] to worke; in Latin they are
called Benefactores, we may call them Good Workers, a title which the
kings of the Southerne Nations, those which Daniel describeth to be the
kingdome that stands upon black legges, when they had done some little
good to their state, they would arrogate; soe Ptolome Euergetes, and soe
it is forbidden by way of arrogancy for good deedes: because the glory
must be ascribed to God.

And by their reason they might as well deny the name of Maister, and
Father, for both are forbidden, as well as the other, and soe they might
quickly be amongst the Anabaptists, and overturne all difference and
jurisdicion. Lord is a name sometyme of place, and sometyme of grace;
and soe the ecclesiastike may haue it as well as the temporall, for to
the temporall it is a name of place onely, but the ecclesiasticall by
their merit may haue it of grace. Neither is it soe strange a title;
Jacob useth it to his brother Esau, and the prophet Isay takes it, my
Lord, Adoni; Christ acknowledged the name, and some of the Apostles did
not refuse it.

[Sidenote: fo. 89.

Jan. 1602.]

"Then Kain spake to Habell;" it is not sett downe what he said: yet some
have adventured to say that he said _Transeamus in campos_, but
whatsoever it was it is not here mentioned, but left to be conceived, as
in iii. Gen. v. 22, least he put forth his hand [and] take alsoe of the
tree of lyfe: it is left what he resolved. Not that yf Adam had tasted
of the tree of lyfe that he should have liued for ever, noe more then he
that receives the Sacrament vnworthily shall be a member of Christs
body, but that was spoken _ironice_.

It is like he spake fayre words, being in the house in presence of his
father and mother, and that he used dissembling flattering speaches to
draw him to such a place where he might with aduantage execute his
purpose. A common practise in this world, and an old one, you see, a
Machiuilian tricke. They will match the diuel in this age, to carry
fayre countenaunce to him whome they meane to overthrowe; to glose and
insinuate, to offer hart roote and all, till he may take him at such a
vantage that he may cutt his throate or breake his necke, a familiar
fashion amongst the nobility in Court, not altogither unusuall amongst
the Clergy.

And when they were in the feild Kain rose up against his brother and
killed him, a pittifull and a wonderfull matter, will some say, that God
will suffer the wicked thus to murther the good; pittifull indeed, but
not wonderfull, for the synnes of the best have deserved greater
punishment.

[Sidenote: fo. 89^b.

Jan. 1602.]

A strang thing those which were soe great frends, went arme in arme,
nowe mortall enimies upon the suddein. A maruelous strang thinge that he
should knowe he could kill his brother, that he could dy, for he never
sawe any man dye before; but manie things are done, both good and evil,
by a secret instinct whereof a man sawe no reason til after the thing
performed, as Moses when he slewe the Agyptian.

Murder an auncient synn, the first open offence after the fall that was
committed in the world. Here a notable pollicy of the diuel to have
dammed up Gods glory and mans relligion, both at once.

Noe murderer at this day but is guilty of this murder of Kain, and all
since, since iniquity is sayd to be a measure which every synner in his
kinde by adding his synne striues to make full, and soe assents to all
before acted, like a conjuror that subscribes with his bloud.

"Where is Habel thy brother?" The Lord careth for the righteous.

"Whoe answered, I cannot tell." He flaps God in the mouth with a ly at
the first word, a generall rule that after murder lying followeth, they
are links togither, and commonly noe syn committed but a lye runnes
after: for none is soe impudent to confesse it, euery one would have the
face of virtue.

[Sidenote: fo. 90.]

"Am I my brothers keeper?" See a Kings sonne, the heir of the world,
what a lob[140] it is! Howe like a clowne, a clunche,[141] an asse, he
aunswers. A synner is the verryest noddy of all. This Kain was the
verriest duns in the world. He thought to have outfact God with [a] ly,
and then would excuse it; "Am I my brothers keeper?" I marry art thou,
as thou wast his brother in love, his elder in government, as the prince
is the keeper of his people, the minister of the congregacion, every one
of an other! The greate ones would keep the minister poore and beggerly
that they might not tell them of their faults, but stopp the preists
mouth with a coate or a dynner; "but," sayd he, "the diuel take dynners
giuen to such a purpose!"

    [Footnote 140: Lob, a clown, a clumsy fellow. (Halliwell's Archaic
    Dict.)]

    [Footnote 141: Clunch, a clod-hopper. (Halliwell.)]


[Sidenote: fo. 90^b.

30 Jan. 1602.]

The Papists make a forril[142] [?] of the Scripture; they soue up the
mouth of it. (_Clapham the other Sunday, as Mr. Peter [?] told me._)

    [Footnote 142: This word in the MS. is somewhat blotted and in
    consequence doubtful. The "forel" was the cloth or canvas covering
    in which it was at one time customary to wrap up a book; see Prompt.
    Parvulorum, p. 171. Mr. Way there gives a quotation from Horman, who
    says "I hadde leuer haue my boke sowed in a forel than bounde in
    bourdis."]


_Scottish taunts._

    Long beardes hartles,
    Painted hoodes wittles,
    Gay coates graceles,
    Makes England thriftles.[143]

        [Footnote 143: Camden prints these lines in his Remaines (ed.
        1637, p. 194) and assigns them to the reign of Edward III. They
        have since been quoted in many places, and frequently assigned
        to the Scots, although Camden does not give them that origin.]


[Sidenote: 5 February.]

Mr. Asheford told me these verses under written are upon a picture of
the nowe Lord Keeper, Sir Thomas Egerton, in the Lord Chief Justice
Pophams lodging:--

    _In vita gravitas, vultu constantia, fronte
       Consilium, os purum, mens pia, munda manus._


A gentleman without monie is like a leane pudding without fatt. (_J.
Bramstone._)


Justice Glandville[144] upon a tyme, when fidlers pressed to play before
him, made them sing alsoe, and then askt them yf they could not cry too;
they said his worship was a merry man; but he made them sad fellowes,
for he caused them to be vsed like rogues as they were. (_Ch. Dauers._)

    [Footnote 144: Justice of the Common Pleas, 1598-1600. (Foss's
    Judges, v. 494.)]


There is best sport always when you put a woman in the case. (_Greene._)


The Attorney Generall [Coke] put a case thus in the Kings benche;--"Yf I
covenant to stand seised to the use of my bastard daughter--as I thanke
God I have none"--and blusht.


[Sidenote: fo. 91.

1 Feb. 1602. [?]]

There were 11 Sergeants-at-lawe called this day; two of the Middle
Temple, Mr. Phillips and Mr. Nicholes; five of the Inner Temple, Crooke
the Recorder of London, Tanfeild, Coventry, Foster, and Barker; three of
Lyncoln's Inn, Harris and Houghton; one of Grayes Inn, Mr. Altam.

When the Queene was moved to have called another to have made up twelve,
she refused, saying she feared yf there were twelve there would be one
false brother amongst them.

Sergeant Harris when he heard that Barker was called, "It is well," said
he, "there should be one Barker amongst soe manie byters."

This day at dynner Mr. Sing tooke Mr. Nicholes by the hand and led him
up from the lower end of the table, where his place was, and seated him
on the benche highest at the upper end.


[Sidenote: 3.]

I heard by Mr. Hadsore the lawyers recusants are admitted to plead at
the barr in Irland; that one Everard is preferred of late to be a
Justice in the Kings Bench there, where there are but two, and yet he a
recusant, but an honest man.


[Sidenote: 4.]

It is said Mr. Snig offers 800_l._ to be Sergeant, whereupon Mr.
Sergeant Harris said that he doubted not but he should shortly salut his
deare brother Mr. Snig.

Argent makes Sargent.


[Sidenote: fo. 91^b.

4 Feb. 1602.]

_Out of a poeme intituled The Tragicall History of_ MARY QUEEN OF SCOTTS
_and Dowager of Fraunce._[145] _Hir Ghost to Baldwyne._

    [Footnote 145: The poem from which the following lines were
    extracted remained unpublished for two centuries after the time of
    our Diarist. It was written in the style of the Mirror for
    Magistrates, and was clearly intended for insertion in some
    subsequent edition of that popular work, but there were obvious
    reasons connected with its subject-matter which would operate
    against its publication in the reign of Elizabeth and in that of her
    successor, and after that time the Mirror had fallen out of fashion,
    another style of poetry had come into vogue, Queen Mary and her
    sorrows had lost for a time their hold upon the public mind, and the
    Tragicall History was consequently entirely lost sight of. In 1810
    it was found by Mr. John Fry in a manuscript belonging to a
    gentleman named Fryer, and was published by Mr. Fry in a volume
    entitled "The Legend of Mary Queen of Scots and other ancient Poems,
    now first published from MSS. of the 16th century." (Lond. 8vo.) At
    the end of the principal poem there occurs in Mr. Fryer's MS. the
    date of the 10th July 1601, with the name of the supposed and, in
    all probability, the real author, Thomas Wenman. He is thought to be
    the person of those names who contributed one of the commendatory
    poems prefixed to the second part of Browne's Britannia's Pastorals,
    published in 1616. Wenman was of the Inner Temple. He was Public
    Orator of the University of Oxford from 1594 to 1597 (Wood's Athenæ,
    ii. 365. Fasti, i. 251. Hardy's Le Neve, iii. 534,) and, as may be
    gathered from Mr. Fryer's MS., was a Roman Catholic. We doubted
    whether the extracts given by our Diarist should be printed, the
    whole poem having been included in the volume edited by Mr. Fry, but
    after consideration we have come to the conclusion that it was best
    to do so: 1, Because Mr. Fry's impression was an extremely small
    one, and the poem is consequently very little known, even to
    poetical antiquaries; and 2, Because many of the lines here quoted
    supply other readings, and in many cases correct obvious
    misreadings, in the edition of Mr. Fry. The tenour of the writer's
    opinions upon the moot points of Queen Mary's history may be
    gathered even from our Diarist's disjointed extracts. The numbers
    added in the margin within brackets refer to the stanzas of the poem
    as printed by Mr. Fry.]

    [4.]  In swiftest channell is the shallowest ground,
            In common bruite a truth is seldome found.

    [5.]  A slight defence repells a weake assault.

    [6.]  But soe unhappy is a princes state
            That scarce of thousands which on them depend
          One shall be found, untill it be too late,
            That solid truth shall in their counsell fend [lend],
          But all theyre vainest humours will defend;
          Till wee, alas! doe beare the guilt of all,
          And they themselves doe save, what ere befall!

    [12.] I will not shewe thee howe my body lyes,
          A senceles corps by over hastned death.

    [13.] I might bemoane the hap that fell to me
          That yet in graue must still accused bee.

    [14.] Lett the faults upon the guilty light.

    [19.] But fatall was my Guyssian kin to mee;
            Who built their hopes on hazard of my bloud,
          Like iuy they did clyme up by my tree,
            And skathed my growth in many a likely bud.
          Theyre ouer kindenes did me little good,
            Whose clyming steps of theyre unbridled mynde
            Makes me, alas! to blame them as unkinde.

    [Sidenote: fo. 92.]

    [20.] They gave us courage quarrels to pretend
          Gainst neighbours, kings and friends, for whom of right
          Our interest and bloud would wish us fight.

    [21.] Soe did the wise obserue my tyme of birth
          To be a day of mourning, not of mirth,

    22.   For death deprived two brothers that I had,
          Both in a day, not long ere I was borne,
          So that a mourning weede my cradle clad.

    24.   A greivous chaunce it is to meanest sort
            To leaue a widdowe in a forrein land,
          A child whose yeares cannot herselfe support,
            A suckling babe which can ne speak nor stand
          But must depend upon a tutors hand;
          But greatest mischief is it to a king
          Then which noe hap can greater hazard bring.

    25.   Ill to the prince, and to the people worse,
          Which giveth meanes to the ambitious mynd
          By rapine to enrich their greedy purse
          By wreak [wrack] of commonweale, whilst that they blind
          The peoples eyes and shewe themselves unkinde
          To pupil princes, whom they doe accuse
          As cause of such disorders they doe use.

    33.   Pride, wealth, and lust, and gredines of mynde
          The finest witts we see doth often blynde.


_The choise of the Regent was the beginning of their broyles. Duke
Hamilton a worthie, wise prince, chosen Regent, purposed a marriag
twixt Q. Mary and Ed. 6., interrupted by the Clergy, and matched with
the Dauphine of Fraunce._[146]

    [Footnote 146: This is given by Manningham as the substance of
    stanzas 34 to 40.]

    [Sidenote: fo. 92^b.]

    41.   Thus to and fro, I, silly wretch, was tost,
          And made the instrument of either side,
          Turmoyled with stormes, with wilfull wynde and tyde.

    47.   The Cardinall of Lorraine bare the purse,
          The Duke of Guyse the Civil Wars did nurse.


_Our Queene offered hir 30,000 crownes per annum soe she would not marry
a forreyner._[147]

    [Footnote 147: Manningham's abstract of stanzas 48 to 66.]

    67.   In heaven they say are weddings first decreed,
          All though on earth they are solemnized.

    70.   Soe most unhappy is a princes state
          Who must have least respect them selves to ease,
          Barr'd of the right men have of meaner state,
          Whose choyse is cheife theyr eyes and mynde to please;
          Noe outward pompe can inward grief appease;
          A sheepherds lyfe with calme content of mynde
          Is greater blisse then many princes finde.

    78.   God graunt in safety long his life may stay
          That riper years may yeild a plenteous crop
          Of virtues which doe kingdomes underprop.

    81.   Not civil but unciuil wars they were,
          Twixt man and wife, which jealousy did breede.

    82.   But if my mynde which was not growne soe base,
          Or Dauis yeares unfitt for Ladyes loue,
          As fitt excuses might have taken place.


_Dauis hir secretary gave counsell, that shee should not crowne hir
husband. Lord Darly._[148]

    [Footnote 148: Abstract of stanzas 83 and 84.]

    85.   Whose rule was like for to eclipse my power.

    86.   Not any hate unto the Prince he had,
          Not unbeseeming loue to me he bare.

    88.   But as they clyme whom princes doe aduaunce
          Eache tongue will trip, and envyes eye will glaunce.

    [Sidenote: fo. 93.]

    89.   To be aduanced from a base estate
          By virtue is indeede a happy thing;
          But who by fortune clymes will all men hate,
          Unles his lyfe unlookt for fruit doe bring
          Wherewith to cure the wound of envies sting,
          But seldome-tymes is found soe wise a man
          That gayneing honour well it governe can.


_Of the murther of Davies._

    94.   I would have wisht some other had him stroke,
          And in a place more farther from my sight,
          Or for his right arraigned he had spoke,
          Or of his death some other sense had light.

    95.   A Princes presence should a pardon bee,
          A ladyes shout should moue a manly mynde,
          A childwifes chamber should from bloud be free,
          A wife by husband should not slaunder finde.

    101.  To disvnite their league I went about,
          For cables crack like threds when they vntuist.


_That not the Queen but others procured Bothwell to murther Lord
Darly._[149]

    [Footnote 149: Abstract of stanzas 102 to 117. The numbers in this
    and the following page are printed as in the MS.]

    118.  It stoode them well upon to finde a way
          To rid a foe whose power they well might feare;
          They knewe the King did watch reuenging day,
          And Bothwell did them litle likeing beare,
          They knewe ambition might his malice teare,
          They knewe the hope of kingdome and of me
          Would win him to the Kings decay agree.

    119.  To fayne my hand to worke soe greate effect
          They would not stick to haue their lives assured.

    109.  Howe ere it was, by whose soeuer fact,
          The breache of peace betwixt us growne of late,
          Our parted bed, my loue which somewhat slackt,
          Some letters shewed as myne importing hate,
          With the slender shewe I make in mourners state[150]
          Conferred with my match which did ensue,
          Makes most suppose a false report for true.

              [Footnote 150: This line does not occur in Mr. Fry's
              publication.]

    [Sidenote: fo. 93^b.]

    110.  With equall mynde doe but the matter weigh,
          And till thou heare my tale thy judgment stay.

    114.  I craue noe priuiledge to shield my cause,
          Lett only reasons balance triall make,
          A guiltles conscience needes not feare the lawes.

          My Nay might answer well a bare suspect,
          But likelyhoodes of thinges shall me protect.


_That she mourned not._

    122.  I must accuse the custome of the place,
          Where most our auncestors themselves doe want
          Due monuments theyr memoryes to plant.

    130.  Soe hard it is to virtue to reclayme
          The mynde where pride or malice giueth ayme.

    132.  Noe cause soe bad you knowe, but colours may
          Be layd to beautifie what princes say.

    135.  A fetch soe foule as to report I shame,
          Euen to depriue the life I lately gave,
          And shed the bloud I would have dyed to save.

    136.  A dangerous thing it is once to incur
          A common bruit or light suspect of ill,
          Fame flyeth fast, the worse she is more farr
          She goeth, and soone a jealous head will fill;
          What most men say is held for Ghospell still.


_Of hir favors._

    148.  My suit did crave but liberty to liue
          Exiled from those at home which sought my bloud;
          Hir bounty did extend further to giue,
          With lyfe, eache needefull thing with calling stood,
          And such repayre of frends as me seemed good;
          Which had I used as did a guest beseeme
          I had not bin a prisoner, as I deeme.

    149.  But winged with an over high desyre.

    [Sidenote: fo. 94.]

    150.  Small provocations serue a willing mynd,
          Soe prone wee are to clyme against the hill,
          If honour or reuenge our sayles [soules?] doe fill,
          But woe is me I ever tooke in hand
          That to decide I did not understande!


_The cause that moued hir to stir sedition._

    151.  It was the thirst I had both crownes to weare,
          And from a captiues state my selfe to reare.

    159.  Guyse whoe did lay the egges that I should hatch
          Sawe subjects hearts in England would not bend
          To treason, nor his force noe hold could catch
          To bring to passe the thing wee did entend,
          He therefore caused the Pope a pardon send
          To such as should by violent stroke procure
          Hir death whose fall my rising might procure.


_Tyborne tippets, i. e. halters._[151]

    [Footnote 151: Note of Manningham on a phrase in stanza 160.]

    163.  At length, by full consent of Commonweale,
          In Englishe Parliament it was decreed,
          By cutting of a withered branche to heale
          Theyre body burdened with a fruitles weede,
          Which was by hir it touched most indeede
          Withstoode by pitty, which could not take place
          Because it did concerne a common case.

    165.  In body yet wee Adams badge doe weare,
          And to appeare before Gods throne doe feare.


_Appeald to forrein princes._

    167.  For of releif I promises had store,
          But when, alas! it stoode my lyfe upon
          I found them fayle; my life and all was gone.

    168.  Proofes were produced; it seemed I should confes
          A murder purposed, and some treacherousnes
          Against a queene, my cosen and my frend,
          Whoe from my subiects sword did me defend.

    [Sidenote: fo. 94^b.]

    170.  And soe the cause did seeme to stand with mee,
          That ones decay must others safety bee.

    172.  Thus I convict must satisfy the lawe,
          Not of revenge which hatred did deserue,
          But of necessity, by which they say [sawe?]
          My onely death would hir in lyfe preserve,
          Which I reioice soe good a turne did serve,
          That haples I might make some recompence
          By yielding vp the life bred such offence.

    178.  I did rather others facts allowe,
          Then sett them on to actions soe vnkinde,
          Though many tymes myselfe was not behinde
          To blowe the fyre which others seemed to make.

    174.  To doe or to procure, to worke or will,
          With God is one, and princes hold the same.

    179.[152] What favour should I from my foes expect
          If soe vnkindely frends did deale with me?
          If that my subiects doe my faults detect,
          I cannot looke that straungers should me free;
          They should have propt or bent my budding tree
          In youth, whilst I as yet was pliant wood
          And might have proued a plant of tymber good.

              [Footnote 152: 184, Fry.]

    180.[153] Howe seldome natures richest soyle doth yeild
          A bower where virtue may hir mansion build.

              [Footnote 153: 179, Fry.]

    182.[154] Tell them that bloud did always vengeance crave
          Since Abel's tyme untill this present day,
          Tell them they lightly loose that all would haue,
          That clymers feete are but in ticle stay,
          That strength is lost when men doe oversway,
          That treason neuer is soe well contrived
          That he that useth it is longest lyved.

              [Footnote 154: 181, Fry.]

       *       *       *       *       *[155]

    [Footnote 155: We have omitted here the mottoes in a Lottery, drawn
    upon the occasion of a visit paid by Queen Elizabeth to Lord Keeper
    Egerton, which have been printed already by the Percy and
    Shakespeare Societies and in Nichols's Progresses.]


[Sidenote: fo. 96.

6 Feb. 1602.]

AT THE TEMPLE CHURCHE, DR. ABBOTTES,[156] Deane of [Winchester.[157]]

    [Footnote 156: Dr. George Abbot, Dean of Winchester, from 1599-1600
    to 1609, when he was appointed Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, and
    in 1611 translated to the see of Canterbury. (Hardy's Le Neve, i.
    26, 556, iii. 22.)]

    [Footnote 157: Blank in original.]

His text, 59 of Isay, v. 12: "For our tresspasses are many before thee,
and our synnes testify against us, for our trespasses are with us, and
we knowe our iniquities."

He began with a commendacion of this prophet for the most eloquent and
evangelique, in soe much that St. Jerome said he might rather be placed
amongst the Evangelists then the Prophets.

All men are synners. "Our trespasses." When Christ taught his disciples
to pray, it was one peticion, "Forgive us our trespasses:" to lett them
knowe that they were his chosen disciples, yet they were not without
synn.

Some may say they have liued _sine crimine, sine querela, sed nemo
absque peccato_.

Hence we must learne not to be presumptuous, but to worke out our
salvacion with feare and trembling, since all are synners. 2. Not to
despayre, since the best haue synned.

Our synnes are before God, his eyes are 10,000 tymes brighter then the
sunne, nothing hid from his knowledge. Synne is like a smoke, like fyre,
it mounteth upward, and comes even before God to accuse us; it is like a
serpent in our bosome, still ready to sting us; it is the diuels
daughter. A woman hath hir paynes in travaile and delivery, but
rejoyceth when she seeth a child is borne; but the birth of synn is of a
contrary fashion; for all the pleasure [is] in the bringing forth, but
when it is finished and brought forth, it tormenteth us continually;
they haunt us like the tragicall furies.


[Sidenote: fo. 96^b.

6 Feb. 1602.]

In the afternoone, MR. CLAPHAM; his text, Math. xxiv. 15.


"Lett him that readeth consider it." He said this chapter is not to be
understoode of doomesday, but of the destruction of Jerusalem; and that
the 28 v. "Wheresoever the dead carcase is, thither doe the eagles
resort," cannot be applied to the resurrection and congregacion of the
saints into state of glory with Christ, as some notes interpret, but of
the gathering togither of Christes people in the kingdome of grace: for
Christ in his kingdome of glory cannot be sayd a carcase, but nowe he
may, because he is crucified. And the 29 v. "The sunne shall be
darkened, and the moone shall not give hir light, and the stars shall
fall from heaven," he expounded thus, That the temporall and
ecclesiasticall state of the Jewes in Jerusalem, and the starres, i. e.
their magistrates, shall loose their authority.

He expounded the opening the seven seales in the Revelacion to have
reference to sundry tymes, and the 6. to the destruction of Jerusalem. 7
tymes 7 makes a weeke of yeares, the Jewes true Jubilee, wherein 7
trumpets should be blowne.

The best expositor of the Revelacion a nobleman in Scotland,[158] whoe
hath taken Christian and learned paynes therein, yet fayled in the
computacion of the beginning of the yeares.

    [Footnote 158: Napier of Merchiston, the inventor of Logarithms. His
    work entitled "A plain Discovery of the whole Revelation of St.
    John" was printed at Edinburgh in 1593, by Waldegrave. It went
    through many editions and was translated into the principal
    languages of Europe.]

The Revelacion might be better understood if men would better studye it;
and that it may be understood, and hath good use, he alledged the word,
1. 3. "Blessed is he that readeth, and they that hear the wordes of this
prophesy, and keepe those thinges which are written therein;" which were
vayne unles it might be understoode.

[Sidenote: fo. 97.

Feb. 1602.]

Towards the end of his sermon he told his auditory howe it had bin
bruited abroade, as he thought by some Atheists or Papists whose profest
enemy he is, that this last weeke he had hanged himselfe, but some of
his friends, he said, would not believe it, but said some other had done
it; yet others that like him not for some opinion, said it was noe
marvaile yf he hanged himselfe, for he had bin possest of the diuel a
good while, "but I thinke rather," said he, "they were possessed that
said soe, and yet not soe possessed as some hold possession now a dayes,
that is essentially," and here he shewed his opinion that there can be
noe essentiall possession: 1. Because the diuel can effect as much
without entering into the person as yf he were essentially in him, and
then it is more then needes. 2. Because there cannot be assigned anie
proper token or signe to knowe that anie is essentially possessed. Which
signe must be apparent in all such as are soe possessed, and not in anie
others. This opinion of his, he said, he would hold till he sawe better
reason to the contrary.

[Sidenote: fo. 97^b.

6 Feb. 1602.]

In his sermon he told a tale of the Jewes Thalmud, which, he said, was
as true perhaps as anie in the Papists legend of lyes, and it was howe
Rabbi Haley had conference with Elias in a caue, and would knowe of
Elias when Messias should come. Elias told him, Goe aske of the Messias
himselfe. Rabbi Haley required where the Messias might be found. Elias
told him he should find him at Rome gates amongst the poore; a verry
scoffe and a flout, he thought, to the Papists, to shewe that Christ
neuer came within their city, but they kept him out of dores, and that
he was not amongst their Cardinals, but the beggars, &c.


I will not believe it, because I will not, is Tom Sculs argument, as
they say in Cambrige, and a womans reason, as they say here.
(_Clapham._)


Mr. Bodley which hath made the famous library at Oxeford was the sonne
of a merchant of London: was sometymes a factor for the state: after
maried a riche widdowe in Devonshire or Cornewall, whose husband grewe
to a greate quantity of wealth in a short space, specially by trading
for pilchers; nowe himself having noe children lives a pleasing privat
life, somewhile at the City, somewhile at the University; he followed
the Earl of Essex till his fall. (_Mr. Curle._)


[Sidenote: 7.]

One came to the fyre and Mr. South gave him place; "You are as kinde,"
quoth he, "as the South-west winde." (_Da._)


[Sidenote: 8.]

Tom Lancaster met Robbin Snig one day in the Court of Requests. "Howe
nowe, old Robbin," quoth he, "what dost thou here?" "Fayth," said he, "I
came to be heard, if I can." "I thinke soe," said he; "nowe thou canst
be heard in noe other Court thou appealest to Cesar." (_Dr. Cesar,
Master of Requests._)

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: fo. 98.

8 Feb. 1602.]

Two poore men being at a verry doubtfull demurrer in the Kings benche,
the Justices moved that they would referr the matter to some indifferent
men that might determine soe chargeable and difficult a controversy, and
one demaunded of one of them yf he could be content to haue the land
parted betweene them; when he shewed himselfe willing, "Doubtles," said
Mr. Cooke, the attorney, "the child is none of his, that would have it
divided," alluding to the judgment of Solomon.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: 7.]

Turner and Dun, two famous fencers, playd their prizes this day at the
Banke side, but Turner at last run Dun soe far in the brayne at the eye,
that he fell downe presently stone deade; a goodly sport in a Christian
state, to see on man kill an other!

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: 21.]

He that offers to violate the memory of the deade is like a swyne that
rootes up a grave.


The towne of Manitre in Essex holdes by stage playes.[159] And
Rocheford, that they must come at a day unknowne into a field, where the
Steward keepes Court at midnight, and writes with a cole, but the night
he goes he must make knowne where he stays; those that are absent, and
haue none to answer, loose theyr land; grewe upon tenants burn[ing]
Lords evidences.

    [Footnote 159: It is stated in Heywood's Apology for Actors, that
    "to this day [1612], in divers places of England there be townes
    that hold the priviledge of their fairs and other charters by yearly
    stage-playes, as at Manningtree in Suffolke, Kendall in the North,
    and others." (Shakespeare Soc. ed. p. 61.) The Lawless Court of
    Rochford has been described in various places, especially in
    Morant's Essex, i. 272, and in Notes and Queries, ix. 11. W. H.
    Black, Esq. F.S.A. has made it the subject of a privately printed
    ballad entitled "The Court of the Honor of Rayleigh," in which it is
    stated that the parties assemble at a post in a close called the
    King's Hill, and that whatever is spoken during their proceedings is
    whispered to the post.]


[Sidenote: fo. 98^b.

12 Feb. 1602.]

Ben Johnson the poet nowe lives upon one Townesend[160] and scornes the
world. (_Tho: Overbury._)

    [Footnote 160: Aurelian Townsend is probably here alluded to. He was
    at one time steward in the household of Sir Robert Cecil.]


Sir Christopher Hatton and another knight made challenge whoe should
present the truest picture of hir Majestie to the Queene. One caused a
flattering picture to be drawne; the other presented a glas, wherein the
Queene sawe hir selfe, the truest picture that might be. (_Freewer?_)


[Sidenote: 13.]

I heard by Mr. Hull, that, whereas heretofore the Lord Admiral used to
have the tenthe of all reprisal goods, the State hath nowe thought good,
for the encouragement of men to furnishe ships of war against the enimy,
to forgiue that imposicion of tenth, but it is thought this indulgence
comes too late, the Spaniard hauing growne soe strong in shipping that
fewe dare hazard to venture in small company for incertaine booty.


[Sidenote: 12.]

The Maysters of the Court of Requests take their place aboue a Knight.
(_Whitlock._)


Mr. Hadsor, an Irishe gentleman of our house, was called to the barre,
and tooke his oath to the Supremacy. He is shortly to goe for Ireland,
there to be Chiefe Justice in Ulster, yf the troubles be pacified, as
there is great hope they will bee, for the Rebbell Tyrone hath sent an
absolute submission.


One Weston, a merchant of Dublin, hath bin a great discoverer.[161]

    [Footnote 161: Qu. of concealed lands.]


[Sidenote: fo. 99.

15.]

The Papistes relligion is like a beggars cloke, where there are soe many
patches of pollicy sowed on, that none of the first clothe can be seene.
(_B. Rud_[_yerd_].)


"I will doe myne endeavor," quoth he that thrasht in his cloke. (_E.
Curle._)


"_Non sic fuit ab antiquo_" say the Papistes of ours; "_Non sic fuit ab
initio_," say wee of their religion. (_B. Rudyerd._)


[Sidenote: 14.]

Impunity is the mother of contempt and impiety, and both those the
subverters of all governement. (_Lord Keeper._)


_Qui in os laudatur, in corde flagellatur._


I heard that about this last Christmas the Lady Effingham,[162] as shee
was playing at shuttlecocke, upon a suddein felt hir selfe somewhatt,
and presently retiring hir selfe into a chamber was brought to bed of a
child without a midwife, shee never suspecting that shee had bin with
child.

    [Footnote 162: The lady pointed at by this anecdote was Anne
    daughter and heir of John Lord St. John of Bletsoe, married to
    William Lord Howard of Effingham, eldest son of Charles Earl of
    Nottingham, on 7th Feb. 1597-8 (Faulkner's Chelsea, ii. 124, where
    the lady is inaccurately termed "Agneta"). There is mention in
    Faulkner of the baptism of a daughter Anne on 12th October 1605, but
    no allusion to the child who is said by our diarist to have come so
    unceremoniously into the world.]


The play at shuttlecocke is become soe muche in request at Court, that
the making shuttlecockes is almost growne a trade in London.


_Præstat otiosum esse quam nihil agere._


[Sidenote: fo. 99^b.

13 Feb. 1602.]

AT PAULES,

A yong man made a finicall boysterous exordium, and rann himselfe out
almost dry before he was halfe through; his text; "He humbled himselfe
to the death, even to the death of the crosse, wherefore God hath
glorified him." He spake much of humility. _Melior est peccator humilis,
quam superbus justus. Peccare non potest nisi superbus, nec penitere
nisi humilis._ He first dilated of three meanes to knowe God; by his
greatnes, by the prophets in the old, by his sonne in the newe
Testament. Against pride in beauty; the diuel playes the sophister
whiles he perswades women to paint that they may seeme fayrer than they
are; which painting being discovered, makes them to be thought fouler
than they are. Pride in apparell is pride of our shame, for it was made
to cover it, and as yf one should embroyder a sheete wherein he had done
pennaunce, and shewe it in bragging manner. It is said by some that St.
John Baptist for his humility is rewarded with the place which the diuel
lost for his pride.

He spake against duellisme, or single combat, and said that yf two goe
into the field with purpose to fight an the one be slayne, he is a
murderour of himselfe. He exhorted the judges to severity, telling them
that there is more incouragement taken by one that escapes the
punishment due unto him by the lawe, then there is feare wrought by the
execution of an hundred.


[Sidenote: fo. 100.

13 Feb. 1602.]

In the afternoone MR. CLAPHAM, at his Churche by Paules Wharf.

Text, Gen. iv. 13. "Then Kain said to the Lord or Jehovah, My punishment
is greater then I can beare, &c." but he reade it "My synne is greater
then can be concealed." He noted that translators did very ill to foyst
their inventions into the text and sett the originall in the margent, as
commonly the common translacions have "synne" in the margent for the
word "punishment" in the text, as grosse an absurdity as yf one should
shutt the master out of dores, and give entertainement to his
attendants.

[Sidenote: fo. 100^b.

1 Feb. 1602.]

Nowe Kayne was prest with the horror of his synn he confesseth, but with
a kinde of desperacion and repining, as Judas when he confest and hanged
himselfe. If a man will not confesse his faultes he shall be prest till
he confesse, and when his confession comes to late he may confesse and
be hanged to, well enough. For repentant confession must come while
grace is offered, while it is called to-day. God deales as the debtor
which tenders his money till sunne goe downe. When night is come, up
goes his money and a fig for his creditor. Yf men take not tyme while
grace is offered, but delay till the sunne of grace be gonne downe,
there remaines nothing but horrible desperat reprobacion. A vagabond; an
excommunicate person is a vagabond, turned out of the society of Gods
Churche both here in earth, and in heaven too, yf it were done by the
Spirit of Christ; and therefore lett not men soe lightly esteeme of this
greate censure, nor thinke to excuse themselves by saying it was for
trifles; but lett them take heede they deserve it not, and yf they which
gave the sentence abused their authority, lett them aunswere for it, but
always the censure is to [be] reverently regarded.

Ther be pasport-makers that are as verry rogues as any justice rogues,
noble rogues; all that live out of the communion of the Churche are noe
better than rogues and vagabonds in the eye [?] of God.


[Sidenote: fo. 101.

15 Feb. 1602.]

_Paradox. That paynting is lawefull._ Fowlenes is loathesome; can it be
soe that helpes it? What thou lovest most in hir face is colour, and
this painting gives that; but thou hatest it, not because it is, but
because thou knowest it is. Foole, whom ignorance only maketh happie.
Love hir whoe shewes greate love to the by taking this paynes to seeme
lovely to thee.


_Hee that weepeth is most wise._ Wee come first unwitting, weeping and
crying, into a world of woe, and shall wee not weepe and cry when wee
knowe it?

The Reason of Reasons was seene divers tymes to weepe, but never to
laugh.

Art thou a synner? Wilt thou repent? Weepe. Art thou poore? Wouldst thou
be relieved? Weepe. Hast thou broken the lawes of thy prince? Hast thou
deserued death? Wouldst thou be pittyed? Wouldst thou liue? Weepe. Hast
thou injured thy friend? Wilt thou be reconciled? Weepe.


_Laughinge is the greatest signe of wisdome. Ride, si sapis, O puella,
ride._ Yf thou be wise laugh, for sith the powers of discourse and
reason and laughinge be equally proper to only man, why shall not he be
most wise that hath most use of laughing, as well as he that hath most
use of reasoning and discoursing? I have seene men laugh soe long and
soe ernestly that they have wept at last, because they could weepe
[laugh?] noe more. Laugh at a foolish gallant; soe shall he be knowne a
man, because he laughs; a wise man, for he knowes what he laughs at; and
valiant, that he dares laugh.


[Sidenote: fo. 101^b.

15 Feb. 1602.]

_To keepe sheepe, the best lyfe._ The Lyfe of Man was soe affected to
this lyfe, that he denyed not to crowne his deity with this title: and
by this he directed his especiall charge to his especiall disciple:
giving us men this best name of a beast, of the best nature of beastes.
They are innocent, they are patient, soe would God have man; they love
and live together, soe would God have man. God made thee to behold the
Heaven, and to meditate the wonders thereof; make thyselfe a shepheard,
and thou art still beholding, still meditating. God commaundes thee to
forsake the world: yf thou art a shepheard thou dost soe, thou
withdrawest thyselfe from the world. The private lyfe is the sweetest
lyfe; yf thou livest the lyfe of a shepheard, thou livest the sweetest
private. Wilt thou be a king? Be a shepheard, thou hast subjects, thou
hast obedient subjects, thou hast sheepe, thou hast a scepter, thou hast
a crooke; thy fold is thy counsell chamber, and the greene field thy
flourishing pallace. Thy companions are the sunne, the moone, and the
stars, of whom thou makest continuall use, and from the vieue of their
lights receyvest thy counsell and advise. Thou art more happie then
other kings, thou art freed from hate and soe from feare, thou reignest
quietly, and rulest securely; thou hast but one enemie, and thou hast an
enemy for that enemie, the dog and wolf. He that was Gods second best
beloved was a shepheard and a king; yf thou art a shepheard thou art a
king, thou art happie, nay thou art most happie, thou art a happie king,
thy subiectes living onely to lengthen thy life, and to shorten their
owne, &c.


[Sidenote: fo. 102.

Feb. 1602.]

One fee is too good for a bad lawyer, and two fees too little for a good
one.


Hee that will love a man he knowes not why, will hate him though he
knowe not wherefore.


When Sir Edward Hobby heard of Sir Henry Nevils disaster with the Earl
of Essex, he said that his cosen Nevil was ambling towardes his
preferment, and would needes gallop in all the hast, and soe stumbled
and fell. (_Ch. Davers._)


The Bishop of Bath and Wells,[163] being sent for to the Court and there
offered the Bishopricke of Ely upon some condicions which he thought
inconvenient, he said that Bishopricke was the onely mayden Bishopricke
in England, and he would not be the first should deflour it. (_Hooper._)

    [Footnote 163: Dr. John Still, who had been Master of Trinity
    College, Cambridge, was Bishop of Bath and Wells from 1592 to
    1607-8.]


One being entreated to part a man and his wife that were togither by the
eares, "Nay," quoth he, "I will never part man and wife while I live."


Dr. Rud made a sermon before the Queene upon the text, "I sayd yee are
Gods, but you shall all dy like men;" wherein he made such a discourse
of death that hir Majestie, when his sermon was ended, said unto him,
"Mr. Dr. you have made me a good funerall sermon, I may dye when I
will."


Giue the way to any that you meete; yf he have a better horse it is
duty, yf a worse in pity; yf the way be fayre you are in, commonly it is
foule hard by, and soe you shall haue power to durty him that you giue
the way, not he you. (_Burdett._)


Yf you put a case in the first bookes of the lawe to the auncients, you
may presume they may haue forgotten it; yf in the newe bookes, you may
doubt whether they haue reade it. (_Bur_[_dett._])


[Sidenote: fo. 102^b.

Feb. 1602.]

Sir Henry Unton[164] was soe cunning a bargayner for landes that they
which dealt with him were commonly greate loosers, whereupon Mr. Duns of
Barkshire said that he bought lands with witt and sold them with
rhetorick. (_Chute._)

    [Footnote 164: The celebrated ambassador to France. See the
    excellent volume of Unton Inventories, edited by Mr. John Gough
    Nichols, for the Berkshire Ashmolean Society, 4to. 1841.]


My taylor, Mr. Hill, a little pert fellowe, was upon a tyme brought
before the Lord Chamberlaine, and accused that he had heard one
Harlestone curse the Earl of Leister in his house. But Hill denying it,
the Lord Chamberlain threatning him, called him rogue and raskall, that
would hear noblemen abused, and yet justifie to. Hill replyed that he
was neither rogue nor raskall, but a poore artificer, that lived by his
labour. The Lord demaund[ed], "What trade?" "A taylor," said Hill. "O
then a theife by profession," said the Lord, "and yet yf thou beest a
theife thou art but a prettie little one. But, sirra, you rogue, what
say you to the matter of my Lord of Leister?" "O, my Lord," said he, "I
heard noe such matter." "I will hang you, you raskall," said the Lord.
"You shall hang a true man, my Lord," sayd Hill. "What, and a taylor!"
said the Lord. Soe leaving Hill when he could not force him to confesse,
he went to the accuser, and told him he must not come and trouble him
with such trifles, which were fauls to, and yf it had bin true, yet yf
he should committ every one to prison that spake evil of Leister or
himselfe, he should make as many prisons in London as there be dwelling
houses.


[Sidenote: fo. 103.

20 March.]

Laudo navigantem, cum pervenerit ad portum. (_Ch. Da._)


    Si præbendari, si vis in alta locari,
    Consilium præsto, de sanguine præsulis esto. (_Burdett._)


Fayth is the evidence of things not seene; as wee hold our temporall
inheritance by our writinges, which we call our evidence, soe wee clayme
our eternall inheritaunce in the heavens by fayth, which is our
evidence. (_On King at Paules._)


_Risus potest esse causa aliqua, irrisus nulla._

_Irridere bona nefas, mala crudelitas, media stultitia, probos impium,
improbos sæuum, notos immanitas, ignotos dementia, denique hominem
inhumanum._ (_Lodou. Vives, ad Sap: intr._ 439.)[165]

    [Footnote 165: The words here quoted will be found in vol. i. p. 35,
    of the beautiful edition of the Works of Ludovicus Vives published
    at Valentia, in 8 vols. 4to. 1782-90. This particular treatise of
    Vives was a great favourite with our ancestors. Several editions of
    a translation into English, by Richard Moryson, were published by
    Berthelet and John Daye.]


_E bestijs, exiatiatis maxime ferarum est invidia mansuetarum
assentatio._ (_Idem._)[166]

    [Footnote 166: This passage seems to have puzzled our Diarist, who
    was probably copying from a manuscript. It stands thus in the
    Spanish edition above mentioned. "_Ex bestiis, exitiabiles maxime,
    inter feras invidia, inter mansuetas adulatio._" (i. 42.)]


[Sidenote: fo. 103^b.

28 Feb.]

One said of Rochester that it had been an auncient towne, as though it
were not more auncient by continuance. (_H. Gellibrand narr._)

       *       *       *       *       *

Dr. Couels booke which he wrote as an appology of Mr. Hooker[167] may be
sayd to be all heaven, butt yett Mr. Hookers sentences and discourses
intermixed are the stars and constellations, the speciall ornaments of
it.

    [Footnote 167: "A just and temperate Defence of the Five Books of
    Ecclesiastical Polity written by Mr. Richard Hooker, against an
    uncharitable Letter of certain English Protestants ... By Willam
    Covel, D.D." Lond. 4to. 1603, reprinted in the Works of Hooker,
    edited by Hanbury. Lond. 1830, ii. 449.]


One discoursing of a gentleman, Dr. Cæsars wiues first husband, that had
bin imployed as a Ligier in France; "I well belleeve it," sayd another,
"that he hath bin a lecher in Fraunce."


Dr. Cæsars wife was at first but a mayd servant in London; till advanct
by hir first marriage. When hir Majesty dyned at Dr. Cæsars, shee gave
his wife a checke, because in hir widdowhood she refused to speake with
a courtier whom hir Majesty had commended to hir.


When a minister was reading the words in marriage, "Wilt thou have this
man as thy wedded husband," the bryde presently cryed, "O God, I, Sir,"
as though shee had tarried for him.


[Sidenote: fo. 104.

Nov. 1602.]

Upon one Sunday this moneth DR. HOLLAND, Professor at Oxeford,[168] made
a sermon at Paules Crosse, his text, Luke xii. v. 13, 14, &c.

    [Footnote 168: Dr. Thomas Holland, Fellow of Balliol College, and
    Regius Professor of Divinity from 1589 to 1611. (Hardy's Le Neve,
    iii. 509.)]

"Take heede of covetousnes, for though a man have abundaunce, his life
standeth not in riches." 2 parts; a caveat. 2. the reason. The reason by
a negative, 1. Mans lyfe not in abundance. 2. by a similitude. He noted
a difference between the Syriack and the Greeke. The Syriac sayth Christ
spake to his disciples; the Greeke to the brethren that strove for the
inheritaunce.

In the caveat, considered 1. the giver, Christ; 2. the brevity; 3. the
occasion, the falling out of brethren.

All that followe Christ are his disciples.

The giver is Christ, which is Amen, _verax_, omniscient, he that knowes
the waye of the serpent upon the stone, of an arrowe in the ayre, and a
ship in the sea. _Multa habent auctoritatem propter dicentem._ He can
tell us _latet anguis in herba_. The two eyes of the lambe a great
watchman to tell us the danger of synn, that it hath the face of a
woman, but the sting of a scorpion.

[Sidenote: fo. 104^b.]

Brevitye. One word of Christ a whole sermon--the ten commaundments are
called but ten words, Deut. iv. 13. The whole have but one word, Love,
of God and our neighbour, [Greek: o ôn, o ei, o erchomenos, a] and
[Greek: ô]. One word of God overthrewe the whole kingdome of Assyria.
Adams synn was the breach but of one commaundement, yet condemned the
whole world. Relligion is one, though questions be infinit, yet all must
be determined _per unum verbum domini scriptum_. _Verbum indicabit_, all
must be resolved _per primam veritatem_. Our soule can never be quiet
till it be resolved by the word of God. Neither can wee have any
perfection till wee have a seed of God.

Some have gone about to shewe the truth of relligion by casting out
divels. David must come out with his two stones, the Old and the Newe
Testament, before Goliah can be slayne.

He would not speake against the good use of riches. _Divitiæ nec
putentur mala, quia dantur bonis; neque bona, quia conferuntur malis._
Though the soule neede none of these goods of riches, yet the body doth,
_propter victum et vestitum_, and therefore we pray, _Da nobis hodie
panem nostrum quotidianum_. God is the author of them, and soe, being
the gifts of God, they cannot be evil in their nature. Diverse virtues
followe and depend upon riches; as magnificence, munificence, &c.; hence
have these goodly churches beene builded, famous colledges found[ed],
warrs maynteyned, &c. The use of riches is to serve our owne necessity,
Gods glory; to doe good to the poore, to lend to the needy, to reward
the virtuous, to make frend of, &c. Yet the gift cannot merrit, for yf I
give all that I have, yet yf I want charitie, &c. Yet _facta in fide
Mediatoris_, they shall not want a reward. "Come ye blessed of my
Father, when I was naked you clothed me," &c. The abuse of riches is
covetousnes. Covetousnes is an Hydra with seven heades, the diuel is the
author of it. He tempted Christ with riches, when he shewed him [Greek:
doxan], the glory of the world; the diuel could make shewes, he was a
cunning juggler.

[Sidenote: fo. 105.]

The second head, the name, which is an ill name, to covet house, land,
&c. allways taken in the ill part; _avaritia_, in Latin, _aviditas
æris_, [Greek: philargyria]; not a good name amongst them all.

3. The daughters of covetousnes: 1. _Rapina_, robbery. 2. [Greek:
philargyria]. 3. _Oppressio._ 4. _Furtum._ 5. _Homicidium._ 6.
_Proditio._ 7. _Fallacia._ 8. _Mendacia._ 9. _Obduratio._ Whereof more
at this day then the Bishop of Constance burnt poore people in a barne
which came for a dole. 10. _Usuria._ This rangeth abroad over the whole
land. 11. Bribery. 12. _Symonia_, Lady Symonie, a shameles on. 13.
_Sacrilegium._ The end _Superbia_, which conteines all, and holds all
things to base for himselfe.

Fourth head, the effects of covetousnes: 1. Hatred. 2. Misery. 3.
Contempt. 4. Forgetfulnes of God. 5. _Suffocatio_, sorrowe. 6. Danger,
death of body and soule; howe many have bin slayne for riches, or dyed
in them.

Fifth head, it is the roote of all evill. 1 Tim. vi. 10; it is an euill
of generality. Some nations are sicke but of one vice; but he that hath
this, hath all; it is hardly cured, it growes by continuance, _peccatum
clamans_, it is _maxime inimicum Deo_, for hee gave all by creacion to
all equally, but this strives to drawe all to it selfe most unequally.
Of such a man it is sayd _abstulit a pauperibus, congregavit, et manet
in æternum ejus infamia_.

Sixth head, similitudes, all evill; it is compared to the dropsy, a
disquieting kinde of thirst; to leaches, which sucke till they burst.

[Sidenote: fo. 105^b.]

7. The end, he gathers he knowes not for whom; the reason, mans life
consists not in the abundance of riches, 1. Because both when wee came
into the world, though wee were naked, yet wee then lived, and before
that too. 2. Wee shall carry nothing away with us when we dye, yet our
soules shall live. 3. They cannot deliver us from death.

Riches are incertayne, and therefore Eschines compares them to Euripus,
which ebbes and flowes oftentymes in a day. An other says they are
winged, because the[y] passe away soe swiftly; and Fortune hir selfe is
allways painted upon a wheeling stone, to note the inconstancy of
riches; and certaine it is that, at last, yf they part not from us, wee
must part from them.

The parable. A riche man, though he be riche, yet he must dye; for he is
but a man. God would have some riche, some poore, for distinction sake,
and the mutuall exercise of liberality and patience, whereby the opinion
of the Anabaptists is easily confuted, whoe would have all things alike
common; _admirabilis concatenatio_ in the order of things and states.
God made noe miraculous provision for his disciples, therefore there
ought to be an ordinary provision for the ministery. As the people love
the ministers for their spirituall blessings, soe the ministers love the
people for their temporall commodities. The order of professions. 1.
Relligion. 2. Husbandry. 3. Merchandise. 4. Souldiery.

Abuse _in acquirendo, concupiscendo, consumendo_.

The covetous man reasons with himselfe in his bed: where wee should
_bonum omissum, malum commissum, tempus amissum, deflere_. David sayth,
"Lord, I remember the in my bed."

"I will pull doune;" surely he was a man of this age, pul downe
colledges, churches, cyties, kingdomes; every one cryes "Downe with
Jerusalem!" An easy matter to pull downe that which was in building
forty yeares; he will build it agen, soe will not many an other doe.

[Sidenote: fo. 106.]

The foole when his owne belly is full thinkes all the worlde hath
enoughe. "Eate soule! drinke soule!" a hog may say as much. I will pull
downe, I will build; here is all "I," nothing but himselfe. Presumption
that he shall enjoy all; whence he noted his infidelity, security,
carnality, [Greek: eutrapelia].

Of the soule. The soule is the image of God, _Christi redempta sanguine,
hæres cum angelis, capax cælestis beatitudinis, simplex, immortalis,
incorporea_. It useth _organa_, instruments. God giveth, not man
begge[tte]th it. 21 Exod. 22. _Creando infunditur, infundendo creatur._
God is the father of soules, and the soule returneth to God that gave
it; Ecclesiastes. _Anima imago Dei, in justitia et dominio._

Relligion of the Turk more towards their Alcoran then our[s] to the
Scripture; speake but against that there it is death. He that
dishonoureth his father, or disobeyeth the magistrat, every where
punished, but for Gods dishonour fewe take care or vengeance.

This thought he spake to himselfe, but God puls him by the sleeve, and
calls him by his name, "Thou foole!"

The godly give up their soules, but the soules of the wicked are taken
from them.


[Sidenote: fo. 106^b.

March 1602.]

    Femme que dona s'abandona,
    Femme que prende se vende,
    Femme que regarde son honneur
    Non veult prendre ne donner. (_My cosen._)


My cosen told me that about some 24 yeares since the Prince of Aurange,
being driven to some necessity, sent for reliefe to hir Majesty, with
protestation that yf shee fayled to supply their wants he must turne
pirate; and soe receyving but a cold aunswere, all they of Flushing and
other parts adjoining instantly of merchants became good men of warr,
and tooke our merchants fleete and forced them to lend 50,000_l._, which
was never repayd. Yet when they had served their turnes for that
extremity, and after divers complaints made by our merchants to our
Queen against their piracys, had receyved message from hir Majesty to
desist from those courses, they presently retyred themselves on a
sudden, every one to his former trade. Of soe apt a nature is that
nation for any purpose.


There was a company of yong gallants sometyme in Amsterdame which called
themselves the Damned Crue.[169] They would meete togither on nights,
and vowe amongst themselves to kill the next man they mett whosoever;
soe divers murthers committed, but not one punished. Such impunity of
murder is frequent in that country. (_My cosen narr._)

    [Footnote 169: This association was not confined to Amsterdam. A
    club of profligates under the same name existed in London much about
    this time, under the captainship of Sir Edmund Baynham, a well-known
    young roysterer. On the death of Queen Elizabeth, Sir Edmund was
    committed to prison by the Council for declaring openly that the
    King of Scotland was a schismatic, and that he would not acknowledge
    him as King. In 1605 the same gentleman was sent to Rome by the
    Gunpowder Conspirators that he might be there, as their agent, to
    communicate with the Pope, after the plot should have taken effect.
    Garnet helped him on his way to Rome by a letter to the Pope's
    Nuncio in Flanders. (Jardine's Gunpowder Treason, 58, 318.)]


[Sidenote: fo. 107.

1 March, 1602.]

My cosen repeated _memoriter_ almost the first Booke of Virgils Æneids.

And this day he rehersed without booke verry neere the whole second
Booke of the Æneids, viz. 630 verses, without missing one word. A
singular memory in a man of his age, 62.


You shall never see a deares scutt cover his haunche, nor a fooles
tongue his frendes secrett.


[Sidenote: fo. 107^b.]

Notes of a sermon upon the xv. ch. to the Corinth, verse 22.

"As in Adam all dye, soe in Christ shall all men be made alive." The
judgement of the first disobedience was death. And in truth, God could
doe noe lesse, unlesse he would be unjust, for as in wisdome he had
ordayned that man should dye when he tasted the fruit of the forbidden
tree, soe in justice he was to execute what in wisdom he had decreed.

Christ was like Adam in his preheminence, in being the cheife and having
goverment over all creature[s]. But yet unlike in this that Adam was the
cause of death, but Christ is the cause of lyfe unto all that beleeve in
him. There is a tyme for all to dye: and this act of dying is done by
us, and upon us. It is a sentence which comprehendeth all, though all
apprehend not it. Adam was one before all, one ouer all, and all in one,
by whose synn all taynted; soe Christ, by whom all saved. 1 Tim. ii. 4.
Man is the principall cause in the course of generacion, but woman was
in the fall of Adam. 1 Tim. ii. 14. Those which are sicke of the
wantonnes make many answereles, endles, needeles questions, about the
fall of Adam.

There be synnes personall, and synnes naturall; these wee derive
ofttymes from our parents, as a synne in us, and punishment of them. Soe
adultery and drunkennes of father, is ofttymes punished in an adulterous
and cupshott[170] childe.

    [Footnote 170: Drunken. "They take it generallie as no small
    disgrace if they happen to be cupshotten." Harrison's Desc. of
    England, p. 283, ed. 1807.]

[Sidenote: fo. 108.]

Death. 3. Externall, internall, eternall. 1. Separacion of body and
soule. 2. Of sowle from Christ, which is our lyfe, soe was that
spatterlashe [_sic_] widdowe, 1 Tim. v. 6; dead while she lived. 3. Of
body and soule in hell fyre. It was an errour of Pelagius that man
should have dyed though he had never synned.

[Sidenote: fo. 108^b.]

Notes of a Sermon upon Matthew v. 17.

"Thinke not that I am come to destroy the lawe, or the prophets: I am
not come to destroy them, but to fullfill them." The best could not live
free from slaunders, as Nehemias was charged to have rebelled, &c. and
Christ himselfe could not escape the malitious censures of the wicked.
When he cured the sicke of the palsy saying, Thy synnes bee forgiven
thee, these whispered in their hartes, and called that speache
blasphemy. When he disposs[ess]ed the man that was vexed with a deuil,
they said he cast out deuils by Beelzebub the prince of the deuils. When
he suffered for us they sayd he was plagued for his owne offences. But
Augustine sayth well of these men; "_Hoc facilius homo suspicatur in
altero, quod sentit in seipso._"

[Sidenote: fo. 109.]

The lawe stretcht noe further then the outward action, but Christ layes
it to the secret thought. Synnes in our thoughtes are like a snake in
our bosome, which may kill us yf wee nurse it; it is like fyre to
gunpowder. Wee must shake synn from our thoughts, as wee would a spark
from our garments, lest yf wee be once sett on fyre with them all our
teares shall not quenche them. The divel puts synn in our thoughtes, as
a thiefe thrusts a boy in at a windowe, to open the dore for the great
ones. Yf syn enter into the heart it becomes like a denn of thieves, and
like a cage of uncleane birds.

Synn a sly thing; it will enter at the windowe, at the casement, at a
chinke of our cogitations.

The more free wee are to syn, the more slaves are wee to Sathan.

Will a thiefe steale in the sight of the Judge, and shall a man presume
to synn in the sight of God?


AT A SPITTLE SERMON.

Yf our synnes come out with a newe addicion, Gods punishments will come
out with a newe edition.

Ambrose sayd of Theodosius: "_Fides Theodosij vestra fuit victoria_:"
soe he of Queene Elizabeth.

[Sidenote: fo. 110.

23 Mar. 1602.]

       *       *       *       *       *

I was at the Court at Richemond, to heare Dr. Parry one of hir Majesties
chaplens preache, and to be assured whether the Queene were living or
dead. I heard him, and was assured shee was then living. His text was
out of the Psalme [cxvi. 18, 19] "Nowe will I pay my vowes unto the Lord
in the middest of the congregacion," &c. It was a verry learned,
eloquent, relligious, and moving sermon: his prayer, both in the
beginning and conclusion, was soe fervent and effectuall for hir
Majestie that he left few eyes drye.


[Sidenote: fo. 110^b.

23 Mar. 1602.]

The doctrine was concerning vowes, which were growne in contempt and
hatred, because the Jews of old and the Papists of later tymes have used
them, whereas the thing itselfe, in its owne nature, is reasonable and
commendable. Wee owe all that wee have, that wee are, vnto God; and all
that wee can doe is but our bounden duty, yet those offices may seeme to
please him best, and be most gratefull, [in] which even besydes those
dutyes which he requires; wee doe enter of our owne will as it were into
a newe, a neere[r] bond. And he defined it to be a promise made unto
God, to performe some service in such manner as we are not otherwise
bound by duty to performe. It must be made to God, soe differs from
other promises; it must be voluntary, and soe it differs from required
dutyes; it must be deliberate, which takes away rashnes; it must be of
thinges possible within our power, of things that are good, and tending
to Gods glory and our bettering. And they are generally either
_penitentiæ_, of a strict course of life, in punishing our synfull
bodies by sparer dyet, &c.; _gratitudinis_, for benefits received;
_amicitiæ_, testimonyes of our love, _dona_.

Vowes of perpetuall chastity and solitude exculed[exculcated?] because
of a generall impossibility. Noe merit to be hoped by them, soe the
papisticall abolished. Certaine impediments which being removed any man
may walke the way without stumbling.

1. Wee cannot performe what wee are commaunded; howe can wee then add
anie thing of our owne?

2. The danger of breaking them should stay us from making them.

3. They were ceremonious with the Jewes, and supersticious amongst the
Papists, therefore not to be reteyned.


These were present at his sermon, the Archbishop of Canterbury
[Bancroft]; the Lord Keeper [Egerton]; the Lord Treasurer [Buckhurst];
Lord Admirall [Howard]; Earl of Shrewsbury; Earl of Worster; Lord Gray;
Sir William Knollys; Sir Edward Wootten, &c.

[Sidenote: fo. 111.

23 Marche.]

I dyned with Dr. Parry in the Priuy Chamber, and understood by him, the
Bishop of Chichester, the Deane of Canterbury, the Deane of Windsore,
&c. that hir Majestie hath bin by fitts troubled with melancholy some
three or four monethes, but for this fortnight extreame oppressed with
it, in soe much that shee refused to eate anie thing, to receive any
phisike, or admit any rest in bedd, till within these two or three
dayes. Shee hath bin in a manner speacheles for two dayes, verry pensive
and silent; since Shrovetide sitting sometymes with hir eye fixed upon
one obiect many howres togither, yet shee alwayes had hir perfect senses
and memory, and yesterday signified by the lifting up of hir hand and
eyes to heaven, a signe which Dr. Parry entreated of hir, that shee
beleeved that fayth which shee hath caused to be professed, and looked
faythfully to be saved by Christes merits and mercy only, and noe other
meanes. She tooke great delight in hearing prayers, would often at the
name of Jesus lift up hir handes and eyes to Heaven. Shee would not
heare the Arch[bishop] speake of hope of hir longer lyfe, but when he
prayed or spake of Heaven, and those ioyes, shee would hug his hand, &c.
It seemes shee might have lived yf she would have used meanes; but shee
would not be persuaded, and princes must not be forced. Hir physicians
said shee had a body of a firme and perfect constitucion, likely to have
liued many yeares. A royall Maiesty is noe priviledge against death.


[Sidenote: fo. 111^b.

24 Mar. 1602.]

This morning about three at clocke hir Majestic departed this lyfe,
mildly like a lambe, easily like a ripe apple from the tree, _cum leue
quadam febre, absque gemitu_. Dr. Parry told me that he was present, and
sent his prayers before hir soule; and I doubt not but shee is amongst
the royall saints in Heaven in eternall joyes.


About ten at clocke the Counsel and diverse noblemen having bin a while
in consultacion, proclaymed James the 6, King of Scots, the King of
England, Fraunce, and Irland, beginning at Whitehall gates; where Sir
Robert Cecile reade the proclamacion which he carries in his hand, and
after reade againe in Cheapside. Many noblemen, lords spirituell and
temporell, knights, five trumpets, many heraulds. The gates at Ludgate
and portcullis were shutt and downe, by the Lord Maiors commaund, who
was there present, with the Aldermen, &c. and untill he had a token
besyde promise, the Lord Treasurers George, that they would proclayme
the King of Scots King of England, he would not open.

Upon the death of a King or Queene in England the Lord Maior of London
is the greatest magistrate in England. All corporacions and their
governors continue, most of the other officers authority is expired with
the princes breath. There was a diligent watch and ward kept at every
gate and street, day and night, by housholders, to prevent garboiles:
which God be thanked were more feared then perceived.

[Sidenote: fo. 112.

24 Mar. 1602.]

The proclamacion was heard with greate expectacion and silent joye, noe
great shouting. I thinke the sorrowe for hir Majesties departure was soe
deep in many hearts they could not soe suddenly showe anie great joy,
though it could not be lesse then exceeding greate for the succession
of soe worthy a king. And at night they shewed it by bonefires, and
ringing. Noe tumult, noe contradicion, noe disorder in the city; every
man went about his busines, as readylie, as peaceably, as securely, as
though there had bin noe change, nor any newes ever heard of
competitors. God be thanked, our king hath his right! _Magna veritas et
prevalet._

[Sidenote: fo. 112^b.

Marche, 1602.]

Doubtles there was grave wise counsell and deliberacion in fact; _sed
factum est hoc a Domino_, we must needes confessse, and I hope wee may
truly say, _nobis parta quies_. The people is full of expectacion, and
great with hope of his worthines, of our nations future greatnes; every
one promises himselfe a share in some famous action to be hereafter
performed for his prince and country. They assure themselves of the
continuance of our Church goverment and doctrine. Their talke is of
advauncement of the nobility, of the subsidies and fifteenes taxed in
the Queenes tyme; howe much indebted shee died to the Commons,
notwithstanding all those charges layed upon them. They halfe despayre
of payment of their privey seales, sent in Sir William Ceciles tyme;
they will not assure themselves of the lone. One wishes the Earl of
Southampton and others were pardoned and at liberty; others could be
content some men of great place might pay the Queenes debts, because
they beleeve they gathered enough under hir. But all long to see our
newe king.

This evening prayer at Paules the King was publikely prayed for in forme
as our Queene used to be.

The Lord Hunsdon was in his coache at Paules Hill beyond Ludgate, to
attend the proclamacion.

It is observed that one Lee was Maior of London at hir Majesties comming
to the crowne, an[d] nowe another Lee at hir decease.[171]

    [Footnote 171: Persons fond of noticing such coincidences remarked
    also that Thursday had been a fatal day to Henry VIII. and the
    succeeding Tudor sovereigns, he himself, Edward VI., Mary, and
    Elizabeth having all died on that day. (Stowe's Chronicle, ed.
    Howes, p. 812.)]


[Sidenote: 25.]

This day the Proclamacions were published in print, with names of many
noblemen, and late counsellors.[172]

    [Footnote 172: As printed in the Book of Proclamations (fol. Lond.
    1609, p. 1.) there are thirty-seven signatures appended to it,
    headed, according to ancient custom upon such occasions, by Robert
    Lee, Maior. The others were Archbishop Whitgift, Lord Keeper
    Egerton, Lord Treasurer Buckhurst, and the principal nobility,
    officers of state and of the household then in town. The honourable
    roll was closed by Sir John Popham, the Lord Chief Justice of the
    Common Pleas.]


[Sidenote: 26.]

The feares of wise men are the hopes of the malitious.


Mr. Francis Curle told me howe one Dr. Bullein, the Queenes kinsman, had
a dog which he doted one, soe much that the Queene understanding of it
requested he would graunt hir one desyre, and he should have what soever
he would aske. Shee demaunded his dogge; he gave it, and "Nowe, Madame,"
quoth he, "you promised to give me my desyre." "I will," quothe she.
"Then I pray you give me my dog againe."


A foole will not loose his bable for a [_imperfect_].


[Sidenote: fo. 113.

26 Mar. 1603.]

Quod taceri vis, prior ipse taceas. Arcanum quid aut celandum maxime
amico quum committis, cave ne jocum admisceas, ne ille jocum ut referat
occultum retegat. (Ludovic. Vives; Ad Sapient. Introd. 487.)


[Sidenote: 29.]

Corrumpitur atque dissolvitur officium imperantis, si quis ad id quod
facere jussus est, non obsequio debito, sed consilio non desiderato
respondeat. (_Agellij._)[173]

    [Footnote 173: Aulus Gellius; Noct. Atticæ, i. xiv.]


He that corrupts a Prince and perverts his government is like one that
poisons the head of a conduit; all inquire after him to have him
punished.


[Sidenote: 30.]

Three things which make others poore make Alderman Lee, nowe
Maior,--riche, wine, women, and dice; he was fortunat in marrying riche
wives, lucky in great gaming at dice, and prosperous in sale of his
wines. (_Pemberton._)


[Sidenote: fo. 113^b.

27.]

At White Hall;

DR. THOMPSON, Deane of Windsore, whoe at thys tyme attendes still with
Dr. Parry as Chaplein, was by course to have preached this day, but DR.
KING was appointed and performed that duty.


His text was the Gospell for this day, the xi. of Luke and the 14.
verse, and soe forward. He prayed for the King, that as God had given
him an head of gold, soe hee would give him a golden brest, golden legs
and feet alsoe; that as he had a peaceable and quiet entrance, soe he
would graunt him a wise and happie goverment, and a blessed ending,
whensoever he should take him from us. That it would please God to laye
his roote soe deepe that he may flourishe a long tyme, and his braunches
never fayle. The summe of his text in these parts; 1. A diuel cast out.
2. The dumb speake. 3. The multitude wonder. 4. The Scribes and
Pharisees slander. 5. Christ confuteth. 6. A woman confesseth. The ende
of Christs comming was to dissolve the workes of the diuel, whereof
possession was not the meanest. Can there be a greater then to take the
temple of the Holy Ghost, and make it the sell and shrine of the diuels
image?

_Non requiritur intelligendi vivacitas, sed credendi simplicitas._

_Indocti coelum rapiunt, dum nos cum doctrina nostra trudimur in
infernum._

The workes of Christ, his miracles, were manifest, _posuit in sole
tabernaculum_: he cast out a diuel, they sawe it, they could not deny
it, but then, what malice could, they deprave the fact or diminishe and
eclipse his glory.

_Judei signum quærunt._ Julian cals it the rusticity of fayth, as though
none but the simple rude multitude beleeve.

[Sidenote: fo. 114.

27 Mar. 1603.]

_Invidia non quærit quid dicat, sed tantum ut dicat._

The envious and malitious live onely in contradiction, like the bettle
in dung and filthines. They said not that Christ could not cast out a
diuel, and soe denyed his power, which is a synn against the Holy Ghost,
but they said himselfe was possessed, nay more that he was Belzeebub.

Beelzebub signifies an idoll of flyes: because there was soe much bloud
spilt in sacrifice before it that many flyes bred and lived upon it.

Christ confuted them by four reasons: 1. From autority; a maxime and
rule in all policy, that a kingdome divided against itselfe cannot
stand. 2. From example. By whom doe your children, his apostles and
disciples he meanes, cast them out? Yf they doe it by the finger of God,
then must I, except the same thing be not the same, yf other persons doe
it. Atticus and Ru ... (_idem non idem si non per eundem_) unles they
will allowe the thing and condemne the person. But he said, _testes mei
judices vestri_. 3. From a similitude of a stronge and a stronger man,
two warlike men, yf one keepe possession, he must be stronger that puts
him out: soe he must be greater than the diuel that can cast him out. 4.
From the contrary; the repugnancy betwixt Christ and the diuel.

[Sidenote: fo. 114^b.

27 Mar. 1603.]

He insisted most upon his first reason, of intestine discord: which he
said is like a consumption; as yf the head should pull out the eye, or
the mouth refuse to eate because the belly receives it, &c. This is that
plague that Aegypt shall fight against Aegypt, brother against brother.
In the 11 of Zacharia there are two staves mentioned, the one of beauty,
the other of bonds; it is a grevous plague which is there threatened,
_dissolvam germanitatem eorum_, their brotherhood of Judah and Israel.
Ephraim against Manasse and Manasse against Ephraim, two tribes of the
same family: the incomparable miseryes of Jerusalem by intestine
sedicion. _Auxilia humana firma consensus facit._ Agesilaus shewed his
armed men, a mind in consent for defence of the city, and said, _Hij
sunt muri Spartæ, scutum hærens scuto, galeæ galea, atque viro vir_.
Friends at discord are most deadly enimyes, and those thinges which
before were _ligamenta amoris_ became then _incitamenta furoris_. The
greatest wrongs are most eagerly pursued; such are commonly the causes
for which frends fall out. _Quasi musto inebrientur sanguine._

Even the diuel must have his due; it was commendable that a legion of
them could dwell togither in one man without discord amongst themselves;
scarse a few in one house but some jar betwixt them. Yet their concord
was not _ex amicitia, sed ex communi malitia_, like Herod and Pilat.
_Aliquod bonum absque malo, sed nullum malum absque aliquo bono_, even
in the diuels their essence and their order is good.

There is a tyme to gather, said he, and a tyme to scatter, but he had
scattered what he had scarce any tyme to gather; his comming up to this
place being _tanquam fungus e terra_, an evening and a morning being the
whole tyme allotted for meditacion, and disposicion.

[Sidenote: fo. 115.

27 Mar. 1603.]

Wee may not be unmindefull of our late Soverayne whom God hath called to
his mercy, nor ought wee be unthankefull for our newe suffected joy, by
the suddein peaceable succession of our worthy king.

The finger of the Spirit directed the Churche, and the order of [the]
Church leads me (said he) to the choise of this text, being the Gospell
for this day. There are that have slandered, but they are Scribes and
Pharisees; and that being the worst part of this text, he would passe
over it. There were feares and foretellinges of miseries like to fall
upon us at these times, but blessed be the God of peace, that hath
settled peace amongst us. Blessed be the God of truth that his kingdome
came unto us long since, and I hope shall continue even till the comming
of Christ; and blessed be the father of lights, that wee see the truth,
and be not scattered.

The miracle of dispossession. Wee have seene the exile of the diuel out
of our country, his legends, his false miracles, exorcismes,
superstitions, &c. and lett him goe walking through dry places, wee are
watered with heavenly deawe, and wee hope he shall never returne againe;
but the favour of God towards us shall be like the kindenes of Ruth,
more at the latter end than it was at the beginning.

[Sidenote: fo. 115^b.

27 Mar. 1603.]

Our State hath sustayned some division of late. "I meane not," sayd he,
"of the myndes of great nobles and counsellors, wherein to our good and
comfort wee have found _idem velle et idem nolle_, but such a division
as of the body and soule, of the vine and the branches, of the husband
and the wife, of the head and the body. The prince and the land hath bin
divided by hir death, a division without violence. This applying the axe
to the roote made the tree bleed at the verry heart."

[Sidenote: fo. 116.

27 Mar. 1603.]

[Sidenote: fo. 116^b.

27 Mar. 1603.]

This Gospell makes mention of an excellent woman that sang not to hir
selfe and hir muses, but went amongst the multitude, and blessed an
other woman more excellent then hirselfe; yet soe blessed hir as a
mother for hir babes sake. Soe there are two excellent women, one that
bare Christ and an other that blessed Christ; to these may wee joyne a
thrid that bare and blessed him both. Shee bare him in hir heart as a
wombe, shee conceived him in fayth, shee brought him forth in
aboundaunce of good workes, and nurst him with favors and protection:
shee blessed him in the middest of a froward and wicked generacion, when
the bulls of Bazan roared, and the unholie league, and bound themselves
with oathes and cursings against the Lord and his annoynted. "And am I
entred into hir prayses," said he; "and nowe is the tyme of prayse, for
prayse none before their death; and then _gratissima laudis actio cum
nullus fingendi aut assentandi locus relinguitur_. Yet such prayses are
but like a messe of meate sett upon a dead mans grave which he cannot
tast, or like a light behind a mans back which cannot him direct." He
would say little, _non quod ingratus, sed quod oppressus multitudine et
magnitudine rerum dicendarum_. Onely he would say that hir government
had bin soe clement, temperat and godly, that he may say _sic imbuti
sumus, non possumus nisi optimum ferre_. Those which in Theodosius the
Emperours tyme went to Rome called their travel _felix peregrinatio_,
because they had seen Rome, they had seen Theodosius, they had seene
Rome and Theodosius togither; soe have and may strangers that have bin
to visit our kingdome thinke them selves happie that [they] had seene
England and Queen Elizabeth, and England and Queene Elizabeth togither.
But there are panegyricks provided for hir, faythfully registred, and as
she merited. Shee was _preteritis melior_, better then those which went
before hir, and may be a precedent to those that shall followe hir; the
taking hir from us was a great division, but God hath sowed it up
againe; it was a grevious sore, but God hath healed it; he hath given us
a worthy successor, a sonne of the nobles; one that is fleshe of our
fleshe. God seemes to say unto us, "Open thy mouth wide and I will fill
it with aboundant blessing;" he may say as he did to his vine, "what
should I have done that I have not done unto thee, O England?" Noe
vacancy, noe interregnum, noe interruption of goverment, as in Rome
an[d] other places, where in such tymes the prisons fly open, &c. but a
quiet, a peaceable, and present succession of such a King, _quem populus
et proceres voce petebant_; the best wished and the onely agreed upon.
The Lord from his holy sanctuary blesse him in his throne! It was noe
shame for Solomon to walke in the wayes of his father David; neither can
it be a dishonour for our King to walke in the steps of his mother and
predecessor. Lett the foster-sonne and sonnes sonne continue their
glory, grace, and dignity, and never lett him want one of his seede to
sit upon his seate.

Then to the nobles for their wise menaging those greate affayres,
"_Utinam retribuat Dominus_," said he, "and, as Nehemias prayed for
himselfe, 'Remember them, O God! in goodnes.' Your peace," said he,
"continued ours, and long may you continue in firme alledgeance to doe
your prince and country service in wisdome, honour, and piety." And this
is noe _detractio, sed attractio; impius in tenebris latet_, he holds
his peace, but Lord open thou our lips, and our mouth shall shewe forth
thy prayse; _Paratum est cor meum_, My heart is ready, my heart is
ready, &c.


[Sidenote: fo. 117.

27 Marche.]

[Sidenote: 28.]

It was bruited that the Lord Beauchamp, the Earl of Hartfords sonne, is
up in armes,[174] and some say 10,000 strong. Mr. Hadsor told me the
Lords sate about it upon Satterday night, and have dispatcht a messenger
to entreat him to come unto them, or els to be in danger of proclamacion
of treason. An other bruit, that Portsmout is holden for him, that the
Frenche purpose against us, that the Papists are like to rise with
Beauchamp; they may trouble us, but I hope shall not prevaile.

    [Footnote 174: The way in which the exuberance of Lord Beauchamp's
    loyalty occasioned this report will appear in a subsequent entry.
    This Lord Beauchamp was the father, as our readers will be aware, of
    the Marquess of Hertford, who was the faithful servant of Charles
    I., faithful even to death, and after the Restoration was created
    Duke of Somerset.]


"He is up," said one. "He is risen," said an other. "True, I thinke,"
said I, "he rose in the morning, and meanes to goe to bed at night."


Ch. Davers said he could tell the King what he were best to doe; not to
chaunge his officers. "Nay then, it were best to choose you first for a
counsellor," said I.


I sawe this afternoone a Scottishe Lady at Mr. Fleetes in Loathebury;
shee was sister to Earl Gowre, a gallant tale gent, somewhat long
visage, a lisping fumbling language. Peter Saltingstone came to visit
hir.


[Sidenote: 29.]

I askt Mr. Leydall whether he argued a case according to his opinion. He
said, noe! but he sett a good colour upon it. I told him, he might well
doe soe, for he never wants a good colour; he is Rufus.


Mr. Rudyerd tels that to muster men in these tymes is as good a colour
for sedicion, as a maske to robbe a house, which is excellent for that
purpose.


[Sidenote: fo. 117^b.

29 Mar. 1603.]

Mr. Rous said that the Queene began hir raigne in the fall, and ended in
the spring of the leafe. "Soe shee did but turne over a leafe," said B.
Rudyerd.


[Sidenote: 30.]

Was reported that the King had sent for some 5,000_l._ to bring him into
England; it is said the Queenes jewes [jewels] shee left were worth 4
millions [?], _i. e._ 400,000_l._; in treasury present 50,000_l._, noe
soe much this long tyme.


The Kings booke Basi[li]con Doron came forth with an Epistle to the
reader apologeticell.


A man may do another a good turne though he cannot performe it for
himselfe, as the barber cannot trimme himselfe though he can others.
(_Pim._)


It was sayd our King is proclaymed nowe Duke of Gelderland.


[Sidenote: 29.]

Jo. Grant told me that the King useth in walking amongst his nobles
often tymes to leane upon their shoulders in a speciall favour, and in
disgrace to neglect some in that kindenes.


[Sidenote: 30.]

It is sayd Sir Robert Cary, that went against the Counsells directions
in post toward the King to bring the first newes of the Queenes death,
made more haste then speede, he was soe hurt with a fall from his horse
that an other prevented his purpose, and was with the King before him;
this Cary had an office in the Jewell house.[175]

    [Footnote 175: The particulars of Cary's wonderful ride are related
    by himself in his Memoirs. "He took horse," apparently at the
    lodging of the Knight Marshal at Charing Cross (probably at the old
    Mews), "between nine and ten o'clock," on the morning of Thursday
    the 24th of March, "and that night rode to Doncaster," about 160
    miles. On Friday night he came to his own house at Widdrington,
    about another 135 miles. "Very early on Saturday he was again on
    horseback and reached Norham on the Tweed about noon." This was
    about 50 more miles, and left only about another 50 miles, "so
    that," he says, "I might well have been with the King at supper
    time: but I got a great fall by the way, and my horse, with one of
    his heels, gave me a great blow on the head, that made me shed much
    blood. It made me so weak that I was forced to ride a soft pace
    after, so that the King was newly gone to bed by the time that I
    knocked at the gate" [of Holyrood House.] (Memoirs of Robert Cary,
    Earl of Monmouth, ed. Edinb. 1808. pp. 126-128.)]


[Sidenote: 31.]

This night there came a messenger from the Kinges Majestie with letters
directed to the Nobles and Counsellors of his late sister the deceased
Queen, all to continue their places and keepe house and order matters
according to their discretion till he came. (_Isam._)


A puritane is such a one as loves God with all his soule, but hates his
neighbour with all his heart. (_Mr. Wa. Curle._)


[Sidenote: fo. 118.

31 Mar. 1603.]

_Of a beggar that lay on the ground drunk._

    He cannot goe, nor sitt, nor stand, the beggar cryes;
    Then, though he speake the truth, yet still he lyes.


I was in Mr. Nich. Hares companie at the Kings Head. A gallant young
gentleman, like to be heir to much land: he is of a sweet behaviour, a
good spirit, and a pleasing witty discourse.


It was soe darke a storme, that a man could never looke for day, unles
God would have said againe _Fiat lux_.

       *       *       *       *       *

A gentlemans nose fell a bleeding verry late in a night, and soe causing
his boy to light him downe to a pumpe to washe the bloud away, he spied
written upon the pump, that it was built at the proper cost and charges
of a physician which lay nere the place, whom he presently sent for, to
come to a lady that was dangerously sicke; but when he came he shewed
that his nose was bloudy, that he went downe to have washt at the pompe,
but espying it to be built at his proper costs and charges, he thought
good manners to aske leave of him, before he would washe it. (_Mr. N.
Hare._)


[Sidenote: fo. 118^b.

1 Aprill, 1603.]

Dr. Some,[176] upon a tyme speaking of the Popes in a sermon, said that
Pius V. sent out his bulles against the Queene like a calfe as he was.
(_Mr. Isam._)

    [Footnote 176: Dr. Ralph Some, Master of Peter House, Cambridge,
    elected 1589. (Hardy's Le Neve, iii. 668.)]


I heard that one Griffin, Queene Marys Attorney, purchased some 24
mannors togither; his sonne hath sold 10 of them, and yet is in debt;
_male parta male dilabuntur_.


One Mr. Marrow, late Sherife of [Warwickshire], useth his wife verry
hardly, would not allow hir mony nor clothes fit for hir, nor trust hir
with any thing, but made hir daughter sole factres. (_Mr. Wagstaffe._)


A covetous fellowe had hangd himselfe, and was angry with him that cutt
the rope to save his life. A covetous man rather will loose his lyfe
then his goods.


One when the house was on fyre, and himselfe ready to be burnt, fell a
seeking for his girdle, amidst the fyre.


Homo impius quid aliud quam immortale pecus. (_Ludovicus Vives._)


Felices essent artes, si nulli de eis judicarent nisi artifices. (_Mr.
Maynard._)


He thinks the statut of wills will be as greate a nurse of controversies
as the statut of tayles and uses in common. The eggs are layd, and are
nowe in hatching. (_Idem._)


[Sidenote: fo. 119.

1 Aprill.]

Wee are purged from our corruption, _non per gratiam naturæ, sed per
naturam gratiæ_. (_Dr. Dod._)


Wee worshipt noe Saints, but wee prayd to Ladyes, in the Queenes tyme.
(_Mr. Curle._) This superstition shall be abolished we hope in our Kings
raigne.


One reading Horace happened upon that verse:

    _Virtus est vitium fugere, et sapientia prima
    Stultitia caruisse._[177]

        [Footnote 177: Epist. lib. i. 41.]

"Here is strange matter," said he, "_Virtus est vitium_." "Read on,"
said another. "Nay first lett us examine this;" and would not goe a word
further. "Nay," said the other, "yf you gather such notes, I will find
another as strange as that in the same verse, '_Et sapientia prima
stultitia_.'" (_T. Cranmer._)


_Natura brevium._ (_Fitch._) The nature of pigmies (said _B. Rudyerd_).


[Sidenote: 3.]

DR. SPENSER upon the 1 Mark, v. 29 to the 36.

Christs Sabboths dayes work, to cure the diseased; a miracle, a work of
his mercy, that he would of his power that he could.

A man must take the tyme that Christ offereth himselfe: yf he was with
Simon and Andrew at night, he parted into the wildernes in the morning.
The feuer left hir, and shee ministred, v. 31, hence he collected the
conveniency of church-going for women to give publique thanks for safe
deliverance.

[Sidenote: fo. 119^b.

3 Aprill, 1603.]

In the afternoone CLAPHAM. He prayed for the King and his sonne Henry
Frederick and Frederick Henry; prayed for a further reformacion in our
Churche.

Note: the 7 moneth amongst the Jewes, according to their civil
computacion, was but the first in their ecclesiasticall.

Close fisted, that will give nothing to the ministers and musty doctors
that lett learning mould and rust in them for want of use.


[Sidenote: 4.]

Gluttony and lechery dwell togither, _Venter et genitalia sunt membra
vicina_. (_Mr. Key._) As they are placed in that prayer, Ecclesiasticus
xxiii. _v._ 6. "Lett not the gredines of the belly, nor the lust of the
flesh, hold me." A great spender in leachery must be a great ravenor in
glutony, to repayre what he looseth.


Dr. Parry told me the Countess Kildare assured him that the Queene
caused the ring wherewith shee was wedded to the crowne, to be cutt from
hir finger some 6 weekes before hir death, but wore a ring which the
Earl of Essex gave hir unto the day of hir death.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: fo. 120.

5 Aprill.]

I heard that Sir Robert Carewe lay in the Kinges chamber the first night
he brought the newes of hir Majesties death, and there related the whole
discourse; whereupon he was made one of his chamber, a place of
confidence and means to preferment.[178]

    [Footnote 178: The curious admixture of fact and fiction in our
    Diarist's memoranda relating to Sir Robert Cary will be observed by
    every one who turns to his Memoirs before referred to. The principal
    fact in this entry is that James was foolish enough to reward the
    bringer of good tidings with an appointment as gentleman of his
    bed-chamber. The thing was so silly, and so much in the nature of an
    affront to the English Council, that the over-delighted monarch was
    obliged to withdraw the appointment, much to Cary's annoyance.
    (Cary's Memoirs, ed. 1808, p. 132.)]


It is certaine the Queene was not embowelled, but wrapt up in cere
cloth, and that verry il to, through the covetousnes of them that
defrauded hir of the allowance of cloth was given them for that
purpose.


[Sidenote: 6 April.]

There was a proclamacion published in the Kinges name conteining his
thankefullnes to the people for continuance in their duty, in
acknowledging him and receiving him as their rightfull successor, and a
restraint of concurse unto him, especially such as were in office and
had great place in their countryes, with a clause for continuing
officers of justice in their place.[179]

    [Footnote 179: One of the reasons alleged in this proclamation for
    restraining that "earnest and longing desire in all his majesties
    subiects to enioy the sight of his royall person and presence" which
    had induced "very many of good degree and quality to hasten and take
    their iourneys unto his highnesse," was that the country whither
    such "over-much resort and concourse" was made, being "over-charged
    with multitude, scarcity and dearth was like ynough to proceed."
    (Book of Procs. fol. 1609, p. 5.) His Majesty left Edinburgh on the
    5th April, the day on which this proclamation was published at
    Whitehall, and entered Berwick the day following.]


[Sidenote: 4 Aprill.]

A letter gratulatory to the Lord Maior, Aldermen, and Citizens, was read
in their court, which letter came from his Majestie, dated at Halliroode
House, 28 Martij, 1603; it conteined a promise of his favour, with an
admonission to continue their course of government for matters of
justice.[180]

    [Footnote 180: See it printed in Stowe's Annales, ed. Howes, p.
    818.]


[Sidenote: fo. 120^b.

6 Aprill.]

DR. OVERALL, Deane of Paules, made a sermon at Whitehall this day, his
text, "Watch and pray that ye enter not into temptation." He discoursed
very scholastically upon the nature of temptations, their division, &c.,
fit for these tymes in this change, least wee be tempted to desyre
innovacion, &c. He held that God permits many thinges to worke according
to their nature, not forcing their actions by his decre, soe wee enter
into temptacions unforced, of our owne accord, by his permission.


[Sidenote: fo. 121.

7 Aprill 1603.]

Mr. Timothy Wagstaffe and my self brought in a moote whereat Mr.
Stevens, the next reader, and Mr. Curle sate.

I heard there had bin a foule jarr betwixt Sir Robert Cecile and the
Lord Cobham, upon this occasion, because the Lords and late Counsell,
upon the Queenes death, had thought good to appoint an other Captaine of
the gard, because Sir Walter Rhaley was then absent, which the Lord
Cobham tooke in foule dudgeon, as yf it had bin the devise of Sir
Robert, and would have bin himselfe deputy to Sir Walter rather [than]
any other. The Lord Cobham likewise at subscribing to the proclamacion
tooke exception against the Earl of Clanricard, _inepte, intempestive_,
but he is nowe gone to the King, they say.


The occasion of the bruite that was raysed of the Lord Beauchamps rising
was but this; he had assembled divers of his followers and other gent.
to goe with him to proclayme the King, which a good lady not
understanding gave intelligence that he assembled his followers, but
upon the effect hirself contradicted hir owne letter.


[Sidenote: fo. 121^b.

8 Aprill 1603.]

AT WHITE HALL.

DR. MONTAGUE, Master of Sydney Colledge in Cambridge, made a sermon; his
text Matt xviii. 11. "The Sonne of Man came to save that which was
lost."

In his prayer: "Wee give ourselves to synn, without restraint in our
conscience before, or remorse after." He considered 3 points: 1. The
stile of Christ; the Sonne of Man. 2. To whom he came; to the lost. 3.
The end of his coming; to save. Where men come of an honourable
parentage, or beare an office of dignity, it is their use to stile
themselves in the name of their auncesters, as Solomon the sonne of
David, &c. But where they have none, the Jewes call them Ben Adam, the
sonne of man. Howe happens it then that Christ which is _Salvator
mundi_, [Greek: Sôtêr], the best word that the Greekes have, that he
takes upon him this stile of basenes? For two reasons: 1. Because the
nearer he came to our nature, the neerer he came to our name; first
before the lawe he was called _Semen mulieris_, then _Shilo_, after
_Messias_, and nowe himselfe gives himselfe this name, the Sonne of Man,
by speciall effect changing his name; when he was Silo wee were but
servants, &c.

He layd downe his name to take up ours, that wee might for his sake lay
downe our lives to take up his glory.

[Sidenote: fo. 122.

8 Aprill 1603.]

He would not have his glory upon earth: he would never suffer himselfe
to be called God upon earth, nor suffer his miracles to be blazoned, he
would have his fame spread by the inward persuasion of the spirit not
the outward applause of the mouth. And hence he noted the difference
betwixt the fame of a magistrat and of a minister; for from the outward
action of the magistrat we come to an inward approbacion of his virtue;
but contrary in a minister, from our inward perswasion of his virtue to
the outward approbacion of his actions.

Exinanition [Exaninition] of Christs glory on earth typified in the
auncient Jewish manner of coronacion, and enthronizing their kings, when
they powred a horne of oyle upon his head, to shewe that as the horne
was emptied to annoint him, soe out of his fullnes he should enrich
others. Oyle is taken for grace.

[Sidenote: fo. 122^b.

8 Aprill 1603.]

Second point; to those that were lost. The Rabbins devide all the people
into three sorts, _Sapientes_, such were the Scribes and Pharises; 2.
_Sapientum filij_, such as held nothing for opinion, nor did any thing
for action, but that which was approved by the Pharisees; 3. _Terræ
filij_, the children of the world, publicans and synners, reputed as
lost sheepe: to these Christ came, and for conversing with these he was
obrayded; to teache men what a different course there is in the managing
of heavenly and earthly things. The greate affayres of the world begin
at the Prince, and soe are derived by a long course to the people, but
the matters of heaven begin in the people, and soe rise up to the
Prince. The first newes of Christs birth was brought but to a company of
silly shepheards, from them to a poore city, Bethleem, from thence to
Jerusalem, and soe by calculacion it was neere two yeares before it came
to the Kings eare.

There are two Kingdomes in this world, a temporall and a spirituall or
mysticall, eache needing other. Where the rich feeling their poverty in
spirituell, come to the minister to be furnished in that commodity, and
the minister feeling his wants in the riches of this lyfe, followeth
great men, to be relieved in that necessity. _Communis indigentia est
societatis vinculum_, mutuall necesity is the surcingle of the world.

[Sidenote: fo. 123.

8 Aprill 1603.]

Second reason; Christ came to these, as the fittest to receive his
doctrine, and yet it is clapt in amongst his miracles that the poor
beleeved. The promises of a kingdome in heaven is a greate matter which
greate men according to their course in earth will hardly beleeve can be
effected without greate meanes, and therefore a miracle yf princes
receive Christ. Our Prince did, and our King doth continue this miracle;
for shee did, and he doth, hold and will maintaine the truth of the
Gospell, "and this hath king'd him," said he.

Two conclusions; better to be a lost sheepe in the wild field, then put
up safe in the fold of the Pharisees.

There have bin three great monarchies in the world, the first of Synn,
the second of the Lawe, the third of Grace, and these had severall ends;
the first was death, the next Christ, and the last is lyfe; and these
were attained by severall meanes, for synn brought us to death by
concealment of our faults, the lawe brought us to Christ by knowing our
syn, by revealing our syn, and Christ by his grace leads us to
everlasting lyfe. In each soule those three kingdomes have their
succession yf it be saved. Though the lawe was delivered with thunder,
yet there insued comfort in the first word, "I am thy God." The lawe
like a bason of water with a glas by it, serves to discover, and scower
away the filthines.

[Sidenote: fol. 123^b.

Aprill 1603.]

Second conclusion. Noe syn soe greate that should discourage us from
comminge to Christ. Aesculapius, as the poets faine, dewised more
remedys against poison out of a serpent than any other creature, yet the
serpent more poisonous in it selfe then anie man. Soe from syn. Our
confidence, _i. e._ from the nature of God, whoe regards not soe muche
what a man hath bin, but what he is, and will bee. Whereas the judgment
of man, on the contrary, is ground[ed] upon _vita anteacta_, and
forepassed actions; soe Ananias made conjecture of Paule. God more
delights to pardon the synner, then to punish the synne.

2. From the nature of Christ; more mild and mercyfull than Moses: for
Christ never executed any point of judgment. He is an intercessor, and
shall be our judge: but that tyme is not come, soe our creede notes,
"From thence He shall come to judge." And this seemes to be the reason,
that under the lawe, yf anie strang syn had escaped the hand of the
magistrat, yet it was usually punished by the hand of God: whereas nowe,
yf offences slip the magistrat, they are seldome or neuer revenged from
heaven.

Christ is not soe muche a remedy for easy synns, but even for such
synners as even beginn to stink and rott in them, as Lazarus did in the
grave. Shee that had hir issue 12 yeares was healed with the touch of
his garment, &c. He is more ready to pardon a synner upon repentance
then to punishe him upon perseverance.

3. The end: To save. Chrîstus salvat; solutione debiti et applicatione
remedij. Debitum nostrum 2^x; Obedientiæ; Poenæ.

Wee must obey the lawe or indure the punishment. Christ by his lyfe hath
payd the dett of our obedience, and by his death had cleered the debt of
our punishment. Both were necessary to our plenary redemption: his life
to ripe age to accomplishe our righteousnes; his passion by death to
meritt of [_sic_] our salvacion. Righteousnes of his lyfe. Merit of his
passion.

[Sidenote: fo. 124.

Aprill 1603.]

[Sidenote: fo. 124^b.

Aprill 1603.]

The applicacion; by taking upon him our syns, and imputing unto us his
righteousnes. In all synn, three things, _culpas_, _reatus_, _poena_,
and the remedy must have something contrary to the malignant quality of
the disease: soe Christ cureth the fault by his obedience, the guilt by
his innocency, and the punishment by his passion; soe by applicacion all
our synns are his. All his righteousnes is become ours. But heere surges
a doubt, howe it comes to passe that synce the imputacion of his merits
makes us righteous, the imputacion of our synn cannot make him synfull.
_Ferrum candens absorbet aquam_, and the drop of our synn cannot infect
the ocean of his innocency; _finiti ad infinitum nulla proportio._ The
applicacion of our syn to him is but a mere imputacion, but his merits,
beside an imputacion, worke in us alsoe an inherent righteousnes. For
applicacion; the commaundments are given in the second person; and the
bible written in fashion of a story, not precepts and rules, because it
is more for practise then speculacion, and God would have us rather good
Christians then good schollers. Without particular applicacion all is
nothinge but like the rude chaos, for before the incubacion of the
Spirit of God, there was noe separacion, noe vilificacion, noe
animacion. In the sacrifice in the old lawe it was noe idle thing that
they were to sprinkle the right eare, the right thombe, and the right
foote too, to shewe the inward affection must be moved by the eare, and
the action by the thomb and the toe.

[Sidenote: fo. 125.]

The Virgin liked the newes well which was brought hir, "but howe shall
this come to passe," quoth shee; soe it is welcome to every one to heere
that he shall be the Sonne of God, but howe shall he knowe that? There
is but thre wa[y]s of knowing himselfe to be the Sonne of God: 1.
_Scientia unionis_, and soe Christ onely knowes himselfe to be the Sonne
of God. 2. _Scientia visionis_, and soe the Saints. 3. _Scientia
revelationis_, and soe every Christian. And this last is twofold, either
by a descendant course, whereby Gods spirit comes downe to us, and this
those knowe which have it. Philosophie sayth every lambe knowes his owne
dame, _non per eundem sonum sed per eundem Spiritum_: as the uniting of
the Father and the Sonne in the Trinity is _per communionem Spiritus_.
"My sheepe heare my voyce," by inward perception. "Did not our harts
glowe within us?" The difference is knowne to them that have it. Samuel,
before he was acquainted with it, thought it had bin the voyce of a man,
but Ely could discerne it. 2. Wee knowe by our Spirit ascending to God:
the Spirit like fyre, still ascendeth, like a steele toucht with the
magnet turnes northward, soe this heavenward. Wee are placed twixt
heaven and earth; like an iron betwixt two loadstones wee incline still
to one of them.


[Sidenote: 8 Aprill 1603.]

I heard the Queene left behinde hir in money, plate, and jewels, the
value of 12,000,000_l._ whereof in gold is said, 400,000_l._


It was said for a truth that the Countes of Essex is married to the Earl
of Clanricard, a goodly personable gentleman something resembling the
late Earl of Essex.


The Lord Keeper Sir Thomas Egerton hath married his sonne, before the
Queene dyed, to the Countes of Darbys daughter, his Ladys daughter;
bloud-royall. _Superbe satis._


This afternoone a servingman, one of the Earl of Northumberland, fought
with swaggering Eps, and ran him through the eare.


I heard that the King hath or will restore the Lord Latimer to the
Earldome of Westmerland; some 3 or 4000_l._ per annum.


[Sidenote: fo. 125^b.

9 Aprill 1603.]

There came forth a proclamacion for making certaine Scottish coyne
currant in England; as a peice of gold for 10_s._, and the sylver at
12_d. ob._ and this for the menaging of commerce betwixt these
nations.[181]

    [Footnote 181: See Book of Proclamations, fol. Lond. 1609, p. 6.]


Mr. Barrowes called Seminaryes, Semmimaries.


[Sidenote: 10.]

I heard that my Cosen Wingat is married to a riche widdowe in Kent.


AT THE COURT AT WHITEHALL.

DR. THOMSON, Deane of Windsor,[182] made a sermon; he hath a sounding
laboured artificiall pronounciacion; he regards that soe muche, that his
speech hath no more matter then needes in it. His text 2 Psal. 10, 11.
"Be wise nowe, O ye Kings; be learned, O ye Judges; serve the Lord with
feare, and rejoyce unto him with reverence."

    [Footnote 182: Dr. Giles Thompson appointed 25th February 1602-3,
    elected Bishop of Gloucester in 1611, and held the Deanery _in
    commendam_ until his death on 14 June 1612. (Hardy's Le Neve, iii.
    374.)]

Be learned; _scientia conscientiæ_ rather then _scientia experienciæ_.
Serve the Lord: a straung doctrine that those whom all desyre to be
servants unto, should be taught, that themselves must serve an other:
yet this the highest point of their honour to serve God: for the
excellency of man is in his soule, the glory of his soule in virtue, the
height of virtue in relligion, and the ende of relligion to serve God.
As strang to teach that they whom others feare, should feare an other.


[Sidenote: fo. 126.

10 Aprill 1603.]

MR. LAYFEILD; his text. "Not preaching ourselves." Noo heretike ever
preached himselfe directly, for they never can be heretikes except they
professt Christ, and such as preach themselves for saviours deny Christ;
but preaching them selves undirectly is when by preaching men stake
their owne glory or advauncement, as the cheifest end of their
preaching. "Labour not for meat;" that is, make not meate the chiefest
end of labour, but the service of God in that vocation, and the benefit
of the State; soe labour in all your trades as yf you laboured for God,
making not the hyer the maine end, though it be an end alsoe.

Every man spends more then he can gett; untill thirty yeare commonly men
doe nothing but spend, and then when they begynn to gaine, yet expenses
runne on with their tyme.

Every manuary trade is called a mystery, because it hath some slight or
subtlety of gayning that others cannot looke into. Every man cannot be a
carpentour of his owne fortune. The faults of preachers in preaching
themselves and false doctrine, like a physicion that poisoneth his
medicines, or a mintmaister that adulterates the coine; he kils under
pretence of safety, and this robbes all under pretext of honest gaine.

Mr. Hill told me that Mr. Layfeild married a rich wife, worth above
1,000_l._ He speakes against covetousnes, but will exact the most of his
dutyes in his parishe.


[Sidenote: fo. 126^b.

10 Aprill 1603.]

AT WHITEHALL IN THE AFTERNOONE IN THE CHAPPELL.

DR. EATON,[183] BISHOP OF ELY. His text, "Come unto mee all yee that
labour, and are heavy laden, and I will refreshe you;" _Ego reficiam._
"Come unto me;" God thy father hath given all power in heaven and earth
unto Christ; therefore in our prayers to obtaine any thing wee must goe
unto him, and in him wee may be sure to obteine: for this is hee in whom
the father is well pleased. He consider[ed] the subject, "All yee," &c.
the invitacion "Come unto me," and the promise, "I will ease you." "All
yee" is heere specially limited to those that labour and are laden,
which are [have?] greate synnes and feele the waight of them. Noe synn
soe dangerous to men, soe odious in the sight of God, as contempt of
synn. Amongst manie synns which he mentioned as greivous and haynous
offences not one word of sacriledge.

    [Footnote 183: Dr. Martin Heton, Bishop from 1598 to 1609. (Hardy's
    Le Neve, i. 343.)]

Synne makes a man turne from God like a runagate that having committed
some offence for which he feares punishment runnes away from his
maister, but there is noe place, noe tyme, can hide him from the
presence of God, but onely the wing of Jesus Christ his mercy. Adam was
soe foolishe to thinke he might have hidden himselfe, but David sayth
"Yf I goe into the wildernes, etc." _Qui recedit a facie irati_ for
synn, _accedat ad faciem placati_ in the merit of Christ, in whom onely
he is well pleased.

[Sidenote: fo. 127.]

"Which labour, and are laden." All labour under synne, and all are laden
with it, but such as have greivous synnes, and are greived for them, and
almost pressed downe to despayre, lett them come. _Reficiam_; he will
ease them; not take away the roote but _reatum_, for the old man will be
in us as long as we live, and as fast as we rise by grace the fleshe is
ready still to pull us downe againe to synn.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: fo. 127^b.

10 Aprill 1603.]

Jo. Davis[184] reports that he is sworne the Kings Man, that the King
shewed him greate favors. _Inepte._ (He slaunders while he prayses.)

    [Footnote 184: Sir John Davies; he was of the Middle Temple, but was
    expelled for some quarrelsome misconduct. As Attorney-General of
    Ireland he obtained great favour at Court, and would have been
    appointed an English Judge, but for his sudden death. He is now
    principally known by his poem on the Immortality of the Soul. In a
    passage in this Diary which we have omitted on account of its
    grossness, he is described as extremely awkward in his gait;
    waddling in most ungainly fashion and walking as if he carried a
    cloak-bag behind him.]


There is a foolishe rime runnes up and downe in the Court of Sir Henry
Bromley, Lord Thomas Haward, Lord Cobham, and the Deane of Canterbury,
Dr. Nevil, that eache should goe to move the King for what they like.

    Nevil for the Protestant, Lord Thomas for the Papist,
    Bromley for the Puritan, and Lord Cobham for the Atheist.

    (_Mr. Ysam nar._)

       *       *       *       *       *

I heard that the Earl of Southampton and Sir Henry Nevill were sett at
large yesterday from the Tower; that Sir Henry Cock the cofferer was
sent for by the King, and is gone unto him.


Was with the Lady Barbara.[185] Shee saith the King will not swear, but
he will curse and ban at hunting, and wish the diuel goe with them all.

    [Footnote 185: Lady Barbara Ruthven, the sister of the Earl of
    Gowrie, mentioned at p. 156.]


In the Frenche Court, the guard is all of Scottishmen, and to
distinguishe betwixt a Frenche and a Scot in admitting anie to a place
of present spectacle, the[y] give the word "bread and chese," which the
Frenche cannot pronounce; "bret and sheese."


[Sidenote: fo. 128.

11.]

Mr. Thomas Overbury spake much against the Lord Buckhurst as a verry
corrupt and unhonest person of body.


[Sidenote: 12.]

He spake bitterly against the Bishop of London.[186] That Darling whoe
was censured for a slaunderous libellor in the Starre Chamber, and had
bin convict for a counterfaitour of passes [?] was a better scholler
then the Bishop: that the Bishop was a verry knave. I contradicted.

    [Footnote 186: Bishop Bancroft from 1597 to 1604, when he was
    translated to the see of Canterbury. (Hardy's Le Neve, ii. 302.)]


[Sidenote: 11.]

He would not have the bishops to have anie temporalities, or temporall
jurisdicion, but live upon tithes, and nothing but preach, &c.


When I was mentioning howe dangerous and difficult a thing it would be
to restore appropriacions, he said _Fiat justicia et coelum ruat_,
which applicacion I termed a doctrine of Jesuits.


[Sidenote: 12.]

He said Sir Robert Cecile followed the Earl of Essexes death, not with a
good mynde.


This day the two Cheife Judges Sir John Popham and Sir Edmund Anderson,
with the rest of the judges, were sworne. I sawe divers writs or
commissions sealed by the Lord Keeper, with the old seale of Queene
Elizabeth. It is verry like wee shall have a terme.

       *       *       *       *       *[187]

    [Footnote 187: We have here omitted several pages of extracts from
    Sir John Hayward'a Treatise on the Succession in reply to Father
    Parsons, a book of great interest in its day. It is now easily
    accessible to those who desire to refer to it. It was published
    Lond. 1603, 4to.]

[Sidenote: fo. 133.

13 Aprill 1603.]

Dr. Parry was sollicited by the Archebishop to make a kinde of funerall
oracion for the Queene, to be published not pronounced, and hath given
him instruccion. Mr. Savil[188] or he must doe it. Savil fitter, for
better acquaintance with the Queenes private accions and reddier stile
in that language; both scarse have leisure. Dr. Parry warned to be
provided of a sermon against the Kinges coming. He told that the Bishop
of Durrham[189] hath tendered his duty in all humility, craving pardon
for his opposicion heretofore, with promise of faythfull service; hath
preacht at Berwike before the King, and said grace at his table twise or
thrise.

    [Footnote 188: The future Sir Henry, Editor of Chrysostom, and
    Provost of Eton.]

    [Footnote 189: Dr. Matthew Hutton, Bishop from 1595 to 1606, when he
    was translated to York. (Hardy's Le Neve, iii. 295.) The opposition
    alluded to was probably connected with Border quarrels.]


The Queene nominated our King for hir successor: for being demaunded
whom shee would haue succede, hir answere was there should noe rascals
sitt in hir seate. "Who then?" "A King," said shee. "What King?" "Of
Scotts," said shee, "for he hath best right, and in the name of God lett
him haue it."


The Papists verry lately put up a supplicacion to the King for a
tolleracion; his aunswre was, Yf there were 40,000 of them in armes
should present such a petition, himselfe would rather dye in the feild
than condiscend to be false to God. Yet seemed he would not use
extremity, yf they continued in duty like subjects.


The Queene would sometymes speake freely of our King, but could not
endure to heare anie other use such language. The Lord of Kenlosse,[190]
a Scott, told our nobles, that they shall receive a verry good, wise,
and relligious King, yf wee can keepe him soe; yf wee mar him not.

    [Footnote 190: Sir Edward Bruce, Lord Bruce of Kinloss, who came to
    England with the Earl of Mar in 1601, ostensibly on a visit of
    congratulation to Queen Elizabeth, but really to effect an
    understanding with Sir Robert Cecil, and pave the way, which he did
    most successfully, for his master's succession. He was appointed
    Master of the Rolls in 1604, and lies buried in the Rolls Chapel.]


Lord Henry Howard[191] would come and continue at prayers when the
Queene came, but otherwise would not endure them, seeming to performe
the duty of a subject in attending on his prince at the one tyme, and at
the other using his conscience. He would runne out of the Queenes
chamber in hir sicknes when the chaplein went to prayer. Their prayer,
for him, like a conjuracion for a spirit.

    [Footnote 191: The future Earl of Northampton.]


[Sidenote: fo. 133^b.

13 Aprill 1603.]

The Earl of Southampton must present himself with the nobles, and Sir
Henry Nevill with the counsellors; like either shall be one of their
rankes.


It is a common bruit, yet false, that Sir Walter Rhaly is out of his
Captainship of the Guard; _facile quod velint credunt, quod credunt
loquuntur._


Sir Amias Preston, an auncient knight, sent a challendge a while since
to Sir Wa. Ra. which was not aunswered. Sir Ferdinand Gorge is out with
him, as some say.[192]

    [Footnote 192: Raleigh on his trial alludes incidentally to Sir
    Amias Preston's challenge. Speaking of a book against the title of
    King James to succeed Elizabeth, which Cobham had stated that "he
    had" from Raleigh,--"I never gave it him," answered Raleigh, "he
    took it off my table. For I remember a little before that time I
    received a challenge from Sir Amias Preston, and, for that I did
    intend to answer it, I resolved to leave my estate settled,
    therefore laid out all my loose papers, amongst which was this
    book." (State Trials, ii. 21.) As to the relations between Sir
    Walter and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, see Archæologia, vol. xxxiii. p.
    241.]


[Sidenote: 14 Aprill 1603.]

He hath a good witt but it is carried by a foole, said Cobden of W.
Burdett.


Crue invited Cobden to a fyre, and there cald him foole; "It is one
comfort," said Cobden, "that I am in a Crue of fooles."


[Sidenote: 13.]

Dr. Parry's note saith, the Queene was soe temperat in hir dyet from hir
infancy, that hir brother King Edward VI. did usually call hir Dame
Temper[ance.][193]

    [Footnote 193: Camden is probably the original authority for this
    pleasant anecdote:--"_qui non alio nomine quam dulcis sororis
    Temperantiæ nomine salutavit_" are the words of his Introduction to
    the Annales of Elizabeth.]


[Sidenote: 14.]

Mr. Hemmings, sometyme of Trinity College in Cambridge, in a sermon at
Paul's Crosse, speaking of women, said, Yf a man would marrie, it were
1,000 to one but he should light upon a bad one, there were so many
naught; and yf he should chaunce to find a good one, yet he were not
suer to hold hir soe: for women are like a coule full of snakes amongst
which there is one eele, a thousand to one yf a man happen upon the
eele, and yet if he gett it in his hand, all that he hath gotten is but
a wett eele by the tayle. (_Mr. Osborne._)


'Tis certaine that Tyrone hath submitted absolutely, as to the late
Queene, not knowing of hir death; he is nowe at Dublin with the Lord
Mountjoy, and Tirrell is come in with him.



APPENDIX.


I.--ABSTRACT OF WILL OF RICHARD MANNINGHAM, DATED 21ST JANUARY 1611-12;
9TH JAMES I.

Invocation of the Trinity.

I Richard Manningham, of the parish of East Malling, co. Kent, gent.
being in tolerable health of body in regard of mine age and infirmities,
but of perfect mind and memory, endued with all my senses, I laud and
praise God therefore.

Will all written with mine own hand.

My body to be buried in the parish church of East Malling, by my first
wife.

I give to the poor inhabitants of East Malling, 10 _l._

To the poor inhabitants of St. Alban's, where I was born, 10_l._

To Edmund Manningham, my kinsman, 20_l._ with forgiveness of a debt of
20_l._

To William Manningham, son of Edmund, 5_l._

To Marion Manningham, daughter of Edmund, 5 marks.

To William Manningham, brother of Edmund, 40_l._

To Charles Manningham, brother of William, 30_l._

To Anna, Marie, and Elizabeth, sisters of Charles, 10_l._ a piece.

To Elizabeth Houghton and Mary Cleyton, daughters of my late
half-brother Robert Kent, 10_l._ a piece.

To the widow of Drewe Kent, one of the sons of the said Robert, 5_l._

To Gregory Arnold, eldest son of my late half-sister Elizabeth Arnold,
10_l._

To Marie Lawrence and Sara Peters, daughters of the said Elizabeth
Arnold, 10_l._ a piece.

To the four daughters of Marie Lawrence, 10_l._ a piece.

To Susan Hardy, daughter of my other half-sister Marie, 10_l._

To Janeken Vermeren, daughter of my first wife's sister, 20_l._

To the only daughter of George Herne, late painter, of London, 10_l._

To James Ashpoole, my tailor, 10_l._

To John Demua and Isabell his wife, sometime my servants, 5_l._ a piece.

To Thomas Whithead, my late servant, 5_l._

To poor Joan Hawkyns, the like, 40_s._

To Jane Owen, my maid servant, 20 marks.

To Arthur Wise, my husbandman, 5 marks.

To John Haslet, my man, and to Edmond Gibson, my boy, 40_s._ a-piece.

To my two maid servants, Katherine and Annis Wood, 5 marks a-piece.

To my other maid-servant, Ales, 40_s._

To William Short, late servant to my cousin John Manningham, 5_l._

To the Master, Wardens, and Livery of the Company of the Mercers of
London, whereof I am, 25_l._ to make them a dinner.

To my honest water-bearer of London, Goodman Pigeon, 20_s._

To my two poor labourers Edmond Gibson and Thomas Rogers, 40_s._
a-piece.

To my kinsman William Cranmer, the merchant, 5_l._

I remit all moneys owing to me by William Kent, John Kent, Roger Kent,
Nicholas Kent, Drewe Kent, and Stephen Kent, all sons of my aforesaid
half-brother Robert Kent; and by George Arnold, Barnaby Lawrence and
Jacob Peters, sons-in-law of my late half-sister Elizabeth Arnold; by
William Pawley and Thomas Pawley; by Thomas Whithead, James Ashpoole,
Alexander Brickenden, and Edmond Pierson.

Also to Arnold Verbeck, Abraham Verbeck, and Goris Besselles,
merchant-strangers, kinsmen to my first wife, 400_l._ which I lent them
at my said wife's request and for her sake, in 1595, upon condition that
they pay to the two daughters of the said Arnold Verbeck, Margarita and
Susanna, and to their nicht [niece] Janeken Vermeren, 40_l._ a-piece
within a year after my executor shall have given them intimation so to
do.

I nominate my kinsman and son-in-love, John Manningham, gentleman, of
the Middle Temple of London, executor of this my will, and my good
friend Emanuell Drom of London, merchant, overseer of the same, unto
whom I give for his pains therein 10_l._

The residue I give to my executor, and I require, charge, and adjure him
by all the love and duty which he oweth me, for all my love and
liberality which I have always borne him and his heretofore, but chiefly
in this my will, that he perform and pay all and every legacy in this my
last will given within six months at the farthest after my death, those
excepted that are appointed to be paid at certain days limited, and
those also to be duly paid at their days appointed and limited, all
according to my true intent and meaning, as my trust is in him, and as
he will answer afore God and me at the latter day.

If it be needful, I confirm to my executor the grant and gift formerly
by me unto him made of all this my mansion house called Bradborne with
my lands situate in East Malling, except as in the same gift is
excepted, in which said grant I have reserved to myself a power to
dispose of the premises, by will or otherwise, to what persons I list
for the space of five years after my decease, as by the said deed dated
3rd January in the 7th year of the King that now is appears. I renounce
the said power, and leave the premises to John Manningham and his heirs
for ever immediately after my death.

I give to the said John Manningham all other my lands in East Malling,
and to his heirs for ever, except one tenement lately purchased of John
Goldsmyth, now in the occupation of Harry Metcalfe, and that other
tenement in Melstreet [Mill street?] called Hackstables, lately
purchased of John Dowle, both which tenements I give to my bailiff
Thomas Rayner and to his heirs for ever; and also excepting to my poor
servant Thomas Whithead his dwelling use and profit of that cottage
called Poor John's during his life.

I give to the said John Manningham all my lands in Cranbrook, to him and
his heirs for ever.

Lastly, I give to my kinsman John Arnold of St. Alban's, and to my
kinsman Richard Lawrence of Maidstone, and to my maid-servant Annis
Hull, and to their heirs for ever, my thirty acres of land called
Larkhall in Hadlow or elsewhere in Kent, lately purchased of Thomas
Tutsom, now in the occupation of John Bredger, to be equally divided
between them, and I give to each of them 20 nobles in money.

Having thus, I thank God, finished this my last will and testament, and
set an order in my worldy affairs, I will now henceforward await God's
merciful will and pleasure, to depart hence in peace when his blessed
will shall be to call for me, most humbly beseeching him of his infinite
goodness and mercy that when the final day of my dissolution shall be
come I may by his grace be armed with a true and lively faith, firm
hope, and constant patience against all the assaults and temptations of
my ghostly enemy the Devil, and to be willing and ready to forsake all
to go to my blessed Saviour and Redeemer Jesus Christ. Amen, good Lord.

Will all written with mine owne hand in five whole pages and eight lines
of the sixth page fastened together with my seal in merchants' wax.

Attestation states the length of the will, and that, in the presence of
the witnesses, the testator fastened all the pages together with his
seal in merchants' and hard wax.

Witnesses: William Prew, rector de Ditton; Richard Brewer; Matthew
Crowhurst; William Whiller.

Proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury before Dr. Thomas Edwardes
on the first May 1612, by John Manningham, the executor. Registered in
Fenner, 38.


II.--INSCRIPTION ON MONUMENT TO RICHARD MANNINGHAM IN EAST MALLING
CHURCH.[194]

    [Footnote 194: The monument stands on the north side of the chancel,
    in a niche, over which is inscribed "_Redemptor meus vivit._"]

Richardus Mannyngham, honesta natus familia, mercaturam juvenis exercuit
satis copiosam; ætate provectiore ruri vacavit literis et valetudini, in
studiis tam divinis quam humanis eruditus; Latine, Gallice, Belgice
dixit, scripsit, eleganter et proprie; nec alieni appetens nec profusus
sui, amicos habuit fideliter et benigne, pauperes fortunis suis
sublevavit, affines et consanguineos auxit; animi candore, vultus
suavitate et gravitate conspicuus; sobrie prudens, et sincere pius.
Languido tandem confectus morbo, fide Deum amplexus orthodoxâ, expiravit
25^o die Aprilis, anno salutis 1611 et ætatis suæ 72^o Desideratus suis,
maxime Johanni Mannyngham hæredi, qui monumentum hoc memor moerensque
posuit.


III.--ABSTRACT OF WILL OF JOHN MANNINGHAM, DATED 21ST JANUARY 1621-2;
19TH JAMES I.

I John Manningham of East Malling co. Kent, esquire, being in reasonable
good health of body and in perfect and sound memory, God be thanked!

I give to the poor inhabitants of East Malling, 5_l._ to be paid on the
day of my funeral.

To the like of Fenny Drayton, co. Cambridge, 5_l._

Rings of gold of the value of 20_s._ a piece to be given to every one of
my servants, to each one, as a remembrance of me.

To my daughter Susan 300_l._

To my daughter Elizabeth 250_l._

To my son Walter 100_l._

If Susan or Elizabeth die before accomplishing her age of 18 her portion
to be divided amongst my younger sons John and Walter and my daughters
that shall survive, and if Walter die before 21, his legacy to be
divided amongst his sisters and brother John, or such of them as shall
then be living.

My executors to employ the children's legacies, and out of the profits
to make an allowance for their maintenance.

I give to mine executors 20 nobles a-piece.

The residue of my goods and chattels I give to my dear and well-beloved
wife Anne Manningham and to my son Richard, equally to be divided
between them.

I appoint my loving brother-in-law Walter Curle, D.D. and Dean of
Lichfield, and my very loving cousin William Robardes of Enfield, D.D.
executors.

A fine having been levied in Michaelmas Term, 10th James, between Edward
Curll of the Middle Temple, esquire, now deceased, and my cousin
Beckingham Boteler of Tewing, co. Hertford, esquire, and myself John
Manningham, Edmund Manningham, William Manningham, and Charles
Manningham, of all my lands in Kent, the same are settled to the use of
me and my heirs and assigns until by will or deed I appoint the same.
Now as to my capital messuage and mansion-house called Bradborne in East
Malling and all lands in the same parish which my late dear cousin and
father in love Richard Manningham purchased of George Catlin, John
Pathill, and Nicholas Miller, I appoint the same to the use of my wife
for life, and after her decease to the use of my son Richard Manningham
in tail male, and for want of such heirs of his body to the use of my
right heirs for ever.

And as to my two messuages or farms in Well Street, East Malling, in the
occupation of Thomas Pennyall, Moses Watts, and Nicholas Beeching, I
appoint the same to the use of my son John in tail male, with remainder
to the use of my son Walter in like manner, with remainder to my own
right heirs.

And as to my lands in Detling and Thurnham in Kent, I appoint the same
to the use of my son Walter in tail, remainder to the use of my son John
in like manner, remainder to the use of my son Richard in tail,
remainder to the use of my own right heirs for ever.

And as to all that capital messuage and lands which my late dear cousin
and father in love Richard Manningham (who for ever is gratefully to be
remembered by me and mine) purchased of Sir William Gratewick deceased,
and of Edmund Catlin deceased, and all other my hereditaments in Kent
not before disposed of, I appoint the same to the use of my son Richard
in tail male, with remainder to each of my sons John and Walter in like
manner in succession, and with an ultimate remainder to my right heirs
for ever.

I appoint my wife guardian to my son Richard and the rest of my
children.

Will written with my own hand, in three sheets of paper fixed together
with a label. Executed on 20th February, 1621-2. Attested by Sackville
Pope, Richard Butler, John Roberts, John Gwy.

Proved before Sir William Byrde, in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury
on 4th December, 1622, by Dr. Walter Curle, Dr. William Robartes having
renounced. Registered in Saville, 112.



ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.


_Introd. p. x._--Although born in Hampshire, there is reason to believe,
from a similarity of arms, that Thomas Manningham, Bishop of Chichester,
was descended from the Cambridgeshire branch of our Diarist's family. He
was educated at Winchester and New College, Oxford. His principal
preferments in the church were the Preachership at the Rolls, the
Lectureship at the Temple, and the Rectory of St. Andrew's Holborn, to
which last he was presented by the Crown in 1691; he also held a royal
chaplaincy, and the Deanery of Windsor, to which he was appointed in
1708. He kept his Deanery in _commendam_ with his Bishopric.[195] Many
of his sermons were published; one preached at St. Andrew's on the death
of Queen Mary, 4to. London, 1695, passed through at any event three
editions, and has an interest from the preacher's delineation of the
amiable character of his royal mistress.

    [Footnote 195: See Wood's Athenæ, iv. 555; and Dallaway's Sussex, i.
    94.]

Sir Richard Manningham published, besides certain more strictly
professional works, "An Exact Diary" (another Manningham's Diary) "of
what was observ'd during a close attendance upon Mary Toft, the
pretended Rabbet-Breeder of Godalming in Surrey, from Monday Nov. 28 to
Wednesday Dec. 7 following. Together with an account of her confession
of the Fraud. By Sir Richard Manningham, Kt. Fellow of the Royal
Society, and of the College of Physicians, London." (Lond. 8vo. 1726.)
Another of Sir Richard's good deeds was the erection of the well-known
Park Chapel, Chelsea.[196] He died on the 11th May 1759, and was buried
at Chelsea.

    [Footnote 196: In Munk's Roll of the Royal College of Physicians,
    ii. 67, an excellent work of reference, to which I am indebted for
    most of these particulars, "Chelsea" is misprinted, in this
    instance, "Cheltenham."]

_P._ 13. _l._ 11.--_For_ Dene, _read_ Drewe.

_P._ 18. _l._ 5.--The anagram upon the name "Davis," here attributed to
"Martin," should have had a note to point out that the combination of
these two names leads one to suppose that the Davis alluded to was
probably the future Sir John Davies, and that the Martin to whom this
saucy witticism is attributed, may have been the Richard Martin
commemorated by Ben Jonson, and the person for a scandalous attack upon
whom Davies was temporarily struck off the books of the Middle Temple,
as mentioned at p. 168. The outrage occurred on the 9th February 1597-8.
Davies was restored to his membership of the Inn on the 30th October
1601. The late Lord Stowell, in his communication to the Society of
Antiquaries on this subject (Archæologia, xxi. 108,) somewhat favours a
suggestion of Alexander Chalmers that a rivalry between Martin and
Davies in colloquial wit may have led to Davies's misconduct. The
peculiarity in Sir John's gait noticed at p. 168, and which would
attract more attention among young students than it deserved, was
probably not unique. Sir Walter Scott, who no doubt drew from an
original, describes something very like it in the instance of Baillie
Macwheeble, who waddled across the court-yard of the manor-house of
Tully Veolan, like a turnspit walking upon its hind legs.

_P._ 23, _last line but one_.--_for_ Bradbourne, _read_ Brabourne.

_P._ 40, _n._ 2.--_for_ whose Autobiography, _read_ whose son's
Autobiography.

_P._ 85, _third line from the bottom_.--These remarks may perhaps be a
young man's judgment upon the works of the celebrated Dr. John Reynolds,
president of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. Bishop Hall spoke of him in
other terms:--"He alone was a well-furnished library, full of all
faculties, of all studies, of all learning; the memory and reading of
that man were near to a miracle." The opinion of all his most
distinguished contemporaries agreed with that of Bishop Hall. (Wood's
Athenæ, ii. 11.)

_P._ 117, _last line_.--_for_ Sing, _read_ Snig.



INDEX.


  Abbot, Dr. George, Archbishop of Canterbury, 126

  Admiral, Lord High, office of, 19, 131

  Alane, Mr., 14

  Albion's England, 74

  Aldrich, Mr., 108; Mrs., 107, 108

  Ales, [Alice] maid servant, 174

  Altham, James, Sergeant, 117

  Alva, Duke of, 13

  Amsterdam, 142

  Anderson, Sir Edmund, Lord Chief Justice, xv., 41, 58, 169

  Andrewes, Dr. Lancelot, Dean of Westminster, afterwards Bishop of
    Winchester, 30

  Androes, Mary, 50; Mr., 40

  Anne, Queen, iii.

  Apelles, 8

  Apethorpe, co. Northampton, 13

  Archdall, ----, 16

  Archduke, Cardinal, Governor of the Netherlands, 81

  Arnold, Elizabeth, 173, 174

  ----, George, 174

  ----, Gregory, 173

  ----, John, 175

  Asheford, Mr., 116

  Ashpoole, James, 174

  Atmore, ----, 15

  Augustine, St., 7, 10

  Aulus Gallius, 149

  Aurange, _see_ Orange

  Aylesford, Kent, 20


  Baberham, co. Cambridge, 49

  Bachellor, Joan, 22

  Bacon, Francis, afterwards Lord Chancellor, xv., 68, 81

  Ball, Anne, 63

  Balliol College, Oxford, 138

  Bancroft, Richard, Bishop of London, afterwards Archbishop of
    Canterbury, xii., 19, 146, 169

  Bankside, the, 130

  Barker, Mr., 34, 77

  ----, Robert, Sergeant, 117

  Barlow, Dr. 51;
    ----, 111

  Barnaby's Day, 103

  Barons of London, 103

  Barrowes, Mr., 165

  Basset, Sir Richard, 60

  Baynham, Sir Edmund, 142

  Beckingham, Steven, 62

  Bede, the Venerable, 10, 28

  Bedford, co., iv.

  Beeching, Nicholas, 178

  Begging a criminal for a husband, 102

  Bellingham, H., 47

  Benn, ----, 84

  Bennet, Mr., 37, 52, 92

  Berks, co., 83, 136

  Bernard, St., 37, 57

  Berthelet, Thomas, printer, 137

  Berwick-upon-Tweed, 160, 170

  Besselles, Goris, vi., 174

  Bible, authorised translation, 6

  Bilson, Thomas, Bishop of Winchester, 94, 110

  Bishop, Roger, 47

  Black, W. H., 130

  Blackborne, ----, 82

  Blackfriars, 101

  Blackwell, ----, 102

  Bliss, Dr. Philip, xx.

  Blount, Charles, Lord Montjoy, Lord Deputy of
    Ireland, xix., 59, 78, 104, 172

  Blundell, Mr., 54

  Blunt, Mr., 81

  Bodley, Sir Thomas, 63, 129

  Bonner, Bishop, 85

  Booth, ----, 60

  Borough-English, 82

  Boteler, Beckingham, 177

  Bothwell, Francis, Earl of, 122

  Bradborne, Kent, ii.-v., vii., x., 12, 20, 22, 23, 52, 107, 175, 177

  Bradnum, [Bradenham?] 92

  Bramstone, John, afterwards Lord Chief Justice, xv., 40, 42, 61, 92,
    103, 104, 117

  Bredger, John, 175

  Brewer, Richard, 176

  Brickenden, Alexander, 174

  Bridgeman, John, 48

  Brockett, Frances, 50

  ----, Sir John, 50

  ----, Mrs., 50

  Brockett Hall, 50

  Bromley, Sir Henry, 168

  Brooke, Henry, Lord Cobham, 12, 160, 168, 171

  Bruce, Edward, Lord Bruce of Kinloss, 170

  Brymour, co. Somerset, 104

  _Buccina Capelli in laudem juris_, 99

  Buckeridge, Dr. John, afterwards, Bishop, 38

  Buckhurst, Lord, _see_ Sackville, Thomas

  Bullein, Dr., 148

  Bulloigne, Duke of, 81

  Burdett, W., 171

  Burghley, Lord, _see_ Cecil, William

  Burghley House, in the Strand, 16

  Burbage, Richard, 39

  Burchely, ----, 98

  Burdett, ----, 136, 137

  Burneham, ----, 22

  Butler, Richard, 178

  ----, Thomas, 10th Earl of Ormond, 59, 102

  Byrde, Sir William, 178


  Cæsar, Dr. afterwards Sir Julius, xv., 129, 138

  ----, his wife, 138

  Cambridge, 10, 50, 80, 84, 93, 103, 111, 129, 135

  ----, co., iv.

  ----, University of, 75

  Camden, William, ix., 116, 171

  Campion, Thomas, 109

  Canterbury, ii., 108, 111

  Cappel, ----, 99

  Carew, Anne, 63

  Carey, George, Lord Hunsdon, 148

  ----, Sir Robert, 155, 156, 159

  ----, Lucius, Lord Falkland, 61

  ---- ----, his wife, 61

  Carlyle, Thomas, 49

  Cartwright, ----, 12, 20, 22

  Catholics, Roman, supplicate James I. for toleration, 170

  Cashiobury, Herts, 61

  Catlin, Edmund, 178

  ----, George, 178

  ----, Robert Mr. Justice, 98

  ----, ----, 20

  Cecil, Sir Richard, xiv., 18, 41, 59, 78, 82, 99, 130, 147, 160, 169,
    170

  ----, William, Lord Burghley, 36, 61, 82, 148

  Chamberlain, the Lord, 136, 137

  Chamberlayne, Dr., 48, 50

  Chancellor, the Lord, 81

  Chapman, Drue, 13, 111, 179

  ----, John, vi., 60, 111

  ----, ----, 108

  Charing Cross, 155

  Charles I., 78, 154

  Charles V., 43

  Chaucer, Geoffrey, 11

  Cheapside, 23, 47

  Chelsea, iv.

  Chelsea College, 6

  Chichester, Bishop, _see_ Manningham, Thomas; Watson, Anthony

  Child, Mr., 17

  Christ Church, Cambridge, 80

  ---- ----, Oxford, 79

  Christmas game, 16

  Chrysostom, St., 6, 169

  Chute, ----, 136

  Clanrickard, Earl of, _see_ De Burgh

  Clapham, ----, xix., 75, 105, 113, 116, 127, 129, 133, 158

  Clare Hall, Cambridge, 103

  Clarendon, Earl of, _see_ Hyde, Edward

  Clarke, Mr., 22

  Clayton, Mary, 173

  Clifford, George, Earl of Cumberland, 40

  Clifton, Sir Gervase, afterwards Lord, 22

  ----, Sir Jo., 41

  Clinton, Henry, Earl of Lincoln, 21, 22

  Clunch, a, 116

  Cobham, Lord, _see_ Brooke, Henry

  Cobden, ----, 171

  Cock, Sir Henry, Cofferer of the Household, 168

  Cockayne, Mr., 19

  Coke, Sir Edward, Attorney-General, xv., 79, 82, 117, 129

  Colepepper, Thomas, 24

  Collier, J. P., i., xvi., 35, 36

  Common Pleas, the Court of, 92, 98

  Copping, ----, 18, 19

  Cooper, J., 102

  Cordell, Mrs., 48

  Cornwall, 129

  Cuper, J., 92

  Covell, Dr., William, 138

  Coventry and Lichfield, Bishop of, _see_ Overton, William

  Coventry, Thomas, afterwards Lord Keeper, 117

  Cranbrook, Kent, 15, 175

  Cranmer, Mr., 19

  ----, Th., 85, 86, 158

  ----, William, 174

  ----, ----, 108, 109, 110

  Croke, John, afterwards knighted, xv., 64, 74, 117

  Crowhurst, Matthew, 176

  Cromer, Frances, 24

  ----, James, 24

  Cromwell, Sir Henry, 49, 50, 51

  ----, Sir Oliver, v., 49, 51

  Crue, ----, 92, 171

  Culpeper, Dr. Martin, 107

  Cumberland, Earl of, _see_ Clifford, George

  Curle, Anne, vii., ix., 41

  ----, Edward, vii., ix., 36, 41, 46, 48, 91, 131, 177

  ----, Francis, 148

  ----, Mr., 17, 63, 77, 81, 83, 129, 157, 160

  ----, Dr. Walter, vii., 156, 177, 178

  ----, William, vii., ix., 41

  Cutts, Sir Henry, 111

  ----, John, 111

  ----, Sir John, 111

  ----, ----, his lady's sister, 50


  Damned Crew, the, 142

  Daniel, an Italian, 91

  ----, Sergeant, afterwards Judge, 24

  Danvers, Mr., 39

  Darcy, Mr., 62

  Darling, ----, 169

  Darnley, Earl of, 22

  ----, Henry, Lord, 121, 122

  Davers, Charles, 7, 10, 17, 34, 53, 59, 60, 129, 135, 137, 154

  Davies, John, afterwards Sir John, xix., 18?, 100, 168, 180

  Davis, ----, 18

  Dawson, Dr., 84

  Daye, John, 137

  Daylie, Dr., 60

  De Burgh, Richard, 4th Earl of Clanrickard, 59, 160, 165

  Demua, Isabell, 174

  ----, John, 174

  Dene, Dr. ?, 74

  Detling, Kent, 178

  Desmond, Earl of, _see_ Preston

  Devereux, Robert, Earl of Essex, 49, 51, 54, 60, 129, 135, 159, 169

  ----, ----, his wife, 165

  Devereux, Walter, Earl of Essex, 79

  ----, ----, Dorothy, his wife, 79

  Devon, co., 129

  Ditton, Kent, 51, 176

  Doctors' Commons, iv., viii.

  Dod, Dr., 157

  Doderidge, Sir John, 62

  Doncaster, 155

  Donne, John, afterwards Dean of St Paul's, 99

  Dowle, John, 175

  Downes, Andrew, Professor of Greek at Cambridge, 8

  Drom, Emanuel, 174

  Dudley, Robert, Earl of Leicester, 19, 137

  Dulwich, 35

  Dun, ----, a fencer, 130

  Duns, Mr., 136

  Dunstable, 36

  Durham, Bishop of, _see_ Matthew, Tobias

  Durum, ?, 22

  Dyer, Sir James, 36


  Eastwell, Kent, 92

  Eaton, Dr. Martin, Bishop of Ely, _see_ Heton

  Edinburgh, 128

  Edward III., 116

  Edward IV., 60

  Edward VI., 81, 120, 148, 171

  Edwardes, Dr. Thomas, 176

  Eedes, Dr. Richard, 18

  Egerton, Sir John, 86

  ----, Mr., 74, 101

  ----, Thomas, 86

  ----, Sir Thomas, Lord Keeper, xiii., xv., 36, 81, 86, 99, 116, 126,
    132, 146, 148, 165, 169

  ---- ----, his eldest son?, 86, 165

  Elizabeth, Queen, iii., 1, 12, 43, 45, 64, 99, 126, 130, 136, 138,
    142, 144, 169, 170, 171, 172

  ----, sayings of, 51, 117, 170

  ----, favour to the City, 64

  ----, visit to Sir Robert Cecil, 99, 100

  ----, death, xii.-xiii., 145, 146, 159

  ----, nomination of her successor, 170

  ----, wealth, 155, 165

  Ellis, Sir Henry, 40

  Ely, Bishopric of, 136

  Enfield, Middlesex, x., 177

  Englefield, Sir Francis, 54

  Eps, ----, 165

  Essex, co., 98

  ----, Earls of, _see_ Devereux, Robert and Walter

  Eton, provost of, 169

  Everard, ----, Justice of K.B. in Ireland, 118


  Fen or Fenny Drayton, co. Cambridge, iv., vi., 177

  Finch, Elizabeth, afterwards Countess of Westmoreland, 13

  ----, Sir Moyle, 13

  Fishmongers, company of, 54

  Fitch, ----, 157, 158

  Fleete, Mr., 154

  Fleetwood, William, Recorder of London, xv., 40, 42, 103, 107

  Fleur-de-lis, 53

  Floyd, Thomas, 7

  Flushing, 13, 22

  Foote, John, 17

  Ford, Kent, 22

  Forrel, 116

  Foss, Edward, xx.

  Fossar, ----, 62

  Foster, Thomas, Sergeant, 38, 117

  Foster Lane, 105

  Forster, John, xx.

  France, King of, 80

  Franklin, ----, 36

  French Guard, the, 168

  Fry, John, 118, 119, 123, 125, 126

  Fryer, ----, 118

  Fuller, Thomas, 104

  Furnival's Inn, 79


  Gardiner, Sir Robert, 78, 104

  Gardner, Mr., 79

  Garnet, ----, 142

  Garnons, ----, 19

  Garrett, Garrard or Jarrett, Sir John, 78

  Gellibrand, Mr., 13, 14

  ----, Thomas, 14

  Geneva, 102

  Gibbes, Mr., 77, 92, 104

  ----, his wife, 77

  Gibson, Edward, 174

  Girlington, Nicholas, 102

  Glanville, John, Judge in Common Pleas, 117

  Glastonbury, 25

  Gloucester, co., 58

  Goa, 47

  Godmersham, ii., vi., 108, 111

  Goldsmith, John, 175

  Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 171

  Gorson, Mr., 74

  Gowrie, Earl of, _see_ Ruthven

  Grant, John, 155

  Gratewick, Sir William, 178

  Gray's Inn, 50, 62, 87, 117

  Greene, ----, 117

  Grey, Thomas, Lord Grey of Wilton, 146

  ----, Lady Catherine, 25

  Griffin, Sir Edward, 157

  Guelderland, 155

  Guise, Duke de, 120, 124

  ----, family of, 119

  Gunpowder Treason, 142

  Gwy, John, 178

  Gylburne, Mr., 24


  Hackstables, East Malling, 175

  Hadlow, Kent, 175

  Hadsor, Richard, 59, 61, 78, 102, 104, 118, 131, 154

  Hakewill, Mr., 62

  Hamilton, Duke of, 120

  Hanbury, Benjamin, 138

  Hardy, Susan, 173

  ----, T. D., xx.

  ----, Nicholas, 156

  Harris, Mr. Sergeant, 41, 92, 117, 118

  ----, ----, 109, 110

  Harwell, ----, 74

  Haslet, John, 174

  Hatfield, vii., ix.

  ----, forest of, 81

  Hatton, Sir Christopher, 130

  Hawkyns, Joan, 174

  Hayward, Sir John, 169

  Hele, Mr. Sergeant, 36

  Hemingford, 49

  Hemmings, Mr., 171

  Heneage, Sir Thomas, 13

  ----, daughter of, 13

  Henry Frederick and Frederick Henry, Prince, 158

  Henry IV. of France, 36

  Henry VIII., 148

  Hentzner, Paul, 3

  Herbert, Henry, Earl of Pembroke, 46

  Hereford, co., 58

  Herne, George, daughter of, 174

  Hertford, co., 19, 61, 62

  ----, Earl of, _see_ Seymour, Edward

  Heton, Dr. Martin, Bishop of Ely, 167

  Hill, ----, tailor, 136, 137

  ----, Nicholas, 60

  ----, of Umberley, Devon, 60

  Hinchinbroke, co. Huntingdon, 50

  Hoby, Sir Edward, 135

  Holland, Dr. Thomas, 86, 138

  Holyrood House, 156, 160

  Hooftman, Anne, 49

  ----, Giles, 49, 51

  Hooker, Richard, 138

  Horton, Tom, 2, 92

  Hoskyns, John, vi.

  Hoste, ----, 74

  Houghton, Robert, Sergeant, 117

  ----, Elizabeth, 173

  Howard, Charles, Earl of Nottingham, 61, 132, 146

  ----, of Effingham, Anne, Lady, 132

  Howard, Frances, 25

  Howard of Bindon, Thomas, Viscount, 25

  Howard, Henry, afterwards Earl of Northampton, 43, 170

  ----, Thomas, Lord, 168

  Hull, Annis, 175

  ----, Mr., 40, 131

  Hunsdon, Lord, _see_ Carey, George

  Hunter, Joseph, i.-iv., 18

  Hutton, Dr. Matthew, Archbishop of York, 109

  Hyde, Edward, afterwards Lord Chancellor Clarendon, 16

  ----, Lawrence, afterwards knighted, 16

  ----, Sir Nicholas, 16

  Hynd, Mr., 49

  Hythe, Kent, 47


  India, 37

  Ireland, 78, 131, and _see_ Blount, Charles, Lord Deputy

  ----, Mr., 75, 80

  Isham, ----, 156, 157


  James I., 59, 64, 78, 142, 148, 154, 155, 156, 160, 170

  ----, succession on the death of Queen Elizabeth, xiii., xiv.

  ----, proclamation of accession, 147, 159

  ----, anticipations of the English people respecting, xiv., xv., 169

  ----, works of, 25, 49, 155

  ----, proclamation to restrain access to, 159

  ----, would not swear, 168

  ----, how he walked among his nobles, 155

  Jardine, David, 142

  Jeanor, ----, 92

  Jesuits, 74

  Jonson, Ben, 35, 63, 130, 180

  Juel, Dr., 80


  Keble, John, 54

  Kedgwyn, Mr., 2

  Keeper, Lord, office, 19

  Kemp, Mr., 45, 111

  Kendal, Westmoreland, 130

  Kent, Drewe, 173, 174

  ----, John, 107, 174

  ----, Nicholas, 174

  ----, Stephen, 174

  ----, Robert, 173, 174

  ----, Roger, 174

  ----, William, 174

  ----, ----, 21

  Kent, co., iv., ix., 13, 107, 165, 175, 177, 178

  Kettle, Dr. Ralph, 49

  Key, Mr., 158

  Keyt, ----, 109, 110

  Kildare, Countess of, 159

  King, Dr. John, afterwards Bishop of London, 64, 79, 149

  ----, ----, 137

  King's Bench, 98

  King's Coll., Cambridge, 103

  King's Head, 156

  King's Hill, Rayleigh, Essex, 130

  Knollys, Sir William, 146


  L----, Bishop of, 81

  ----, Mr., 80, 81

  Lancaster, Mr., 17, 62, 129

  Larkhall in Hadlow, 175

  Larking, L. B., xviii.

  Latimer, Lord, 165

  Laudanum, 46

  Lawrence, Barnaby, 174

  ----, Marie, 173

  ----, ----, four daughters of, 173

  ----, Richard, 175

  Layfield, Dr. John, 6, 95, 166, 167

  Leake, Young Mr., 48

  ----, ----, 15

  Lee, Robert, Lord Mayor, 73, 147, 148, 149

  Leicester, Earl of, _see_ Dudley, Robert

  Lewkenor, C----, 58

  Leydall, Mr., 154

  Libertines, the, 59

  Lincoln, co., 13, 21

  ----, Earl of, _see_ Clinton, Henry

  Lincoln's Inn, 38, 82, 117

  Lisle, Lord, _see_ Plantagenet

  Litchfield, Dean of, _see_ Curle, Walter

  Lob, a, 116

  London, v., 12, 15, 174

  ----, Bishop of, _see_ Bancroft, Richard

  Long, Mr., 41

  Lord Mayor, _see_ Lee, Robert

  Lorraine, Cardinal of, 120

  Lothbury, 154

  Lovell, ----, 15

  Lucian, 86

  Ludgate, 147

  Ludlow, 58

  Lyde, Tristram, 23


  Maidstone, ii., 13, 14, 31, 110

  Malling, East, ii.-vii., ix., x., 12, 19, 107, 173, 175, 177

  ----, Town, 12, 22

  Manners, Roger, Earl of Rutland, 61

  Manningham, various branches of family, iv.

  ----, Anne, wife of John, vii., ix., x., 177, 178

  ----, Anne, daughter of John, vii., ix.

  ----, Anne, sister of Charles, 173

  ----, Charles, 173, 177

  ----, Edmund, 173, 177

  ----, Elizabeth, daughter of John, vii., 177

  ----, Elizabeth, sister of Charles, 173

  ----, George, iii., iv., v., 108

  ----, John, vi.-x., 174-176

  ----, will of, 177

  ----, John, son of the preceding, vii., 177, 178

  ----, Richard, "father in love," of John, ii.-x., 12, 14, 19, 21,
    23, 47, 48, 52, 178; his marriages, v.; age at his death, iii.,
    viii.; his will, 173; monumental inscription, 176

  ----, Richard, son of John, vii., x., 177, 178

  ----, Sir Richard, x., 179

  ----, Robert, iv., v.

  ----, Susan, vii., ix., 177

  ----, Dr. Thomas, Bishop of Chichester, x., 179

  ----, William, brother of Edmund, 173

  ----, William, son of Edmund, 173, 177

  Manningtree, 130

  Mansell, Sir Robert, 82

  Manwood, Sir Roger, Lord Chief Baron, xv., 41, 91

  Mar, Earl of, _see_ Stewart, John

  Marbury, Mr., 75

  March, ----, 14

  Margaret Professor, 103

  Marrow, Mr., 157

  Marshall, Hamlet, 54

  Marston, John, 86

  Martial, 35

  Martin, J. E., 104

  ----, 80

  ----, Richard, 18, 180

  ----, Sir Richard, 23

  Mary, Queen of Scots, Tragical History of, 118-126

  Mary I., 85, 120, 148

  Matthew, Tobias, Bishop of Durham, 170

  Maynard, Mr., 157

  Mayne, Mr., 50

  Meade, ----, 98

  Melstreet [Mill Street?], East Malling, 175

  Mercers, Company of, v., 13, 174

  Merchant Adventurers, 40

  Merchants' wax, 176

  Merredeth, ----, 104

  Metcalfe, Harry, 175

  Mildmay, Sir Anthony, 13

  Miller, Nicholas, 178

  ----, 20

  Mint, warden of, 23

  Mirror for Magistrates, 118

  Monoux, or Munoux, _see_ Munoes

  Montague, Dr. James, afterwards Bishop of Bath and Wells, and of
    Winchester, 25, 104, 161

  Montaigne, Michael, 102

  Moore, ----, of Balliol College, Oxford, 27

  ----, Mr., 81

  More, Alderman, 86

  ----, Sir George, 99

  ----, Sir Thomas, iv., xv., 38, 39

  Morgan, Mrs. Sylvester, 60

  Morley, Lord, _see_ Parker, Edward

  Motley, ----, 2

  Mottoes in the Shield Gallery, Whitehall, 3-5

  Mountford, Dr. Thomas, 7

  Mountjoy, Lord, _see_ Blount, Charles

  Morrison, Bridget, 61

  ----, Sir Charles, 61

  ----, Lady, 61

  Moryson, Richard, 137

  Mowbray, ----, 91

  Munoes, Mr., 10


  Napier, John, of Murchiston, 128

  Neveurs, Duke de, 51

  Nevill, Sir Henry, 13, 135, 168

  New College, Oxford, 107

  New Hide, 22

  News, Book of, 15

  Newland, 24

  New Hall, Essex, 60

  Nichols, Augustine, Sergeant-at-law, 117

  ----, John Gough, xx., 136

  ----, Josias, 92

  Niepson, ----, 51

  Noel, Mr., 109

  Norham on the Tweed, 156

  North, Dudley, Lord, 50

  Northampton, co., 22

  Northumberland, Earl of, _see_ Percy, Henry

  Norton, ----, 18, 19

  ----, H., 19

  Nowell, Dr. Alexander, Dean of St. Paul's, 35, 86


  Orange, Prince of, 142

  Ormond, Earl of, _see_ Butler

  Osborne, ----, 172

  Ostend, 15

  Otford House, 20

  Ousley, Mr., 53

  Ousloe, ----, 53

  Overall, Dr. John, Dean of St. Paul's, 35, 160

  Overbury, Thomas, afterwards knighted, 17, 54, 58, 80, 130, 168

  Owen, Jane, 174

  Oxford, 79, 107

  ----, co., 49


  Padua, 20

  Paget, Lord, 15

  ----, ----, 92

  Palavicini, Sir Horatio, 49, 51

  Palavicini, Anne, Lady, v., 49

  Palmes, Mr., 45

  Parkins, ----, of the Inner Temple, 53

  Parry, Dr. Henry, xii., 2, 19, 46, 51, 52, 145, 146, 149, 159, 169, 171

  ----, ----, his father, 52

  ----, Sir Thomas, 103

  Parsons, Father Robert, 21

  Pathill, John, 178

  Paul's Cross, 28, 34, 64, 84, 87, 93, 104, 111, 132, 137, 138, 171

  Pawley, Thomas, 174

  ----, William, 174

  Payne ----, 107

  Pembroke, Earl of, _see_ Herbert, Henry

  ---- Hall, Cambridge, 111

  Pennyall, Thomas, 178

  Percy, Algernon, afterwards 10th Earl of Northumberland, 79

  ----, Henry, 9th Earl of Northumberland, 60, 79

  ----, ----, his wife, 79

  ----, ----, one of his serving men, 165

  Periam, Sir William, Lord Chief Baron, 41, 73

  Perkins, William, 80, 104

  Perrott, Sir Thomas, 79

  Peter? Mr., 116

  Peters, Jacob, 174

  ----, Sarah, 173

  Peterhouse, Cambridge, 10

  Pewterers' Company, 15, 165

  Philip II. of Spain, 43

  Philipot, John, York Herald, ix.

  Phillips, Edward, Sergeant-at-law, 117

  ----, Mr., 9

  ----, Walter, 25

  Pierson, Edmund, 174

  Pigeon, Goodman, 174

  Plantagenet, Arthur, Lord Lisle, 60

  'Plea of the Innocent,' 92

  Plowden, Edmund, 78

  Poor John's, a cottage so called, 175

  Pope, Sackville, 178

  Popham, Sir John, Lord Chief Justice, 41, 117, 148, 169

  Portsmouth, 154

  Posies for rings, 83

  Potterell, John, 63

  Powder Plot, the, 60

  Pranell, Alderman, 25

  Prerogative Court of Canterbury, 176, 178

  Preston, Sir Amias, 171

  ----, Sir Richard, afterwards Earl of Desmond, 59

  Prew, William, 176

  Prideaux, Mr., 62

  Proclamation of James I., 147, 148

  Puritans, 1, 15, 42, 110, 156

  Purveyance, 107

  Pym, Alexander, 104

  ----, John, xv., 104, 155


  Quare impedit, 41

  Queen's College, Cambridge, 93, 100


  R. R., 93.

  Raleigh, Sir Walter, 33, 58, 109, 160, 171

  Ratcliffe, Robert, 5th Earl of Sussex, 60

  ----, ----, his countess, 60, 61

  Ravens, Mr., 108, 110, 111

  Rayleigh, Essex, 130

  Rayner, Thomas, 175

  Recorder of London, 64, 74

  Redman, Dr. William, Bishop of Norwich, 80

  Reeves, ----, 16

  Reid, B., 48

  Requests, Court of, 129, 131

  Reynolds, Dr. John, 85, 180

  Rich, Robert, Lord Rich, 81

  Richard III., 39

  Riches, Mr., 12, 19, 20

  ----, Mrs. Frances, 20

  Richmond, 145

  Richmond and Lennox, Duchess of, _see_ Howard, Frances

  Ridge, Edward, 24

  Rivers, ----, 92

  Rizzio, David, 121, 122

  Robardes, or Roberts, Dr. William, 177, 178

  Roberts, John, 178

  Rochester, 22, 23, 138

  Rochford, Lawless Court at, 130

  Rogers, Thomas, 174

  Rome, 142

  Rooke, ----, 63

  Rouse, _see_ Rowse

  Rowlands, Samuel, 61

  Rowse, Francis, 104, 155

  Rutland, Earl of, _see_ Manners

  Rud, Dr., 136

  Rudyerd, Benjamin, afterwards knighted, xv., 131, 154, 155, 158

  Ruthven, Lady Barbara, 156, 168

  ----, John, Earl of Gowry, 156


  Sackville, Thomas, Lord Buckhurst, 21, 73, 146, 147, 148, 168

  St. Albans, iv., 36, 81, 173, 175

  St. Andrew's, Cambridge, 80

  ----, Holborn, 64, 79, 179

  St. Clement Danes, 6, 95, 96, 100

  St. John's college, Cambridge, 103, 104

  St. John, of Bletsoe, John, Lord, 132

  St. Paul's Cathedral, London, 62, 76, 148

  St. Peter's, Paul's Wharf, 113, 133

  Salisbury, chancellor of, 52

  Saltingstone, Peter, 154

  Salutations, new fashioned, 110

  Sanders, ----, 28

  Sandwich, ii., 109

  Sandy, co., Bedford, 2, 50

  Sapcotts, Mr., 45

  Sapley, co. Huntingdon, 49

  Savile, Henry, afterwards knighted, 169

  Savoy, the, 17

  ----, Duke of, 102

  Scott, Mr., of Trinity College, Cambridge, 11

  ----, Thomas, of Scotts Hall, 23

  ----, W., 79

  ----, Sir Walter, 19, 179

  ----, William, Lord Stowell, 180

  Scottish taunts, 46

  Searchfield, Rowland, Bishop of Bristol, 11

  Secretary of State, office, 19

  Sedley, Elizabeth, 20

  ----, John, afterwards knighted, 20

  ----, William, afterwards knighted, 20

  Seymour, Edward, Earl of Hertford, 25, 153

  ----, Edward, Lord Beauchamp, 153, 154, 160

  ----, William, Marquess of Hertford, 154

  Shakespeare, William, 39

  ----, ----, his Twelfth Night, xvi., 18

  Sheborough, ----, 58

  Sheriffs of London, 53

  Short, William, 174

  Shrewsbury, Earl of, _see_ Talbot

  Shurland, ----, 93

  Shuttlecocks, 132

  Signet, the privy, clerk of, 24

  Sing, _see_ Snigg

  Sm., Th., 35

  Smeath, Kent, 23

  Smith, Thomas, 15

  ----, Dr. William, 103

  Snigg, George, 54, 117, 118

  ----, Robin, 129

  Some, Dr. Ralph, 157

  Somer, Frances, 24

  ----, John, 24

  ----, Martin, 24

  Somerset, co., 41

  Somerset, Edward, Earl of Worcester, 146

  Southampton, Earl of, _see_ Wriothesley, Henry

  Spain, 74

  Spital sermon, 144

  S. P. Q. R., Bede's interpretation, 10

  Spencer, Dr. John, 54, 158

  Spenser, Edmund, 2, 43

  Stafford, ----, 111

  Stapleton, Thomas, 83

  Star Chamber, King's seat in the, 53, 169

  Sterrill, ----, 102

  Stevens, Mr., 160

  Still, Dr. John, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 135

  Stone, cutting for the, 22

  Stowe, John, 103

  Stowell, Lord, _see_ Scott, William

  Strand, the, 16, 99

  Streynsham, ----, 18

  Stuart, Arabella, 36

  Sumner, William, iv., 108, 109

  Sunday, observance of, 15

  Sussex, Earls of, _see_ Ratcliffe, Thomas and Robert

  Sutor, John, 22

  Sutor's Croft, 22

  Swaine, John, 103

  Sydney, Sir Robert, 20

  Sydney Sussex College, Cambridge, 25

  Sythers [Switzers], 80


  T. D., 35

  Tails, Kentish, xviii., 36

  Talbot, Gilbert, Earl of Shrewsbury, 146

  Talmud, the, 128

  Tanfield, Lawrence, afterwards Lord Chief Baron, 16, 117

  Tarlton, Richard, 16

  Temple Church, 5, 25, 27, 38, 47, 75, 87

  ----, Inner, 47, 117

  ----, Middle, v., vii., xv., 17, 18, 36, 40, 47, 75, 78, 117

  Tewing, co., Buckingham, 177

  Theodosius, Emperor, 144

  Theroles?, 15

  Thompson, Dr. Giles, Dean of Windsor, afterwards Bishop of
    Gloucester, 149, 166

  Thurnham, Kent, 178

  Thursday fatal to the Tudors, 148

  Tirrell, ----, 172

  Tolson, Mr., 93

  Tom Skull's argument, 129

  Townshend, Aurelian, 130

  Towse, Mr., 25, 39, 40, 43, 74

  Treasurer, Lord, _see_ Cecil, Sir William; Sackville, Thomas.

  Trinity College, Cambridge, 6, 84, 135, 171

  ---- ----, Oxford, 49

  Tuck, auditor, 41

  Turkey, 24

  Turner, Dr., 46

  ----, Mrs., 46

  ----, ----, 130

  Tutsham, Thomas, 175

  ----, William, 13

  Twysden, Sir Thomas, Judge of, x.

  Twysdens, the, iii.

  Tyrone, Earl of, 131, 172


  Ulster, Chief Justice in, 131

  Umberley, Devon, 60

  Unton, Sir Henry, 136


  Valentia, 137

  Vane, Sir Francis, afterwards Lord Burghersh and Earl of Westmoreland,
    13

  Venner, ----, 82, 93

  Verbeck, Abraham, v., 174

  ----, Arnold, v., 174

  ----, Margarita, vi., 174

  ----, Susanna, vi., 174

  Vere, sir Francis, 15

  Vermeren, Janeken, vi., 174

  Vicars, ----, Sergeant-surgeon to Henry VIII., 51

  Virgil, 143

  Vives, Ludovicus, 137, 149, 157


  Wagstaffe, Mr. 157

  ----, Timothy, 160

  Wake, ----, 81

  Waldegrave, Robert, printer, 128

  Wales, Lord President of, 46, 58

  Walsingham, Frances, Lady, 49

  Walmesley, Thomas, Justice of the Common Pleas, 59

  Wards, court of, 19

  Warren, Jane, 51

  ----, Sir Ralph, 51

  ----, Richard, 51

  Warwick, 77

  Watson, Anthony, Bishop of Chichester, 46

  Watts, Moses, 178

  ----, W., 48

  Way, Albert, 116

  Well Street, East Malling, 178

  Wenman, Thomas, 117

  Westfaling, Herbert, Bishop of Hereford, 18

  ----, Margaret, 18

  Westminster Abbey, 30

  Westmoreland, co., 47

  ----, earldom of, 165

  Weston, ----, 131

  Whitter, William, 176

  Whitehall, xiv., 3-5, 147, 160

  Whitelocke, Bulstrode, 60, 77, 131

  ----, Capt. Edmund, 60, 61, 84

  ----, Sir James, 60

  Whitgift, John, Archbishop of Canterbury, 35, 148, 169

  Whitbread, Thomas, 174, 175

  Widdrington, Northumberland, 155

  Wigan, Rev. W. L., vi.

  William the Conqueror, 39

  Willis, ----, 75

  Willoughby, Thomas, 25

  Winchester, Dean of, 126

  Windsor, Dean of, _see_ Thompson, Dr. Giles

  Wingate, ----, 165

  Wisbeach castle, 61

  Wise, Arthur, 174

  Withers, Dr., 76

  Whitaker, Dr. William, 104

  Wood, Annis, 174

  ----, Katherine, 174

  Worcester, Earl of, _see_ Somerset, Edward

  Wray, Sir Christopher, Lord Chief Justice, 45

  Wriothesley, Henry, Earl of Southampton, 148, 168, 171

  Wrotham, Kent, 20

  Wye, Kent, 111


  Yeldard, Dr. Arthur, 49

  Yelverton, Christopher, Mr. Justice, 40

  York, Vice-President of the Council of the North, 40


  Zouche, Edward le, Lord, 46, 58


Nichols and Sons, Printers, 25, Parliament Street, Westminster.



TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE


Throughout the text, paragraph spacing varied, with some paragraphs
having more whitespace above them. I have retained this paragraph
spacing. In cases in which a paragraph started at the top of the
page and was surrounded by other "spaced" paragraphs, I added space
above it if the top-of-the-page paragraph did not relate closely
to the paragraph before it.

"^" was placed before a character to show that it is superscript.

Long blank space within paragraph text has been maintained on:

  - Page 50
  - Page 59

In the Index at the end of the book, there are references to three
items that do not exist in the text. Consequently, I have been
unable to link these items:

  - William Overton on Page 182
  - John Stewart on Page 185
  - Edward Parker on Page 185

Inconsistencies have been retained in formatting, spelling,
hyphenation, punctuation, and grammar, except where indicated
below:

  - Second "and" removed on Page v
  - Period added after "Mrs" on Page x
  - Period added after "Dr" on Page xvii
  - Period added after "Mr" on Page 19
  - Period added after "b" on Page 26
  - Period added after "b" on Page 30
  - Quote added after "God." on Page 34
  - "tranlations" changed to "translations" in Footnote 65
  - Comma added after "391" in Footnote 67 (It had been left
    blank in the text and could have been a comma or a hyphen)
  - Period added after "Mr" in Footnote 82
  - Blank space was in original text and is maintained here on
    Page 50
  - Blank space was in original text and is maintained here on
    Page 59
  - "a" added after "bears" in Footnote 105
  - Period changed to a comma after "Repert" in Footnote 109
  - "1672" changed to "1602" on Page 67
  - Space added between "that" and "floud" on Page 67
  - "94" changed to "49" on Page 68
  - Quote added after "you." on Page 70
  - "i.e." changed to "i. e." on Page 81
  - "ost" changed to "most" in Footnote 131
  - "rom" changed to "from" in Footnote 135
  - "was was" changed to "was" on Page 108
  - Period added after "b" on Page 129
  - Period added after "1602" on Page 145
  - Comma added after "VI." in Footnote 171
  - Period removed after "gent" on Page 154
  - Quote added after "noon." in Footnote 175
  - Bracket added after "126-128." in Footnote 175
  - "aa" changed to "a" on Page 164
  - Comma changed to a period added after "1603" on Page 166
  - Dash added after "11." on Page 179
  - "P. 16. l. 4." changed to "P. 18. l. 5." on Page 180
  - Comma changed to a period after "one" on Page 180.
  - Comma changed to a period after "2" on Page 180.
  - Comma changed to a period and dash added after "line" on
    Page 180
  - Comma added after "Mr." on Page 181
  - Period removed after "8" on Page 181
  - Period added after "xv" on Page 181
  - Comma added after "Mr." on Page 181
  - Comma added after "St." on Page 181
  - Comma added after "Dr." on Page 181
  - Comma added after "ii." on Page 181
  - Period added after "ii" on Page 181
  - Comma added after "co." on Page 181
  - Comma added after "H." on Page 181
  - Comma added after "co." on Page 181
  - Comma added after "St." on Page 181
  - Comma added after "vi." on Page 181
  - "198" changed to "138" on Page 181
  - Comma added after "Dr." on Page 182
  - Comma added after "Mr." on Page 182
  - Comma added after "St." on Page 182
  - Comma added after "Mr." on Page 182
  - Comma added after "Jo." on Page 182
  - "J.P." changed to "J. P." on page 182
  - Comma added after "Dr." on Page 182
  - Comma added after "?" on Page 182
  - Comma added after "co." on Page 182
  - Comma added after "?" on Page 183
  - Period removed after "22" on Page 183
  - Comma added after "Mr." on Page 183
  - Comma added after "vii." on Page 183
  - Comma added after "Mr." on Page 184
  - Comma added after "ix." on Page 184
  - "King" replaced by "——" on Page 184
  - Period added after "iii" on Page 185
  - Emdash changed to hyphen after "vi." on Page 185
  - Comma changed to a period after "viii" on Page 185
  - Comma added after "Mr." on Page 185
  - Comma added after "Mr." on Page 185
  - Comma added after "Blount" on Page 185
  - Period removed after "Butler" on Page 185
  - Comma added after "Mr." on Page 186
  - Period removed after "Manners" on Page 186
  - Comma added after "R." on Page 186
  - Comma added after "v." on Page 186
  - Comma added after "B." on Page 186
  - Comma added after "W." on Page 187
  - Semicolon changed to comma after "knighted" on Page 187
  - Comma added after "[Switzers]" on Page 187
  - Comma added after "Th." on Page 187
  - Comma added after "D." on Page 187
  - Entry moved to maintain correct alphabetization of index on
    Page 187
  - Comma added after "Mr." on Page 187
  - Blank space removed after "of" on Page 187
  - Comma added after "VIII." on Page 187
  - Comma added after "Margaret" on Page 189





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