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Title: The Golden Bough (Third Edition, Vol. 3 of 12)
Author: Frazer, James George, Sir, 1854-1941
Language: English
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The Golden Bough
A Study in Magic and Religion
By
James George Frazer, D.C.L., LL.D., Litt.D.
Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge
Professor of Social Anthropology in the University of Liverpool
Third Edition.
Vol. III.
Part II
Taboo and the Perils of the Soul
New York and London
MacMillan and Co.
1911
CONTENTS
Preface.
Chapter I. The Burden Of Royalty.
§ 1. Royal and Priestly Taboos.
§ 2. Divorce of the Spiritual from the Temporal Power.
Chapter II. The Perils Of The Soul.
§ 1. The Soul as a Mannikin.
§ 2. Absence and Recall of the Soul.
§ 3. The Soul as a Shadow and a Reflection.
Chapter III. Tabooed Acts.
§ 1. Taboos on Intercourse with Strangers.
§ 2. Taboos on Eating and Drinking.
§ 3. Taboos on shewing the Face.
§ 4. Taboos on quitting the House.
§ 5. Taboos on leaving Food over.
Chapter IV. Tabooed Persons.
§ 1. Chiefs and Kings tabooed.
§ 2. Mourners tabooed.
§ 3. Women tabooed at Menstruation and Childbirth.
§ 4. Warriors tabooed.
§ 5. Manslayers tabooed.
§ 6. Hunters and Fishers tabooed.
Chapter V. Tabooed Things.
§ 1. The Meaning of Taboo.
§ 2. Iron tabooed.
§ 3. Sharp Weapons tabooed.
§ 4. Blood tabooed.
§ 5. The Head tabooed.
§ 6. Hair tabooed.
§ 7. Ceremonies at Hair-cutting.
§ 8. Disposal of Cut Hair and Nails.
§ 9. Spittle tabooed.
§ 10. Foods tabooed.
§ 11. Knots and Rings tabooed.
Chapter VI. Tabooed Words.
§ 1. Personal Names tabooed.
§ 2. Names of Relations tabooed.
§ 3. Names of the Dead tabooed.
§ 4. Names of Kings and other Sacred Persons tabooed.
§ 5. Names of Gods tabooed.
§ 6. Common Words tabooed.
Chapter VII. Our Debt To The Savage.
Note. Not To Step Over Persons And Things.
Index.
Footnotes
[Cover Art]
PREFACE.
The term Taboo is one of the very few words which the English language has
borrowed from the speech of savages. In the Polynesian tongue, from which
we have adopted it, the word designates a remarkable system which has
deeply influenced the religious, social, and political life of the Oceanic
islanders, both Polynesians and Melanesians, particularly by inculcating a
superstitious veneration for the persons of nobles and the rights of
private property. When about the year 1886 my ever-lamented friend William
Robertson Smith asked me to write an article on Taboo for the Ninth
Edition of the _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, I shared what I believe to have
been at the time the current view of anthropologists, that the institution
in question was confined to the brown and black races of the Pacific. But
an attentive study of the accounts given of Taboo by observers who wrote
while it still flourished in Polynesia soon led me to modify that view.
The analogies which the system presents to the superstitions, not only of
savages elsewhere, but of the civilised races of antiquity, were too
numerous and too striking to be overlooked; and I came to the conclusion
that Taboo is only one of a number of similar systems of superstition
which among many, perhaps among all races of men have contributed in large
measure, under many different names and with many variations of detail, to
build up the complex fabric of society in all the various sides or
elements of it which we describe as religious, social, political, moral
and economic. This conclusion I briefly indicated in my article. My
general views on the subject were accepted by my friend Robertson Smith
and applied by him in his celebrated _Lectures_ to the elucidation of some
aspects of Semitic religion. Since then the importance of Taboo and of
systems like it in the evolution of religion and morality, of government
and property, has been generally recognised and has indeed become a
commonplace of anthropology.
The present volume is merely an expansion of the corresponding chapter in
the first edition of _The Golden Bough_. It treats of the principles of
taboo in their special application to sacred personages, such as kings and
priests, who are the proper theme of the book. It does not profess to
handle the subject as a whole, to pursue it into all its ramifications, to
trace the manifold influences which systems of this sort have exerted in
moulding the multitudinous forms of human society. A treatise which should
adequately discuss these topics would far exceed the limits which I have
prescribed for myself in _The Golden Bough_. For example, I have barely
touched in passing on the part which these superstitions have played in
shaping the moral ideas and directing the moral practice of mankind, a
profound subject fraught perhaps with momentous issues for the time when
men shall seriously set themselves to revise their ethical code in the
light of its origin. For that the ethical like the legal code of a people
stands in need of constant revision will hardly be disputed by any
attentive and dispassionate observer. The old view that the principles of
right and wrong are immutable and eternal is no longer tenable. The moral
world is as little exempt as the physical world from the law of ceaseless
change, of perpetual flux. Contemplate the diversities, the
inconsistencies, the contradictions of the ethical ideas and the ethical
practice, not merely of different peoples in different countries, but of
the same people in the same country in different ages, then say whether
the foundations of morality are eternally fixed and unchanging. If they
seem so to us, as they have probably seemed to men in all ages who did not
extend their views beyond the narrow limits of their time and country, it
is in all likelihood merely because the rate of change is commonly so slow
that it is imperceptible at any moment and can only be detected by a
comparison of accurate observations extending over long periods of time.
Such a comparison, could we make it, would probably convince us that if we
speak of the moral law as immutable and eternal, it can only be in the
relative or figurative sense in which we apply the same words to the
outlines of the great mountains, by comparison with the short-lived
generations of men. The mountains, too, are passing away, though we do not
see it; nothing is stable and abiding under or above the sun. We can as
little arrest the process of moral evolution as we can stay the sweep of
the tides or the courses of the stars.
Therefore, whether we like it or not, the moral code by which we regulate
our conduct is being constantly revised and altered: old rules are being
silently expunged and new rules silently inscribed in the palimpsest by
the busy, the unresting hand of an invisible scribe. For unlike the public
and formal revision of a legal code, the revision of the moral code is
always private, tacit, and informal. The legislators who make and the
judges who administer it are not clad in ermine and scarlet, their edicts
are not proclaimed with the blare of trumpets and the pomp of heraldry. We
ourselves are the lawgivers and the judges: it is the whole people who
make and alter the ethical standard and judge every case by reference to
it. We sit in the highest court of appeal, judging offenders daily, and we
cannot if we would rid ourselves of the responsibility. All that we can do
is to take as clear and comprehensive a view as possible of the evidence,
lest from too narrow and partial a view we should do injustice, perhaps
gross and irreparable injustice, to the prisoners at the bar. Few things,
perhaps, can better guard us from narrowness and illiberality in our moral
judgments than a survey of the amazing diversities of ethical theory and
practice which have been recorded among the various races of mankind in
different ages; and accordingly the Comparative Method applied to the
study of ethical phenomena may be expected to do for morality what the
same method applied to religious phenomena is now doing for religion, by
enlarging our mental horizon, extending the boundaries of knowledge,
throwing light on the origin of current beliefs and practices, and thereby
directly assisting us to replace what is effete by what is vigorous, and
what is false by what is true. The facts which I have put together in this
volume as well as in some of my other writings may perhaps serve as
materials for a future science of Comparative Ethics. They are rough
stones which await the master-builder, rude sketches which more cunning
hands than mine may hereafter work up into a finished picture.
J. G. Frazer.
CAMBRIDGE,
_1st February 1911_.
CHAPTER I. THE BURDEN OF ROYALTY.
§ 1. Royal and Priestly Taboos.
(M1) At a certain stage of early society the king or priest is often
thought to be endowed with supernatural powers or to be an incarnation of
a deity, and consistently with this belief the course of nature is
supposed to be more or less under his control, and he is held responsible
for bad weather, failure of the crops, and similar calamities.(1) To some
extent it appears to be assumed that the king’s power over nature, like
that over his subjects and slaves, is exerted through definite acts of
will; and therefore if drought, famine, pestilence, or storms arise, the
people attribute the misfortune to the negligence or guilt of their king,
and punish him accordingly with stripes and bonds, or, if he remains
obdurate, with deposition and death.(2) Sometimes, however, the course of
nature, while regarded as dependent on the king, is supposed to be partly
independent of his will. His person is considered, if we may express it
so, as the dynamical centre of the universe, from which lines of force
radiate to all quarters of the heaven; so that any motion of his—the
turning of his head, the lifting of his hand—instantaneously affects and
may seriously disturb some part of nature. He is the point of support on
which hangs the balance of the world, and the slightest irregularity on
his part may overthrow the delicate equipoise. The greatest care must,
therefore, be taken both by and of him; and his whole life, down to its
minutest details, must be so regulated that no act of his, voluntary or
involuntary, may disarrange or upset the established order of nature. Of
this class of monarchs the Mikado or Dairi, the spiritual emperor of
Japan, is or rather used to be a typical example. He is an incarnation of
the sun goddess, the deity who rules the universe, gods and men included;
once a year all the gods wait upon him and spend a month at his court.
During that month, the name of which means “without gods,” no one
frequents the temples, for they are believed to be deserted.(3) The Mikado
receives from his people and assumes in his official proclamations and
decrees the title of “manifest or incarnate deity” (_Akitsu Kami_) and he
claims a general authority over the gods of Japan.(4) For example, in an
official decree of the year 646 the emperor is described as “the incarnate
god who governs the universe.”(5)
(M2) The following description of the Mikado’s mode of life was written
about two hundred years ago:—(6)
“Even to this day the princes descended of this family more particularly
those who sit on the throne, are looked upon as persons most holy in
themselves, and as Popes by birth. And, in order to preserve these
advantageous notions in the minds of their subjects, they are obliged to
take an uncommon care of their sacred persons, and to do such things,
which, examined according to the customs of other nations, would be
thought ridiculous and impertinent. It will not be improper to give a few
instances of it. He thinks that it would be very prejudicial to his
dignity and holiness to touch the ground with his feet; for this reason
when he intends to go anywhere, he must be carried thither on men’s
shoulders. Much less will they suffer that he should expose his sacred
person to the open air, and the sun is not thought worthy to shine on his
head. There is such a holiness ascribed to all the parts of his body that
he dares to cut off neither his hair, nor his beard, nor his nails.
However, lest he should grow too dirty, they may clean him in the night
when he is asleep; because, they say, that which is taken from his body at
that time, hath been stolen from him, and that such a theft doth not
prejudice his holiness or dignity. In ancient times, he was obliged to sit
on the throne for some hours every morning, with the imperial crown on his
head, but to sit altogether like a statue, without stirring either hands
or feet, head or eyes, nor indeed any part of his body, because, by this
means, it was thought that he could preserve peace and tranquillity in his
empire; for if, unfortunately, he turned himself on one side or the other,
or if he looked a good while towards any part of his dominions, it was
apprehended that war, famine, fire, or some other great misfortune was
near at hand to desolate the country. But it having been afterwards
discovered, that the imperial crown was the palladium, which by its
immobility(7) could preserve peace in the empire, it was thought expedient
to deliver his imperial person, consecrated only to idleness and
pleasures, from this burthensome duty, and therefore the crown is at
present placed on the throne for some hours every morning. His victuals
must be dressed every time in new pots, and served at table in new dishes:
both are very clean and neat, but made only of common clay; that without
any considerable expense they may be laid aside, or broke, after they have
served once. They are generally broke, for fear they should come into the
hands of laymen, for they believe religiously, that if any layman should
presume to eat his food out of these sacred dishes, it would swell and
inflame his mouth and throat. The like ill effect is dreaded from the
Dairi’s sacred habits; for they believe that if a layman should wear them,
without the Emperor’s express leave or command, they would occasion
swellings and pains in all parts of his body.” To the same effect an
earlier account of the Mikado says: “It was considered as a shameful
degradation for him even to touch the ground with his foot. The sun and
moon were not even permitted to shine upon his head. None of the
superfluities of the body were ever taken from him, neither his hair, his
beard, nor his nails were cut. Whatever he eat was dressed in new
vessels.”(8)
(M3) Similar priestly or rather divine kings are found, at a lower level
of barbarism, on the west coast of Africa. At Shark Point near Cape
Padron, in Lower Guinea, lives the priestly king Kukulu, alone in a wood.
He may not touch a woman nor leave his house; indeed he may not even quit
his chair, in which he is obliged to sleep sitting, for if he lay down no
wind would arise and navigation would be stopped. He regulates storms, and
in general maintains a wholesome and equable state of the atmosphere.(9)
On Mount Agu in Togo, a German possession in West Africa, there lives a
fetish or spirit called Bagba, who is of great importance for the whole of
the surrounding country. The power of giving or withholding rain is
ascribed to him, and he is lord of the winds, including the Harmattan, the
dry, hot wind which blows from the interior. His priest dwells in a house
on the highest peak of the mountain, where he keeps the winds bottled up
in huge jars. Applications for rain, too, are made to him, and he does a
good business in amulets, which consist of the teeth and claws of
leopards. Yet though his power is great and he is indeed the real chief of
the land, the rule of the fetish forbids him ever to leave the mountain,
and he must spend the whole of his life on its summit. Only once a year
may he come down to make purchases in the market; but even then he may not
set foot in the hut of any mortal man, and must return to his place of
exile the same day. The business of government in the villages is
conducted by subordinate chiefs, who are appointed by him.(10) In the West
African kingdom of Congo there was a supreme pontiff called Chitomé or
Chitombé, whom the negroes regarded as a god on earth and all-powerful in
heaven. Hence before they would taste the new crops they offered him the
first-fruits, fearing that manifold misfortunes would befall them if they
broke this rule. When he left his residence to visit other places within
his jurisdiction, all married people had to observe strict continence the
whole time he was out; for it was supposed that any act of incontinence
would prove fatal to him. And if he were to die a natural death, they
thought that the world would perish, and the earth, which he alone
sustained by his power and merit, would immediately be annihilated.(11)
Similarly in Humbe, a kingdom of Angola, the incontinence of young people
under the age of puberty used to be a capital crime, because it was
believed to entail the death of the king within the year. Of late the
death penalty has been commuted for a fine of ten oxen inflicted on each
of the culprits. This commutation has attracted thousands of dissolute
youth to Humbe from the neighbouring tribes, among whom the old penalty is
still rigorously exacted.(12) Amongst the semi-barbarous nations of the
New World, at the date of the Spanish conquest, there were found
hierarchies or theocracies like those of Japan;(13) in particular, the
high pontiff of the Zapotecs in Southern Mexico appears to have presented
a close parallel to the Mikado. A powerful rival to the king himself, this
spiritual lord governed Yopaa, one of the chief cities of the kingdom,
with absolute dominion. It is impossible, we are told, to overrate the
reverence in which he was held. He was looked on as a god whom the earth
was not worthy to hold nor the sun to shine upon. He profaned his sanctity
if he even touched the ground with his foot. The officers who bore his
palanquin on their shoulders were members of the highest families; he
hardly deigned to look on anything around him; and all who met him fell
with their faces to the earth, fearing that death would overtake them if
they saw even his shadow. A rule of continence was regularly imposed on
the Zapotec priests, especially upon the high pontiff; but “on certain
days in each year, which were generally celebrated with feasts and dances,
it was customary for the high priest to become drunk. While in this state,
seeming to belong neither to heaven nor to earth, one of the most
beautiful of the virgins consecrated to the service of the gods was
brought to him.” If the child she bore him was a son, he was brought up as
a prince of the blood, and the eldest son succeeded his father on the
pontifical throne.(14) The supernatural powers attributed to this pontiff
are not specified, but probably they resembled those of the Mikado and
Chitomé.
(M4) Wherever, as in Japan and West Africa, it is supposed that the order
of nature, and even the existence of the world, is bound up with the life
of the king or priest, it is clear that he must be regarded by his
subjects as a source both of infinite blessing and of infinite danger. On
the one hand, the people have to thank him for the rain and sunshine which
foster the fruits of the earth, for the wind which brings ships to their
coasts, and even for the solid ground beneath their feet. But what he
gives he can refuse; and so close is the dependence of nature on his
person, so delicate the balance of the system of forces whereof he is the
centre, that the least irregularity on his part may set up a tremor which
shall shake the earth to its foundations. And if nature may be disturbed
by the slightest involuntary act of the king, it is easy to conceive the
convulsion which his death might provoke. The natural death of the
Chitomé, as we have seen, was thought to entail the destruction of all
things. Clearly, therefore, out of a regard for their own safety, which
might be imperilled by any rash act of the king, and still more by his
death, the people will exact of their king or priest a strict conformity
to those rules, the observance of which is deemed necessary for his own
preservation, and consequently for the preservation of his people and the
world. The idea that early kingdoms are despotisms in which the people
exist only for the sovereign, is wholly inapplicable to the monarchies we
are considering. On the contrary, the sovereign in them exists only for
his subjects; his life is only valuable so long as he discharges the
duties of his position by ordering the course of nature for his people’s
benefit. So soon as he fails to do so, the care, the devotion, the
religious homage which they had hitherto lavished on him cease and are
changed into hatred and contempt; he is dismissed ignominiously, and may
be thankful if he escapes with his life. Worshipped as a god one day, he
is killed as a criminal the next. But in this changed behaviour of the
people there is nothing capricious or inconsistent. On the contrary, their
conduct is entirely of a piece. If their king is their god, he is or
should be also their preserver; and if he will not preserve them, he must
make room for another who will. So long, however, as he answers their
expectations, there is no limit to the care which they take of him, and
which they compel him to take of himself. A king of this sort lives hedged
in by a ceremonious etiquette, a network of prohibitions and observances,
of which the intention is not to contribute to his dignity, much less to
his comfort, but to restrain him from conduct which, by disturbing the
harmony of nature, might involve himself, his people, and the universe in
one common catastrophe. Far from adding to his comfort, these observances,
by trammelling his every act, annihilate his freedom and often render the
very life, which it is their object to preserve, a burden and sorrow to
him.
(M5) Of the supernaturally endowed kings of Loango it is said that the
more powerful a king is, the more taboos is he bound to observe; they
regulate all his actions, his walking and his standing, his eating and
drinking, his sleeping and waking.(15) To these restraints the heir to the
throne is subject from infancy; but as he advances in life the number of
abstinences and ceremonies which he must observe increases, “until at the
moment that he ascends the throne he is lost in the ocean of rites and
taboos.”(16) In the crater of an extinct volcano, enclosed on all sides by
grassy slopes, lie the scattered huts and yam-fields of Riabba, the
capital of the native king of Fernando Po. This mysterious being lives in
the lowest depths of the crater, surrounded by a harem of forty women, and
covered, it is said, with old silver coins. Naked savage as he is, he yet
exercises far more influence in the island than the Spanish governor at
Santa Isabel. In him the conservative spirit of the Boobies or aboriginal
inhabitants of the island is, as it were, incorporate. He has never seen a
white man and, according to the firm conviction of all the Boobies, the
sight of a pale face would cause his instant death. He cannot bear to look
upon the sea; indeed it is said that he may never see it even in the
distance, and that therefore he wears away his life with shackles on his
legs in the dim twilight of his hut. Certain it is that he has never set
foot on the beach. With the exception of his musket and knife, he uses
nothing that comes from the whites; European cloth never touches his
person, and he scorns tobacco, rum, and even salt.(17)
(M6) Among the Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast, in West Africa,
“the king is at the same time high priest. In this quality he was,
particularly in former times, unapproachable by his subjects. Only by
night was he allowed to quit his dwelling in order to bathe and so forth.
None but his representative, the so-called ‘visible king,’ with three
chosen elders might converse with him, and even they had to sit on an
ox-hide with their backs turned to him. He might not see any European nor
any horse, nor might he look upon the sea, for which reason he was not
allowed to quit his capital even for a few moments. These rules have been
disregarded in recent times.”(18) The king of Dahomey himself is subject
to the prohibition of beholding the sea,(19) and so are the kings of
Loango(20) and Great Ardra in Guinea.(21) The sea is the fetish of the
Eyeos, to the north-west of Dahomey, and they and their king are
threatened with death by their priests if ever they dare to look on
it.(22) It is believed that the king of Cayor in Senegal would infallibly
die within the year if he were to cross a river or an arm of the sea.(23)
In Mashonaland down to recent times the chiefs would not cross certain
rivers, particularly the Rurikwi and the Nyadiri; and the custom was still
strictly observed by at least one chief within the last few years. “On no
account will the chief cross the river. If it is absolutely necessary for
him to do so, he is blindfolded and carried across with shouting and
singing. Should he walk across, he will go blind or die and certainly lose
the chieftainship.”(24) So among the Mahafalys and Sakalavas in the south
of Madagascar some kings are forbidden to sail on the sea or to cross
certain rivers.(25) The horror of the sea is not peculiar to kings. The
Basutos are said to share it instinctively, though they have never seen
salt water, and live hundreds of miles from the Indian Ocean.(26) The
Egyptian priests loathed the sea, and called it the foam of Typhon; they
were forbidden to set salt on their table, and they would not speak to
pilots because they got their living by the sea; hence too they would not
eat fish, and the hieroglyphic symbol for hatred was a fish.(27) When the
Indians of the Peruvian Andes were sent by the Spaniards to work in the
hot valleys of the coast, the vast ocean which they saw before them as
they descended the Cordillera was dreaded by them as a cause of disease;
hence they prayed to it that they might not fall ill. This they all did
without exception, even the little children.(28) Similarly the inland
people of Lampong in Sumatra are said to pay a kind of adoration to the
sea, and to make it an offering of cakes and sweetmeats when they behold
it for the first time, deprecating its power of doing them mischief.(29)
(M7) Among the Sakalavas of southern Madagascar the chief is regarded as a
sacred being, but “he is held in leash by a crowd of restrictions, which
regulate his behaviour like that of the emperor of China. He can undertake
nothing whatever unless the sorcerers have declared the omens favourable:
he may not eat warm food: on certain days he may not quit his hut; and so
on.”(30) Among some of the hill tribes of Assam both the headman and his
wife have to observe many taboos in respect of food; thus they may not eat
buffalo, pork, dog, fowl, or tomatoes. The headman must be chaste, the
husband of one wife, and he must separate himself from her on the eve of a
general or public observance of taboo. In one group of tribes the headman
is forbidden to eat in a strange village, and under no provocation
whatever may he utter a word of abuse. Apparently the people imagine that
the violation of any of these taboos by a headman would bring down
misfortune on the whole village.(31)
(M8) The ancient kings of Ireland, as well as the kings of the four
provinces of Leinster, Munster, Connaught, and Ulster, were subject to
certain quaint prohibitions or taboos, on the due observance of which the
prosperity of the people and the country, as well as their own, was
supposed to depend. Thus, for example, the sun might not rise on the king
of Ireland in his bed at Tara, the old capital of Erin; he was forbidden
to alight on Wednesday at Magh Breagh, to traverse Magh Cuillinn after
sunset, to incite his horse at Fan-Chomair, to go in a ship upon the water
the Monday after Bealltaine (May day), and to leave the track of his army
upon Ath Maighne the Tuesday after All-Hallows. The king of Leinster might
not go round Tuath Laighean left-hand-wise on Wednesday, nor sleep between
the Dothair (Dodder) and the Duibhlinn(32) with his head inclining to one
side, nor encamp for nine days on the plains of Cualann, nor travel the
road of Duibhlinn on Monday, nor ride a dirty black-heeled horse across
Magh Maistean. The king of Munster was prohibited from enjoying the feast
of Loch Lein from one Monday to another; from banqueting by night in the
beginning of harvest before Geim at Leitreacha; from encamping for nine
days upon the Siuir; and from holding a border meeting at Gabhran. The
king of Connaught might not conclude a treaty respecting his ancient
palace of Cruachan(33) after making peace on All-Hallows Day, nor go in a
speckled garment on a grey speckled steed to the heath of Dal Chais, nor
repair to an assembly of women at Seaghais, nor sit in autumn on the
sepulchral mounds of the wife of Maine, nor contend in running with the
rider of a grey one-eyed horse at Ath Gallta between two posts. The king
of Ulster was forbidden to attend the horse fair at Rath Line among the
youths of Dal Araidhe, to listen to the fluttering of the flocks of birds
of Linn Saileach after sunset, to celebrate the feast of the bull of
Daire-mic-Daire, to go into Magh Cobha in the month of March, and to drink
of the water of Bo Neimhidh between two darknesses. If the kings of
Ireland strictly observed these and many other customs, which were
enjoined by immemorial usage, it was believed that they would never meet
with mischance or misfortune, and would live for ninety years without
experiencing the decay of old age; that no epidemic or mortality would
occur during their reigns; and that the seasons would be favourable and
the earth yield its fruit in abundance; whereas, if they set the ancient
usages at naught, the country would be visited with plague, famine, and
bad weather.(34)
(M9) The kings of Egypt were worshipped as gods,(35) and the routine of
their daily life was regulated in every detail by precise and unvarying
rules. “The life of the kings of Egypt,” says Diodorus, “was not like that
of other monarchs who are irresponsible and may do just what they choose;
on the contrary, everything was fixed for them by law, not only their
official duties, but even the details of their daily life.... The hours
both of day and night were arranged at which the king had to do, not what
he pleased, but what was prescribed for him.... For not only were the
times appointed at which he should transact public business or sit in
judgment; but the very hours for his walking and bathing and sleeping with
his wife, and, in short, performing every act of life were all settled.
Custom enjoined a simple diet; the only flesh he might eat was veal and
goose, and he might only drink a prescribed quantity of wine.”(36)
However, there is reason to think that these rules were observed, not by
the ancient Pharaohs, but by the priestly kings who reigned at Thebes and
in Ethiopia at the close of the twentieth dynasty.(37) Among the Karen-nis
of Upper Burma a chief attains his position, not by hereditary right, but
on account of his habit of abstaining from rice and liquor. The mother,
too, of a candidate for the chieftainship must have eschewed these things
and lived solely on yams and potatoes so long as she was with child.
During that time she may not eat any meat nor drink water from a common
well. And if her son is to be qualified for the office of chief he must
continue to observe these habits.(38)
(M10) Of the taboos imposed on priests we may see a striking example in
the rules of life prescribed for the Flamen Dialis at Rome, who has been
interpreted as a living image of Jupiter, or a human embodiment of the
sky-spirit.(39) They were such as the following:—The Flamen Dialis might
not ride or even touch a horse, nor see an army under arms,(40) nor wear a
ring which was not broken, nor have a knot on any part of his garments; no
fire except a sacred fire might be taken out of his house; he might not
touch wheaten flour or leavened bread; he might not touch or even name a
goat, a dog,(41) raw meat, beans,(42) and ivy; he might not walk under a
vine; the feet of his bed had to be daubed with mud; his hair could be cut
only by a free man and with a bronze knife, and his hair and nails when
cut had to be buried under a lucky tree; he might not touch a dead body
nor enter a place where one was burned;(43) he might not see work being
done on holy days; he might not be uncovered in the open air; if a man in
bonds were taken into his house, the captive had to be unbound and the
cords had to be drawn up through a hole in the roof and so let down into
the street. His wife, the Flaminica, had to observe nearly the same rules,
and others of her own besides. She might not ascend more than three steps
of the kind of staircase called Greek; at a certain festival she might not
comb her hair; the leather of her shoes might not be made from a beast
that had died a natural death, but only from one that had been slain or
sacrificed; if she heard thunder she was tabooed till she had offered an
expiatory sacrifice.(44)
(M11) Among the Grebo people of Sierra Leone there is a pontiff who bears
the title of Bodia and has been compared, on somewhat slender grounds, to
the high priest of the Jews. He is appointed in accordance with the behest
of an oracle. At an elaborate ceremony of installation he is anointed, a
ring is put on his ankle as a badge of office, and the door-posts of his
house are sprinkled with the blood of a sacrificed goat. He has charge of
the public talismans and idols, which he feeds with rice and oil every new
moon; and he sacrifices on behalf of the town to the dead and to demons.
Nominally his power is very great, but in practice it is very limited; for
he dare not defy public opinion, and he is held responsible, even with his
life, for any adversity that befalls the country. It is expected of him
that he should cause the earth to bring forth abundantly, the people to be
healthy, war to be driven far away, and witchcraft to be kept in abeyance.
His life is trammelled by the observance of certain restrictions or
taboos. Thus he may not sleep in any house but his own official residence,
which is called the “anointed house” with reference to the ceremony of
anointing him at inauguration. He may not drink water on the highway. He
may not eat while a corpse is in the town, and he may not mourn for the
dead. If he dies while in office, he must be buried at dead of night; few
may hear of his burial, and none may mourn for him when his death is made
public. Should he have fallen a victim to the poison ordeal by drinking a
decoction of sassywood, as it is called, he must be buried under a running
stream of water.(45)
(M12) Among the Todas of Southern India the holy milkman (_palol_), who
acts as priest of the sacred dairy, is subject to a variety of irksome and
burdensome restrictions during the whole time of his incumbency, which may
last many years. Thus he must live at the sacred dairy and may never visit
his home or any ordinary village. He must be celibate; if he is married he
must leave his wife. On no account may any ordinary person touch the holy
milkman or the holy dairy; such a touch would so defile his holiness that
he would forfeit his office. It is only on two days a week, namely Mondays
and Thursdays, that a mere layman may even approach the milkman; on other
days if he has any business with him, he must stand at a distance (some
say a quarter of a mile) and shout his message across the intervening
space. Further, the holy milkman never cuts his hair or pares his nails so
long as he holds office; he never crosses a river by a bridge, but wades
through a ford and only certain fords; if a death occurs in his clan, he
may not attend any of the funeral ceremonies, unless he first resigns his
office and descends from the exalted rank of milkman to that of a mere
common mortal. Indeed it appears that in old days he had to resign the
seals, or rather the pails, of office whenever any member of his clan
departed this life. However, these heavy restraints are laid in their
entirety only on milkmen of the very highest class.(46) Among the Todas
there are milkmen and milkmen; and some of them get off more lightly in
consideration of their humbler station in life.(47) Still, apart from the
dignity they enjoy, the lot even of these other milkmen is not altogether
a happy one. Thus, for example, at a place called Kanodrs there is a
dairy-temple of a conical form. The milkman who has charge of it must be
celibate during the tenure of his office: he must sleep in the calves’
house, a very flimsy structure with an open door and a fire-place that
gives little heat: he may wear only one very scanty garment: he must take
his meals sitting on the outer wall which surrounds the dairy: in eating
he may not put his hand to his lips, but must throw the food into his
mouth; and in drinking he may not put to his lips the leaf which serves as
a cup, he must tilt his head back and pour the liquid into his mouth in a
jet from above. With the exception of a single layman, who is allowed to
bear the milkman company, but who is also bound to celibacy and has a bed
rigged up for him in the calves’ house, no other person is allowed to go
near this very sacred dairy under any pretext whatever. No wonder that
some years ago the dairy was unoccupied and the office of milkman stood
vacant. “At the present time,” says Dr. Rivers, “a dairyman is appointed
about once a year and holds office for thirty or forty days only. So far
as I could ascertain, the failure to occupy the dairy constantly is due to
the very considerable hardships and restrictions which have to be endured
by the holder of the office of dairyman, and the time is probably not far
distant when this dairy, one of the most sacred among the Todas, will
cease altogether to be used.”(48)
§ 2. Divorce of the Spiritual from the Temporal Power.
(M13) The burdensome observances attached to the royal or priestly office
produced their natural effect. Either men refused to accept the office,
which hence tended to fall into abeyance; or accepting it, they sank under
its weight into spiritless creatures, cloistered recluses, from whose
nerveless fingers the reins of government slipped into the firmer grasp of
men who were often content to wield the reality of sovereignty without its
name. In some countries this rift in the supreme power deepened into a
total and permanent separation of the spiritual and temporal powers, the
old royal house retaining their purely religious functions, while the
civil government passed into the hands of a younger and more vigorous
race.
(M14) To take examples. In a previous part of this work we saw that in
Cambodia it is often necessary to force the kingships of Fire and Water
upon the reluctant successors,(49) and that in Savage Island the monarchy
actually came to an end because at last no one could be induced to accept
the dangerous distinction.(50) In some parts of West Africa, when the king
dies, a family council is secretly held to determine his successor. He on
whom the choice falls is suddenly seized, bound, and thrown into the
fetish-house, where he is kept in durance till he consents to accept the
crown. Sometimes the heir finds means of evading the honour which it is
sought to thrust upon him; a ferocious chief has been known to go about
constantly armed, resolute to resist by force any attempt to set him on
the throne.(51) The savage Timmes of Sierra Leone, who elect their king,
reserve to themselves the right of beating him on the eve of his
coronation; and they avail themselves of this constitutional privilege
with such hearty goodwill that sometimes the unhappy monarch does not long
survive his elevation to the throne. Hence when the leading chiefs have a
spite at a man and wish to rid themselves of him, they elect him king.(52)
Formerly, before a man was proclaimed king of Sierra Leone, it used to be
the custom to load him with chains and thrash him. Then the fetters were
knocked off, the kingly robe was placed on him, and he received in his
hands the symbol of royal dignity, which was nothing but the axe of the
executioner.(53) It is not therefore surprising to read that in Sierra
Leone, where such customs have prevailed, “except among the Mandingoes and
Suzees, few kings are natives of the countries they govern. So different
are their ideas from ours, that very few are solicitous of the honour, and
competition is very seldom heard of.”(54) Another writer on Sierra Leone
tells us that “the honour of reigning, so much coveted in Europe, is very
frequently rejected in Africa, on account of the expense attached to it,
which sometimes greatly exceeds the revenues of the crown.”(55) A
reluctance to accept the sovereignty in the Ethiopian kingdom of Gingiro
was simulated, if not really felt, as we learn from the old Jesuit
missionaries. “They wrap up the dead king’s body in costly garments, and
killing a cow, put it into the hide; then all those who hope to succeed
him, being his sons or others of the royal blood, flying from the honour
they covet, abscond and hide themselves in the woods. This done, the
electors, who are all great sorcerers, agree among themselves who shall be
king, and go out to seek him, when entering the woods by means of their
enchantments, they say, a large bird called _liber_, as big as an eagle,
comes down with mighty cries over the place where he is hid, and they find
him encompass’d by lyons, tygers, snakes, and other creatures gather’d
about him by witchcraft. The elect, as fierce as those beasts, rushes out
upon those who seek him, wounding and sometimes killing some of them, to
prevent being seiz’d. They take all in good part, defending themselves the
best they can, till they have seiz’d him. Thus they carry him away by
force, he still struggling and seeming to refuse taking upon him the
burthen of government, all which is mere cheat and hypocrisy.”(56)
(M15) The Mikados of Japan seem early to have resorted to the expedient of
transferring the honours and burdens of supreme power to their infant
children; and the rise of the Tycoons, long the temporal sovereigns of the
country, is traced to the abdication of a certain Mikado in favour of his
three-year-old son. The sovereignty having been wrested by a usurper from
the infant prince, the cause of the Mikado was championed by Yoritomo, a
man of spirit and conduct, who overthrew the usurper and restored to the
Mikado the shadow, while he retained for himself the substance, of power.
He bequeathed to his descendants the dignity he had won, and thus became
the founder of the line of Tycoons. Down to the latter half of the
sixteenth century the Tycoons were active and efficient rulers; but the
same fate overtook them which had befallen the Mikados. Immeshed in the
same inextricable web of custom and law, they degenerated into mere
puppets, hardly stirring from their palaces and occupied in a perpetual
round of empty ceremonies, while the real business of government was
managed by the council of state.(57) In Tonquin the monarchy ran a similar
course. Living like his predecessors in effeminacy and sloth, the king was
driven from the throne by an ambitious adventurer named Mack, who from a
fisherman had risen to be Grand Mandarin. But the king’s brother Tring put
down the usurper and restored the king, retaining, however, for himself
and his descendants the dignity of general of all the forces.
Thenceforward the kings or _dovas_, though invested with the title and
pomp of sovereignty, ceased to govern. While they lived secluded in their
palaces, all real political power was wielded by the hereditary generals
or _chovas_.(58) The present king of Sikhim, “like most of his
predecessors in the kingship, is a mere puppet in the hands of his crafty
priests, who have made a sort of priest-king of him. They encourage him by
every means in their power to leave the government to them, whilst he
devotes all his time to the degrading rites of devil-worship, and the
ceaseless muttering of meaningless jargon, of which the Tibetan form of
Buddhism chiefly consists. They declare that he is a saint by birth, that
he is the direct descendant of the greatest king of Tibet, the canonised
Srongtsan Gampo, who was a contemporary of Mahomed in the seventh century
A.D. and who first introduced Buddhism to Tibet.” “This saintly lineage,
which secures for the king’s person popular homage amounting to worship,
is probably, however, a mere invention of the priests to glorify their
puppet-prince for their own sordid ends. Such devices are common in the
East.”(59) The custom regularly observed by the Tahitian kings of
abdicating on the birth of a son, who was immediately proclaimed sovereign
and received his father’s homage, may perhaps have originated, like the
similar custom occasionally practised by the Mikados, in a wish to shift
to other shoulders the irksome burden of royalty; for in Tahiti as
elsewhere the sovereign was subjected to a system of vexatious
restrictions.(60) In Mangaia, another Polynesian island, religious and
civil authority were lodged in separate hands, spiritual functions being
discharged by a line of hereditary kings, while the temporal government
was entrusted from time to time to a victorious war-chief, whose
investiture, however, had to be completed by the king. To the latter were
assigned the best lands, and he received daily offerings of the choicest
food.(61) The Mikado and Tycoon of Japan had their counterparts in the
Roko Tui and Vunivalu of Fiji. The Roko Tui was the Reverend or Sacred
King. The Vunivalu was the Root of War or War King. In one kingdom a
certain Thakambau, who was the War King, kept all power in his own hands,
but in a neighbouring kingdom the real ruler was the Sacred King.(62)
Similarly in Tonga, besides the civil king or _How_, whose right to the
throne was partly hereditary and partly derived from his warlike
reputation and the number of his fighting men, there was a great divine
chief called _Tooitonga_ or “Chief of Tonga,” who ranked above the king
and the other chiefs in virtue of his supposed descent from one of the
chief gods. Once a year the first-fruits of the ground were offered to him
at a solemn ceremony, and it was believed that if these offerings were not
made the vengeance of the gods would fall in a signal manner on the
people. Peculiar forms of speech, such as were applied to no one else,
were used in speaking of him, and everything that he chanced to touch
became sacred or tabooed. When he and the king met, the monarch had to sit
down on the ground in token of respect until his holiness had passed by.
Yet though he enjoyed the highest veneration by reason of his divine
origin, this sacred personage possessed no political authority, and if he
ventured to meddle with affairs of state it was at the risk of receiving a
rebuff from the king, to whom the real power belonged, and who finally
succeeded in ridding himself of his spiritual rival.(63) The king of the
Getae regularly shared his power with a priest, whom his subjects called a
god. This divine man led a solitary life in a cave on a holy mountain,
seeing few people but the king and his attendants. His counsels added much
to the king’s influence with his subjects, who believed that he was
thereby enabled to impart to them the commands and admonitions of the
gods.(64) At Athens the kings degenerated into little more than sacred
functionaries and it is said that the institution of the new office of
Polemarch or War Lord was rendered necessary by their growing
effeminacy.(65) American examples of the partition of authority between a
king and a pope have already been cited from the early history of Mexico
and Colombia.(66)
(M16) In some parts of western Africa two kings reign side by side, a
fetish or religious king and a civil king, but the fetish king is really
supreme. He controls the weather and so forth, and can put a stop to
everything. When he lays his red staff on the ground, no one may pass that
way. This division of power between a sacred and a secular ruler is to be
met with wherever the true negro culture has been left unmolested, but
where the negro form of society has been disturbed, as in Dahomey and
Ashantee, there is a tendency to consolidate the two powers in a single
king.(67) Thus, for example, there used to be a fetish king at New Calabar
who ranked above the ordinary king in all native matters, whether
religious or civil, and always walked in front of him on public occasions,
attended by a slave who held an umbrella over his head. His opinion
carried great weight.(68) The office and the causes which led to its
extinction are thus described by a missionary who spent many years in
Calabar: “The worship of the people is now given especially to their
various _idems_, one of which, called Ndem Efik, is a sort of tutelary
deity of the country. An individual was appointed to take charge of this
object of worship, who bore the name of King Calabar; and likely, in
bypast times, possessed the power indicated by the title, being both king
and priest. He had as a tribute the skins of all leopards killed, and
should a slave take refuge in his shrine he belonged to Ndem Efik. The
office, however, imposed certain restrictions on its occupant. He, for
instance, could not partake of food in the presence of any one, and he was
prohibited from engaging in traffic. On account of these and other
disabilities, when the last holder of the office died, a poor old man of
the Cobham family, no successor was found for him, and the priesthood has
become extinct.”(69) One of the practical inconveniences of such an office
is that the house of the fetish king enjoys the right of sanctuary, and so
tends to become little better than a rookery of bad characters. Thus on
the Grain Coast of West Africa the fetish king or Bodio, as he is called,
“exercises the functions of a high-priest, and is regarded as protector of
the whole nation. He lives in a house provided for him by the people, and
takes care of the national fetiches. He enjoys some immunities in virtue
of his office, but is subject to certain restrictions which more than
counterbalance his privileges. His house is a sanctum to which culprits
may betake themselves without the danger of being removed by any one
except by the Bodio himself.”(70) One of these Bodios resigned office
because of the sort of people who quartered themselves on him, the cost of
feeding them, and the squabbles they had among themselves. He led a
cat-and-dog life with them for three years. Then there came a man with
homicidal mania varied by epileptic fits; and soon afterwards the
spiritual shepherd retired into private life, but not before he had lost
an ear and sustained other bodily injury in a personal conflict with this
very black sheep.(71)
(M17) At Porto Novo there used to be, in addition to the ordinary monarch,
a King of the Night, who reigned during the hours of darkness from sunset
to sunrise. He might not shew himself in the street after the sun was up.
His duty was to patrol the streets with his satellites and to arrest all
whom he found abroad after a certain hour. Each band of his catchpoles was
led by a man who went about concealed from head to foot under a conical
casing of straw and blew blasts on a shell which caused every one that
heard it to shudder. The King of the Night never met the ordinary king
except on the first and last days of their respective reign; for each of
them invested the other with office and paid him the last honours at
death.(72) With this King of the Night at Porto Novo we may compare a
certain king of Hawaii who was so very sacred that no man might see him,
even accidentally, by day under pain of death; he only shewed himself by
night.(73)
(M18) In some parts of the East Indian island of Timor we meet with a
partition of power like that which is represented by the civil king and
the fetish king of western Africa. Some of the Timorese tribes recognise
two rajahs, the ordinary or civil rajah, who governs the people, and the
fetish or taboo rajah (_radja pomali_), who is charged with the control of
everything that concerns the earth and its products. This latter ruler has
the right of declaring anything taboo; his permission must be obtained
before new land may be brought under cultivation, and he must perform
certain necessary ceremonies when the work is being carried out. If
drought or blight threatens the crops, his help is invoked to save them.
Though he ranks below the civil rajah, he exercises a momentous influence
on the course of events, for his secular colleague is bound to consult him
in all important matters. In some of the neighbouring islands, such as
Rotti and eastern Flores, a spiritual ruler of the same sort is recognised
under various native names, which all mean “lord of the ground.”(74)
Similarly in the Mekeo district of British New Guinea there is a double
chieftainship. The people are divided into two groups according to
families, and each of the groups has its chief. One of the two is the war
chief, the other is the taboo (_afu_) chief. The office of the latter is
hereditary; his duty is to impose a taboo on any of the crops, such as the
coco-nuts and areca nuts, whenever he thinks it desirable to prohibit
their use. In his office we may perhaps detect the beginning of a priestly
dynasty, but as yet his functions appear to be more magical than
religious, being concerned with the control of the harvests rather than
with the propitiation of higher powers. The members of another family are
bound to see to it that the taboo imposed by the chief is strictly
observed. For this purpose some fourteen or fifteen men of the family form
a sort of constabulary. Every evening they go round the village armed with
clubs and disguised with masks or leaves. All the time they are in office
they are forbidden to live with their wives and even to look at a woman.
Hence women may not quit their houses while the men are going their
rounds. Further, the constables on duty are prohibited from chewing betel
nut and drinking coco-nut water, lest the areca and coco-nuts should not
grow. When there is a good show of nuts, the taboo chief proclaims that on
a certain day the restriction will come to an end.(75) In Ponape, one of
the Caroline Islands, the kingship is elective within the limits of the
blood royal, which runs in the female line, so that the sovereignty passes
backwards and forwards between families which we, reckoning descent in the
male line, should regard as distinct. The chosen monarch must be in
possession of certain secrets. He must know the places where the sacred
stones are kept, on which he has to seat himself. He must understand the
holy words and prayers of the liturgy, and after his election he must
recite them at the place of the sacred stones. But he enjoys only the
honours of his office; the real powers of government are in the hands of
his prime-minister or vizier.(76)
CHAPTER II. THE PERILS OF THE SOUL.
§ 1. The Soul as a Mannikin.
(M19) The foregoing examples have taught us that the office of a sacred
king or priest is often hedged in by a series of burdensome restrictions
or taboos, of which a principal purpose appears to be to preserve the life
of the divine man for the good of his people. But if the object of the
taboos is to save his life, the question arises, How is their observance
supposed to effect this end? To understand this we must know the nature of
the danger which threatens the king’s life, and which it is the intention
of these curious restrictions to guard against. We must, therefore, ask:
What does early man understand by death? To what causes does he attribute
it? And how does he think it may be guarded against?
(M20) As the savage commonly explains the processes of inanimate nature by
supposing that they are produced by living beings working in or behind the
phenomena, so he explains the phenomena of life itself. If an animal lives
and moves, it can only be, he thinks, because there is a little animal
inside which moves it: if a man lives and moves, it can only be because he
has a little man or animal inside who moves him. The animal inside the
animal, the man inside the man, is the soul. And as the activity of an
animal or man is explained by the presence of the soul, so the repose of
sleep or death is explained by its absence; sleep or trance being the
temporary, death being the permanent absence of the soul. Hence if death
be the permanent absence of the soul, the way to guard against it is
either to prevent the soul from leaving the body, or, if it does depart,
to ensure that it shall return. The precautions adopted by savages to
secure one or other of these ends take the form of certain prohibitions or
taboos, which are nothing but rules intended to ensure either the
continued presence or the return of the soul. In short, they are
life-preservers or life-guards. These general statements will now be
illustrated by examples.
(M21) Addressing some Australian blacks, a European missionary said, “I am
not one, as you think, but two.” Upon this they laughed. “You may laugh as
much as you like,” continued the missionary, “I tell you that I am two in
one; this great body that you see is one; within that there is another
little one which is not visible. The great body dies, and is buried, but
the little body flies away when the great one dies.” To this some of the
blacks replied, “Yes, yes. We also are two, we also have a little body
within the breast.” On being asked where the little body went after death,
some said it went behind the bush, others said it went into the sea, and
some said they did not know.(77) The Hurons thought that the soul had a
head and body, arms and legs; in short, that it was a complete little
model of the man himself.(78) The Esquimaux believe that “the soul
exhibits the same shape as the body it belongs to, but is of a more subtle
and ethereal nature.”(79) According to the Nootkas of British Columbia the
soul has the shape of a tiny man; its seat is the crown of the head. So
long as it stands erect, its owner is hale and hearty; but when from any
cause it loses its upright position, he loses his senses.(80) Among the
Indian tribes of the Lower Fraser River, man is held to have four souls,
of which the principal one has the form of a mannikin, while the other
three are shadows of it.(81) The Malays conceive the human soul
(_semangat_) as a little man, mostly invisible and of the bigness of a
thumb, who corresponds exactly in shape, proportion, and even in
complexion to the man in whose body he resides. This mannikin is of a thin
unsubstantial nature, though not so impalpable but that it may cause
displacement on entering a physical object, and it can flit quickly from
place to place; it is temporarily absent from the body in sleep, trance,
and disease, and permanently absent after death.(82)
(M22) The ancient Egyptians believed that every man has a soul (_ka_)
which is his exact counterpart or double, with the same features, the same
gait, even the same dress as the man himself. Many of the monuments dating
from the eighteenth century onwards represent various kings appearing
before divinities, while behind the king stands his soul or double,
portrayed as a little man with the king’s features. Some of the reliefs in
the temple at Luxor illustrate the birth of King Amenophis III. While the
queen-mother is being tended by two goddesses acting as midwives, two
other goddesses are bringing away two figures of new-born children, only
one of which is supposed to be a child of flesh and blood: the
inscriptions engraved above their heads shew that, while the first is
Amenophis, the second is his soul or double. And as with kings and queens,
so it was with common men and women. Whenever a child was born, there was
born with him a double which followed him through the various stages of
life; young while he was young, it grew to maturity and declined along
with him. And not only human beings, but gods and animals, stones and
trees, natural and artificial objects, everybody and everything had its
own soul or double. The doubles of oxen and sheep were the duplicates of
the original oxen or sheep; the doubles of linen or beds, of chairs or
knives, had the same form as the real linen, beds, chairs, and knives. So
thin and subtle was the stuff, so fine and delicate the texture of these
doubles, that they made no impression on ordinary eyes. Only certain
classes of priests or seers were enabled by natural gifts or special
training to perceive the doubles of the gods, and to win from them a
knowledge of the past and the future. The doubles of men and things were
hidden from sight in the ordinary course of life; still, they sometimes
flew out of the body endowed with colour and voice, left it in a kind of
trance, and departed to manifest themselves at a distance.(83)
(M23) So exact is the resemblance of the mannikin to the man, in other
words, of the soul to the body, that, as there are fat bodies and thin
bodies, so there are fat souls and thin souls;(84) as there are heavy
bodies and light bodies, long bodies and short bodies, so there are heavy
souls and light souls, long souls and short souls. The people of Nias (an
island to the west of Sumatra) think that every man, before he is born, is
asked how long or how heavy a soul he would like, and a soul of the
desired weight or length is measured out to him. The heaviest soul ever
given out weighs about ten grammes. The length of a man’s life is
proportioned to the length of his soul; children who die young had short
souls.(85) The Fijian conception of the soul as a tiny human being comes
clearly out in the customs observed at the death of a chief among the
Nakelo tribe. When a chief dies, certain men, who are the hereditary
undertakers, call him, as he lies, oiled and ornamented, on fine mats,
saying, “Rise, sir, the chief and let us be going. The day has come over
the land.” Then they conduct him to the river side, where the ghostly
ferryman comes to ferry Nakelo ghosts across the stream As they thus
attend the chief on his last journey, they hold their great fans close to
the ground to shelter him, because, as one of them explained to a
missionary, “His soul is only a little child.”(86) People in the Punjaub
who tattoo themselves believe that at death the soul, “the little entire
man or woman” inside the mortal frame, will go to heaven blazoned with the
same tattoo patterns which adorned the body in life.(87) Sometimes,
however, as we shall see, the human soul is conceived not in human but in
animal form.
§ 2. Absence and Recall of the Soul.
(M24) The soul is commonly supposed to escape by the natural openings of
the body, especially the mouth and nostrils. Hence in Celebes they
sometimes fasten fishhooks to a sick man’s nose, navel, and feet, so that
if his soul should try to escape it may be hooked and held fast.(88) A
Turik on the Baram River, in Borneo, refused to part with some hook-like
stones, because they, as it were, hooked his soul to his body, and so
prevented the spiritual portion of him from becoming detached from the
material.(89) When a Sea Dyak sorcerer or medicine-man is initiated, his
fingers are supposed to be furnished with fish-hooks, with which he will
thereafter clutch the human soul in the act of flying away, and restore it
to the body of the sufferer.(90) But hooks, it is plain, may be used to
catch the souls of enemies as well as of friends. Acting on this principle
head-hunters in Borneo hang wooden hooks beside the skulls of their slain
enemies in the belief that this helps them on their forays to hook in
fresh heads.(91) When an epidemic is raging, the Goajiro Indians of
Colombia attribute it to an evil spirit, it may be the prowling ghost of
an enemy. So they hang strings furnished with hooks from the roofs of
their huts and from all the trees in the neighbourhood, in order that the
demon or ghost may be caught on a hook and thus rendered powerless to harm
them.(92) Similarly the Calchaquis Indians to the west of Paraguay used to
plant arrows in the ground about a sick man to keep death from getting at
him.(93) One of the implements of a Haida medicine-man is a hollow bone,
in which he bottles up departing souls, and so restores them to their
owners.(94) When any one yawns in their presence the Hindoos always snap
their thumbs, believing that this will hinder the soul from issuing
through the open mouth.(95) The Marquesans used to hold the mouth and nose
of a dying man, in order to keep him in life by preventing his soul from
escaping;(96) the same custom is reported of the New Caledonians;(97) and
with the like intention the Bagobos of the Philippine Islands put rings of
brass wire on the wrists or ankles of their sick.(98) On the other hand,
the Itonamas in South America seal up the eyes, nose, and mouth of a dying
person, in case his ghost should get out and carry off others;(99) and for
a similar reason the people of Nias, who fear the spirits of the recently
deceased and identify them with the breath, seek to confine the vagrant
soul in its earthly tabernacle by bunging up the nose or tying up the jaws
of the corpse.(100) Before leaving a corpse the Wakelbura in Australia
used to place hot coals in its ears in order to keep the ghost in the
body, until they had got such a good start that he could not overtake
them.(101) Esquimaux mourners plug their nostrils with deerskin, hair, or
hay for several days,(102) probably to prevent their souls from following
that of their departed friend; the custom is especially incumbent on the
persons who dress the corpse.(103) In southern Celebes, to hinder the
escape of a woman’s soul at childbirth, the nurse ties a band as tightly
as possible round the body of the expectant mother.(104) The
Minangkabauers of Sumatra observe a similar custom; a skein of thread or a
string is sometimes fastened round the wrist or loins of a woman in
childbed, so that when her soul seeks to depart in her hour of travail it
may find the egress barred.(105) Among the Kayans of Borneo illness is
attributed to the absence of the soul; so when a man has been ill and is
well again, he attempts to prevent his soul from departing afresh. For
this purpose he ties the truant into his body by fastening round his wrist
a piece of string on which a _lukut_, or antique bead, is threaded; for a
magical virtue appears to be ascribed to such beads. But lest the string
and the bead should be broken and lost, he will sometimes tattoo the
pattern of the bead on his wrist, and this is found to answer the purpose
of tethering his soul quite as well.(106) Again, the Koryak of
North-Eastern Asia fancy that if there are two sick people in a house and
one of them is at the last extremity, the soul of the other is apt to be
lured away by the soul of the dying man; hence in order to hinder its
departure they tie the patient’s neck by a string to the bands of the
sleeping-tent and recite a charm over the string so that it may be sure to
detain the soul.(107) And lest the soul of a babe should escape and be
lost as soon as it is born, the Alfoors of Celebes, when a birth is about
to take place, are careful to close every opening in the house, even the
keyhole; and they stop up every chink and cranny in the walls. Also they
tie up the mouths of all animals inside and outside the house, for fear
one of them might swallow the child’s soul. For a similar reason all
persons present in the house, even the mother herself, are obliged to keep
their mouths shut the whole time the birth is taking place. When the
question was put, Why they did not hold their noses also, lest the child’s
soul should get into one of them? the answer was that breath being exhaled
as well as inhaled through the nostrils, the soul would be expelled before
it could have time to settle down.(108) Popular expressions in the
language of civilised peoples, such as to have one’s heart in one’s mouth,
or the soul on the lips or in the nose, shew how natural is the idea that
the life or soul may escape by the mouth or nostrils.(109)
(M25) Often the soul is conceived as a bird ready to take flight. This
conception has probably left traces in most languages,(110) and it lingers
as a metaphor in poetry. But what is metaphor to a modern European poet
was sober earnest to his savage ancestor, and is still so to many people.
The Bororos of Brazil fancy that the human soul has the shape of a bird,
and passes in that shape out of the body in dreams.(111) According to the
Bilqula or Bella Coola Indians of British Columbia the soul dwells in the
nape of the neck and resembles a bird enclosed in an egg. If the shell
breaks and the soul flies away, the man must die. If he swoons or becomes
crazed, it is because his soul has flown away without breaking its shell.
The shaman can hear the buzzing of its wings, like the buzz of a mosquito,
as the soul flits past; and he may catch and replace it in the nape of its
owner’s neck.(112) A Melanesian wizard in Lepers’ Island has been known to
send out his soul in the form of an eagle to pursue a ship and learn the
fortunes of some natives who were being carried off in it.(113) The soul
of Aristeas of Proconnesus was seen to issue from his mouth in the shape
of a raven.(114) There is a popular opinion in Bohemia that the parting
soul comes forth from the mouth like a white bird.(115) The Malays carry
out the conception of the bird-soul in a number of odd ways. If the soul
is a bird on the wing, it may be attracted by rice, and so either
prevented from taking wing or lured back again from its perilous flight.
Thus in Java when a child is placed on the ground for the first time (a
moment which uncultured people seem to regard as especially dangerous), it
is put in a hen-coop and the mother makes a clucking sound, as if she were
calling hens.(116) Amongst the Battas of Sumatra, when a man returns from
a dangerous enterprise, grains of rice are placed on his head, and these
grains are called _padiruma tondi_, that is, “means to make the soul
(_tondi_) stay at home.” In Java also rice is placed on the head of
persons who have escaped a great danger or have returned home unexpectedly
after it had been supposed that they were lost.(117) Similarly in the
district of Sintang in West Borneo, if any one has had a great fright, or
escaped a serious peril, or comes back after a long and dangerous journey,
or has taken a solemn oath, the first thing that his relations or friends
do is to strew yellow rice on his head, mumbling, “Cluck! cluck! soul!”
(_koer, koer, semangat_). And when a person, whether man, woman, or child,
has fallen out of a house or off a tree, and has been brought home, his
wife or other kinswoman goes as speedily as possible to the spot where the
accident happened, and there strews rice, which has been coloured yellow,
while she utters the words, “Cluck! cluck! soul! So-and-so is in his house
again. Cluck! cluck! soul!” Then she gathers up the rice in a basket,
carries it to the sufferer, and drops the grains from her hand on his
head, saying again, “Cluck! cluck! soul!”(118) Here the intention clearly
is to decoy back the loitering bird-soul and replace it in the head of its
owner. In southern Celebes they think that a bridegroom’s soul is apt to
fly away at marriage, so coloured rice is scattered over him to induce it
to stay. And, in general, at festivals in South Celebes rice is strewed on
the head of the person in whose honour the festival is held, with the
object of detaining his soul, which at such times is in especial danger of
being lured away by envious demons.(119) For example, after a successful
war the welcome to the victorious prince takes the form of strewing him
with roasted and coloured rice “to prevent his life-spirit, as if it were
a bird, from flying out of his body in consequence of the envy of evil
spirits.”(120) In Central Celebes, when a party of head-hunters returns
from a successful expedition, a woman scatters rice on their heads for a
similar purpose.(121) Among the Minangkabauers of Sumatra the old rude
notions of the soul seem to be dying out. Nowadays most of the people hold
that the soul, being immaterial, has no shape or form. But some of the
sorcerers assert that the soul goes and comes in the shape of a tiny man.
Others are of opinion that it does so in the form of a fly; hence they
make food ready to induce the absent soul to come back, and the first fly
that settles on the food is regarded as the returning truant. But in
native poetry and popular expressions there are traces of the belief that
the soul quits the body in the form of a bird.(122)
(M26) The soul of a sleeper is supposed to wander away from his body and
actually to visit the places, to see the persons, and to perform the acts
of which he dreams. For example, when an Indian of Brazil or Guiana wakes
up from a sound sleep, he is firmly convinced that his soul has really
been away hunting, fishing, felling trees, or whatever else he has dreamed
of doing, while all the time his body has been lying motionless in his
hammock. A whole Bororo village has been thrown into a panic and nearly
deserted because somebody had dreamed that he saw enemies stealthily
approaching it. A Macusi Indian in weak health, who dreamed that his
employer had made him haul the canoe up a series of difficult cataracts,
bitterly reproached his master next morning for his want of consideration
in thus making a poor invalid go out and toil during the night.(123) The
Indians of the Gran Chaco are often heard to relate the most incredible
stories as things which they have themselves seen and heard; hence
strangers who do not know them intimately say in their haste that these
Indians are liars. In point of fact the Indians are firmly convinced of
the truth of what they relate; for these wonderful adventures are simply
their dreams, which they do not distinguish from waking realities.(124)
(M27) Now the absence of the soul in sleep has its dangers, for if from
any cause the soul should be permanently detained away from the body, the
person thus deprived of the vital principle must die.(125) There is a
German belief that the soul escapes from a sleeper’s mouth in the form of
a white mouse or a little bird, and that to prevent the return of the bird
or animal would be fatal to the sleeper.(126) Hence in Transylvania they
say that you should not let a child sleep with its mouth open, or its soul
will slip out in the shape of a mouse, and the child will never wake.(127)
Many causes may detain the sleeper’s soul. Thus, his soul may meet the
soul of another sleeper and the two souls may fight; if a Guinea negro
wakens with sore bones in the morning, he thinks that his soul has been
thrashed by another soul in sleep.(128) Or it may meet the soul of a
person just deceased and be carried off by it; hence in the Aru Islands
the inmates of a house will not sleep the night after a death has taken
place in it, because the soul of the deceased is supposed to be still in
the house and they fear to meet it in a dream.(129) Similarly among the
Upper Thompson Indians of British Columbia, the friends and neighbours who
gathered in a house after a death and remained there till the burial was
over were not allowed to sleep, lest their souls should be drawn away by
the ghost of the deceased or by his guardian spirit.(130) The Lengua
Indians of the Gran Chaco hold that the vagrant spirits of the dead may
come to life again if only they can take possession of a sleeper’s body
during the absence of his soul in dreams. Hence, when the shades of night
have fallen, the ghosts of the departed gather round the villages,
watching for a chance to pounce on the bodies of dreamers and to enter
into them through the gateway of the breast.(131) Again, the soul of the
sleeper may be prevented by an accident or by physical force from
returning to his body. When a Dyak dreams of falling into the water, he
supposes that this accident has really befallen his spirit, and he sends
for a wizard, who fishes for the spirit with a hand-net in a basin of
water till he catches it and restores it to its owner.(132) The Santals
tell how a man fell asleep, and growing very thirsty, his soul, in the
form of a lizard, left his body and entered a pitcher of water to drink.
Just then the owner of the pitcher happened to cover it; so the soul could
not return to the body and the man died. While his friends were preparing
to burn the body some one uncovered the pitcher to get water. The lizard
thus escaped and returned to the body, which immediately revived; so the
man rose up and asked his friends why they were weeping. They told him
they thought he was dead and were about to burn his body. He said he had
been down a well to get water, but had found it hard to get out and had
just returned. So they saw it all.(133) A similar story is reported from
Transylvania as follows. In the account of a witch’s trial at Mühlbach in
the eighteenth century it is said that a woman had engaged two men to work
in her vineyard. After noon they all lay down to rest as usual. An hour
later the men got up and tried to waken the woman, but could not. She lay
motionless with her mouth wide open. They came back at sunset and still
she lay like a corpse. Just at that moment a big fly came buzzing past,
which one of the men caught and shut up in his leathern pouch. Then they
tried again to waken the woman, but could not. Afterwards they let out the
fly; it flew straight into the woman’s mouth and she awoke. On seeing this
the men had no further doubt that she was a witch.(134)
(M28) It is a common rule with primitive people not to waken a sleeper,
because his soul is away and might not have time to get back; so if the
man wakened without his soul, he would fall sick. If it is absolutely
necessary to rouse a sleeper, it must be done very gradually, to allow the
soul time to return.(135) A Fijian in Matuku, suddenly wakened from a nap
by somebody treading on his foot, has been heard bawling after his soul
and imploring it to return. He had just been dreaming that he was far away
in Tonga, and great was his alarm on suddenly wakening to find his body in
Matuku. Death stared him in the face unless his soul could be induced to
speed at once across the sea and reanimate its deserted tenement. The man
would probably have died of fright if a missionary had not been at hand to
allay his terror.(136) Some Brazilian Indians explain the headache from
which a man sometimes suffers after a broken sleep by saying that his soul
is tired with the exertions it made to return quickly to the body.(137) A
Highland story, told to Hugh Miller on the picturesque shores of Loch
Shin, well illustrates the haste made by the soul to regain its body when
the sleeper has been prematurely roused by an indiscreet friend. Two young
men had been spending the early part of a warm summer day in the open air,
and sat down on a mossy bank to rest. Hard by was an ancient ruin
separated from the bank on which they sat only by a slender runnel, across
which there lay, immediately over a miniature cascade, a few withered
stalks of grass. “Overcome by the heat of the day, one of the young men
fell asleep; his companion watched drowsily beside him; when all at once
the watcher was aroused to attention by seeing a little indistinct form,
scarce larger than a humble-bee, issue from the mouth of the sleeping man,
and, leaping upon the moss, move downwards to the runnel, which it crossed
along the withered grass stalks, and then disappeared among the
interstices of the ruin. Alarmed by what he saw, the watcher hastily shook
his companion by the shoulder, and awoke him; though, with all his haste,
the little cloud-like creature, still more rapid in its movements, issued
from the interstice into which it had gone, and, flying across the runnel,
instead of creeping along the grass stalks and over the sward, as before,
it re-entered the mouth of the sleeper, just as he was in the act of
awakening. ‘What is the matter with you?’ said the watcher, greatly
alarmed, ‘what ails you?’ ‘Nothing ails me,’ replied the other; ‘but you
have robbed me of a most delightful dream. I dreamed I was walking through
a fine rich country, and came at length to the shores of a noble river;
and, just where the clear water went thundering down a precipice, there
was a bridge all of silver, which I crossed; and then, entering a noble
palace on the opposite side, I saw great heaps of gold and jewels; and I
was just going to load myself with treasure, when you rudely awoke me, and
I lost all.’ ”(138)
(M29) Still more dangerous is it in the opinion of primitive man to move a
sleeper or alter his appearance, for if this were done the soul on its
return might not be able to find or recognise its body, and so the person
would die. The Minangkabauers of Sumatra deem it highly improper to
blacken or dirty the face of a sleeper, lest the absent soul should shrink
from re-entering a body thus disfigured.(139) Patani Malays fancy that if
a person’s face be painted while he sleeps, the soul which has gone out of
him will not recognise him, and he will sleep on till his face is
washed.(140) In Bombay it is thought equivalent to murder to change the
aspect of a sleeper, as by painting his face in fantastic colours or
giving moustaches to a sleeping woman. For when the soul returns it will
not know its own body and the person will die.(141) The Coreans are of
opinion that in sleep “the soul goes out of the body, and that if a piece
of paper is put over the face of the sleeper he will surely die, for his
soul cannot find its way back into him again.”(142) The Servians believe
that the soul of a sleeping witch often leaves her body in the form of a
butterfly. If during its absence her body be turned round, so that her
feet are placed where her head was before, the butterfly soul will not
find its way back into her body through the mouth, and the witch will
die.(143) The Esthonians of the island of Oesel think that the gusts which
sweep up all kinds of trifles from the ground and whirl them along are the
souls of old women, who have gone out in this shape to seek what they can
find. Meantime the beldame’s body lies as still as a stone, and if you
turn it round her soul will never be able to enter it again, until you
have replaced the body in its original position. You can hear the soul
whining and whimpering till it has found the right aperture.(144)
Similarly in Livonia they think that when the soul of a were-wolf is out
on his hateful business, his body lies like dead; and if meanwhile the
body were accidentally moved, the soul would never more find its way into
it, but would remain in the body of a wolf till death.(145) In the
picturesque but little known Black Mountain of southern France, which
forms a sort of link between the Pyrenees and the Cevennes, they tell how
a woman, who had long been suspected of being a witch, one day fell asleep
at noon among the reapers in the field. Resolved to put her to the test,
the reapers carried her, while she slept, to another part of the field,
leaving a large pitcher on the spot from which they had moved her. When
her soul returned, it entered the pitcher and cunningly rolled it over and
over till the vessel lay beside her body, of which the soul thereupon took
possession.(146)
(M30) But in order that a man’s soul should quit his body, it is not
necessary that he should be asleep. It may quit him in his waking hours,
and then sickness, insanity, or death will be the result. Thus a man of
the Wurunjeri tribe in Victoria lay at his last gasp because his spirit
(_murup_) had departed from him. A medicine-man went in pursuit and caught
the spirit by the middle just as it was about to plunge into the sunset
glow, which is the light cast by the souls of the dead as they pass in and
out of the underworld, where the sun goes to rest. Having captured the
vagrant spirit, the doctor brought it back under his opossum rug, laid
himself down on the dying man, and put the soul back into him, so that
after a time he revived.(147) The Karens of Burma are perpetually anxious
about their souls, lest these should go roving from their bodies, leaving
the owners to die. When a man has reason to fear that his soul is about to
take this fatal step, a ceremony is performed to retain or recall it, in
which the whole family must take part. A meal is prepared consisting of a
cock and hen, a special kind of rice, and a bunch of bananas. Then the
head of the family takes the bowl which is used to skim rice, and knocking
with it thrice on the top of the house-ladder says: “_Prrrroo!_ Come back,
soul, do not tarry outside! If it rains, you will be wet. If the sun
shines, you will be hot. The gnats will sting you, the leeches will bite
you, the tigers will devour you, the thunder will crush you. _Prrrroo!_
Come back, soul! Here it will be well with you. You shall want for
nothing. Come and eat under shelter from the wind and the storm.” After
that the family partakes of the meal, and the ceremony ends with everybody
tying their right wrist with a string which has been charmed by a
sorcerer.(148) Similarly the Lolos, an aboriginal tribe of western China,
believe that the soul leaves the body in chronic illness. In that case
they read a sort of elaborate litany, calling on the soul by name and
beseeching it to return from the hills, the vales, the rivers, the
forests, the fields, or from wherever it may be straying. At the same time
cups of water, wine, and rice are set at the door for the refreshment of
the weary wandering spirit. When the ceremony is over, they tie a red cord
round the arm of the sick man to tether the soul, and this cord is worn by
him until it decays and drops off.(149) So among the Kenyahs of Sarawak a
medicine-man has been known to recall the stray soul of a child, and to
fasten it firmly in its body by tying a string round the child’s right
wrist, and smearing its little arm with the blood of a fowl.(150) The
Ilocanes of Luzon think that a man may lose his soul in the woods or
gardens, and that he who has thus lost his soul loses also his senses.
Hence before they quit the woods or the fields they call to their soul,
“Let us go! let us go!” lest it should loiter behind or go astray. And
when a man becomes crazed or mad, they take him to the place where he is
supposed to have lost his soul and invite the truant spirit to return to
his body.(151) The Mongols sometimes explain sickness by supposing that
the patient’s soul is absent, and either does not care to return to its
body or cannot find the way back. To secure the return of the soul it is
therefore necessary on the one hand to make its body as attractive as
possible, and on the other hand to shew the soul the way home. To make the
body attractive all the sick man’s best clothes and most valued
possessions are placed beside him; he is washed, incensed, and made as
comfortable as may be; and all his friends march thrice round the hut
calling out the sick man’s name and coaxing his soul to return. To help
the wanderer to find its way back a coloured cord is stretched from the
patient’s head to the door of the hut. The priest in his robes reads a
list of the horrors of hell and the dangers incurred by souls which
wilfully absent themselves from their bodies. Then turning to the
assembled friends and the patient he asks, “Is it come?” All answer “Yes,”
and bowing to the returning soul throw seed over the sick man. The cord
which guided the soul back is then rolled up and placed round the
patient’s neck, who must wear it for seven days without taking it off. No
one may frighten or hurt him, lest his soul, not yet familiar with its
body, should again take flight.(152)
(M31) Some of the Congo tribes believe that when a man is ill, his soul
has left his body and is wandering at large. The aid of the sorcerer is
then called in to capture the vagrant spirit and restore it to the
invalid. Generally the physician declares that he has successfully chased
the soul into the branch of a tree. The whole town thereupon turns out and
accompanies the doctor to the tree, where the strongest men are deputed to
break off the branch in which the soul of the sick man is supposed to be
lodged. This they do and carry the branch back to the town, insinuating by
their gestures that the burden is heavy and hard to bear. When the branch
has been brought to the sick man’s hut, he is placed in an upright
position by its side, and the sorcerer performs the enchantments by which
the soul is believed to be restored to its owner.(153) The soul or shade
of a Déné or Tinneh Indian in the old days generally remained invisible,
but appeared wandering about in one form or another whenever disease or
death was imminent. All the efforts of the sufferer’s friends were
therefore concentrated on catching the roving shade. The method adopted
was simple. They stuffed the patient’s moccasins with down and hung them
up. If next morning the down was warm, they made sure that the lost soul
was in the boots, with which accordingly they carefully and silently shod
their suffering friend. Nothing more could reasonably be demanded for a
perfect cure.(154) An Ottawa medicine-man has been known to catch a stray
soul in a little box, which he brought back and inserted in the patient’s
mouth.(155)
(M32) Pining, sickness, great fright, and death are ascribed by the Battas
or Bataks of Sumatra to the absence of the soul (_tendi_) from the body.
At first they try to beckon the wanderer back, and to lure him, like a
fowl, by strewing rice. Then the following form of words is commonly
repeated: “Come back, O soul, whether thou art lingering in the wood, or
on the hills, or in the dale. See, I call thee with a _toemba bras_, with
an egg of the fowl Rajah _moelija_, with the eleven healing leaves. Detain
it not, let it come straight here, detain it not, neither in the wood, nor
on the hill, nor in the dale. That may not be. O come straight home!”(156)
Sometimes the means adopted by the Battas to procure the return of a sick
person’s soul are more elaborate. A procession sets out from the village
to the tuck of drum to find and bring home the strayed soul. First goes a
person bearing a basket which contains cakes of rice-meal, rice dyed
yellow, and a boiled fowl’s egg. The sorcerer follows carrying a chicken,
and behind him walks a man with a black, red, and white flag. A crowd of
sympathisers brings up the rear. On reaching the spot where the lost soul
is supposed to tarry, they set up a small bamboo altar, and the sorcerer
offers on it the chicken to the spirit of the place, the drums beating all
the time. Then, waving his shawl to attract the soul of the sick man, he
says: “Come hither, thou soul of So-and-So, whether thou sittest among the
stones or in the mud. In the house is thy place. We have besought the
spirit to let thee go.” After that the procession reforms and marches back
to the village to the roll of drums and the clash of cymbals. On reaching
the door of the house the sorcerer calls out to the inmates, “Has it
come?” and a voice from within answers, “It is here, good sorcerer.” At
evening the drums beat again.(157) A number of plants, including rice, a
species of fig, and garlic, are supposed by the Battas to possess
soul-compelling virtue and are accordingly made use of by them in rites
for the recovery of lost souls. When a child is sick, the mother commonly
waves a cloth to beckon home its wandering spirit, and when a cock crows
or a hen cackles in the yard, she knows that the prodigal has returned. If
the little sufferer persists in being ill in spite of these favourable
omens, the mother will hang a bag of rice at the head of her bed when she
goes to sleep, and next morning on getting up she measures the rice. If
the rice has increased in volume during the night, as it may do in a
moisture-laden atmosphere, she is confident that the lost soul has indeed
come home to stay.(158) The Kayans of Borneo fasten packets of rice,
flesh, and fish to the window in the roof through which the wandering soul
of a sick man is expected to return home. The doctor sits cross-legged on
a mat under the open window with a display of pretty things spread out
temptingly before him as baits to entice the spirit back to its deserted
tabernacle. From the window hangs a string of precious corals or pearls to
serve the returning prodigal as a ladder and so facilitate his descent
into the house. The lower end of the string is attached to a bundle
composed of wooden hooks, a fowl’s feather, little packets of rice, and so
forth. Chanting his spells, the doctor strokes the soul down the string
into the bundle, which he then deposits in a basket and hides in a corner
till the dusk of the evening. When darkness has fallen, he blows the
captured soul back into the patient’s head and strokes the sufferer’s arm
downwards with the point of an old spear in order to settle the soul
firmly in his body.(159) Once when a popular traveller was leaving a Kayan
village, the mothers, fearing that their children’s souls might follow him
on his journey, brought him the boards on which they carry their infants
and begged him to pray that the souls of the little ones would return to
the familiar boards and not go away with him into the far country. To each
board was fastened a looped string for the purpose of tethering the
vagrant spirits, and through the loop each baby was made to pass a chubby
finger to make sure that its tiny soul would not wander away.(160) When a
Dyak is dangerously ill, the medicine-men may say that his soul has
escaped far away, perhaps to the river; then they will wave a garment or
cloth about to imitate the casting of a net, signifying thereby that they
are catching the soul like a fish in a net. Or they may give out that the
soul has escaped into the jungle; and then they will rush out of the house
to circumvent and secure it there. Or again they may allege that it has
been carried away over seas to some unknown land; and then they will play
at paddling a boat to follow it across the great water. But more commonly
their mode of treatment is as follows. A spear is set up in the middle of
the verandah with a few leaves tied to it and the medicine-boxes of the
medicine-men laid at its foot. Round this the doctors run at full speed,
chanting the while, till one of them falls down and lies motionless. The
bystanders cover him with a blanket, and wait while his spirit hies away
after the errant soul and brings it back. Presently he comes to himself,
stares vacantly about like a man awaking from sleep, and then rises,
holding the soul in his clenched right hand. He then returns it to the
patient through the crown of his head, while he mutters a spell.(161)
Among the Dyaks of the Kayan and Lower Melawie districts you will often
see, in houses where there are children, a basket of a peculiar shape with
shells and dried fruits attached to it. These shells contain the remains
of the children’s navel-strings, and the basket to which they are fastened
is commonly hung beside the place where the children sleep. When a child
is frightened, for example by being bathed or by the bursting of a
thunderstorm, its soul flees from its body and nestles beside its old
familiar friend the navel-string in the basket, from which the mother
easily induces it to return by shaking the basket and pressing it to the
child’s body.(162) The Toboongkoos of Central Celebes believe that
sickness in general is caused by the departure of the soul. To recover the
wanderer a priest will set out food in the courtyard of the sufferer’s
house and then invoke the soul, promising it many fine things if it will
only come back. When he thinks it has complied with his request, he
catches it in a cloth which he keeps ready for the purpose. This cloth he
afterwards claps on the sick man’s head, thereby restoring to him his lost
soul.(163)
(M33) In an Indian story a king conveys his soul into the dead body of a
Brahman, and a hunchback conveys his soul into the deserted body of the
king. The hunchback is now king and the king is a Brahman. However, the
hunchback is induced to shew his skill by transferring his soul to the
dead body of a parrot, and the king seizes the opportunity to regain
possession of his own body.(164) A tale of the same type, with variations
of detail, reappears among the Malays. A king has incautiously transferred
his soul to an ape, upon which the vizier adroitly inserts his own soul
into the king’s body and so takes possession of the queen and the kingdom,
while the true king languishes at court in the outward semblance of an
ape. But one day the false king, who played for high stakes, was watching
a combat of rams, and it happened that the animal on which he had laid his
money fell down dead. All efforts to restore animation proved unavailing
till the false king, with the instinct of a true sportsman, transferred
his own soul to the body of the deceased ram, and thus renewed the fray.
The real king in the body of the ape saw his chance, and with great
presence of mind darted back into his own body, which the vizier had
rashly vacated. So he came to his own again, and the usurper in the ram’s
body met with the fate he richly deserved.(165) In another Indian story a
Brahman reanimates the dead body of a king by conveying his own soul into
it. Meantime the Brahman’s body has been burnt, and his soul is obliged to
remain in the body of the king.(166) In a Chinese story we read of a monk
in a Buddhist monastery who used from time to time to send his soul away
out of himself. Whenever he was thus absent from the body, he took the
precaution of locking the door of his cell. On one of these occasions an
envoy from the north arrived and put up at the monastery, but there was no
cell for him to pass the night in. Then he looked into the cell of the
brother whose soul was not at home, and seeing his body lying there
motionless, he battered the door in and said, “I will lodge here. The man
is dead. Take the body and burn it.” His servants obeyed his orders, the
monks being powerless to interfere. That very night the soul came back,
only to find its body reduced to ashes. Every night it could be heard
crying, “Where shall I settle?” Those who knew him then opened their
windows, saying, “Here I am.” So the soul came in and united itself with
their body, and the result was that they became much cleverer than
before.(167) Similarly the Greeks told how the soul of Hermotimus of
Clazomenae used to quit his body and roam far and wide, bringing back
intelligence of what he had seen on his rambles to his friends at home;
until one day, when his spirit was abroad, his enemies contrived to seize
his deserted body and committed it to the flames.(168) It is said that
during the last seven years of his life Sultan Bayazid ate nothing that
had life and blood in it. One day, being seized with a great longing for
sheep’s trotters, he struggled long in this glorious contest with his
soul, until at last, a savoury dish of trotters being set before him, he
said unto his soul, “My soul, the trotters are before thee; if thou
wishest to enjoy them, leave the body and feed on them.” Hardly had he
uttered these words when a living creature was seen to issue from his
mouth and drink of the juice in the dish, after which it endeavoured to
return whence it came. But the austere sultan, determined to mortify his
carnal appetite, prevented it with his hand from entering his mouth, and
when it fell to the ground commanded that it should be beaten. The pages
kicked it to death, and after this murder of his soul the sultan remained
in gloomy seclusion, taking no part or interest in the affairs of
government.(169)
(M34) The departure of the soul is not always voluntary. It may be
extracted from the body against its will by ghosts, demons, or sorcerers.
Hence, when a funeral is passing the house, the Karens of Burma tie their
children with a special kind of string to a particular part of the house,
lest the souls of the children should leave their bodies and go into the
corpse which is passing. The children are kept tied in this way until the
corpse is out of sight.(170) And after the corpse has been laid in the
grave, but before the earth has been shovelled in, the mourners and
friends range themselves round the grave, each with a bamboo split
lengthwise in one hand and a little stick in the other; each man thrusts
his bamboo into the grave, and drawing the stick along the groove of the
bamboo points out to his soul that in this way it may easily climb up out
of the tomb. While the earth is being shovelled in, the bamboos are kept
out of the way, lest the souls should be in them, and so should be
inadvertently buried with the earth as it is being thrown into the grave;
and when the people leave the spot they carry away the bamboos, begging
their souls to come with them.(171) Further, on returning from the grave
each Karen provides himself with three little hooks made of branches of
trees, and calling his spirit to follow him, at short intervals, as he
returns, he makes a motion as if hooking it, and then thrusts the hook
into the ground. This is done to prevent the soul of the living from
staying behind with the soul of the dead.(172) On the return of a Burmese
or Shan family from a burial, old men tie up the wrists of each member of
the family with string, to prevent his or her “butterfly” or soul from
escaping; and this string remains till it is worn out and falls off.(173)
When a mother dies leaving a young baby, the Burmese think that the
“butterfly” or soul of the baby follows that of the mother, and that if it
is not recovered the child must die. So a wise woman is called in to get
back the baby’s soul. She places a mirror near the corpse, and on the
mirror a piece of feathery cotton down. Holding a cloth in her open hands
at the foot of the mirror, she with wild words entreats the mother not to
take with her the “butterfly” or soul of her child, but to send it back.
As the gossamer down slips from the face of the mirror she catches it in
the cloth and tenderly places it on the baby’s breast. The same ceremony
is sometimes observed when one of two children that have played together
dies, and is thought to be luring away the soul of its playmate to the
spirit-land. It is sometimes performed also for a bereaved husband or
wife.(174) The Bahnars of eastern Cochin-China think that when a man is
sick of a fever his soul has gone away with the ghosts to the tombs. At
sunset a sorcerer attempts to lure the soul back by offering it
sugar-cane, bananas, and other fruits, while he sings an incantation
inviting the wanderer to return from among the dead to the land of the
living. He pretends to catch the truant soul in a piece of cotton, which
he then lays on the patient’s head.(175) When the Karo-Bataks of Sumatra
have buried somebody and are filling in the grave, a sorceress runs about
beating the air with a stick. This she does in order to drive away the
souls of the survivors, for if one of these souls happened to slip into
the grave and to be covered up with earth, its owner would die.(176) Among
some of the Dyak tribes of south-eastern Borneo, as soon as the coffin is
carried to the place of burial, the house in which the death occurred is
sprinkled with water, and the father of the family calls out the names of
all his children and the other members of his household. For they think
that the ghost loves to decoy away the souls of his kinsfolk, but that his
designs upon them can be defeated by calling out their names, which has
the effect of bringing back the souls to their owners. The same ceremony
is repeated on the return from the burial.(177) It is a rule with the
Kwakiutl Indians of British Columbia that a corpse must not be coffined in
the house, or the souls of the other inmates would enter the coffin, and
they, too, would die. The body is taken out either through the roof or
through a hole made in one of the walls, and is then coffined outside the
house.(178) In the East Indian island of Keisar it is deemed imprudent to
go near a grave at night, lest the ghosts should catch and keep the soul
of the passer-by.(179) The Kei Islanders believe that the spirits of their
forefathers, angry at not receiving food, make people sick by detaining
their souls. So they lay offerings of food on the grave and beg their
ancestors to allow the soul of the sick to return, or to drive it home
speedily if it should be lingering by the way.(180)
(M35) In Bolang Mongondo, a district in the west of Celebes, all sickness
is ascribed to the ancestral spirits who have carried off the patient’s
soul. The object therefore is to bring back the soul of the sufferer and
restore it to him. An eye-witness has thus described the attempted cure of
a sick boy. The priestesses, who acted as physicians, made a doll of cloth
and fastened it to the point of a spear, which an old woman held upright.
Round this doll the priestesses danced, uttering charms, and chirruping as
when one calls a dog. Then the old woman lowered the point of the spear a
little, so that the priestesses could reach the doll. By this time the
soul of the sick boy was supposed to be in the doll, having been brought
into it by the incantations. So the priestesses approached it cautiously
on tiptoe and caught the soul in the many-coloured cloths which they had
been waving in the air. Then they laid the soul on the boy’s head, that
is, they wrapped his head in the cloth in which the soul was supposed to
be, and stood still for some moments with great gravity, holding their
hands on the patient’s head. Suddenly there was a jerk, the priestesses
whispered and shook their heads, and the cloth was taken off—the soul had
escaped. The priestesses gave chase to it, running round and round the
house, clucking and gesticulating as if they were driving hens into a
poultry-yard. At last they recaptured the soul at the foot of the stair
and restored it to its owner as before.(181) Much in the same way an
Australian medicine-man will sometimes bring the lost soul of a sick man
into a puppet and restore it to the patient by pressing the puppet to his
breast.(182) In Uea, one of the Loyalty Islands, the souls of the dead
seem to have been credited with the power of stealing the souls of the
living. For when a man was sick the soul-doctor would go with a large
troop of men and women to the graveyard. Here the men played on flutes and
the women whistled softly to lure the soul home. After this had gone on
for some time they formed in procession and moved homewards, the flutes
playing and the women whistling all the way, while they led back the
wandering soul and drove it gently along with open palms. On entering the
patient’s dwelling they commanded the soul in a loud voice to enter his
body.(183) In Madagascar when a man was sick or lunatic in consequence of
the loss of his soul, his friends despatched a wizard in haste to fetch
him a soul from the graveyard. The emissary repaired by night to the spot,
and having made a hole in the wooden house which served as a tomb, begged
the spirit of the patient’s father to bestow a soul on his son or
daughter, who had none. So saying he applied a bonnet to the hole, then
folded it up and rushed back to the house of the sufferer, saying he had a
soul for him. With that he clapped the bonnet on the head of the invalid,
who at once said he felt much better and had recovered the soul which he
had lost.(184)
(M36) When a Dyak or Malay of some of the western tribes or districts of
Borneo is taken ill, with vomiting and profuse sweating as the only
symptoms, he thinks that one of his deceased kinsfolk or ancestors is at
the bottom of it. To discover which of them is the culprit, a wise man or
woman pulls a lock of hair on the crown of the sufferer’s head, calling
out the names of all his dead relations. The name at which the lock gives
forth a sound is the name of the guilty party. If the patient’s hair is
too short to be tugged with effect, he knocks his forehead seven times
against the forehead of a kinsman who has long hair. The hair of the
latter is then tugged instead of that of the patient and answers to the
test quite as well. When the blame has thus been satisfactorily laid at
the door of the ghost who is responsible for the sickness, the physician,
who, as in other countries, is often an old woman, remonstrates with him
on his ill behaviour. “Go back,” says she, “to your grave; what do you
come here for? The soul of the sick man does not choose to be called by
you, and will remain yet a long time in its body.” Then she puts some
ashes from the hearth in a winnowing fan and moulds out of them a small
figure or image in human likeness. Seven times she moves the basket with
the little ashen figure up and down before the patient, taking care not to
obliterate the figure, while at the same time she says, “Sickness, settle
in the head, belly, hands, etc.; then quickly pass into the corresponding
part of the image,” whereupon the patient spits on the ashen image and
pushes it from him with his left hand. Next the beldame lights a candle
and goes to the grave of the person whose ghost is doing all the mischief.
On the grave she throws the figure of ashes, calling out, “Ghost, plague
the sick man no longer, and stay in your grave, that he may see you no
more.” On her return she asks the anxious relations in the house, “Has his
soul come back?” and they must answer quickly, “Yes, the soul of the sick
man has come back.” Then she stands beside the patient, blows out the
candle which had lighted the returning soul on its way, and strews
yellow-coloured rice on the head of the convalescent, saying, “Cluck,
soul! cluck, soul! cluck, soul!” Last of all she fastens on his right
wrist a bracelet or ring which he must wear for three days.(185) In this
case we see that the saving of the soul is combined with a vicarious
sacrifice to the ghost, who receives a puppet on which to work his will
instead of on the poor soul. In San Cristoval, one of the Melanesian
islands, the vicarious sacrifice takes the form of a pig or a fish. A
malignant ghost of the name of Tapia is supposed to have seized on the
sick man’s soul and tied it up to a banyan-tree. Accordingly a man who has
influence with Tapia takes a pig or fish to the holy place where the ghost
resides and offers it to him, saying, “This is for you to eat in place of
that man; eat this, don’t kill him.” This satisfies the ghost; the soul is
loosed from the tree and carried back to the sufferer, who naturally
recovers.(186) A regular part of the stock-in-trade of a Dyak medicine-man
is a crystal into which he gazes to detect the hiding-place of a lost soul
or to identify the demon who is causing the sickness.(187) In one of the
New Hebrides a ghost will sometimes impound the souls of trespassers
within a magic fence in his garden, and will only consent to pull up the
fence and let the souls out on receiving an unqualified apology and a
satisfactory assurance that no personal disrespect was intended.(188) In
Motlav, another Melanesian island, it is enough to call out the sick man’s
name in the sacred place where he rashly intruded, and then, when the cry
of the kingfisher or some other bird is heard, to shout “Come back” to the
soul of the sick man and run back with it to the house.(189)
(M37) It is a comparatively easy matter to save a soul which is merely
tied up to a tree or detained as a vagrant in a pound; but it is a far
harder task to fetch it up from the nether world, if it once gets down
there. When a Buryat shaman is called in to attend a patient, the first
thing he does is to ascertain where exactly the soul of the invalid is;
for it may have strayed, or been stolen, or be languishing in the prison
of the gloomy Erlik, lord of the world below. If it is anywhere in the
neighbourhood, the shaman soon catches and replaces it in the patient’s
body. If it is far away, he searches the wide world till he finds it,
ransacking the deep woods, the lonely steppes, and the bottom of the sea,
not to be thrown off the scent even though the cunning soul runs to the
sheep-walks in the hope that its footprints will be lost among the tracks
of the sheep. But when the whole world has been searched in vain for the
errant soul, the shaman knows that there is nothing for it but to go down
to hell and seek the lost one among the spirits in prison. At the stern
call of duty he does not flinch, though he knows that the journey is
toilsome, and that the travelling expenses, which are naturally defrayed
by the patient, are very heavy. Sometimes the lord of the infernal regions
will only agree to release the soul on condition of receiving another in
its stead, and that one the soul of the sick man’s dearest friend. If the
patient consents to the substitution, the shaman turns himself into a
hawk, pounces upon the soul of the friend as it soars from his slumbering
body in the form of a lark, and hands over the fluttering, struggling
thing to the grim warden of the dead, who thereupon sets the soul of the
sick man at liberty. So the sick man recovers and his friend dies.(190)
(M38) When a shaman declares that the soul of a sick Thompson Indian has
been carried off by the dead, the good physician, who is the shaman
himself, puts on a conical mask and sets off in pursuit. He now acts as if
on a journey, jumping rivers and such like obstacles, searching, talking,
and sometimes engaging in a tussle for the possession of the soul. His
first step is to repair to the old trail by which the souls of heathen
Thompsons went to the spirit-land; for nowadays the souls of Christian
Thompsons travel by a new road. If he fails to find the tracks of the lost
soul there, he searches all the graveyards, one after the other, and
almost always discovers it in one of them. Sometimes he succeeds in
heading off the departing soul by taking a short cut to the other world. A
shaman can only stay a short time there. So as soon as he lays hands on
the soul he is after, he bolts with it. The other souls give chase, but he
stamps with his foot, on which he wears a rattle made of deer’s hoofs. At
the rattle of the hoofs the ghosts retreat and he hurries on. A bolder
shaman will sometimes ask the ghosts for the soul, and if they refuse to
give it, he will wrest it from them. They attack him, but he clubs them
and brings away the soul by force. When he comes back to the world, he
takes off his mask and shews his club all bloody. Then the people know he
had a desperate struggle. If he foresees that the harrowing of hell is
likely to prove a tough job, he increases the number of wooden pins in his
mask. The rescued soul is placed by him on the patient’s head and so
returned to his body.(191) Among the Twana Indians of Washington State the
descent of the medicine-men into the nether world to rescue lost souls is
represented in pantomime before the eyes of the spectators, who include
women and children as well as men. The surface of the ground is often
broken to facilitate the descent of the rescue party. When the adventurous
band is supposed to have reached the bottom, they journey along, cross at
least one stream, and travel till they come to the abode of the spirits.
These they surprise, and after a desperate struggle, sustained with great
ardour and a prodigious noise, they succeed in rescuing the poor souls,
and so, wrapping them up in cloth, they make the best of their way back to
the upper world and restore the recovered souls to their owners, who have
been seen to cry heartily for joy at receiving them back.(192)
(M39) Often the abduction of a man’s soul is set down to demons. The
Annamites believe that when a man meets a demon and speaks to him, the
demon inhales the man’s breath and soul.(193) The souls of the Bahnars of
eastern Cochin-China are apt to be carried off by evil spirits, and the
modes of recovering them are various. If a man suffers from a colic, the
sorcerer may say that in planting sugar-cane, maize or what-not, he has
pierced the stomach of a certain god who lives like a mole in the ground,
and that the injured deity has punished him by abstracting his soul and
burying it under a plant. Hence the cure for the colic is to pull up the
plant and water the hole with millet wine and the blood of a fowl, a goat,
or a pig. Again, if a child falls ill in the forest or the fields, it is
because some devil has made off with its soul. To retrieve this spiritual
loss the sorcerer constructs an apparatus which comprises an egg-shell in
an egg-holder, a little waxen image of the sick child, and a small bamboo
full of millet wine. This apparatus he sets up at a cross-road, praying
the devil to drink the wine and surrender the stolen soul by depositing it
in the egg-shell. Then he returns to the house, and putting a little
cotton to the child’s head restores the soul to its owner. Sometimes the
sorcerer lays a trap for the thievish demon, the bait consisting of the
liver of a pig or a fowl and the blood-smeared handle of a little mattock.
At nightfall he sets the trap at a cross-road and lies in wait hard by.
While the devil is licking the blood and munching the liver, the artful
sorcerer pounces out on him, and after a severe struggle wrests the soul
from his clutches, returning to the village victorious, but breathless and
bleeding from his terrific encounter with the enemy of souls.(194) Fits
and convulsions are generally set down by the Chinese to the agency of
certain mischievous spirits who love to draw men’s souls out of their
bodies. At Amoy the spirits who serve babies and children in this way
rejoice in the high-sounding titles of “celestial agencies bestriding
galloping horses” and “literary graduates residing halfway up in the sky.”
When an infant is writhing in convulsions, the frightened mother hastens
to the roof of the house, and, waving about a bamboo pole to which one of
the child’s garments is attached, cries out several times, “My child
So-and-so, come back, return home!” Meantime, another inmate of the house
bangs away at a gong in the hope of attracting the attention of the
strayed soul, which is supposed to recognise the familiar garment and to
slip into it. The garment containing the soul is then placed on or beside
the child, and if the child does not die recovery is sure to follow sooner
or later.(195) Similarly we saw that some Indians catch a man’s lost soul
in his boots and restore it to his body by putting his feet into
them.(196)
(M40) If Galelareese mariners are sailing past certain rocks or come to a
river where they never were before, they must wash their faces, for
otherwise the spirits of the rocks or the river would snatch away their
souls.(197) When a Dyak is about to leave a forest through which he has
been walking alone, he never forgets to ask the demons to give him back
his soul, for it may be that some forest-devil has carried it off. For the
abduction of a soul may take place without its owner being aware of his
loss, and it may happen either while he is awake or asleep.(198) The
Papuans of Geelvink Bay in New Guinea are apt to think that the mists
which sometimes hang about the tops of tall trees in their tropical
forests envelop a spirit or god called Narbrooi, who draws away the breath
or soul of those whom he loves, thus causing them to languish and die.
Accordingly, when a man lies sick, a friend or relation will go to one of
these mist-capped trees and endeavour to recover the lost soul. At the
foot of the tree he makes a peculiar sound to attract the attention of the
spirit, and lights a cigar. In its curling smoke his fancy discerns the
fair and youthful form of Narbrooi himself, who, decked with flowers,
appears and informs the anxious enquirer whether the soul of his sick
friend is with him or not. If it is, the man asks, “Has he done any
wrong?” “Oh no!” the spirit answers, “I love him, and therefore I have
taken him to myself.” So the man lays down an offering at the foot of the
tree, and goes home with the soul of the sufferer in a straw bag. Arrived
at the house, he empties the bag with its precious contents over the sick
man’s head, rubs his arms and hands with ginger-root, which he had first
chewed small, and then ties a bandage round one of the patient’s wrists.
If the bandage bursts, it is a sign that Narbrooi has repented of his
bargain, and is drawing away the sufferer once more to himself.(199)
(M41) In the Moluccas when a man is unwell it is thought that some devil
has carried away his soul to the tree, mountain, or hill where he (the
devil) resides. A sorcerer having pointed out the devil’s abode, the
friends of the patient carry thither cooked rice, fruit, fish, raw eggs, a
hen, a chicken, a silken robe, gold, armlets, and so forth. Having set out
the food in order they pray, saying: “We come to offer to you, O devil,
this offering of food, clothes, gold, and so on; take it and release the
soul of the patient for whom we pray. Let it return to his body, and he
who now is sick shall be made whole.” Then they eat a little and let the
hen loose as a ransom for the soul of the patient; also they put down the
raw eggs; but the silken robe, the gold, and the armlets they take home
with them. As soon as they are come to the house they place a flat bowl
containing the offerings which have been brought back at the sick man’s
head, and say to him: “Now is your soul released, and you shall fare well
and live to grey hairs on the earth.”(200) A more modern account from the
same region describes how the friend of the patient, after depositing his
offerings on the spot where the missing soul is supposed to be, calls out
thrice the name of the sick person, adding, “Come with me, come with me.”
Then he returns, making a motion with a cloth as if he had caught the soul
in it. He must not look to right or left or speak a word to any one he
meets, but must go straight to the patient’s house. At the door he stands,
and calling out the sick person’s name, asks whether he is returned. Being
answered from within that he is returned, he enters and lays the cloth in
which he has caught the soul on the patient’s throat, saying, “Now you are
returned to the house.” Sometimes a substitute is provided; a doll,
dressed up in gay clothing and tinsel, is offered to the demon in exchange
for the patient’s soul, with these words, “Give us back the ugly one which
you have taken away and receive this pretty one instead.”(201)
(M42) Among the Alfoors or Toradjas of Poso, in Central Celebes, a wooden
puppet is offered to the demon as a substitute for the soul which he has
abstracted, and the patient must touch the puppet in order to identify
himself with it. The effigy is then hung on a bamboo pole, which is
planted at the place of sacrifice outside of the house. Here too are
deposited offerings of rice, an egg, a little wood (which is afterwards
kindled), a sherd of a broken cooking-pot, and so forth. A long rattan
extends from the place of sacrifice to the sufferer, who grasps one end of
it firmly, for along it his lost soul will return when the devil has
kindly released it. All being ready, the priestess informs the demon that
he has come to the wrong place, and that there are no doubt much better
quarters where he could reside. Then the father of the patient, standing
beside the offerings, takes up his parable as follows: “O demon, we forgot
to sacrifice to you. You have visited us with this sickness; will you now
go away from us to some other place? We have made ready provisions for you
on the journey. See, here is a cooking-pot, here are rice, fire, and a
fowl. O demon, go away from us.” With that the priestess strews rice
towards the bamboo-pole to lure back the wandering soul; and the fowl
promised to the devil is thrown in the same direction, but is instantly
jerked back again by a string which, in a spirit of intelligent economy,
has been previously attached to its leg. The demon is now supposed to
accept the puppet, which hangs from the pole, and to release the soul,
which, sliding down the pole and along the rattan, returns to its proper
owner. And lest the evil spirit should repent of the barter which has just
been effected, all communication with him is broken off by cutting down
the pole.(202) Similarly the Mongols make up a horse of birch-bark and a
doll, and invite the demon to take the doll instead of the patient and to
ride away on the horse.(203) A Yakut shaman, rigged out in his
professional costume, with his drum in his hand, will boldly descend into
the lower world and haggle with the demon who has carried off a sick man’s
soul. Not uncommonly the demon proves amenable to reason, and in
consideration of the narrow circumstances of the patient’s family will
accept a more moderate ransom than he at first demanded. For instance, he
may be brought to put up with the skin of an Arctic hare or Arctic fox
instead of a foal or a steer. The bargain being struck, the shaman hurries
back to the sufferer’s bedside, from which to the merely carnal eye he has
never stirred, and informs the anxious relatives of the success of his
mission. They in turn gladly hasten to provide the ransom.(204)
(M43) Demons are especially feared by persons who have just entered a new
house. Hence at a house-warming among the Alfoors of Minahassa in Celebes
the priest performs a ceremony for the purpose of restoring their souls to
the inmates. He hangs up a bag at the place of sacrifice and then goes
through a list of the gods. There are so many of them that this takes him
the whole night through without stopping. In the morning he offers the
gods an egg and some rice. By this time the souls of the household are
supposed to be gathered in the bag. So the priest takes the bag, and
holding it on the head of the master of the house, says, “Here you have
your soul; go (soul) to-morrow away again.” He then does the same, saying
the same words, to the housewife and all the other members of the
family.(205) Amongst the same Alfoors one way of recovering a sick man’s
soul is to let down a bowl by a belt out of a window and fish for the soul
till it is caught in the bowl and hauled up.(206) And among the same
people, when a priest is bringing back a sick man’s soul which he has
caught in a cloth, he is preceded by a girl holding the large leaf of a
certain palm over his head as an umbrella to keep him and the soul from
getting wet, in case it should rain; and he is followed by a man
brandishing a sword to deter other souls from any attempt at rescuing the
captured spirit.(207)
(M44) In Nias, when a man dreams that a pig is fastened under a
neighbour’s house, it is a sign that some one in that house will die. They
think that the sun-god is drawing away the shadows or souls of that
household from this world of shadows to his own bright world of radiant
light, and a ceremony must needs be performed to win back these passing
souls to earth. Accordingly, while it is still night, the priest begins to
drum and pray, and he continues his orisons till about nine o’clock next
morning. Then he takes his stand at an opening in the roof through which
he can behold the sun, and spreading out a cloth waits till the beams of
the morning sun fall full upon it. In the sunbeams he thinks the wandering
souls have come back again; so he wraps the cloth up tightly, and quitting
the opening in the roof, hastens with his precious charge to the expectant
household. Before each member of it he stops, and dipping his fingers into
the cloth takes out his or her soul and restores it to the owner by
touching the person on the forehead.(208) The Thompson Indians of British
Columbia think that the setting sun draws the souls of men away towards
it; hence they will never sleep with their heads to the sunset.(209) The
Samoans tell how two young wizards, passing a house where a chief lay very
sick, saw a company of gods from the mountain sitting in the doorway. They
were handing from one to another the soul of the dying chief. It was wrapt
in a leaf, and had been passed from the gods inside the house to those
sitting in the doorway. One of the gods handed the soul to one of the
wizards, taking him for a god in the dark, for it was night. Then all the
gods rose up and went away; but the wizard kept the chief’s soul. In the
morning some women went with a present of fine mats to fetch a famous
physician. The wizards were sitting on the shore as the women passed, and
they said to the women, “Give us the mats and we will heal him.” So they
went to the chief’s house. He was very ill, his jaw hung down, and his end
seemed near. But the wizards undid the leaf and let the soul into him
again, and forthwith he brightened up and lived.(210)
(M45) The Battas or Bataks of Sumatra believe that the soul of a living
man may transmigrate into the body of an animal. Hence, for example, the
doctor is sometimes desired to extract the patient’s soul from the body of
a fowl, in which it has been hidden away by an evil spirit.(211)
(M46) Sometimes the lost soul is brought back in a visible shape. In
Melanesia a woman, knowing that a neighbour was at the point of death,
heard a rustling in her house, as of a moth fluttering, just at the moment
when a noise of weeping and lamentation told her that the soul was flown.
She caught the fluttering thing between her hands and ran with it, crying
out that she had caught the soul. But though she opened her hands above
the mouth of the corpse, it did not revive.(212) In Lepers’ Island, one of
the New Hebrides, for ten days after a birth the father is careful not to
exert himself or the baby would suffer for it. If during this time he goes
away to any distance, he will bring back with him on his return a little
stone representing the infant’s soul. Arrived at home he cries, “Come
hither,” and puts down the stone in the house. Then he waits till the
child sneezes, at which he cries, “Here it is”; for now he knows that the
little soul has not been lost after all.(213) The Salish or Flathead
Indians of Oregon believe that a man’s soul may be separated for a time
from his body without causing death and without the man being aware of his
loss. It is necessary, however, that the lost soul should be soon found
and restored to its owner or he will die. The name of the man who has lost
his soul is revealed in a dream to the medicine-man, who hastens to inform
the sufferer of his loss. Generally a number of men have sustained a like
loss at the same time; all their names are revealed to the medicine-man,
and all employ him to recover their souls. The whole night long these
soulless men go about the village from lodge to lodge, dancing and
singing. Towards daybreak they go into a separate lodge, which is closed
up so as to be totally dark. A small hole is then made in the roof,
through which the medicine-man, with a bunch of feathers, brushes in the
souls, in the shape of bits of bone and the like, which he receives on a
piece of matting. A fire is next kindled, by the light of which the
medicine-man sorts out the souls. First he puts aside the souls of dead
people, of which there are usually several; for if he were to give the
soul of a dead person to a living man, the man would die instantly. Next
he picks out the souls of all the persons present, and making them all to
sit down before him, he takes the soul of each, in the shape of a splinter
of bone, wood, or shell, and placing it on the owner’s head, pats it with
many prayers and contortions till it descends into the heart and so
resumes its proper place.(214) In Amboyna the sorcerer, to recover a soul
detained by demons, plucks a branch from a tree, and waving it to and fro
as if to catch something, calls out the sick man’s name. Returning he
strikes the patient over the head and body with the branch, into which the
lost soul is supposed to have passed, and from which it returns to the
patient.(215) In the Babar Islands offerings for evil spirits are laid at
the root of a great tree (_wokiorai_), from which a leaf is plucked and
pressed on the patient’s forehead and breast; the lost soul, which is in
the leaf, is thus restored to its owner.(216) In some other islands of the
same seas, when a man returns ill and speechless from the forest, it is
inferred that the evil spirits which dwell in the great trees have caught
and kept his soul. Offerings of food are therefore left under a tree and
the soul is brought home in a piece of wax.(217) Amongst the Dyaks of
Sarawak the priest conjures the lost soul into a cup, where it is seen by
the uninitiated as a lock of hair, but by the initiated as a miniature
human being. This the priest pokes back into the patient’s body through an
invisible hole in his skull.(218) In Nias the sick man’s soul is restored
to him in the shape of a firefly, visible only to the sorcerer, who
catches it in a cloth and places it on the forehead of the patient.(219)
Amongst the Indians of Santiago Tepehuacan, if a child has fallen from the
arms of its bearer and an illness has resulted from the fall, the parents
will take the child’s shirt, stretch it out on the spot where the little
one fell, and say, “Come, come, come back to the infant.” Then they bring
back a little of the earth wrapped up in the shirt, and put the shirt on
the child. They say that in this manner the spirit is replaced in the
child’s body and that he will recover.(220) With this we may compare an
Irish custom reported by Camden. When any one happens to fall, he springs
up again, and turning round thrice to the right, digs the earth with a
sword or knife, and takes up a turf, because they say the earth restores
his shade to him. But if he falls sick within two or three days
thereafter, a woman skilled in these matters is sent to the spot, and
there says: “I call thee, So-and-so, from the East and West, from the
South and North, from the groves, woods, rivers, marshes, fairies white,
red, and black,” and so forth. After uttering certain short prayers, she
returns home to the sick person, and whispering in his ear another prayer,
along with a _Pater Noster_, puts some burning coals into a cup of clean
water, and so decides whether the distemper has been inflicted by the
fairies.(221) Here, though Camden is not very explicit, and he probably
did not quite understand the custom he describes, it seems plain that the
shade or soul of a man who has fallen is conceived as adhering to the
ground where he fell. Accordingly he seeks to regain possession of it by
digging up the earth; but if he fails to recover it, he sends a wise woman
to the spot to win back his soul from the fairies who are detaining it.
(M47) The ancient Egyptians held that a dead man is not in a state to
enter on the life hereafter until his soul has been found and restored to
his mummified body. The vital spark had been commonly devoured by the
malignant god Sit, who concealed his true form in the likeness of a horned
beast, such as an ox or a gazelle. So the priests went in quest of the
missing spirit, slaughtered the animal which had devoured it, and cutting
open the carcase found the soul still undigested in its stomach.
Afterwards the son of the deceased embraced the mummy or the image of his
father in order to restore his soul to him. Formerly it was customary to
place the skin of the slain beast on the dead man for the purpose of
recruiting his strength with that of the animal.(222)
(M48) Again, souls may be extracted from their bodies or detained on their
wanderings not only by ghosts and demons but also by men, especially by
sorcerers. In Fiji, if a criminal refused to confess, the chief sent for a
scarf with which “to catch away the soul of the rogue.” At the sight or
even at the mention of the scarf the culprit generally made a clean
breast. For if he did not, the scarf would be waved over his head till his
soul was caught in it, when it would be carefully folded up and nailed to
the end of a chief’s canoe; and for want of his soul the criminal would
pine and die.(223) The sorcerers of Danger Island used to set snares for
souls. The snares were made of stout cinet, about fifteen to thirty feet
long, with loops on either side of different sizes, to suit the different
sizes of souls; for fat souls there were large loops, for thin souls there
were small ones. When a man was sick against whom the sorcerers had a
grudge, they set up these soul-snares near his house and watched for the
flight of his soul. If in the shape of a bird or an insect it was caught
in the snare the man would infallibly die.(224) When a Polynesian mother
desired that the child in her womb should grow up to be a great warrior or
a great thief, she repaired to the temple of the war-god Oro or of the
thief-god Hiro. There the priest obligingly caught the spirit of the god
in a snare made of coco-nut fibre, and then infused it into the woman.
When the child was born, the mother took it to the temple and dedicated it
to the god with whose divine spirit the infant was already possessed.(225)
The Algonquin Indians also used nets to catch souls, but only as a measure
of defence. They feared lest passing souls, which had just quitted the
bodies of dying people, should enter their huts and carry off the souls of
the inmates to deadland. So they spread nets about their houses to catch
and entangle these ghostly intruders in the meshes.(226)
(M49) Among the Sereres of Senegambia, when a man wishes to revenge
himself on his enemy he goes to the _Fitaure_ (chief and priest in one),
and prevails on him by presents to conjure the soul of his enemy into a
large jar of red earthenware, which is then deposited under a consecrated
tree. The man whose soul is shut up in the jar soon dies.(227) Among the
Baoules of the Ivory Coast it happened once that a chief’s soul was
extracted by the magic of an enemy, who succeeded in shutting it up in a
box. To recover it, two men held a garment of the sick man, while a witch
performed certain enchantments. After a time she declared that the soul
was now in the garment, which was accordingly rolled up and hastily
wrapped about the invalid for the purpose of restoring his spirit to
him.(228) Some of the Congo negroes think that enchanters can get
possession of human souls, and enclosing them in tusks of ivory, sell them
to the white man, who makes them work for him in his country under the
sea. It is believed that very many of the coast labourers are men thus
obtained; so when these people go to trade they often look anxiously about
for their dead relations. The man whose soul is thus sold into slavery
will die “in due course, if not at the time.”(229) In some parts of West
Africa, indeed, wizards are continually setting traps to catch souls that
wander from their bodies in sleep; and when they have caught one, they tie
it up over the fire, and as it shrivels in the heat the owner sickens.
This is done, not out of any grudge towards the sufferer, but purely as a
matter of business. The wizard does not care whose soul he has captured,
and will readily restore it to its owner if only he is paid for doing so.
Some sorcerers keep regular asylums for strayed souls, and anybody who has
lost or mislaid his own soul can always have another one from the asylum
on payment of the usual fee. No blame whatever attaches to men who keep
these private asylums or set traps for passing souls; it is their
profession, and in the exercise of it they are actuated by no harsh or
unkindly feelings. But there are also wretches who from pure spite or for
the sake of lucre set and bait traps with the deliberate purpose of
catching the soul of a particular man; and in the bottom of the pot,
hidden by the bait, are knives and sharp hooks which tear and rend the
poor soul, either killing it outright or mauling it so as to impair the
health of its owner when it succeeds in escaping and returning to him.
Miss Kingsley knew a Kruman who became very anxious about his soul,
because for several nights he had smelt in his dreams the savoury smell of
smoked crawfish seasoned with red pepper. Clearly some ill-wisher had set
a trap baited with this dainty for his dream-soul, intending to do him
grievous bodily, or rather spiritual, harm; and for the next few nights
great pains were taken to keep his soul from straying abroad in his sleep.
In the sweltering heat of the tropical night he lay sweating and snorting
under a blanket, his nose and mouth tied up with a handkerchief to prevent
the escape of his precious soul.(230)
(M50) When Dyaks of the Upper Melawie are about to go out head-hunting
they take the precaution of securing the souls of their enemies before
they attempt to kill their bodies, calculating apparently that mere bodily
death will soon follow the spiritual death, or capture, of the soul. With
this intention they clear a small space in the underwood of the forest,
and set up in the clearing one of those miniature houses in which it is
customary to deposit the ashes of the dead. Food is placed in the little
house, which, though raised on four posts, is connected with the ground by
a tiny inverted ladder of the sort up which spirits are believed to swarm.
When these preparations have been completed, the leader of the expedition
comes and sits down a little way from the miniature house, and addressing
the spirits of kinsmen who had the misfortune to be beheaded by their
enemies, he says, “O ghosts of So-and-so, come speedily back to our
village. We have rice in abundance. Our trees all bear ripe fruit. Our
baskets are full to the brim. O ghosts, come swiftly back and forget not
to bring your new friends and acquaintances with you.” But by the new
friends and acquaintances of the ghosts he means the souls of the enemies
against whom he is about to lead the expedition. Meantime the other
warriors have hidden themselves close by behind trees and bushes, and are
listening with all their ears. When the cry of an animal is heard in the
forest, or a humming sound seems to issue from the little house, it is a
sign that the ghosts of their friends have come, bringing with them the
souls of their enemies, which are accordingly at their mercy. At that the
lurking warriors leap forth from their ambush, and with brandished blades
hew and slash at the souls of their foemen swarming unseen in the air.
Taken completely by surprise, the panic-stricken souls flee in all
directions, and are fain to hide under every leaf and stone on the ground.
But even here their retreat is cut off. For now the leader of the
expedition is hard at work, grubbing up with his hands every stone and
leaf to right and left, and thrusting them with feverish haste into the
basket, which he at once ties up securely. He now flatters himself that he
has the souls of the enemy safe in his possession; and when in the course
of the expedition the heads of the foe are severed from their bodies, he
will pack them into the same basket in which their souls are already
languishing in captivity.(231)
(M51) In Hawaii there were sorcerers who caught souls of living people,
shut them up in calabashes, and gave them to people to eat. By squeezing a
captured soul in their hands they discovered the place where people had
been secretly buried.(232) Amongst the Canadian Indians, when a wizard
wished to kill a man, he sent out his familiar spirits, who brought him
the victim’s soul in the shape of a stone or the like. The wizard struck
the soul with a sword or an axe till it bled profusely, and as it bled the
man to whom it belonged fell ill and died.(233) In Amboyna if a doctor is
convinced that a patient’s soul has been carried away by a demon beyond
recovery, he seeks to supply its place with a soul abstracted from another
man. For this purpose he goes by night to a house and asks, “Who’s there?”
If an inmate is incautious enough to answer, the doctor takes up from
before the door a clod of earth, into which the soul of the person who
replied is thought to have passed. This clod the doctor lays under the
sick man’s pillow, and performs certain ceremonies by which the stolen
soul is conveyed into the patient’s body. Then as he goes home the doctor
fires two shots to frighten the soul from returning to its proper
owner.(234) A Karen wizard will catch the wandering soul of a sleeper and
transfer it to the body of a dead man. The latter, therefore, comes to
life as the former dies. But the friends of the sleeper in turn engage a
wizard to steal the soul of another sleeper, who dies as the first sleeper
comes to life. In this way an indefinite succession of deaths and
resurrections is supposed to take place.(235)
(M52) Nowhere perhaps is the art of abducting human souls more carefully
cultivated or carried to higher perfection than in the Malay Peninsula.
Here the methods by which the wizard works his will are various, and so
too are his motives. Sometimes he desires to destroy an enemy, sometimes
to win the love of a cold or bashful beauty. Some of the charms operate
entirely without contact; in others, the receptacle into which the soul is
to be lured has formed part of, or at least touched, the person of the
victim. Thus, to take an instance of the latter sort of charm, the
following are the directions given for securing the soul of one whom you
wish to render distraught. Take soil from the middle of his footprint;
wrap it up in pieces of red, black, and yellow cloth, taking care to keep
the yellow outside; and hang it from the centre of your mosquito curtain
with parti-coloured thread. It will then become your victim’s soul. To
complete the transubstantiation, however, it is needful to switch the
packet with a birch composed of seven leaf-ribs from a “green” coco-nut.
Do this seven times at sunset, at midnight, and at sunrise, saying, “It is
not earth that I switch, but the heart of So-and-so.” Then bury it in the
middle of a path where your victim is sure to step over it, and he will
unquestionably become distraught.(236) Another way is to scrape the wood
of the floor where your intended victim has been sitting, mix the
scrapings with earth from his or her footprint, and knead the whole with
wax from a deserted bees’ comb into a likeness of him or her. Then
fumigate the figure with incense and beckon to the soul every night for
three nights successively by waving a cloth, while you recite the
appropriate spell.(237) In the following cases the charm takes effect
without any contact whatever, whether direct or indirect, with the victim.
When the moon, just risen, looks red above the eastern horizon, go out,
and standing in the moonlight, with the big toe of your right foot on the
big toe of your left, make a speaking-trumpet of your right hand and
recite through it the following words:
“_OM. I loose my shaft, I loose it and the moon clouds over,_
_I loose it, and the sun is extinguished._
_I loose it, and the stars burn dim._
_But it is not the sun, moon, and stars that I shoot at,_
_It is the stalk of the heart of that child of the congregation,
So-and-so._
_Cluck! cluck! soul of So-and-so, come and walk with me,_
_Come and sit with me,_
_Come and sleep and share my pillow._
_Cluck! cluck! soul._”
Repeat this thrice and after every repetition blow through your hollow
fist.(238) Or you may catch the soul in your turban, thus. Go out on the
night of the full moon and the two succeeding nights; sit down on an
ant-hill facing the moon, burn incense, and recite the following
incantation:
“_I bring you a betel leaf to chew,_
_Dab the lime on to it, Prince Ferocious,_
_For Somebody, Prince Distraction’s daughter, to chew._
_Somebody at sunrise be distraught for love of me,_
_Somebody at sunset be distraught for love of me._
_As you remember your parents, remember me;_
_As you remember your house and house-ladder, remember me._
_When thunder rumbles, remember me;_
_When wind whistles, remember me;_
_When the heavens rain, remember me;_
_When cocks crow, remember me;_
_When the dial-bird tells its tales, remember me;_
_When you look up at the sun, remember me;_
_When you look up at the moon, remember me,_
_For in that self-same moon I am there._
_Cluck! cluck! soul of Somebody come hither to me._
_I do not mean to let you have my soul,_
_Let your soul come hither to mine._”
Now wave the end of your turban towards the moon seven times each night.
Go home and put it under your pillow, and if you want to wear it in the
daytime, burn incense and say, “It is not a turban that I carry in my
girdle, but the soul of Somebody.”(239)
(M53) Perhaps the magical ceremonies just described may help to explain a
curious rite, of immemorial antiquity, which was performed on a very
solemn occasion at Athens. On the eve of the sailing of the fleet for
Syracuse, when all hearts beat high with hope, and visions of empire
dazzled all eyes, consternation suddenly fell on the people one May
morning when they rose and found that most of the images of Hermes in the
city had been mysteriously mutilated in the night. The impious
perpetrators of the sacrilege were unknown, but whoever they were, the
priests and priestesses solemnly cursed them according to the ancient
ritual, standing with their faces to the west and shaking red cloths up
and down.(240) Perhaps in these cloths they were catching the souls of
those at whom their curses were levelled, just as we have seen that Fijian
chiefs used to catch the souls of criminals in scarves and nail them to
canoes.(241)
(M54) The Indians of the Nass River, in British Columbia, are impressed
with a belief that a physician may swallow his patient’s soul by mistake.
A doctor who is believed to have done so is made by the other members of
the faculty to stand over the patient, while one of them thrusts his
fingers down the doctor’s throat, another kneads him in the stomach with
his knuckles, and a third slaps him on the back. If the soul is not in him
after all, and if the same process has been repeated upon all the medical
men without success, it is concluded that the soul must be in the
head-doctor’s box. A party of doctors, therefore, waits upon him at his
house and requests him to produce his box. When he has done so and
arranged its contents on a new mat, they take the votary of Aesculapius
and hold him up by the heels with his head in a hole in the floor. In this
position they wash his head, and “any water remaining from the ablution is
taken and poured upon the sick man’s head.”(242) Among the Kwakiutl
Indians of British Columbia it is forbidden to pass behind the back of a
shaman while he is eating, lest the shaman should inadvertently swallow
the soul of the passer-by. When that happens, both the shaman and the
person whose soul he has swallowed fall down in a swoon. Blood flows from
the shaman’s mouth, because the soul is too large for him and is tearing
his inside. Then the clan of the person whose soul is doing this mischief
must assemble and sing the song of the shaman. In time the suffering
sorcerer vomits out the soul, which he exhibits in the shape of a small
bloody ball in the open palms of his hands. He restores it to its owner,
who is lying prostrate on a mat, by throwing it at him and then blowing on
his head. The man whose soul was swallowed has very naturally to pay for
the damage he did to the shaman as well as for his own cure.(243)
§ 3. The Soul as a Shadow and a Reflection.
(M55) But the spiritual dangers I have enumerated are not the only ones
which beset the savage. Often he regards his shadow or reflection as his
soul, or at all events as a vital part of himself, and as such it is
necessarily a source of danger to him. For if it is trampled upon, struck,
or stabbed, he will feel the injury as if it were done to his person; and
if it is detached from him entirely (as he believes that it may be) he
will die. In the island of Wetar there are magicians who can make a man
ill by stabbing his shadow with a pike or hacking it with a sword.(244)
After Sankara had destroyed the Buddhists in India, it is said that he
journeyed to Nepaul, where he had some difference of opinion with the
Grand Lama. To prove his supernatural powers, he soared into the air. But
as he mounted up, the Grand Lama, perceiving his shadow swaying and
wavering on the ground, struck his knife into it and down fell Sankara and
broke his neck.(245) In the Babar Islands the demons get power over a
man’s soul by holding fast his shadow, or by striking and wounding
it.(246) Among the Tolindoos of central Celebes to tread on a man’s shadow
is an offence, because it is supposed to make the owner sick;(247) and for
the same reason the Toboongkoos of that region forbid their children to
play with their shadows.(248) The Ottawa Indians thought they could kill a
man by making certain figures on his shadow.(249) The Baganda of central
Africa regarded a man’s shadow as his ghost; hence they used to kill or
injure their enemies by stabbing or treading on their shadows.(250) Among
the Bavili of West Africa it used to be considered a crime to trample on
or even to cross the shadow of another, especially if the shadow were that
of a married woman.(251) Some Caffres are very unwilling to let anybody
stand on their shadow, believing that they can be influenced for evil
through it.(252) They think that “a sick man’s shadow dwindles in
intensity when he is about to die; for it has such an intimate relation to
the man that it suffers with him.”(253) The Ja-Luo tribes of Kavirondo, to
the east of Lake Victoria Nyanza, tell of the ancestor of all men, Apodtho
by name, who descended to earth from above, bringing with him cattle,
fowls, and seeds. When he was old, the Ja-Luo plotted to kill him, but for
a long time they did not dare to attack him. At last, hearing that he was
sick, they thought their chance had come, and sent a girl to see how he
was. She took a small horn, used for cupping blood, in her hand, and while
she talked with him she placed the cupping-horn on his shadow. To her
surprise it drew blood. So she returned and told her friends that, if they
wished to kill Apodtho, they must not touch his body, but spear his
shadow. They did so, and he died and turned into a rock, which has ever
since possessed the property of sharpening spears unusually well.(254) In
a Chinese book we read of a sage who examined human shadows by lamplight
in order to discover the fate of their owners. “A man’s shadow,” he said,
“ought to be deep, for, if so, he will attain honourable positions, and a
great age. Shadows are averse to being reflected in water, or in wells, or
in washing-basins. It was on such grounds that the ancients avoided
shadows, and that in old days _Khü-seu_, _twan-hu_, and other
shadow-treading vermin caused injury by hitting the shadows of men. In
recent times there have been men versed in the art of cauterizing the
shadows of their patients.” Another sapient Chinese writer observes: “I
have heard that, if the shadow of a bird is hit with a piece of wood that
was struck by thunder, the bird falls to the ground immediately. I never
tried it, but on account of the matter stated above I consider the thing
certain.”(255) The natives of Nias tremble at the sight of a rainbow,
because they think it is a net spread by a powerful spirit to catch their
shadows.(256)
(M56) In the Banks Islands, Melanesia, there are certain stones of a
remarkably long shape which go by the name of _tamate gangan_ or “eating
ghosts,” because certain powerful and dangerous ghosts are believed to
lodge in them. If a man’s shadow falls on one of these stones, the ghost
will draw his soul out from him, so that he will die. Such stones,
therefore, are set in a house to guard it; and a messenger sent to a house
by the absent owner will call out the name of the sender, lest the
watchful ghost in the stone should fancy that he came with evil intent and
should do him a mischief.(257) In Florida, one of the Solomon Islands,
there are places sacred to ghosts, some in the village, some in the
gardens, and some in the bush. No man would pass one of these places when
the sun was so low as to cast his shadow into it, for then the ghost would
draw it from him.(258) The Indian tribes of the Lower Fraser River believe
that man has four souls, of which the shadow is one, though not the
principal, and that sickness is caused by the absence of one of the souls.
Hence no one will let his shadow fall on a sick shaman, lest the latter
should purloin it to replace his own lost soul.(259) At a funeral in
China, when the lid is about to be placed on the coffin, most of the
bystanders, with the exception of the nearest kin, retire a few steps or
even retreat to another room, for a person’s health is believed to be
endangered by allowing his shadow to be enclosed in a coffin. And when the
coffin is about to be lowered into the grave most of the spectators recoil
to a little distance lest their shadows should fall into the grave and
harm should thus be done to their persons. The geomancer and his
assistants stand on the side of the grave which is turned away from the
sun; and the grave-diggers and coffin-bearers attach their shadows firmly
to their persons by tying a strip of cloth tightly round their
waists.(260) In the Nicobar Islands burial usually takes place at sundown,
before midnight, or at early dawn. In no case can an interment be carried
out at noon or within an hour of it, lest the shadows of the bearers who
lower the body into the earth, or of the mourners taking their last look
at the shrouded figure, should fall into the grave; for that would cause
them to be sick or die. And when the dead has been laid in his last home,
but before the earth is shovelled in upon him, the leaves of a certain
jungle tree are waved over the grave, and a lighted torch is brandished
inside it, to disperse any souls of the sorrowing bystanders that may be
lingering with their departed friend in his narrow bed. Then the signal is
given, and the earth or sand is rapidly shovelled in by a party of young
men who have been standing in readiness to perform the duty.(261) When the
Malays are building a house, and the central post is being set up, the
greatest precautions are taken to prevent the shadow of any of the workers
from falling either on the post or on the hole dug to receive it; for
otherwise they think that sickness and trouble will be sure to
follow.(262) When members of some Victorian tribes were performing magical
ceremonies for the purpose of bringing disease and misfortune on their
enemies, they took care not to let their shadows fall on the object by
which the evil influence was supposed to be wafted to the foe.(263) In
Darfur people think that they can do an enemy to death by burying a
certain root in the earth on the spot where the shadow of his head happens
to fall. The man whose shadow is thus tampered with loses consciousness at
once and will die if the proper antidote be not administered. In like
manner they can paralyse any limb, as a hand or leg, by planting a
particular root in the earth in the shadow of the limb they desire to
maim.(264) Nor is it human beings alone who are thus liable to be injured
by means of their shadows. Animals are to some extent in the same
predicament. A small snail, which frequents the neighbourhood of the
limestone hills in Perak, is believed to suck the blood of cattle through
their shadows; hence the beasts grow lean and sometimes die from loss of
blood.(265) The ancients supposed that in Arabia, if a hyæna trod on a
man’s shadow, it deprived him of the power of speech and motion; and that
if a dog, standing on a roof in the moonlight, cast a shadow on the ground
and a hyæna trod on it, the dog would fall down as if dragged with a
rope.(266) Clearly in these cases the shadow, if not equivalent to the
soul, is at least regarded as a living part of the man or the animal, so
that injury done to the shadow is felt by the person or animal as if it
were done to his body. Even the shadows of trees are supposed by the
Caffres to be sensitive. Hence when a Caffre doctor seeks to pluck the
leaves of a tree for medicinal purposes, he “takes care to run up quickly,
and to avoid touching the shadow lest it should inform the tree of the
danger, and so give the tree time to withdraw the medicinal properties
from its extremities into the safety of the inaccessible trunk. The shadow
of the tree is said to feel the touch of the man’s feet.”(267)
(M57) Conversely, if the shadow is a vital part of a man or an animal, it
may under certain circumstances be as hazardous to be touched by it as it
would be to come into contact with the person or animal. Thus in the
North-West Provinces of India people believe that if the shadow of the
goat-sucker bird falls on an ox or a cow, but especially on a cow buffalo,
the beast will soon die. The remedy is for some one to kill the bird, rub
his hands or a stick in the blood, and then wave the stick over the
animal. There are certain men who are noted for their powers in this
respect all over the district.(268) The Kaitish of central Australia hold
that if the shadow of a brown hawk falls on the breast of a woman who is
suckling a child, the breast will swell up and burst. Hence if a woman
sees one of these birds in these circumstances, she runs away in
fear.(269) In the Central Provinces of India a pregnant woman avoids the
shadow of a man, believing that if it fell on her, the child would take
after him in features, though not in character.(270) In Shoa any obstinate
disorder, for which no remedy is known, such as insanity, epilepsy,
delirium, hysteria, and St. Vitus’s dance, is traced either to possession
by a demon or to the shadow of an enemy which has fallen on the
sufferer.(271) The Bushman is most careful not to let his shadow fall on
the dead game, as he thinks this would bring bad luck.(272) Amongst the
Caffres to overshadow the king by standing in his presence was an offence
worthy of instant death.(273) And it is a Caffre superstition that if the
shadow of a man who is protected by a certain charm falls on the shadow of
a man who is not so protected, the unprotected person will fall down,
overcome by the power of the charm which is transmitted through the
shadow.(274) In the Punjaub some people believe that if the shadow of a
pregnant woman fell on a snake, it would blind the creature
instantly.(275)
(M58) Hence the savage makes it a rule to shun the shadow of certain
persons whom for various reasons he regards as sources of dangerous
influence. Amongst the dangerous classes he commonly ranks mourners and
women in general, but especially his mother-in-law. The Shuswap Indians of
British Columbia think that the shadow of a mourner falling upon a person
would make him sick.(276) Amongst the Kurnai tribe of Victoria novices at
initiation were cautioned not to let a woman’s shadow fall across them, as
this would make them thin, lazy, and stupid.(277) An Australian native is
said to have once nearly died of fright because the shadow of his
mother-in-law fell on his legs as he lay asleep under a tree.(278) The awe
and dread with which the untutored savage contemplates his mother-in-law
are amongst the most familiar facts of anthropology. In the Yuin tribes of
New South Wales the rule which forbade a man to hold any communication
with his wife’s mother was very strict. He might not look at her or even
in her direction. It was a ground of divorce if his shadow happened to
fall on his mother-in-law: in that case he had to leave his wife, and she
returned to her parents.(279) In the Hunter River tribes of New South
Wales it was formerly death for a man to speak to his mother-in-law;
however, in later times the wretch who had committed this heinous crime
was suffered to live, but he was severely reprimanded and banished for a
time from the camp.(280) In the Kulin tribe it was thought that if a woman
looked at or spoke to her son-in-law or even his brother, her hair would
turn white. The same result, it was supposed, would follow if she ate of
game which had been presented to her husband by her son-in-law; but she
could obviate this ill consequence by blackening her face, and especially
her mouth, with charcoal, for then her hair would not turn white.(281)
Similarly in the Kurnai tribe of Victoria a woman is not permitted to see
her daughter’s husband in camp or elsewhere. When he is present, she keeps
her head covered with an opossum rug. The camp of the mother-in-law faces
in a different direction to that of her son-in-law. A screen of high
bushes is erected between both huts, so that no one can see over from
either. When the mother-in-law goes for firewood, she crouches down as she
goes out or in, with her head covered.(282) In Uganda a man may not see
his mother-in-law nor speak to her face to face. Should they meet by
accident, she must turn aside and cover her head with her clothes; or if
her garments are too scanty for that, she may squat on her haunches and
hide her face in her hands. If he wishes to hold any communication with
her, it must be done through a third person, or through a wall or closed
door. Were he to break these rules, he would certainly be seized with a
shaking of the hands and general debility.(283) Among some tribes of
eastern Africa which formerly acknowledged the suzerainty of the sultan of
Zanzibar, before a young couple had children they might meet neither their
father-in-law nor their mother-in-law. To avoid them they must take a long
roundabout. But if they could not do that, they must throw themselves on
the ground and hide their faces till the father-in-law or mother-in-law
had passed by.(284) Among the Basutos a man may never meet his wife’s
mother, nor speak to her, nor see her. If his wife is ill and her mother
comes to nurse her, he must flee the house so long as she is in it;
sentinels are posted to warn him of her departure.(285) In New Britain the
native imagination fails to conceive the extent and nature of the
calamities which would result from a man’s accidentally speaking to his
wife’s mother; suicide of one or both would probably be the only course
open to them. The most solemn form of oath a New Briton can take is, “Sir,
if I am not telling the truth, I hope I may shake hands with my
mother-in-law.”(286) At Vanua Lava in the Banks Islands, a man would not
so much as follow his mother-in-law along the beach until the rising tide
had washed out her footprints in the sand.(287) To avoid meeting his
mother-in-law face to face a very desperate Apache Indian, one of the
bravest of the brave, has been seen to clamber along the brink of a
precipice at the risk of his life, hanging on to rocks from which had he
fallen he would have been dashed to pieces or at least have broken several
of his limbs.(288) Still more curious and difficult to explain is the rule
which forbids certain African kings, after the coronation ceremonies have
been completed, ever to see their own mothers again. This restriction was
imposed on the kings of Benin and Uganda. Yet the queen-mothers lived in
regal state with a court and lands of their own. In Uganda it was thought
that if the king were to see his mother again, some evil and probably
death would surely befall him.(289)
(M59) Where the shadow is regarded as so intimately bound up with the life
of the man that its loss entails debility or death, it is natural to
expect that its diminution should be regarded with solicitude and
apprehension, as betokening a corresponding decrease in the vital energy
of its owner. An elegant Greek rhetorician has compared the man who lives
only for fame to one who should set all his heart on his shadow, puffed up
and boastful when it lengthened, sad and dejected when it shortened,
wasting and pining away when it dwindled to nothing. The spirits of such
an one, he goes on, would necessarily be volatile, since they must rise or
fall with every passing hour of the day. In the morning, when the level
sun, just risen above the eastern horizon, stretched out his shadow to
enormous length, rivalling the shadows cast by the cypresses and the
towers on the city wall, how blithe and exultant would he be, fancying
that in stature he had become a match for the fabled giants of old; with
what a lofty port he would then strut and shew himself in the streets and
the market-place and wherever men congregated, that he might be seen and
admired of all. But as the day wore on, his countenance would change and
he would slink back crestfallen to his house. At noon, when his once
towering shadow had shrunk to his feet, he would shut himself up and
refuse to stir abroad, ashamed to look his fellow-townsmen in the face;
but in the afternoon his drooping spirits would revive, and as the day
declined his joy and pride would swell again with the length of the
evening shadows.(290) The rhetorician who thus sought to expose the vanity
of fame as an object of human ambition by likening it to an ever-changing
shadow, little dreamed that in real life there were men who set almost as
much store by their shadows as the fool whom he had conjured up in his
imagination to point a moral. So hard is it for the straining wings of
fancy to outstrip the folly of mankind. In Amboyna and Uliase, two islands
near the equator, where necessarily there is little or no shadow cast at
noon, the people make it a rule not to go out of the house at mid-day,
because they fancy that by doing so a man may lose the shadow of his
soul.(291) The Mangaians tell of a mighty warrior, Tukaitawa, whose
strength waxed and waned with the length of his shadow. In the morning,
when his shadow fell longest, his strength was greatest; but as the shadow
shortened towards noon his strength ebbed with it, till exactly at noon it
reached its lowest point; then, as the shadow stretched out in the
afternoon, his strength returned. A certain hero discovered the secret of
Tukaitawa’s strength and slew him at noon.(292) The savage Besisis of the
Malay Peninsula fear to bury their dead at noon, because they fancy that
the shortness of their shadows at that hour would sympathetically shorten
their own lives.(293) The Baganda of central Africa used to judge of a
man’s health by the length of his shadow. They said, “So-and-so is going
to die, his shadow is very small”; or, “He is in good health, his shadow
is large.”(294) Similarly the Caffres of South Africa think that a man’s
shadow grows very small or vanishes at death. When her husband is away at
the wars, a woman hangs up his sleeping-mat; if the shadow grows less, she
says her husband is killed; if it remains unchanged, she says he is
unscathed.(295) It is possible that even in lands outside the tropics the
observation of the diminished shadow at noon may have contributed, even if
it did not give rise, to the superstitious dread with which that hour has
been viewed by many peoples, as by the Greeks, ancient and modern, the
Bretons, the Russians, the Roumanians of Transylvania, and the Indians of
Santiago Tepehuacan.(296) In this observation, too, we may perhaps detect
the reason why noon was chosen by the Greeks as the hour for sacrificing
to the shadowless dead.(297) The loss of the shadow, real or apparent, has
often been regarded as a cause or precursor of death. Whoever entered the
sanctuary of Zeus on Mount Lycaeus in Arcadia was believed to lose his
shadow and to die within the year.(298) In Lower Austria on the evening of
St. Sylvester’s day—the last day of the year—the company seated round the
table mark whose shadow is not cast on the wall, and believe that the
seemingly shadowless person will die next year. Similar presages are drawn
in Germany both on St. Sylvester’s day and on Christmas Eve.(299) The
Galelareese fancy that if a child resembles his father, they will not both
live long; for the child has taken away his father’s likeness or shadow,
and consequently the father must soon die.(300) Similarly among some
tribes of the Lower Congo, “if the child is like its mother, father, or
uncle, they think it has the spirit of the person it resembles, and that
that person will soon die. Hence a parent will resent it if you say that
the baby is like him or her.”(301)
(M60) Nowhere, perhaps, does the equivalence of the shadow to the life or
soul come out more clearly than in some customs practised to this day in
south-eastern Europe. In modern Greece, when the foundation of a new
building is being laid, it is the custom to kill a cock, a ram, or a lamb,
and to let its blood flow on the foundation-stone, under which the animal
is afterwards buried. The object of the sacrifice is to give strength and
stability to the building. But sometimes, instead of killing an animal,
the builder entices a man to the foundation-stone, secretly measures his
body, or a part of it, or his shadow, and buries the measure under the
foundation-stone; or he lays the foundation-stone upon the man’s shadow.
It is believed that the man will die within the year.(302) In the island
of Lesbos it is deemed enough if the builder merely casts a stone at the
shadow of a passer-by; the man whose shadow is thus struck will die, but
the building will be solid.(303) A Bulgarian mason measures the shadow of
a man with a string, places the string in a box, and then builds the box
into the wall of the edifice. Within forty days thereafter the man whose
shadow was measured will be dead and his soul will be in the box beside
the string; but often it will come forth and appear in its former shape to
persons who were born on a Saturday. If a Bulgarian builder cannot obtain
a human shadow for this purpose, he will content himself with measuring
the shadow of the first animal that comes that way.(304) The Roumanians of
Transylvania think that he whose shadow is thus immured will die within
forty days; so persons passing by a building which is in course of
erection may hear a warning cry, “Beware lest they take thy shadow!” Not
long ago there were still shadow-traders whose business it was to provide
architects with the shadows necessary for securing their walls.(305) In
these cases the measure of the shadow is looked on as equivalent to the
shadow itself, and to bury it is to bury the life or soul of the man, who,
deprived of it, must die. Thus the custom is a substitute for the old
practice of immuring a living person in the walls, or crushing him under
the foundation-stone of a new building, in order to give strength and
durability to the structure, or more definitely in order that the angry
ghost may haunt the place and guard it against the intrusion of enemies.
Thus when a new gate was made or an old gate was repaired in the walls of
Bangkok, it used to be customary to crush three men to death under an
enormous beam in a pit at the gateway. Before they were led to their doom,
they were regaled at a splendid banquet; the whole court came to salute
them; and the king himself charged them straitly to guard well the gate
that was to be committed to their care, and to warn him if enemies or
rebels came to assault the city. The next moment the ropes were cut and
the beam descended on them. The Siamese believed that these unfortunates
were transformed into the genii which they called _phi_.(306) It is said
that when the massive teak posts of the gateways of Mandalay were set up,
a man was bound and placed under each post and crushed to death. The
Burmese believe that men who die a violent death turn into _nats_ or
demons and haunt the spot where they were killed, doing a mischief to such
as attempt to molest the place. Thus their spirits become guardians of the
gates.(307) This theory would explain why such sacrifices appear to be
offered most commonly at thoroughfares, such as gates and bridges, where
ghostly warders may be deemed especially serviceable in keeping; watch on
the multitudes that go to and fro.(308) In Bima, a district of the East
Indian island of Sambawa, the custom is marked by some peculiar features,
which deserve to be mentioned. When a new flag-pole is set up at the
sultan’s palace a woman is crushed to death under it; but she must be
pregnant. If the destined victim should be brought to bed before her
execution, she goes free. The notion may be that the ghost of such a woman
would be more than usually fierce and vigilant. Again, when the wooden
doors are set up at the palace, it is customary to bury a child under each
of the door-posts. For these purposes officers are sent to scour the
country for a pregnant woman or little children, as the case may be, and
if they come back empty-handed they must give up their own wives or
children to serve as victims. When the gates are set up, the children are
killed, their bodies stript of flesh, and their bones laid in the holes in
which the door-posts are erected. Then the flesh is boiled with horse’s
flesh and served up to the officers. Any officer who refuses to eat of it
is at once cut down.(309) The intention of this last practice is perhaps
to secure the fidelity of the officers by compelling them to enter into a
covenant of the most solemn and binding nature with the ghosts of the
murdered children who are to guard the gates.
(M61) The practice of burying the measure of a man’s shadow, as a
substitute for the man himself, under the foundation-stone of a building
may perhaps throw light on the singular deity whom the people of Kisser,
an East Indian island, choose to guard their houses and villages. The god
in question is nothing more or less than the measuring-tape which was used
to measure the foundations of the house or of the village temple. After it
has served this useful purpose, the tape is wound about a stick shaped
like a paddle, and is then deposited in the thatch of the roof of the
house, where food is offered to it on all special occasions. The deified
measuring-tape of the whole village is that which was used to measure the
foundations of the first house or of the village temple. The handle of the
paddle-like stick on which it is wound is carved into the figure of a
person squatting in the usual posture; and the whole is kept in a rough
wooden box along with one or two figures to act as its guards.(310) It is
possible, though perhaps hardly probable, that these tapes may be thought
to contain the souls of men whose shadows they measured at the foundation
ceremony.
(M62) As some peoples believe a man’s soul to be in his shadow, so other
(or the same) peoples believe it to be in his reflection in water or a
mirror. Thus “the Andamanese do not regard their shadows but their
reflections (in any mirror) as their souls.”(311) According to one
account, some of the Fijians thought that man has two souls, a light one
and a dark one; the dark one goes to Hades, the light one is his
reflection in water or a mirror.(312) When the Motumotu of New Guinea
first saw their likenesses in a looking-glass they thought that their
reflections were their souls.(313) In New Caledonia the old men are of
opinion that a person’s reflection in water or a mirror is his soul; but
the younger men, taught by the Catholic priests, maintain that it is a
reflection and nothing more, just like the reflection of palm-trees in the
water.(314) The reflection-soul, being external to the man, is exposed to
much the same dangers as the shadow-soul. Among the Galelareese,
half-grown lads and girls may not look at themselves in a mirror; for they
say that the mirror takes away their bloom and leaves them ugly.(315) And
as the shadow may be stabbed, so may the reflection. Hence an Aztec mode
of keeping sorcerers from the house was to leave a vessel of water with a
knife in it behind the door. When a sorcerer entered he was so much
alarmed at seeing his reflection in the water transfixed by a knife that
he turned and fled.(316) In Corrèze, a district of the Auvergne, a cow’s
milk had dried up through the maleficent spells of a neighbouring witch,
so a sorcerer was called in to help. He made the woman whose cow was
bewitched sit in front of a pail of water with a knife in her hand till
she thought she saw the image of the witch in the water, whereupon he made
her stab the image with the knife. They say that if the knife strikes the
image fair in the eye, the person whose likeness it is will suffer a
corresponding injury in his or her eye. This procedure, we are informed,
has been successful in restoring milk to the udders of a cow when even
holy water had been tried in vain.(317) The Zulus will not look into a
dark pool because they think there is a beast in it which will take away
their reflections, so that they die.(318) The Basutos say that crocodiles
have the power of thus killing a man by dragging his reflection under
water. When one of them dies suddenly and from no apparent cause, his
relatives will allege that a crocodile must have taken his shadow some
time when he crossed a stream.(319) In Saddle Island, Melanesia, there is
a pool “into which if any one looks he dies; the malignant spirit takes
hold upon his life by means of his reflection on the water.”(320)
(M63) We can now understand why it was a maxim both in ancient India and
ancient Greece not to look at one’s reflection in water, and why the
Greeks regarded it as an omen of death if a man dreamed of seeing himself
so reflected.(321) They feared that the water-spirits would drag the
person’s reflection or soul under water, leaving him soulless to perish.
This was probably the origin of the classical story of the beautiful
Narcissus, who languished and died through seeing his reflection in the
water. The explanation that he died for love of his own fair image was
probably devised later, after the old meaning of the story was forgotten.
The same ancient belief lingers, in a faded form, in the English
superstition that whoever sees a water fairy must pine and die.
“_Alas, the moon should ever beam_
_To show what man should never see!—_
_I saw a maiden on a stream,_
_And fair was she!_
_I staid to watch, a little space,_
_Her parted lips if she would sing;_
_The waters closed above her face_
_With many a ring._
_I know my life will fade away,_
_I know that I must vainly pine,_
_For I am made of mortal clay,_
_But she’s divine!_”
(M64) Further, we can now explain the widespread custom of covering up
mirrors or turning them to the wall after a death has taken place in the
house. It is feared that the soul, projected out of the person in the
shape of his reflection in the mirror, may be carried off by the ghost of
the departed, which is commonly supposed to linger about the house till
the burial. The custom is thus exactly parallel to the Aru custom of not
sleeping in a house after a death for fear that the soul, projected out of
the body in a dream, may meet the ghost and be carried off by it.(322) In
Oldenburg it is thought that if a person sees his image in a mirror after
a death he will die himself. So all the mirrors in the house are covered
up with white cloth.(323) In some parts of Germany and Belgium after a
death not only the mirrors but everything that shines or glitters
(windows, clocks, etc.) is covered up,(324) doubtless because they might
reflect a person’s image. The same custom of covering up mirrors or
turning them to the wall after a death prevails in England, Scotland,
Madagascar,(325) and among the Karaits, a Jewish sect in the Crimea.(326)
The Suni Mohammedans of Bombay cover with a cloth the mirror in the room
of a dying man and do not remove it until the corpse is carried out for
burial. They also cover the looking-glasses in their bedrooms before
retiring to rest at night.(327) The reason why sick people should not see
themselves in a mirror, and why the mirror in a sick-room is therefore
covered up,(328) is also plain; in time of sickness, when the soul might
take flight so easily, it is particularly dangerous to project it out of
the body by means of the reflection in a mirror. The rule is therefore
precisely parallel to the rule observed by some peoples of not allowing
sick people to sleep;(329) for in sleep the soul is projected out of the
body, and there is always a risk that it may not return. “In the opinion
of the Raskolniks a mirror is an accursed thing, invented by the
devil,”(330) perhaps on account of the mirror’s supposed power of drawing
out the soul in the reflection and so facilitating its capture.
(M65) As with shadows and reflections, so with portraits; they are often
believed to contain the soul of the person portrayed. People who hold this
belief are naturally loth to have their likenesses taken; for if the
portrait is the soul, or at least a vital part of the person portrayed,
whoever possesses the portrait will be able to exercise a fatal influence
over the original of it. Thus the Esquimaux of Bering Strait believe that
persons dealing in witchcraft have the power of stealing a person’s _inua_
or shade, so that without it he will pine away and die. Once at a village
on the lower Yukon River an explorer had set up his camera to get a
picture of the people as they were moving about among their houses. While
he was focusing the instrument, the headman of the village came up and
insisted on peeping under the cloth. Being allowed to do so, he gazed
intently for a minute at the moving figures on the ground glass, then
suddenly withdrew his head and bawled at the top of his voice to the
people, “He has all of your shades in this box.” A panic ensued among the
group, and in an instant they disappeared helter-skelter into their
houses.(331) The Dacotas hold that every man has several _wanagi_ or
“apparitions,” of which after death one remains at the grave, while
another goes to the place of the departed. For many years no Yankton
Dacota would consent to have his picture taken lest one of his
“apparitions” should remain after death in the picture instead of going to
the spirit-land.(332) An Indian whose portrait the Prince of Wied wished
to get, refused to let himself be drawn, because he believed it would
cause his death.(333) The Mandan Indians also thought that they would soon
die if their portraits were in the hands of another; they wished at least
to have the artist’s picture as a kind of hostage.(334) The Tepehuanes of
Mexico stood in mortal terror of the camera, and five days’ persuasion was
necessary to induce them to pose for it. When at last they consented, they
looked like criminals about to be executed. They believed that by
photographing people the artist could carry off their souls and devour
them at his leisure moments. They said that when the pictures reached his
country they would die or some other evil would befall them.(335) The
Canelos Indians of Ecuador think that their soul is carried away in their
picture. Two of them, who had been photographed, were so alarmed that they
came back next day on purpose to ask if it were really true that their
souls had been taken away.(336) Similar notions are entertained by the
Aymara Indians of Peru and Bolivia.(337) The Araucanians of Chili are
unwilling to have their portraits drawn, for they fancy that he who has
their portraits in his possession could, by means of magic, injure or
destroy themselves.(338)
(M66) The Yaos, a tribe of British Central Africa in the neighbourhood of
Lake Nyassa, believe that every human being has a _lisoka_, a soul, shade,
or spirit, which they appear to associate with the shadow or picture of
the person. Some of them have been known to refuse to enter a room where
pictures were hung on the walls, “because of the _masoka_, souls, in
them.” The camera was at first an object of dread to them, and when it was
turned on a group of natives they scattered in all directions with shrieks
of terror. They said that the European was about to take away their
shadows and that they would die; the transference of the shadow or
portrait (for the Yao word for the two is the same, to wit _chiwilili_) to
the photographic plate would involve the disease or death of the shadeless
body. A Yao chief, after much difficulty, allowed himself to be
photographed on condition that the picture should be shewn to none of his
subjects, but sent out of the country as soon as possible. He feared lest
some ill-wisher might use it to bewitch him. Some time afterwards he fell
ill, and his attendants attributed the illness to some accident which had
befallen the photographic plate in England.(339) The Ngoni of the same
region entertain a similar belief, and formerly exhibited a similar dread
of sitting to a photographer, lest by so doing they should yield up their
shades or spirits to him and they should die.(340) When Joseph Thomson
attempted to photograph some of the Wa-teita in eastern Africa, they
imagined that he was a magician trying to obtain possession of their
souls, and that if he got their likenesses they themselves would be
entirely at his mercy.(341) When Dr. Catat and some companions were
exploring the Bara country on the west coast of Madagascar, the people
suddenly became hostile. The day before the travellers, not without
difficulty, had photographed the royal family, and now found themselves
accused of taking the souls of the natives for the purpose of selling them
when they returned to France. Denial was vain; in compliance with the
custom of the country they were obliged to catch the souls, which were
then put into a basket and ordered by Dr. Catat to return to their
respective owners.(342)
(M67) Some villagers in Sikhim betrayed a lively horror and hid away
whenever the lens of a camera, or “the evil eye of the box” as they called
it, was turned on them. They thought it took away their souls with their
pictures, and so put it in the power of the owner of the pictures to cast
spells on them, and they alleged that a photograph of the scenery blighted
the landscape.(343) Until the reign of the late King of Siam no Siamese
coins were ever stamped with the image of the king, “for at that time
there was a strong prejudice against the making of portraits in any
medium. Europeans who travel into the jungle have, even at the present
time, only to point a camera at a crowd to procure its instant dispersion.
When a copy of the face of a person is made and taken away from him, a
portion of his life goes with the picture. Unless the sovereign had been
blessed with the years of a Methusaleh he could scarcely have permitted
his life to be distributed in small pieces together with the coins of the
realm.”(344) Similarly, in Corea, “the effigy of the king is not struck on
the coins; only a few Chinese characters are put on them. They would deem
it an insult to the king to put his sacred face on objects which pass into
the most vulgar hands and often roll on the ground in the dust or the mud.
When the French ships arrived for the first time in Corea, the mandarin
who was sent on board to communicate with them was dreadfully shocked to
see the levity with which these western barbarians treated the face of
their sovereign, reproduced on the coins, and the recklessness with which
they put it in the hands of the first comer, without troubling themselves
in the least whether or not he would shew it due respect.”(345) In
Minahassa, a district of Celebes, many chiefs are reluctant to be
photographed, believing that if that were done they would soon die. For
they imagine that, were the photograph lost by its owner and found by
somebody else, whatever injury the finder chose to do to the portrait
would equally affect the person whom it represented.(346) Mortal terror
was depicted on the faces of the Battas upon whom von Brenner turned the
lens of his camera; they thought he wished to carry off their shadows or
spirits in a little box.(347) When Dr. Nieuwenhuis attempted to photograph
the Kayans or Bahaus of central Borneo, they were much alarmed, fearing
that their souls would follow their photographs into the far country and
that their deserted bodies would fall sick. Further, they imagined that
possessing their likenesses the explorer would be able by magic art to
work on the originals at a distance.(348)
(M68) Beliefs of the same sort still linger in various parts of Europe.
Not very many years ago some old women in the Greek island of Carpathus
were very angry at having their likenesses drawn, thinking that in
consequence they would pine and die.(349) It is a German superstition that
if you have your portrait painted, you will die.(350) Some people in
Russia object to having their silhouettes taken, fearing that if this is
done they will die before the year is out.(351) In Albania Miss Durham
sketched an old man who boasted of being a hundred and ten years old. When
every one recognised the likeness, a look of great anxiety came over the
patriarch’s face, and most earnestly he besought the artist never to
destroy the sketch, for he was certain that the moment the sketch was torn
he would drop down dead.(352) An artist in England once vainly attempted
to sketch a gypsy girl. “I won’t have her drawed out,” said the girl’s
aunt. “I told her I’d make her scrawl the earth before me, if ever she let
herself be drawed out again.” “Why, what harm can there be?” “I know
there’s a fiz (a charm) in it. There was my youngest, that the gorja
drawed out on Newmarket Heath, she never held her head up after, but
wasted away, and died, and she’s buried in March churchyard.”(353) There
are persons in the West of Scotland “who refuse to have their likenesses
taken lest it prove unlucky; and give as instances the cases of several of
their friends who never had a day’s health after being photographed.”(354)
CHAPTER III. TABOOED ACTS.
§ 1. Taboos on Intercourse with Strangers.
(M69) So much for the primitive conceptions of the soul and the dangers to
which it is exposed. These conceptions are not limited to one people or
country; with variations of detail they are found all over the world, and
survive, as we have seen, in modern Europe. Beliefs so deep-seated and so
widespread must necessarily have contributed to shape the mould in which
the early kingship was cast. For if every person was at such pains to save
his own soul from the perils which threatened it on so many sides, how
much more carefully must _he_ have been guarded upon whose life hung the
welfare and even the existence of the whole people, and whom therefore it
was the common interest of all to preserve? Therefore we should expect to
find the king’s life protected by a system of precautions or safeguards
still more numerous and minute than those which in primitive society every
man adopts for the safety of his own soul. Now in point of fact the life
of the early kings is regulated, as we have seen and shall see more fully
presently, by a very exact code of rules. May we not then conjecture that
these rules are in fact the very safeguards which we should expect to find
adopted for the protection of the king’s life? An examination of the rules
themselves confirms this conjecture. For from this it appears that some of
the rules observed by the kings are identical with those observed by
private persons out of regard for the safety of their souls; and even of
those which seem peculiar to the king, many, if not all, are most readily
explained on the hypothesis that they are nothing but safeguards or
lifeguards of the king. I will now enumerate some of these royal rules or
taboos, offering on each of them such comments and explanations as may
serve to set the original intention of the rule in its proper light.
(M70) As the object of the royal taboos is to isolate the king from all
sources of danger, their general effect is to compel him to live in a
state of seclusion, more or less complete, according to the number and
stringency of the rules he observes. Now of all sources of danger none are
more dreaded by the savage than magic and witchcraft, and he suspects all
strangers of practising these black arts. To guard against the baneful
influence exerted voluntarily or involuntarily by strangers is therefore
an elementary dictate of savage prudence. Hence before strangers are
allowed to enter a district, or at least before they are permitted to
mingle freely with the inhabitants, certain ceremonies are often performed
by the natives of the country for the purpose of disarming the strangers
of their magical powers, of counteracting the baneful influence which is
believed to emanate from them, or of disinfecting, so to speak, the
tainted atmosphere by which they are supposed to be surrounded. Thus, when
the ambassadors sent by Justin II., Emperor of the East, to conclude a
peace with the Turks had reached their destination, they were received by
shamans, who subjected them to a ceremonial purification for the purpose
of exorcising all harmful influence. Having deposited the goods brought by
the ambassadors in an open place, these wizards carried burning branches
of incense round them, while they rang a bell and beat on a tambourine,
snorting and falling into a state of frenzy in their efforts to dispel the
powers of evil. Afterwards they purified the ambassadors themselves by
leading them through the flames.(355) In the island of Nanumea (South
Pacific) strangers from ships or from other islands were not allowed to
communicate with the people until they all, or a few as representatives of
the rest, had been taken to each of the four temples in the island, and
prayers offered that the god would avert any disease or treachery which
these strangers might have brought with them. Meat offerings were also
laid upon the altars, accompanied by songs and dances in honour of the
god. While these ceremonies were going on, all the people except the
priests and their attendants kept out of sight.(356) On returning from an
attempted ascent of the great African mountain Kilimanjaro, which is
believed by the neighbouring tribes to be tenanted by dangerous demons,
Mr. New and his party, as soon as they reached the border of the inhabited
country, were disenchanted by the inhabitants, being sprinkled with “a
professionally prepared liquor, supposed to possess the potency of
neutralising evil influences, and removing the spell of wicked
spirits.”(357) In the interior of Yoruba (West Africa) the sentinels at
the gates of towns often oblige European travellers to wait till nightfall
before they admit them, fearing that if the strangers were admitted by day
the devil would enter behind them.(358) The whole Mahafaly country in
Madagascar used to be tabooed to strangers of the white race, the natives
imagining that the intrusion of a white man would immediately cause the
death of their king. The traveller Bastard had the greatest difficulty in
overcoming the reluctance of the natives to allow him to enter their land
and especially to visit their holy city.(359) Amongst the Ot Danoms of
Borneo it is the custom that strangers entering the territory should pay
to the natives a certain sum, which is spent in the sacrifice of buffaloes
or pigs to the spirits of the land and water, in order to reconcile them
to the presence of the strangers, and to induce them not to withdraw their
favour from the people of the country, but to bless the rice-harvest, and
so forth.(360) The men of a certain district in Borneo, fearing to look
upon a European traveller lest he should make them ill, warned their wives
and children not to go near him. Those who could not restrain their
curiosity killed fowls to appease the evil spirits and smeared themselves
with the blood.(361) “More dreaded,” says a traveller in central Borneo,
“than the evil spirits of the neighbourhood are the evil spirits from a
distance which accompany travellers. When a company from the middle
Mahakam river visited me among the Blu-u Kayans in the year 1897, no woman
shewed herself outside her house without a burning bundle of _plehiding_
bark, the stinking smoke of which drives away evil spirits.”(362) In Laos,
before a stranger can be accorded hospitality, the master of the house
must offer sacrifice to the ancestral spirits; otherwise the spirits would
be offended and would send disease on the inmates.(363) When Madame
Pfeiffer arrived at the village of Hali-Bonar, among the Battas of
Sumatra, a buffalo was killed and the liver offered to her. Then a
ceremony was performed to propitiate the evil spirits. Two young men
danced, and one of them in dancing sprinkled water from a buffalo’s horn
on the visitor and the spectators.(364) In the Mentawei Islands, when a
stranger enters a house where there are children, the father or other
member of the family takes the ornament which the children wear in their
hair and hands it to the stranger, who holds it in his hands for a while
and then gives it back to him. This is thought to protect the children
from the evil effect which the sight of a stranger might have upon
them.(365) When a Dutch steamship was approaching their villages, the
people of Biak, an island off the north coast of New Guinea, shook and
knocked their idols about in order to ward off ill-luck.(366) At
Shepherd’s Isle Captain Moresby had to be disenchanted before he was
allowed to land his boat’s crew. When he leaped ashore, a devil-man seized
his right hand and waved a bunch of palm leaves over the captain’s head.
Then “he placed the leaves in my left hand, putting a small green twig
into his mouth, still holding me fast, and then, as if with great effort,
drew the twig from his mouth—this was extracting the evil spirit—after
which he blew violently, as if to speed it away. I now held a twig between
my teeth, and he went through the same process.” Then the two raced round
a couple of sticks fixed in the ground and bent to an angle at the top,
which had leaves tied to it. After some more ceremonies the devil-man
concluded by leaping to the level of Captain Moresby’s shoulders (his
hands resting on the captain’s shoulders) several times, “as if to show
that he had conquered the devil, and was now trampling him into the
earth.”(367) North American Indians “have an idea that strangers,
particularly white strangers, are ofttimes accompanied by evil spirits. Of
these they have great dread, as creating and delighting in mischief. One
of the duties of the medicine chief is to exorcise these spirits. I have
sometimes ridden into or through a camp where I was unknown or unexpected,
to be confronted by a tall, half-naked savage, standing in the middle of
the circle of lodges, and yelling in a sing-song, nasal tone, a string of
unintelligible words.”(368)
(M71) When Crevaux was travelling in South America he entered a village of
the Apalai Indians. A few moments after his arrival some of the Indians
brought him a number of large black ants, of a species whose bite is
painful, fastened on palm leaves. Then all the people of the village,
without distinction of age or sex, presented themselves to him, and he had
to sting them all with the ants on their faces, thighs, and other parts of
their bodies. Sometimes when he applied the ants too tenderly they called
out “More! more!” and were not satisfied till their skin was thickly
studded with tiny swellings like what might have been produced by whipping
them with nettles.(369) The object of this ceremony is made plain by the
custom observed in Amboyna and Uliase of sprinkling sick people with
pungent spices, such as ginger and cloves, chewed fine, in order by the
prickling sensation to drive away the demon of disease which may be
clinging to their persons.(370) In Java a popular cure for gout or
rheumatism is to rub Spanish pepper into the nails of the fingers and toes
of the sufferer; the pungency of the pepper is supposed to be too much for
the gout or rheumatism, who accordingly departs in haste.(371) So on the
Slave Coast of Africa the mother of a sick child sometimes believes that
an evil spirit has taken possession of the child’s body, and in order to
drive him out, she makes small cuts in the body of the little sufferer and
inserts green peppers or spices in the wounds, believing that she will
thereby hurt the evil spirit and force him to be gone. The poor child
naturally screams with pain, but the mother hardens her heart in the
belief that the demon is suffering equally.(372) In Hawaii a patient is
sometimes pricked with bamboo needles for the sake of hurting and
expelling a refractory demon who is lurking in the sufferer’s body and
making him ill.(373) Dyak sorceresses in south-eastern Borneo will
sometimes slash the body of a sick man with sharp knives in order, it is
said, to allow the demon of disease to escape through the cuts;(374) but
perhaps the notion rather is to make the present quarters of the spirit
too hot for him. With a similar intention some of the natives of Borneo
and Celebes sprinkle rice upon the head or body of a person supposed to be
infested by dangerous spirits; a fowl is then brought, which, by picking
up the rice from the person’s head or body, removes along with it the
spirit or ghost which is clinging like a burr to his skin. This is done,
for example, to persons who have attended a funeral, and who may therefore
be supposed to be infested by the ghost of the deceased.(375) Similarly
Basutos, who have carried a corpse to the grave, have their hands
scratched with a knife from the tip of the thumb to the tip of the
forefinger, and magic stuff is rubbed into the wound,(376) for the
purpose, no doubt, of removing the ghost which may be adhering to their
skin. Among the Barotse of south-eastern Africa a few days after a funeral
the sorcerer makes an incision in the forehead of each surviving member of
the family and fills it with medicine, “in order to ward off contagion and
the effect of the sorcery which caused the death.”(377) When
elephant-hunters in East Africa have killed an elephant they get upon its
carcase, make little cuts in their toes, and rub gunpowder into the cuts.
This is done with the double intention of counteracting any evil influence
that may emanate from the dead elephant, and of acquiring thereby the
fleetness of foot possessed by the animal in its life.(378) The people of
Nias carefully scrub and scour the weapons and clothes which they buy, in
order to efface all connexion between the things and the persons from whom
they bought them.(379)
(M72) It is probable that the same dread of strangers, rather than any
desire to do them honour, is the motive of certain ceremonies which are
sometimes observed at their reception, but of which the intention is not
directly stated. In the Ongtong Java Islands, which are inhabited by
Polynesians, and lie a little to the north of the Solomon Islands, the
priests or sorcerers seem to wield great influence. Their main business is
to summon or exorcise spirits for the purpose of averting or dispelling
sickness, and of procuring favourable winds, a good catch of fish, and so
on. When strangers land on the islands, they are first of all received by
the sorcerers, sprinkled with water, anointed with oil, and girt with
dried pandanus leaves. At the same time sand and water are freely thrown
about in all directions, and the newcomer and his boat are wiped with
green leaves. After this ceremony the strangers are introduced by the
sorcerers to the chief.(380) In Afghanistan and in some parts of Persia
the traveller, before he enters a village, is frequently received with a
sacrifice of animal life or food, or of fire and incense. The Afghan
Boundary Mission, in passing by villages in Afghanistan, was often met
with fire and incense.(381) Sometimes a tray of lighted embers is thrown
under the hoofs of the traveller’s horse, with the words, “You are
welcome.”(382) On entering a village in central Africa Emin Pasha was
received with the sacrifice of two goats; their blood was sprinkled on the
path and the chief stepped over the blood to greet Emin.(383) Before
strangers entered the country or city of Benin, custom compelled them to
have their feet washed; sometimes the ceremony was performed in a sacred
place.(384) Amongst the Esquimaux of Cumberland Inlet, when a stranger
arrives at an encampment, the sorcerer goes out to meet him. The stranger
folds his arms and inclines his head to one side, so as to expose his
cheek, upon which the magician deals a terrible blow, sometimes felling
him to the ground. Next the sorcerer in his turn presents his cheek to the
smiter and receives a buffet from the stranger. Then they kiss each other,
the ceremony is over, and the stranger is hospitably received by all.(385)
Sometimes the dread of strangers and their magic is too great to allow of
their reception on any terms. Thus when Speke arrived at a certain
village, the natives shut their doors against him, “because they had never
before seen a white man nor the tin boxes that the men were carrying: ‘Who
knows,’ they said, ‘but that these very boxes are the plundering Watuta
transformed and come to kill us? You cannot be admitted.’ No persuasion
could avail with them, and the party had to proceed to the next
village.”(386)
(M73) The fear thus entertained of alien visitors is often mutual.
Entering a strange land the savage feels that he is treading enchanted
ground, and he takes steps to guard against the demons that haunt it and
the magical arts of its inhabitants. Thus on going to a strange land the
Maoris performed certain ceremonies to make it _noa_ (common), lest it
might have been previously _tapu_ (sacred).(387) When Baron
Miklucho-Maclay was approaching a village on the Maclay Coast of New
Guinea, one of the natives who accompanied him broke a branch from a tree
and going aside whispered to it for a while; then stepping up to each
member of the party, one after another, he spat something upon his back
and gave him some blows with the branch. Lastly, he went into the forest
and buried the branch under withered leaves in the thickest part of the
jungle. This ceremony was believed to protect the party against all
treachery and danger in the village they were approaching.(388) The idea
probably was that the malignant influences were drawn off from the persons
into the branch and buried with it in the depths of the forest. Before
Stuhlmann and his companions entered the territory of the Wanyamwesi in
central Africa, one of his men killed a white cock and buried it in a pot
just at the boundary.(389) In Australia, when a strange tribe has been
invited into a district and is approaching the encampment of the tribe
which owns the land, “the strangers carry lighted bark or burning sticks
in their hands, for the purpose, they say, of clearing and purifying the
air.”(390) On the coast of Victoria there is a tract of country between
the La Trobe River and the Yarra River, which some of the aborigines
called the Bad Country. It was supposed to act injuriously on strangers.
Hence when a man of another clan entered it he needed some one of the
natives to look after him; and if his guardian went away from the camp, he
deputed another to take his place. During his first visit, before he
became as it were acclimatised, the visitor did nothing for himself as to
food, drinking-water, or lodging. He was painted with a band of white
pipe-clay across the face below the eyes, and had to learn the Nulit
language before going further. He slept on a thick layer of leaves so that
he should not touch the ground; and he was fed with flesh-meat from the
point of a burnt stick, which he removed with his teeth, not with his
lips. His drinking-water was drawn from a small hole in the ground by his
entertainers, and they made it muddy by stirring it with a stick. He might
only take three mouthfuls at a time, each of which he had to let slowly
trickle down his throat. If he did otherwise, his throat would close
up.(391) The Kayans and Kenyahs of Borneo think it well to conciliate the
spirit of the land when they enter a strange country. “The old men,
indeed, trusting to the protection afforded by omens, are in little need
of further aid, but when young boys are brought into a new river of
importance, the hospitality of the local demons is invoked. The Kayans
make an offering of fowls’ eggs, which must not be bought on the spot, but
are carried from the house, sometimes for distances so long that the
devotion of the travellers is more apparent than their presents to the
spirits of the land. Each boy takes an egg and puts it in a bamboo split
at the end into four, while one of the older men calls upon the hills,
rocks, trees, and streams to hear him and to witness the offering. Careful
to disguise the true nature of the gift, he speaks of it as _ovē_, a yam,
using a form of words fixed by usage. ‘Omen bird,’ he shouts into the air,
‘we have brought you these boys. It is on their account only that we have
prepared this feast. Harm them not; make things go pleasantly; and they
give you the usual offering of a yam. I give this to the country.’ The
little ceremony is performed behind the hut where the night is spent, and
the boys wait about for the charm to take effect. The custom of the
Kenyahs shows the same feeling for the unknown and unseen spirits that are
supposed to abound. A fowl’s feathers, one for each boy, are held by an
old man, while the youngsters touch his arm. The invocation is quite a
powerful example of native rhetoric: ‘Smooth away trouble, ye mystic
mountains, hills, valleys, soil, rocks, trees. Shield the lives of the
children who have come hither.’ ”(392) When the Toradjas of central
Celebes are on a head-hunting expedition and have entered the enemy’s
country, they may not eat any fruits which the foe has planted nor any
animal which he has reared until they have first committed an act of
hostility, as by burning a house or killing a man. They think that if they
broke this rule they would receive something of the soul or spiritual
essence of the enemy into themselves, which would destroy the mystic
virtue of their talismans.(393) It is said that just before Greek armies
advanced to the shock of battle, a man bearing a lighted torch stepped out
from either side and threw his torch into the space between the hosts.
Then they retired unmolested, for they were thought to be sacred to Ares
and inviolable.(394) Now some peoples fancy that when they advance to
battle the spirits of their fathers hover in the van.(395) Hence fire
thrown out in front of the line of battle may be meant to disperse these
shadowy combatants, leaving the issue of the fight to be determined by
more substantial weapons than ghosts can wield. Similarly the fire which
is sometimes borne at the head of an army(396) is perhaps in some cases
intended to dissipate the evil influences, whether magical or spiritual,
with which the air of the enemy’s country may be conceived to teem.
(M74) Again, it is thought that a man who has been on a journey may have
contracted some magic evil from the strangers with whom he has been
brought into contact. Hence, on returning home, before he is readmitted to
the society of his tribe and friends, he has to undergo certain
purificatory ceremonies. Thus the Bechuanas “cleanse or purify themselves
after journeys by shaving their heads, etc., lest they should have
contracted from strangers some evil by witchcraft or sorcery.”(397) In
some parts of western Africa when a man returns home after a long absence,
before he is allowed to visit his wife, he must wash his person with a
particular fluid, and receive from the sorcerer a certain mark on his
forehead, in order to counteract any magic spell which a stranger woman
may have cast on him in his absence, and which might be communicated
through him to the women of his village.(398) Every year about one-third
of the men of the Wanyamwesi tribe make journeys to the east coast of
Africa either as porters or as traffickers. Before he sets out, the
husband smears his cheeks with a sort of meal-porridge, and during his
absence his wife may eat no flesh and must keep for him the sediment of
the porridge in the pot. On their return from the coast the men sprinkle
meal every day on all the paths leading to the camp, for the purpose, it
is supposed, of keeping evil spirits off; and when they reach their homes
the men again smear porridge on their faces, while the women who have
stayed at home strew ashes on their heads.(399) In Uganda, when a man
returns from a journey, his wife takes some of the bark cloths from the
bed of one of his children and lays them on her husband’s bed; and as he
enters the house, he jumps over one of his wives who has children by him,
or over one of his children. If he neglects to do this, one of his
children or one of his wives will die.(400) When Damaras return home after
a long absence, they are given a small portion of the fat of particular
animals, which is supposed to possess certain virtues.(401) A story is
told of a Navajo Indian who, after long wanderings, returned to his own
people. When he came within sight of his house, his people made him stop
and told him not to approach nearer till they had summoned a shaman. When
the shaman was come “ceremonies were performed over the returned wanderer,
and he was washed from head to foot, and dried with corn-meal; for thus do
the Navajo treat all who return to their homes from captivity with another
tribe, in order that all alien substances and influences may be removed
from them. When he had been thus purified he entered the house, and his
people embraced him and wept over him.”(402) Two Hindoo ambassadors, who
had been sent to England by a native prince and had returned to India,
were considered to have so polluted themselves by contact with strangers
that nothing but being born again could restore them to purity. “For the
purpose of regeneration it is directed to make an image of pure gold of
the female power of nature, in the shape either of a woman or of a cow. In
this statue the person to be regenerated is enclosed, and dragged through
the usual channel. As a statue of pure gold and of proper dimensions would
be too expensive, it is sufficient to make an image of the sacred _Yoni_,
through which the person to be regenerated is to pass.” Such an image of
pure gold was made at the prince’s command, and his ambassadors were born
again by being dragged through it.(403) In some of the Moluccas, when a
brother or young blood-relation returns from a long journey, a young girl
awaits him at the door with a _caladi_ leaf in her hand and water in the
leaf. She throws the water over his face and bids him welcome.(404) Among
the Kayans of Borneo, men who have been absent on a long journey are
secluded for four days in a small hut made specially for the purpose
before they are allowed to enter their own house.(405) The natives of
Savage Island (South Pacific) invariably killed, not only all strangers in
distress who were drifted to their shores, but also any of their own
people who had gone away in a ship and returned home. This was done out of
dread of disease. Long after they began to venture out to ships they would
not immediately use the things they obtained from them, but hung them up
in quarantine for weeks in the bush.(406)
(M75) When precautions like these are taken on behalf of the people in
general against the malignant influence supposed to be exercised by
strangers, it is no wonder that special measures are adopted to protect
the king from the same insidious danger. In the middle ages the envoys who
visited a Tartar Khan were obliged to pass between two fires before they
were admitted to his presence, and the gifts they brought were also
carried between the fires. The reason assigned for the custom was that the
fire purged away any magic influence which the strangers might mean to
exercise over the Khan.(407) When subject chiefs come with their retinues
to visit Kalamba (the most powerful chief of the Bashilange in the Congo
Basin) for the first time or after being rebellious, they have to bathe,
men and women together, in two brooks on two successive days, passing the
nights under the open sky in the market-place. After the second bath they
proceed, entirely naked, to the house of Kalamba, who makes a long white
mark on the breast and forehead of each of them. Then they return to the
market-place and dress, after which they undergo the pepper ordeal. Pepper
is dropped into the eyes of each of them, and while this is being done the
sufferer has to make a confession of all his sins, to answer all questions
that may be put to him, and to take certain vows. This ends the ceremony,
and the strangers are now free to take up their quarters in the town for
as long as they choose to remain.(408) Before strangers were admitted to
the presence of Lobengula, king of the Matebeles, they had to be treated
with a sticky green medicine, which was profusely sprinkled over them by
means of a cow’s tail.(409) At Kilema, in eastern Africa, when a stranger
arrives, a medicine is made out of a certain plant or a tree fetched from
a distance, mixed with the blood of a sheep or goat. With this mixture the
stranger is besmeared or besprinkled before he is admitted to the presence
of the king.(410) The king of Monomotapa, in South-East Africa, might not
wear any foreign stuffs for fear of their being poisoned.(411) The king of
Cacongo, in West Africa, might not possess or even touch European goods,
except metals, arms, and articles made of wood and ivory. Persons wearing
foreign stuffs were very careful to keep at a distance from his person,
lest they should touch him.(412) The king of Loango might not look upon
the house of a white man.(413) We have already seen how the native king of
Fernando Po dwells secluded from all contact with the whites in the depths
of an extinct volcano, shunning the very sight of a pale face, which, in
the belief of his subjects, would be instantly fatal to him.(414) In a
wild mountainous district of Java, to the south of Bantam, there exists a
small aboriginal race who have been described as a living antiquity. These
are the Baduwis, who about the year 1443 fled from Bantam to escape
conversion to Islam, and in their mountain fastnesses, holding aloof from
their neighbours, still cleave to the quaint and primitive ways of their
heathen forefathers. Their villages are perched in spots which deep
ravines, lofty precipices, raging torrents, and impenetrable forests
combine to render almost inaccessible. Their hereditary ruler bears the
title of Girang-Pu-un and unites in his hands the temporal and spiritual
power. He must never quit the capital, and none even of his subjects who
live outside the town are ever allowed to see him. Were an alien to set
foot in his dwelling, the place would be desecrated and abandoned. In
former times the representatives of the Dutch Government and the Regent of
Java once paid a visit to the capital of the Baduwis. That very night all
the people fled the place and never returned.(415)
§ 2. Taboos on Eating and Drinking.
(M76) In the opinion of savages the acts of eating and drinking are
attended with special danger; for at these times the soul may escape from
the mouth, or be extracted by the magic arts of an enemy present. Among
the Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast “the common belief seems to be
that the indwelling spirit leaves the body and returns to it through the
mouth; hence, should it have gone out, it behoves a man to be careful
about opening his mouth, lest a homeless spirit should take advantage of
the opportunity and enter his body. This, it appears, is considered most
likely to take place while the man is eating.”(416) Precautions are
therefore taken to guard against these dangers. Thus of the Battas of
Sumatra it is said that “since the soul can leave the body, they always
take care to prevent their soul from straying on occasions when they have
most need of it. But it is only possible to prevent the soul from straying
when one is in the house. At feasts one may find the whole house shut up,
in order that the soul (_tondi_) may stay and enjoy the good things set
before it.”(417) The Zafimanelo in Madagascar lock their doors when they
eat, and hardly any one ever sees them eating.(418) In Shoa, one of the
southern provinces of Abyssinia, the doors of the house are scrupulously
barred at meals to exclude the evil eye, and a fire is invariably lighted,
else devils would enter and there would be no blessing on the meat.(419)
Every time that an Abyssinian of rank drinks, a servant holds a cloth
before his master to guard him from the evil eye.(420) The Warua will not
allow any one to see them eating and drinking, being doubly particular
that no person of the opposite sex shall see them doing so. “I had to pay
a man to let me see him drink; I could not make a man let a woman see him
drink.” When offered a drink of _pombe_ they often ask that a cloth may be
held up to hide them whilst drinking. Further, every man and woman must
cook for themselves; each person must have his own fire.(421) The Tuaregs
of the Sahara never eat or drink in presence of any one else.(422) The
Thompson Indians of British Columbia thought that a shaman could bewitch
them most easily when they were eating, drinking, or smoking; hence they
avoided doing any of these things in presence of an unknown shaman.(423)
In Fiji persons who suspected others of plotting against them avoided
eating in their presence, or were careful to leave no fragment of food
behind.(424)
(M77) If these are the ordinary precautions taken by common people, the
precautions taken by kings are extraordinary. The king of Loango may not
be seen eating or drinking by man or beast under pain of death. A
favourite dog having broken into the room where the king was dining, the
king ordered it to be killed on the spot. Once the king’s own son, a boy
of twelve years old, inadvertently saw the king drink. Immediately the
king ordered him to be finely apparelled and feasted, after which he
commanded him to be cut in quarters, and carried about the city with a
proclamation that he had seen the king drink. “When the king has a mind to
drink, he has a cup of wine brought; he that brings it has a bell in his
hand, and as soon as he has delivered the cup to the king, he turns his
face from him and rings the bell, on which all present fall down with
their faces to the ground, and continue so till the king has drank.... His
eating is much in the same style, for which he has a house on purpose,
where his victuals are set upon a bensa or table: which he goes to, and
shuts the door: when he has done, he knocks and comes out. So that none
ever see the king eat or drink. For it is believed that if any one should,
the king shall immediately die.” The remnants of his food are buried,
doubtless to prevent them from falling into the hands of sorcerers, who by
means of these fragments might cast a fatal spell over the monarch.(425)
The rules observed by the neighbouring king of Cacongo were similar; it
was thought that the king would die if any of his subjects were to see him
drink.(426) It is a capital offence to see the king of Dahomey at his
meals. When he drinks in public, as he does on extraordinary occasions, he
hides himself behind a curtain, or handkerchiefs are held up round his
head, and all the people throw themselves with their faces to the
earth.(427) Any one who saw the Muata Jamwo (a great potentate in the
Congo Basin) eating or drinking would certainly be put to death.(428) When
the king (_Muata_) of Cazembe raises his glass to his mouth to drink, all
who are present prostrate themselves and avert their faces in such a
manner as not to see him drinking.(429) At Asaba, on the Lower Niger,
where the kings or chiefs number fully four hundred, no one is allowed to
prepare the royal dishes. The chiefs act as their own cooks and eat in the
strictest privacy.(430) The king and royal family of Walo, on the Senegal,
never take their meals in public; it is expressly forbidden to see them
eating.(431) Among the Monbutto of central Africa the king invariably
takes his meals in private; no one may see the contents of his dish, and
all that he leaves is carefully thrown into a pit set apart for that
purpose. Everything that the king has handled is held sacred and may not
be touched.(432) When the king of Unyoro in central Africa went to drink
milk in the dairy, every man must leave the royal enclosure and all the
women had to cover their heads till the king returned. No one might see
him drink. One wife accompanied him to the dairy and handed him the
milk-pot, but she turned away her face while he drained it.(433) The king
of Susa, a region to the south of Abyssinia, presides daily at the feast
in the long banqueting-hall, but is hidden from the gaze of his subjects
by a curtain.(434) Among the Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast the
person of the king is sacred, and if he drinks in public every one must
turn away the head so as not to see him, while some of the women of the
court hold up a cloth before him as a screen. He never eats in public, and
the people pretend to believe that he neither eats nor sleeps. It is
criminal to say the contrary.(435) When the king of Tonga ate, all the
people turned their backs to him.(436) In the palace of the Persian kings
there were two dining-rooms opposite each other; in one of them the king
dined, in the other his guests. He could see them through a curtain on the
door, but they could not see him. Generally the king took his meals alone;
but sometimes his wife or some of his sons dined with him.(437)
§ 3. Taboos on shewing the Face.
(M78) In some of the preceding cases the intention of eating and drinking
in strict seclusion may perhaps be to hinder evil influences from entering
the body rather than to prevent the escape of the soul. This certainly is
the motive of some drinking customs observed by natives of the Congo
region. Thus we are told of these people that “there is hardly a native
who would dare to swallow a liquid without first conjuring the spirits.
One of them rings a bell all the time he is drinking; another crouches
down and places his left hand on the earth; another veils his head;
another puts a stalk of grass or a leaf in his hair, or marks his forehead
with a line of clay. This fetish custom assumes very varied forms. To
explain them, the black is satisfied to say that they are an energetic
mode of conjuring spirits.” In this part of the world a chief will
commonly ring a bell at each draught of beer which he swallows, and at the
same moment a lad stationed in front of him brandishes a spear “to keep at
bay the spirits which might try to sneak into the old chief’s body by the
same road as the _massanga_ (beer).”(438) The same motive of warding off
evil spirits probably explains the custom observed by some African sultans
of veiling their faces. The Sultan of Darfur wraps up his face with a
piece of white muslin, which goes round his head several times, covering
his mouth and nose first, and then his forehead, so that only his eyes are
visible. The same custom of veiling the face as a mark of sovereignty is
said to be observed in other parts of central Africa.(439) The Sultan of
Wadai always speaks from behind a curtain; no one sees his face except his
intimates and a few favoured persons.(440) Similarly the Sultan of Bornu
never shewed himself to his people and only spoke to them from behind a
curtain.(441) The king of Chonga, a town on the right bank of the Niger
above Egga, may not be seen by his subjects nor by strangers. At an
interview he sits in his palace concealed by a mat which hangs like a
curtain, and from behind it he converses with his visitor.(442) The Muysca
Indians of Colombia had such a respect for their chiefs that they dared
not lift their eyes on them, but always turned their backs when they had
to address them. If a thief, after repeated punishments, proved
incorrigible, they took him to the chief, and one of the nobles, turning
the culprit round, said to him, “Since you think yourself so great a lord
that you have the right to break the laws, you have the right to look at
the chief.” From that moment the criminal was regarded as infamous. Nobody
would have anything to do with him or even speak to him, and he died an
outcast.(443) Montezuma was revered by his subjects as a god, and he set
so much store on their reverence that if on going out of the city he saw a
man lift up his eyes on him, he had the rash gazer put to death. He
generally lived in the retirement of his palace, seldom shewing himself.
On the days when he went to visit his gardens, he was carried in a litter
through a street which was enclosed by walls; none but his bearers had the
right to pass along that street.(444) It was a law of the Medes that their
king should be seen by nobody.(445) The king of Jebu, on the Slave Coast
of West Africa, is surrounded by a great deal of mystery. Until lately his
face might not be seen even by his own subjects, and if circumstances
compelled him to communicate with them he did so through a screen which
concealed him from view. Now, though his face may be seen, it is customary
to hide his body; and at audiences a cloth is held before him so as to
conceal him from the neck downwards, and it is raised so as to cover him
altogether whenever he coughs, sneezes, spits, or takes snuff. His face is
partially hidden by a conical cap with hanging strings of beads.(446)
Amongst the Tuaregs of the Sahara all the men (but not the women) keep the
lower part of their face, especially the mouth, veiled constantly; the
veil is never put off, not even in eating or sleeping.(447) Among the
Arabs men remarkable for their good looks have been known to veil their
faces, especially at festivals and markets, in order to protect themselves
against the evil eye.(448) The same reason may explain the custom of
muffling their faces which has been observed by Arab women from the
earliest times(449) and by the women of Boeotian Thebes in antiquity.(450)
In Samoa a man whose family god was the turtle might not eat a turtle, and
if he helped a neighbour to cut up and cook one he had to wear a bandage
tied over his mouth lest an embryo turtle should slip down his throat,
grow up, and be his death.(451) In West Timor a speaker holds his right
hand before his mouth in speaking lest a demon should enter his body, and
lest the person with whom he converses should harm the speaker’s soul by
magic.(452) In New South Wales for some time after his initiation into the
tribal mysteries, a young blackfellow (whose soul at this time is in a
critical state) must always cover his mouth with a rug when a woman is
present.(453) We have already seen how common is the notion that the life
or soul may escape by the mouth or nostrils.(454)
§ 4. Taboos on quitting the House.
(M79) By an extension of the like precaution kings are sometimes forbidden
ever to leave their palaces; or, if they are allowed to do so, their
subjects are forbidden to see them abroad. We have seen that the priestly
king at Shark Point, West Africa, may never quit his house or even his
chair, in which he is obliged to sleep sitting; and that the king of
Fernando Po, whom no white man may see, is reported to be confined to his
house with shackles on his legs.(455) The fetish king of Benin, who was
worshipped as a deity by his subjects, might not quit his palace.(456)
After his coronation the king of Loango is confined to his palace, which
he may not leave.(457) The king of Onitsha, on the Niger, “does not step
out of his house into the town unless a human sacrifice is made to
propitiate the gods: on this account he never goes out beyond the
precincts of his premises.”(458) Indeed we are told that he may not quit
his palace under pain of death or of giving up one or more slaves to be
executed in his presence. As the wealth of the country is measured in
slaves, the king takes good care not to infringe the law. One day the
monarch, charmed by some presents which he had received from a French
officer, politely attended his visitor to the gate, and in a moment of
forgetfulness was about to break bounds, when his chamberlain, seizing his
majesty by his legs, and his wives, friends, and servants rushing up,
prevented him from taking so fatal a step. Yet once a year at the Feast of
Yams the king is allowed, and even required by custom, to dance before his
people outside the high mud wall of the palace. In dancing he carries a
great weight, generally a sack of earth, on his back to prove that he is
still able to support the burden and cares of state. Were he unable to
discharge this duty, he would be immediately deposed and perhaps
stoned.(459) The Tomas or Habes, a hardy race of mountaineers who inhabit
Mount Bandiagara in Nigeria, revere a great fetish doctor called the Ogom,
who is not suffered to quit his house on any pretext.(460) Among the
natives of the Cross River in Southern Nigeria the sacred chiefs of
certain villages are confined to their compounds, that is, to the
enclosures in which their houses are built. Such chiefs may be confined
for years within these narrow bounds. “Among these primitive people, the
head chief is often looked upon as half divine, the human representative
of their ancestral god. He regulates their religious rites, and is by some
tribes believed to have the power of making rain fall when they require
it, and of bringing them good harvests. So, being of such value to the
community, he is not permitted, except on very rare occasions, to go
outside his compound, lest evil should befall him, and the whole town have
to suffer.”(461) The kings of Ethiopia were worshipped as gods, but were
mostly kept shut up in their palaces.(462) On the mountainous coast of
Pontus there dwelt in antiquity a rude and warlike people named the Mosyni
or Mosynoeci, through whose rugged country the Ten Thousand marched on
their famous retreat from Asia to Europe. These barbarians kept their king
in close custody at the top of a high tower, from which after his election
he was never more allowed to descend. Here he dispensed justice to his
people; but if he offended them, they punished him by stopping his rations
for a whole day, or even starving him to death.(463) The kings of Sabaea
or Sheba, the spice country of Arabia, were not allowed to go out of their
palaces; if they did so, the mob stoned them to death.(464) But at the top
of the palace there was a window with a chain attached to it. If any man
deemed he had suffered wrong, he pulled the chain, and the king perceived
him and called him in and gave judgment.(465) So down to recent times the
kings of Corea, whose persons were sacred and received “honours almost
divine,” were shut up in their palace from the age of twelve or fifteen;
and if a suitor wished to obtain justice of the king he sometimes lit a
great bonfire on a mountain facing the palace; the king saw the fire and
informed himself of the case.(466) The Emperor of China seldom quits his
palace, and when he does so, no one may look at him; even the guards who
line the road must turn their backs.(467) The king of Tonquin was
permitted to appear abroad twice or thrice a year for the performance of
certain religious ceremonies; but the people were not allowed to look at
him. The day before he came forth notice was given to all the inhabitants
of the city and country to keep from the way the king was to go; the women
were obliged to remain in their houses and durst not shew themselves under
pain of death, a penalty which was carried out on the spot if any one
disobeyed the order, even through ignorance. Thus the king was invisible
to all but his troops and the officers of his suite.(468) In Mandalay a
stout lattice-paling, six feet high and carefully kept in repair, lined
every street in the walled city and all those streets in the suburbs
through which the king was likely at any time to pass. Behind this paling,
which stood two feet or so from the houses, all the people had to stay
when the king or any of the queens went out. Any one who was caught
outside it by the beadles after the procession had started was severely
handled, and might think himself lucky if he got off with a beating.
Nobody was supposed to peep through the holes in the lattice-work, which
were besides partly stopped up with flowering shrubs.(469)
§ 5. Taboos on leaving Food over.
(M80) Again, magic mischief may be wrought upon a man through the remains
of the food he has partaken of, or the dishes out of which he has eaten.
On the principles of sympathetic magic a real connexion continues to
subsist between the food which a man has in his stomach and the refuse of
it which he has left untouched, and hence by injuring the refuse you can
simultaneously injure the eater. Among the Narrinyeri of South Australia
every adult is constantly on the look-out for bones of beasts, birds, or
fish, of which the flesh has been eaten by somebody, in order to construct
a deadly charm out of them. Every one is therefore careful to burn the
bones of the animals which he has eaten lest they should fall into the
hands of a sorcerer. Too often, however, the sorcerer succeeds in getting
hold of such a bone, and when he does so he believes that he has the power
of life and death over the man, woman, or child who ate the flesh of the
animal. To put the charm in operation he makes a paste of red ochre and
fish oil, inserts in it the eye of a cod and a small piece of the flesh of
a corpse, and having rolled the compound into a ball sticks it on the top
of the bone. After being left for some time in the bosom of a dead body,
in order that it may derive a deadly potency by contact with corruption,
the magical implement is set up in the ground near the fire, and as the
ball melts, so the person against whom the charm is directed wastes with
disease; if the ball is melted quite away, the victim will die. When the
bewitched man learns of the spell that is being cast upon him, he
endeavours to buy the bone from the sorcerer, and if he obtains it he
breaks the charm by throwing the bone into a river or lake.(470) Further,
the Narrinyeri think that if a man eats of the totem animal of his tribe,
and an enemy obtains a portion of the flesh, the latter can make it grow
in the inside of the eater, and so cause his death. Therefore when a man
partakes of his totem he is careful either to eat it all or else to
conceal or destroy the refuse.(471) In the Encounter Bay tribe of South
Australia, when a man cannot get the bone of an animal which his enemy has
eaten, he cooks a bird, beast, or fish, and keeping back one of the
creature’s bones, offers the rest under the guise of friendship to his
enemy. If the man is simple enough to partake of the proffered food, he is
at the mercy of his perfidious foe, who can kill him by placing the
abstracted bone near the fire.(472)
(M81) Ideas and practices of the same sort prevail, or used to prevail, in
Melanesia; all that was needed to injure a man was to bring the leavings
of his food into contact with a malignant ghost or spirit. Hence in the
island of Florida when a scrap of an enemy’s dinner was secreted and
thrown into a haunted place, the man was supposed to fall ill; and in the
New Hebrides if a snake of a certain sort carried away a fragment of food
to a spot sacred to a spirit, the man who had eaten the food would sicken
as the fragment decayed. In Aurora the refuse is made up by the wizard
with certain leaves; as these rot and stink, the man dies. Hence it is, or
was, a constant care with the Melanesians to prevent the remains of their
meals from falling into the hands of persons who bore them a grudge; for
this reason they regularly gave the refuse of food to the pigs.(473) In
Tana, one of the New Hebrides, people bury or throw into the sea the
leavings of their food, lest these should fall into the hands of the
disease-makers. For if a disease-maker finds the remnants of a meal, say
the skin of a banana, he picks it up and burns it slowly in the fire. As
it burns, the person who ate the banana falls ill and sends to the
disease-maker, offering him presents if he will stop burning the banana
skin.(474) In German New Guinea the natives take the utmost care to
destroy or conceal the husks and other remains of their food, lest these
should be found by their enemies and used by them for the injury or
destruction of the eaters. Hence they burn their leavings, throw them into
the sea, or otherwise put them out of harm’s way. To such an extent does
this fear influence them that many people dare not stir beyond the
territory of their own village, lest they should leave behind them on the
land of their neighbours something by means of which a hostile sorcerer
might do them a mischief.(475) Similar fears have led to similar customs
in New Britain and the other islands of what is now called the Bismarck
Archipelago, off the north coast of New Guinea. There also the natives
bury, burn, or throw into the sea the remains of their meals to prevent
them from falling into the hands of magicians; there also the more
superstitious of them will not eat in another village because they dread
the use which a sorcerer might make of their leavings when their back is
turned. This theory has led to an odd practical result; all the cats in
the islands of the Archipelago go about with stumpy tails. The reason of
the peculiarity is this. The natives sometimes roast and eat their cats;
and unscrupulous persons might be tempted to steal a neighbour’s cat in
order to furnish a meal. Accordingly, in the interests of the higher
morality people remove this stumbling-block from the path of their weaker
brothers by docking their cats of a piece of their tails and keeping the
severed portions in a secret place. If now a cat is stolen and eaten, the
lawful owner of the animal has it in his power to avenge the crime: he
need only bury the piece of tail with certain spells in the ground, and
the thief will fall ill. Hence a man will hardly dare to steal and eat a
cat with a stumpy tail, knowing the righteous retribution that would
sooner or later overtake him for so doing.(476)
(M82) From a like fear, no doubt, of sorcery, no one may touch the food
which the king of Loango leaves upon his plate; it is buried in a hole in
the ground. And no one may drink out of the king’s vessel.(477) Similarly,
no man may drink out of the same cup or glass with the king of Fida
(Whydah) in Guinea; “he hath always one kept particularly for himself; and
that which hath but once touched another’s lips he never uses more, though
it be made of metal that may be cleansed by fire.”(478) Amongst the
Alfoors of Celebes there is a priest called the _Leleen_, whose duty
appears to be to make the rice grow. His functions begin about a month
before the rice is sown, and end after the crop is housed. During this
time he has to observe certain taboos; amongst others he may not eat or
drink with any one else, and he may drink out of no vessel but his
own.(479) An ancient Indian way of injuring an enemy was to offer him a
meal of rice and afterwards throw the remains of the rice into a fishpond;
if the fish swam up in large numbers to devour the grains, the man’s fate
was sealed.(480) In antiquity the Romans used immediately to break the
shells of eggs and of snails which they had eaten in order to prevent
enemies from making magic with them.(481) The common practice, still
observed among us, of breaking egg-shells after the eggs have been eaten
may very well have originated in the same superstition.
(M83) The superstitious fear of the magic that may be wrought on a man
through the leavings of his food has had the beneficial effect of inducing
many savages to destroy refuse which, if left to rot, might through its
corruption have proved a real, not a merely imaginary, source of disease
and death. Nor is it only the sanitary condition of a tribe which has
benefited by this superstition; curiously enough the same baseless dread,
the same false notion of causation, has indirectly strengthened the moral
bonds of hospitality, honour, and good faith among men who entertain it.
For it is obvious that no one who intends to harm a man by working magic
on the refuse of his food will himself partake of that food, because if he
did so he would, on the principles of sympathetic magic, suffer equally
with his enemy from any injury done to the refuse. This is the idea which
in primitive society lends sanctity to the bond produced by eating
together; by participation in the same food two men give, as it were,
hostages for their good behaviour; each guarantees the other that he will
devise no mischief against him, since, being physically united with him by
the common food in their stomachs, any harm he might do to his fellow
would recoil on his own head with precisely the same force with which it
fell on the head of his victim. In strict logic, however, the sympathetic
bond lasts only so long as the food is in the stomach of each of the
parties. Hence the covenant formed by eating together is less solemn and
durable than the covenant formed by transfusing the blood of the
covenanting parties into each other’s veins, for this transfusion seems to
knit them together for life.(482)
CHAPTER IV. TABOOED PERSONS.
§ 1. Chiefs and Kings tabooed.
(M84) We have seen that the Mikado’s food was cooked every day in new pots
and served up in new dishes; both pots and dishes were of common clay, in
order that they might be broken or laid aside after they had been once
used. They were generally broken, for it was believed that if any one else
ate his food out of these sacred dishes, his mouth and throat would become
swollen and inflamed. The same ill effect was thought to be experienced by
any one who should wear the Mikado’s clothes without his leave; he would
have swellings and pains all over his body.(483) In Fiji there is a
special name (_kana lama_) for the disease supposed to be caused by eating
out of a chief’s dishes or wearing his clothes. “The throat and body
swell, and the impious person dies. I had a fine mat given to me by a man
who durst not use it because Thakambau’s eldest son had sat upon it. There
was always a family or clan of commoners who were exempt from this danger.
I was talking about this once to Thakambau. ‘Oh yes,’ said he. ‘Here,
So-and-so! come and scratch my back.’ The man scratched; he was one of
those who could do it with impunity.” The name of the men thus highly
privileged was _Na nduka ni_, or the dirt of the chief.(484)
(M85) In the evil effects thus supposed to follow upon the use of the
vessels or clothes of the Mikado and a Fijian chief we see that other side
of the god-man’s character to which attention has been already called. The
divine person is a source of danger as well as of blessing; he must not
only be guarded, he must also be guarded against. His sacred organism, so
delicate that a touch may disorder it, is also, as it were, electrically
charged with a powerful magical or spiritual force which may discharge
itself with fatal effect on whatever comes in contact with it. Accordingly
the isolation of the man-god is quite as necessary for the safety of
others as for his own. His magical virtue is in the strictest sense of the
word contagious: his divinity is a fire, which, under proper restraints,
confers endless blessings, but, if rashly touched or allowed to break
bounds, burns and destroys what it touches. Hence the disastrous effects
supposed to attend a breach of taboo; the offender has thrust his hand
into the divine fire, which shrivels up and consumes him on the spot. The
Nubas, for example, who inhabit the wooded and fertile range of Jebel Nuba
in eastern Africa, believe that they would die if they entered the house
of their priestly king; however they can evade the penalty of their
intrusion by baring the left shoulder and getting the king to lay his hand
on it. And were any man to sit on a stone which the king has consecrated
to his own use, the transgressor would die within the year.(485) The
Cazembes, in the interior of Angola, regard their king (the _Muata_ or
_Mambo_) as so holy that no one can touch him without being killed by the
magical power which pervades his sacred person. But since contact with him
is sometimes unavoidable, they have devised a means whereby the sinner can
escape with his life. Kneeling down before the king he touches the back of
the royal hand with the back of his own, then snaps his fingers;
afterwards he lays the palm of his hand on the palm of the king’s hand,
then snaps his fingers again. This ceremony is repeated four or five
times, and averts the imminent danger of death.(486) In Tonga it was
believed that if any one fed himself with his own hands after touching the
sacred person of a superior chief or anything that belonged to him, he
would swell up and die; the sanctity of the chief, like a virulent poison,
infected the hands of his inferior, and, being communicated through them
to the food, proved fatal to the eater. A commoner who had incurred this
danger could disinfect himself by performing a certain ceremony, which
consisted in touching the sole of a chief’s foot with the palm and back of
each of his hands, and afterwards rinsing his hands in water. If there was
no water near, he rubbed his hands with the juicy stem of a plantain or
banana. After that he was free to feed himself with his own hands without
danger of being attacked by the malady which would otherwise follow from
eating with tabooed or sanctified hands. But until the ceremony of
expiation or disinfection had been performed, if he wished to eat, he had
either to get some one to feed him, or else to go down on his knees and
pick up the food from the ground with his mouth like a beast. He might not
even use a toothpick himself, but might guide the hand of another person
holding the toothpick. The Tongans were subject to induration of the liver
and certain forms of scrofula, which they often attributed to a failure to
perform the requisite expiation after having inadvertently touched a chief
or his belongings. Hence they often went through the ceremony as a
precaution, without knowing that they had done anything to call for it.
The king of Tonga could not refuse to play his part in the rite by
presenting his foot to such as desired to touch it, even when they applied
to him at an inconvenient time. A fat unwieldy king, who perceived his
subjects approaching with this intention, while he chanced to be taking
his walks abroad, has been sometimes seen to waddle as fast as his legs
could carry him out of their way, in order to escape the importunate and
not wholly disinterested expression of their homage. If any one fancied he
might have already unwittingly eaten with tabooed hands, he sat down
before the chief, and, taking the chief’s foot, pressed it against his own
stomach, that the food in his belly might not injure him, and that he
might not swell up and die.(487) Since scrofula was regarded by the
Tongans as a result of eating with tabooed hands, we may conjecture that
persons who suffered from it among them often resorted to the touch or
pressure of the king’s foot as a cure for their malady. The analogy of the
custom with the old English practice of bringing scrofulous patients to
the king to be healed by his touch is sufficiently obvious, and suggests,
as I have already pointed out elsewhere, that among our own remote
ancestors scrofula may have obtained its name of the King’s Evil, from a
belief, like that of the Tongans, that it was caused as well as cured by
contact with the divine majesty of kings.(488)
(M86) In New Zealand the dread of the sanctity of chiefs was at least as
great as in Tonga. Their ghostly power, derived from an ancestral spirit
or _atua_, diffused itself by contagion over everything they touched, and
could strike dead all who rashly or unwittingly meddled with it.(489) For
instance, it once happened that a New Zealand chief of high rank and great
sanctity had left the remains of his dinner by the wayside. A slave, a
stout, hungry fellow, coming up after the chief had gone, saw the
unfinished dinner, and ate it up without asking questions. Hardly had he
finished when he was informed by a horror-stricken spectator that the food
of which he had eaten was the chief’s. “I knew the unfortunate delinquent
well. He was remarkable for courage, and had signalised himself in the
wars of the tribe,” but “no sooner did he hear the fatal news than he was
seized by the most extraordinary convulsions and cramp in the stomach,
which never ceased till he died, about sundown the same day. He was a
strong man, in the prime of life, and if any pakeha [European] freethinker
should have said he was not killed by the _tapu_ of the chief, which had
been communicated to the food by contact, he would have been listened to
with feelings of contempt for his ignorance and inability to understand
plain and direct evidence.”(490) This is not a solitary case. A Maori
woman having eaten of some fruit, and being afterwards told that the fruit
had been taken from a tabooed place, exclaimed that the spirit of the
chief, whose sanctity had been thus profaned, would kill her. This was in
the afternoon, and next day by twelve o’clock she was dead.(491) An
observer who knows the Maoris well, says, “Tapu [taboo] is an awful
weapon. I have seen a strong young man die the same day he was tapued; the
victims die under it as though their strength ran out as water.”(492) A
Maori chief’s tinder-box was once the means of killing several persons;
for, having been lost by him, and found by some men who used it to light
their pipes, they died of fright on learning to whom it had belonged. So,
too, the garments of a high New Zealand chief will kill any one else who
wears them. A chief was observed by a missionary to throw down a precipice
a blanket which he found too heavy to carry. Being asked by the missionary
why he did not leave it on a tree for the use of a future traveller, the
chief replied that “it was the fear of its being taken by another which
caused him to throw it where he did, for if it were worn, his tapu” (that
is, his spiritual power communicated by contact to the blanket and through
the blanket to the man) “would kill the person.”(493) For a similar reason
a Maori chief would not blow a fire with his mouth; for his sacred breath
would communicate its sanctity to the fire, which would pass it on to the
pot on the fire, which would pass it on to the meat in the pot, which
would pass it on to the man who ate the meat, which was in the pot, which
stood on the fire, which was breathed on by the chief; so that the eater,
infected by the chief’s breath conveyed through these intermediaries,
would surely die.(494)
(M87) Thus in the Polynesian race, to which the Maoris belong,
superstition erected round the persons of sacred chiefs a real, though at
the same time purely imaginary barrier, to transgress which actually
entailed the death of the transgressor whenever he became aware of what he
had done. This fatal power of the imagination working through
superstitious terrors is by no means confined to one race; it appears to
be common among savages. For example, among the aborigines of Australia a
native will die after the infliction of even the most superficial wound if
only he believes that the weapon which inflicted the wound had been sung
over and thus endowed with magical virtue. He simply lies down, refuses
food, and pines away.(495) Similarly among some of the Indian tribes of
Brazil, if the medicine-man predicted the death of any one who had
offended him, “the wretch took to his hammock instantly in such full
expectation of dying, that he would neither eat nor drink, and the
prediction was a sentence which faith effectually executed.”(496) Speaking
of certain African races Major Leonard observes: “I have seen more than
one hardened old Haussa soldier dying steadily and by inches, because he
believed himself to be bewitched; so that no nourishment or medicines that
were given to him had the slightest effect either to check the mischief or
to improve his condition in any way, and nothing was able to divert him
from a fate which he considered inevitable. In the same way, and under
very similar conditions, I have seen Kru-men and others die, in spite of
every effort that was made to save them, simply because they had made up
their minds, not (as we thought at the time) to die, but that being in the
clutch of malignant demons they were bound to die.”(497) The Capuchin
missionary Merolla da Sorrento, who travelled in the West African kingdom
of Congo in the latter part of the seventeenth century, has described a
remarkable case of death wrought purely by superstitious fear. He says:
“It is a custom that either the parents or the wizards give certain rules
to be inviolably observed by the young people, and which they call
_chegilla_: these are to abstain from eating either some sorts of poultry,
the flesh of some kinds of wild beasts, such and such fruits, roots either
raw or boiled after this or another manner, with several other ridiculous
injunctions of the like nature, too many to be enumerated here. You would
wonder with what religious observance these commands are obeyed. These
young people would sooner chuse to fast several days together, than to
taste the least bit of what has been forbidden them; and if it sometimes
happen that the _chegilla_ has been neglected to have been given them by
their parents, they think they shall presently die unless they go
immediately to receive it from the wizards. A certain young negro, being
upon a journey, lodged in a friend’s house by the way: his friend, before
he went out the next morning, had got a wild hen ready for his breakfast,
they being much better than the tame ones. The negro hereupon demanded,
‘If it were a wild hen?’ His host answered, ‘No’: then he fell on
heartily, and afterwards proceeded on his journey. About four years after
these two met together again, and the aforesaid negro being not yet
married, his old friend asked him, ‘If he would eat a wild hen?’ To which
he answered, ‘That he had received the _chegilla_, and therefore could
not.’ Hereat the host began immediately to laugh, enquiring of him, ‘What
made him refuse it now, when he had eaten one at his table about four
years ago?’ At the hearing of this the negro immediately fell a trembling,
and suffered himself to be so far possessed with the effects of
imagination, that he died in less than twenty-four hours after.”(498)
§ 2. Mourners tabooed.
(M88) Thus regarding his sacred chiefs and kings as charged with a
mysterious spiritual force which so to say explodes at contact, the savage
naturally ranks them among the dangerous classes of society, and imposes
upon them the same sort of restraints that he lays on manslayers,
menstruous women, and other persons whom he looks upon with a certain fear
and horror. For example, sacred kings and priests in Polynesia were not
allowed to touch food with their hands, and had therefore to be fed by
others;(499) and as we have just seen, their vessels, garments, and other
property might not be used by others on pain of disease and death. Now
precisely the same observances are exacted by some savages from girls at
their first menstruation, women after childbirth, homicides, mourners, and
all persons who have come into contact with the dead. Thus, for example,
to begin with the last class of persons, among the Maoris any one who had
handled a corpse, helped to convey it to the grave, or touched a dead
man’s bones, was cut off from all intercourse and almost all communication
with mankind. He could not enter any house, or come into contact with any
person or thing, without utterly bedevilling them. He might not even touch
food with his hands, which had become so frightfully tabooed or unclean as
to be quite useless. Food would be set for him on the ground, and he would
then sit or kneel down, and, with his hands carefully held behind his
back, would gnaw at it as best he could. In some cases he would be fed by
another person, who with outstretched arm contrived to do it without
touching the tabooed man; but the feeder was himself subjected to many
severe restrictions, little less onerous than those which were imposed
upon the other. In almost every populous village there lived a degraded
wretch, the lowest of the low, who earned a sorry pittance by thus waiting
upon the defiled. Clad in rags, daubed from head to foot with red ochre
and stinking shark oil, always solitary and silent, generally old,
haggard, and wizened, often half crazed, he might be seen sitting
motionless all day apart from the common path or thoroughfare of the
village, gazing with lack-lustre eyes on the busy doings in which he might
never take a part. Twice a day a dole of food would be thrown on the
ground before him to munch as well as he could without the use of his
hands; and at night, huddling his greasy tatters about him, he would crawl
into some miserable lair of leaves and refuse, where, dirty, cold, and
hungry, he passed, in broken ghost-haunted slumbers, a wretched night as a
prelude to another wretched day. Such was the only human being deemed fit
to associate at arm’s length with one who had paid the last offices of
respect and friendship to the dead. And when, the dismal term of his
seclusion being over, the mourner was about to mix with his fellows once
more, all the dishes he had used in his seclusion were diligently smashed,
and all the garments he had worn were carefully thrown away, lest they
should spread the contagion of his defilement among others,(500) just as
the vessels and clothes of sacred kings and chiefs are destroyed or cast
away for a similar reason. So complete in these respects is the analogy
which the savage traces between the spiritual influences that emanate from
divinities and from the dead, between the odour of sanctity and the stench
of corruption.
(M89) The rule which forbids persons who have been in contact with the
dead to touch food with their hands would seem to have been universal in
Polynesia. Thus in Samoa “those who attended the deceased were most
careful not to handle food, and for days were fed by others as if they
were helpless infants. Baldness and the loss of teeth were supposed to be
the punishment inflicted by the household god if they violated the
rule.”(501) Again, in Tonga, “no person can touch a dead chief without
being taboo’d for ten lunar months, except chiefs, who are only taboo’d
for three, four, or five months, according to the superiority of the dead
chief; except again it be the body of Tooitonga [the great divine chief],
and then even the greatest chief would be taboo’d ten months, as was the
case with Finow’s wife above mentioned. During the time a man is taboo’d
he must not feed himself with his own hands, but must be fed by somebody
else: he must not even use a toothpick himself, but must guide another
person’s hand holding the toothpick. If he is hungry and there is no one
to feed him, he must go down upon his hands and knees, and pick up his
victuals with his mouth: and if he infringes upon any of these rules, it
is firmly expected that he will swell up and die: and this belief is so
strong that Mr. Mariner thinks no native ever made an experiment to prove
the contrary. They often saw him feed himself with his hands after having
touched dead chiefs, and not observing his health to decline, they
attributed it to his being a foreigner, and being governed by different
gods.”(502) Again, in Wallis Island “contact with a corpse subjects the
hands to the law of taboo till they are washed, which is not done for
several weeks. Until that purification has taken place, the tabooed
persons may not themselves put food to their mouths; other people render
them that service.”(503) A rule of the same sort is or was observed in
various parts of Melanesia. Thus in Fiji the taboo for handling a dead
chief lasted from one to ten months according to his rank; for a commoner
it lasted not more than four days. It was commonly resorted to by the lazy
and idle; for during the time of their seclusion they were not only
provided with food, but were actually fed by attendants or ate their food
from the ground.(504) Similarly in the Motu tribe of New Guinea a man is
tabooed, generally for three days, after handling a corpse, and while the
taboo lasts he may not touch food with his hands. At the end of the time
he bathes and the taboo is over.(505) So in New Caledonia the two men who
are charged with the duty of burying and guarding a corpse have to remain
in seclusion and observe a number of rules of abstinence. They live apart
from their wives. They may not shave or cut their hair. Their food is laid
for them on leaves and they take it up with their mouth or a stick; but
oftener an attendant feeds them, just as he might feed a man whose limbs
were palsied.(506) So among the Nandi of British East Africa persons who
have handled a corpse bathe in a river, anoint their bodies with fat,
partially shave their heads, and live in the hut of the deceased for four
days. All these days they may not be seen by boys or women: they may not
drink milk; and they may not touch food with their hands, but must eat it
with the help of a potsherd or chip of a gourd.(507) Similarly in the
Ba-Pedi and Ba-Thonga tribes of South Africa men who have dug a grave may
not touch food with their fingers till the rites of their purification are
accomplished; meantime they eat with the help of special spoons. If they
broke this rule, it is thought that they would be consumptive.(508) So in
the Ngarigo tribe of New South Wales a novice who has just passed through
the ceremony of initiation has to go away to the mountains and stay there
for a while, sometimes for more than six months, under the charge of one
or more old men; and all the time of his absence among the mountains he
may not touch cooked food with his hands; the food is put into his mouth
by the man who looks after him.(509)
(M90) Among the Shuswap of British Columbia widows and widowers in
mourning are secluded and forbidden to touch their own head or body; the
cups and cooking-vessels which they use may be used by no one else. They
must build a sweat-house beside a creek, sweat there all night and bathe
regularly, after which they must rub their bodies with branches of spruce.
The branches may not be used more than once, and when they have served
their purpose they are stuck into the ground all round the hut. No hunter
would come near such mourners, for their presence is unlucky. If their
shadow were to fall on any one, he would be taken ill at once. They employ
thorn bushes for bed and pillow, in order to keep away the ghost of the
deceased; and thorn bushes are also laid all around their beds.(510) This
last precaution shews clearly what the spiritual danger is which leads to
the exclusion of such persons from ordinary society; it is simply a fear
of the ghost who is supposed to be hovering near them. Among the Thompson
Indians of British Columbia the persons who handled a corpse and dug the
grave were secluded for four days. They fasted until the body was buried,
after which they were given food apart from the other people. They would
not touch the food with their hands, but must put it into their mouths
with sharp-pointed sticks. They ate off a small mat, and drank out of
birch-bark cups, which, together with the mat, were thrown away at the end
of the four days. The first four mouthfuls of food, as well as of water,
had to be spit into the fire. During their seclusion they bathed in a
stream and might not sleep with their wives. Widows and widowers were
obliged to observe rules of a similar kind. Immediately after the death
they went out and passed through a patch of rose-bushes four times,
probably in order to rid themselves of the ghost, who might be supposed to
stick on a thorn. For a year they had to sleep on a bed of fir-boughs, on
which sticks of rose-bushes were laid; many wore twigs of rose-bush and
juniper in a piece of buckskin on their persons. The first four days they
might not touch their food, but ate with sharp-pointed sticks and spat out
the first four mouthfuls of each meal, and the first four of water, into
the fire. A widower might not fish at another man’s fishing-place or with
another man’s net; if he did, it would make the place and the net useless
for the season. If he transplanted a trout into another lake, before
releasing it he blew on the head of the fish, and after chewing deer-fat,
he spat some of the grease on its head in order to remove the baneful
effect of his touch. Then he let the trout go, bidding it farewell, and
asking it to propagate its kind in plenty. Any grass or branches that a
widow or widower sat or lay down on withered up. If a widow should break
sticks or boughs, her hands or arms would also break. She might not pick
berries for a year, else the whole crop of berries would fall off the
bushes or wither up. She might not cook food or fetch water for her
children, nor let them lie down on her bed, nor should she lie or sit
where they slept. Sometimes a widow would wear a breech-cloth made of dry
bunch-grass for several days to prevent her husband’s ghost from having
intercourse with her.(511) Among the Tinneh or Déné Indians of North-West
America all who have handled a corpse are subject to many restrictions and
taboos. They are debarred for a certain period from eating any fresh meat:
they may never use a knife to cut their food but must tear it with their
teeth: they may not drink out of a vessel in common use, but must employ a
gourd which they carry about for the purpose; and they wear peeled willow
wands about their arms and necks or carry them in their hands as
disinfectants to annul the evil consequences which are supposed to follow
from handling the dead.(512) Among the Indian tribes of Queen Charlotte
Sound a widow or widower goes into special mourning for a month; among the
Koskimos the period of mourning is four months. During this time he or she
lives apart in a very small hut behind the house, eating and drinking
alone, and using for that purpose dishes which are not employed by other
members of the tribe.(513)
(M91) Among the Agutainos, who inhabit Palawan, one of the Philippine
Islands, a widow may not leave her hut for seven or eight days after the
death; and even then she may only go out at an hour when she is not likely
to meet anybody, for whoever looks upon her dies a sudden death. To
prevent this fatal catastrophe, the widow knocks with a wooden peg on the
trees as she goes along, thus warning people of her dangerous proximity;
and the very trees on which she knocks soon die.(514) So poisonous is the
atmosphere of death that surrounds those to whom the ghost of the departed
may be thought to cleave. In the Mekeo district of British New Guinea a
widower loses all his civil rights and becomes a social outcast, an object
of fear and horror, shunned by all. He may not cultivate a garden, nor
shew himself in public, nor traverse the village, nor walk on the roads
and paths. Like a wild beast he must skulk in the long grass and the
bushes; and if he sees or hears any one coming, especially a woman, he
must hide behind a tree or a thicket. If he wishes to fish or hunt, he
must do it alone and at night. If he would consult any one, even the
missionary, he does so by stealth and at night; he seems to have lost his
voice and speaks only in whispers. Were he to join a party of fishers or
hunters, his presence would bring misfortune on them; the ghost of his
dead wife would frighten away the fish or the game. He goes about
everywhere and at all times armed with a tomahawk to defend himself, not
only against wild boars in the jungle, but against the dreaded spirit of
his departed spouse, who would do him an ill turn if she could; for all
the souls of the dead are malignant and their only delight is to harm the
living.(515)
§ 3. Women tabooed at Menstruation and Childbirth.
(M92) In general, we may say that the prohibition to use the vessels,
garments, and so on of certain persons, and the effects supposed to follow
an infraction of the rule, are exactly the same whether the persons to
whom the things belong are sacred or what we might call unclean and
polluted. As the garments which have been touched by a sacred chief kill
those who handle them, so do the things which have been touched by a
menstruous woman. An Australian blackfellow, who discovered that his wife
had lain on his blanket at her menstrual period, killed her and died of
terror himself within a fortnight.(516) Hence Australian women at these
times are forbidden under pain of death to touch anything that men use, or
even to walk on a path that any man frequents. They are also secluded at
childbirth, and all vessels used by them during their seclusion are
burned.(517) In Uganda the pots which a woman touches while the impurity
of childbirth or of menstruation is on her should be destroyed; spears and
shields defiled by her touch are not destroyed but only purified.(518) No
Esquimaux of Alaska will willingly drink out of the same cup or eat out of
the same dish that has been used by a woman at her confinement until it
has been purified by certain incantations.(519) Amongst some of the
Indians of North America, women at menstruation are forbidden to touch
men’s utensils, which would be so defiled by their touch that their
subsequent use would be attended by certain mischief or misfortune.(520)
For instance, in some of the Tinneh or Déné tribes girls verging on
maturity take care that the dishes out of which they eat are used by no
one else. When their first periodical sickness comes on, they are fed by
their mothers or nearest kinswomen, and will on no account touch their
food with their own hands. At the same time they abstain from touching
their heads with their hands, and keep a small stick to scratch their
heads with when they itch. They remain outside the house in a hut built
for the purpose, and wear a skull-cap made of skin to fit very tight,
which they never lay aside till the first monthly infirmity is over. A
fringe of shells, bones, and so on hangs down from their forehead so as to
cover their eyes, lest any malicious sorcerer should harm them during this
critical period.(521) “Among all the Déné and most other American tribes,
hardly any other being was the object of so much dread as a menstruating
woman. As soon as signs of that condition made themselves apparent in a
young girl she was carefully segregated from all but female company, and
had to live by herself in a small hut away from the gaze of the villagers
or of the male members of the roving band. While in that awful state, she
had to abstain from touching anything belonging to man, or the spoils of
any venison or other animal, lest she would thereby pollute the same, and
condemn the hunters to failure, owing to the anger of the game thus
slighted. Dried fish formed her diet, and cold water, absorbed through a
drinking tube, was her only beverage. Moreover, as the very sight of her
was dangerous to society, a special skin bonnet, with fringes falling over
her face down to her breast, hid her from the public gaze, even some time
after she had recovered her normal state.”(522) Among the Bribri Indians
of Costa Rica a menstruous woman is regarded as unclean (_bukuru_). The
only plates she may use for her food are banana leaves, which, when she
has done with them, she throws away in some sequestered spot; for were a
cow to find them and eat them, the animal would waste away and perish. And
she drinks out of a special vessel for a like reason; because if any one
drank out of the same cup after her, he would surely die.(523) In the
islands of Mabuiag and Saibai, in Torres Straits, girls at their first
menstruation are strictly secluded from the sight of men. In Mabuiag the
seclusion lasts three months, in Saibai about a fortnight. During the time
of her separation the girl is forbidden to feed herself or to handle food,
which is put into her mouth by women or girls told off to wait on
her.(524)
(M93) Among many peoples similar restrictions are imposed on women in
childbed and apparently for similar reasons; at such periods women are
supposed to be in a dangerous condition which would infect any person or
thing they might touch; hence they are put into quarantine until, with the
recovery of their health and strength, the imaginary danger has passed
away. Thus, in Tahiti a woman after childbirth was secluded for a
fortnight or three weeks in a temporary hut erected on sacred ground;
during the time of her seclusion she was debarred from touching
provisions, and had to be fed by another. Further, if any one else touched
the child at this period, he was subjected to the same restrictions as the
mother until the ceremony of her purification had been performed.(525)
Similarly in Manahiki, an island of the Southern Pacific, for ten days
after her delivery a woman was not allowed to handle food, and had to be
fed by some other person.(526) In the Sinaugolo tribe of British New
Guinea, for about a month after her confinement a woman may not prepare or
handle food; she may not even cook for herself, and when she is eating the
food made ready for her by her friends she must use a sharpened stick to
transfer it to her mouth.(527) Similarly in the Roro and Mekeo districts
of British New Guinea a woman after childbirth becomes for a time taboo
(_opu_), and any person or thing she may chance to touch becomes taboo
also. Accordingly during this time she abstains from cooking; for were she
to cook food, not only the victuals themselves but the pot and the fire
would be tabooed, so that nobody could eat the victuals, or use the pot,
or warm himself at the fire. Further at meals she may not dip her hand
into the dish and help herself, as the natives commonly do; she must use
for the purpose a long fork, with which she takes up the bananas, sweet
potatoes, yams, and so forth, in order not to contaminate the rest of the
food in the vessel by the touch of her fingers. If she wishes to drink, a
gourd is set before her, and wrapping up her hands in a cloth or coco-nut
fibre she pours the water into a small calabash for her use; or she may
pour the water directly into her mouth without letting the gourd touch her
lips. If anything has to be handed to her, it is not given from hand to
hand but reached to her at the end of a long stick.(528) Similarly in the
island of Kadiak, off Alaska, a woman about to be delivered retires to a
miserable low hovel built of reeds, where she must remain for twenty days
after the birth of her child, whatever the season may be, and she is
considered so unclean that no one will touch her, and food is reached to
her on sticks.(529) In the Ba-Pedi and Ba-Thonga tribes of South Africa a
woman in childbed may not touch her food with her hands all the time of
her seclusion; she must eat with the help of a wooden spoon. They think
that if she touched her victuals she might infect them with her bloody
flux, and that having partaken of such tainted food she would fall into a
consumption.(530) The Bribri Indians regard the pollution of childbed as
much more dangerous even than that of menstruation. When a woman feels her
time approaching, she informs her husband, who makes haste to build a hut
for her in a lonely spot. There she must live alone, holding no converse
with anybody save her mother or another woman. After her delivery the
medicine-man purifies her by breathing on her and laying an animal, it
matters not what, upon her. But even this ceremony only mitigates her
uncleanness into a state considered to be equivalent to that of a
menstruous woman; and for a full lunar month she must live apart from her
housemates, observing the same rules with regard to eating and drinking as
at her monthly periods. The case is still worse, the pollution is still
more deadly, if she has had a miscarriage or has been delivered of a
stillborn child. In that case she may not go near a living soul: the mere
contact with things she has used is exceedingly dangerous: her food is
handed to her at the end of a long stick. This lasts generally for three
weeks, after which she may go home subject only to the restrictions
incident to an ordinary confinement.(531) Among the Adivi or forest Gollas
of Southern India, when a woman feels the first pains of labour, she is
turned clean out of the village and must take up her quarters in a little
hut made of leaves or mats about two hundred yards away. In this hut she
must bring forth her offspring unaided, unless a midwife can be fetched in
time to be with her before the child is born; if the midwife arrives after
the birth has taken place she may not go near the woman. For ninety days
the mother lives in the hut by herself. If any one touches her, he or she
becomes, like the mother herself, an outcast and is expelled from the
village for three months, The woman’s husband generally makes a little hut
about fifty yards from hers and stays in it sometimes to watch over her,
but he may not go near her on pain of being an outcast for three months.
Food is placed on the ground near the woman’s hut and she takes it. On the
fourth day after the birth a woman of the village goes to her and pours
water on her, but may not come into contact with her. On the fifth day the
villagers clear away the stones and thorny bushes from a patch of ground
about ten yards on the village side of the hut, and to this clearing the
woman removes her hut unaided; no one may help her to do so. On the ninth,
fifteenth, and thirtieth days she again shifts her hut nearer and nearer
to the village; and again once in each of the two following months she
brings her hut still nearer. On the ninetieth day of her seclusion the
woman is called out from her hut, washed, clad in clean clothes, and after
being taken to the village temple is conducted to her own house by a man
of the caste, who performs purificatory ceremonies.(532)
(M94) These customs shew that in the opinion of some primitive peoples a
woman at and after childbirth is pervaded by a certain dangerous influence
which can infect anything and anybody she touches; so that in the interest
of the community it becomes necessary to seclude her from society for a
while until the virulence of the infection has passed away, when, after
submitting to certain rites of purification, she is again free to mingle
with her fellows. This dread of lying-in women appears to be widespread,
for the practice of shutting them up at such times in lonely huts away
from the rest of the people is very common. Sometimes the nature of the
danger which is apprehended from them is explicitly stated. Thus in the
island of Tumleo, off German New Guinea, after the birth of her first
child a woman is shut up with her infant for five to eight days, during
which no man, not even her husband, may see her; for the men think that
were they to see her, their bodies would swell up and they would die.(533)
Apparently their notion is that the sight of a woman who has just been big
with child will, on the principles of homoeopathic magic, make their
bodies big also to bursting. The Sulka of New Britain imagine that, when a
woman has been delivered of a child, the men become cowardly, weapons lose
their force, and the slips which are to be planted out are deprived of
their power of germinating. Hence they perform a ceremony which is
intended to counteract this mysterious influence on men and plants. As
soon as it is known that a woman has been brought to bed, all the male
population of the village assembles in the men’s clubhouse. Branches of a
strong-smelling tree are fetched, the twigs are broken off, the leaves
stripped off and put on the fire. All the men present then seize branches
with young buds. One of them holds ginger in his hand, which, after
reciting a spell over it, he distributes to the others. They chew it and
spit it out on the twigs, and these twigs are afterwards laid on the
shields and other weapons in the house, and also on the slips which are to
be planted; moreover they are fastened on the roofs and over the doorways
of the houses. In this way they seek to annul the noxious infection of
childbirth.(534) Among the Yabim of German New Guinea, when a birth has
taken place in the village, all the inhabitants remain at home next
morning “in order that the fruits of the field may not be spoiled.”(535)
Apparently they fear that if they went out to their fields and gardens
immediately after a woman had been brought to bed, they would carry with
them a dangerous contagion which might blight the crops. When a Herero
woman has given birth to a child, her female companions hastily construct
a special hut for her to which she is transferred. Both the hut and the
woman are sacred and “for this reason, the men are not allowed to see the
lying-in woman until the navel string has separated from the child,
otherwise they would become weaklings, and when later they _yumbana_, that
is, go to war with spear and bow, they would be shot.”(536) Thus the
Herero like the Sulka appear to imagine that the weakness of a lying-in
woman can, on the principles of homoeopathic magic, infect any men who may
chance to see her.
(M95) Among the Saragacos Indians of eastern Ecuador, as soon as a woman
feels the travail-pangs beginning, she retires into the forest to a
distance of three or four leagues from her home, where she takes up her
abode in a hut of leaves which has been already prepared for her. “This
banishment,” we are told, “is the fruit of the superstition of these
Indians, who are persuaded that the spirit of evil would attach himself to
their house if the women were brought to bed in it.”(537) The Esquimaux of
Baffin Land think that the body of a lying-in woman exhales a vapour which
would adhere to the souls of seals if she ate the flesh of any seals
except such as have been caught by her husband, by a boy, or by an aged
man. “Cases of premature birth require particularly careful treatment. The
event must be announced publicly, else dire results will follow. If a
woman should conceal from the other people that she has had a premature
birth, they might come near her, or even eat in her hut of the seals
procured by her husband. The vapor arising from her would thus affect
them, and they would be avoided by the seals. The transgression would also
become attached to the soul of the seal, which would take it down to
Sedna,” the mythical mother of the sea-mammals, who lives in the lower
world and controls the destinies of mankind.(538)
(M96) Some Bantu tribes of South Africa entertain even more exaggerated
notions of the virulent infection spread by a woman who has had a
miscarriage and has concealed it. An experienced observer of these people
tells us that the blood of childbirth “appears to the eyes of the South
Africans to be tainted with a pollution still more dangerous than that of
the menstrual fluid. The husband is excluded from the hut for eight days
of the lying-in period, chiefly from fear that he might be contaminated by
this secretion. He dare not take his child in his arms for the three first
months after the birth. But the secretion of childbed is particularly
terrible when it is the product of a miscarriage, especially _a concealed
miscarriage_. In this case it is not merely the man who is threatened or
killed, it is the whole country, it is the sky itself which suffers. By a
curious association of ideas a physiological fact causes cosmic
troubles!”(539) Thus, for example, the Ba-Pedi believe that a woman who
has procured abortion can kill a man merely by lying with him; her victim
is poisoned, shrivels up, and dies within a week. As for the disastrous
effect which a miscarriage may have on the whole country I will quote the
words of a medicine-man and rain-maker of the Ba-Pedi tribe: “When a woman
has had a miscarriage, when she has allowed her blood to flow, and has
hidden the child, it is enough to cause the burning winds to blow and to
parch the country with heat. The rain no longer falls, for the country is
no longer in order. When the rain approaches the place where the blood is,
it will not dare to approach. It will fear and remain at a distance. That
woman has committed a great fault. She has spoiled the country of the
chief, for she has hidden blood which had not yet been well congealed to
fashion a man. That blood is taboo (_yila_). It should never drip on the
road! The chief will assemble his men and say to them, ‘Are you in order
in your villages?’ Some one will answer, ‘Such and such a woman was
pregnant and we have not yet seen the child which she has given birth to.’
Then they go and arrest the woman. They say to her, ‘Shew us where you
have hidden it.’ They go and dig at the spot, they sprinkle the hole with
a decoction of _mbendoula_ and _nyangale_ (two sorts of roots) prepared in
a special pot. They take a little of the earth of this grave, they throw
it into the river, then they bring back water from the river and sprinkle
it where she shed her blood. She herself must wash every day with the
medicine. Then the country will be moistened again (by rain). Further, we
(medicine-men) summon the women of the country; we tell them to prepare a
ball of the earth which contains the blood. They bring it to us one
morning. If we wish to prepare medicine with which to sprinkle the whole
country, we crumble this earth to powder; at the end of five days we send
little boys and little girls, girls that yet know nothing of women’s
affairs and have not yet had relations with men. We put the medicine in
the horns of oxen, and these children go to all the fords, to all the
entrances of the country. A little girl turns up the soil with her
mattock, the others dip a branch in the horn and sprinkle the inside of
the hole saying, ‘Rain! rain!’ So we remove the misfortune which the women
have brought on the roads; the rain will be able to come. The country is
purified!”(540)
(M97) Similarly the Ba-Thonga, another Bantu tribe of South Africa in the
valley of the Limpopo river, attribute severe droughts to the concealment
of miscarriages by women, and they perform the following rites to remove
the pollution and procure rain. A small clearing is made in a thick and
thorny wood, and here a pot is buried in the ground so that its mouth is
flush with the surface. From the pot four channels run in the form of a
cross to the four cardinal points of the horizon. Then a black ox or a
black ram, without a speck of white on it, is killed and the pot is
stuffed with the half-digested grass found in the animal’s stomach. Next,
little girls, still in the age of innocence, are sent to draw water, which
they pour into the pot till it overflows into the four channels. After
that the women assemble, strip off their clothes, and covering their
nakedness only with a scanty petticoat of grass they dance, leap, and
sing, “Rain, fall!” Then they go and dig up the remains of the prematurely
born infants and of twins buried in dry ground on a hill. These they
collect in one place. No man may approach the spot. The women would beat
any male who might be so indiscreet as to intrude on their privacy, and
they would put riddles to him which he would have to answer in the most
filthy language borrowed from the circumcision ceremonies; for obscene
words, which are usually forbidden, are customary and legitimate on these
occasions. The women pour water on the graves of the infants and of twins
in order to “extinguish” (_timula_) them, as the natives phrase it; which
seems to imply that the graves are thought to be the source of the
scorching heat which is blasting the country. At the fall of evening they
bury all the remains they have discovered, poking them away in the mud
near a stream. Then the rain will be free to fall.(541) In these
ceremonies the pouring of water into channels which run in the direction
of the four quarters of the heaven is clearly a charm based on the
principles of homoeopathic magic to procure rain. The supposed influence
of twins over the waters of heaven and the use of foul language at
rain-making ceremonies have been illustrated in another part of this
work.(542)
(M98) Among the natives of the Nguôn So’n valley in Annam, during the
first month after a woman has been delivered of a child, all the persons
of the house are supposed to be affected with an evil destiny or ill luck
called _phong long_. If a member of such a household enters another house,
the inmates never fail to say to him, “You bring me the _phong long_!”
Should a member of a family in which somebody is seriously ill have to
enter a house infected by the _phong long_, on returning home he always
fumigates himself with tea leaves or some other plant in order to rid
himself of the infection which he has contracted; for they fear that the
blood of the woman who has been brought to bed may harm the patient. All
the time a house is tainted with the _phong long_, a branch of cactus
(_Euphorbia antiquorum_) or pandanus is hung at the door. The same thing
is done to a house infected by small-pox: it is a danger signal to warn
people off. The _phong long_ only disappears when the woman has gone to
market for the first time after her delivery.(543) A trace of a similar
belief in the dangerous infection of childbirth may be seen in the rule of
ancient Greek religion, which forbade persons who had handled a corpse or
been in contact with a lying-in woman to enter a temple or approach an
altar for a certain time, sometimes for two days.(544)
(M99) Restrictions and taboos like those laid on menstruous and lying-in
women are imposed by some savages on lads at the initiatory rites which
celebrate the attainment of puberty; hence we may infer that at such times
young men are supposed to be in a state like that of women at menstruation
and in childbed. Thus, among the Creek Indians a lad at initiation had to
abstain for twelve moons from picking his ears or scratching his head with
his fingers; he had to use a small stick for these purposes. For four
moons he must have a fire of his own to cook his food at; and a little
girl, a virgin, might cook for him. During the fifth moon any person might
cook for him, but he must serve himself first, and use one spoon and pan.
On the fifth day of the twelfth moon he gathered corn cobs, burned them to
ashes, and with the ashes rubbed his body all over. At the end of the
twelfth moon he sweated under blankets, and then bathed in water, which
ended the ceremony. While the ceremonies lasted, he might touch no one but
lads who were undergoing a like course of initiation.(545) Caffre boys at
circumcision live secluded in a special hut; they are smeared from head to
foot with white clay; they wear tall head-dresses with horn-like
projections and short skirts like those of ballet-dancers. When their
wounds are healed, all the vessels which they had used during their
seclusion and the boyish mantles which they had hitherto worn are burned,
together with the hut, and the boys rush away from the burning hut without
looking back, “lest a fearful curse should cling to them.” After that they
are bathed, anointed, and clad in new garments.(546)
§ 4. Warriors tabooed.
(M100) Once more, warriors are conceived by the savage to move, so to say,
in an atmosphere of spiritual danger which constrains them to practise a
variety of superstitious observances quite different in their nature from
those rational precautions which, as a matter of course, they adopt
against foes of flesh and blood. The general effect of these observances
is to place the warrior, both before and after victory, in the same state
of seclusion or spiritual quarantine in which, for his own safety,
primitive man puts his human gods and other dangerous characters. Thus
when the Maoris went out on the war-path they were sacred or taboo in the
highest degree, and they and their friends at home had to observe strictly
many curious customs over and above the numerous taboos of ordinary life.
They became, in the irreverent language of Europeans who knew them in the
old fighting days, “tabooed an inch thick”; and as for the leader of the
expedition, he was quite unapproachable.(547) Similarly, when the
Israelites marched forth to war they were bound by certain rules of
ceremonial purity identical with rules observed by Maoris and Australian
blackfellows on the war-path. The vessels they used were sacred, and they
had to practise continence and a custom of personal cleanliness of which
the original motive, if we may judge from the avowed motive of savages who
conform to the same custom, was a fear lest the enemy should obtain the
refuse of their persons, and thus be enabled to work their destruction by
magic.(548) Among some Indian tribes of North America a young warrior in
his first campaign had to conform to certain customs, of which two were
identical with the observances imposed by the same Indians on girls at
their first menstruation: the vessels he ate and drank out of might be
touched by no other person, and he was forbidden to scratch his head or
any other part of his body with his fingers; if he could not help
scratching himself, he had to do it with a stick.(549) The latter rule,
like the one which forbids a tabooed person to feed himself with his own
fingers, seems to rest on the supposed sanctity or pollution, whichever we
choose to call it, of the tabooed hands.(550) Moreover among these Indian
tribes the men on the war-path had always to sleep at night with their
faces turned towards their own country; however uneasy the posture they
might not change it. They might not sit upon the bare ground, nor wet
their feet, nor walk on a beaten path if they could help it; when they had
no choice but to walk on a path, they sought to counteract the ill effect
of doing so by doctoring their legs with certain medicines or charms which
they carried with them for the purpose. No member of the party was
permitted to step over the legs, hands, or body of any other member who
chanced to be sitting or lying on the ground; and it was equally forbidden
to step over his blanket, gun, tomahawk, or anything that belonged to him.
If this rule was inadvertently broken, it became the duty of the member
whose person or property had been stepped over to knock the other member
down, and it was similarly the duty of that other to be knocked down
peaceably and without resistance. The vessels out of which the warriors
ate their food were commonly small bowls of wood or birch bark, with marks
to distinguish the two sides; in marching from home the Indians invariably
drank out of one side of the bowl, and in returning they drank out of the
other. When on their way home they came within a day’s march of the
village, they hung up all their bowls on trees, or threw them away on the
prairie,(551) doubtless to prevent their sanctity or defilement from being
communicated with disastrous effects to their friends, just as we have
seen that the vessels and clothes of the sacred Mikado, of women at
childbirth and menstruation, of boys at circumcision, and of persons
defiled by contact with the dead are destroyed or laid aside for a similar
reason. The first four times that an Apache Indian goes out on the
war-path, he is bound to refrain from scratching his head with his fingers
and from letting water touch his lips. Hence he scratches his head with a
stick, and drinks through a hollow reed or cane. Stick and reed are
attached to the warrior’s belt and to each other by a leathern thong.(552)
The rule not to scratch their heads with their fingers, but to use a stick
for the purpose instead, was regularly observed by Ojebways on the
war-path.(553)
(M101) For three or four weeks before they went on a warlike expedition,
the Nootka Indians made it an invariable rule to go into the water five or
six times a day, when they washed and scrubbed themselves from head to
foot with bushes intermixed with briars, so that their bodies and faces
were often entirely covered with blood. During this severe exercise they
continually exclaimed, “Good or great God, let me live, not be sick, find
the enemy, not fear him, find him asleep, and kill a great many of them.”
All this time they had no intercourse with their women, and for a week
before setting out abstained from feasting and every kind of merriment.
For the last three days they were almost constantly in the water,
scrubbing and lacerating themselves in a terrible manner. They believed
that this hardened their skin, so that the weapons of the enemy could not
pierce them.(554) Before they went out on the war-path the Arikaras and
the Big Belly Indians (“_Gros Ventres_”) “observe a rigorous fast, or
rather abstain from every kind of food for four days. In this interval
their imagination is exalted to delirium; whether it be through bodily
weakness or the natural effect of the warlike plans they cherish, they
pretend to have strange visions. The elders and sages of the tribe, being
called upon to interpret these dreams, draw from them omens more or less
favourable to the success of the enterprise; and their explanations are
received as oracles by which the expedition will be faithfully regulated.
So long as the preparatory fast continues, the warriors make incisions in
their bodies, insert pieces of wood in the flesh, and having fastened
leather thongs to them cause themselves to be hung from a beam which is
fixed horizontally above an abyss a hundred and fifty feet deep. Often
indeed they cut off one or two fingers which they offer in sacrifice to
the Great Spirit in order that they may come back laden with scalps.”(555)
It is hard to conceive any course of training which could more effectually
incapacitate men for the business of war than that which these foolish
Indians actually adopted. With regard to the Creek Indians and kindred
tribes we are told they “will not cohabit with women while they are out at
war; they religiously abstain from every kind of intercourse even with
their own wives, for the space of three days and nights before they go to
war, and so after they return home, because they are to sanctify
themselves.”(556) And as a preparation for attacking the enemy they “go to
the aforesaid winter house, and there drink a warm decoction of their
supposed holy consecrated herbs and roots for three days and nights,
sometimes without any other refreshment. This is to induce the deity to
guard and prosper them, amidst their impending dangers. In the most
promising appearance of things, they are not to take the least nourishment
of food, nor so much as to sit down, during that time of sanctifying
themselves, till after sunset. While on their expedition, they are not
allowed to lean themselves against a tree, though they may be exceedingly
fatigued, after a sharp day’s march; nor must they lie by, a whole day to
refresh themselves, or kill and barbicue deer and bear for their war
journey. The more virtuous they are, they reckon the greater will be their
success against the enemy, by the bountiful smiles of the deity. To gain
that favourite point, some of the aged warriors narrowly watch the young
men who are newly initiated, lest they should prove irreligious, and
prophane the holy fast, and bring misfortunes on the out-standing camp. A
gentleman of my acquaintance, in his youthful days observed one of their
religious fasts, but under the greatest suspicion of his virtue in this
respect, though he had often headed them against the common enemy: during
their three days’ purification, he was not allowed to go out of the
sanctified ground, without a trusty guard, lest hunger should have tempted
him to violate their old martial law, and by that means have raised the
burning wrath of the holy fire against the whole camp.” “Every war captain
chuses a noted warrior, to attend on him and the company. He is called
_Etissû_, or ‘the waiter.’ Everything they eat or drink during their
journey, he gives them out of his hand, by a rigid abstemious rule,—though
each carries on his back all his travelling conveniencies, wrapt in a deer
skin, yet they are so bigoted in their religious customs in war that none,
though prompted by sharp hunger or burning thirst, dares relieve himself.
They are contented with such trifling allowance as the religious waiter
distributes to them, even with a scanty hand. Such a regimen would be too
mortifying to any of the white people, let their opinion of its violation
be ever so dangerous. When I roved the woods in a war party with the
Indians, though I carried no scrip, nor bottle, nor staff, I kept a large
hollow cane well corked at each end, and used to sheer off now and then to
drink, while they suffered greatly by thirst. The constancy of the savages
in mortifying their bodies, to gain the divine favour, is astonishing,
from the very time they beat to arms, till they return from their
campaign. All the while they are out, they are prohibited by ancient
custom, the leaning against a tree, either sitting or standing; nor are
they allowed to sit in the day-time, under the shade of trees, if it can
be avoided; nor on the ground, during the whole journey, but on such
rocks, stones, or fallen wood, as their ark of war rests upon. By the
attention they invariably pay to those severe rules of living, they weaken
themselves much more than by the unavoidable fatigues of war; but it is
fruitless to endeavour to dissuade them from those things which they have
by tradition, as the appointed means to move the deity, to grant them
success against the enemy, and a safe return home.”(557) “An Indian,
intending to go to war, will commence by blacking his face, permitting his
hair to grow long, and neglecting his personal appearance, and also will
frequently fast, sometimes for two or three days together, and refrain
from all intercourse with the other sex. If his dreams are favorable, he
thinks that the Great Spirit will give him success.”(558) Among the
Ba-Pedi and Ba-Thonga tribes of south Africa not only have the warriors to
abstain from women, but the people left behind in the villages are also
bound to continence; they think that any incontinence on their part would
cause thorns to grow on the ground traversed by the warriors, and that
success would not attend the expedition.(559)
(M102) When we observe what pains these misguided savages took to unfit
themselves for the business of war by abstaining from food, denying
themselves rest, and lacerating their bodies, we shall probably not be
disposed to attribute their practice of continence in war to a rational
fear of dissipating their bodily energies by indulgence in the lusts of
the flesh. On the contrary, we can scarcely doubt that the motive which
impelled them to observe chastity on a campaign was just as frivolous as
the motive which led them simultaneously to fritter away their strength by
severe fasts, gratuitous fatigue, and voluntary wounds at the very moment
when prudence called most loudly for a precisely opposite regimen. Why
exactly so many savages have made it a rule to refrain from women in time
of war,(560) we cannot say for certain, but we may conjecture that their
motive was a superstitious fear lest, on the principles of sympathetic
magic, close contact with women should infect them with feminine weakness
and cowardice. Similarly some savages imagine that contact with a woman in
childbed enervates warriors and enfeebles their weapons.(561) Indeed the
Kayans of central Borneo go so far as to hold that to touch a loom or
women’s clothes would so weaken a man that he would have no success in
hunting, fishing, and war.(562) Hence it is not merely sexual intercourse
with women that the savage warrior sometimes shuns; he is careful to avoid
the sex altogether. Thus among the hill tribes of Assam, not only are men
forbidden to cohabit with their wives during or after a raid, but they may
not eat food cooked by a woman; nay they should not address a word even to
their own wives. Once a woman, who unwittingly broke the rule by speaking
to her husband while he was under the war taboo, sickened and died when
she learned the awful crime she had committed.(563)
§ 5. Manslayers tabooed.
(M103) If the reader still doubts whether the rules of conduct which we
have just been considering are based on superstitious fears or dictated by
a rational prudence, his doubts will probably be dissipated when he learns
that rules of the same sort are often imposed even more stringently on
warriors after the victory has been won and when all fear of the living
corporeal foe is at an end. In such cases one motive for the inconvenient
restrictions laid on the victors in their hour of triumph is probably a
dread of the angry ghosts of the slain; and that the fear of the vengeful
ghosts does influence the behaviour of the slayers is often expressly
affirmed. The general effect of the taboos laid on sacred chiefs,
mourners, women at childbirth, men on the war-path, and so on, is to
seclude or isolate the tabooed persons from ordinary society, this effect
being attained by a variety of rules, which oblige the men or women to
live in separate huts or in the open air, to shun the commerce of the
sexes, to avoid the use of vessels employed by others, and so forth. Now
the same effect is produced by similar means in the case of victorious
warriors, particularly such as have actually shed the blood of their
enemies. In the island of Timor, when a warlike expedition has returned in
triumph bringing the heads of the vanquished foe, the leader of the
expedition is forbidden by religion and custom to return at once to his
own house. A special hut is prepared for him, in which he has to reside
for two months, undergoing bodily and spiritual purification. During this
time he may not go to his wife nor feed himself; the food must be put into
his mouth by another person.(564) That these observances are dictated by
fear of the ghosts of the slain seems certain; for from another account of
the ceremonies performed on the return of a successful head-hunter in the
same island we learn that sacrifices are offered on this occasion to
appease the soul of the man whose head has been taken; the people think
that some misfortune would befall the victor were such offerings omitted.
Moreover, a part of the ceremony consists of a dance accompanied by a
song, in which the death of the slain man is lamented and his forgiveness
is entreated. “Be not angry,” they say, “because your head is here with
us; had we been less lucky, our heads might now have been exposed in your
village. We have offered the sacrifice to appease you. Your spirit may now
rest and leave us at peace. Why were you our enemy? Would it not have been
better that we should remain friends? Then your blood would not have been
spilt and your head would not have been cut off.”(565) The people of
Paloo, in central Celebes, take the heads of their enemies in war and
afterwards propitiate the souls of the slain in the temple.(566) In some
Dyak tribes men on returning from an expedition in which they have taken
human heads are obliged to keep by themselves and abstain from a variety
of things for several days; they may not touch iron nor eat salt or fish
with bones, and they may have no intercourse with women.(567)
(M104) In Logea, an island off the south-eastern extremity of New Guinea,
men who have killed or assisted in killing enemies shut themselves up for
about a week in their houses. They must avoid all intercourse with their
wives and friends, and they may not touch food with their hands. They may
eat vegetable food only, which is brought to them cooked in special pots.
The intention of these restrictions is to guard the men against the smell
of the blood of the slain; for it is believed that if they smelt the
blood, they would fall ill and die.(568) In the Toaripi or Motumotu tribe
of south-eastern New Guinea a man who has killed another may not go near
his wife, and may not touch food with his fingers. He is fed by others,
and only with certain kinds of food. These observances last till the new
moon.(569) Among the tribes at the mouth of the Wanigela River, in New
Guinea, “a man who has taken life is considered to be impure until he has
undergone certain ceremonies: as soon as possible after the deed he
cleanses himself and his weapon. This satisfactorily accomplished, he
repairs to his village and seats himself on the logs of sacrificial
staging. No one approaches him or takes any notice whatever of him. A
house is prepared for him which is put in charge of two or three small
boys as servants. He may eat only toasted bananas, and only the centre
portion of them—the ends being thrown away. On the third day of his
seclusion a small feast is prepared by his friends, who also fashion some
new perineal bands for him. This is called _ivi poro_. The next day the
man dons all his best ornaments and badges for taking life, and sallies
forth fully armed and parades the village. The next day a hunt is
organised, and a kangaroo selected from the game captured. It is cut open
and the spleen and liver rubbed over the back of the man. He then walks
solemnly down to the nearest water, and standing straddle-legs in it
washes himself. All the young untried warriors swim between his legs. This
is supposed to impart courage and strength to them. The following day, at
early dawn, he dashes out of his house, fully armed, and calls aloud the
name of his victim. Having satisfied himself that he has thoroughly scared
the ghost of the dead man, he returns to his house. The beating of
flooring-boards and the lighting of fires is also a certain method of
scaring the ghost. A day later his purification is finished. He can then
enter his wife’s house.”(570) Among the Roro-speaking tribes of British
New Guinea homicides were secluded in the warriors’ clubhouse. They had to
pass the night in the building, but during the day they might paint and
decorate themselves and dance in front of it. For some time they might not
eat much food nor touch it with their hands, but were obliged to pick it
up on a bone fork, the heft of which was wrapped in a banana leaf. After a
while they bathed in the sea and thence forward for a period of about a
month, though they had still to sleep in the warriors’ clubhouse, they
were free to eat as much food as they pleased and to pick it up with their
bare hands. Finally, those warriors who had never killed a man before
assumed a beautiful ornament made of fretted turtle shell, which none but
homicides were allowed to flaunt in their head-dresses. Then came a dance,
and that same night the men who wore the honourable badge of homicide for
the first time were chased about the village; embers were thrown at them
and firebrands waved in order, apparently, to drive away the souls of the
dead enemies, who seem to be conceived as immanent in some way in the
headgear of their slayers.(571) Again, among the Koita of British New
Guinea, when a man had killed another, whether the victim were male or
female, he did not wash the blood off the spear or club, but carefully
allowed it to dry on the weapon. On his way home he bathed in fresh or
salt water, and on reaching his village went straight to his own house,
where he remained in seclusion for about a week. He was taboo (_aina_): he
might not approach women, and he lifted his food to his mouth with a bone
fork. His women-folk were not obliged to leave the house, but they might
not come near him. At the end of a week he built a rough shelter in the
forest, where he lived for a few days. During this time he made a new
waist-band, which he wore on his return to the village. A man who has
slain another is supposed to grow thin and emaciated, because he had been
splashed with the blood of his victim, and as the corpse rotted he wasted
away.(572) Among the Southern Massim of British New Guinea a warrior who
has taken a prisoner or slain a man remains secluded in his house for six
days. During the first three days he may eat only roasted food and must
cook it for himself. Then he bathes and blackens his face for the
remaining three days.(573)
(M105) Among the Monumbos of German New Guinea any one who has slain a foe
in war becomes thereby “unclean” (_bolobolo_), and they apply the same
term “unclean” to menstruous and lying-in women and also to everything
that has come into contact with a corpse, which shews that all these
classes of persons and things are closely associated in their minds. The
“unclean” man who has killed an enemy in battle must remain a long time in
the men’s clubhouse, while the villagers gather round him and celebrate
his victory with dance and song. He may touch nobody, not even his own
wife and children; if he were to touch them it is believed that they would
be covered with sores. He becomes clean again by washing and using other
modes of purification.(574) In Windessi, Dutch New Guinea, when a party of
head-hunters has been successful, and they are nearing home, they announce
their approach and success by blowing on triton shells. Their canoes are
also decked with branches. The faces of the men who have taken a head are
blackened with charcoal. If several have taken part in killing the same
victim, his head is divided among them. They always time their arrival so
as to reach home in the early morning. They come rowing to the village
with a great noise, and the women stand ready to dance in the verandahs of
the houses. The canoes row past the _room sram_ or house where the young
men live; and as they pass, the murderers throw as many pointed sticks or
bamboos at the wall or the roof as there were enemies killed. The day is
spent very quietly. Now and then they drum or blow on the conch; at other
times they beat the walls of the houses with loud shouts to drive away the
ghosts of the slain.(575) Similarly in the Doreh district of Dutch New
Guinea, if a murder has taken place in the village, the inhabitants
assemble for several evenings in succession and utter frightful yells to
drive away the ghost of the victim in case he should be minded to hang
about the village.(576) So the Yabim of German New Guinea believe that the
spirit of a murdered man pursues his murderer and seeks to do him a
mischief. Hence they drive away the spirit with shouts and the beating of
drums.(577) When the Fijians had buried a man alive, as they often did,
they used at nightfall to make a great uproar by means of bamboos,
trumpet-shells, and so forth, for the purpose of frightening away his
ghost, lest he should attempt to return to his old home. And to render his
house unattractive to him they dismantled it and clothed it with
everything that to their ideas seemed most repulsive.(578) On the evening
of the day on which they had tortured a prisoner to death, the American
Indians were wont to run through the village with hideous yells, beating
with sticks on the furniture, the walls, and the roofs of the huts to
prevent the angry ghost of their victim from settling there and taking
vengeance for the torments that his body had endured at their hands.(579)
“Once,” says a traveller, “on approaching in the night a village of
Ottawas, I found all the inhabitants in confusion: they were all busily
engaged in raising noises of the loudest and most inharmonious kind. Upon
inquiry, I found that a battle had been lately fought between the Ottawas
and the Kickapoos, and that the object of all this noise was to prevent
the ghosts of the departed combatants from entering the village.”(580)
(M106) The executioner at Porto Novo, on the coast of Guinea, used to
decorate his walls with the jawbones of the persons on whom he had
operated in the course of business. But for this simple precaution their
ghosts would unquestionably have come at night to knock with sobs and
groans, in an insufferable manner, at the door of the room where he slept
the sleep of the just.(581) The temper of a man who has just been executed
is naturally somewhat short, and in a burst of vexation his ghost is apt
to fall foul of the first person he comes across, without discriminating
between the objects of his wrath with that nicety of judgment which in
calmer moments he may be expected to display. Hence in China it is, or
used to be, customary for the spectators of an execution to shew a clean
pair of heels to the ghosts as soon as the last head was off.(582) The
same fear of the spirits of his victims leads the executioner sometimes to
live in seclusion for some time after he has discharged his office. Thus
an old writer, speaking of Issini on the Gold Coast of West Africa, tells
us that the “executioners, being reckoned impure for three days, they
build them a separate hut at a distance from the village. Meantime these
fellows run like madmen through the place, seizing all they can lay hands
on; poultry, sheep, bread, and oil; everything they can touch is theirs;
being deemed so polluted that the owners willingly give it up. They
continue three days confined to their hut, their friends bringing them
victuals. This time expired, they take their hut in pieces, which they
bundle up, not leaving so much as the ashes of their fire. The first
executioner, having a pot on his head, leads them to the place where the
criminal suffered. There they all call him thrice by his name. The first
executioner breaks his pot, and leaving their old rags and bundles they
all scamper home.”(583) Here the thrice-repeated invocation of the victim
by name gives the clue to the rest of the observances; all of them are
probably intended to ward off the angry ghost of the slain man or to give
him the slip.
(M107) Among the Basutos “ablution is specially performed on return from
battle. It is absolutely necessary that the warriors should rid
themselves, as soon as possible, of the blood they have shed, or the
shades of their victims would pursue them incessantly, and disturb their
slumbers. They go in a procession, and in full armour, to the nearest
stream. At the moment they enter the water a diviner, placed higher up,
throws some purifying substances into the current. This is, however, not
strictly necessary. The javelins and battle-axes also undergo the process
of washing.”(584) According to another account of the Basuto custom,
“warriors who have killed an enemy are purified. The chief has to wash
them, sacrificing an ox in presence of the whole army. They are also
anointed with the gall of the animal, which prevents the ghost of the
enemy from pursuing them any further.”(585) Among the Bechuanas a man who
has killed another, whether in war or in single combat, is not allowed to
enter the village until he has been purified. The ceremony takes place in
the evening. An ox is slaughtered, and a hole having been made through the
middle of the carcase with a spear, the manslayer has to force himself
through the animal, while two men hold its stomach open.(586) Sometimes
instead of being obliged to squeeze through the carcase of an ox the
manslayer is merely smeared with the contents of its stomach. The ceremony
has been described as follows: “In the purification of warriors, too, the
ox takes a conspicuous part. The warrior who has slain a man in the battle
is unclean, and must on no account enter his own courtyard, for it would
be a serious thing if even his shadow were to fall upon his children. He
studiously keeps himself apart from the civil life of the town until he is
purified. The purification ceremony is significant. Having bathed himself
in running water, or, if that is not convenient, in water that has been
appropriately medicated, he is smeared by the doctor with the contents of
the stomach of an ox, into which certain powdered roots have been already
mixed, and then the doctor strikes him on the back, sides, and belly with
the large bowel of an ox.... A doctor takes a piece of roasted beef and
cuts it into small lumps of about the size of a walnut, laying them
carefully on a large wooden trencher. He has already prepared charcoal, by
roasting the root of certain trees in an old cracked pot, and this he
grinds down and sprinkles on the lumps of meat on the trencher. Then the
army surrounds the trencher, and every one who has slain a foe in the
battle steps forth, kneels down before the trencher, and takes out a piece
of meat with his mouth, taking care not to touch it or the trencher with
his hands. As he takes the meat, the doctor gives him a smart cut with a
switch. And when he has eaten that lump of meat his purification is
complete. This ceremony is called _Go alafsha dintèè_, or ‘the
purification of the strikers.’ ” The writer to whom we owe this
description adds: “This taking of meat from the trencher without using the
hands is evidently a matter of ritual.”(587) The observation is correct.
Here as in so many cases persons ceremonially unclean are forbidden to
touch food with defiled hands until their uncleanness has been purged
away. The same taboo is laid on the manslayer by the Bageshu of British
East Africa. Among them a man who has killed another may not return to his
own house on the same day, though he may enter the village and spend the
night in a friend’s house. He kills a sheep and smears his chest, his
right arm, and his head with the contents of the animal’s stomach. His
children are brought to him and he smears them in like manner. Then he
smears each side of the doorway with the tripe and entrails, and finally
throws the rest of the stomach on the roof of his house. For a whole day
he may not touch food with his hands, but picks it up with two sticks and
so conveys it to his mouth. His wife is not under any such restrictions.
She may even go to mourn for the man whom her husband has killed, if she
wishes to do so.(588) In some Bechuana tribes the victorious warrior is
obliged to eat a piece of the skin of the man he killed; the skin is taken
from about the navel of his victim, and without it he may not enter the
cattle pen. Moreover, the medicine-man makes a gash with a spear in the
warrior’s thigh for every man he has killed.(589) Among the Angoni, a Zulu
tribe settled to the north of the Zambesi, warriors who have slain foes on
an expedition smear their bodies and faces with ashes, hang garments of
their victims on their persons, and tie bark ropes round their necks, so
that the ends hang down over their shoulders or breasts. This costume they
wear for three days after their return, and rising at break of day they
run through the village uttering frightful yells to drive away the ghosts
of the slain, which, if they were not thus banished from the houses, might
bring sickness and misfortune on the inmates.(590) In some Caffre tribes
of South Africa men who have been wounded or killed an enemy in fight may
not see the king nor drink milk till they have been purified. An ox is
killed, and its gall, intestines, and other parts are boiled with roots.
Of this decoction the men have to take three gulps, and the rest is
sprinkled on their bodies. The wounded man has then to take a stick, spit
on it thrice, point it thrice at the enemy, and then throw it in his
direction. After that he takes an emetic and is declared clean.(591)
(M108) In some of these accounts nothing is said of an enforced seclusion,
at least after the ceremonial cleansing, but some South African tribes
certainly require the slayer of a very gallant foe in war to keep apart
from his wife and family for ten days after he has washed his body in
running water. He also receives from the tribal doctor a medicine which he
chews with his food.(592) When a Nandi of British East Africa has killed a
member of another tribe, he paints one side of his body, spear, and sword
red, and the other side white. For four days after the slaughter he is
considered unclean and may not go home. He has to build a small shelter by
a river and live there; he may not associate with his wife or sweetheart,
and he may eat nothing but porridge, beef, and goat’s flesh. At the end of
the fourth day he must purify himself by taking a strong purge made from
the bark of the _segetet_ tree and by drinking goat’s milk mixed with
blood.(593) Among the Akikuya of British East Africa all who have shed
human blood must be purified. The elders assemble and one of them cuts a
strip of hair from above both ears of each manslayer. After that the
warriors rub themselves with the dung taken from the stomach of a sheep
which has been slaughtered for the occasion. Finally their bodies are
cleansed with water. All the hair remaining on their heads is subsequently
shaved off by their wives. For a month after the shedding of blood they
may have no contact with women.(594) On the contrary, when a Ketosh
warrior of British East Africa, who has killed a foe in battle, returns
home “it is considered essential that he should have connection with his
wife as soon as convenient; this is believed to prevent the spirit of his
dead enemy from haunting and bewitching him.”(595) An Angoni who has
killed a man in battle is obliged to perform certain purificatory
ceremonies before he may return to ordinary life. Amongst other things, he
must be sure to make an incision in the corpse of his slain foe, in order
to let the gases escape and so prevent the body from swelling. If he fails
to do so, his own body will swell in proportion as the corpse becomes
inflated.(596) Among the Ovambos of southern Africa, when the warriors
return to their villages, those who have killed an enemy pass the first
night in the open fields, and may not enter their houses until they have
been cleansed of the guilt of blood by an older man, who smears them for
this purpose with a kind of porridge.(597) Herero warriors on their return
from battle may not approach the sacred hearth until they have been
purified from the guilt of bloodshed. They crouch in a circle round the
hearth, but at some distance from it, while the chief besprinkles their
brows and temples with water in which branches of a holy bush have been
placed.(598) Again, ancient Herero custom requires that he who has killed
a man or a lion should have blood drawn from his breast and upper arm so
as to trickle on the ground: a special name (_outoni_) is given to the
cuts thus made; they must be made with a flint, not with an iron
tool.(599) Among the Bantu tribes of Kavirondo, in eastern Africa, when a
man has killed an enemy in warfare he shaves his head on his return home,
and his friends rub a medicine, which generally consists of goat’s dung,
over his body to prevent the spirit of the slain man from troubling
him.(600) Exactly the same custom is practised for the same reason by the
Wageia of German East Africa.(601) With the Ja-Luo of Kavirondo the custom
is somewhat different. Three days after his return from the fight the
warrior shaves his head. But before he may enter his village he has to
hang a live fowl, head uppermost, round his neck; then the bird is
decapitated and its head left hanging round his neck. Soon after his
return a feast is made for the slain man, in order that his ghost may not
haunt his slayer.(602) After the slaughter of the Midianites the
Israelitish warriors were obliged to remain outside the camp for seven
days: whoever had killed a man or touched the slain had to purify himself
and his captive. The spoil taken from the enemy had also to be purified,
according to its nature, either by fire or water.(603) Similarly among the
Basutos cattle taken from the enemy are fumigated with bundles of lighted
branches before they are allowed to mingle with the herds of the
tribe.(604)
(M109) The Arunta of central Australia believe that when a party of men
has been out against the enemy and taken a life, the spirit of the slain
man follows the party on its return and is constantly on the watch to do a
mischief to those of the band who actually shed the blood. It takes the
form of a little bird called the _chichurkna_, and may be heard crying
like a child in the distance as it flies. If any of the slayers should
fail to hear its cry, he would become paralysed in his right arm and
shoulder. At night-time especially, when the bird is flying over the camp,
the slayers have to lie awake and keep the right arm and shoulder
carefully hidden, lest the bird should look down upon and harm them. When
once they have heard its cry their minds are at ease, because the spirit
of the dead then recognises that he has been detected, and can therefore
do no mischief. On their return to their friends, as soon as they come in
sight of the main camp, they begin to perform an excited war-dance,
approaching in the form of a square and moving their shields as if to ward
off something which was being thrown at them. This action is intended to
repel the angry spirit of the dead man, who is striving to attack them.
Next the men who did the deed of blood separate themselves from the
others, and forming a line, with spears at rest and shields held out in
front, stand silent and motionless like statues. A number of old women now
approach with a sort of exulting skip and strike the shields of the
manslayers with fighting-clubs till they ring again. They are followed by
men who smite the shields with boomerangs. This striking of the shields is
supposed to be a very effective way of frightening away the spirit of the
dead man. The natives listen anxiously to the sounds emitted by the
shields when they are struck; for if any man’s shield gives forth a hollow
sound under the blow, that man will not live long, but if it rings sharp
and clear, he is safe. For some days after their return the slayers will
not speak of what they have done, and continue to paint themselves all
over with powdered charcoal, and to decorate their foreheads and noses
with green twigs. Finally, they paint their bodies and faces with bright
colours, and become free to talk about the affair; but still of nights
they must lie awake listening for the plaintive cry of the bird in which
they fancy they hear the voice of their victim.(605)
(M110) In the Washington group of the Marquesas Islands, the man who has
slain an enemy in battle becomes tabooed for ten days, during which he may
hold no intercourse with his wife, and may not meddle with fire. Hence
another has to make fire and to cook for him. Nevertheless he is treated
with marked distinction and receives presents of pigs.(606) In Fiji any
one who had clubbed a human being to death in war was consecrated or
tabooed. He was smeared red by the king with turmeric from the roots of
his hair to his heels. A hut was built, and in it he had to pass the next
three nights, during which he might not lie down, but must sleep as he
sat. Till the three nights had elapsed he might not change his garment,
nor remove the turmeric, nor enter a house in which there was a
woman.(607) In the Pelew Islands, when the men return from a warlike
expedition in which they have taken a life, the young warriors who have
been out fighting for the first time, and all who handled the slain, are
shut up in the large council-house and become tabooed. They may not quit
the edifice, nor bathe, nor touch a woman, nor eat fish; their food is
limited to coco-nuts and syrup. They rub themselves with charmed leaves
and chew charmed betel. After three days they go together to bathe as near
as possible to the spot where the man was killed.(608)
(M111) When the Tupi Indians of Brazil had made a prisoner in war, they
used to bring him home amid great rejoicings, decked with the gorgeous
plumage of tropical birds. In the village he was well treated: he received
a house and furniture and was married to a wife. When he was thus
comfortably installed, the relations and friends of his captor, who had
the first pick, came and examined him and decided which of his limbs and
joints they proposed to eat; and according to their choice they were bound
to provide him with victuals. Thus he might live for months or years,
treated like a king, supplied with all the delicacies of the country, and
rearing a family of children who, when they were big, might or might not
be eaten with their father. While he was thus being fattened like a capon
for the slaughter, he wore a necklace of fruit or of fish-bones strung on
a cotton thread. This was the measure of his life. For every fruit or
every bone on the string he had a month to live; and as each moon waned
and vanished they took a fruit or a bone from the necklace. When only one
remained, they sent out invitations to friends and neighbours far and
near, who flocked in, sometimes to the number of ten or twelve thousand,
to witness the spectacle and partake of the feast; for often a number of
prisoners were to die the same day, father, mother, and children all
together. As a rule they shewed a remarkable stolidity and indifference to
death. The club with which they were to be despatched was elaborately
prepared by the women, who adorned it with tassels of feathers, smeared it
with the pounded shells of a macaw’s eggs, and traced lines on the
egg-shell powder. Then they hung it to a pole, above the ground, in an
empty hut, and sang around it all night. The executioner, who was painted
grey with ashes and his whole body covered with the beautiful feathers of
parrots and other birds of gay plumage, performed his office by striking
the victim on the head from behind and dashing out his brains. No sooner
had he despatched the prisoner than he retired to his house, where he had
to stay all that day without eating or drinking, while the rest of the
people feasted on the body of the victim or victims. And for three days he
was obliged to fast and remain in seclusion. All this time he lay in his
hammock and might not set foot on the ground; if he had to go anywhere, he
was carried by bearers. They thought that, were he to break this rule,
some disaster would befall him or he would die. Meantime he was given a
small bow and passed his time in shooting arrows into wax. This he did in
order to keep his hand and aim steady. In some of the tribes they rubbed
the pulse of the executioner with one of the eyes of his victim, and hung
the mouth of the murdered man like a bracelet on his arm. Afterwards he
made incisions in his breast, arms, and legs, and other parts of his body
with a saw made of the teeth of an animal. An ointment and a black powder
were then rubbed into the wounds, which left ineffaceable scars so
artistically arranged that they presented the appearance of a
tightly-fitting garment. It was believed that he would die if he did not
thus draw blood from his own body after slaughtering the captive.(609) We
may conjecture that the original intention of these customs was to guard
the executioner against the angry and dangerous ghosts of his victims.
(M112) Among the Natchez of North America young braves who had taken their
first scalps were obliged to observe certain rules of abstinence for six
months. They might not sleep with their wives nor eat flesh; their only
food was fish and hasty-pudding. If they broke these rules, they believed
that the soul of the man they had killed would work their death by magic,
that they would gain no more successes over the enemy, and that the least
wound inflicted on them would prove mortal.(610) When a Choctaw had killed
an enemy and taken his scalp, he went into mourning for a month, during
which he might not comb his hair, and if his head itched he might not
scratch it except with a little stick which he wore fastened to his wrist
for the purpose.(611) This ceremonial mourning for the enemies they had
slain was not uncommon among the North American Indians. Thus the Dacotas,
when they had killed a foe, unbraided their hair, blackened themselves all
over, and wore a small knot of swan’s down on the top of the head. “They
dress as mourners yet rejoice.”(612) A Thompson River Indian of British
Columbia, who had slain an enemy, used to blacken his own face, lest his
victim’s ghost should blind him.(613) When the Osages have mourned over
their own dead, “they will mourn for the foe just as if he was a
friend.”(614) From observing the great respect paid by the Indians to the
scalps they had taken, and listening to the mournful songs which they
howled to the shades of their victims, Catlin was convinced that “they
have a superstitious dread of the spirits of their slain enemies, and many
conciliatory offices to perform, to ensure their own peace.”(615) When a
Pima Indian has killed an Apache, he must undergo purification. Sixteen
days he fasts, and only after the fourth day is he allowed to drink a
little pinole. During the whole time he may not touch meat nor salt, nor
look on a blazing fire, nor speak to a human being. He lives alone in the
woods, waited on by an old woman, who brings him his scanty dole of food.
He bathes often in a river, and keeps his head covered almost the whole
time with a plaster of mud. On the seventeenth day a large space is
cleared near the village and a fire lit in the middle of it. The men of
the tribe form a circle round the fire, and outside of it sit all the
warriors who have just been purified, each in a small excavation. Some of
the old men then take the weapons of the purified and dance with them in
the circle, after which both the slayer and his weapon are considered
clean; but not until four days later is the man allowed to return to his
family.(616) No doubt the peace enforced by the government of the United
States has, along with tribal warfare, abolished also these quaint
customs. A fuller account of them has been given by a recent writer, and
it deserves to be quoted at length. “There was no law among the Pimas,” he
says, “observed with greater strictness than that which required
purification and expiation for the deed that was at the same time the most
lauded—the killing of an enemy. For sixteen days the warrior fasted in
seclusion and observed meanwhile a number of tabus.... Attended by an old
man, the warrior who had to expiate the crime of blood guilt retired to
the groves along the river bottom at some distance from the villages or
wandered about the adjoining hills. During the period of sixteen days he
was not allowed to touch his head with his fingers or his hair would turn
white. If he touched his face it would become wrinkled. He kept a stick to
scratch his head with, and at the end of every four days this stick was
buried at the root and on the west side of a cat’s claw tree and a new
stick was made of greasewood, arrow bush, or any other convenient shrub.
He then bathed in the river, no matter how cold the temperature. The feast
of victory which his friends were observing in the meantime at the village
lasted eight days. At the end of that time, or when his period of
retirement was half-completed, the warrior might go to his home to get a
fetish made from the hair of the Apache whom he had killed. The hair was
wrapped in eagle down and tied with a cotton string and kept in a long
medicine basket. He drank no water for the first two days and fasted for
the first four. After that time he was supplied with pinole by his
attendant, who also instructed him as to his future conduct, telling him
that he must henceforth stand back until all others were served when
partaking of food and drink. If he was a married man his wife was not
allowed to eat salt during his retirement, else she would suffer from the
owl disease which causes stiff limbs. The explanation offered for the
observance of this law of lustration is that if it is not obeyed the
warrior’s limbs will become stiffened or paralyzed.”(617) The Apaches, the
enemies of the Pimas, purify themselves for the slaughter of their foes by
means of baths in the sweat-house, singing, and other rites. These
ceremonies they perform for all the dead simultaneously after their return
home; but the Pimas, more punctilious on this point, resort to their
elaborate ceremonies of purification the moment a single one of their own
band or of the enemy has been laid low.(618) How heavily these religious
scruples must have told against the Pimas in their wars with their
ferocious enemies is obvious enough. “This long period of retirement
immediately after a battle,” says an American writer, “greatly diminished
the value of the Pimas as scouts and allies for the United States troops
operating against the Apaches. The bravery of the Pimas was praised by all
army officers having any experience with them, but Captain Bourke and
others have complained of their unreliability, due solely to their rigid
observance of this religious law.”(619) In nothing, perhaps, is the
penalty which superstition sooner or later entails on its devotees more
prompt and crushing than in the operations of war.
(M113) Far away from the torrid home of the Pima and Apaches, an old
traveller witnessed ceremonies of the same sort practised near the Arctic
Circle by some Indians who had surprised and brutally massacred an
unoffending and helpless party of Esquimaux. His description is so
interesting that I will quote it in full. “Among the various superstitious
customs of those people, it is worth remarking, and ought to have been
mentioned in its proper place, that immediately after my companions had
killed the Esquimaux at the Copper River, they considered themselves in a
state of uncleanness, which induced them to practise some very curious and
unusual ceremonies. In the first place, all who were absolutely concerned
in the murder were prohibited from cooking any kind of victuals, either
for themselves or others. As luckily there were two in company who had not
shed blood, they were employed always as cooks till we joined the women.
This circumstance was exceedingly favourable on my side; for had there
been no persons of the above description in company, that task, I was
told, would have fallen on me; which would have been no less fatiguing and
troublesome, than humiliating and vexatious. When the victuals were
cooked, all the murderers took a kind of red earth, or oker, and painted
all the space between the nose and chin, as well as the greater part of
their cheeks, almost to the ears, before they would taste a bit, and would
not drink out of any other dish, or smoke out of any other pipe, but their
own; and none of the others seemed willing to drink or smoke out of
theirs. We had no sooner joined the women, at our return from the
expedition, than there seemed to be an universal spirit of emulation among
them, vying who should first make a suit of ornaments for their husbands,
which consisted of bracelets for the wrists, and a band for the forehead,
composed of porcupine quills and moose-hair, curiously wrought on leather.
The custom of painting the mouth and part of the cheeks before each meal,
and drinking and smoking out of their own utensils, was strictly and
invariably observed, till the winter began to set in; and during the whole
of that time they would never kiss any of their wives or children. They
refrained also from eating many parts of the deer and other animals,
particularly the head, entrails, and blood; and during their uncleanness,
their victuals were never sodden in water, but dried in the sun, eaten
quite raw, or broiled, when a fire fit for the purpose could be procured.
When the time arrived that was to put an end to these ceremonies, the men,
without a female being present, made a fire at some distance from the
tents, into which they threw all their ornaments, pipe-stems, and dishes,
which were soon consumed to ashes; after which a feast was prepared,
consisting of such articles as they had long been prohibited from eating;
and when all was over, each man was at liberty to eat, drink, and smoke as
he pleased; and also to kiss his wives and children at discretion, which
they seemed to do with more raptures than I had ever known them do it
either before or since.”(620)
(M114) Thus we see that warriors who have taken the life of a foe in
battle are temporarily cut off from free intercourse with their fellows,
and especially with their wives, and must undergo certain rites of
purification before they are readmitted to society. Now if the purpose of
their seclusion and of the expiatory rites which they have to perform is,
as we have been led to believe, no other than to shake off, frighten, or
appease the angry spirit of the slain man, we may safely conjecture that
the similar purification of homicides and murderers, who have imbrued
their hands in the blood of a fellow-tribesman, had at first the same
significance, and that the idea of a moral or spiritual regeneration
symbolised by the washing, the fasting, and so on, was merely a later
interpretation put upon the old custom by men who had outgrown the
primitive modes of thought in which the custom originated. The conjecture
will be confirmed if we can shew that savages have actually imposed
certain restrictions on the murderer of a fellow-tribesman from a definite
fear that he is haunted by the ghost of his victim. This we can do with
regard to the Omahas, a tribe of the Siouan stock in North America. Among
these Indians the kinsmen of a murdered man had the right to put the
murderer to death, but sometimes they waived their right in consideration
of presents which they consented to accept. When the life of the murderer
was spared, he had to observe certain stringent rules for a period which
varied from two to four years. He must walk barefoot, and he might eat no
warm food, nor raise his voice, nor look around. He was compelled to pull
his robe about him and to have it tied at the neck even in hot weather; he
might not let it hang loose or fly open. He might not move his hands
about, but had to keep them close to his body. He might not comb his hair
and it might not be blown about by the wind. When the tribe went out
hunting, he was obliged to pitch his tent about a quarter of a mile from
the rest of the people “lest the ghost of his victim should raise a high
wind, which might cause damage.” Only one of his kindred was allowed to
remain with him at his tent. No one wished to eat with him, for they said,
“If we eat with him whom Wakanda hates Wakanda will hate us.” Sometimes he
wandered at night crying and lamenting his offence. At the end of his long
isolation the kinsmen of the murdered man heard his crying and said, “It
is enough. Begone, and walk among the crowd. Put on moccasins and wear a
good robe.”(621) Here the reason alleged for keeping the murderer at a
considerable distance from the hunters gives the clue to all the other
restrictions laid on him: he was haunted and therefore dangerous. The
ancient Greeks believed that the soul of a man who had just been killed
was wroth with his slayer and troubled him; wherefore it was needful even
for the involuntary homicide to depart from his country for a year until
the anger of the dead man had cooled down; nor might the slayer return
until sacrifice had been offered and ceremonies of purification performed.
If his victim chanced to be a foreigner, the homicide had to shun the
native country of the dead man as well as his own.(622) The legend of the
matricide Orestes, how he roamed from place to place pursued by the Furies
of his murdered mother, and none would sit at meat with him, or take him
in, till he had been purified,(623) reflects faithfully the real Greek
dread of such as were still haunted by an angry ghost. When the turbulent
people of Cynaetha, after perpetrating an atrocious massacre, sent an
embassy to Sparta, every Arcadian town through which the envoys passed on
their journey ordered them out of its walls at once; and the Mantineans,
after the embassy had departed, even instituted a solemn purification of
the city and its territory by carrying sacrificial victims round them
both.(624)
(M115) Among the Kwakiutl Indians of British Columbia, men who have
partaken of human flesh as a ceremonial rite are subject for a long time
afterwards to many restrictions or taboos of the sort we have been dealing
with. They may not touch their wives for a whole year; and during the same
time they are forbidden to work or gamble. For four months they must live
alone in their bedrooms, and when they are obliged to quit the house for a
necessary purpose, they may not go out at the ordinary door, but must use
only the secret door in the rear of the house. On such occasions each of
them is attended by all the rest, carrying small sticks. They must all sit
down together on a long log, then get up, then sit down again, repeating
this three times before they are allowed to remain seated. Before they
rise they must turn round four times. Then they go back to the house.
Before entering they must raise their feet four times; with the fourth
step they really pass the door, taking care to enter with the right foot
foremost. In the doorway they turn four times and walk slowly into the
house. They are not permitted to look back. During the four months of
their seclusion each man in eating must use a spoon, dish, and kettle of
his own, which are thrown away at the end of the period. Before he draws
water from a bucket or a brook, he must dip his cup into it thrice; and he
may not take more than four mouthfuls at one time. He must carry a
wing-bone of an eagle and drink through it, for his lips may not touch the
brim of his cup. Also he keeps a copper nail to scratch his head with, for
were his own nails to touch his own skin they would drop off. For sixteen
days after he has partaken of human flesh he may not eat any warm food,
and for the whole of the four months he is forbidden to cool hot food by
blowing on it with his breath. At the end of winter, when the season of
ceremonies is over, he feigns to have forgotten the ordinary ways of men,
and has to learn everything anew. The reason for these remarkable
restrictions imposed on men who have eaten human flesh is not stated; but
we may surmise that fear of the ghost of the man whose body was eaten has
at least a good deal to do with them. We are confirmed in our conjecture
by observing that though these cannibals sometimes content themselves with
taking bites out of living people, the rules in question are especially
obligatory on them after they have devoured a corpse. Moreover, the
careful treatment of the bones of the victim points to the same
conclusion; for during the four months of seclusion observed by the
cannibals, the bones of the person on whom they feasted are kept
alternately for four days at a time under rocks in the sea and in their
bedrooms on the north side of the house, where the sun cannot shine on
them. Finally the bones are taken out of the house, tied up, weighted with
a stone, and thrown into deep water, “because it is believed that if they
were buried they would come back and take their master’s soul.”(625) This
seems to mean that if the bones of the victim were buried, his ghost would
come back and fetch away the souls of the men who had eaten his body. The
Gebars, a cannibal tribe in the north of New Guinea, are much afraid of
the spirit of a slain man or woman. Among them persons who have partaken
of human flesh for the first time reside for a month afterwards in a small
hut and may not enter the dwelling-house.(626)
§ 6. Hunters and Fishers tabooed.
(M116) In savage society the hunter and the fisherman have often to
observe rules of abstinence and to submit to ceremonies of purification of
the same sort as those which are obligatory on the warrior and the
manslayer; and though we cannot in all cases perceive the exact purpose
which these rules and ceremonies are supposed to serve, we may with some
probability assume that, just as the dread of the spirits of his enemies
is the main motive for the seclusion and purification of the warrior who
hopes to take or has already taken their lives, so the huntsman or
fisherman who complies with similar customs is principally actuated by a
fear of the spirits of the beasts, birds, or fish which he has killed or
intends to kill. For the savage commonly conceives animals to be endowed
with souls and intelligences like his own, and hence he naturally treats
them with similar respect. Just as he attempts to appease the ghosts of
the men he has slain, so he essays to propitiate the spirits of the
animals he has killed. These ceremonies of propitiation will be described
later on in this work;(627) here we have to deal, first, with the taboos
observed by the hunter and the fisherman before or during the hunting and
fishing seasons, and, second, with the ceremonies of purification which
have to be practised by these men on returning with their booty from a
successful chase.
(M117) While the savage respects, more or less, the souls of all animals,
he treats with particular deference the spirits of such as are either
especially useful to him or formidable on account of their size, strength,
or ferocity. Accordingly the hunting and killing of these valuable or
dangerous beasts are subject to more elaborate rules and ceremonies than
the slaughter of comparatively useless and insignificant creatures. Thus
the Indians of Nootka Sound prepared themselves for catching whales by
observing a fast for a week, during which they ate very little, bathed in
the water several times a day, sang, and rubbed their bodies, limbs, and
faces with shells and bushes till they looked as if they had been severely
torn with briars. They were likewise required to abstain from any commerce
with their women for the like period, this last condition being considered
indispensable to their success. A chief who failed to catch a whale has
been known to attribute his failure to a breach of chastity on the part of
his men.(628) It should be remarked that the conduct thus prescribed as a
preparation for whaling is precisely that which in the same tribe of
Indians was required of men about to go on the war-path.(629) Rules of the
same sort are, or were formerly, observed by Malagasy whalers. For eight
days before they went to sea the crew of a whaler used to fast, abstaining
from women and liquor, and confessing their most secret faults to each
other; and if any man was found to have sinned deeply he was forbidden to
share in the expedition.(630) In the island of Kadiak, off the south coast
of Alaska, whalers were reckoned unclean during the fishing season, and
nobody would eat out of the same dish with them or even come near them.
Yet we are told that great respect was paid to them, and that they were
regarded as the purveyors of their country.(631) Though it is not
expressly said it seems to be implied, and on the strength of analogy we
may assume, that these Kadiak whalers had to remain chaste so long as the
whaling season lasted. In the island of Mabuiag continence was imposed on
the people both before they went to hunt the dugong and while the turtles
were pairing. The turtle-season lasts during parts of October and
November; and if at that time unmarried persons had sexual intercourse
with each other, it was believed that when the canoe approached the
floating turtle, the male would separate from the female and both would
dive down in different directions.(632) So at Mowat in New Guinea men have
no relation with women when the turtle are coupling, though there is
considerable laxity of morals at other times.(633) Among the Motu of Port
Moresby, in New Guinea, chastity is enjoined before fishing and
wallaby-hunting; they believe that men who have been unchaste will be
unable to catch the fish and the wallabies, which will turn round and jeer
at their pursuers.(634) Among the tribes about the mouth of the Wanigela
River in New Guinea the preparations for fishing turtle and dugong are
most elaborate. They begin two months before the fishing. A headman is
appointed who becomes holy. On his strict observance of the laws of the
dugong net depends the success of the season. While the men of the village
are making the nets, this sanctified leader lives entirely secluded from
his family, and may only eat a roasted banana or two after the sun has
gone down. Every evening at sundown he goes ashore and, stripping himself
of all his ornaments, which he is never allowed to doff at other times,
bathes near where the dugongs feed; as he does so he throws scraped
coco-nut and scented herbs and gums into the water to charm the
dugong.(635) Among the Roro-speaking tribes of British New Guinea the
magician who performs ceremonies for the success of a wallaby hunt must
abstain from intercourse with his wife for a month before the hunt takes
place; and he may not eat food cooked by his wife or by any other
woman.(636) In the island of Uap, one of the Caroline group, every
fisherman plying his craft lies under a most strict taboo during the whole
of the fishing season, which lasts for six or eight weeks. Whenever he is
on shore he must spend all his time in the men’s clubhouse (_failu_), and
under no pretext whatever may he visit his own house or so much as look
upon the faces of his wife and womenkind. Were he but to steal a glance at
them, they think that flying fish must inevitably bore out his eyes at
night. If his wife, mother, or daughter brings any gift for him or wishes
to talk with him, she must stand down towards the shore with her back
turned to the men’s clubhouse. Then the fisherman may go out and speak to
her, or with his back turned to her he may receive what she has brought
him; after which he must return at once to his rigorous confinement.
Indeed the fishermen may not even join in dance and song with the other
men of the clubhouse in the evening; they must keep to themselves and be
silent.(637) In the Pelew Islands, also, which belong to the Caroline
group, fishermen are likewise debarred from intercourse with women, since
it is believed that any such intercourse would infallibly have a
prejudicial effect on the fishing. The same taboo is said to be observed
in all the other islands of the South Sea.(638) In Mirzapur, when the seed
of the silkworm is brought into the house, the Kol or Bhuiyar puts it in a
place which has been carefully plastered with holy cow-dung to bring good
luck. From that time the owner must be careful to avoid ceremonial
impurity. He must give up cohabitation with his wife; he may not sleep on
a bed, nor shave himself, nor cut his nails, nor anoint himself with oil,
nor eat food cooked with butter, nor tell lies, nor do anything else that
he deems wrong. He vows to Singarmati Devi that if the worms are duly born
he will make her an offering. When the cocoons open and the worms appear,
he assembles the women of the house and they sing the same song as at the
birth of a baby, and red lead is smeared on the parting of the hair of all
the married women of the neighbourhood. When the worms pair, rejoicings
are made as at a marriage.(639) Thus the silkworms are treated as far as
possible like human beings. Hence the custom which prohibits the commerce
of the sexes while the worms are hatching may be only an extension, by
analogy, of the rule which is observed by many races, that the husband may
not cohabit with his wife during pregnancy and lactation.
(M118) On Lake Victoria Nyanza the Baganda fishermen use a long stout line
which is supported on the surface of the water by wooden floats, while
short lines with baited hooks attached to them depend from it at frequent
intervals. The place where the fisherman makes his line, whether in his
hut or his garden, is tabooed. People may not step over his cords or
tools, and he himself has to observe a number of restrictions. He may not
go near his wife or any other woman. He eats alone, works alone, sleeps
alone. He may not wash, except in the lake. He may not eat salt or meat or
butter. He may not smear any fat on his body. When the line is ready he
goes to the god, asks his blessing on it, and offers him a pot of beer. In
return he receives from the deity a stick or bit of wood to fasten to the
line, and also some medicine of herbs to smoke and blow over the water in
order that the fish may come to the line and be caught. Then he carries
the line to the lake. If in going thither he should stumble over a stone
or a tree-root, he takes it with him, and he does the same with any
grass-seeds that may stick to his clothes. These stones, roots, and seeds
he puts on the line, believing that just as he stumbled over them and they
stuck to him, so the fish will also stumble over them and stick to the
line. The taboo lasts till he has caught his first fish. If his wife has
kept the taboo, he eats the fish with her; but if she has broken it, she
may not partake of the fish. After that if he wishes to go in to his wife,
he must take his line out of the water and place it in a tree or some
other place of safety; he is then free to be with her. But so long as the
line is in the water, he must keep apart from women, or the fish would at
once leave the shore. Any breach of this taboo renders the line useless to
him. He must sell it and make a new one and offer an expiatory offering to
the god.(640) Again, in Uganda the fisherman offers fish to his canoe,
believing that if he neglected to make this offering more than twice, his
net would catch nothing. The fish thus offered to the canoe is eaten by
the fishermen. But if at the time of emptying the traps there is any man
in the canoe who has committed adultery, eaten flesh or salt, or rubbed
his body with butter or fat, that man is not allowed to partake of the
fish offered to the canoe. And if the sinner has not confessed his fault
to the priest and been purified, the catch will be small. When the
adulterer has confessed his sin, the priest calls the husband of the
guilty woman and tells him of her crime. Her paramour has to wear a sign
to shew that he is doing penance, and he makes a feast for the injured
husband, which the latter is obliged to accept in token of reconciliation.
After that the husband may not punish either of the erring couple; the sin
is atoned for and they are able to catch fish again.(641) Among the
Bangala of the Upper Congo, while fishermen are making their traps, they
must observe strict continence, and the restriction lasts until the traps
have caught fish and the fish have been eaten. Similarly Bangala hunters
may have no sexual intercourse from the time they made their traps till
they have caught game and eaten it; it is believed that any hunter who
broke this rule of chastity would have bad luck in the chase.(642)
(M119) In the island of Nias the hunters sometimes dig pits, cover them
lightly over with twigs, grass, and leaves, and then drive the game into
them. While they are engaged in digging the pits, they have to observe a
number of taboos. They may not spit, or the game would turn back in
disgust from the pits. They may not laugh, or the sides of the pit would
fall in. They may eat no salt, prepare no fodder for swine, and in the pit
they may not scratch themselves, for if they did, the earth would be
loosened and would collapse. And the night after digging the pit they may
have no intercourse with a woman, or all their labour would be in
vain.(643)
(M120) This practice of observing strict chastity as a condition of
success in hunting and fishing is very common among rude races; and the
instances of it which have been cited render it probable that the rule is
always based on a superstition rather than on a consideration of the
temporary weakness which a breach of the custom may entail on the hunter
or fisherman. In general it appears to be supposed that the evil effect of
incontinence is not so much that it weakens him, as that, for some reason
or other, it offends the animals, who in consequence will not suffer
themselves to be caught. In the Motumotu tribe of New Guinea a man will
not see his wife the night before he starts on a great fishing or hunting
expedition; if he did, he would have no luck. In the Motu tribe he is
regarded as holy that night, and in the morning no one may speak to him or
call out his name.(644) In German East Africa elephant hunters must
refrain from women for several days before they set out for the
chase.(645) We have seen that in the same region a wife’s infidelity
during the hunter’s absence is believed to give the elephant power over
him so as to kill or wound him.(646) As this belief is clearly a
superstition, based on sympathetic magic, so doubtless is the practice of
chastity before the hunt. The pygmies of the great African forest are also
reported to observe strict continence the night before an important hunt.
It is said that at this time they propitiate their ancestors by rubbing
their skulls, which they keep in boxes, with palm oil and with water in
which the ashes of the bark and leaves of a certain tree (_moduma_) have
been mixed.(647)
(M121) The Huichol Indians of Mexico think that only the pure of heart
should hunt the deer. The deer would never enter a snare put up by a man
in love; it would only look at it, snort “Pooh, pooh,” and go back the way
it came. Good luck in love means bad luck in deer-hunting. But even those
who have been abstinent must invoke the aid of the fire to burn the last
taint or blemish out of them. So the night before they set out for the
chase they gather round the fire and pray aloud, all trying to get as near
as they can to the flaming god, and turning every side of their bodies to
his blessed influence. They hold out their open hands to it, warm the
palms, spit on them, and then rub them quickly over their joints, legs,
and shoulders, as the shamans do in curing a sick man, in order that their
limbs and sinews may be as strong as their hearts are pure for the task of
the morrow.(648) A Carrier Indian of British Columbia used to separate
from his wife for a full month before he set traps for bears, and during
this time he might not drink from the same vessel as his wife, but had to
use a special cup made of birch bark. The neglect of these precautions
would cause the game to escape after it had been snared. But when he was
about to snare martens, the period of continence was cut down to ten
days.(649) The Sia, a tribe of Pueblo Indians, observe chastity for four
days before a hunt as well as the whole time that it lasts, even if the
game be only rabbits.(650) Among the Tsetsaut Indians of British Columbia
hunters who desire to secure good luck fast and wash their bodies with
ginger-root for three or four days, and do not touch a woman for two or
three months.(651) A Shuswap Indian, who intends to go out hunting must
also keep away from his wife, or he would have no luck.(652) Among the
Thompson Indians the grisly-bear hunter must abstain from sexual
intercourse for some time before he went forth to hunt. These Indians
believe that bears always hear what is said of them. Hence a man who
intends to go bear-hunting must be very careful what he says about the
beasts or about his preparations for killing them, or they will get wind
of it and keep out of his way.(653) In the same tribe of Indians some
trappers and hunters, who were very particular, would not eat with other
people when they were engaged, or about to be engaged, in hunting or
trapping; neither would they eat food cooked by any woman, unless she were
old. They drank cold water in which mountain juniper or wild rhubarb had
been soaked, using a cup of their own, which no one else might touch.
Hunters seldom combed their hair when they were on an expedition, but
waited to do so till their return.(654) The reason for this last rule is
certainly not that at such seasons they have no time to attend to their
persons; the custom is probably based on that superstitious objection to
touch the heads of tabooed persons of which some examples have already
been given, and of which more will be adduced shortly.
(M122) In the late autumn or early winter a few families of the Hidatsa
Indians seek some quiet spot in the forest and pitch their camp there to
catch eagles. After setting up their tents they build a small
medicine-lodge, where the ceremonies supposed to be indispensable for
trapping the eagles are performed. No woman may enter it. The traps are
set on high places among the neighbouring hills. When some of the men wish
to take part in the trapping, they fast and then go by day to the
medicine-lodge. There they continue without food until about midnight,
when they partake of a little nourishment and fall asleep. They get up
just before dawn, or when the morning-star has risen, and go to their
traps. There they sit all day without food or drink, watching for their
prey, and struggling, it may be, from time to time with a captive eagle,
for they always take the birds alive. They return to the camp at sunset.
As they approach, every one rushes into his tent; for the hunter may
neither see nor be seen by any of his fellow-hunters until he enters the
medicine-lodge. They spend the night in the lodge, and about midnight eat
and drink for the first time since the previous midnight; then they lie
down to sleep, only to rise again before dawn and repair anew to the
traps. If any one of them has caught nothing during the day, he may not
sleep at night, but must spend his time in loud lamentation and prayer.
This routine has to be observed by each hunter for four days and four
nights, after which he returns to his own tent, hungry, thirsty, and
tired, and follows his ordinary pursuits till he feels able to go again to
the eagle-traps. During the four days of the trapping he sees none of his
family, and speaks to none of his friends except those who are engaged in
the trapping at the same time. They believe that if any hunter fails to
perform all these rites, the captive eagle will get one of his claws loose
and tear his captor’s hands. There are men in the tribe who have had their
hands crippled for life in that way.(655) It is obvious that the severe
fasting coupled with the short sleep, or even the total sleeplessness, of
these eagle-hunters can only impair their physical vigour and so far tend
to incapacitate them for capturing the eagles. The motive of their
behaviour in these respects is purely superstitious, not rational, and so,
we may safely conclude, is the custom which simultaneously cuts them off
from all intercourse with their wives and families.
(M123) An examination of all the many cases in which the savage bridles
his passions and remains chaste from motives of superstition, would be
instructive, but I cannot attempt it now. I will only add a few
miscellaneous examples of the custom before passing to the ceremonies of
purification which are observed by the hunter and fisherman after the
chase and the fishing are over. The workers in the salt-pans near Siphoum,
in Laos, must abstain from all sexual relations at the place where they
are at work; and they may not cover their heads nor shelter themselves
under an umbrella from the burning rays of the sun.(656) Among the Kachins
of Burma the ferment used in making beer is prepared by two women, chosen
by lot, who during the three days that the process lasts may eat nothing
acid and may have no conjugal relations with their husbands; otherwise it
is supposed that the beer would be sour.(657) Among the Masai honey-wine
is brewed by a man and a woman who live in a hut set apart for them till
the wine is ready for drinking. But they are strictly forbidden to have
sexual intercourse with each other during this time; it is deemed
essential that they should be chaste for two days before they begin to
brew and for the whole of the six days that the brewing lasts. The Masai
believe that were the couple to commit a breach of chastity, not only
would the wine be undrinkable but the bees which made the honey would fly
away. Similarly they require that a man who is making poison should sleep
alone and observe other taboos which render him almost an outcast.(658)
The Wandorobbo, a tribe of the same region as the Masai, believe that the
mere presence of a woman in the neighbourhood of a man who is brewing
poison would deprive the poison of its venom, and that the same thing
would happen if the wife of the poison-maker were to commit adultery while
her husband was brewing the poison.(659) In this last case it is obvious
that a rationalistic explanation of the taboo is impossible. How could the
loss of virtue in the poison be a physical consequence of the loss of
virtue in the poison-maker’s wife? Clearly the effect which the wife’s
adultery is supposed to have on the poison is a case of sympathetic magic;
her misconduct sympathetically affects her husband and his work at a
distance. We may, accordingly, infer with some confidence that the rule of
continence imposed on the poison-maker himself is also a simple case of
sympathetic magic, and not, as a civilised reader might be disposed to
conjecture, a wise precaution designed to prevent him from accidentally
poisoning his wife. Again, to take other instances, in the East Indian
island of Buru people smear their bodies with coco-nut oil as a protection
against demons. But in order that the charm may be effective, the oil must
have been made by young unmarried girls.(660) In the Seranglao and Gorong
archipelagoes the same oil is regarded as an antidote to poison; but it
only possesses this virtue if the nuts have been gathered on a Friday by a
youth who has never known a woman, and if the oil has been extracted by a
pure maiden, while a priest recited the appropriate spells.(661) So in the
Marquesas Islands, when a woman was making coco-nut oil, she was tabooed
for four or five or more days, during which she might have no intercourse
with her husband. If she broke this rule, it was believed that she would
obtain no oil.(662) In the same islands when a man had placed a dish of
bananas and coco-nuts in an oven of hot stones to bake over night, he
might not go in to his wife, or the food would not be found baked in the
morning.(663) In ancient Mexico the men who distilled the wine known as
_pulque_ from the sap of the great aloe, might not touch a woman for four
days; if they were unchaste, they thought the wine would be sour and
putrid.(664)
(M124) Among the Ba-Pedi and Ba-thonga tribes of South Africa, when the
site of a new village has been chosen and the houses are building, all the
married people are forbidden to have conjugal relations with each other.
If it were discovered that any couple had broken this rule, the work of
building would immediately be stopped, and another site chosen for the
village. For they think that a breach of chastity would spoil the village
which was growing up, that the chief would grow lean and perhaps die, and
that the guilty woman would never bear another child.(665) Among the Chams
of Cochin-China, when a dam is made or repaired on a river for the sake of
irrigation, the chief who offers the traditional sacrifices and implores
the protection of the deities on the work, has to stay all the time in a
wretched hovel of straw, taking no part in the labour, and observing the
strictest continence; for the people believe that a breach of his chastity
would entail a breach of the dam.(666) Here, it is plain, there can be no
idea of maintaining the mere bodily vigour of the chief for the
accomplishment of a task in which he does not even bear a hand. In New
Caledonia the wizard who performs certain superstitious ceremonies at the
building and launching of a large canoe is bound to the most rigorous
chastity the whole time that the vessel is on the stocks.(667) Among the
natives of the Gazelle Peninsula in New Britain men who are engaged in
making fish-traps avoid women and observe strict continence. They believe
that if a woman were even to touch a fish-trap, it would catch
nothing.(668) Here, therefore, the rule of continence probably springs
from a fear of infecting sympathetically the traps with feminine weakness
or perhaps with menstrual pollution. Every year at the end of September or
the beginning of October, when the north-east monsoon is near an end, a
fleet of large sailing canoes leaves Port Moresby and the neighbouring
Motu villages of New Guinea on a trading voyage to the deltas of the
rivers which flow into the Papuan Gulf. The canoes are laden with a cargo
of earthenware pots, and after about three months they return, sailing
before the north-west monsoon and bringing back a cargo of sago which they
have obtained by barter for their crockery. It is about the beginning of
the south-east monsoon, that is, in April or May, that the skippers, who
are leading men in the villages, make up their minds to go on these
trading voyages. When their resolution is taken they communicate it to
their wives, and from about that time husband and wife cease to cohabit.
The same custom of conjugal separation is observed by what we may call the
mate or second in command of each vessel. But it is not till the month of
August that the work of preparing the canoes for sea by overhauling and
caulking them is taken seriously in hand. From that time both skipper and
mate become particularly sacred or taboo (_helaga_), and consequently they
keep apart from their wives more than ever. Husband and wife, indeed,
sleep in the same house but on opposite sides of it. In speaking of his
wife he calls her “maiden,” and she calls him “youth.” They have no direct
conversation or dealings with each other. If he wishes to communicate with
her, he does so through a third person, usually a relative of one of them.
Both refrain from washing themselves, and he from combing his hair. “The
wife’s position indeed becomes very much like that of a widow.” When the
canoe has been launched, skipper, mate, and crew are all forbidden to
touch their food with their fingers; they must always handle it and convey
it to their mouths with a bone fork.(669) A briefer account of the custom
and superstition had previously been given by a native pastor settled in
the neighbourhood of Port Moresby. He says: “Here is a custom of
trading-voyage parties:—If it is arranged to go westward, to procure
arrowroot, the leader of the party sleeps apart from his wife for the time
being, and on until the return from the expedition, which is sometimes a
term of five months. They say if this is not done the canoe of the chief
will be sunk on the return voyage, all the arrowroot lost in the sea, and
he himself covered with shame. He, however, who observes the rule of
self-denial, returns laden with arrowroot, has not a drop of salt water to
injure his cargo, and so is praised by his companions and crew.”(670) The
Akamba and Akikuyu of eastern Africa refrain from the commerce of the
sexes on a journey, even if their wives are with them in the caravan; and
they observe the same rule of chastity so long as the cattle are at
pasture, that is, from the time the herds are driven out to graze in the
morning till they come back in the evening.(671) Why the rule should be in
force just while the cattle are at pasture is not said, but we may
conjecture that any act of incontinence at that time is somehow supposed,
on the principles of sympathetic magic, to affect the animals injuriously.
The conjecture is confirmed by the observation that among the Akikuyu for
eight days after the quarterly festivals, which they hold for the sake of
securing God’s blessing on their flocks and herds, no commerce is
permitted between the sexes. They think that any breach of continence in
these eight days would be followed by a mortality among the flocks.(672)
(M125) If the taboos or abstinences observed by hunters and fishermen
before and during the chase are dictated, as we have seen reason to
believe, by superstitious motives, and chiefly by a dread of offending or
frightening the spirits of the creatures whom it is proposed to kill, we
may expect that the restraints imposed after the slaughter has been
perpetrated will be at least as stringent, the slayer and his friends
having now the added fear of the angry ghosts of his victims before their
eyes. Whereas on the hypothesis that the abstinences in question,
including those from food, drink, and sleep, are merely salutary
precautions for maintaining the men in health and strength to do their
work, it is obvious that the observance of these abstinences or taboos
after the work is done, that is, when the game is killed and the fish
caught, must be wholly superfluous, absurd, and inexplicable. But as I
shall now shew, these taboos often continue to be enforced or even
increased in stringency after the death of the animals, in other words,
after the hunter or fisher has accomplished his object by making his bag
or landing his fish. The rationalistic theory of them therefore breaks
down entirely; the hypothesis of superstition is clearly the only one open
to us.
(M126) Among the Inuit or Esquimaux of Bering Strait “the dead bodies of
various animals must be treated very carefully by the hunter who obtains
them, so that their shades may not be offended and bring bad luck or even
death upon him or his people.” Hence the Unalit hunter who has had a hand
in the killing of a white whale, or even has helped to take one from the
net, is not allowed to do any work for the next four days, that being the
time during which the shade or ghost of the whale is supposed to stay with
its body. At the same time no one in the village may use any sharp or
pointed instrument for fear of wounding the whale’s shade, which is
believed to be hovering invisible in the neighbourhood; and no loud noise
may be made lest it should frighten or offend the ghost. Whoever cuts a
whale’s body with an iron axe will die. Indeed the use of all iron
instruments is forbidden in the village during these four days. These
Inuit have a special name (_nu-na hlukh-tuk_) “for a spot of ground where
certain things are tabooed, or where there is to be feared any evil
influence caused by the presence of offended shades of men or animals, or
through the influence of other supernatural means. This ground is
sometimes considered unclean, and to go upon it would bring misfortune to
the offender, producing sickness, death, or lack of success in hunting or
fishing. The same term is also applied to ground where certain animals
have been killed or have died.” In the latter case the ground is thought
to be dangerous only to him who there performs some forbidden act. For
example, the shore where a dead white whale has been beached is so
regarded. At such a place and time to chop wood with an iron axe is
supposed to be fatal to the imprudent person who chops. Death, too, is
supposed to result from cutting wood with an iron axe where salmon are
being dressed. An old man at St. Michael told Mr. Nelson of a melancholy
case of this kind which had fallen within the scope of his own
observation. A man began to chop a log near a woman who was splitting
salmon: both of them died soon afterwards. The reason of this disaster, as
the old man explained, was that the shade or ghost (_inua_) of the salmon
and the spirit or mystery (_yu-a_) of the ground were incensed at the
proceeding. Such offences are indeed fatal to every person who may be
present at the desecrated spot. Dogs are regarded as very unclean and
offensive to the shades of game animals, and great care is taken that no
dog shall get at the bones of a white whale. Should a dog touch one of
them, the hunter might lose his luck; his nets would break or be shunned
by the whales, and his spears would not strike. But in addition to the
state of uncleanness or taboo which arises from the presence of the shades
of men or animals, these Esquimaux believe in uncleanness of another sort
which, though not so serious, nevertheless produces sickness or bad luck
in hunting. It consists, we are told, of a kind of invisible, impalpable
vapour, which may attach itself to a person from some contamination. A
hunter infected by such a vapour is much more than usually visible to
game, so that his luck in the chase is gone until he succeeds in cleansing
himself once more. That is why hunters must avoid menstruous women; if
they do not, they will be unable to catch game.(673)
(M127) These same Esquimaux of Bering Strait celebrate a great annual
festival in December, when the bladders of all the seals, whales, walrus,
and white bears that have been killed in the year are taken into the
assembly-house of the village. They remain there for several days, and so
long as they do so the hunters avoid all intercourse with women, saying
that if they failed in that respect the shades of the dead animals would
be offended.(674) Similarly among the Aleuts of Alaska the hunter who had
struck a whale with a charmed spear would not throw again, but returned at
once to his home and separated himself from his people in a hut specially
constructed for the purpose, where he stayed for three days without food
or drink, and without touching or looking upon a woman. During this time
of seclusion he snorted occasionally in imitation of the wounded and dying
whale, in order to prevent the whale which he had struck from leaving the
coast. On the fourth day he emerged from his seclusion and bathed in the
sea, shrieking in a hoarse voice and beating the water with his hands.
Then, taking with him a companion, he repaired to that part of the shore
where he expected to find the whale stranded. If the beast was dead he at
once cut out the place where the death-wound had been inflicted. If the
whale was not dead, he again returned to his home and continued washing
himself until the whale died.(675) Here the hunter’s imitation of the
wounded whale is probably intended by means of homoeopathic magic to make
the beast die in earnest. Among the Kaniagmuts of Alaska the men who
attacked the whale were considered by their countrymen as unclean during
the fishing season, though otherwise they were held in high honour.(676)
(M128) The central Esquimaux of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay think that
whales, ground seals, and common seals originated in the severed fingers
of the goddess Sedna. Hence an Esquimau of these regions must make
atonement for each of these animals that he kills, and must observe
strictly certain taboos after their slaughter. Some of the rules of
conduct thus enjoined are identical with those which are in force after
the death of a human being. Thus after the killing of one of these
sea-mammals, as after the decease of a person, it is forbidden to scrape
the frost from the window, to shake the bed or to disturb the shrubs under
the bed, to remove the drippings of oil from under the lamp, to scrape
hair from skins, to cut snow for the purpose of melting it, to work on
iron, wood, stone, or ivory. Furthermore, women are forbidden to comb
their hair, to wash their faces, and to dry their boots and stockings. All
these regulations must be kept with the greatest care after a ground seal
has been killed, because the transgression of taboos that refer to this
animal makes the hands of Sedna very sore. When a seal is brought into the
hut, the women must stop working until it is cut up. After the capture of
a ground seal, walrus, or whale, they must rest for three days. Not all
kinds of work, however, are forbidden; they may mend articles made of
sealskin, but they may not make anything new. Working on the new skins of
caribou, the American reindeer, is strictly prohibited; for a series of
rules forbids all contact between that animal and the sea-mammals. Thus
reindeer-skins obtained in summer may not be prepared before the ice has
formed and the first seal is caught with the harpoon. Later, as soon as
the first walrus has been killed, the work must stop again until the next
autumn. Hence everybody is eager to have his reindeer-skins ready as
quickly as possible, for until that is done the walrus season will not
begin. When the first walrus has been killed a messenger goes from village
to village and announces the news, whereupon all work on reindeer-skins
immediately ceases. On the other hand, when the season for hunting the
reindeer begins, all the winter clothing and the winter tents that had
been in use during the walrus hunting season become tabooed and are buried
under stones; they may not be used again till the next walrus hunting
season comes round. No walrus-hide or thongs made of such hide may be
taken inland, where the reindeer live. Venison may not be put in the same
boat with walrus-meat, nor yet with salmon. If venison or the antlers of
the reindeer were in a boat which goes walrus-hunting, the boat would be
liable to be broken by the walrus. The Esquimaux are not allowed to eat
venison and walrus on the same day, unless they first strip naked or put
on clothing of reindeer-skin that has never been worn in hunting walrus.
The transgression of these taboos gives umbrage to the souls of walrus;
and a myth is told to account for the mutual aversion of the walrus and
the reindeer. And in general the Esquimaux say that Sedna dislikes the
reindeer, wherefore they may not bring the beast into contact with her
favourites, the sea-mammals. Hence the meat of the whale and the seal, as
well as of the walrus, may not be eaten on the same day with venison. It
is not permitted that both sorts of meat lie on the floor of the hut or
behind the lamps at the same time. If a man who has eaten venison in the
morning happens to enter a hut in which seal meat is being cooked, he is
allowed to eat venison on the bed, but it must be wrapped up before it is
carried into the hut, and he must take care to keep clear of the floor.
Before they change from one food to the other the Esquimaux must wash
themselves.
(M129) But even among the sea-beasts themselves there are rules of mutual
avoidance which these central Esquimaux must observe. Thus a person who
has been eating or hunting walrus must strip naked or change his clothes
before he eats seal; otherwise the transgression will become fastened to
the soul of the walrus in a manner which will be explained presently.
Again, the soul of a salmon is very powerful, and its body may not be
eaten on the same day with walrus or venison. Salmon may not be cooked in
a pot that has been used to boil any other kind of meat; and it must
always be cooked at some distance from the hut. The salmon-fisher is not
allowed to wear boots that have been used in hunting walrus; and no work
may be done on boot-legs till the first salmon has been caught and put on
a boot-leg. Once more the soul of the grim polar bear is offended if the
taboos which concern him are not observed. His soul tarries for three days
near the spot where it left his body, and during these days the Esquimaux
are particularly careful to conform rigidly to the laws of taboo, because
they believe that punishment overtakes the transgressor who sins against
the soul of a bear far more speedily than him who sins against the souls
of the sea-beasts.(677)
(M130) The native explanation of the taboos thus enjoined on hunters among
the central Esquimaux has been given us by the eminent American
ethnologist Dr. Franz Boas. As it sets what may be called the spiritual
basis of taboo in the clearest light, it deserves to be studied with
attention.
(M131) The goddess Sedna, he tells us, the mother of the sea-mammals, may
be considered to be the chief deity of the central Esquimaux. She is
supposed to bear supreme sway over the destinies of mankind, and almost
all the observances of these tribes have for their object to retain her
good will or appease her anger. Her home is in the lower world, where she
dwells in a house built of stone and whale-ribs. “The souls of seals,
ground seals, and whales are believed to proceed from her house. After one
of these animals has been killed, its soul stays with the body for three
days. Then it goes back to Sedna’s abode, to be sent forth again by her.
If, during the three days that the soul stays with the body, any taboo or
proscribed custom is violated, the violation (_pitssēte_) becomes attached
to the animal’s soul, and causes it pain. The soul strives in vain to free
itself of these attachments, but is compelled to take them down to Sedna.
The attachments, in some manner not explained, make her hands sore, and
she punishes the people who are the cause of her pains by sending to them
sickness, bad weather, and starvation. If, on the other hand, all taboos
have been observed, the sea-animals will allow themselves to be caught;
they will even come to meet the hunter. The object of the innumerable
taboos that are in force after the killing of these sea-animals,
therefore, is to keep their souls free from attachments that would hurt
their souls as well as Sedna.
(M132) “The souls of the sea-animals are endowed with greater powers than
those of ordinary human beings. They can see the effect of contact with a
corpse, which causes objects touched by it to appear dark in colour; and
they can see the effect of flowing human blood, from which a vapour rises
that surrounds the bleeding person and is communicated to every one and
every thing that comes in contact with such a person. This vapour and the
dark colour of death are exceedingly unpleasant to the souls of the
sea-animals, that will not come near a hunter thus affected. The hunter
must therefore avoid contact with people who have touched a body, or with
those who are bleeding, more particularly with menstruating women or with
those who have recently given birth. The hands of menstruating women
appear red to the sea-animals. If any one who has touched a body or who is
bleeding should allow others to come in contact with him, he would cause
them to become distasteful to the seals, and therefore to Sedna as well.
For this reason custom demands that every person must at once announce if
he has touched a body, and that women must make known when they are
menstruating or when they have had a miscarriage. If they do not do so,
they will bring ill-luck to all the hunters.
(M133) “These ideas have given rise to the belief that it is necessary to
announce the transgression of any taboo. The transgressor of a custom is
distasteful to Sedna and to the animals, and those who abide with him will
become equally distasteful through contact with him. For this reason it
has come to be an act required by custom and morals to confess any and
every transgression of a taboo, in order to protect the community from the
evil influence of contact with the evil-doer. The descriptions of Eskimo
life given by many observers contain records of starvation, which,
according to the belief of the natives, was brought about by some one
transgressing a law, and not announcing what he had done.
(M134) “I presume the importance of the confession of a transgression,
with a view to warning others to keep at a distance from the transgressor,
has gradually led to the idea that a transgression, or, we might say, a
sin can be atoned for by confession. This is one of the most remarkable
traits among the religious beliefs of the central Eskimo. There are
innumerable tales of starvation brought about by the transgression of a
taboo. In vain the hunters try to supply their families with food; gales
and drifting snow make their endeavours fruitless. Finally the help of the
_angakok_(678) is invoked, and he discovers that the cause of the
misfortune of the people is due to the transgression of a taboo. Then the
guilty one is searched for. If he confesses, all is well; the weather
moderates, and the seals allow themselves to be caught; but if he
obstinately maintains his innocence, his death alone will soothe the wrath
of the offended deity....
(M135) “The transgressions of taboos do not affect the souls of game
alone. It has already been stated that the sea-mammals see their effect
upon man also, who appears to them of a dark colour, or surrounded by a
vapour which is invisible to ordinary man. This means, of course, that the
transgression also affects the soul of the evil-doer. It becomes attached
to it, and makes him sick. The _angakok_(679) is able to see these
attachments with the help of his guardian spirit, and is able to free the
soul from them. If this is not done, the person must die. In many cases
the transgressions become fastened also to persons who come in contact
with the evil-doer. This is especially true of children, to whose souls
the sins of their parents, and particularly of their mothers, become
readily attached. Therefore, when a child is sick, the _angakok_ first of
all, asks its mother if she has transgressed any taboos. The attachment
seems to have a different appearance, according to the taboo that has been
violated. A black attachment is due to removing oil-drippings from under
the lamp, a piece of caribou-skin represents the scrapings removed from a
caribou-skin at a time when such work was forbidden. As soon as the mother
acknowledges the transgression of a taboo, the attachment leaves the
child’s soul, and the child recovers.
(M136) “A number of customs may be explained by the endeavours of the
natives to keep the sea-mammals free from contaminating influences. All
the clothing of a dead person, the tent in which he died, and the skins
obtained by him, must be discarded; for if a hunter should wear clothing
made of skins that had been in contact with the deceased, these would
appear dark, and the seal would avoid him. Neither would a seal allow
itself to be taken into a hut darkened by a dead body; and all those who
entered such a hut would appear dark to it, and would be avoided.
“While it is customary for a successful hunter to invite all the men of
the village to eat of the seal that he has caught, they must not take any
of the seal-meat out of the hut, because it might come in contact with
persons who are under taboo, and thus the hunter might incur the
displeasure of the seal and of Sedna. This is particularly strictly
forbidden in the case of the first seal of the season.
“A woman who has a new-born child, and who has not quite recovered, must
eat only of seals caught by her husband, by a boy, or by an aged man; else
the vapour arising from her body would become attached to the souls of
other seals, which would take the transgression down to Sedna, thus making
her hands sore.
“Cases of premature birth require particularly careful treatment. The
event must be announced publicly, else dire results will follow. If a
woman should conceal from the other people that she has had a premature
birth, they might come near her, or even eat in her hut of the seals
procured by her husband. The vapour arising from her would thus affect
them, and they would be avoided by the seals. The transgression would also
become attached to the soul of the seal, which would take it down to
Sedna.”(680)
(M137) In these elaborate taboos so well described by Dr. Boas we seem to
see a system of animism in the act of passing into religion. The rules
themselves bear the clearest traces of having originated in a doctrine of
souls, and of being determined by the supposed likes and dislikes,
sympathies and antipathies of the various classes of spirits toward each
other. But above and behind the souls of men and animals has grown up the
overshadowing conception of a powerful goddess who rules them all, so that
the taboos come more and more to be viewed as a means of propitiating her
rather than as merely adapted to suit the tastes of the souls themselves.
Thus the standard of conduct is shifted from a natural to a supernatural
basis: the supposed wish of the deity or, as we commonly put it, the will
of God, tends to supersede the wishes, real or imaginative, of purely
natural beings as the measure of right and wrong. The old savage taboos,
resting on a theory of the direct relations of living creatures to each
other, remain in substance unchanged, but they are outwardly transformed
into ethical precepts with a religious or supernatural sanction. In this
gradual passage of a rude philosophy into an elementary religion the place
occupied by confession as a moral purgative is particularly interesting. I
can hardly agree with Dr. Boas that among these Esquimaux the confession
of sins was in its origin no more than a means of warning others against
the dangerous contagion of the sinner; in other words, that its saving
efficacy consisted merely in preventing the innocent from suffering with
the guilty, and that it had no healing virtue, no purifying influence, for
the evil-doer himself. It seems more probable that originally the
violation of taboo, in other words, the sin, was conceived as something
almost physical, a sort of morbid substance lurking in the sinner’s body,
from which it could be expelled by confession as by a sort of spiritual
purge or emetic. This is confirmed by the form of auricular confession
which is practised by the Akikuyu of British East Africa. Amongst them, we
are told, “sin is essentially remissable; it suffices to confess it.
Usually this is done to the sorcerer, who expels the sin by a ceremony of
which the principal rite is a pretended emetic: _kotahikio_, derived from
_tahika_, ‘to vomit.’ ”(681) Thus among these savages the confession and
absolution of sins is, so to say, a purely physical process of relieving a
sufferer of a burden which sits heavy on his stomach rather than on his
conscience. This view of the matter is again confirmed by the observation
that these same Akikuyu resort to another physical mode of expelling sin
from a sinner, and that is by the employment of a scapegoat, which by
them, as by the Jews and many other people, has been employed as a vehicle
for carting away moral rubbish and dumping it somewhere else. For example,
if a Kikuyu man has committed incest, which would naturally entail his
death, he produces a substitute in the shape of a he-goat, to which by an
ignoble ceremony he transfers his guilt. Then the throat of the animal is
cut, and the human culprit is thereby purged of his sin.(682)
(M138) Hence we may suspect that the primary motive of the confession of
sins among savages was self-regarding; in other words, the intention was
rather to benefit the sinner himself than to safeguard others by warning
them of the danger they would incur by coming into contact with him. This
view is borne out by the observation that confession is sometimes used as
a means of healing the sick transgressor himself, who is supposed to
recover as soon as he has made a clean breast of his transgression. Thus
“when the Carriers are severely sick, they often think that they shall not
recover, unless they divulge to a priest or magician every crime which
they may have committed, which has hitherto been kept secret. In such a
case they will make a full confession, and then they expect that their
lives will be spared for a time longer. But should they keep back a single
crime, they as firmly believe that they shall suffer almost instant
death.”(683) Again, the Aurohuaca Indians, who, under the tropical sun of
South America, inhabit a chilly region bordering on the perpetual snows of
the Sierra Nevada in Colombia, believe that all sickness is a punishment
for sin. So when one of their medicine-men is summoned to a sick bed, he
does not enquire after the patient’s symptoms but makes strange passes
over him and asks in a sepulchral voice whether he will confess his sins.
If the sick man persists in drawing a veil of silence over his frailties,
the doctor will not attempt to treat him, but will turn on his heel and
leave the house. On the other hand if a satisfactory confession has been
made, the leech directs the patient’s friends to procure certain
odd-looking bits of stone or shell to which the sins of the sufferer may
be transferred, for when that is done he will be made whole. For this
purpose the sin-laden stones or shells are carried high up into the
mountains and laid in some spot where the first beams of the sun, rising
in clear or clouded majesty above the long white slopes or the towering
crags of the Sierra Nevada, will strike down on them, driving sin and
sickness far away by their radiant influence.(684) Here, again, we see
that sin is regarded as something almost material which by confession can
be removed from the body of the patient and laid on stones or shells.
Further, the confession of sins has been resorted to by some people as a
means of accelerating the birth of a child when the mother was in hard
labour. Thus, “among the Indians of Guatemala, in the time of their
idolatry when a woman was in labour, the midwife ordered her to confess
her sins; and if she was not delivered, the husband was to confess his;
and if that did not do they took off his clouts and put them about his
wife’s loins; if still she could not be delivered, the midwife drew blood
from herself and sprinkled it towards the four quarters of heaven with
some invocations and ceremonies.”(685) In these attempts of the Indians to
accelerate the birth of the child it seems clear that the confession of
sins on the part first of the wife and afterwards of the husband is
nothing but a magical ceremony like the putting of the husband’s clothes
on the suffering woman(686) or the sprinkling of the midwife’s blood
towards the four quarters of the heaven. Amongst the Antambahoaka, a
savage tribe of Madagascar, when a woman is in hard labour, a sorcerer is
called in to her aid. After making some magical signs and uttering some
incantations, he generally declares that the patient cannot be delivered
until she has publicly confessed a secret fault which she has committed.
In such a case a woman has been known to confess to incest with her
brother; and immediately after her confession the child was born.(687) In
these cases the confession of sins is clearly not a mode of warning people
to keep clear of the sinner; it is a magical ceremony primarily intended
to benefit the sinner himself or herself and no other. The same thing may
perhaps be said of a confession which was prescribed in a certain case by
ancient Hindoo ritual. At a great festival of Varuna, which fell at the
beginning of the rainy season, the priest asked the wife of the sacrificer
to name her paramour or paramours, and she had to mention their names or
at least to take up as many grass-stalks as she had lovers.(688) “Now when
a woman who belongs to one man carries on intercourse with another, she
undoubtedly commits a sin against Varuna. He therefore thus asks her, lest
she should sacrifice with a secret pang in her mind; for when confessed
the sin becomes less, since it becomes truth; this is why he thus asks
her. And whatever connection she confesses not, that indeed will turn out
injurious to her relatives.”(689) In this passage of the _Satapatha
Brahmana_ confession of sin is said to diminish the sin, just as if the
mere utterance of the words ejected or expelled some morbid matter from
the person of the sinner, thereby relieving her of its burden and
benefiting also her relatives, who would suffer through any sin which she
might not have confessed.
(M139) Thus at an early stage of culture the confession of sins wears the
aspect of a bodily rather than of a moral and spiritual purgation; it is a
magical rather than a religious rite, and as such it resembles the
ceremonies of washing, scouring, fumigation, and so forth, which in like
manner are applied by many primitive peoples to the purification of what
we should regard as moral guilt, but what they consider rather as a
corporeal pollution or infection, which can be removed by the physical
agencies of fire, water, fasts, purgatives, abrasion, scarification, and
so forth. But when the guilt of sin ceases to be regarded as something
material, a sort of clinging vapour of death, and is conceived as the
transgression of the will of a wise and good God, it is obvious that the
observance of these outward rites of purification becomes superfluous and
absurd, a vain show which cannot appease the anger of the offended deity.
The only means of turning away his wrath and averting the fatal
consequences of sin is now believed to be the humble confession and true
repentance of the sinner. At this stage of ethical evolution the practice
of confession loses its old magical character as a bodily purge and
assumes the new aspect of a purely religious rite, the propitiation of a
great supernatural and moral being, who by a simple fiat can cancel the
transgression and restore the transgressor to a state of pristine
innocence. This comfortable doctrine teaches us that in order to blot out
the effects of our misdeeds we have only to acknowledge and confess them
with a lowly and penitent heart, whereupon a merciful God will graciously
pardon our sin and absolve us and ours from its consequences. It might
indeed be well for the world if we could thus easily undo the past, if we
could recall the words that have been spoken amiss, if we could arrest the
long train that follows, like a flight of avenging Furies, on every evil
action. But this we cannot do. Our words and acts, good and bad, have
their natural, their inevitable consequences. God may pardon sin, but
Nature cannot.
(M140) It seems not improbable that in our own rules of conduct, in what
we call the common decencies of life as well as in the weightier matters
of morality, there may survive not a few old savage taboos which,
masquerading as an expression of the divine will or draped in the flowing
robes of a false philosophy, have maintained their credit long after the
crude ideas out of which they sprang have been discarded by the progress
of thought and knowledge; while on the other hand many ethical precepts
and social laws, which now rest firmly on a solid basis of utility, may at
first have drawn some portion of their sanctity from the same ancient
system of superstition. For example, we can hardly doubt that in primitive
society the crime of murder derived much of its horror from a fear of the
angry ghost of the murdered man. Thus superstition may serve as a
convenient crutch to morality till she is strong enough to throw away the
crutch and walk alone. To judge by the legislation of the Pentateuch the
ancient Semites appear to have passed through a course of moral evolution
not unlike that which we can still detect in process among the Esquimaux
of Baffin Land. Some of the old laws of Israel are clearly savage taboos
of a familiar type thinly disguised as commands of the deity. This
disguise is indeed a good deal more perfect in Palestine than in Baffin
Land, but in substance it is the same. Among the Esquimaux it is the will
of Sedna; among the Israelites it is the will of Jehovah.(690)
But it is time to return to our immediate subject, to wit, the rules of
conduct observed by hunters after the slaughter of the game.
(M141) When the Kayans or Bahaus of central Borneo have shot one of the
dreaded Bornean panthers, they are very anxious about the safety of their
souls, for they think that the soul of a panther is almost more powerful
than their own. Hence they step eight times over the carcase of the dead
beast reciting the spell, “Panther, thy soul under my soul.” On returning
home they smear themselves, their dogs, and their weapons with the blood
of fowls in order to calm their souls and hinder them from fleeing away;
for being themselves fond of the flesh of fowls they ascribe the same
taste to their souls. For eight days afterwards they must bathe by day and
by night before going out again to the chase.(691) After killing an animal
some Indian hunters used to purify themselves in water as a religious
rite.(692) When a Damara hunter returns from a successful chase he takes
water in his mouth and ejects it three times over his feet, and also into
the fire on his own hearth.(693) Amongst the Caffres of South Africa “the
slaughter of a lion, however honourable it is esteemed, is nevertheless
associated with an idea of moral uncleanness, and is followed by a very
strange ceremony. When the hunters approach the village on their return,
the man who gave the lion the first wound is hidden from every eye by the
shields which his comrades hold up before him. One of the hunters steps
forward and, leaping and bounding in a strange manner, praises the courage
of the lion-killer. Then he rejoins the band, and the same performance is
repeated by another. All the rest meanwhile keep up a ceaseless shouting,
rattling with their clubs on their shields. This goes on till they have
reached the village. Then a mean hut is run up not far from the village;
and in this hut the lion-killer, because he is unclean, must remain four
days, cut off from all association with the tribe. There he dyes his body
all over with white paint; and lads who have not yet been circumcised, and
are therefore, in respect to uncleanness, in the same state as himself,
bring him a calf to eat, and wait upon him. When the four days are over,
the unclean man washes himself, paints himself with red paint in the usual
manner, and is escorted back to the village by the head chief, attended
with a guard of honour. Lastly, a second calf is killed; and, the
uncleanness being now at an end, every one is free to eat of the calf with
him.”(694) Among the Hottentots, when a man has killed a lion, leopard,
elephant, or rhinoceros he is esteemed a great hero, but he is deluged
with urine by the medicine-man and has to remain at home quite idle for
three days, during which his wife may not come near him; she is also
enjoined to restrict herself to a poor diet and to eat no more than is
barely necessary to keep her in health.(695) Similarly the Lapps deem it
the height of glory to kill a bear, which they consider the king of
beasts. Nevertheless, all the men who take part in the slaughter are
regarded as unclean, and must live by themselves for three days in a hut
or tent made specially for them, where they cut up and cook the bear’s
carcase. The reindeer which brought in the carcase on a sledge may not be
driven by a woman for a whole year; indeed, according to one account, it
may not be used by anybody for that period. Before the men go into the
tent where they are to be secluded, they strip themselves of the garments
they had worn in killing the bear, and their wives spit the red juice of
alder bark in their faces. They enter the tent not by the ordinary door
but by an opening at the back. When the bear’s flesh has been cooked, a
portion of it is sent by the hands of two men to the women, who may not
approach the men’s tent while the cooking is going on. The men who convey
the flesh to the women pretend to be strangers bringing presents from a
foreign land; the women keep up the pretence and promise to tie red
threads round the legs of the strangers. The bear’s flesh may not be
passed in to the women through the door of their tent, but must be thrust
in at a special opening made by lifting up the hem of the tent-cover. When
the three days’ seclusion is over and the men are at liberty to return to
their wives, they run, one after the other, round the fire, holding the
chain by which pots are suspended over it. This is regarded as a form of
purification; they may now leave the tent by the ordinary door and rejoin
the women. But the leader of the party must still abstain from
cohabitation with his wife for two days more.(696)
(M142) Again, the Caffres are said to dread greatly the boa-constrictor or
an enormous serpent resembling it; “and being influenced by certain
superstitious notions they even fear to kill it. The man who happened to
put it to death, whether in self-defence or otherwise, was formerly
required to lie in a running stream of water during the day for several
weeks together; and no beast whatever was allowed to be slaughtered at the
hamlet to which he belonged, until this duty had been fully performed. The
body of the snake was then taken and carefully buried in a trench, dug
close to the cattle-fold, where its remains, like those of a chief, were
henceforward kept perfectly undisturbed. The period of penance, as in the
case of mourning for the dead, is now happily reduced to a few days.”(697)
Amongst the Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast, who worship the
python, a native who killed one of these serpents used to be burned alive.
But for some time past, though a semblance of carrying out the old penalty
is preserved, the culprit is allowed to escape with his life, but he has
to pay a heavy fine. A small hut of dry faggots and grass is set up,
generally near the lagoon at Whydah, if the crime has been perpetrated
there; the guilty man is thrust inside, the door of plaited grass is shut
on him, and the hut is set on fire. Sometimes a dog, a kid, and two fowls
are enclosed along with him, and he is drenched with palm-oil and yeast,
probably to render him the more combustible. As he is unbound, he easily
breaks out of the frail hut before the flames consume him; but he has to
run the gauntlet of the angry serpent-worshippers, who belabour the
murderer of their god with sticks and pelt him with clods until he reaches
water and plunges into it, which is supposed to wash away his sin.
Thirteen days later a commemoration service is held in honour of the
deceased python.(698) In Madras it is considered a great sin to kill a
cobra. When this has happened, the people generally burn the body of the
serpent just as they burn the bodies of human beings. The murderer deems
himself polluted for three days. On the second day milk is poured on the
remains of the cobra. On the third day the guilty wretch is free from
pollution.(699) Under native rule, we may suspect, he would not get off so
lightly.
(M143) In these last cases the animal whose slaughter has to be atoned for
is sacred, that is, it is one whose life is commonly spared from motives
of superstition. Yet the treatment of the sacrilegious slayer seems to
resemble so closely the treatment of hunters and fishermen who have killed
animals for food in the ordinary course of business, that the ideas on
which both sets of customs are based may be assumed to be substantially
the same. Those ideas, if I am right, are the respect which the savage
feels for the souls of beasts, especially valuable or formidable beasts,
and the dread which he entertains of their vengeful ghosts. Some
confirmation of this view may be drawn from the ceremonies observed by
fishermen of Annam when the carcase of a whale is washed ashore. These
fisherfolk, we are told, worship the whale on account of the benefits they
derive from it. There is hardly a village on the sea-shore which has not
its small pagoda, containing the bones, more or less authentic, of a
whale. When a dead whale is washed ashore, the people accord it a solemn
burial. The man who first caught sight of it acts as chief mourner,
performing the rites which as chief mourner and heir he would perform for
a human kinsman. He puts on all the garb of woe, the straw hat, the white
robe with long sleeves turned inside out, and the other paraphernalia of
full mourning. As next of kin to the deceased he presides over the funeral
rites. Perfumes are burned, sticks of incense kindled, leaves of gold and
silver scattered, crackers let off. When the flesh has been cut off and
the oil extracted, the remains of the carcase are buried in the sand.
Afterwards a shed is set up and offerings are made in it. Usually some
time after the burial the spirit of the dead whale takes possession of
some person in the village and declares by his mouth whether he is a male
or a female.(700)
CHAPTER V. TABOOED THINGS.
§ 1. The Meaning of Taboo.
(M144) Thus in primitive society the rules of ceremonial purity observed
by divine kings, chiefs, and priests agree in many respects with the rules
observed by homicides, mourners, women in childbed, girls at puberty,
hunters and fishermen, and so on. To us these various classes of persons
appear to differ totally in character and condition; some of them we
should call holy, others we might pronounce unclean and polluted. But the
savage makes no such moral distinction between them; the conceptions of
holiness and pollution are not yet differentiated in his mind. To him the
common feature of all these persons is that they are dangerous and in
danger, and the danger in which they stand and to which they expose others
is what we should call spiritual or ghostly, and therefore imaginary. The
danger, however, is not less real because it is imaginary; imagination
acts upon man as really as does gravitation, and may kill him as certainly
as a dose of prussic acid. To seclude these persons from the rest of the
world so that the dreaded spiritual danger shall neither reach them, nor
spread from them, is the object of the taboos which they have to observe.
These taboos act, so to say, as electrical insulators to preserve the
spiritual force with which these persons are charged from suffering or
inflicting harm by contact with the outer world.(701)
To the illustrations of these general principles which have been already
given I shall now add some more, drawing my examples, first, from the
class of tabooed things, and, second, from the class of tabooed words; for
in the opinion of the savage both things and words may, like persons, be
charged or electrified, either temporarily or permanently, with the
mysterious virtue of taboo, and may therefore require to be banished for a
longer or shorter time from the familiar usage of common life. And the
examples will be chosen with special reference to those sacred chiefs,
kings and priests, who, more than anybody else, live fenced about by taboo
as by a wall. Tabooed things will be illustrated in the present chapter,
and tabooed words in the next.
§ 2. Iron tabooed.
(M145) In the first place we may observe that the awful sanctity of kings
naturally leads to a prohibition to touch their sacred persons. Thus it
was unlawful to lay hands on the person of a Spartan king;(702) no one
might touch the body of the king or queen of Tahiti;(703) it is forbidden
to touch the person of the king of Siam under pain of death;(704) and no
one may touch the king of Cambodia, for any purpose whatever, without his
express command. In July 1874 the king was thrown from his carriage and
lay insensible on the ground, but not one of his suite dared to touch him;
a European coming to the spot carried the injured monarch to his
palace.(705) Formerly no one might touch the king of Corea; and if he
deigned to touch a subject, the spot touched became sacred, and the person
thus honoured had to wear a visible mark (generally a cord of red silk)
for the rest of his life. Above all, no iron might touch the king’s body.
In 1800 King Tieng-tsong-tai-oang died of a tumour in the back, no one
dreaming of employing the lancet, which would probably have saved his
life. It is said that one king suffered terribly from an abscess in the
lip, till his physician called in a jester, whose pranks made the king
laugh heartily, and so the abscess burst.(706) Roman and Sabine priests
might not be shaved with iron but only with bronze razors or shears;(707)
and whenever an iron graving-tool was brought into the sacred grove of the
Arval Brothers at Rome for the purpose of cutting an inscription in stone,
an expiatory sacrifice of a lamb and a pig must be offered, which was
repeated when the graving-tool was removed from the grove.(708) As a
general rule iron might not be brought into Greek sanctuaries.(709) In
Crete sacrifices were offered to Menedemus without the use of iron,
because the legend ran that Menedemus had been killed by an iron weapon in
the Trojan war.(710) The Archon of Plataea might not touch iron; but once
a year, at the annual commemoration of the men who fell at the battle of
Plataea, he was allowed to carry a sword wherewith to sacrifice a
bull.(711) To this day a Hottentot priest never uses an iron knife, but
always a sharp splint of quartz, in sacrificing an animal or circumcising
a lad.(712) Among the Ovambo of south-west Africa custom requires that
lads should be circumcised with a sharp flint; if none is to hand, the
operation may be performed with iron, but the iron must afterwards be
buried.(713) The Antandroy and Tanala of Madagascar cut the navel-strings
of their children with sharp wood or with a thread, but never with an iron
knife.(714) In Uap, one of the Caroline Islands, wood of the hibiscus
tree, which was used to make the fire-drill, must be cut with shell knives
or shell axes, never with iron or steel.(715) Amongst the Moquis of
Arizona stone knives, hatchets, and so on have passed out of common use,
but are retained in religious ceremonies.(716) After the Pawnees had
ceased to use stone arrow-heads for ordinary purposes, they still employed
them to slay the sacrifices, whether human captives or buffalo and
deer.(717) We have seen that among the Esquimaux of Bering Strait the use
of iron implements is forbidden for four days after the slaughter of a
white whale, and that the use of an iron axe at a place where salmon are
being dressed is believed by these people to be a fatal imprudence.(718)
They hold a festival in the assembly-house of the village, while the
bladders of the slain beasts are hanging there, and during its celebration
no wood may be cut with an iron axe. If it is necessary to split firewood,
this may be done with wedges of bone.(719) At Kushunuk, near Cape
Vancouver, it happened that Mr. Nelson and his party entered an
assembly-house of these Esquimaux while the festival of the bladders was
in progress. “When our camping outfit was brought in from the sledges, two
men took drums, and as the clothing and goods of the traders who were with
me were brought in, the drums were beaten softly and a song was sung in a
low, humming tone, but when our guns and some steel traps were brought in,
with other articles of iron, the drums were beaten loudly and the songs
raised in proportion. This was done that the shades of the animals present
in the bladders might not be frightened.”(720) The Esquimaux on the
western coast of Hudson Bay may not work on iron during the season for
hunting musk-oxen, which falls in March. And no such work may be done by
them until the seals have their pups.(721) Negroes of the Gold Coast
remove all iron or steel from their person when they consult their
fetish.(722) The men who made the need-fire in Scotland had to divest
themselves of all metal.(723) There was hardly any belief, we are told,
that had a stronger hold on the mind of a Scottish Highlander than that on
no account whatever should iron be put in the ground on Good Friday. Hence
no grave was dug and no field ploughed on that day. It has been suggested
that the belief was based on that rooted aversion to iron which fairies
are known to feel. These touchy beings live underground, and might resent
having the roof pulled from over their heads on the hallowed day.(724)
Again, in the Highlands of Scotland the shoulder-blades of sheep are
employed in divination, being consulted as to future marriages, births,
deaths, and funerals; but the forecasts thus made will not be accurate
unless the flesh has been removed from the bones without the use of any
iron.(725) In making the _clavie_ (a kind of Yule-tide fire-wheel) at
Burghead, no hammer may be used; the hammering must be done with a
stone.(726) Amongst the Jews no iron tool was used in building the Temple
at Jerusalem or in making an altar.(727) The old wooden bridge (_Pons
Sublicius_) at Rome, which was considered sacred, was made and had to be
kept in repair without the use of iron or bronze.(728) It was expressly
provided by law that the temple of Jupiter Liber at Furfo might be
repaired with iron tools.(729) The council chamber at Cyzicus was
constructed of wood without any iron nails, the beams being so arranged
that they could be taken out and replaced.(730) The late Rajah
Vijyanagram, a member of the Viceroy’s Council, and described as one of
the most enlightened and estimable of Hindoo princes, would not allow iron
to be used in the construction of buildings within his territory,
believing that its use would inevitably be followed by small-pox and other
epidemics.(731)
(M146) This superstitious objection to iron perhaps dates from that early
time in the history of society when iron was still a novelty, and as such
was viewed by many with suspicion and dislike.(732) For everything new is
apt to excite the awe and dread of the savage. “It is a curious
superstition,” says a pioneer in Borneo, “this of the Dusuns, to attribute
anything—whether good or bad, lucky or unlucky—that happens to them to
something novel which has arrived in their country. For instance, my
living in Kindram has caused the intensely hot weather we have experienced
of late.”(733) Some years ago a harmless naturalist was collecting plants
among the high forest-clad mountains on the borders of China and Tibet.
From the summit of a pass he gazed with delight down a long valley which,
stretching away as far as eye could reach to the south, resembled a sea of
bloom, for everywhere the forest was ablaze with the gorgeous hues of the
rhododendron and azalea in flower. In this earthly paradise the votary of
science hastened to install himself beside a lake. But hardly had he done
so when, alas! the weather changed. Though the season was early June, the
cold became intense, snow fell heavily, and the bloom of the rhododendrons
was cut off. The inhabitants of a neighbouring village at once set down
the unusual severity of the weather to the presence of a stranger in the
forest; and a round-robin, signed by them unanimously, was forwarded to
the nearest mandarin, setting forth that the snow which had blocked the
road, and the hail which was blasting their crops, were alike caused by
the intruder, and that all sorts of disturbances would follow if he were
allowed to remain. In these circumstances the naturalist, who had intended
to spend most of the summer among the mountains, was forced to decamp.
“Collecting in this country,” he adds pathetically, “is not an easy
matter.”(734) The unusually heavy rains which happened to follow the
English survey of the Nicobar Islands in the winter of 1886-1887 were
imputed by the alarmed natives to the wrath of the spirits at the
theodolites, dumpy-levellers, and other strange instruments which had been
set up in so many of their favourite haunts; and some of them proposed to
soothe the anger of the spirits by sacrificing a pig.(735) When the German
Hans Stade was a captive in a cannibal tribe of Brazilian Indians, it
happened that, shortly before a prisoner was to be eaten, a great wind
arose and blew away part of the roofs of the huts. The savages were angry
with Stade, and said he had made the wind to come by looking into his
thunder-skins, by which they meant a book he had been reading, in order to
save the prisoner, who was a friend of his, from their stomachs. So the
pious German prayed to God, and God mercifully heard his prayer; for next
morning the weather was beautifully fine, and his friend was butchered,
carved, and eaten in the most perfect comfort.(736) According to the
Orotchis of eastern Siberia, misfortunes have multiplied on them with the
coming of Europeans; “they even go so far as to lay the appearance of
_new_ phenomena like thunder at the door of the Russians.”(737) In the
seventeenth century a succession of bad seasons excited a revolt among the
Esthonian peasantry, who traced the origin of the evil to a water-mill,
which put a stream to some inconvenience by checking its flow.(738) The
first introduction of iron ploughshares into Poland having been followed
by a succession of bad harvests, the farmers attributed the badness of the
crops to the iron ploughshares, and discarded them for the old wooden
ones.(739) To this day the primitive Baduwis of Java, who live chiefly by
husbandry, will use no iron tools in tilling their fields.(740)
(M147) The general dislike of innovation, which always makes itself
strongly felt in the sphere of religion, is sufficient by itself to
account for the superstitious aversion to iron entertained by kings and
priests and attributed by them to the gods; possibly this aversion may
have been intensified in places by some such accidental cause as the
series of bad seasons which cast discredit on iron ploughshares in Poland.
But the disfavour in which iron is held by the gods and their ministers
has another side. Their antipathy to the metal furnishes men with a weapon
which may be turned against the spirits when occasion serves. As their
dislike of iron is supposed to be so great that they will not approach
persons and things protected by the obnoxious metal, iron may obviously be
employed as a charm for banning ghosts and other dangerous spirits. And
often it is so used. Thus in the Highlands of Scotland the great safeguard
against the elfin race is iron, or, better yet, steel. The metal in any
form, whether as a sword, a knife, a gun-barrel, or what not, is
all-powerful for this purpose. Whenever you enter a fairy dwelling you
should always remember to stick a piece of steel, such as a knife, a
needle, or a fish-hook, in the door; for then the elves will not be able
to shut the door till you come out again. So too when you have shot a deer
and are bringing it home at night, be sure to thrust a knife into the
carcase, for that keeps the fairies from laying their weight on it. A
knife or a nail in your pocket is quite enough to prevent the fairies from
lifting you up at night. Nails in the front of a bed ward off elves from
women “in the straw” and from their babes; but to make quite sure it is
better to put the smoothing-iron under the bed, and the reaping-hook in
the window. If a bull has fallen over a rock and been killed, a nail stuck
into it will preserve the flesh from the fairies. Music discoursed on that
melodious instrument, a Jew’s harp, keeps the elfin women away from the
hunter, because the tongue of the instrument is of steel.(741) Again, when
Scotch fishermen were at sea, and one of them happened to take the name of
God in vain, the first man who heard him called out “Cauld airn,” at which
every man of the crew grasped the nearest bit of iron and held it between
his hands for a while.(742) So too when he hears the unlucky word “pig”
mentioned, a Scotch fisherman will feel for the nails in his boots and
mutter “Cauld airn.”(743) The same magic words are even whispered in the
churches of Scotch fishing-villages when the clergyman reads the passage
about the Gadarene swine.(744) In Morocco iron is considered a great
protection against demons; hence it is usual to place a knife or dagger
under a sick man’s pillow.(745) The Singhalese believe that they are
constantly surrounded by evil spirits, who lie in wait to do them harm. A
peasant would not dare to carry good food, such as cakes or roast meat,
from one place to another without putting an iron nail on it to prevent a
demon from taking possession of the viands and so making the eater ill. No
sick person, whether man or woman, would venture out of the house without
a bunch of keys or a knife in his hand, for without such a talisman he
would fear that some devil might take advantage of his weak state to slip
into his body. And if a man has a large sore on his body he tries to keep
a morsel of iron on it as a protection against demons.(746) The
inhabitants of Salsette, an island near Bombay, dread a spirit called
_gîrâ_, which plays many pranks with a solitary traveller, leading him
astray, lowering him into an empty well, and so on. But a _gîrâ_ dare not
touch a person who has on him anything made of iron or steel, particularly
a knife or a nail, of which the spirit stands in great fear. Nor will he
meddle with a woman, especially a married woman, because he is afraid of
her bangles.(747) Among the Majhwâr, an aboriginal tribe in the hill
country of South Mirzapur, an iron implement such as a sickle or a
betel-cutter is constantly kept near an infant’s head during its first
year for the purpose of warding off the attacks of ghosts.(748) Among the
Maravars, an aboriginal race of southern India, a knife or other iron
object lies beside a woman after childbirth to keep off the devil.(749)
When a Mala woman is in labour, a sickle and some _nïm_ leaves are always
kept on the cot. In Malabar people who have to pass by burning-grounds or
other haunted places commonly carry with them iron in some form, such as a
knife or an iron rod used as a walking-stick. When pregnant women go on a
journey, they carry with them a few twigs or leaves of the _nïm_ tree, or
iron in some shape, to scare evil spirits lurking in groves or
burial-grounds which they may pass.(750) In Bilaspore people attribute
cholera to a goddess who visits the afflicted family. But they think that
she may be kept off by iron; hence during an epidemic of cholera people go
about with axes or sickles in their hands. “Their horses are not shod,
otherwise they might possibly nail horse-shoes to the door, but their
belief is more primitive; for with them iron does not _bring_ good luck,
but it _scares away_ the evil spirits, so when a man has had an epileptic
fit he will wear an iron bracelet to keep away the evil spirit which was
supposed to have possessed him.”(751) The Annamites imagine that a
new-born child is exposed to the attacks of evil spirits. To protect the
infant from these malignant beings the parents sometimes sell the child to
the village smith, who makes a small ring or circlet of iron and puts it
on the child’s foot, commonly adding a little chain of iron. When the
infant has been sold to the smith and firmly attached to him by the chain,
the demons no longer have any power over him. After the child has grown
big and the danger is over, the parents ask the smith to break the iron
ring and thank him for his services. No metal but iron will serve the
purpose.(752) On the Slave Coast of Africa when a mother sees her child
gradually wasting away, she concludes that a demon has entered into the
child and takes her measures accordingly. To lure the demon out of the
body of her offspring, she offers a sacrifice of food; and while the devil
is bolting it, she attaches iron rings and small bells to her child’s
ankles and hangs iron chains round his neck. The jingling of the iron and
the tinkling of the bells are supposed to prevent the demon, when he has
concluded his repast, from entering again into the body of the little
sufferer. Hence many children may be seen in this part of Africa weighed
down with iron ornaments.(753) The use of iron as a means to exorcise
demons was forbidden by the Coptic church.(754) In India “the mourner who
performs the ceremony of putting fire into the dead person’s mouth carries
with him a piece of iron: it may be a key or a knife, or a simple piece of
iron, and during the whole time of his separation (for he is unclean for a
certain time, and no one will either touch him or eat or drink with him,
neither can he change his clothes(755)) he carries the piece of iron about
with him to keep off the evil spirit. In Calcutta the Bengali clerks in
the Government Offices used to wear a small key on one of their fingers
when they had been chief mourners.”(756) When a woman dies in childbed in
the island of Salsette, they put a nail or other piece of iron in the
folds of her dress; this is done especially if the child survives her. The
intention plainly is to prevent her spirit from coming back; for they
believe that a dead mother haunts the house and seeks to carry away her
child.(757) In the north-east of Scotland immediately after a death had
taken place, a piece of iron, such as a nail or a knitting-wire, used to
be stuck into all the meal, butter, cheese, flesh, and whisky in the
house, “to prevent death from entering them.” The neglect of this salutary
precaution is said to have been closely followed by the corruption of the
food and drink; the whisky has been known to become as white as milk.(758)
When iron is used as a protective charm after a death, as in these Hindoo
and Scotch customs, the spirit against which it is directed is the ghost
of the deceased.(759)
§ 3. Sharp Weapons tabooed.
(M148) There is a priestly king to the north of Zengwih in Burma, revered
by the Sotih as the highest spiritual and temporal authority, into whose
house no weapon or cutting instrument may be brought.(760) This rule may
perhaps be explained by a custom observed by various peoples after a
death; they refrain from the use of sharp instruments so long as the ghost
of the deceased is supposed to be near, lest they should wound it. Thus
among the Esquimaux of Bering Strait “during the day on which a person
dies in the village no one is permitted to work, and the relatives must
perform no labour during the three following days. It is especially
forbidden during this period to cut with any edged instrument, such as a
knife or an axe; and the use of pointed instruments, like needles or
bodkins, is also forbidden. This is said to be done to avoid cutting or
injuring the shade, which may be present at any time during this period,
and, if accidentally injured by any of these things, it would become very
angry and bring sickness or death to the people. The relatives must also
be very careful at this time not to make any loud or harsh noises that may
startle or anger the shade.”(761) We have seen that in like manner after
killing a white whale these Esquimaux abstain from the use of cutting or
pointed instruments for four days, lest they should unwittingly cut or
stab the whale’s ghost.(762) The same taboo is sometimes observed by them
when there is a sick person in the village, probably from a fear of
injuring his shade which may be hovering outside of his body.(763) After a
death the Roumanians of Transylvania are careful not to leave a knife
lying with the sharp edge uppermost as long as the corpse remains in the
house, “or else the soul will be forced to ride on the blade.”(764) For
seven days after a death, the corpse being still in the house, the Chinese
abstain from the use of knives and needles, and even of chopsticks, eating
their food with their fingers.(765) On the third, sixth, ninth, and
fortieth days after the funeral the old Prussians and Lithuanians used to
prepare a meal, to which, standing at the door, they invited the soul of
the deceased. At these meals they sat silent round the table and used no
knives, and the women who served up the food were also without knives. If
any morsels fell from the table they were left lying there for the lonely
souls that had no living relations or friends to feed them. When the meal
was over the priest took a broom and swept the souls out of the house,
saying, “Dear souls, ye have eaten and drunk. Go forth, go forth.”(766) In
cutting the nails and combing the hair of a dead prince in South Celebes
only the back of the knife and of the comb may be used.(767) The Germans
say that a knife should not be left edge upwards, because God and the
spirits dwell there, or because it will cut the face of God and the
angels.(768) Among the Monumbos of New Guinea a pregnant woman may not use
sharp instruments; for example, she may not sew. If she used such
instruments, they think that she would thereby stab the child in her
womb.(769) Among the Kayans of Borneo, when the birth-pangs begin, all men
leave the room, and all cutting weapons and iron are also removed,
“perhaps in order not to frighten the child,” says the writer who reports
the custom.(770) The reason may rather be a fear of injuring the flitting
soul of mother or babe. In Uganda, when the hour of a woman’s delivery is
at hand, her husband carries all spears and weapons out of the house,(771)
doubtless in order that they may not hurt the tender soul of the new-born
child. Early in the period of the Ming dynasty a professor of geomancy
made the alarming discovery that the spiritual atmosphere of Kü-yung, a
city near Nanking, was in a truly deplorable condition through the
intrusion of an evil spirit. The Chinese emperor, with paternal
solicitude, directed that the north gate, by which the devil had effected
his entrance, should be built up solid, and that for the future the
population of the city should devote their energies to the pursuits of
hair-dressing, corn-cutting, and the shaving of bamboo-roots, because, as
he sagaciously perceived, all these professions call for the use of
sharp-edged instruments, which could not fail to keep the demon at
bay.(772) We can now understand why no cutting instrument may be taken
into the house of the Burmese pontiff. Like so many priestly kings, he is
probably regarded as divine, and it is therefore right that his sacred
spirit should not be exposed to the risk of being cut or wounded whenever
it quits his body to hover invisible in the air or to fly on some distant
mission.
§ 4. Blood tabooed.
(M149) We have seen that the Flamen Dialis was forbidden to touch or even
name raw flesh.(773) At certain times a Brahman teacher is enjoined not to
look on raw flesh, blood, or persons whose hands have been cut off.(774)
In Uganda the father of twins is in a state of taboo for some time after
the birth; among other rules he is forbidden to kill anything or to see
blood.(775) In the Pelew Islands when a raid has been made on a village
and a head carried off, the relations of the slain man are tabooed and
have to submit to certain observances in order to escape the wrath of his
ghost. They are shut up in the house, touch no raw flesh, and chew betel
over which an incantation has been uttered by the exorcist. After this the
ghost of the slaughtered man goes away to the enemy’s country in pursuit
of his murderer.(776) The taboo is probably based on the common belief
that the soul or spirit of the animal is in the blood. As tabooed persons
are believed to be in a perilous state—for example, the relations of the
slain man are liable to the attacks of his indignant ghost—it is
especially necessary to isolate them from contact with spirits; hence the
prohibition to touch raw meat. But as usual the taboo is only the special
enforcement of a general precept; in other words, its observance is
particularly enjoined in circumstances which seem urgently to call for its
application, but apart from such circumstances the prohibition is also
observed, though less strictly, as a common rule of life. Thus some of the
Esthonians will not taste blood because they believe that it contains the
animal’s soul, which would enter the body of the person who tasted the
blood.(777) Some Indian tribes of North America, “through a strong
principle of religion, abstain in the strictest manner from eating the
blood of any animal, as it contains the life and spirit of the beast.”
These Indians “commonly pull their new-killed venison (before they dress
it) several times through the smoke and flame of the fire, both by the way
of a sacrifice and to consume the blood, life, or animal spirits of the
beast, which with them would be a most horrid abomination to eat.”(778)
Among the western Dénés or Tinneh Indians of British Columbia until lately
no woman would partake of blood, “and both men and women abhorred the
flesh of a beaver which had been caught and died in a trap, and of a bear
strangled to death in a snare, because the blood remained in the
carcase.”(779) Many of the Slave, Hare, and Dogrib Indians scruple to
taste the blood of game; hunters of the former tribes collect the blood in
the animal’s paunch and bury it in the snow.(780) The Malepa, a Bantu
tribe in the north of the Transvaal, will taste no blood. Hence they cut
the throats of the cattle they slaughter and let the blood drain out of
the carcase before they will eat it. And they do the same with game.(781)
Jewish hunters poured out the blood of the game they had killed and
covered it up with dust. They would not taste the blood, believing that
the soul or life of the animal was in the blood, or actually was the
blood.(782) The same belief was held by the Romans,(783) and is shared by
the Arabs,(784) by Chinese medical writers,(785) and by some of the Papuan
tribes of New Guinea.(786)
(M150) It is a common rule that royal blood may not be shed upon the
ground. Hence when a king or one of his family is to be put to death a
mode of execution is devised by which the royal blood shall not be spilt
upon the earth. About the year 1688 the generalissimo of the army rebelled
against the king of Siam and put him to death “after the manner of royal
criminals, or as princes of the blood are treated when convicted of
capital crimes, which is by putting them into a large iron caldron, and
pounding them to pieces with wooden pestles, because none of their royal
blood must be spilt on the ground, it being, by their religion, thought
great impiety to contaminate the divine blood by mixing it with
earth.”(787) Other Siamese modes of executing a royal person are
starvation, suffocation, stretching him on a scarlet cloth and thrusting a
billet of fragrant sandal-wood into his stomach,(788) or lastly, sewing
him up in a leather sack with a large stone and throwing him into the
river; sometimes the sufferer’s neck is broken with sandal-wood clubs
before he is thrown into the water.(789) When Kublai Khan defeated and
took his uncle Nayan, who had rebelled against him, he caused Nayan to be
put to death by being wrapt in a carpet and tossed to and fro till he
died, “because he would not have the blood of his Line Imperial spilt upon
the ground or exposed in the eye of Heaven and before the Sun.”(790)
“Friar Ricold mentions the Tartar maxim: ‘One Khan will put another to
death to get possession of the throne, but he takes great care that the
blood be not spilt. For they say that it is highly improper that the blood
of the Great Khan should be spilt upon the ground; so they cause the
victim to be smothered somehow or other.’ The like feeling prevails at the
court of Burma, where a peculiar mode of execution without bloodshed is
reserved for princes of the blood.”(791) Another writer on Burma observes
that “according to Mongolian tradition, it is considered improper to spill
the blood of any member of the royal race. Princes of the Blood are
executed by a blow, or blows, of a bludgeon, inflicted on the back of the
neck. The corpse is placed in a red velvet sack, which is fixed between
two large perforated jars, and then sunk in the river Irawadi. Princesses
are executed in a similar manner, with the exception that they are put to
death by a blow in front, instead of the back of the neck.”(792) In 1878
the relations of Theebaw, king of Burma, were despatched by being beaten
across the throat with a bamboo.(793) In Tonquin the ordinary mode of
execution is beheading, but persons of the blood royal are strangled.(794)
In Ashantee the blood of none of the royal family may be shed; if one of
them is guilty of a great crime he is drowned in the river Dah.(795) As
the blood royal of Dahomey may not be spilled, offenders of the royal
family are drowned or strangled. Commonly they are bound hand and foot,
carried out to sea in a canoe, and thrown overboard.(796) When a king of
Benin came to the throne he used to put his brothers to death; but as no
one might lay hands on a prince of the blood, the king commanded his
brothers to hang themselves, after which he buried their bodies with great
pomp.(797) In Madagascar the blood of nobles might not be shed; hence when
four Christians of that class were to be executed they were burned
alive.(798) In Uganda “no one may shed royal blood on any account, not
even when ordered by the king to slay one of the royal house; royalty may
only be starved or burned to death.”(799) Formerly when a young king of
Uganda came of age all his brothers were burnt except two or three, who
were preserved to keep up the succession.(800) Or a space of ground having
been fenced in with a high paling and a deep ditch, the doomed men were
led into the enclosure and left there till they died, while guards kept
watch outside to prevent their escape.(801) Among the Bawenda of southern
Africa dangerous princes are strangled, for their blood may not be
shed.(802)
(M151) The reluctance to spill royal blood seems to be only a particular
case of a general unwillingness to shed blood or at least to allow it to
fall on the ground. Marco Polo tells us that in his day persons caught in
the streets of Cambaluc (Peking) at unseasonable hours were arrested, and
if found guilty of a misdemeanour were beaten with a stick. “Under this
punishment people sometimes die, but they adopt it in order to eschew
bloodshed, for their _Bacsis_ say that it is an evil thing to shed man’s
blood.”(803) When Captain Christian was shot by the Manx Government at the
Restoration in 1660, the spot on which he stood was covered with white
blankets, that his blood might not fall on the ground.(804) In West Sussex
people believe that the ground on which human blood has been shed is
accursed and will remain barren for ever.(805) Among some primitive
peoples, when the blood of a tribesman has to be spilt it is not suffered
to fall upon the ground, but is received upon the bodies of his
fellow-tribesmen. Thus in some Australian tribes boys who are being
circumcised are laid on a platform, formed by the living bodies of the
tribesmen;(806) and when a boy’s tooth is knocked out as an initiatory
ceremony, he is seated on the shoulders of a man, on whose breast the
blood flows and may not be wiped away.(807) When Australian blacks bleed
each other as a cure for headache and other ailments, they are very
careful not to spill any of the blood on the ground, but sprinkle it on
each other.(808) We have already seen that in the Australian ceremony for
making rain the blood which is supposed to imitate the rain is received
upon the bodies of the tribesmen.(809) “Also the Gauls used to drink their
enemies’ blood and paint themselves therewith. So also they write that the
old Irish were wont; and so have I seen some of the Irish do, but not
their enemies’ but friends’ blood, as, namely, at the execution of a
notable traitor at Limerick, called Murrogh O’Brien, I saw an old woman,
which was his foster-mother, take up his head whilst he was quartered and
suck up all the blood that ran thereout, saying that the earth was not
worthy to drink it, and therewith also steeped her face and breast and
tore her hair, crying out and shrieking most terribly.”(810) After a
battle in Horne Island, South Pacific, it was found that the brother of
the vanquished king was among the wounded. “It was sad to see his wife
collect in her hands the blood which had flowed from his wounds, and throw
it on to her head, while she uttered piercing cries. All the relatives of
the wounded collected in the same manner the blood which had flowed from
them, down even to the last drop, and they even applied their lips to the
leaves of the shrubs and licked it all up to the last drop.”(811) In the
Marquesas Islands the persons who helped a woman at childbirth received on
their heads the blood which flowed at the cutting of the navel-string; for
the blood might not touch anything but a sacred object, and in Polynesia
the head is sacred in a high degree.(812) In South Celebes at childbirth a
female slave stands under the house (the houses being raised on posts
above the ground) and receives in a basin on her head the blood which
trickles through the bamboo floor.(813) Among the Latuka of central Africa
the earth on which a drop of blood has fallen at childbirth is carefully
scraped up with an iron shovel, put into a pot along with the water used
in washing the mother, and buried tolerably deep outside the house on the
left-hand side.(814) In West Africa, if a drop of your blood has fallen on
the ground, you must carefully cover it up, rub and stamp it into the
soil; if it has fallen on the side of a canoe or a tree, the place is cut
out and the chip destroyed.(815) The Caffres, we are told, have a great
horror of blood, and must purify themselves from the pollution if they
have shed it and been bespattered by it. Hence warriors on the return from
battle purge themselves with emetics, and that so violently that some of
them give up the ghost. A Caffre would never allow even a drop of blood
from his nose or a wound to lie uncovered, but huddles it over with earth,
that his feet may not be defiled by it.(816) One motive of these African
customs may be a wish to prevent the blood from falling into the hands of
magicians, who might make an evil use of it. That is admittedly the reason
why people in West Africa stamp out any blood of theirs which has fallen
on the ground or cut out any wood that has been soaked with it.(817) From
a like dread of sorcery natives of New Guinea are careful to burn any
sticks, leaves, or rags which are stained with their blood; and if the
blood has dripped on the ground they turn up the soil and if possible
light a fire on the spot.(818) The same fear explains the curious duties
discharged by a class of men called _ramanga_ or “blue blood” among the
Betsileo of Madagascar. It is their business to eat all the nail-parings
and to lick up all the spilt blood of the nobles. When the nobles pare
their nails, the parings are collected to the last scrap and swallowed by
these _ramanga_. If the parings are too large, they are minced small and
so gulped down. Again, should a nobleman wound himself, say in cutting his
nails or treading on something, the _ramanga_ lick it up as fast as
possible. Nobles of high rank hardly go anywhere without these humble
attendants; but if it should happen that there are none of them present,
the cut nails and the spilt blood are carefully collected to be afterwards
swallowed by the _ramanga_. There is scarcely a nobleman of any
pretensions who does not strictly observe this custom,(819) the intention
of which probably is to prevent these parts of his person from falling
into the hands of sorcerers, who on the principles of contagious magic
could work him harm thereby. The tribes of the White Nile are said never
to shed human blood in their villages because they think the sight of it
would render women barren or bring misfortune on their children. Hence
executions and murders commonly take place on the roads or in the
forest.(820)
(M152) The unwillingness to shed blood is extended by some peoples to the
blood of animals. Thus, when the Caffres offer an ox to the spirits, the
blood of the beast must be carefully caught in a calabash, and none of it
may fall on the ground.(821) When the Wanika in eastern Africa kill their
cattle for food, “they either stone or beat the animal to death, so as not
to shed the blood.”(822) Amongst the Damaras cattle killed for food are
suffocated, but when sacrificed they are speared to death.(823) But like
most pastoral tribes in Africa, both the Wanika and Damaras very seldom
kill their cattle, which are indeed commonly invested with a kind of
sanctity.(824) Some of the Ewe-speaking negroes of Togoland, in West
Africa, celebrate a festival in honour of the Earth at which it is
unlawful to shed blood on the ground. Hence the fowls which are sacrificed
on these occasions have their necks wrung, not their throats cut.(825) In
killing an animal for food the Easter Islanders do not shed its blood, but
stun it or suffocate it in smoke.(826) When the natives of San Cristoval,
one of the Solomon Islands, sacrifice a pig to a ghost in a sacred place,
they take great care that the blood shall not fall on the ground; so they
place the animal in a large bowl and cut it up there.(827) It is said that
in ancient India the sacrificial victims were not slaughtered but
strangled.(828)
(M153) The general explanation of the reluctance to shed blood on the
ground is probably to be found in the belief that the soul is in the
blood, and that therefore any ground on which it may fall necessarily
becomes taboo or sacred. In New Zealand anything upon which even a drop of
a high chief’s blood chances to fall becomes taboo or sacred to him. For
instance, a party of natives having come to visit a chief in a fine new
canoe, the chief got into it, but in doing so a splinter entered his foot,
and the blood trickled on the canoe, which at once became sacred to him.
The owner jumped out, dragged the canoe ashore opposite the chief’s house,
and left it there. Again, a chief in entering a missionary’s house knocked
his head against a beam, and the blood flowed. The natives said that in
former times the house would have belonged to the chief.(829) As usually
happens with taboos of universal application, the prohibition to spill the
blood of a tribesman on the ground applies with peculiar stringency to
chiefs and kings, and is observed in their case long after it has ceased
to be observed in the case of others.
(M154) We have seen that the Flamen Dialis was not allowed to walk under a
trellised vine.(830) The reason for this prohibition was perhaps as
follows. It has been shewn that plants are considered as animate beings
which bleed when cut, the red juice which exudes from some of them being
regarded as the blood of the plant.(831) The juice of the grape is
therefore naturally conceived as the blood of the vine.(832) And since, as
we have just seen, the soul is often believed to be in the blood, the
juice of the grape is regarded as the soul, or as containing the soul, of
the vine. This belief is strengthened by the intoxicating effects of wine.
For, according to primitive notions, all abnormal mental states, such as
intoxication or madness, are caused by the entrance of a spirit into the
person; such mental states, in other words, are accounted forms of
possession or inspiration. Wine, therefore, is considered on two distinct
grounds as a spirit, or containing a spirit; first because, as a red
juice, it is identified with the blood of the plant, and second because it
intoxicates or inspires. Therefore if the Flamen Dialis had walked under a
trellised vine, the spirit of the vine, embodied in the clusters of
grapes, would have been immediately over his head and might have touched
it, which for a person like him in a state of permanent taboo(833) would
have been highly dangerous. This interpretation of the prohibition will be
made probable if we can shew, first, that wine has been actually viewed by
some peoples as blood, and intoxication as inspiration produced by
drinking the blood; and, second, that it is often considered dangerous,
especially for tabooed persons, to have either blood or a living person
over their heads.
(M155) With regard to the first point, we are informed by Plutarch that of
old the Egyptian kings neither drank wine nor offered it in libations to
the gods, because they held it to be the blood of beings who had once
fought against the gods, the vine having sprung from their rotting bodies;
and the frenzy of intoxication was explained by the supposition that the
drunken man was filled with the blood of the enemies of the gods.(834) The
Aztecs regarded _pulque_ or the wine of the country as bad, on account of
the wild deeds which men did under its influence. But these wild deeds
were believed to be the acts, not of the drunken man, but of the wine-god
by whom he was possessed and inspired; and so seriously was this theory of
inspiration held that if any one spoke ill of or insulted a tipsy man, he
was liable to be punished for disrespect to the wine-god incarnate in his
votary. Hence, says Sahagun, it was believed, not without ground, that the
Indians intoxicated themselves on purpose to commit with impunity crimes
for which they would certainly have been punished if they had committed
them sober.(835) Thus it appears that on the primitive view intoxication
or the inspiration produced by wine is exactly parallel to the inspiration
produced by drinking the blood of animals.(836) The soul or life is in the
blood, and wine is the blood of the vine. Hence whoever drinks the blood
of an animal is inspired with the soul of the animal or of the god, who,
as we have seen,(837) is often supposed to enter into the animal before it
is slain; and whoever drinks wine drinks the blood, and so receives into
himself the soul or spirit, of the god of the vine.
(M156) With regard to the second point, the fear of passing under blood or
under a living person, we are told that some of the Australian blacks have
a dread of passing under a leaning tree or even under the rails of a
fence. The reason they give is that a woman may have been upon the tree or
fence, and some blood from her may have fallen on it and might fall from
it on them.(838) In Ugi, one of the Solomon Islands, a man will never, if
he can help it, pass under a tree which has fallen across the path, for
the reason that a woman may have stepped over it before him.(839) Amongst
the Karens of Burma “going under a house, especially if there are females
within, is avoided; as is also the passing under trees of which the
branches extend downwards in a particular direction, and the butt-end of
fallen trees, etc.”(840) The Siamese think it unlucky to pass under a rope
on which women’s clothes are hung, and to avert evil consequences the
person who has done so must build a chapel to the earth-spirit.(841)
(M157) Probably in all such cases the rule is based on a fear of being
brought into contact with blood, especially the blood of women. From a
like fear a Maori will never lean his back against the wall of a native
house.(842) For the blood of women is supposed to have disastrous effects
upon males. The Arunta of central Australia believe that a draught of
woman’s blood would kill the strongest man.(843) In the Encounter Bay
tribe of South Australia boys are warned that if they see the blood of
women they will early become grey-headed and their strength will fail
prematurely.(844) Men of the Booandik tribe in South Australia think that
if they see the blood of their women they will not be able to fight
against their enemies and will be killed; if the sun dazzles their eyes at
a fight, the first woman they afterwards meet is sure to get a blow from
their club.(845) In the island of Wetar it is thought that if a man or a
lad comes upon a woman’s blood he will be unfortunate in war and other
undertakings, and that any precautions he may take to avoid the misfortune
will be vain.(846) The people of Ceram also believe that men who see
women’s blood will be wounded in battle.(847) It is an Esthonian belief
that men who see women’s blood will suffer from an eruption on the
skin.(848) A Fan negro told Miss Kingsley that a young man in his village,
who was so weak that he could hardly crawl about, had fallen into this
state through seeing the blood of a woman who had been killed by a falling
tree. “The underlying idea regarding blood is of course the old one that
the blood is the life. The life in Africa means a spirit, hence the
liberated blood is the liberated spirit, and liberated spirits are always
whipping into people who do not want them. In the case of the young Fan,
the opinion held was that the weak spirit of the woman had got into
him.”(849)
§ 5. The Head tabooed.
(M158) Again, the reason for not passing under dangerous objects, like a
vine or women’s blood, is a fear that they may come in contact with the
head; for among many peoples the head is peculiarly sacred. The special
sanctity attributed to it is sometimes explained by a belief that it is
the seat of a spirit which is very sensitive to injury or disrespect. Thus
the Yorubas of the Slave Coast hold that every man has three spiritual
inmates, of whom the first, called Olori, dwells in the head and is the
man’s protector, guardian, and guide. Offerings are made to this spirit,
chiefly of fowls, and some of the blood mixed with palm-oil is rubbed on
the forehead.(850) The Karens of Burma suppose that a being called the
_tso_ resides in the upper part of the head, and while it retains its seat
no harm can befall the person from the efforts of the seven _Kelahs_, or
personified passions. “But if the _tso_ becomes heedless or weak certain
evil to the person is the result. Hence the head is carefully attended to,
and all possible pains are taken to provide such dress and attire as will
be pleasing to the _tso_.”(851) The Siamese think that a spirit called
_khuan_ or _kwun_ dwells in the human head, of which it is the guardian
spirit. The spirit must be carefully protected from injury of every kind;
hence the act of shaving or cutting the hair is accompanied with many
ceremonies. The _kwun_ is very sensitive on points of honour, and would
feel mortally insulted if the head in which he resides were touched by the
hand of a stranger. When Dr. Bastian, in conversation with a brother of
the king of Siam, raised his hand to touch the prince’s skull in order to
illustrate some medical remarks he was making, a sullen and threatening
murmur bursting from the lips of the crouching courtiers warned him of the
breach of etiquette he had committed, for in Siam there is no greater
insult to a man of rank than to touch his head. If a Siamese touch the
head of another with his foot, both of them must build chapels to the
earth-spirit to avert the omen. Nor does the guardian spirit of the head
like to have the hair washed too often; it might injure or incommode him.
It was a grand solemnity when the king of Burma’s head was washed with
water drawn from the middle of the river. Whenever the native professor,
from whom Dr. Bastian took lessons in Burmese at Mandalay, had his head
washed, which took place as a rule once a month, he was generally absent
for three days together, that time being consumed in preparing for, and
recovering from, the operation of head-washing. Dr. Bastian’s custom of
washing his head daily gave rise to much remark.(852) The head of the king
of Persia was cleaned only once a year, on his birthday.(853) Roman women
washed their heads annually on the thirteenth of August, Diana’s day.(854)
The Indians of Peru fancied they could rid themselves of their sins by
scrubbing their heads with a small stone and then washing them in a
stream.(855)
(M159) Again, the Burmese think it an indignity to have any one,
especially a woman, over their heads, and for this reason Burmese houses
have never more than one story. The houses are raised on posts above the
ground, and whenever anything fell through the floor Dr. Bastian had
always difficulty in persuading a servant to fetch it from under the
house. In Rangoon a priest, summoned to the bedside of a sick man, climbed
up a ladder and got in at the window rather than ascend the staircase, to
reach which he must have passed under a gallery. A pious Burman of
Rangoon, finding some images of Buddha in a ship’s cabin, offered a high
price for them, that they might not be degraded by sailors walking over
them on the deck.(856) Formerly in Siam no person might cross a bridge
while his superior in rank was passing underneath, nor might he walk in a
room above one in which his superior was sitting or lying.(857) The
Cambodians esteem it a grave offence to touch a man’s head; some of them
will not enter a place where anything whatever is suspended over their
heads; and the meanest Cambodian would never consent to live under an
inhabited room. Hence the houses are built of one story only; and even the
Government respects the prejudice by never placing a prisoner in the
stocks under the floor of a house, though the houses are raised high above
the ground.(858) The same superstition exists amongst the Malays; for an
early traveller reports that in Java people “wear nothing on their heads,
and say that nothing must be on their heads ... and if any person were to
put his hand upon their head they would kill him; and they do not build
houses with storeys, in order that they may not walk over each other’s
heads.”(859) In Uganda no person belonging to the king’s totem clan was
allowed to get on the top of the palace to roof it, for that would have
been regarded as equivalent to getting on the top of the king. Hence the
palace had to be roofed by men of a different clan from the king.(860)
(M160) The same superstition as to the head is found in full force
throughout Polynesia. Thus of Gattanewa, a Marquesan chief, it is said
that “to touch the top of his head, or anything which had been on his
head, was sacrilege. To pass over his head was an indignity never to be
forgotten. Gattanewa, nay, all his family, scorned to pass a gateway which
is ever closed, or a house with a door; all must be as open and free as
their unrestrained manners. He would pass under nothing that had been
raised by the hand of man, if there was a possibility of getting round or
over it. Often have I seen him walk the whole length of our barrier, in
preference to passing between our water-casks; and at the risk of his life
scramble over the loose stones of a wall, rather than go through the
gateway.”(861) Marquesan women have been known to refuse to go on the
decks of ships for fear of passing over the heads of chiefs who might be
below.(862) The son of a Marquesan high priest has been seen to roll on
the ground in an agony of rage and despair, begging for death, because
some one had desecrated his head and deprived him of his divinity by
sprinkling a few drops of water on his hair.(863) But it was not the
Marquesan chiefs only whose heads were sacred. The head of every Marquesan
was taboo, and might neither be touched nor stepped over by another; even
a father might not step over the head of his sleeping child;(864) women
were forbidden to carry or touch anything that had been in contact with,
or had merely hung over, the head of their husband or father.(865) No one
was allowed to be over the head of the king of Tonga.(866) In Hawaii (the
Sandwich Islands) if a man climbed upon a chiefs house or upon the wall of
his yard, he was put to death; if his shadow fell on a chief, he was put
to death; if he walked in the shadow of a chiefs house with his head
painted white or decked with a garland or wetted with water, he was put to
death.(867) In Tahiti any one who stood over the king or queen, or passed
his hand over their heads, might be put to death.(868) Until certain rites
were performed over it, a Tahitian infant was especially taboo; whatever
touched the child’s head, while it was in this state, became sacred and
was deposited in a consecrated place railed in for the purpose at the
child’s house. If a branch of a tree touched the child’s head, the tree
was cut down; and if in its fall it injured another tree so as to
penetrate the bark, that tree also was cut down as unclean and unfit for
use. After the rites were performed these special taboos ceased; but the
head of a Tahitian was always sacred, he never carried anything on it, and
to touch it was an offence.(869) In New Zealand “the heads of the chiefs
were always tabooed (_tapu_), hence they could not pass, or sit, under
food hung up; or carry food, as others, on their backs; neither would they
eat a meal in a house, nor touch a calabash of water in drinking. No one
could touch their head, nor, indeed, commonly speak of it, or allude to
it; to do so offensively was one of their heaviest curses, and grossest
insults, only to be wiped out with blood.”(870) So sacred was the head of
a Maori chief that “if he only touched it with his fingers, he was obliged
immediately to apply them to his nose, and snuff up the sanctity which
they had acquired by the touch, and thus restore it to the part from
whence it was taken.”(871) On account of the sacredness of his head a
Maori chief “could not blow the fire with his mouth, for the breath being
sacred, communicated his sanctity to it, and a brand might be taken by a
slave, or a man of another tribe, or the fire might be used for other
purposes, such as cooking, and so cause his death.”(872) It is a crime for
a sacred person in New Zealand to leave his comb, or anything else which
has touched his head, in a place where food has been cooked, or to suffer
another person to drink out of any vessel which has touched his lips.
Hence when a chief wishes to drink he never puts his lips to the vessel,
but holds his hands close to his mouth so as to form a hollow, into which
water is poured by another person, and thence is allowed to flow into his
mouth. If a light is needed for his pipe, the burning ember taken from the
fire must be thrown away as soon as it is used; for the pipe becomes
sacred because it has touched his mouth; the coal becomes sacred because
it has touched the pipe; and if a particle of the sacred cinder were
replaced on the common fire, the fire would also become sacred and could
no longer be used for cooking.(873) Some Maori chiefs, like other
Polynesians, object to go down into a ship’s cabin from fear of people
passing over their heads.(874) Dire misfortune was thought by the Maoris
to await those who entered a house where any article of animal food was
suspended over their heads. “A dead pigeon, or a piece of pork hung from
the roof, was a better protection from molestation than a sentinel.”(875)
If I am right, the reason for the special objection to having animal food
over the head is the fear of bringing the sacred head into contact with
the spirit of the animal; just as the reason why the Flamen Dialis might
not walk under a vine was the fear of bringing his sacred head into
contact with the spirit of the vine. Similarly King Darius would not pass
through a gate over which there was a tomb, because in doing so he would
have had a corpse above his head.(876) Among the Awuna tribes of the Gold
Coast, West Africa, the worshippers of Hebesio, the god of thunder,
believe that their heads are sacred, being associated in some mysterious
way with the presence of the protective spirit of their god, which has
passed into them through this channel at baptism. Hence they carefully
guard their heads against injury, especially against any wound that might
draw blood, for they think that such a wound would entail the loss of
reason on the sufferer, and that it would bring down the wrath of the
thundering god and of his mouth-piece the fetish priest on the impious
smiter.(877)
§ 6. Hair tabooed.
(M161) When the head was considered so sacred that it might not even be
touched without grave offence, it is obvious that the cutting of the hair
must have been a delicate and difficult operation. The difficulties and
dangers which, on the primitive view, beset the operation are of two
kinds. There is first the danger of disturbing the spirit of the head,
which may be injured in the process and may revenge itself upon the person
who molests him. Secondly, there is the difficulty of disposing of the
shorn locks. For the savage believes that the sympathetic connexion which
exists between himself and every part of his body continues to exist even
after the physical connexion has been broken, and that therefore he will
suffer from any harm that may befall the severed parts of his body, such
as the clippings of his hair or the parings of his nails. Accordingly he
takes care that these severed portions of himself shall not be left in
places where they might either be exposed to accidental injury or fall
into the hands of malicious persons who might work magic on them to his
detriment or death. Such dangers are common to all, but sacred persons
have more to fear from them than ordinary people, so the precautions taken
by them are proportionately stringent. The simplest way of evading the
peril is not to cut the hair at all; and this is the expedient adopted
where the risk is thought to be more than usually great. The Frankish
kings were never allowed to crop their hair; from their childhood upwards
they had to keep it unshorn.(878) To poll the long locks that floated on
their shoulders would have been to renounce their right to the throne.
When the wicked brothers Clotaire and Childebert coveted the kingdom of
their dead brother Clodomir, they inveigled into their power their little
nephews, the two sons of Clodomir; and having done so, they sent a
messenger bearing scissors and a naked sword to the children’s
grandmother, Queen Clotilde, at Paris. The envoy shewed the scissors and
the sword to Clotilde, and bade her choose whether the children should be
shorn and live or remain unshorn and die. The proud queen replied that if
her grandchildren were not to come to the throne she would rather see them
dead than shorn. And murdered they were by their ruthless uncle Clotaire
with his own hand.(879) The king of Ponape, one of the Caroline Islands,
must wear his hair long, and so must his grandees.(880) The hair of the
Aztec priests hung down to their hams, so that the weight of it became
very troublesome; for they might never poll it so long as they lived, or
at least until they had been relieved of their office on the score of old
age. They wore it braided in great tresses, six fingers broad, and tied
with cotton.(881) A Haida medicine-man may neither clip nor comb his
tresses, so they are always long and tangled.(882) Among the Hos, a negro
tribe of Togoland in West Africa, “there are priests on whose head no
razor may come during the whole of their lives. The god who dwells in the
man forbids the cutting of his hair on pain of death. If the hair is at
last too long, the owner must pray to his god to allow him at least to
clip the tips of it. The hair is in fact conceived as the seat and
lodging-place of his god, so that were it shorn the god would lose his
abode in the priest.”(883) A rain-maker at Boroma, on the lower Zambesi,
used to give out that he was possessed by two spirits, one of a lion, the
other of a leopard, and in the assemblies of the people he mimicked the
roaring of these beasts. In order that their spirits might not leave him,
he never cut his hair nor drank alcohol.(884) The Masai clan of the El
Kiboron, who are believed to possess the art of making rain, may not pluck
out their beards, because the loss of their beards would, it is supposed,
entail the loss of their rain-making powers. The head chief and the
sorcerers of the Masai observe the same rule for a like reason: they think
that were they to pull out their beards, their supernatural gifts would
desert them.(885) In central Borneo the chiefs of a particular Kayan
family never allow their hair to be shorn.(886) Ancient Indian law
required that when a new king had performed the ceremony of consecration
he might not shave his hair for a year, though he was allowed to crop it.
According to one account none of his subjects, except a Brahman, might
have his hair cut during this period, and even horses were left
unclipped.(887) Amongst the Alfoors of Celebes the _Leleen_ or priest who
looks after the rice-fields may not shear his hair during the time that he
exercises his special functions, that is from a month before the rice is
sown until it is housed.(888) In Usukuma, a district to the south of Lake
Victoria Nyanza, the people are forbidden to shave their heads till the
corn has been sown.(889) Men of the Tsetsaut tribe in British Columbia do
not cut their hair, believing that if they cut it they would quickly grow
old.(890) In Ceram men do not crop their hair: if married men did so, they
would lose their wives; if young men did so, they would grow weak and
enervated.(891) In Timorlaut married men may not poll their hair for the
same reason as in Ceram, but widowers and men on a journey may do so after
offering a fowl or a pig in sacrifice.(892) Malays of the Peninsula are
forbidden to clip their hair during their wife’s pregnancy and for forty
days after the child has been born; and a similar abstention is said to
have been formerly incumbent on all persons prosecuting a journey or
engaged in war.(893) Elsewhere men travelling abroad have been in the
habit of leaving their hair unshorn until their return. The reason for
this custom is probably the danger to which, as we have seen, a traveller
is believed to be exposed from the magic arts of the strangers amongst
whom he sojourns; if they got possession of his shorn hair, they might
work his destruction through it. The Egyptians on a journey kept their
hair uncut till they returned home.(894) “At Tâif when a man returned from
a journey his first duty was to visit the Rabba and poll his hair.”(895)
Achilles kept unshorn his yellow hair, because his father had vowed to
offer it to the River Sperchius if ever his son came home from the wars
beyond the sea.(896) Formerly when Dyak warriors returned with the heads
of their enemies, each man cut off a lock from the front of his head and
threw it into the river as a mode of ending the taboo to which they had
been subjected during the expedition.(897) Bechuanas after a battle had
their hair shorn by their mothers “in order that new hair might grow, and
that all which was old and polluted might disappear and be no more.”(898)
(M162) Again, men who have taken a vow of vengeance sometimes keep their
hair unshorn till they have fulfilled their vow. Thus of the Marquesans we
are told that “occasionally they have their head entirely shaved, except
one lock on the crown, which is worn loose or put up in a knot. But the
latter mode of wearing the hair is only adopted by them when they have a
solemn vow, as to revenge the death of some near relation, etc. In such
case the lock is never cut off until they have fulfilled their
promise.”(899) A similar custom was sometimes observed by the ancient
Germans; among the Chatti the young warriors never clipped their hair or
their beard till they had slain an enemy.(900) Six thousand Saxons once
swore that they would not poll their hair nor shave their beards until
they had taken vengeance on their foes.(901) On one occasion a Hawaiian
taboo is said to have lasted thirty years, “during which the men were not
allowed to trim their beards, etc.”(902) While his vow lasted, a Nazarite
might not have his hair cut: “All the days of the vow of his separation
there shall no razor come upon his head.”(903) Possibly in this case there
was a special objection to touching the tabooed man’s head with iron. The
Roman priests, as we have seen, were shorn with bronze knives. The same
feeling perhaps gave rise to the European rule that a child’s nails should
not be pared during the first year, but that if it is absolutely necessary
to shorten them they should be bitten off by the mother or nurse.(904) For
in all parts of the world a young child is believed to be especially
exposed to supernatural dangers, and particular precautions are taken to
guard it against them; in other words, the child is under a number of
taboos, of which the rule just mentioned is one. “Among Hindus the usual
custom seems to be that the nails of a first-born child are cut at the age
of six months. With other children a year or two is allowed to
elapse.”(905) The Slave, Hare, and Dogrib Indians of North-West America do
not pare the nails of female children till they are four years of
age.(906) In Uganda a child’s hair may not be cut until the child has
received a name. Should any of it be rubbed or plucked off accidentally,
it is refastened to the child’s head with string or by being knotted to
the other hair.(907) Amongst the Ewe negroes of the Slave Coast, a mother
sometimes vows a sacrifice to the fetish if her infant should live. She
then leaves the child unshorn till its fourth or sixth year, when she
fulfils her vow and has the child’s hair cut by a priest.(908) To this day
a Syrian mother will sometimes, like Hannah, devote her little one to God.
When the child reaches a certain age, its hair is cut and weighed, and
money is paid in proportion to the weight. If the boy thus dedicated is a
Moslem, he becomes in time a dervish; if he is a Christian, he becomes a
monk.(909) Among the Toradjas of central Celebes, when a child’s hair is
cut to rid it of vermin, some locks are allowed to remain on the crown of
the head as a refuge for one of the child’s souls. Otherwise the soul
would have no place in which to settle, and the child would sicken.(910)
The Karo-Bataks of Sumatra are much afraid of frightening away the soul
(_tĕndi_) of a child; hence when they cut its hair, they always leave a
patch unshorn, to which the soul can retreat before the shears. Usually
this lock remains unshorn all through life, or at least up till
manhood.(911) In some parts of Germany it is thought that if a child’s
hair is combed in its first year the child will be unlucky;(912) or that
if a boy’s hair is cut before his seventh year he will have no
courage.(913)
§ 7. Ceremonies at Hair-cutting.
(M163) But when it becomes necessary to crop the hair, measures are taken
to lessen the dangers which are supposed to attend the operation. The
chief of Namosi in Fiji always ate a man by way of precaution when he had
had his hair cut. “There was a certain clan that had to provide the
victim, and they used to sit in solemn council among themselves to choose
him. It was a sacrificial feast to avert evil from the chief.”(914) This
remarkable custom has been described more fully by another observer. The
old heathen temple at Namosi is called Rukunitambua, “and round about it
are hundreds of stones, each of which tells a fearful tale. A subject
tribe, whose town was some little distance from Namosi, had committed an
unpardonable offence, and were condemned to a frightful doom. The
earth-mound on which their temple had stood was planted with the mountain
_ndalo_ (arum), and when the crop was ripe, the poor wretches had to carry
it down to Namosi, and give at least one of their number to be killed and
eaten by the chief. He used to take advantage of these occasions to have
his hair cut, for the human sacrifice was supposed to avert all danger of
witchcraft if any ill-wisher got hold of the cuttings of his hair, human
hair being the most dangerous channel for the deadliest spells of the
sorcerers. The stones round Rukunitambua represented these and other
victims who had been killed and eaten at Namosi. Each stone was the record
of a murder succeeded by a cannibal feast.”(915) Amongst the Maoris many
spells were uttered at hair-cutting; one, for example, was spoken to
consecrate the obsidian knife with which the hair was cut; another was
pronounced to avert the thunder and lightning which hair-cutting was
believed to cause.(916) “He who has had his hair cut is in immediate
charge of the Atua (spirit); he is removed from the contact and society of
his family and his tribe; he dare not touch his food himself; it is put
into his mouth by another person; nor can he for some days resume his
accustomed occupations or associate with his fellow-men.”(917) The person
who cuts the hair is also tabooed; his hands having been in contact with a
sacred head, he may not touch food with them or engage in any other
employment; he is fed by another person with food cooked over a sacred
fire. He cannot be released from the taboo before the following day, when
he rubs his hands with potato or fern root which has been cooked on a
sacred fire; and this food having been taken to the head of the family in
the female line and eaten by her, his hands are freed from the taboo. In
some parts of New Zealand the most sacred day of the year was that
appointed for hair-cutting; the people assembled in large numbers on that
day from all the neighbourhood.(918) Sometimes a Maori chief’s hair was
shorn by his wife, who was then tabooed for a week as a consequence of
having touched his sacred locks.(919) It is an affair of state when the
king of Cambodia’s hair is cropped. The priests place on the barber’s
fingers certain old rings set with large stones, which are supposed to
contain spirits favourable to the kings, and during the operation the
Brahmans keep up a noisy music to drive away the evil spirits.(920) The
hair and nails of the Mikado could only be cut while he was asleep,(921)
perhaps because his soul being then absent from his body, there was less
chance of injuring it with the shears.
(M164) From their earliest days little Siamese children have the crown of
the head clean shorn with the exception of a single small tuft of hair,
which is daily combed, twisted, oiled, and tied in a little knot until the
day when it is finally removed with great pomp and ceremony. The ceremony
of shaving the top-knot takes place before the child has reached puberty,
and great anxiety is felt at this time lest the _kwun_, or guardian-spirit
who commonly resides in the body and especially the head of every
Siamese,(922) should be so disturbed by the tonsure as to depart and leave
the child a hopeless wreck for life. Great pains are therefore taken to
recall this mysterious being in case he should have fled, and to fix him
securely in the child. This is the object of an elaborate ceremony
performed on the afternoon of the day when the top-knot has been cut. A
miniature pagoda is erected, and on it are placed several kinds of food
known to be favourites of the spirit. When the _kwun_ has arrived and is
feasting on these dainties, he is caught and held fast under a cloth
thrown over the food. The child is now placed near the pagoda, and all the
family and friends form a circle, with the child, the captured spirit, and
the Brahman priests in the middle. Hereupon the priests address the
spirit, earnestly entreating him to enter into the child. They amuse him
with tales, and coax and wheedle him with flattery, jest, and song; the
gongs ring out their loudest; the people cheer and only a _kwun_ of the
sourest and most obdurate disposition could resist the combined appeal.
The last sentences of the formal invocation run as follows: “Benignant
_kwun_! Thou fickle being who art wont to wander and dally about! From the
moment that the child was conceived in the womb, thou hast enjoyed every
pleasure, until ten (lunar) months having elapsed and the time of delivery
arrived, thou hast suffered and run the risk of perishing by being born
alive into the world. Gracious _kwun_! thou wast at that time so tender,
delicate, and wavering as to cause great anxiety concerning thy fate; thou
was exactly like a child, youthful, innocent, and inexperienced. The least
trifle frightened thee and made thee shudder. In thy infantile playfulness
thou wast wont to frolic and wander to no purpose. As thou didst commence
to learn to sit, and, unassisted, to crawl totteringly on all fours, thou
wast ever falling flat on thy face or on thy back. As thou didst grow up
in years and couldst move thy steps firmly, thou didst begin to run and
sport thoughtlessly and rashly all round the rooms, the terrace, and
bridging planks of travelling boat or floating house, and at times thou
didst fall into the stream, creek, or pond, among the floating
water-weeds, to the utter dismay of those to whom thy existence was most
dear. O gentle _kwun_, come into thy corporeal abode; do not delay this
auspicious rite. Thou art now full-grown and dost form everybody’s delight
and admiration. Let all the tiny particles of _kwun_ that have fallen on
land or water assemble and take permanent abode in this darling little
child. Let them all hurry to the site of this auspicious ceremony and
admire the magnificent preparations made for them in this hall.” The
brocaded cloth from the pagoda, under which lurks the captive spirit, is
now rolled up tightly and handed to the child, who is told to clasp it
firmly to his breast and not let the _kwun_ escape. Further, the child
drinks the milk of the coco-nuts which had been offered to the spirit, and
by thus absorbing the food of the _kwun_ ensures the presence of that
precious spirit in his body. A magic cord is tied round his wrist to keep
off the wicked spirits who would lure the _kwun_ away from home; and for
three nights he sleeps with the embroidered cloth from the pagoda fast
clasped in his arms.(923)
§ 8. Disposal of Cut Hair and Nails.
(M165) But even when the hair and nails have been safely cut, there
remains the difficulty of disposing of them, for their owner believes
himself liable to suffer from any harm that may befall them. The notion
that a man may be bewitched by means of the clippings of his hair, the
parings of his nails, or any other severed portion of his person is almost
world-wide,(924) and attested by evidence too ample, too familiar, and too
tedious in its uniformity to be here analysed at length. The general idea
on which the superstition rests is that of the sympathetic connexion
supposed to persist between a person and everything that has once been
part of his body or in any way closely related to him. A very few examples
must suffice. They belong to that branch of sympathetic magic which may be
called contagious.(925) Thus, when the Chilote Indians, inhabiting the
wild, deeply indented coasts and dark rain-beaten forests of southern
Chili, get possession of the hair of an enemy, they drop it from a high
tree or tie it to a piece of seaweed and fling it into the surf; for they
think that the shock of the fall, or the blows of the waves as the tress
is tossed to and fro on the heaving billows, will be transmitted through
the hair to the person from whose head it was cut.(926) Dread of sorcery,
we are told, formed one of the most salient characteristics of the
Marquesan islanders in the old days. The sorcerer took some of the hair,
spittle, or other bodily refuse of the man he wished to injure, wrapped it
up in a leaf, and placed the packet in a bag woven of threads or fibres,
which were knotted in an intricate way. The whole was then buried with
certain rites, and thereupon the victim wasted away of a languishing
sickness which lasted twenty days. His life, however, might be saved by
discovering and digging up the buried hair, spittle, or what not; for as
soon as this was done the power of the charm ceased.(927) A Marquesan
chief told Lieutenant Gamble that he was extremely ill, the Happah tribe
having stolen a lock of his hair and buried it in a plantain leaf for the
purpose of taking his life. Lieutenant Gamble argued with him, but in
vain; die he must unless the hair and the plantain leaf were brought back
to him; and to obtain them he had offered the Happahs the greater part of
his property. He complained of excessive pain in the head, breast, and
sides.(928) A Maori sorcerer intent on bewitching somebody sought to get a
tress of his victim’s hair, the parings of his nails, some of his spittle,
or a shred of his garment. Having obtained the object, whatever it was, he
chanted certain spells and curses over it in a falsetto voice and buried
it in the ground. As the thing decayed, the person to whom it had belonged
was supposed to waste away.(929) Again, an Australian girl, sick of a
fever, laid the blame of her illness on a young man who had come behind
her and cut off a lock of her hair; she was sure he had buried it and that
it was rotting. “Her hair,” she said, “was rotting somewhere, and her
_Marm-bu-la_ (kidney fat) was wasting away, and when her hair had
completely rotted, she would die.”(930) When an Australian blackfellow
wishes to get rid of his wife, he cuts off a lock of her hair in her
sleep, ties it to his spear-thrower, and goes with it to a neighbouring
tribe, where he gives it to a friend. His friend sticks the spear-thrower
up every night before the camp fire, and when it falls down it is a sign
that the wife is dead.(931) The way in which the charm operates was
explained to Dr. Howitt by a Wirajuri man. “You see,” he said, “when a
blackfellow doctor gets hold of something belonging to a man and roasts it
with things, and sings over it, the fire catches hold of the smell of the
man, and that settles the poor fellow.”(932) A slightly different form of
the charm as practised in Australia is to fasten the enemy’s hair with wax
to the pinion bone of a hawk, and set the bone in a small circle of fire.
According as the sorcerer desires the death or only the sickness of his
victim he leaves the bone in the midst of the fire or removes it and lays
it in the sun. When he thinks he has done his enemy enough harm, he places
the bone in water, which ends the enchantment.(933) Lucian describes how a
Syrian witch professed to bring back a faithless lover to his forsaken
fair one by means of a lock of his hair, his shoes, his garments, or
something of that sort. She hung the hair, or whatever it was, on a peg
and fumigated it with brimstone, sprinkling salt on the fire and
mentioning the names of the lover and his lass. Then she drew a magic
wheel from her bosom and set it spinning, while she gabbled a spell full
of barbarous and fearsome words. This soon brought the false lover back to
the feet of his charmer.(934) Apuleius tells how an amorous Thessalian
witch essayed to win the affections of a handsome Boeotian youth by
similar means. As darkness fell she mounted the roof, and there,
surrounded by a hellish array of dead men’s bones, she knotted the severed
tresses of auburn hair and threw them on the glowing embers of a perfumed
fire. But her cunning handmaid had outwitted her; the hair was only goat’s
hair; and all her enchantments ended in dismal and ludicrous failure.(935)
(M166) The Huzuls of the Carpathians imagine that if mice get a person’s
shorn hair and make a nest of it, the person will suffer from headache or
even become idiotic.(936) Similarly in Germany it is a common notion that
if birds find a person’s cut hair, and build their nests with it, the
person will suffer from headache;(937) sometimes it is thought that he
will have an eruption on the head.(938) The same superstition prevails, or
used to prevail, in West Sussex. “I knew how it would be,” exclaimed a
maidservant one day, “when I saw that bird fly off with a bit of my hair
in its beak that blew out of the window this morning when I was dressing;
I knew I should have a clapping headache, and so I have.”(939) In like
manner the Scottish Highlanders believe that if cut or loose hair is
allowed to blow away with the wind and it passes over an empty nest, or a
bird takes it to its nest, the head from which it came will ache.(940) The
Todas of southern India hide their clipped hair in bushes or hollows in
the rocks, in order that it may not be found by crows, and they bury the
parings of their nails lest they should be eaten by buffaloes, with whom,
it is believed, they would disagree.(941)
(M167) Again it is thought that cut or combed-out hair may disturb the
weather by producing rain and hail, thunder and lightning. We have seen
that in New Zealand a spell was uttered at hair-cutting to avert thunder
and lightning. In the Tyrol, witches are supposed to use cut or combed-out
hair to make hailstones or thunderstorms with.(942) Thlinkeet Indians have
been known to attribute stormy weather to the rash act of a girl who had
combed her hair outside of the house.(943) The Romans seem to have held
similar views, for it was a maxim with them that no one on shipboard
should cut his hair or nails except in a storm,(944) that is, when the
mischief was already done. In the Highlands of Scotland it is said that no
sister should comb her hair at night if she have a brother at sea.(945) In
West Africa, when the Mani of Chitombe or Jumba died, the people used to
run in crowds to the corpse and tear out his hair, teeth, and nails, which
they kept as a rain-charm, believing that otherwise no rain would fall.
The Makoko of the Anzikos begged the missionaries to give him half their
beards as a rain-charm.(946) When Du Chaillu had his hair cut among the
Ashira of West Africa, the people scuffled and fought for the clippings of
his hair, even the aged king himself taking part in the scrimmage. Every
one who succeeded in getting some of the hairs wrapped them up carefully
and went off in triumph. When the traveller, who was regarded as a spirit
by these simple-minded folk, asked the king what use the clippings could
be to him, his sable majesty replied, “Oh, spirit! these hairs are very
precious; we shall make _mondas_ (fetiches) of them, and they will bring
other white men to us, and bring us great good luck and riches. Since you
have come to us, oh spirit! we have wished to have some of your hair, but
did not dare to ask for it, not knowing that it could be cut.”(947) The
Wabondei of eastern Africa preserve the hair and nails of their dead
chiefs and use them both for the making of rain and the healing of the
sick.(948) The hair, beard, and nails of their deceased chiefs are the
most sacred possession, the most precious treasure of the Baronga of
south-eastern Africa. Preserved in pellets of cow-dung wrapt round with
leathern thongs, they are kept in a special hut under the charge of a high
priest, who offers sacrifices and prayers at certain seasons, and has to
observe strict continence for a month before he handles these holy relics
in the offices of religion. A terrible drought was once the result of this
palladium falling into the hands of the enemy.(949) In some Victorian
tribes the sorcerer used to burn human hair in time of drought; it was
never burned at other times for fear of causing a deluge of rain. Also
when the river was low, the sorcerer would place human hair in the stream
to increase the supply of water.(950)
(M168) If cut hair and nails remain in sympathetic connexion with the
person from whose body they have been severed, it is clear that they can
be used as hostages for his good behaviour by any one who may chance to
possess them; for on the principles of contagious magic he has only to
injure the hair or nails in order to hurt simultaneously their original
owner. Hence when the Nandi have taken a prisoner they shave his head and
keep the shorn hair as a surety that he will not attempt to escape; but
when the captive is ransomed, they return his shorn hair with him to his
own people.(951) For a similar reason, perhaps, when the Tiaha, an Arab
tribe of Moab, have taken a prisoner whom they do not wish to put to
death, they shave one corner of his head above his temples and let him go.
So, too, an Arab of Moab who pardons a murderer will sometimes cut off the
man’s hair and shave his chin before releasing him. Again, when two
Moabite Arabs had got hold of a traitor who had revealed their plan of
campaign to the enemy, they contented themselves with shaving completely
one side of his head and his moustache on the other, after which they set
him at liberty.(952) We can now, perhaps, understand why Hanun King of
Ammon shaved off one-half of the beards of King David’s messengers and cut
off half their garments before he sent them back to their master.(953) His
intention, we may conjecture, was not simply to put a gross affront on the
envoys. He distrusted the ambitious designs of King David and wished to
have some guarantee of the maintenance of peace and friendly relations
between the two countries. That guarantee he may have imagined that he
possessed in half of the beards and garments of the ambassadors; and if
that was so, we may suppose that when the indignant David set the army of
Israel in motion against Ammon, and the fords of Jordan were alive with
the passage of his troops, the wizards of Ammon were busy in the strong
keep of Rabbah muttering their weird spells and performing their quaint
enchantments over the shorn hair and severed skirts in order to dispel the
thundercloud of war that was gathering black about their country. Vain
hopes! The city fell, and from the gates the sad inhabitants trooped forth
in thousands to be laid in long lines on the ground and sawed asunder or
ripped up with harrows or to walk into the red glow of the burning brick
kilns.(954) Again, the parings of nails may serve the same purpose as the
clippings of hair; they too may be treated as bail for the good behaviour
of the persons from whose fingers they have been cut. It is apparently on
this principle that when the Ba-yaka of the Congo valley cement a peace,
the chiefs of the two tribes meet and eat a cake which contains some of
their nail-parings as a pledge of the maintenance of the treaty. They
believe that he who breaks an engagement contracted in this solemn manner
will die.(955) Each of the high contracting parties has in fact given
hostages to fortune in the shape of the nail-parings which are lodged in
the other man’s stomach.
(M169) To preserve the cut hair and nails from injury and from the
dangerous uses to which they may be put by sorcerers, it is necessary to
deposit them in some safe place. Hence the natives of the Maldives
carefully keep the cuttings of their hair and nails and bury them, with a
little water, in the cemeteries; “for they would not for the world tread
upon them nor cast them in the fire, for they say that they are part of
their body, and demand burial as it does; and, indeed, they fold them
neatly in cotton; and most of them like to be shaved at the gates of
temples and mosques.”(956) In New Zealand the severed hair was deposited
on some sacred spot of ground “to protect it from being touched
accidentally or designedly by any one.”(957) The shorn locks of a chief
were gathered with much care and placed in an adjoining cemetery.(958) The
Tahitians buried the cuttings of their hair at the temples.(959) In the
streets of Soku, West Africa, a modern traveller observed cairns of large
stones piled against walls with tufts of human hair inserted in the
crevices. On asking the meaning of this, he was told that when any native
of the place polled his hair he carefully gathered up the clippings and
deposited them in one of these cairns, all of which were sacred to the
fetish and therefore inviolable. These cairns of sacred stones, he further
learned, were simply a precaution against witchcraft, for if a man were
not thus careful in disposing of his hair, some of it might fall into the
hands of his enemies, who would, by means of it, be able to cast spells
over him and so compass his destruction.(960) When the top-knot of a
Siamese child has been cut with great ceremony, the short hairs are put
into a little vessel made of plantain leaves and set adrift on the nearest
river or canal. As they float away, all that was wrong or harmful in the
child’s disposition is believed to depart with them. The long hairs are
kept till the child makes a pilgrimage to the holy Footprint of Buddha on
the sacred hill at Prabat. They are then presented to the priests, who are
supposed to make them into brushes with which they sweep the Footprint;
but in fact so much hair is thus offered every year that the priests
cannot use it all, so they quietly burn the superfluity as soon as the
pilgrims’ backs are turned.(961) The cut hair and nails of the Flamen
Dialis were buried under a lucky tree.(962) The shorn tresses of the
Vestal virgins were hung on an ancient lotus-tree.(963) In Morocco women
often hang their cut hair on a tree that grows on or near the grave of a
wonder-working saint; for they think thus to rid themselves of headache or
to guard against it.(964) In Germany the clippings of hair used often to
be buried under an elder-bush.(965) In Oldenburg cut hair and nails are
wrapt in a cloth which is deposited in a hole in an elder-tree three days
before the new moon; the hole is then plugged up.(966) In the West of
Northumberland it is thought that if the first parings of a child’s nails
are buried under an ash-tree, the child will turn out a fine singer.(967)
In Amboyna, before a child may taste sago-pap for the first time, the
father cuts off a lock of the infant’s hair, which he buries under a
sago-palm.(968) In the Aru Islands, when a child is able to run alone, a
female relation shears a lock of its hair and deposits it on a
banana-tree.(969) In the island of Rotti it is thought that the first hair
which a child gets is not his own, and that, if it is not cut off, it will
make him weak and ill. Hence, when the child is about a month old, his
hair is polled with much ceremony. As each of the friends who are invited
to the ceremony enters the house he goes up to the child, snips off a
little of its hair and drops it into a coco-nut shell full of water.
Afterwards the father or another relation takes the hair and packs it into
a little bag made of leaves, which he fastens to the top of a palm-tree.
Then he gives the leaves of the palm a good shaking, climbs down, and goes
home without speaking to any one.(970) Indians of the Yukon territory,
Alaska, do not throw away their cut hair and nails, but tie them up in
little bundles and place them in the crotches of trees or wherever they
are not likely to be disturbed by beasts. For “they have a superstition
that disease will follow the disturbance of such remains by animals.”(971)
(M170) Often the clipped hair and nails are stowed away in any secret
place, not necessarily in a temple or cemetery or at a tree, as in the
cases already mentioned. Thus in Swabia you are recommended to deposit
your clipped hair in some spot where neither sun nor moon can shine on it,
for example in the earth or under a stone.(972) In Danzig it is buried in
a bag under the threshold.(973) In Ugi, one of the Solomon Islands, men
bury their hair lest it should fall into the hands of an enemy who would
make magic with it and so bring sickness or calamity on them.(974) The
same fear seems to be general in Melanesia, and has led to a regular
practice of hiding cut hair and nails.(975) In Fiji, the shorn hair is
concealed in the thatch of the house.(976) Most Burmese and Shans tie the
combings of their hair and the parings of their nails to a stone and sink
them in deep water or bury them in the ground.(977) The Zend-Avesta
directs that the clippings of hair and the parings of nails shall be
placed in separate holes, and that three, six, or nine furrows shall be
drawn round each hole with a metal knife.(978) In the _Grihya-Sûtras_ it
is provided that the hair cut from a child’s head at the end of the first,
third, fifth, or seventh year shall be buried in the earth at a place
covered with grass or in the neighbourhood of water.(979) At the end of
the period of his studentship a Brahman has his hair shaved and his nails
cut; and a person who is kindly disposed to him gathers the shorn hair and
the clipped nails, puts them in a lump of bull’s dung, and buries them in
a cow-stable or near an _adumbara_ tree or in a clump of _darbha_ grass,
with the words, “Thus I hide the sins of So-and-so.”(980) The Madi or Moru
tribe of central Africa bury the parings of their nails in the
ground.(981) In Uganda grown people throw away the clippings of their
hair, but carefully bury the parings of their nails.(982) The A-lur are
careful to collect and bury both their hair and nails in safe places.(983)
The same practice prevails among many tribes of South Africa, from a fear
lest wizards should get hold of the severed particles and work evil with
them.(984) The Caffres carry still further this dread of allowing any
portion of themselves to fall into the hands of an enemy; for not only do
they bury their cut hair and nails in a secret spot, but when one of them
cleans the head of another he preserves the vermin which he catches,
“carefully delivering them to the person to whom they originally
appertained, supposing, according to their theory, that as they derived
their support from the blood of the man from whom they were taken, should
they be killed by another, the blood of his neighbour would be in his
possession, thus placing in his hands the power of some superhuman
influence.”(985) Amongst the Wanyoro of central Africa all cuttings of the
hair and nails are carefully stored under the bed and afterwards strewed
about among the tall grass.(986) Similarly the Wahoko of central Africa
take pains to collect their cut hair and nails and scatter them in the
forest.(987) The Asa, a branch of the Masai, hide the clippings of their
hair and the parings of their nails or throw them away far from the kraal,
lest a sorcerer should get hold of them and make their original owners ill
by his magic.(988) In North Guinea the parings of the finger-nails and the
shorn locks of the head are scrupulously concealed, lest they be converted
into a charm for the destruction of the person to whom they belong.(989)
For the same reason the clipped hair and nail-parings of chiefs in
Southern Nigeria are secretly buried.(990) Among the Thompson Indians of
British Columbia loose hair was buried, hidden, or thrown into the water,
because, if an enemy got hold of it, he might bewitch the owner.(991) In
Bolang Mongondo, a district of western Celebes, the first hair cut from a
child’s head is kept in a young coco-nut, which is commonly hung on the
front of the house, under the roof.(992) To spit upon the hair before
throwing it away is thought in some parts of Europe to be a sufficient
safeguard against its use by witches.(993) Spitting as a protective charm
is well known.(994)
(M171) Sometimes the severed hair and nails are preserved, not to prevent
them from falling into the hands of a magician, but that the owner may
have them at the resurrection of the body, to which some races look
forward. Thus the Incas of Peru “took extreme care to preserve the
nail-parings and the hairs that were shorn off or torn out with a comb;
placing them in holes or niches in the walls; and if they fell out, any
other Indian that saw them picked them up and put them in their places
again. I very often asked different Indians, at various times, why they
did this, in order to see what they would say, and they all replied in the
same words saying, ‘Know that all persons who are born must return to
life’ (they have no word to express resuscitation), ‘and the souls must
rise out of their tombs with all that belonged to their bodies. We,
therefore, in order that we may not have to search for our hair and nails
at a time when there will be much hurry and confusion, place them in one
place, that they may be brought together more conveniently, and, whenever
it is possible, we are also careful to spit in one place.’ ”(995) In Chili
this custom of stuffing the shorn hair into holes in the wall is still
observed, it being thought the height of imprudence to throw the hair
away.(996) Similarly the Turks never throw away the parings of their
nails, but carefully stow them in cracks of the walls or of the boards, in
the belief that they will be needed at the resurrection.(997) The
Armenians do not throw away their cut hair and nails and extracted teeth,
but hide them in places that are esteemed holy, such as a crack in the
church wall, a pillar of the house, or a hollow tree. They think that all
these severed portions of themselves will be wanted at the resurrection,
and that he who has not stowed them away in a safe place will have to hunt
about for them on the great day.(998) With the same intention the
Macedonians bury the parings of their nails in a hole,(999) and devout
Moslems in Morocco hide them in a secret place.(1000) Similarly the Arabs
of Moab bestow the parings of their nails in the crannies of walls, where
they are sanguine enough to expect to find them when they appear before
their Maker.(1001) Some of the Esthonians keep the parings of their finger
and toe nails in their bosom, in order to have them at hand when they are
asked for them at the day of judgment.(1002) In a like spirit peasants of
the Vosges will sometimes bury their extracted teeth secretly, marking the
spot well so that they may be able to walk straight to it on the
resurrection day.(1003) In the village of Drumconrath, near Abbeyleix, in
Ireland, there used to be some old women who, having ascertained from
Scripture that the hairs of their heads were all numbered by the Almighty,
expected to have to account for them at the day of judgment. In order to
be able to do so they stuffed the severed hair away in the thatch of their
cottages.(1004) In Abyssinia men who have had their hands or feet cut off
are careful to dry the severed limbs over a fire and preserve them in
butter for the purpose of being buried with them in the grave. Thus they
expect to get up with all their limbs complete at the general
rising.(1005) The pains taken by the Chinese to preserve corpses entire
and free from decay seems to rest on a firm belief in the resurrection of
the dead; hence it is natural to find their ancient books laying down a
rule that the hair, nails, and teeth which have fallen out during life
should be buried with the dead in the coffin, or at least in the
grave.(1006) The Fors of central Africa object to cut any one else’s
nails, for should the part cut off be lost and not delivered into its
owner’s hands, it will have to be made up to him somehow or other after
death. The parings are buried in the ground.(1007)
(M172) Some people burn their loose hair to save it from falling into the
hands of sorcerers. This is done by the Patagonians and some of the
Victorian tribes.(1008) In the Upper Vosges they say that you should never
leave the clippings of your hair and nails lying about, but burn them to
hinder the sorcerers from using them against you.(1009) For the same
reason Italian women either burn their loose hairs or throw them into a
place where no one is likely to look for them.(1010) The almost universal
dread of witchcraft induces the West African negroes, the Makololo of
South Africa, and the Tahitians to burn or bury their shorn hair.(1011)
For the same reason the natives of Uap, one of the Caroline Islands,
either burn or throw into the sea the clippings of their hair and the
parings of their nails.(1012) One of the pygmies who roam through the
gloomy depths of the vast central African forests has been seen to collect
carefully the clippings of his hair in a packet of banana leaves and keep
them till next morning, when, the camp breaking up for the day’s march, he
threw them into the hot ashes of the abandoned fire.(1013) Australian
aborigines of the Proserpine River, in Queensland, burn a woman’s cut hair
to prevent it from getting into a man’s bag; for if it did, the woman
would fall ill.(1014) When an English officer had cut off a lock of hair
of a Fuegian woman, the men of her party were angry, and one of them,
taking the lock away, threw half of it into the fire and swallowed the
rest. “Immediately afterwards, placing his hands to the fire, as if to
warm them, and looking upwards, he uttered a few words, apparently of
invocation: then, looking at us, pointed upwards, and exclaimed, with a
tone and gesture of explanation, ‘_Pecheray, Pecheray_.’ After which they
cut off some hair from several of the officers who were present, and
repeated a similar ceremony.”(1015) The Thompson Indians used to burn the
parings of their nails, because if an enemy got possession of the parings
he might bewitch the person to whom they belonged.(1016) In the Tyrol many
people burn their hair lest the witches should use it to raise
thunderstorms; others burn or bury it to prevent the birds from lining
their nests with it, which would cause the heads from which the hair came
to ache.(1017) Cut and combed-out hair is burned in Pomerania and
sometimes in Belgium.(1018) In Norway the parings of nails are either
burned or buried, lest the elves or the Finns should find them and make
them into bullets wherewith to shoot the cattle.(1019) In Corea all the
clippings and combings of the hair of a whole family are carefully
preserved throughout the year and then burned in potsherds outside the
house on the evening of New Year’s Day. At such seasons the streets of
Seoul, the capital, present a weird spectacle. They are for the most part
silent and deserted, sometimes muffled deep in snow; but through the dusk
of twilight red lights glimmer at every door, where little groups are busy
tending tiny fires whose flickering flames cast a ruddy fitful glow on the
moving figures. The burning of the hair in these fires is thought to
exclude demons from the house for a year; but coupled with this belief may
well be, or once have been, a wish to put these relics out of the reach of
witches and wizards.(1020)
(M173) This destruction of the hair and nails plainly involves an
inconsistency of thought. The object of the destruction is avowedly to
prevent these severed portions of the body from being used by sorcerers.
But the possibility of their being so used depends upon the supposed
sympathetic connexion between them and the man from whom they were
severed. And if this sympathetic connexion still exists, clearly these
severed portions cannot be destroyed without injury to the man.
(M174) Before leaving this subject, on which I have perhaps dwelt too
long, it may be well to call attention to the motive assigned for cutting
a young child’s hair in Rotti.(1021) In that island the first hair is
regarded as a danger to the child, and its removal is intended to avert
the danger. The reason of this may be that as a young child is almost
universally supposed to be in a tabooed or dangerous state, it is
necessary, in removing the taboo, to remove also the separable parts of
the child’s body because they are infected, so to say, by the virus of
taboo and as such are dangerous. The cutting of the child’s hair would
thus be exactly parallel to the destruction of the vessels which have been
used by a tabooed person.(1022) This view is borne out by a practice,
observed by some Australians, of burning off part of a woman’s hair after
childbirth as well as burning every vessel which has been used by her
during her seclusion.(1023) Here the burning of the woman’s hair seems
plainly intended to serve the same purpose as the burning of the vessels
used by her; and as the vessels are burned because they are believed to be
tainted with a dangerous infection, so, we must suppose, is also the hair.
Similarly among the Latuka of central Africa, a woman is secluded for
fourteen days after the birth of her child, and at the end of her
seclusion her hair is shaved off and burnt.(1024) Again, we have seen that
girls at puberty are strongly infected with taboo; hence it is not
surprising to find that the Ticunas of Brazil tear out all the hair of
girls at that period.(1025) Once more, the father of twins in Uganda is
tabooed for some time after the birth of the children, and during that
time he may not dress his hair nor cut his finger nails. This state of
taboo lasts until the next war breaks out. When the army is under orders
to march, the father of twins has the whole of his body shaved and his
nails cut. The shorn hair and the cut nails are then tied up in a ball,
which the man takes with him to the war, together with the bark cloth he
wore at the ceremonial dances after the birth of the twins. When he has
killed a foe, he crams the ball into the dead man’s mouth, ties the bark
cloth round the neck of the corpse, and leaves them there on the
battlefield.(1026) The ceremony appears to be intended to rid the man of
the taint of taboo which may be supposed to adhere to his hair, nails, and
the garment he wore. Hence we can understand the importance attached by
many peoples to the first cutting of a child’s hair and the elaborate
ceremonies by which the operation is accompanied.(1027) Again, we can
understand why a man should poll his head after a journey.(1028) For we
have seen that a traveller is often believed to contract a dangerous
infection from strangers, and that, therefore, on his return home he is
obliged to submit to various purificatory ceremonies before he is allowed
to mingle freely with his own people.(1029) On my hypothesis the polling
of the hair is simply one of these purificatory or disinfectant
ceremonies. Certainly this explanation applies to the custom as practised
by the Bechuanas, for we are expressly told that “they cleanse or purify
themselves after journeys by shaving their heads, etc., lest they should
have contracted from strangers some evil by witchcraft or sorcery.”(1030)
The cutting of the hair after a vow may have the same meaning. It is a way
of ridding the man of what has been infected by the dangerous state,
whether we call it taboo, sanctity, or uncleanness (for all these are only
different expressions for the same primitive conception), under which he
laboured during the continuance of the vow. Still more clearly does the
meaning of the practice come out in the case of mourners, who cut their
hair and nails and use new vessels when the period of their mourning is at
an end. This was done in ancient India, obviously for the purpose of
purifying such persons from the dangerous influence of death and the ghost
to which for a time they had been exposed.(1031) Among the Bodos and
Dhimals of Assam, when a death has occurred, the family of the deceased is
reckoned unclean for three days. At the end of that time they bathe,
shave, and are sprinkled with holy water, after which they hold the
funeral feast.(1032) Here the act of shaving must clearly be regarded as a
purificatory rite, like the bathing and sprinkling with holy water. At
Hierapolis no man might enter the great temple of Astarte on the same day
on which he had seen a corpse; next day he might enter, provided he had
first purified himself. But the kinsmen of the deceased were not allowed
to set foot in the sanctuary for thirty days after the death, and before
doing so they had to shave their heads.(1033) At Agweh, on the Slave Coast
of West Africa, widows and widowers at the end of their period of mourning
wash themselves, shave their heads, pare their nails, and put on new
cloths; and the old cloths, the shorn hair, and the nail-parings are all
burnt.(1034) The Kayans of Borneo are not allowed to cut their hair or
shave their temples during the period of mourning; but as soon as the
mourning is ended by the ceremony of bringing home a newly severed human
head, the barber’s knife is kept busy enough. As each man leaves the
barber’s hands, he gathers up the shorn locks and spitting on them murmurs
a prayer to the evil spirits not to harm him. He then blows the hair out
of the verandah of the house.(1035) Among the Wajagga of East Africa
mourners shear their hair under a fruit-bearing banana-tree and lay their
shorn locks at the foot of the tree. When the fruit of the tree is ripe,
they brew beer with it and invite all the mourners to partake of it,
saying, “Come and drink the beer of those hair-bananas.”(1036) The tribes
of British Central Africa destroy the house in which a man has died, and
on the day when this is done the mourners have their heads shaved and bury
the shorn hair on the site of the house; the Atonga burn it in a new fire
made by the rubbing of two sticks.(1037) When an Akikuyu woman has, in
accordance with custom, exposed her misshapen or prematurely born infant
in the wood for the hyaenas to devour, she is shaved on her return by an
old woman and given a magic potion to drink; after which she is regarded
as clean.(1038) Similarly at some Hindoo places of pilgrimage on the banks
of rivers men who have committed great crimes or are troubled by uneasy
consciences have every hair shaved off by professional barbers before they
plunge into the sacred stream, from which “they emerge new creatures, with
all the accumulated guilt of a long life effaced.”(1039) The matricide
Orestes is said to have polled his hair after appeasing the angry Furies
of his murdered mother.(1040)
§ 9. Spittle tabooed.
(M175) The same fear of witchcraft which has led so many people to hide or
destroy their loose hair and nails has induced other or the same people to
treat their spittle in a like fashion. For on the principles of
sympathetic magic the spittle is part of the man, and whatever is done to
it will have a corresponding effect on him. A Chilote Indian, who has
gathered up the spittle of an enemy, will put it in a potato, and hang the
potato in the smoke, uttering certain spells as he does so in the belief
that his foe will waste away as the potato dries in the smoke. Or he will
put the spittle in a frog and throw the animal into an inaccessible,
unnavigable river, which will make the victim quake and shake with
ague.(1041) When a Cherokee sorcerer desires to destroy a man, he gathers
up his victim’s spittle on a stick and puts it in a joint of wild parsnip,
together with seven earthworms beaten to a paste and several splinters
from a tree which has been struck by lightning. He then goes into the
forest, digs a hole at the foot of a tree which has been struck by
lightning, and deposits in the hole the joint of wild parsnip with its
contents. Further, he lays seven yellow stones in the hole, then fills in
the earth, and makes a fire over the spot to destroy all traces of his
work. If the ceremony has been properly carried out, the man whose spittle
has thus been treated begins to feel ill at once; his soul shrivels up and
dwindles; and within seven days he is a dead man.(1042) In the East Indian
island of Siaoo or Siauw, one of the Sangi group, there are witches who by
means of hellish charms compounded from the roots of plants can change
their shape and bring sickness and misfortune on other folk. These hags
also crawl under the houses, which are raised above the ground on posts,
and there gathering up the spittle of the inmates cause them to fall
ill.(1043) If a Wotjobaluk sorcerer cannot get the hair of his foe, a
shred of his rug, or something else that belongs to the man, he will watch
till he sees him spit, when he will carefully pick up the spittle with a
stick and use it for the destruction of the careless spitter.(1044) The
natives of Urewera, a district in the north island of New Zealand, enjoyed
a high reputation for their skill in magic. It was said that they made use
of people’s spittle to bewitch them. Hence visitors were careful to
conceal their spittle, lest they should furnish these wizards with a
handle for working them harm.(1045) Similarly among some tribes of South
Africa no man will spit when an enemy is near, lest his foe should find
the spittle and give it to a wizard, who would then mix it with magical
ingredients so as to injure the person from whom it fell. Even in a man’s
own house his saliva is carefully swept away and obliterated for a similar
reason.(1046) For a like reason, no doubt, the natives of the Marianne
Islands use great precautions in spitting and take care never to
expectorate near somebody else’s house.(1047) Negroes of Senegal, the
Bissagos Archipelago, and some of the West Indian Islands, such as
Guadeloupe and Martinique, are also careful to efface their spittle by
pressing it into the ground with their feet, lest a sorcerer should use it
to their hurt.(1048) Natives of Astrolabe Bay, in German New Guinea, wipe
out their spittle for the same reason;(1049) and a like dread of sorcery
prevents some natives of German New Guinea from spitting on the ground in
presence of others.(1050) The Telugus say that if a man, rinsing his teeth
with charcoal in the mornings, spits on the road and somebody else treads
on his spittle, the spitter will be laid up with a sharp attack of fever
for two or three days. Hence all who wish to avoid the ailment should at
once efface their spittle by sprinkling water on it.(1051)
(M176) If common folk are thus cautious, it is natural that kings and
chiefs should be doubly so. In the Sandwich Islands chiefs were attended
by a confidential servant bearing a portable spittoon, and the deposit was
carefully buried every morning to put it out of the reach of
sorcerers.(1052) On the Slave Coast of Africa, for the same reason,
whenever a king or chief expectorates, the saliva is scrupulously gathered
up and hidden or buried.(1053) The same precautions are taken for the same
reason with the spittle of the chief of Tabali in Southern Nigeria.(1054)
At Bulebane, in Senegambia, a French traveller observed a captive engaged,
with an air of great importance, in covering over with sand all the
spittle that fell from the lips of a native dignitary; the man used a
small stick for the purpose.(1055) Page-boys, who carry tails of
elephants, hasten to sweep up or cover with sand the spittle of the king
of Ashantee;(1056) an attendant used to perform a similar service for the
king of Congo;(1057) and a custom of the same sort prevails or used to
prevail at the court of the Muata Jamwo in the interior of Angola.(1058)
In Yap, one of the Caroline Islands, there are two great wizards, the head
of all the magicians, whose exalted dignity compels them to lead a very
strict life. They may eat fruit only from plants or trees which are grown
specially for them. When one of them goes abroad the other must stay at
home, for if they were to meet each other on the road, some direful
calamity would surely follow. Though they may not smoke tobacco, they are
allowed to chew a quid of betel; but that which they expectorate is
carefully gathered up, carried away, and burned in a special manner, lest
any evil-disposed person should get possession of the spittle and do their
reverences a mischief by uttering a curse over it.(1059) Among the
Guaycurus and Payaguas of Brazil, when a chief spat, the persons about him
received his saliva on their hands,(1060) probably in order to prevent it
from being misused by magicians.
(M177) The magical use to which spittle may be put marks it out, like
blood or nail-parings, as a suitable material basis for a covenant, since
by exchanging their saliva the covenanting parties give each other a
guarantee of good faith. If either of them afterwards forswears himself,
the other can punish his perfidy by a magical treatment of the perjurer’s
spittle which he has in his custody. Thus when the Wajagga of East Africa
desire to make a covenant, the two parties will sometimes sit down with a
bowl of milk or beer between them, and after uttering an incantation over
the beverage they each take a mouthful of the milk or beer and spit it
into the other’s mouth. In urgent cases, when there is no time to stand on
ceremony, the two will simply spit into each other’s mouth, which seals
the covenant just as well.(1061)
§ 10. Foods tabooed.
(M178) As might have been expected, the superstitions of the savage
cluster thick about the subject of food; and he abstains from eating many
animals and plants, wholesome enough in themselves, which for one reason
or another he fancies would prove dangerous or fatal to the eater.
Examples of such abstinence are too familiar and far too numerous to
quote. But if the ordinary man is thus deterred by superstitious fear from
partaking of various foods, the restraints of this kind which are laid
upon sacred or tabooed persons, such as kings and priests, are still more
numerous and stringent. We have already seen that the Flamen Dialis was
forbidden to eat or even name several plants and animals, and that the
flesh diet of Egyptian kings was restricted to veal and goose.(1062) In
antiquity many priests and many kings of barbarous peoples abstained
wholly from a flesh diet.(1063) The _Gangas_ or fetish priests of the
Loango Coast are forbidden to eat or even see a variety of animals and
fish, in consequence of which their flesh diet is extremely limited; often
they live only on herbs and roots, though they may drink fresh
blood.(1064) The heir to the throne of Loango is forbidden from infancy to
eat pork; from early childhood he is interdicted the use of the _cola_
fruit in company; at puberty he is taught by a priest not to partake of
fowls except such as he has himself killed and cooked; and so the number
of taboos goes on increasing with his years.(1065) In Fernando Po the king
after installation is forbidden to eat _cocco_ (_arum acaule_), deer, and
porcupine, which are the ordinary foods of the people.(1066) The head
chief of the Masai may eat nothing but milk, honey, and the roasted livers
of goats; for if he partook of any other food he would lose his power of
soothsaying and of compounding charms.(1067) The diet of the king of
Unyoro in Central Africa was strictly regulated by immemorial custom. He
might never eat vegetables, but must live on milk and beef. Mutton he
might not touch. The beef he ate must be that of young animals not more
than one year old, and it must be spitted and roasted before a wood fire.
But he might not drink milk and eat beef at the same meal. He drank milk
thrice a day in the dairy, and the milk was always drawn from a sacred
herd which was kept for his exclusive use. Nine cows, neither more nor
less, were daily brought from pasture to the royal enclosure to be milked
for the king. The herding and the milking of the sacred animals were
performed according to certain rules prescribed by ancient custom.(1068)
Amongst the Murrams of Manipur (a district of eastern India, on the border
of Burma) “there are many prohibitions in regard to the food, both animal
and vegetable, which the chief should eat, and the Murrams say the chief’s
post must be a very uncomfortable one.”(1069) Among the hill tribes of
Manipur the scale of diet allowed by custom to the _ghennabura_ or
religious head of a village is always extremely limited. The savoury dog,
the tomato, the _murghi_, are forbidden to him. If a man in one of these
tribes is wealthy enough to feast his whole village and to erect a
memorial stone, he is entitled to become subject to the same self-denying
ordinances as the _ghennabura_. He wears the same special clothes, and for
the space of a year at least he may not use a drinking horn, but must
drink from a bamboo cup.(1070) Among the Karennis or Red Karens of Burma a
chief attains his position not by hereditary right but in virtue of the
observance of taboo. He must abstain from rice and liquor. His mother too
must have eschewed these things and lived only on yams and potatoes while
she was with child. During that time she might neither eat meat nor drink
water from a common well; and in order to be duly qualified for a
chiefship her son must continue these habits.(1071) Among the Pshaws and
Chewsurs of the Caucasus, whose nominal Christianity has degenerated into
superstition and polytheism, there is an annual office which entails a
number of taboos on the holder or _dasturi_, as he is called. He must live
the whole year in the temple, without going to his house or visiting his
wife; indeed he may not speak to any one, except the priests, for fear of
defiling himself. Once a week he must bathe in the river, whatever the
weather may be, using for the purpose a ladder on which no one else may
set foot. His only nourishment is bread and water. In the temple he
superintends the brewing of the beer for the festivals.(1072) In the
village of Tomil, in Yap, one of the Caroline Islands, the year consists
of twenty-four months, and there are five men who for a hundred days of
the year may eat only fish and taro, may not chew betel, and must observe
strict continence. The reason assigned by them for submitting to these
restraints is that if they did not act thus the immature girls would
attain to puberty too soon.(1073)
To explain the ultimate reason why any particular food is prohibited to a
whole tribe or to certain of its members would commonly require a far more
intimate knowledge of the history and beliefs of the tribe than we
possess. The general motive of such prohibitions is doubtless the same
which underlies the whole taboo system, namely, the conservation of the
tribe and the individual.
§ 11. Knots and Rings tabooed.
(M179) We have seen that among the many taboos which the Flamen Dialis at
Rome had to observe, there was one that forbade him to have a knot on any
part of his garments, and another that obliged him to wear no ring unless
it were broken.(1074) In like manner Moslem pilgrims to Mecca are in a
state of sanctity or taboo and may wear on their persons neither knots nor
rings.(1075) These rules are probably of kindred significance, and may
conveniently be considered together. To begin with knots, many people in
different parts of the world entertain a strong objection to having any
knot about their person at certain critical seasons, particularly
childbirth, marriage, and death. Thus among the Saxons of Transylvania,
when a woman is in travail all knots on her garments are untied, because
it is believed that this will facilitate her delivery, and with the same
intention all the locks in the house, whether on doors or boxes, are
unlocked.(1076) The Lapps think that a lying-in woman should have no knot
on her garments, because a knot would have the effect of making the
delivery difficult and painful.(1077) In ancient India it was a rule to
untie all knots in a house at the moment of childbirth.(1078) Roman
religion required that women who took part in the rites of Juno Lucina,
the goddess of childbirth, should have no knot tied on their
persons.(1079) In the East Indies this superstition is extended to the
whole time of pregnancy; the people believe that if a pregnant woman were
to tie knots, or braid, or make anything fast, the child would thereby be
constricted or the woman would herself be “tied up” when her time
came.(1080) Nay, some of them enforce the observance of the rule on the
father as well as the mother of the unborn child. Among the Sea Dyaks
neither of the parents may bind up anything with string or make anything
fast during the wife’s pregnancy.(1081) Among the Land Dyaks the husband
of the expectant mother is bound to refrain from tying things together
with rattans until after her delivery.(1082) In the Toumbuluh tribe of
North Celebes a ceremony is performed in the fourth or fifth month of a
woman’s pregnancy, and after it her husband is forbidden, among many other
things, to tie any fast knots and to sit with his legs crossed over each
other.(1083) In the Kaitish tribe of central Australia the father of a
newborn child goes out into the scrub for three days, away from his camp,
leaving his girdle and arm-bands behind him, so that he has nothing tied
tightly round any part of his body. This freedom from constriction is
supposed to benefit his wife.(1084)
(M180) In all these cases the idea seems to be that the tying of a knot
would, as they say in the East Indies, “tie up” the woman, in other words,
impede and perhaps prevent her delivery, or delay her convalescence after
the birth. On the principles of homoeopathic or imitative magic the
physical obstacle or impediment of a knot on a cord would create a
corresponding obstacle or impediment in the body of the woman. That this
is really the explanation of the rule appears from a custom observed by
the Hos of Togoland in West Africa at a difficult birth. When a woman is
in hard labour and cannot bring forth, they call in a magician to her aid.
He looks at her and says, “The child is bound in the womb, that is why she
cannot be delivered.” On the entreaties of her female relations he then
promises to loose the bond so that she may bring forth. For that purpose
he orders them to fetch a tough creeper from the forest, and with it he
binds the hands and feet of the sufferer on her back. Then he takes a
knife and calls out the woman’s name, and when she answers he cuts through
the creeper with a knife, saying, “I cut through to-day thy bonds and thy
child’s bonds.” After that he chops up the creeper small, puts the bits in
a vessel of water, and bathes the woman with the water.(1085) Here the
cutting of the creeper with which the woman’s hands and feet are bound is
a simple piece of homoeopathic or imitative magic: by releasing her limbs
from their bonds the magician imagines that he simultaneously releases the
child in her womb from the trammels which impede its birth. For a similar
reason, no doubt, among the same people a priest ties up the limbs of a
pregnant woman with grass and then unties the knots, saying, “I will now
open you.” After that the woman has to partake of some maize-porridge in
which a ring made of a magic cord had been previously placed by the
priest.(1086) The intention of this ceremony is probably, on the
principles of homoeopathic magic, to ensure for the woman an easy delivery
by releasing her from the bonds of grass. The same train of thought
underlies a practice observed by some peoples of opening all locks, doors,
and so on, while a birth is taking place in the house. We have seen that
at such a time the Germans of Transylvania open all the locks, and the
same thing is done also in Voigtland and Mecklenburg.(1087) In
north-western Argyllshire superstitious people used to open every lock in
the house at childbirth.(1088) The old Roman custom of presenting women
with a key as a symbol of an easy delivery(1089) perhaps points to the
observance of a similar custom. In the island of Salsette near Bombay,
when a woman is in hard labour, all locks of doors or drawers are opened
with a key to facilitate her delivery.(1090) Among the Mandelings of
Sumatra the lids of all chests, boxes, pans and so forth are opened; and
if this does not produce the desired effect, the anxious husband has to
strike the projecting ends of some of the house-beams in order to loosen
them; for they think that “everything must be open and loose to facilitate
the delivery.”(1091) At a difficult birth the Battas of Sumatra make a
search through the possessions of husband and wife and untie everything
that is tied up in a bundle.(1092) In some parts of Java, when a woman is
in travail, everything in the house that was shut is opened, in order that
the birth may not be impeded; not only are doors opened and the lids of
chests, boxes, rice-pots, and water-buts lifted up, but even swords are
unsheathed and spears drawn out of their cases.(1093) Customs of the same
sort are practised with the same intention in other parts of the East
Indies.(1094) In Chittagong, when a woman cannot bring her child to the
birth, the midwife gives orders to throw all doors and windows wide open,
to uncork all bottles, to remove the bungs from all casks, to unloose the
cows in the stall, the horses in the stable, the watchdog in his kennel,
to set free sheep, fowls, ducks, and so forth. This universal liberty
accorded to the animals and even to inanimate things is, according to the
people, an infallible means of ensuring the woman’s delivery and allowing
the babe to be born.(1095) At the moment of childbirth the Chams of
Cochin-China hasten to open the stall of the buffaloes and to unyoke the
plough, doubtless with the intention of aiding the woman in travail,
though the writer who reports the custom is unable to explain it.(1096)
Among the Singhalese, a few hours before a birth is expected to take
place, all the cupboards in the house are unlocked with the express
purpose of facilitating the delivery.(1097) In the island of Saghalien,
when a woman is in labour, her husband undoes everything that can be
undone. He loosens the plaits of his hair and the laces of his shoes. Then
he unties whatever is tied in the house or its vicinity. In the courtyard
he takes the axe out of the log in which it is stuck; he unfastens the
boat, if it is moored to a tree, he withdraws the cartridges from his gun,
and the arrows from his crossbow.(1098) In Bilaspore a woman’s hair is
never allowed to remain knotted while she is in the act of giving birth to
a child.(1099) Among some modern Jews of Roumania it is customary for the
unmarried girls of a household to unbraid their hair and let it hang loose
on their shoulders while a woman is in hard labour in the house.(1100)
(M181) Again, we have seen that a Toumbuluh man abstains not only from
tying knots, but also from sitting with crossed legs during his wife’s
pregnancy. The train of thought is the same in both cases. Whether you
cross threads in tying a knot, or only cross your legs in sitting at your
ease, you are equally, on the principles of homoeopathic magic, crossing
or thwarting the free course of things, and your action cannot but check
and impede whatever may be going forward in your neighbourhood. Of this
important truth the Romans were fully aware. To sit beside a pregnant
woman or a patient under medical treatment with clasped hands, says the
grave Pliny, is to cast a malignant spell over the person, and it is worse
still if you nurse your leg or legs with your clasped hands, or lay one
leg over the other. Such postures were regarded by the old Romans as a let
and hindrance to business of every sort, and at a council of war or a
meeting of magistrates, at prayers and sacrifices, no man was suffered to
cross his legs or clasp his hands.(1101) The stock instance of the
dreadful consequences that might flow from doing one or the other was that
of Alcmena, who travailed with Hercules for seven days and seven nights,
because the goddess Lucina sat in front of the house with clasped hands
and crossed legs, and the child could not be born until the goddess had
been beguiled into changing her attitude.(1102) It is a Bulgarian
superstition that if a pregnant woman is in the habit of sitting with
crossed legs, she will suffer much in childbed.(1103) In some parts of
Bavaria, when conversation comes to a standstill and silence ensues, they
say, “Surely somebody has crossed his legs.”(1104)
(M182) The magical effect of knots in trammelling and obstructing human
activity was believed to be manifested at marriage not less than at birth.
During the Middle Ages, and down to the eighteenth century, it seems to
have been commonly held in Europe that the consummation of marriage could
be prevented by any one who, while the wedding ceremony was taking place,
either locked a lock or tied a knot in a cord, and then threw the lock or
the cord away. The lock or the knotted cord had to be flung into water;
and until it had been found and unlocked, or untied, no real union of the
married pair was possible.(1105) Hence it was a grave offence, not only to
cast such a spell, but also to steal or make away with the material
instrument of it, whether lock or knotted cord. In the year 1718 the
parliament of Bordeaux sentenced some one to be burned alive for having
spread desolation through a whole family by means of knotted cords; and in
1705 two persons were condemned to death in Scotland for stealing certain
charmed knots which a woman had made, in order thereby to mar the wedded
happiness of Spalding of Ashintilly.(1106) The belief in the efficacy of
these charms appears to have lingered in the Highlands of Perthshire down
to the end of the eighteenth century, for at that time it was still
customary in the beautiful parish of Logierait, between the river Tummel
and the river Tay, to unloose carefully every knot in the clothes of the
bride and bridegroom before the celebration of the marriage ceremony. When
the ceremony was over, and the bridal party had left the church, the
bridegroom immediately retired one way with some young men to tie the
knots that had been loosed a little before; and the bride in like manner
withdrew somewhere else to adjust the disorder of her dress.(1107) In some
parts of the Highlands it was deemed enough that the bridegroom’s left
shoe should be without buckle or latchet, “to prevent witches from
depriving him, on the nuptial night, of the power of loosening the virgin
zone.”(1108) We meet with the same superstition and the same custom at the
present day in Syria. The persons who help a Syrian bridegroom to don his
wedding garments take care that no knot is tied on them and no button
buttoned, for they believe that a button buttoned or a knot tied would put
it within the power of his enemies to deprive him of his nuptial rights by
magical means.(1109) In Lesbos the malignant person who would thus injure
a bridegroom on his wedding day ties a thread to a bush, while he utters
imprecations; but the bridegroom can defeat the spell by wearing at his
girdle a piece of an old net or of an old mantilla belonging to the bride
in which knots have been tied.(1110) The fear of such charms is diffused
all over North Africa at the present day. To render a bridegroom impotent
the enchanter has only to tie a knot in a handkerchief which he had
previously placed quietly on some part of the bridegroom’s body when he
was mounted on horseback ready to fetch his bride: so long as the knot in
the handkerchief remains tied, so long will the bridegroom remain
powerless to consummate the marriage. Another way of effecting the same
object is to stand behind the bridegroom when he is on horseback, with an
open clasp-knife or pair of scissors in your hand and to call out his
name; if he imprudently answers, you at once shut the clasp-knife or the
pair of scissors with a snap, and that makes him impotent. To guard
against this malignant spell the bridegroom’s mother will sometimes buy a
penknife on the eve of the marriage, shut it up, and then open it just at
the moment when her son is about to enter the bridal chamber.(1111)
(M183) A curious use is made of knots at marriage in the little East
Indian island of Rotti. When a man has paid the price of his bride, a cord
is fastened round her waist, if she is a maid, but not otherwise. Nine
knots are tied in the cord, and in order to make them harder to unloose,
they are smeared with wax. Bride and bridegroom are then secluded in a
chamber, where he has to untie the knots with the thumb and forefinger of
his left hand only. It may be from one to twelve months before he succeeds
in undoing them all. Until he has done so he may not look on the woman as
his wife. In no case may the cord be broken, or the bridegroom would
render himself liable to any fine that the bride’s father might choose to
impose. When all the knots are loosed, the woman is his wife, and he shews
the cord to her father, and generally presents his wife with a golden or
silver necklace instead of the cord.(1112) The meaning of this custom is
not clear, but we may conjecture that the nine knots refer to the nine
months of pregnancy, and that miscarriage would be the supposed result of
leaving a single knot untied.
(M184) The maleficent power of knots may also be manifested in the
infliction of sickness, disease, and all kinds of misfortune. Thus among
the Hos of Togoland a sorcerer will sometimes curse his enemy and tie a
knot in a stalk of grass, saying, “I have tied up So-and-So in this knot.
May all evil light upon him! When he goes into the field, may a snake
sting him! When he goes to the chase, may a ravening beast attack him! And
when he steps into a river, may the water sweep him away! When it rains,
may the lightning strike him! May evil nights be his!” It is believed that
in the knot the sorcerer has bound up the life of his enemy.(1113)
Babylonian witches and wizards of old used to strangle their victim, seal
his mouth, wrack his limbs, and tear his entrails by merely tying knots in
a cord, while at each knot they muttered a spell. But happily the evil
could be undone by simply undoing the knots.(1114) We hear of a man in one
of the Orkney Islands who was utterly ruined by nine knots cast on a blue
thread; and it would seem that sick people in Scotland sometimes prayed to
the devil to restore them to health by loosing the secret knot that was
doing all the mischief.(1115) In the Koran there is an allusion to the
mischief of “those who puff into the knots,” and an Arab commentator on
the passage explains that the words refer to women who practise magic by
tying knots in cords, and then blowing and spitting upon them. He goes on
to relate how, once upon a time, a wicked Jew bewitched the prophet
Mohammed himself by tying nine knots on a string, which he then hid in a
well. So the prophet fell ill, and nobody knows what might have happened
if the archangel Gabriel had not opportunely revealed to the holy man the
place where the knotted cord was concealed. The trusty Ali soon fetched
the baleful thing from the well; and the prophet recited over it certain
charms, which were specially revealed to him for the purpose. At every
verse of the charms a knot untied itself, and the prophet experienced a
certain relief.(1116) It will hardly be disputed that by tying knots on
the string the pestilent Hebrew contrived, if I may say so, to constrict
or astringe or, in short, to tie up some vital organ or organs in the
prophet’s stomach. At least we are informed that something of this sort is
done by Australian blackfellows at the present day, and if so, why should
it not have been done by Arabs in the time of Mohammed? The Australian
mode of operation is as follows. When a blackfellow wishes to settle old
scores with another blackfellow, he ties a rope of fibre or bark so
tightly round the neck of his slumbering friend as partially to choke him.
Having done this he takes out the man’s caul-fat from under his short rib,
ties up his inside carefully with string, replaces the skin, and having
effaced all external marks of the wound, makes off with the stolen fat.
The victim on awakening feels no inconvenience, but sooner or later,
sometimes months afterwards, while he is hunting or exerting himself
violently in some other way, he will feel the string snap in his inside.
“Hallo,” says he, “somebody has tied me up inside with string!” and he
goes home to the camp and dies on the spot.(1117) Who can doubt but that
in this lucid diagnosis we have the true key to the prophet’s malady, and
that he too might have succumbed to the wiles of his insidious foe if it
had not been for the timely intervention of the archangel Gabriel?
(M185) If knots are supposed to kill, they are also supposed to cure. This
follows from the belief that to undo the knots which are causing sickness
will bring the sufferer relief. But apart from this negative virtue of
maleficent knots, there are certain beneficent knots to which a positive
power of healing is ascribed. Pliny tells us that some folk cured diseases
of the groin by taking a thread from a web, tying seven or nine knots on
it, and then fastening it to the patient’s groin; but to make the cure
effectual it was necessary to name some widow as each knot was tied.(1118)
The ancient Assyrians seem to have made much use of knotted cords as a
remedy for ailments and disease. The cord with its knots, which were
sometimes twice seven in number, was tied round the head, neck, or limbs
of the patient, and then after a time cut off and thrown away, carrying
with it, as was apparently supposed, the aches and pains of the sufferer.
Sometimes the magic cord which was used for this beneficent purpose
consisted of a double strand of black and white wool; sometimes it was
woven of the hair of a virgin kid.(1119) A modern Arab cure for fever
reported from the ruins of Nineveh is to tie a cotton thread with seven
knots on it round the wrist of the patient, who must wear it for seven or
eight days or till such time as the fever passes, after which he may throw
it away.(1120) O’Donovan describes a similar remedy for fever employed
among the Turcomans. The enchanter takes some camel hair and spins it into
a stout thread, droning a spell the while. Next he ties seven knots on the
thread, blowing on each knot before he pulls it tight. This knotted thread
is then worn as a bracelet on his wrist by the patient. Every day one of
the knots is untied and blown upon, and when the seventh knot is undone
the whole thread is rolled up into a ball and thrown into a river, bearing
away (as they imagine) the fever with it.(1121) The Hos of Togoland in
like manner tie strings round a sick man’s neck, arms, or legs, according
to the nature of the malady; some of the strings are intended to guard him
against the influence of “the evil mouth”; others are a protection against
the ghosts of the dead.(1122) In Argyleshire, threads with three knots on
them are still used to cure the internal ailments of man and beast. The
witch rubs the sick person or cow with the knotted thread, burns two of
the knots in the fire, saying, “I put the disease and the sickness on the
top of the fire,” and ties the rest of the thread with the single knot
round the neck of the person or the tail of the cow, but always so that it
may not be seen.(1123) A Scotch cure for a sprained leg or arm is to cast
nine knots in a black thread and then tie the thread round the suffering
limb, while you say:
“_The Lord rade,_
_And the foal slade;_
_He lighted_
_And he righted,_
_Set joint to joint,_
_Bone to bone,_
_And sinew to sinew._
_Heal, in the Holy Ghost’s name!_”(1124)
In Gujarat, if a man takes seven cotton threads, goes to a place where an
owl is hooting, strips naked, ties a knot at each hoot, and fastens the
knotted thread round the right arm of a man sick of the fever, the malady
will leave him.(1125)
(M186) Again, knots may be used by an enchantress to win a lover and
attach him firmly to herself. Thus the love-sick maid in Virgil seeks to
draw Daphnis to her from the city by spells and by tying three knots on
each of three strings of different colours.(1126) So an Arab maiden, who
had lost her heart to a certain man, tried to gain his love and bind him
to herself by tying knots in his whip; but her jealous rival undid the
knots.(1127) On the same principle magic knots may be employed to stop a
runaway. In Swazieland you may often see grass tied in knots at the side
of the footpaths. Every one of these knots tells of a domestic tragedy. A
wife has run away from her husband, and he and his friends have gone in
pursuit, binding up the paths, as they call it, in this fashion to prevent
the fugitive from doubling back over them.(1128) When a Swaheli wishes to
capture a runaway slave he will sometimes take a string of coco-nut fibre
to a wise man and get him to recite a passage of the Koran seven times
over it, while at each reading the wizard ties a knot in the string. Then
the slave-owner, armed with the knotted string, takes his stand in the
door of the house and calls on his slave seven times by name, after which
he hangs the string over the door.(1129)
(M187) The obstructive power of knots and locks as means of barring out
evil manifests itself in many ways. Thus on the principle that prevention
is better than cure, Zulu hunters immediately tie a knot in the tail of
any animal they have killed, because they believe that this will hinder
the meat from giving them pains in their stomachs.(1130) An ancient Hindoo
book recommends that travellers on a dangerous road should tie knots in
the skirts of their garments, for this will cause their journey to
prosper.(1131) Similarly among some Caffre tribes, when a man is going on
a doubtful journey, he knots a few blades of grass together that the
journey may turn out well.(1132) In Laos hunters fancy that they can throw
a spell over a forest so as to prevent any one else from hunting there
successfully. Having killed game of any kind, they utter certain magical
words, while they knot together some stalks of grass, adding, “As I knot
this grass, so let no hunter be lucky here.” The virtue of this spell will
last, as usually happens in such cases, so long as the stalks remain
knotted together.(1133) The Yabims of German New Guinea lay a knot in a
fishing-boat that is not ready for sea, in order that a certain being
called Balum may not embark in it; for he has the power of taking away the
fish and weighing down the boat.(1134)
(M188) In Russia amulets often derive their protective virtue in great
measure from knots. Here, for example, is a spell which will warrant its
employer against all risk of being shot: “I attach five knots to each
hostile, infidel shooter, over arquebuses, bows, and all manner of warlike
weapons. Do ye, O knots, bar the shooter from every road and way, lock
fast every arquebuse, entangle every bow, involve all warlike weapons, so
that the shooters may not reach me with their arquebuses, nor may their
arrows attain to me, nor their warlike weapons do me hurt. In my knots
lies hid the mighty strength of snakes—from the twelve-headed snake.” A
net, from its affluence of knots, has always been considered in Russia
very efficacious against sorcerers; hence in some places, when a bride is
being dressed in her wedding attire, a fishing-net is flung over her to
keep her out of harm’s way. For a similar purpose the bridegroom and his
companions are often girt with pieces of net, or at least with tight-drawn
girdles, for before a wizard can begin to injure them he must undo all the
knots in the net, or take off the girdles. But often a Russian amulet is
merely a knotted thread. A skein of red wool wound about the arms and legs
is thought to ward off agues and fevers; and nine skeins, fastened round a
child’s neck, are deemed a preservative against scarlatina. In the Tver
Government a bag of a special kind is tied to the neck of the cow which
walks before the rest of a herd, in order to keep off wolves; its force
binds the maw of the ravening beast. On the same principle, a padlock is
carried thrice round a herd of horses before they go afield in the spring,
and the bearer locks and unlocks it as he goes, saying, “I lock from my
herd the mouths of the grey wolves with this steel lock.” After the third
round the padlock is finally locked, and then, when the horses have gone
off, it is hidden away somewhere till late in the autumn, when the time
comes for the drove to return to winter quarters. In this case the “firm
word” of the spell is supposed to lock up the mouths of the wolves. The
Bulgarians have a similar mode of guarding their cattle against wild
beasts. A woman takes a needle and thread after dark, and sews together
the skirt of her dress. A child asks her what she is doing, and she tells
him that she is sewing up the ears, eyes, and jaws of the wolves so that
they may not hear, see, or bite the sheep, goats, calves, and pigs.(1135)
Similarly in antiquity a witch fancied that she could shut the mouths of
her enemies by sewing up the mouth of a fish with a bronze needle,(1136)
and farmers attempted to ward off hail from their crops by tying keys to
ropes all round the fields.(1137) The Armenians essay to lock the jaws of
wolves by uttering a spell, tying seven knots in a shoe-lace, and placing
the string between the teeth of a wool-comber, which are probably taken to
represent the fangs of a wolf.(1138) And an Armenian bride and bridegroom
will carry a locked lock on their persons at and after marriage to guard
them against those evil influences to which at this crisis of life they
are especially exposed.(1139) The following mode of keeping an epidemic
from a village is known to have been practised among the Balkan Slavs. Two
old women proceed to a spot outside the village, the one with a copper
kettle full of water, the other with a house-lock and key. The old dame
with the kettle asks the other, “Whither away?” The one with the lock
answers, “I came to lock the village against mishap,” and suiting the
action to the words she locks the lock and throws it, together with the
key, into the kettle of water. Then she strides thrice round the village,
each time repeating the performance with the lock and kettle.(1140) To
this day a Transylvanian sower thinks he can keep birds from the corn by
carrying a lock in the seed-bag.(1141) Such magical uses of locks and keys
are clearly parallel to the magical use of knots, with which we are here
concerned. In Ceylon the Singhalese observe “a curious custom of the
threshing-floor called ‘Goigote’—the tying of the cultivator’s knot. When
a sheaf of corn has been threshed out, before it is removed the grain is
heaped up and the threshers, generally six in number, sit round it, and
taking a few stalks, with the ears of corn attached, jointly tie a knot
and bury it in the heap. It is left there until all the sheaves have been
threshed, and the corn winnowed and measured. The object of this ceremony
is to prevent the devils from diminishing the quantity of corn in the
heap.”(1142) Knots and locks may serve to avert not only devils but death
itself. When they brought a woman to the stake at St. Andrews in 1572 to
burn her alive for a witch, they found on her a white cloth like a collar,
with strings and many knots on the strings. They took it from her, sorely
against her will, for she seemed to think that she could not die in the
fire, if only the cloth with the knotted strings was on her. When it was
taken away, she said, “Now I have no hope of myself.”(1143) In many parts
of England it is thought that a person cannot die so long as any locks are
locked or bolts shot in the house. It is therefore a very common practice
to undo all locks and bolts when the sufferer is plainly near his end, in
order that his agony may not be unduly prolonged.(1144) For example, in
the year 1863, at Taunton, a child lay sick of scarlatina and death seemed
inevitable. “A jury of matrons was, as it were, empanelled, and to prevent
the child ‘dying hard’ all the doors in the house, all the drawers, all
the boxes, all the cupboards were thrown wide open, the keys taken out,
and the body of the child placed under a beam, whereby a sure, certain,
and easy passage into eternity could be secured.” Strange to say, the
child declined to avail itself of the facilities for dying so obligingly
placed at its disposal by the sagacity and experience of the British
matrons of Taunton; it preferred to live rather than give up the ghost
just then.(1145) A Masai man whose sons have gone out to war will take a
hair and tie a knot in it for each of his absent sons, praying God to keep
their bodies and souls as firmly fastened together as these knots.(1146)
(M189) The precise mode in which the virtue of the knot is supposed to
take effect in some of these instances does not clearly appear. But in
general we may say that in all the cases we have been considering the
leading characteristic of the magic knot or lock is that, in strict
accordance with its physical nature, it always acts as an impediment,
hindrance, or obstacle, and that its influence is maleficent or beneficent
according as the thing which it impedes or hinders is good or evil. The
obstructive tendency attributed to the knot in spiritual matters appears
in a Swiss superstition that if, in sewing a corpse into its shroud, you
make a knot on the thread, it will hinder the soul of the deceased on its
passage to eternity.(1147) In coffining a corpse the Highlanders of
Scotland used to untie or cut every string in the shroud; else the spirit
could not rest.(1148) The Germans of Transylvania place a little pillow
with the dead in the coffin; but in sewing it they take great care not to
make any knot on the thread, for they say that to do so would hinder the
dead man from resting in the grave and his widow from marrying
again.(1149) Among the Pidhireanes, a Ruthenian people on the hem of the
Carpathians, when a widow wishes to marry again soon, she unties the knots
on her dead husband’s grave-clothes before the coffin is shut down on him.
This removes all impediments to her future marriage.(1150) A Nandi who is
starting on a journey will tie a knot in grass by the wayside, as he
believes that by so doing he will prevent the people whom he is going to
visit from taking their meal till he arrives, or at all events he will
ensure that they leave enough food over for him.(1151)
(M190) The rule which prescribes that at certain magical and religious
ceremonies the hair should hang loose and the feet should be bare(1152) is
probably based on the same fear of trammelling and impeding the action in
hand, whatever it may be, by the presence of any knot or constriction,
whether on the head or on the feet of the performer. This connexion of
ideas comes out clearly in a passage of Ovid, who bids a pregnant woman
loosen her hair before she prays to the goddess of childbirth, in order
that the goddess may gently loose her teeming womb.(1153) It is less easy
to say why on certain solemn occasions it appears to have been customary
with some people to go with one shoe off and one shoe on. The forlorn hope
of two hundred men who, on a dark and stormy night, stole out of Plataea,
broke through the lines of the besieging Spartans, and escaped from the
doomed city, were shod on the left foot only. The historian who records
the fact assumes that the intention was to prevent their feet from
slipping in the mud.(1154) But if so, why were not both feet unshod or
shod? What is good for the one foot is surely good for the other. The
peculiar attire of the Plataeans on this occasion had probably nothing to
do with the particular state of the ground and the weather at the time
when they made their desperate sally, but was an old custom, a form of
consecration or devotion, observed by men in any great hazard or grave
emergency. Certainly the costume appears to have been regularly worn by
some fighting races in antiquity, at least when they went forth to battle.
Thus we are told that all the Aetolians were shod only on one foot,
“because they were so warlike,”(1155) and Virgil represents some of the
rustic militia of ancient Latium as marching to war, their right feet shod
in boots of raw hide, while their left feet were bare.(1156) An oracle
warned Pelias, king of Iolcus, to beware of the man with one sandal, and
when Jason arrived with a sandal on his right foot but with his left foot
bare, the king recognised the hand of fate. The common story that Jason
had lost one of his sandals in fording a river was probably invented when
the real motive of the costume was forgotten.(1157) Again, according to
one legend Perseus seems to have worn only one shoe when he went on his
perilous enterprise to cut off the Gorgon’s head.(1158) In certain forms
of purification Greek ritual appears to have required that the person to
be cleansed should wear a rough shoe on one foot, while the other was
unshod. The rule is not mentioned by ancient writers, but may be inferred
from a scene painted on a Greek vase, where a man, naked except for a
fillet round his head, is seen crouching on the skin of a sacrificial
victim, his bare right foot resting on the skin, while his left foot, shod
in a rough boot, is planted on the ground in front of him. Round about
women with torches and vessels are engaged in performing ceremonies of
purification over him.(1159) When Dido in Virgil, deserted by Aeneas, has
resolved to die, she feigns to perform certain magical rites which will
either win back her false lover or bring relief to her wounded heart. In
appealing to the gods and the stars, she stands by the altar with her
dress loosened and with one foot bare.(1160) Among the heathen Arabs the
cursing of an enemy was a public act. The maledictions were often couched
in the form of a satirical poem, which the poet himself recited with
certain solemn formalities. Thus when the young Lebid appeared at the
Court of Norman to denounce the Absites, he anointed the hair of his head
on one side only, let his garment hang down loosely, and wore but one
shoe. This, we are told, was the costume regularly adopted by certain
poets on such occasions.(1161)
(M191) Thus various peoples seem to be of opinion that it stands a man in
good stead to go with one foot shod and one foot bare on certain momentous
occasions. But why? The explanation must apparently be sought in the
magical virtue attributed to knots; for down to recent times, we may take
it, shoes have been universally tied to the feet by latchets. Now the
magical action of a knot, as we have seen, is supposed to be to bind and
restrain not merely the body but the soul,(1162) and this action is
beneficial or harmful according as the thing which is bound and restrained
is evil or good. It is a necessary corollary of this doctrine that to be
without knots is to be free and untrammelled, which, by the way, may be
the reason why the augur’s staff at Rome had to be made from a piece of
wood in which there was no knot;(1163) it would never do for a divining
rod to be spell-bound. Hence we may suppose that the intention of going
with one shoe on and one shoe off is both to restrain and to set at
liberty, to bind and to unbind. But to bind or unbind whom or what?
Perhaps the notion is to rid the man himself of magical restraint, but to
lay it on his foe, or at all events on his foe’s magic; in short, to bind
his enemy by a spell while he himself goes free. This is substantially the
explanation which the acute and learned Servius gives of Dido’s costume.
He says that she went with one shoe on and one shoe off in order that
Aeneas might be entangled and herself released.(1164) An analogous
explanation would obviously apply to all the other cases we have
considered, for in all of them the man who wears this peculiar costume is
confronted with hostile powers, whether human or supernatural, which it
must be his object to lay under a ban.
(M192) A similar power to bind and hamper spiritual as well as bodily
activities is ascribed by some people to rings. Thus in the Greek island
of Carpathus, people never button the clothes they put upon a dead body
and they are careful to remove all rings from it; “for the spirit, they
say, can even be detained in the little finger, and cannot rest.”(1165)
Here it is plain that even if the soul is not definitely supposed to issue
at death from the finger-tips, yet the ring is conceived to exercise a
certain constrictive influence which detains and imprisons the immortal
spirit in spite of its efforts to escape from the tabernacle of clay; in
short the ring, like the knot, acts as a spiritual fetter. This may have
been the reason of an ancient Greek maxim, attributed to Pythagoras, which
forbade people to wear rings.(1166) Nobody might enter the ancient
Arcadian sanctuary of the Mistress at Lycosura with a ring on his or her
finger.(1167) Persons who consulted the oracle of Faunus had to be chaste,
to eat no flesh, and to wear no rings.(1168)
(M193) On the other hand, the same constriction which hinders the egress
of the soul may prevent the entrance of evil spirits; hence we find rings
used as amulets against demons, witches, and ghosts. In the Tyrol it is
said that a woman in childbed should never take off her wedding-ring, or
spirits and witches will have power over her.(1169) Among the Lapps, the
person who is about to place a corpse in the coffin receives from the
husband, wife, or children of the deceased a brass ring, which he must
wear fastened to his right arm until the corpse is safely deposited in the
grave. The ring is believed to serve the person as an amulet against any
harm which the ghost might do to him.(1170) The Huzuls of the Carpathians
sometimes milk a cow through a wedding-ring to prevent witches from
stealing its milk.(1171) In India iron rings are often worn as an amulet
against disease or to counteract the malignant influence of the planet
Saturn. A coral ring is used in Gujarat to ward off the baleful influence
of the sun, and in Bengal mourners touch it as a form of
purification.(1172) A Masai mother who has lost one or more children at an
early age will put a copper ring on the second toe of her next infant’s
right foot to guard it against sickness.(1173) Masai men also wear on the
middle finger of the right hand a ring made out of the hide of a
sacrificial victim; it is supposed to protect the wearer from witchcraft
and disease of every kind.(1174) We have seen that magic cords are
fastened round the wrists of Siamese children to keep off evil
spirits;(1175) that some people tie strings round the wrists of women in
childbed, of convalescents after sickness, and of mourners after a funeral
in order to prevent the escape of their souls at these critical
seasons;(1176) and that with the same intention the Bagobos put brass
rings on the wrists or ankles of the sick.(1177) This use of wrist-bands,
bracelets, and anklets as amulets to keep the soul in the body is exactly
parallel to the use of finger-rings which we are here considering. The
placing of these spiritual fetters on the wrists is especially
appropriate, because some people fancy that a soul resides wherever a
pulse is felt beating.(1178) How far the custom of wearing finger-rings,
bracelets, and anklets may have been influenced by, or even have sprung
from, a belief in their efficacy as amulets to keep the soul in the body,
or demons out of it, is a question which seems worth considering.(1179)
Here we are only concerned with the belief in so far as it seems to throw
light on the rule that the Flamen Dialis might not wear a ring unless it
were broken. Taken in conjunction with the rule which forbade him to have
a knot on his garments, it points to a fear that the powerful spirit
embodied in him might be trammelled and hampered in its goings-out and
comings-in by such corporeal and spiritual fetters as rings and knots. The
same fear probably dictated the rule that if a man in bonds were taken
into the house of the Flamen Dialis, the captive was to be unbound and the
cords to be drawn up through a hole in the roof and so let down into the
street.(1180) Further, we may conjecture that the custom of releasing
prisoners at a festival may have originated in the same train of thought;
it might be imagined that their fetters would impede the flow of the
divine grace. The custom was observed at the Greek festival of the
Thesmophoria,(1181) and at the Athenian festival of Dionysus in the
city.(1182) At the great festival of the Dassera, celebrated in October by
the Goorkhas of Nepaul, all the law courts are closed, and all prisoners
in gaol are removed from the precincts of the city; but those who are
imprisoned outside the city do not have to change their place of
confinement at the time of the Dassera.(1183) This Nepaulese custom
appears strongly to support the explanation here suggested of such
gaol-deliveries. For observe that the prisoners are not released, but
merely removed from the city. The intention is therefore not to allow them
to share the general happiness, but merely to rid the city of their
inopportune presence at the festival.
(M194) Before quitting the subject of knots I may be allowed to hazard a
conjecture as to the meaning of the famous Gordian knot, which Alexander
the Great, failing in his efforts to untie it, cut through with his sword.
In Gordium, the ancient capital of the kings of Phrygia, there was
preserved a waggon of which the yoke was fastened to the pole by a strip
of cornel-bark or a vine-shoot twisted and tied in an intricate knot.
Tradition ran that the waggon had been dedicated by Midas, the first king
of the dynasty, and that whoever untied the knot would be ruler of
Asia.(1184) Perhaps the knot was a talisman with which the fate of the
dynasty was believed to be bound up in such a way that whenever the knot
was loosed the reign of the dynasty would come to an end. We have seen
that the magic virtue ascribed to knots is naturally enough supposed to
last only so long as they remain untied. If the Gordian knot was the
talisman of the Phrygian kings, the local fame it enjoyed, as guaranteeing
to them the rule of Phrygia, might easily be exaggerated by distant rumour
into a report that the sceptre of Asia itself would fall to him who should
undo the wondrous knot.(1185)
CHAPTER VI. TABOOED WORDS.
§ 1. Personal Names tabooed.
(M195) Unable to discriminate clearly between words and things, the savage
commonly fancies that the link between a name and the person or thing
denominated by it is not a mere arbitrary and ideal association, but a
real and substantial bond which unites the two in such a way that magic
may be wrought on a man just as easily through his name as through his
hair, his nails, or any other material part of his person.(1186) In fact,
primitive man regards his name as a vital portion of himself and takes
care of it accordingly. Thus, for example, the North American Indian
“regards his name, not as a mere label, but as a distinct part of his
personality, just as much as are his eyes or his teeth, and believes that
injury will result as surely from the malicious handling of his name as
from a wound inflicted on any part of his physical organism. This belief
was found among the various tribes from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and
has occasioned a number of curious regulations in regard to the
concealment and change of names. It may be on this account that both
Powhatan and Pocahontas are known in history under assumed appellations,
their true names having been concealed from the whites until the
pseudonyms were too firmly established to be supplanted. Should his
prayers have no apparent effect when treating a patient for some serious
illness, the shaman sometimes concludes that the name is affected, and
accordingly goes to water, with appropriate ceremonies, and christens the
patient with a new name, by which he is henceforth to be known. He then
begins afresh, repeating the formulas with the new name selected for the
patient, in the confident hope that his efforts will be crowned with
success.”(1187) Some Esquimaux take new names when they are old, hoping
thereby to get a new lease of life.(1188) The Tolampoos of central Celebes
believe that if you write a man’s name down you can carry off his soul
along with it. On that account the headman of a village appeared uneasy
when Mr. A. C. Kruijt wrote down his name. He entreated the missionary to
erase it, and was only reassured on being told that it was not his real
name but merely his second name that had been put on paper. Again, when
the same missionary took down the names of villages from the lips of a
woman, she asked him anxiously if he would not thereby take away the soul
of the villages and so cause the inhabitants to fall sick.(1189) If we may
judge from the evidence of language, this crude conception of the relation
of names to persons was widely prevalent, if not universal, among the
forefathers of the Aryan race. For an analysis of the words for “name” in
the various languages of that great family of speech points to the
conclusion that “the Celts, and certain other widely separated Aryans,
unless we should rather say the whole Aryan family, believed at one time
not only that the name was a part of the man, but that it was that part of
him which is termed the soul, the breath of life, or whatever you may
choose to define it as being.”(1190) However this may have been among the
primitive Aryans, it is quite certain that many savages at the present day
regard their names as vital parts of themselves, and therefore take great
pains to conceal their real names, lest these should give to evil-disposed
persons a handle by which to injure their owners.
(M196) Thus, to begin with the savages who rank at the bottom of the
social scale, we are told that the secrecy with which among the Australian
aborigines personal names are often kept from general knowledge “arises in
great measure from the belief that an enemy, who knows your name, has in
it something which he can use magically to your detriment.”(1191) “An
Australian black,” says another writer, “is always very unwilling to tell
his real name, and there is no doubt that this reluctance is due to the
fear that through his name he may be injured by sorcerers.”(1192) On
Herbert River in Queensland the wizards, in order to practise their arts
against some one, “need only to know the name of the person in question,
and for this reason they rarely use their proper names in addressing or
speaking of each other, but simply their class names.”(1193) In the tribes
of south-eastern Australia “when the new name is given at initiation, the
child’s name becomes secret, not to be revealed to strangers, or to be
mentioned by friends. The reason appears to be that a name is part of a
person, and therefore can be made use of to that person’s detriment by any
who wish to ‘catch’ him by evil magic.”(1194) Thus among the Yuin of New
South Wales the totem name is said to have been something magical rather
than a mere name in our sense, and it was kept secret lest an enemy should
injure its bearer by sorcery. The name was revealed to a youth by his
father at initiation, but very few other people knew it.(1195) Another
writer, who knew the Australians well, observes that in many tribes the
belief prevails “that the life of an enemy may be taken by the use of his
name in incantations. The consequence of this idea is, that in the tribes
in which it obtains, the name of the male is given up for ever at the time
when he undergoes the first of a series of ceremonies which end in
conferring the rights of manhood. In such tribes a man has no name, and
when a man desires to attract the attention of any male of his tribe who
is out of his boyhood, instead of calling him by name, he addresses him as
brother, nephew, or cousin, as the case may be, or by the name of the
class to which he belongs. I used to notice, when I lived amongst the
Bangerang, that the names which the males bore in infancy were soon almost
forgotten by the tribe.”(1196) It may be questioned, however, whether the
writer whom I have just quoted was not deceived in thinking that among
these tribes men gave up their individual names on passing through the
ceremony of initiation into manhood. It is more in harmony with savage
beliefs and practices to suppose either that the old names were retained
but dropped out of use in daily life, or that new names were given at
initiation and sedulously concealed from fear of sorcery. A missionary who
resided among the aborigines at Lake Tyers, in Victoria, informs us that
“the blacks have great objections to speak of a person by name. In
speaking to each other they address the person spoken to as brother,
cousin, friend, or whatever relation the person spoken to bears. Sometimes
a black bears a name which we would term merely a nickname, as the
left-handed, or the bad-handed, or the little man. They would speak of a
person by this name while living, but they would never mention the proper
name. I found great difficulty in collecting the native names of the
blacks here. I found afterwards that they had given me wrong names; and,
on asking the reason why, was informed they had two or three names, but
they never mentioned their right name for fear any one got it, then they
would die.”(1197) Amongst the tribes of central Australia every man,
woman, and child has, besides a personal name which is in common use, a
secret or sacred name which is bestowed by the older men upon him or her
soon after birth, and which is known to none but the fully initiated
members of the group. This secret name is never mentioned except upon the
most solemn occasions; to utter it in the hearing of women or of men of
another group would be a most serious breach of tribal custom, as serious
as the most flagrant case of sacrilege among ourselves. When mentioned at
all, the name is spoken only in a whisper, and not until the most
elaborate precautions have been taken that it shall be heard by no one but
members of the group. “The native thinks that a stranger knowing his
secret name would have special power to work him ill by means of
magic.”(1198)
(M197) The same fear seems to have led to a custom of the same sort
amongst the ancient Egyptians, whose comparatively high civilisation was
strangely dashed and chequered with relics of the lowest savagery. Every
Egyptian received two names, which were known respectively as the true
name and the good name, or the great name and the little name; and while
the good or little name was made public, the true or great name appears to
have been carefully concealed.(1199) Similarly in Abyssinia at the present
day it is customary to conceal the real name which a person receives at
baptism and to call him only by a sort of nickname which his mother gives
him on leaving the church. The reason for this concealment is that a
sorcerer cannot act upon a person whose real name he does not know. But if
he has ascertained his victim’s real name, the magician takes a particular
kind of straw, and muttering something over it bends it into a circle and
places it under a stone. The person aimed at is taken ill at the very
moment of the bending of the straw; and if the straw snaps, he dies.(1200)
A Brahman child receives two names, one for common use, the other a secret
name which none but his father and mother should know. The latter is only
used at ceremonies such as marriage. The custom is intended to protect the
person against magic, since a charm only becomes effectual in combination
with the real name.(1201) Amongst the Kru negroes of West Africa a man’s
real name is always concealed from all but his nearest relations; to other
people he is known only under an assumed name.(1202) The Ewe-speaking
people of the Slave Coast “believe that there is a real and material
connexion between a man and his name, and that by means of the name injury
may be done to the man. An illustration of this has been given in the case
of the tree-stump that is beaten with a stone to compass the death of an
enemy; for the name of that enemy is not pronounced solely with the object
of informing the animating principle of the stump who it is whose death is
desired, but through a belief that, by pronouncing the name, the
personality of the man who bears it is in some way brought to the
stump.”(1203) The Wolofs of Senegambia are very much annoyed if any one
calls them in a loud voice, even by day; for they say that their name will
be remembered by an evil spirit and made use of by him to do them a
mischief at night.(1204) Similarly, the natives of Nias believe that harm
may be done to a person by the demons who hear his name pronounced. Hence
the names of infants, who are especially exposed to the assaults of evil
spirits, are never spoken; and often in haunted spots, such as the gloomy
depths of the forest, the banks of a river, or beside a bubbling spring,
men will abstain from calling each other by their names for a like
reason.(1205) Among the hill tribes of Assam each individual has a private
name which may not be revealed. Should any one imprudently allow his
private name to be known, the whole village is tabooed for two days and a
feast is provided at the expense of the culprit.(1206) A Manegre, of the
upper valley of the Amoor, will never mention his own name nor that of one
of his fellows. Only the names of children are an exception to this
rule.(1207) A Bagobo man of Mindanao, one of the Philippine Islands, never
utters his own name from fear of being turned into a raven, because the
raven croaks out its own name.(1208) The natives of the East Indian island
of Buru, and the Manggarais of West Flores are forbidden by custom to
mention their own names.(1209) When Fafnir had received his death-wound
from Sigurd, he asked his slayer what his name was; but the cunning Sigurd
concealed his real name and mentioned a false one, because he well knew
how potent are the words of a dying man when he curses his enemy by
name.(1210)
(M198) The Indians of Chiloe, a large island off the southern coast of
Chili, keep their names secret and do not like to have them uttered aloud;
for they say that there are fairies or imps on the mainland or
neighbouring islands who, if they knew folk’s names, would do them an
injury; but so long as they do not know the names, these mischievous
sprites are powerless.(1211) The Araucanians, who inhabit the mainland of
Chili to the north of Chiloe, will hardly ever tell a stranger their names
because they fear that he would thereby acquire some supernatural power
over themselves. Asked his name by a stranger, who is ignorant of their
superstitions, an Araucanian will answer, “I have none.”(1212) Names taken
from plants, birds, or other natural objects are bestowed on the Indians
of Guiana at their birth by their parents or the medicine-man, “but these
names seem of little use, in that owners have a very strong objection to
telling or using them, apparently on the ground that the name is part of
the man, and that he who knows the name has part of the owner of that name
in his power. To avoid any danger of spreading knowledge of their names,
one Indian, therefore, generally addresses another only according to the
relationship of the caller and the called, as brother, sister, father,
mother, and so on; or, when there is no relationship, as boy, girl,
companion, and so on. These terms, therefore, practically form the names
actually used by Indians amongst themselves.”(1213) Amongst the Indians of
the Goajira peninsula in Colombia it is a punishable offence to mention a
man’s name; in aggravated cases heavy compensation is demanded.(1214) The
Indians of Darien never tell their names, and when one of them is asked,
“What is your name?” he answers, “I have none.”(1215) For example, the
Guami of Panama, “like the greater part of the American Indians, has
several names, but that under which he is known to his relations and
friends is never mentioned to a stranger; according to their ideas a
stranger who should learn a man’s name would obtain a secret power over
him. As to the girls, they generally have no name of their own up to the
age of puberty.”(1216) Among the Tepehuanes of Mexico a name is a sacred
thing, and they never tell their real native names.(1217)
(M199) In North America superstitions of the same sort are current. “Names
bestowed with ceremony in childhood,” says Schoolcraft, “are deemed
sacred, and are seldom pronounced, out of respect, it would seem, to the
spirits under whose favour they are supposed to have been selected.
Children are usually called in the family by some name which can be
familiarly used.”(1218) The Navajoes of New Mexico are most unwilling to
reveal their own Indian names or those of their friends; they generally go
by some Mexican names which they have received from the whites.(1219) “No
Apache will give his name to a stranger, fearing some hidden power may
thus be placed in the stranger’s hand to his detriment.”(1220) The Tonkawe
Indians of Texas will give their children Comanche and English names in
addition to their native names, which they are unwilling to communicate to
others; for they believe that when somebody calls a person by his or her
native name after death the spirit of the deceased may hear it, and may be
prompted to take revenge on such as disturbed his rest; whereas if the
spirit be called by a name drawn from another language, it will pay no
heed.(1221) Speaking of the Californian Indians, and especially of the
Nishinam tribe, a well-informed writer observes: “One can very seldom
learn an Indian’s and never a squaw’s Indian name, though they will tell
their American titles readily enough.... No squaw will reveal her own
name, but she will tell all her neighbors’ that she can think of. For the
reason above given many people believe that half the squaws have no names
at all. So far is this from the truth that every one possesses at least
one and sometimes two or three.”(1222) Blackfoot Indians believe that they
would be unfortunate in all their undertakings if they were to speak their
names.(1223) When the Canadian Indians were asked their names, they used
to hang their heads in silence or answer that they did not know.(1224)
When an Ojebway is asked his name, he will look at some bystander and ask
him to answer. “This reluctance arises from an impression they receive
when young, that if they repeat their own names it will prevent their
growth, and they will be small in stature. On account of this
unwillingness to tell their names, many strangers have fancied that they
either have no names or have forgotten them.”(1225)
(M200) In this last case no scruple seems to be felt about communicating a
man’s name to strangers, and no ill effects appear to be dreaded as a
consequence of divulging it; harm is only done when a name is spoken by
its owner. Why is this? and why in particular should a man be thought to
stunt his growth by uttering his own name? We may conjecture that to
savages who act and think thus a person’s name only seems to be a part of
himself when it is uttered with his own breath; uttered by the breath of
others it has no vital connexion with him, and no harm can come to him
through it. Whereas, so these primitive philosophers may have argued, when
a man lets his own name pass his lips, he is parting with a living piece
of himself, and if he persists in so reckless a course he must certainly
end by dissipating his energy and shattering his constitution. Many a
broken-down debauchee, many a feeble frame wasted with disease, may have
been pointed out by these simple moralists to their awe-struck disciples
as a fearful example of the fate that must sooner or later overtake the
profligate who indulges immoderately in the seductive habit of mentioning
his own name.
(M201) However we may explain it, the fact is certain that many a savage
evinces the strongest reluctance to pronounce his own name, while at the
same time he makes no objection at all to other people pronouncing it, and
will even invite them to do so for him in order to satisfy the curiosity
of an inquisitive stranger. Thus in some parts of Madagascar it is _fàdy_
or taboo for a person to tell his own name, but a slave or attendant will
answer for him.(1226) “Chatting with an old Sakalava while the men were
packing up, we happened to ask him his name; whereupon he politely
requested us to ask one of his servants standing by. On expressing our
astonishment that he should have forgotten this, he told us that it was
_fàdy_ (tabooed) for one of his tribe to pronounce his own name. We found
this was perfectly true in that district, but it is not the case with the
Sakalava a few days farther down the river.”(1227) The same curious
inconsistency, as it may seem to us, is recorded of some tribes of
American Indians. Thus we are told that “the name of an American Indian is
a sacred thing, not to be divulged by the owner himself without due
consideration. One may ask a warrior of any tribe to give his name, and
the question will be met with either a point-blank refusal or the more
diplomatic evasion that he cannot understand what is wanted of him. The
moment a friend approaches, the warrior first interrogated will whisper
what is wanted, and the friend can tell the name, receiving a
reciprocation of the courtesy from the other.”(1228) This general
statement applies, for example, to the Indian tribes of British Columbia,
as to whom it is said that “one of their strangest prejudices, which
appears to pervade all tribes alike, is a dislike to telling their
names—thus you never get a man’s right name from himself; but they will
tell each other’s names without hesitation.”(1229) Though it is considered
very rude for a stranger to ask an Apache his name, and the Apache will
never mention it himself, he will allow his friend at his side to mention
it for him.(1230) The Abipones of South America thought it a sin in a man
to utter his own name, but they would tell each other’s names freely; when
Father Dobrizhoffer asked a stranger Indian his name, the man would nudge
his neighbour with his elbow as a sign that his companion should answer
the question.(1231) Some of the Malemut Esquimaux of Bering Strait dislike
very much to pronounce their own names; if a man be asked his name he will
appear confused and will generally turn to a bystander, and request him to
mention it for him.(1232) In the whole of the East Indian Archipelago the
etiquette is the same. As a general rule no one will utter his own name.
To enquire, “What is your name?” is a very indelicate question in native
society. When in the course of administrative or judicial business a
native is asked his name, instead of replying he will look at his comrade
to indicate that he is to answer for him, or he will say straight out,
“Ask him.” The superstition is current all over the East Indies without
exception,(1233) and it is found also among the Motu and Motumotu tribes
of British New Guinea,(1234) the Papuans of Finsch Haven in German New
Guinea,(1235) the Nufoors of Dutch New Guinea,(1236) and the Melanesians
of the Bismarck Archipelago.(1237) Among many tribes of South Africa men
and women never mention their names if they can get any one else to do it
for them, but they do not absolutely refuse when it cannot be
avoided.(1238) No Warua will tell his name, but he does not object to
being addressed by it.(1239) Among the Masai, “when a man is called or
spoken to, he is addressed by his father’s name, and his own name is only
used when speaking to his mother. It is considered unlucky for a man to be
addressed by name. The methods employed in finding out what an individual
is called seem apt to lead to confusion. If a man is asked his name, he
replies by giving that of his father, and to arrive at his own name it is
necessary to ask a third person, or to ask him what is the name of his
mother. There is no objection to another person mentioning his name even
in his presence.”(1240) We are told that the Wanyamwesi almost always
address each other as “Mate” or “Friend,” and a man sometimes quite
forgets his own name and has to be reminded of it by another.(1241) The
writer who makes this statement was probably unaware of the reluctance of
many savages to utter their own names, and hence he mistook that
reluctance for forgetfulness. In Uganda no one will mention his totem. If
it is necessary that it should be known, he will ask a bystander to
mention it for him.(1242) The Ba-Lua in the Congo region are unwilling to
pronounce the name of their tribe; if they are pressed on the subject,
they will call on some foreigner to give the required information.(1243)
(M202) Sometimes the embargo laid on personal names is not permanent; it
is conditional on circumstances, and when these change it ceases to
operate. Thus when the Nandi men are away on a foray, nobody at home may
pronounce the names of the absent warriors; they must be referred to as
birds. Should a child so far forget itself as to mention one of the
distant ones by name, the mother would rebuke it, saying, “Don’t talk of
the birds who are in the heavens.”(1244) Among the Bangala of the Upper
Congo, while a man is fishing and when he returns with his catch, his
proper name is in abeyance and nobody may mention it. Whatever the
fisherman’s real name may be, he is called _mwele_ without distinction.
The reason is that the river is full of spirits, who, if they heard the
fisherman’s real name, might so work against him that he would catch
little or nothing. Even when he has caught his fish and landed with them,
the buyer must still not address him by his proper name, but must only
call him _mwele_; for even then, if the spirits were to hear his proper
name, they would either bear it in mind and serve him out another day, or
they might so mar the fish he had caught that he would get very little for
them. Hence the fisherman can extract heavy damages from anybody who
mentions his name, or can compel the thoughtless speaker to relieve him of
the fish at a good price so as to restore his luck.(1245) When the Sulka
of New Britain are near the territory of their enemies the Gaktei, they
take care not to mention them by their proper name, believing that were
they to do so, their foes would attack and slay them. Hence in these
circumstances they speak of the Gaktei as _o lapsiek_, that is, “the
rotten tree-trunks,” and they imagine that by calling them that they make
the limbs of their dreaded enemies ponderous and clumsy like logs.(1246)
This example illustrates the extremely materialistic view which these
savages take of the nature of words; they suppose that the mere utterance
of an expression signifying clumsiness will homoeopathically affect with
clumsiness the limbs of their distant foemen. Another illustration of this
curious misconception is furnished by a Caffre superstition that the
character of a young thief can be reformed by shouting his name over a
boiling kettle of medicated water, then clapping a lid on the kettle and
leaving the name to steep in the water for several days. It is not in the
least necessary that the thief should be aware of the use that is being
made of his name behind his back; the moral reformation will be effected
without his knowledge.(1247)
(M203) When it is deemed necessary that a man’s real name should be kept
secret, it is often customary, as we have seen, to call him by a surname
or nickname. As distinguished from the real or primary names, these
secondary names are apparently held to be no part of the man himself, so
that they may be freely used and divulged to everybody without endangering
his safety thereby. Sometimes in order to avoid the use of his own name a
man will be called after his child. Thus we are informed that “the
Gippsland blacks objected strongly to let any one outside the tribe know
their names, lest their enemies, learning them, should make them vehicles
of incantation, and so charm their lives away. As children were not
thought to have enemies, they used to speak of a man as ‘the father,
uncle, or cousin of So-and-so,’ naming a child; but on all occasions
abstained from mentioning the name of a grown-up person.”(1248) Similarly
among the Nufoors of Dutch New Guinea, grown-up persons who are related by
marriage may not mention each other’s names, but it is lawful to mention
the names of children; hence in order to designate a person whose name
they may not pronounce they will speak of him or her as the father or
mother of So-and-so.(1249) The Alfoors of Poso, in Celebes, will not
pronounce their own names. Among them, accordingly, if you wish to
ascertain a person’s name, you ought not to ask the man himself, but
should enquire of others. But if this is impossible, for example, when
there is no one else near, you should ask him his child’s name, and then
address him as the “Father of So-and-so.” Nay, these Alfoors are shy of
uttering the names even of children; so when a boy or girl has a nephew or
niece, he or she is addressed as “Uncle of So-and-so,” or “Aunt of
So-and-so.”(1250) In pure Malay society, we are told, a man is never asked
his name, and the custom of naming parents after their children is adopted
only as a means of avoiding the use of the parents’ own names. The writer
who makes this statement adds in confirmation of it that childless persons
are named after their younger brothers.(1251) Among the land Dyaks of
northern Borneo children as they grow up are called, according to their
sex, the father or mother of a child of their father’s or mother’s younger
brother, or sister,(1252) that is, they are called the father or mother of
what we should call their first cousin. The Caffres used to think it
discourteous to call a bride by her own name, so they would call her “the
Mother of So-and-so,” even when she was only betrothed, far less a wife
and a mother.(1253) Among the Kukis and Zemis or Kacha Nagas of Assam
parents drop their own names after the birth of a child and are named
Father and Mother of So-and-so. Childless couples go by the names of “the
childless father,” “the childless mother,” “the father of no child,” “the
mother of no child.”(1254) A Zulu woman may not utter her husband’s name;
if she speaks to or of him she says, “Father of So-and-so,” mentioning the
name of one of his children.(1255) A Hindoo woman will not name her
husband. If she has to refer to him she will designate him as the father
of her child or by some other periphrasis.(1256) The widespread custom of
naming a father after his child has sometimes been supposed to spring from
a desire on the father’s part to assert his paternity, apparently as a
means of obtaining those rights over his children which had previously,
under a system of mother-kin, been possessed by the mother.(1257) But this
explanation does not account for the parallel custom of naming the mother
after her child, which seems commonly to co-exist with the practice of
naming the father after the child. Still less, if possible, does it apply
to the customs of calling childless couples the father and mother of
children which do not exist, of naming people after their younger
brothers, and of designating children as the uncles and aunts of
So-and-so, or as the fathers and mothers of their first cousins. But all
these practices are explained in a simple and natural way if we suppose
that they originate in a reluctance to utter the real names of persons
addressed or directly referred to. That reluctance is probably based
partly on a fear of attracting the notice of evil spirits, partly on a
dread of revealing the name to sorcerers, who would thereby obtain a
handle for injuring the owner of the name.(1258)
§ 2. Names of Relations tabooed.
(M204) It might naturally be expected that the reserve so commonly
maintained with regard to personal names would be dropped or at least
relaxed among relations and friends. But the reverse of this is often the
case. It is precisely the persons most intimately connected by blood and
especially by marriage to whom the rule applies with the greatest
stringency. Such people are often forbidden, not only to pronounce each
other’s names, but even to utter ordinary words which resemble or have a
single syllable in common with these names. The persons who are thus
mutually debarred from mentioning each other’s names are especially
husbands and wives, a man and his wife’s parents, and a woman and her
husband’s father. For example, among the Caffres of South Africa a woman
may not publicly pronounce the birth-name of her husband or of any of his
brothers, nor may she use the interdicted word in its ordinary sense. If
her husband, for instance, be called u-Mpaka, from _impaka_, a small
feline animal, she must speak of that beast by some other name.(1259)
Further, a Caffre wife is forbidden to pronounce even mentally the names
of her father-in-law and of all her husband’s male relations in the
ascending line; and whenever the emphatic syllable of any of their names
occurs in another word, she must avoid it by substituting either an
entirely new word, or, at least, another syllable in its place. Hence this
custom has given rise to an almost distinct language among the women,
which the Caffres call _Ukuteta Kwabafazi_ or “women’s speech.”(1260) The
interpretation of this “women’s speech” is naturally very difficult, “for
no definite rules can be given for the formation of these substituted
words, nor is it possible to form a dictionary of them, their number being
so great—since there may be many women, even in the same tribe, who would
be no more at liberty to use the substitutes employed by some others, than
they are to use the original words themselves.”(1261) A Caffre man, on his
side, may not mention the name of his mother-in-law, nor may she pronounce
his; but he is free to utter words in which the emphatic syllable of her
name occurs.(1262) In Northern Nyassaland no woman will speak the name of
her husband or even use a word that may be synonymous with it. If she were
to call him by his proper name, she believes it would be unlucky and would
affect her powers of conception. In like manner women abstain, for
superstitious reasons, from using the common names of articles of food,
which they designate by terms peculiar to themselves.(1263) Among the
Kondes, at the north-western end of Lake Nyassa, a woman may not mention
the name of her father-in-law; indeed she may not even speak to him nor
see him.(1264) Among the Barea and Bogos of Eastern Africa a woman never
mentions her husband’s name; a Bogo wife would rather be unfaithful to him
than commit the monstrous sin of allowing his name to pass her lips.(1265)
Among the Haussas “the first-born son is never called by his parents by
his name; indeed they will not even speak with him if other people are
present. The same rule holds good of the first husband and the first
wife.”(1266) In antiquity Ionian women would not call their husbands by
their names.(1267) While the rites of Ceres were being performed in Rome,
no one might name a father or a daughter.(1268) Among the South Slavs at
the present day husbands and wives will not mention each other’s names,
and a young wife may not call any of her housemates by their true names;
she must invent or at least adopt other names for them.(1269) A Kirghiz
woman dares not pronounce the names of the older relations of her husband,
nor even use words which resemble them in sound. For example, if one of
these relations is called Shepherd, she may not speak of sheep, but must
call them “the bleating ones”; if his name is Lamb, she must refer to
lambs as “the young of the bleating ones.”(1270) After marriage an Aino
wife may not mention her husband’s name; to do so would be deemed
equivalent to killing him.(1271) Among the Sgaus, a Karen tribe of Burma,
children never mention their parents’ names.(1272) A Toda man may not
utter the names of his mother’s brother, his grandfather and grandmother,
his wife’s mother, and of the man from whom he has received his wife, who
is usually the wife’s father. All these names are tabooed to him in the
lifetime of the persons who bear them, and after death the prohibitions
are not only maintained but extended.(1273) In southern India wives
believe that to tell their husband’s name or to pronounce it even in a
dream would bring him to an untimely end. Further, they may not mention
the names of their parents, their parents-in-law, and their
brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law.(1274) Among the Ojebways husbands and
wives never mention each other’s names;(1275) among the Omahas a man and
his father-in-law and mother-in-law will on no account utter each other’s
names in company.(1276) A Dacota “is not allowed to address or to look
towards his wife’s mother, especially, and the woman is shut off from
familiar intercourse with her husband’s father and others, and etiquette
prohibits them from speaking the names of their relatives by marriage.”
“None of their customs,” adds the same writer, “is more tenacious of life
than this; and no family law is more binding.”(1277) In the Nishinam tribe
of California “a husband never calls his wife by name on any account, and
it is said that divorces have been produced by no other provocation than
that.”(1278)
(M205) The Battas or Bataks of Sumatra display a great aversion to
mentioning their own names and a still greater aversion to mentioning the
names of their parents, grandparents, or elder blood-relations. Politeness
forbids the putting of direct questions on this subject, so that the
investigation of personal identity becomes difficult and laborious. When a
Batta expects to be questioned as to his relations, he will usually
provide himself with a friend to answer for him.(1279) A Batak man may
never mention the names of his wife, his daughter-in-law and of his
son-in-law; a woman is most particularly forbidden to mention the name of
the man who has married her daughter.(1280) Among the Karo-Bataks the
forbidden names are those of parents, uncles, aunts, parents-in-law,
brothers and sisters, and especially grandparents.(1281) Among the Dyaks a
child never pronounces the names of his parents, and is angry if any one
else does so in his presence. A husband never calls his wife by her name,
and she never calls him by his. If they have children, they name each
other after them, “Father of So-and-so” and “Mother of So-and-so”; if they
have no children they use the pronouns “he” and “she,” or an expression
such as “he or she whom I love”; and in general, members of a Dyak family
do not mention each other’s names.(1282) Moreover, when the personal names
happen also, as they often do, to be names of common objects, the Dyak is
debarred from designating these objects by their ordinary names. For
instance, if a man or one of his family is called Bintang, which means
“star,” he must not call a star a star (_bintang_); he must call it a
_pariama_. If he or a member of his domestic circle bears the name of
Bulan, which means “moon,” he may not speak of the moon as the moon
(_bulan_); he must call it _penala_. Hence it comes about that in the Dyak
language there are two sets of distinct names for many objects.(1283)
Among the sea Dyaks of Sarawak a man may not pronounce the name of his
father-in-law or mother-in-law without incurring the wrath of the spirits.
And since he reckons as his father-in-law and mother-in-law not only the
father and mother of his own wife, but also the fathers and mothers of his
brothers’ wives and sisters’ husbands, and likewise the fathers and
mothers of all his cousins, the number of tabooed names may be very
considerable and the opportunities of error correspondingly numerous. To
make confusion worse confounded, the names of persons are often the names
of common things, such as moon, bridge, barley, cobra, leopard; so that
when any of a man’s many fathers-in-law and mothers-in-law are called by
such names, these common words may not pass his lips.(1284) Among the
Dyaks of Landak and Tajan it is forbidden to mention the names of parents
and grandparents, sometimes also of great-grandparents, whether they are
alive or dead.(1285) Among the Alfoors or Toradjas of Poso, in central
Celebes, you may not pronounce the names of your father, mother,
grandparents, and other near relations. But the strictest taboo is on the
names of parents-in-law. A son-in-law and a daughter-in-law may not only
never mention the names of their parents-in-law, but if the names happen
to be ordinary words of the language, they may never allow the words in
their common significance to pass their lips. For example, if my father is
called Njara (“horse”), I may not speak of him by that name; but in
speaking of the animal I am free to use the word horse (_njara_). But if
my father-in-law is called Njara, the case is different, for then not only
may I not refer to him by his name, but I may not even call a horse a
horse; in speaking of the animal I must use some other word. The
missionary who reports the custom is acquainted with a man whose
mother-in-law rejoices in the name of Ringgi (“rixdollar”). When this man
has occasion to refer to real rixdollars, he alludes to them delicately as
“large guilders” (_roepia bose_). Another man may not use the ordinary
word for water (_oewe_); in speaking of water he employs a word (_owai_)
taken from a different dialect. Indeed, among these Alfoors it is the
common practice in such cases to replace the forbidden word by a kindred
word of the same significance borrowed from another dialect. In this way
many fresh terms or new forms of an old word pass into general
circulation.(1286) Among the Alfoors of Minahassa, in northern Celebes,
the custom is carried still further so as to forbid the use even of words
which merely resemble the personal names in sound. It is especially the
name of a father-in-law which is thus laid under an interdict. If he, for
example, is called Kalala, his son-in-law may not speak of a horse by its
common name _kawalo_; he must call it a “riding-beast”
(_sasakajan_).(1287) So among the Alfoors of the island of Buru it is
taboo to mention the names of parents and parents-in-law, or even to speak
of common objects by words which resemble these names in sound. Thus, if
your mother-in-law is called Dalu, which means “betel,” you may not ask
for betel by its ordinary name, you must ask for “red mouth” (_mue miha_);
if you want betel-leaf, you may not say betel-leaf (_dalu ’mun_), you must
say _karon fenna_. In the same island it is also taboo to mention the name
of an elder brother in his presence.(1288) Transgressions of these rules
are punished with fines.(1289) In Bolang Mongondo, a district in the west
of Celebes, the unmentionable names are those of parents, parents-in-law,
uncles and aunts.(1290) Among the Alfoors of Halmahera a son-in-law may
never use his father-in-law’s name in speaking to him; he must simply
address him as “Father-in-law.”(1291) In Sunda it is thought that a
particular crop would be spoilt if a man were to mention the names of his
father and mother.(1292)
(M206) Among the Nufoors, as we have seen,(1293) persons who are related
to each other by marriage are forbidden to mention each other’s names.
Among the connexions whose names are thus tabooed are wife, mother-in-law,
father-in-law, your wife’s uncles and aunts and also her grand-uncles and
grand-aunts, and the whole of your wife’s or your husband’s family in the
same generation as yourself, except that men may mention the names of
their brothers-in-law, though women may not. The taboo comes into
operation as soon as the betrothal has taken place and before the marriage
has been celebrated. Families thus connected by the betrothal of two of
their members are not only forbidden to pronounce each other’s names; they
may not even look at each other, and the rule gives rise to the most
comical scenes when they happen to meet unexpectedly. And not merely the
names themselves, but any words that sound like them are scrupulously
avoided and other words used in their place. If it should chance that a
person has inadvertently uttered a forbidden name, he must at once throw
himself on the floor and say, “I have mentioned a wrong name. I throw it
through the chinks of the floor in order that I may eat well.”(1294) In
German New Guinea near relations by marriage, particularly father-in-law
and daughter-in-law, mother-in-law and son-in-law, as well as
brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law, must see as little of each other as
possible; they may not converse together and they may not mention each
other’s names, not even when these names have passed to younger members of
the family. Thus if a child is called after its deceased paternal
grandfather, the mother may not call her child by its name but must employ
another name for the purpose.(1295) Among the Yabim, for example, on the
south-east coast of German New Guinea, parents-in-law may neither be
touched nor named. Even when their names are borne by other people or are
the ordinary names of common objects, they may not pass the lips of their
sons-in-law and daughters-in-law.(1296) Among the western tribes of
British New Guinea the principal taboo or _sabi_, as it is there called,
concerns the names of relatives by marriage. A man may not mention the
name of his wife’s father, mother, elder sister, or elder brother, nor the
name of any male or female relative of her father or mother, so long as
the relative in question is a member of the same tribe as the speaker. The
names of his wife’s younger brothers and sisters are not tabooed to him.
The same law applies to a woman with reference to the names of her
husband’s relatives. As a general rule, this taboo does not extend outside
the tribal boundaries. Hence when a man or woman marries out of his or her
tribe, the taboo is usually not applied. And when members of one tribe,
who may not pronounce each other’s names at home, are away from their own
territory, they are no longer strictly bound to observe the prohibition. A
breach of the taboo has to be atoned for by the offender paying a fine to
the person whose name he has taken in vain. Until that has been done,
neither of the parties concerned, if they are males, may enter the men’s
club-house. In the old times the offended party might recover his social
standing by cutting off somebody else’s head.(1297)
(M207) In the western islands of Torres Straits a man never mentioned the
personal names of his father-in-law, mother-in-law, brother-in-law, and
sister-in-law; and a woman was subject to the same restrictions. A
brother-in-law might be spoken of as the husband or brother of some one
whose name it was lawful to mention; and similarly a sister-in-law might
be called the wife of So-and-so. If a man by chance used the personal name
of his brother-in-law, he was ashamed and hung his head. His shame was
only relieved when he had made a present as compensation to the man whose
name he had taken in vain. The same compensation was made to a
sister-in-law, a father-in-law, and a mother-in-law for the accidental
mention of their names. This disability to use the personal names of
relatives by marriage was associated with the custom, so common throughout
the world, that a man or woman is not allowed to speak to these relatives.
If a man wished to communicate with his father-in-law or mother-in-law, he
spoke to his wife and she spoke to her parent. When direct communication
became absolutely necessary, it was said that a man might talk to his
father-in-law or mother-in-law a very little in a low voice. The behaviour
towards a brother-in-law was the same.(1298) Similar taboos on the names
of persons connected by marriage are in force in New Britain and New
Ireland.(1299) Among the natives who inhabit the coast of the Gazelle
Peninsula in New Britain to mention the name of a brother-in-law is the
grossest possible affront you can offer to him; it is a crime punishable
with death.(1300) In the Santa Cruz and Reef Islands a man is forbidden to
pronounce the name of his mother-in-law, and he may never see her face so
long as he lives. She on her side lies under similar restrictions in
regard to him. Further, a man is prohibited from mentioning the name of
his son-in-law, though he is allowed to look at him. And if a husband has
paid money for his wife to several men, none of these men may ever utter
his name or look him in the face. If one of them did by chance look at
him, the offended husband would destroy some of the offender’s
property.(1301) In New Caledonia a brother may not mention his sister’s
name, and she may not mention his. The same rule is observed by male and
female cousins in regard to each other’s names.(1302) In the Banks’
Islands, Melanesia, the taboos laid on the names of persons connected by
marriage are very strict. A man will not mention the name of his
father-in-law, much less the name of his mother-in-law, nor may he name
his wife’s brother; but he may name his wife’s sister—she is nothing to
him. A woman may not name her father-in-law, nor on any account her
son-in-law. Two people whose children have intermarried are also debarred
from mentioning each other’s names. And not only are all these persons
forbidden to utter each other’s names; they may not even pronounce
ordinary words which chance to be either identical with these names or to
have any syllables in common with them. “A man on one occasion spoke to me
of his house as a shed, and when that was not understood, went and touched
it with his hand to shew what he meant; a difficulty being still made, he
looked round to be sure that no one was near and whispered, not the name
of his son’s wife, but the respectful substitute for her name, _amen
Mulegona_, she who was with his son, and whose name was Tuwarina,
Hind-house.” Again, we hear of a native of these islands who might not use
the common words for “pig” and “to die,” because these words occurred in
the polysyllabic name of his son-in-law; and we are told of another
unfortunate who might not pronounce the everyday words for “hand” and
“hot” on account of his wife’s brother’s name, and who was even debarred
from mentioning the number “one,” because the word for “one” formed part
of the name of his wife’s cousin.(1303)
(M208) It might be expected that similar taboos on the names of relations
and on words resembling them would commonly occur among the aborigines of
Australia, and that some light might be thrown on their origin and meaning
by the primitive modes of thought and forms of society prevalent among
these savages. Yet this expectation can scarcely be said to be fulfilled;
for the evidence of the observance of such customs in Australia is scanty
and hardly of a nature to explain their origin. We are told that there are
instances “in which the names of natives are never allowed to be spoken,
as those of a father or mother-in-law, of a son-in-law, and some cases
arising from a connection with each other’s wives.”(1304) Among some
Victorian tribes, a man never at any time mentioned the name of his
mother-in-law, and from the time of his betrothal to his death neither she
nor her sisters might ever look at or speak to him. He might not go within
fifty yards of their habitation, and when he met them on a path they
immediately left it, clapped their hands, and covering up their heads with
their rugs, walked in a stooping posture and spoke in whispers until he
had gone by. They might not talk with him, and when he and they spoke to
other people in each other’s presence, they used a special form of speech
which went by the name of “turn tongue.” This was not done with any
intention of concealing their meaning, for “turn tongue” was understood by
everybody.(1305) A writer, who enjoyed unusually favourable opportunities
of learning the language and customs of the Victorian aborigines, informs
us that “A stupid custom existed among them, which they called
_knal-oyne_. Whenever a female child was promised in marriage to any man,
from that very hour neither he nor the child’s mother were permitted to
look upon or hear each other speak nor hear their names mentioned by
others; for, if they did, they would immediately grow prematurely old and
die.”(1306) Among the Gudangs of Cape York, in Queensland, and the
Kowraregas of the Prince of Wales Islands, a man carefully avoids speaking
to or even mentioning the name of his mother-in-law, and his wife acts
similarly with regard to her father-in-law. “Thus the mother of a person
called Nuki—which means water—is obliged to call water by another
name.”(1307) In the Booandik tribe of South Australia persons connected by
marriage, except husbands and wives, spoke to each other in a low whining
voice, and employed words different from those in common use.(1308)
Another writer, speaking of the same tribe, says: “Mothers-in-law and
sons-in-law studiously avoid each other. A father-in-law converses with
his son-in-law in a low tone of voice, and in a phraseology differing
somewhat from the ordinary one.”(1309)
(M209) It will perhaps occur to the reader that customs of this latter
sort may possibly have originated in the intermarriage of tribes speaking
different languages; and there are some Australian facts which seem at
first sight to favour this supposition. Thus with regard to the natives of
South Australia we are told that “the principal mark of distinction
between the tribes is difference of language or dialect; where the tribes
intermix greatly no inconvenience is experienced on this account, as every
person understands, in addition to his own dialect, that of the
neighbouring tribe; the consequence is that two persons commonly converse
in two languages, just as an Englishman and German would hold a
conversation, each person speaking his own language, but understanding
that of the other as well as his own. This peculiarity will often occur in
one family through intermarriages, neither party ever thinking of changing
his or her dialect for that of the other. Children do not always adopt the
language of the mother, but that of the tribe among whom they live.”(1310)
Among some tribes of western Victoria a man was actually forbidden to
marry a wife who spoke the same dialect as himself; and during the
preliminary visit, which each paid to the tribe of the other, neither was
permitted to speak the language of the tribe which he or she was visiting.
The children spoke the language of their father and might never mix it
with any other. To her children the mother spoke in their father’s
language, but to her husband she spoke in her own, and he answered her in
his; “so that all conversation is carried on between husband and wife in
the same way as between an Englishman and a Frenchwoman, each speaking his
or her own language. This very remarkable law explains the preservation of
so many distinct dialects within so limited a space, even where there are
no physical obstacles to ready and frequent communication between the
tribes.”(1311) So amongst the Sakais, an aboriginal race of the Malay
Peninsula, a man goes to a considerable distance for a wife, generally to
a tribe who speak quite a different dialect.(1312) The Indian tribes of
French Guiana have each their own dialect and would hardly be able to
understand each other, were it not that almost every person marries a wife
or a husband of a different tribe, and thus the newcomers serve as
interpreters between the tribe in which they live and that in which they
were born and brought up.(1313) It is well known that the Carib women
spoke a language which differed in some respects from that of the men, and
the explanation generally given of the difference is that the women
preserved the language of a race of whom the men had been exterminated and
the women married by the Caribs. This explanation is not, as some seem to
suppose, a mere hypothesis of the learned, devised to clear up a curious
discrepancy; it was a tradition current among the Caribs themselves in the
seventeenth century,(1314) and as such it deserves serious attention. But
there are other facts which seem to point to a different
explanation.(1315) Among the Carayahis, a tribe of Brazilian Indians on
the Rio Grande or Araguaya River, the dialect of the women differs from
that of the men. For the most part the differences are limited to the form
and sound of the words; only a few words seem to be quite distinct in the
two dialects. The speech of the women appears to preserve older and fuller
forms than that of the men: for instance, “girl” is _yadokoma_ in the
female speech but _yadôma_ in the male; “nail” is _desika_ in the mouth of
a woman but _desia_ in the mouth of a man.(1316) However such remarkable
differences are to be explained, a little reflection will probably
convince us that a mere intermixture of races speaking different tongues
could scarcely account for the phenomena of language under consideration.
For the reluctance to mention the names or even syllables of the names of
persons connected with the speaker by marriage can hardly be separated
from the reluctance evinced by so many people to utter their own names or
the names of the dead or of chiefs and kings; and if the reticence as to
these latter names springs mainly from superstition, we may infer that the
reticence as to the former has no better foundation. That the savage’s
unwillingness to mention his own name is based, at least in part, on a
superstitious fear of the ill use that might be made of it by his foes,
whether human or spiritual, has already been shewn. It remains to examine
the similar usage in regard to the names of the dead and of royal
personages.
§ 3. Names of the Dead tabooed.
(M210) The custom of abstaining from all mention of the names of the dead
was observed in antiquity by the Albanians of the Caucasus,(1317) and at
the present day it is in full force among many savage tribes. Thus we are
told that one of the customs most rigidly observed and enforced amongst
the Australian aborigines is never to mention the name of a deceased
person, whether male or female; to name aloud one who has departed this
life would be a gross violation of their most sacred prejudices, and they
carefully abstain from it.(1318) The chief motive for this abstinence
appears to be a fear of evoking the ghost, although the natural
unwillingness to revive past sorrows undoubtedly operates also to draw the
veil of oblivion over the names of the dead.(1319) Once Mr. Oldfield so
terrified a native by shouting out the name of a deceased person, that the
man fairly took to his heels and did not venture to shew himself again for
several days. At their next meeting he bitterly reproached the rash white
man for his indiscretion; “nor could I,” adds Mr. Oldfield, “induce him by
any means to utter the awful sound of a dead man’s name, for by so doing
he would have placed himself in the power of the malign spirits.”(1320) On
another occasion, a Watchandie woman having mentioned the name of a
certain man, was informed that he had long been dead. At that she became
greatly excited and spat thrice to counteract the evil effect of having
taken a dead man’s name into her lips. This custom of spitting thrice, as
Mr. Oldfield afterwards learned, was the regular charm whereby the natives
freed themselves from the power of the dangerous spirits whom they had
provoked by such a rash act.(1321) Among the aborigines of Victoria the
dead were very rarely spoken of, and then never by their names; they were
referred to in a subdued voice as “the lost one” or “the poor fellow that
is no more.” To speak of them by name would, it was supposed, excite the
malignity of Couit-gil, the spirit of the departed, which hovers on earth
for a time before it departs for ever towards the setting sun.(1322) Once
when a Kurnai man was spoken to about a dead friend, soon after the
decease, he looked round uneasily and said, “Do not do that, he might hear
you and kill me!”(1323) If a Kaiabara black dies, his tribes-people never
mention his name, but call him _Wurponum_, “the dead,” and in order to
explain who it is that has died, they speak of his father, mother,
brothers, and so forth.(1324) Of the tribes on the Lower Murray River we
are told that when a person dies “they carefully avoid mentioning his
name; but if compelled to do so, they pronounce it in a very low whisper,
so faint that they imagine the spirit cannot hear their voice.”(1325)
Amongst the tribes of Central Australia no one may utter the name of the
deceased during the period of mourning, unless it is absolutely necessary
to do so, and then it is only done in a whisper for fear of disturbing and
annoying the man’s spirit which is walking about in ghostly form. If the
ghost hears his name mentioned he concludes that his kinsfolk are not
mourning for him properly; if their grief were genuine they could not bear
to bandy his name about. Touched to the quick by their hard-hearted
indifference, the indignant ghost will come and trouble them in
dreams.(1326) In these tribes no woman may ever again mention the name of
a dead person, but the restriction on the male sex is not so absolute, for
the name may be mentioned by men of the two subclasses to which the wife’s
father and wife’s brother of the deceased belong.(1327) Among some tribes
of north-western Australia a dead man’s name is never mentioned after his
burial and he is only spoken of as “that one”; otherwise they think that
he would return and frighten them at night in camp.(1328)
(M211) The same reluctance to utter the names of the dead appears to
prevail among all the Indian tribes of America from Hudson’s Bay Territory
to Patagonia. Among the Iroquois, for example, the name of the deceased
was never mentioned after the period of mourning had expired.(1329) The
same rule was rigidly observed by the Indians of California and Oregon;
its transgression might be punished with a heavy fine or even with
death.(1330) Thus among the Karok of California we are told that “the
highest crime one can commit is the _pet-chi-é-ri_, the mere mention of
the dead relative’s name. It is a deadly insult to the survivors, and can
be atoned for only by the same amount of blood-money paid for wilful
murder. In default of that they will have the villain’s blood.”(1331)
Amongst the Wintun, also of California, if some one in a group of merry
talkers inadvertently mentions the name of a deceased person, “straightway
there falls upon all an awful silence. No words can describe the
shuddering and heart-sickening terror which seizes upon them at the
utterance of that fearful word.”(1332) Among the Goajiros of Colombia to
mention the dead before his kinsmen is a dreadful offence, which is often
punished with death; for if it happen on the _rancho_ of the deceased, in
presence of his nephew or uncle, they will assuredly kill the offender on
the spot if they can. But if he escapes, the penalty resolves itself into
a heavy fine, usually of two or more oxen.(1333) So among the Abipones of
Paraguay to mention the departed by name was a serious crime, which often
led to blows and bloodshed. When it was needful to refer to such an one,
it was done by means of a general phrase such as “he who is no more,” eked
out with particulars which served to identify the person meant.(1334)
(M212) A similar reluctance to mention the names of the dead is reported
of peoples so widely separated from each other as the Samoyeds of Siberia
and the Todas of southern India; the Mongols of Tartary and the Tuaregs of
the Sahara; the Ainos of Japan and the Akamba and Nandi of central Africa;
the Tinguianes of the Philippines and the inhabitants of the Nicobar
Islands, of Borneo, of Madagascar, and of Tasmania.(1335) In all cases,
even where it is not expressly stated, the fundamental reason for this
avoidance is probably the fear of the ghost. That this is the real motive
with the Tuaregs of the Sahara we are positively informed. They dread the
return of the dead man’s spirit, and do all they can to avoid it by
shifting their camp after a death, ceasing for ever to pronounce the name
of the departed, and eschewing everything that might be regarded as an
evocation or recall of his soul. Hence they do not, like the Arabs,
designate individuals by adding to their personal names the names of their
fathers; they never speak of So-and-so, son of So-and-so; they give to
every man a name which will live and die with him.(1336) So among some of
the Victorian tribes in Australia personal names were rarely perpetuated,
because the natives believed that any one who adopted the name of a
deceased person would not live long;(1337) probably his ghostly namesake
was supposed to come and fetch him away to the spirit-land. The Yabims of
German New Guinea, who believe that the spirits of the dead pass their
time in the forest eating unpalatable fruits, are unwilling to mention the
names of the deceased lest their ghosts should suspend their habitual
occupation to come and trouble the living.(1338) In Logea, one of the
Samarai Archipelago, off the south-eastern end of New Guinea, no custom is
observed so strictly as the one which forbids the naming of the dead in
presence of their relations. To say to a person “Your fathers are dead,”
is considered a direct challenge to fight; it is an insult which must be
avenged either by the death of the man who pronounced these awful words,
or by the death of one of his relatives or friends. The uttering of the
names of the dead is, along with homicide, one of the chief causes of war
in the island. When it is necessary to refer to a dead man they designate
him by such a phrase as “the father of So-and-so,” or “the brother of
So-and-so.”(1339) Thus the fear of mentioning the names of the dead gives
rise to circumlocutions of precisely the same sort as those which
originate in a reluctance to name living people. Among the Klallam Indians
of Washington State no person may bear the name of his deceased father,
grandfather, or any other direct ancestor in the paternal line.(1340) The
Masai of eastern Africa are said to resort to a simple device which
enables them to speak of the dead freely without risk of the inopportune
appearance of the ghost. As soon as a man or woman dies, they change his
or her name, and henceforth always speak of him or her by the new name,
while the old name falls into oblivion, and to utter it in the presence of
a kinsman of the deceased is an insult which calls for vengeance. They
assume that the dead man will not know his new name, and so will not
answer to it when he hears it pronounced.(1341) Ghosts are notoriously
dull-witted; nothing is easier than to dupe them. However, according to
another and more probable account, the name of a Masai is not changed
after his death; it is merely suppressed, and he or she is referred to by
a descriptive phrase, such as “my brother,” “my uncle,” “my sister.” To
call a dead man by his name is deemed most unlucky, and is never done
except with the intention of doing harm to his surviving family, who make
great lamentations on such an occasion.(1342)
(M213) The same fear of the ghost, which moves people to suppress his old
name, naturally leads all persons who bear a similar name to exchange it
for another, lest its utterance should attract the attention of the ghost,
who cannot reasonably be expected to discriminate between all the
different applications of the same name. Thus we are told that in the
Adelaide and Encounter Bay tribes of South Australia the repugnance to
mentioning the names of those who have died lately is carried so far, that
persons who bear the same name as the deceased abandon it, and either
adopt temporary names or are known by any others that happen to belong to
them.(1343) The same practice was observed by the aborigines of New South
Wales,(1344) and is said to be observed by the tribes of the Lower Murray
River,(1345) and of King George’s Sound in western Australia.(1346) A
similar custom prevails among some of the Queensland tribes; but the
prohibition to use the names of the dead is not permanent, though it may
last for many years. On the Bloomfield River, when a namesake dies, the
survivor is called Tanyu, a word whose meaning is unknown; or else he or
she receives a name which refers to the corpse, with the syllable Wau
prefixed to it. For example, he may be called Wau-batcha, with reference
to the place where the man was buried; or Wau-wotchinyu (“burnt”), with
reference to the cremation of the body. And if there should be several
people in camp all bearing one of these allusive designations, they are
distinguished from each other by the mention of the names of their mothers
or other relatives, even though these last have long been dead and gone.
Whenever Mr. W. E. Roth, to whom we owe this information, could obtain an
explanation of the custom, the reason invariably assigned was a fear that
the ghost, hearing himself called by name, might return and cause
mischief.(1347) In some Australian tribes the change of name thus brought
about is permanent; the old name is laid aside for ever, and the man is
known by his new name for the rest of his life, or at least until he is
obliged to change it again for a like reason.(1348) Among the North
American Indians all persons, whether men or women, who bore the name of
one who had just died were obliged to abandon it and to adopt other names,
which was formally done at the first ceremony of mourning for the
dead.(1349) In some tribes to the east of the Rocky Mountains this change
of name lasted only during the season of mourning,(1350) but in other
tribes on the Pacific Coast of North America it seems to have been
permanent.(1351) Amongst the Masai also, when two men of the same tribe
bear the same name, and one of them dies, the survivor changes his
name.(1352)
(M214) Sometimes by an extension of the same reasoning all the near
relations of the deceased change their names, whatever they may happen to
be, doubtless from a fear that the sound of the familiar names might lure
back the vagrant spirit to its old home. Thus in some Victorian tribes the
ordinary names of all the next of kin were disused during the period of
mourning, and certain general terms, prescribed by custom, were
substituted for them. To call a mourner by his own name was considered an
insult to the departed, and often led to fighting and bloodshed.(1353)
Among Indian tribes of north-western America near relations of the
deceased often change their names “under an impression that spirits will
be attracted back to earth if they hear familiar names often
repeated.”(1354) Among the Kiowa Indians the name of the dead is never
spoken in the presence of the relatives, and on the death of any member of
a family all the others take new names. This custom was noted by Raleigh’s
colonists on Roanoke Island more than three centuries ago.(1355) Among the
Lengua Indians of the Gran Chaco in South America not only is a dead man’s
name never mentioned, but all the survivors change their names also. They
say that Death has been among them and has carried off a list of the
living, and that he will soon come back for more victims; hence in order
to defeat his fell purpose they change their names, believing that on his
return Death, though he has got them all on his list, will not be able to
identify them under their new names, and will depart to pursue the search
elsewhere.(1356) So among the Guaycurus of the Gran Chaco, when a death
had taken place, the chief used to change the names of every person in the
tribe, man and woman, young and old, and it is said to have been wonderful
to observe how from that moment everybody remembered his new name just as
if he had borne it all his life.(1357) Nicobarese mourners take new names
in order to escape the unwelcome attentions of the ghost; and for the same
purpose they disguise themselves by shaving their heads so that the ghost
is unable to recognise them.(1358) The Chukchees of Bering Strait believe
that the souls of the dead turn into malignant spirits who seek to harm
the living. Hence when a mother dies the name of her youngest and dearest
child is changed, in order that her ghost may not know the child.(1359)
(M215) Further, when the name of the deceased happens to be that of some
common object, such as an animal, or plant, or fire, or water, it is
sometimes considered necessary to drop that word in ordinary speech and
replace it by another. A custom of this sort, it is plain, may easily be a
potent agent of change in language; for where it prevails to any
considerable extent many words must constantly become obsolete and new
ones spring up. And this tendency has been remarked by observers who have
recorded the custom in Australia, America, and elsewhere. For example,
with regard to the Australian aborigines it has been noted that “the
dialects change with almost every tribe. Some tribes name their children
after natural objects; and when the person so named dies, the word is
never again mentioned; another word has therefore to be invented for the
object after which the child was called.” The writer gives as an instance
the case of a man whose name Karla signified “fire”; when Karla died, a
new word for fire had to be introduced. “Hence,” adds the writer, “the
language is always changing.”(1360) In the Moorunde tribe the name for
“teal” used to be _torpool_; but when a boy called Torpool died, a new
name (_tilquaitch_) was given to the bird, and the old name dropped out
altogether from the language of the tribe.(1361) Sometimes, however, such
substitutes for common words were only in vogue for a limited time after
the death, and were then discarded in favour of the old words. Thus among
the Kowraregas of the Prince of Wales’ Islands and the Gudangs of Cape
York in Queensland, the names of the dead are never mentioned without
great reluctance, so that, for example, when a man named Us, or quartz,
died, the name of the stone was changed to _nattam ure_, “the thing which
is a namesake,” but the original word would gradually return to common
use.(1362) Again, a missionary, who lived among the Victorian aborigines,
remarks that “it is customary among these blacks to disuse a word when a
person has died whose name was the same, or even of the same sound. I find
great difficulty in getting blacks to repeat such words. I believe this
custom is common to all the Victorian tribes, though in course of time the
word is resumed again. I have seen among the Murray blacks the dead freely
spoken of when they have been dead some time.”(1363) Again, in the
Encounter Bay tribe of South Australia, if a man of the name of Ngnke,
which means “water,” were to die, the whole tribe would be obliged to use
some other word to express water for a considerable time after his
decease. The writer who records this custom surmises that it may explain
the presence of a number of synonyms in the language of the tribe.(1364)
This conjecture is confirmed by what we know of some Victorian tribes
whose speech comprised a regular set of synonyms to be used instead of the
common terms by all members of a tribe in times of mourning. For instance,
if a man called Waa (“crow”) departed this life, during the period of
mourning for him nobody might call a crow a _waa_; everybody had to speak
of the bird as a _narrapart_. When a person who rejoiced in the title of
Ringtail Opossum (_weearn_) had gone the way of all flesh, his sorrowing
relations and the tribe at large were bound for a time to refer to
ringtail opossums by the more sonorous name of _manuungkuurt_. If the
community were plunged in grief for the loss of a respected female who
bore the honourable name of Turkey Bustard, the proper name for turkey
bustards, which was _barrim barrim_, went out, and _tillit tilliitsh_ came
in. And so _mutatis mutandis_ with the names of Black Cockatoo, Grey Duck,
Gigantic Crane, Kangaroo, Eagle, Dingo, and the rest.(1365)
(M216) A similar custom used to be constantly transforming the language of
the Abipones of Paraguay, amongst whom, however, a word once abolished
seems never to have been revived. New words, says the missionary
Dobrizhoffer, sprang up every year like mushrooms in a night, because all
words that resembled the names of the dead were abolished by proclamation
and others coined in their place. The mint of words was in the hands of
the old women of the tribe, and whatever term they stamped with their
approval and put in circulation was immediately accepted without a murmur
by high and low alike, and spread like wildfire through every camp and
settlement of the tribe. You would be astonished, says the same
missionary, to see how meekly the whole nation acquiesces in the decision
of a withered old hag, and how completely the old familiar words fall
instantly out of use and are never repeated either through force of habit
or forgetfulness. In the seven years that Dobrizhoffer spent among these
Indians the native word for jaguar was changed thrice, and the words for
crocodile, thorn, and the slaughter of cattle underwent similar though
less varied vicissitudes. As a result of this habit, the vocabularies of
the missionaries teemed with erasures, old words having constantly to be
struck out as obsolete and new ones inserted in their place.(1366)
Similarly, a peculiar feature of the Comanche language is that a portion
of the vocabulary is continually changing. If, for example, a person
called Eagle or Bison dies, a new name is invented for the bird or beast,
because it is forbidden to mention the name of any one who is dead.(1367)
So amongst the Kiowa Indians all words that suggest the name of a deceased
person are dropped for a term of years and other words are substituted for
them. The old word may after the lapse of years be restored, but it often
happens that the new one keeps its place and the original word is entirely
forgotten. Old men sometimes remember as many as three different names
which have been successively used for the same thing. The new word is
commonly a novel combination of existing roots, or a novel use of a
current word, rather than a deliberately invented term.(1368)
(M217) The Basagala, a cattle-breeding people to the west of Uganda, cease
to use a word if it was the name of an influential person who has died.
For example, after the death of a chief named Mwenda, which means “nine,”
the name for the numeral was changed.(1369) “On the death of a child, or a
warrior, or a woman amongst the Masai, the body is thrown away, and the
person’s name is buried, _i.e._ it is never again mentioned by the family.
Should there be anything which is called by that name, it is given another
name which is not like that of the deceased, For instance, if an
unimportant person called Ol-onana (he who is soft, or weak, or gentle)
were to die, gentleness would not be called _enanai_ in that kraal, but it
would be called by another name, such as _epolpol_ (it is smooth).... If
an elder dies leaving children, his name is not buried for his descendants
are named after him.”(1370) From this statement, which is translated from
a native account in the Masai language, we may perhaps infer that among
the Masai it is as a rule only the childless dead whose names are avoided.
In the island of Buru it is unlawful to mention the names of the dead or
any words that resemble them in sound.(1371) In many tribes of British New
Guinea the names of persons are also the names of common things. The
people believe that if the name of a deceased person is pronounced, his
spirit will return, and as they have no wish to see it back among them the
mention of his name is tabooed and a new word is created to take its
place, whenever the name happens to be a common term of the
language.(1372) Thus at Waga-waga, near the south-eastern extremity of New
Guinea, the names of the dead become taboo immediately after death, and if
they are, as generally happens, the names of common objects, new words
must be adopted for these things and the old words are dropped from the
language, so long at least as the memory of the dead survives. For
example, when a man died whose name Binama meant “hornbill,” a new name
_ambadina_, literally “the plasterer,” was adopted for the bird.
Consequently many words are permanently lost or revived with modified or
new meanings. The frequent changes of vocabulary caused by this custom are
very inconvenient, and nowadays the practice of using foreign words as
substitutes is coming more and more into vogue. English profanity now
contributes its share to the language of these savages.(1373) In the
Caroline Islands the ordinary name for pig is _puik_, but in the Paliker
district of Ponape the pig is called not _puik_ but _man-teitei_, or “the
animal that grubs in the soil,” for the word _puik_ was there tabooed
after the death of a man named Puik. “This is a living instance showing
how under our very eyes old words are dropping out of use in these
isolated dialects and new ones are taking their place.”(1374) In the
Nicobar Islands a similar practice has similarly affected the speech of
the natives. “A most singular custom,” says Mr. de Roepstorff, “prevails
among them which one would suppose must most effectually hinder the
‘making of history,’ or, at any rate, the transmission of historical
narrative. By a strict rule, which has all the sanction of Nicobar
superstition, no man’s name may be mentioned after his death! To such a
length is this carried that when, as very frequently happens, the man
rejoiced in the name of ‘Fowl,’ ‘Hat,’ ‘Fire,’ ‘Road,’ etc., in its
Nicobarese equivalent, the use of these words is carefully eschewed for
the future, not only as being the personal designation of the deceased,
but even as the names of the common things they represent; the words die
out of the language, and either new vocables are coined to express the
thing intended, or a substitute for the disused word is found in other
Nicobarese dialects or in some foreign tongue. This extraordinary custom
not only adds an element of instability to the language, but destroys the
continuity of political life, and renders the record of past events
precarious and vague, if not impossible.”(1375)
(M218) That a superstition which suppresses the names of the dead must cut
at the very root of historical tradition has been remarked by other
workers in this field. “The Klamath people,” observes Mr. A. S. Gatschet,
“possess no historic traditions going further back in time than a century,
for the simple reason that there was a strict law prohibiting the mention
of the person or acts of a deceased individual by _using his name_. This
law was rigidly observed among the Californians no less than among the
Oregonians, and on its transgression the death penalty could be inflicted.
This is certainly enough to suppress all historical knowledge within a
people. How can history be written without names?”(1376) Among some of the
tribes of New South Wales the simple ditties, never more than two lines
long, to which the natives dance, are never transmitted from one
generation to another, because, when the rude poet dies, “all the songs of
which he was author are, as it were, buried with him, inasmuch as they, in
common with his very name, are studiously ignored from thenceforward,
consequently they are quite forgotten in a very short space of time
indeed. This custom of endeavouring persistently to forget everything
which had been in any way connected with the dead entirely precludes the
possibility of anything of an historical nature having existence amongst
them; in fact the most vital occurrence, if only dating a single
generation back, is quite forgotten, that is to say, if the recounting
thereof should necessitate the mention of a defunct aboriginal’s
name.”(1377) Thus among these simple savages even a sacred bard could not
avail to rescue an Australian Agamemnon from the long night of oblivion.
(M219) In many tribes, however, the power of this superstition to blot out
the memory of the past is to some extent weakened and impaired by a
natural tendency of the human mind. Time, which wears out the deepest
impressions, inevitably dulls, if it does not wholly efface, the print
left on the savage mind by the mystery and horror of death. Sooner or
later, as the memory of his loved ones fades slowly away, he becomes more
willing to speak of them, and thus their rude names may sometimes be
rescued by the philosophic enquirer before they have vanished, like autumn
leaves or winter snows, into the vast undistinguished limbo of the past.
This was Sir George Grey’s experience when he attempted to trace the
intricate system of kinship prevalent among the natives of western
Australia. He says: “It is impossible for any person, not well acquainted
with the language of the natives, and who does not possess great personal
influence over them, to pursue an inquiry of this nature; for one of the
customs most rigidly observed and enforced amongst them is, never to
mention the name of a deceased person, male or female. In an inquiry,
therefore, which principally turns upon the names of their ancestors, this
prejudice must be every moment violated, and a very great difficulty
encountered in the outset. The only circumstance which at all enabled me
to overcome this was, that the longer a person has been dead the less
repugnance do they evince in uttering his name. I, therefore, in the first
instance, endeavoured to ascertain only the oldest names on record; and on
subsequent occasions, when I found a native alone, and in a loquacious
humour, I succeeded in filling up some of the blanks. Occasionally, round
their fires at night, I managed to involve them in disputes regarding
their ancestors, and, on these occasions, gleaned much of the information
of which I was in want.”(1378) In some of the Victorian tribes the
prohibition to mention the names of the dead remained in force only during
the period of mourning;(1379) in the Port Lincoln tribe of South Australia
it lasted many years.(1380) Among the Chinook Indians of North America
“custom forbids the mention of a dead man’s name, at least till many years
have elapsed after the bereavement.”(1381) In the Twana, Chemakum, and
Klallam tribes of Washington State the names of deceased members may be
mentioned two or three years after their death.(1382) Among the Puyallup
Indians the observance of the taboo is relaxed after several years, when
the mourners have forgotten their grief; and if the deceased was a famous
warrior, one of his descendants, for instance a great-grandson, may be
named after him. In this tribe the taboo is not much observed at any time
except by the relations of the dead.(1383) Similarly the Jesuit missionary
Lafitau tells us that the name of the departed and the similar names of
the survivors were, so to say, buried with the corpse until, the poignancy
of their grief being abated, it pleased the relations to “lift up the tree
and raise the dead.” By raising the dead they meant bestowing the name of
the departed upon some one else, who thus became to all intents and
purposes a reincarnation of the deceased, since on the principles of
savage philosophy the name is a vital part, if not the soul, of the man.
When Father Lafitau arrived at St. Louis to begin work among the Iroquois,
his colleagues decided that in order to make a favourable impression on
his flock the new shepherd should assume the native name of his deceased
predecessor, Father Brüyas, “the celebrated missionary,” who had lived
many years among the Indians and enjoyed their high esteem. But Father
Brüyas had been called from his earthly labours to his heavenly rest only
four short months before, and it was too soon, in the phraseology of the
Iroquois, to “raise up the tree.” However, raised up it was in spite of
them; and though some bolder spirits protested that their new pastor had
wronged them by taking the name of his predecessor, “nevertheless,” says
Father Lafitau, “they did not fail to regard me as himself in another form
(_un autre lui-même_), since I had entered into all his rights.” (1384)
(M220) The same mode of bringing a dead man to life again by bestowing his
name upon a living person was practised by the Hurons and other Indian
tribes of Canada. An early French traveller in Canada has described the
ceremony of resurrection as it was observed by a tribe whom he calls the
Attiuoindarons. He says: “The Attiuoindarons practise resurrections of the
dead, principally of persons who have deserved well of their country by
their remarkable services, so that the memory of illustrious and valiant
men revives in a certain way in others. Accordingly they call assemblies
for this purpose and hold councils, at which they choose one of them who
has the same virtues and qualities, if possible, as he had whom they wish
to resuscitate; or at least he must be of irreproachable life, judged by
the standard of a savage people. Wishing, then, to proceed to the
resurrection they all stand up, except him who is to be resuscitated, to
whom they give the name of the deceased, and all letting their hands down
very low they pretend to lift him up from the earth, intending by that to
signify that they draw the great personage deceased from the grave and
restore him to life in the person of this other, who stands up and, after
great acclamations of the people, receives the presents which the
bystanders offer him. They further hold several feasts in his honour and
regard him thenceforth as the deceased whom he represents; and by this
means the memory of virtuous men and of good and valiant captains never
dies among them.”(1385) Among the Hurons the ceremony took place between
the death and the great Festival of the Dead, which was usually celebrated
at intervals of twelve years. When it was resolved to resuscitate a
departed warrior, the members of his family met and decided which of them
was to be regarded as an incarnation of the deceased. If the dead man had
been a famous chief and leader in war, his living representative and
namesake succeeded to his functions. Presents were made to him, and he
entertained the whole tribe at a magnificent banquet. His old robes were
taken from him, and he was clad in richer raiment. Thereupon a herald
proclaimed aloud the mystery of the incarnation. “Let all the people,” he
said, “remain silent. Open your ears and shut your mouths. That which I am
about to say is of importance. Our business is to resuscitate a dead man
and to bring a great captain to life again.” With that he named the dead
man and all his posterity, and reminded his hearers of the place and
manner of his death. Then turning to him who was to succeed the departed,
he lifted up his voice: “Behold him,” he cried, “clad in this beautiful
robe. It is not he whom you saw these past days, who was called Nehap. He
has given his name to another, and he himself is now called Etouait” (the
name of the defunct). “Look on him as the true captain of this nation. It
is he whom you are bound to obey; it is he whom you are bound to listen
to; it is he whom you are bound to honour.” The new incarnation meanwhile
maintained a dignified silence, and afterwards led the young braves out to
war in order to prove that he had inherited the courage and virtues as
well as the name of the dead chief.(1386) The Carrier Indians of British
Columbia firmly believe “that a departed soul can, if it pleases, come
back to the earth, in a human shape or body, in order to see his friends,
who are still alive. Therefore, as they are about to set fire to the pile
of wood on which a corpse is laid, a relation of the deceased person
stands at his feet, and asks him if he will ever come back among them.
Then the priest or magician, with a grave countenance, stands at the head
of the corpse, and looks through both his hands on its naked breast, and
then raises them toward heaven, and blows through them, as they say, the
soul of the deceased, that it may go and find, and enter into a relative.
Or, if any relative is present, the priest will hold both his hands on the
head of this person, and blow through them, that the spirit of the
deceased may enter into him or her; and then, as they affirm, the first
child which this person has will possess the soul of the deceased
person.”(1387) The writer does not say that the infant took the name of
the deceased who was born again in it; but probably it did. For sometimes
the priest would transfer the soul from a dead to a living person, who in
that case took the name of the departed in addition to his own.(1388)
(M221) Among the Lapps, when a woman was with child and near the time of
her delivery, a deceased ancestor or relation (known as a _Jabmek_) used
to appear to her in a dream and inform her what dead person was to be born
again in her infant, and whose name the child was therefore to bear. If
the woman had no such dream, it fell to the father or the relatives to
determine the name by divination or by consulting a wizard.(1389) Among
the Khonds a birth is celebrated on the seventh day after the event by a
feast given to the priest and to the whole village. To determine the
child’s name the priest drops grains of rice into a cup of water, naming
with each grain a deceased ancestor. From the movements of the seed in the
water, and from observations made on the person of the infant, he
pronounces which of his progenitors has reappeared in him, and the child
generally, at least among the northern tribes, receives the name of that
ancestor.(1390) Among the Ewe-speaking peoples of Togo, in West Africa,
when a woman is in hard labour, a fetish priest or priestess is called in
to disclose the name of the deceased relative who has just been born again
into the world in the person of the infant. The name of that relative is
bestowed on the child.(1391) Among the Yorubas, soon after a child has
been born, a priest of Ifa, the god of divination, appears on the scene to
ascertain what ancestral soul has been reborn in the infant. As soon as
this has been decided, the parents are told that the child must conform in
all respects to the manner of life of the ancestor who now animates him or
her, and if, as often happens, they profess ignorance, the priest supplies
the necessary information. The child usually receives the name of the
ancestor who has been born again in him.(1392) In Uganda a child is named
with much ceremony by its grandfather, who bestows on it the name of one
of its ancestors, but never the name of its father. The spirit of the
deceased namesake then enters the child and assists him through
life.(1393) Here the reincarnation of the ancestor appears to be effected
by giving his name, and with it his soul, to his descendant. The same idea
seems to explain a curious ceremony observed by the Makalaka of South
Africa at the naming of a child. The spirit of the ancestor (_motsimo_),
whose name the child is to bear, is represented by an elderly kinsman or
kinswoman, according as the little one is a boy or a girl. A pretence is
made of catching the representative of the spirit, and dragging him or her
to the hut of the child’s parents. Outside the hut the pretended spirit
takes his seat and the skin of an animal is thrown over him. He then
washes his hands in a vessel of water, eats some millet-porridge, and
washes it down with beer. Meantime the women and girls dance gleefully
round him, screaming or singing, and throw copper rings, beads, and so
forth as presents into the vessel of water. The men do the same, but
without dancing; after that they enter the hut to partake of a feast. The
representative of the ancestral spirit now vanishes, and the child
thenceforth bears his or her name.(1394) This ceremony may be intended to
represent the reincarnation of the ancestral spirit in the child.
(M222) In the Nicobar Islands the names of dead relatives are tabooed for
a generation; but when both their parents are dead, men and women are
bound to assume the names of their deceased grandfathers or grandmothers
respectively.(1395) Perhaps with the names they may be thought to inherit
the spirits of their ancestors. Among the Tartars in the Middle Ages the
names of the dead might not be uttered till the third generation.(1396)
Among the Gilyaks of Saghalien no two persons in the same tribe may bear
the same name at the same time; for they think that if a child were to
receive the name of a living man, either the child or the man would die
within the year. When a man dies, his name may not be uttered until after
the celebration of the festival at which they sacrifice a bear for the
purpose of procuring plenty of game and fish. At that festival they call
out the name of the deceased while they beat the skin of the bear.
Thenceforth the name may be pronounced by every one, and it will be
bestowed on a child who shall afterwards be born.(1397) These customs
suggest that the Gilyaks, like other peoples, suppose the namesake of a
deceased person to be his or her reincarnation; for their objection to let
two living persons bear the same name seems to imply a belief that the
soul goes with the name, and therefore cannot be shared by two people at
the same time.
(M223) Among the Esquimaux of Bering Strait the first child born in a
village after some one has died receives the dead person’s name, and must
represent him in subsequent festivals which are given in his honour. The
day before the great feast of the dead the nearest male relative of the
deceased goes to the grave and plants before it a stake bearing the crest
or badge of the departed. This is the notice served to the ghost to attend
the festival. Accordingly he returns from the spirit-land to the grave.
Afterwards a song is sung at the grave inviting the ghost to repair to the
assembly-house, where the people are gathered to celebrate the festival.
The shade accepts the invitation and takes his place, with the other
ghosts, in the fire-pit under the floor of the assembly-house. All the
time of the festival, which lasts for several days, lamps filled with
seal-oil are kept burning day and night in the assembly-house in order to
light up the path to the spirit-land and enable the ghosts to find their
way back to their old haunts on earth. When the spirits of the dead are
gathered in the pit, and the proper moment has come, they all rise up
through the floor and enter the bodies of their living namesakes.
Offerings of food, drink, and clothes are now made to these namesakes, who
eat and drink and wear the clothes on behalf of the ghosts. Finally, the
shades, refreshed and strengthened by the banquet, are sent away back to
their graves thinly clad in the spiritual essence of the clothes, while
the gross material substance of the garments is retained by their
namesakes.(1398) Here the reincarnation of the dead in the living is not
permanent, but merely occasional and temporary. Still a special connexion
may well be thought to subsist at all times between the deceased and the
living person who bears his or her name.
(M224) The foregoing facts seem to render it probable that even where a
belief in the reincarnation of ancestors either is not expressly attested
or has long ceased to form part of the popular creed, many of the
solemnities which attend the naming of children may have sprung originally
from the widespread notion that the souls of the dead come to life again
in their namesakes.(1399)
(M225) In some cases the period during which the name of the deceased may
not be pronounced seems to bear a close relation to the time during which
his mortal remains may be supposed still to hold together. Thus, of some
Indian tribes on the north-west coast of America it is said that they may
not speak the name of a dead person “until the bones are finally disposed
of.”(1400) Among the Narrinyeri of South Australia the name might not be
uttered until the corpse had decayed.(1401) In the Encounter Bay tribe of
the same country the dead body is dried over a fire, packed up in mats,
and carried about for several months among the scenes which had been
familiar to the deceased in his life. Next it is placed on a platform of
sticks and left there till it has completely decayed, whereupon the next
of kin takes the skull and uses it as a drinking-cup. After that the name
of the departed may be uttered without offence. Were it pronounced sooner
his kinsmen would be deeply offended, and a war might be the result.(1402)
The rule that the name of the dead may not be spoken until his body has
mouldered away seems to point to a belief that the spirit continues to
exist only so long as the body does so, and that, when the material frame
is dissolved, the spiritual part of the man perishes with it, or goes
away, or at least becomes so feeble and incapable of mischief that his
name may be bandied about with impunity.(1403) This view is to some extent
confirmed by the practice of the Arunta tribe in central Australia. We
have seen that among them no one may mention the name of the deceased
during the period of mourning for fear of disturbing and annoying the
ghost, who is believed to be walking about at large. Some of the relations
of the dead man, it is true, such as his parents, elder brothers and
sisters, paternal aunts, mother-in-law, and all his sons-in-law, whether
actual or possible, are debarred all their lives from taking his name into
their lips; but other people, including his wife, children, grandchildren,
grandparents, younger brothers and sisters, and father-in-law, are free to
name him so soon as he has ceased to walk the earth and hence to be
dangerous. Some twelve or eighteen months after his death the people seem
to think that the dead man has enjoyed his liberty long enough, and that
it is time to confine his restless spirit within narrower bounds.
Accordingly a grand battue or ghost-hunt brings the days of mourning to an
end. The favourite haunt of the deceased is believed to be the burnt and
deserted camp where he died. Here therefore on a certain day a band of men
and women, the men armed with shields and spear-throwers, assemble and
begin dancing round the charred and blackened remains of the camp,
shouting and beating the air with their weapons and hands in order to
drive away the lingering spirit from the spot he loves too well. When the
dancing is over, the whole party proceed to the grave at a run, chasing
the ghost before them. It is in vain that the unhappy ghost makes a last
bid for freedom, and, breaking away from the beaters, doubles back towards
the camp; the leader of the party is prepared for this manœuvre, and by
making a long circuit adroitly cuts off the retreat of the fugitive.
Finally, having run him to earth, they trample him down into the grave,
dancing and stamping on the heaped-up soil, while with downward thrusts
through the air they beat and force him under ground. There, lying in his
narrow house, flattened and prostrate under a load of earth, the poor
ghost sees his widow wearing the gay feathers of the ring-neck parrot in
her hair, and he knows that the time of her mourning for him is over. The
loud shouts of the men and women shew him that they are not to be
frightened and bullied by him any more, and that he had better lie quiet.
But he may still watch over his friends, and guard them from harm, and
visit them in dreams.(1404)
§ 4. Names of Kings and other Sacred Persons tabooed.
(M226) When we see that in primitive society the names of mere commoners,
whether alive or dead, are matters of such anxious care, we need not be
surprised that great precautions should be taken to guard from harm the
names of sacred kings and priests. Thus the name of the king of Dahomey is
always kept secret, lest the knowledge of it should enable some
evil-minded person to do him a mischief. The appellations by which the
different kings of Dahomey have been known to Europeans are not their true
names, but mere titles, or what the natives call “strong names”
(_nyi-sese_). As a rule, these “strong names” are the first words of
sentences descriptive of certain qualities. Thus Agaja, the name by which
the fourth king of the dynasty was known, was part of a sentence meaning,
“A spreading tree must be lopped before it can be cast into the fire”; and
Tegbwesun, the name of the fifth king, formed the first word of a sentence
which signified, “No one can take the cloth off the neck of a wild bull.”
The natives seem to think that no harm comes of such titles being known,
since they are not, like the birth-names, vitally connected with their
owners.(1405) In the Galla kingdom of Ghera the birth-name of the
sovereign may not be pronounced by a subject under pain of death, and
common words which resemble it in sound are changed for others. Thus when
a queen named Carre reigned over the kingdom, the word _hara_, which means
smoke, was exchanged for _unno_; further, _arre_, “ass,” was replaced by
_culula_; and _gudare_, “potato,” was dropped and _loccio_ substituted for
it.(1406) Among the Bahima of central Africa, when the king dies, his name
is abolished from the language, and if his name was that of an animal, a
new appellation must be found for the creature at once. For example, the
king is often called a lion; hence at the death of a king named Lion a new
name for lions in general has to be coined.(1407) Thus in the language of
the Bahima the word for “lion” some years ago was _mpologoma_. But when a
prominent chief of that name died, the word for lion was changed to
_kichunchu_. Again, in the Bahima language the word for “nine” used to be
_mwenda_, a word which occurs with the same meaning but dialectical
variations in the languages of other tribes of central and eastern Africa.
But when a chief who bore the name Mwenda died, the old name for “nine”
had to be changed, and accordingly the word _isaga_ has been substituted
for it.(1408) In Siam it used to be difficult to ascertain the king’s real
name, since it was carefully kept secret from fear of sorcery; any one who
mentioned it was clapped into gaol. The king might only be referred to
under certain high-sounding titles, such as “the august,” “the perfect,”
“the supreme,” “the great emperor,” “descendant of the angels,” and so
on.(1409) In Burma it was accounted an impiety of the deepest dye to
mention the name of the reigning sovereign; Burmese subjects, even when
they were far from their country, could not be prevailed upon to do
so;(1410) after his accession to the throne the king was known by his
royal titles only.(1411) The proper name of the Emperor of China may
neither be pronounced nor written by any of his subjects.(1412) Coreans
were formerly forbidden, under severe penalties, to utter the king’s name,
which, indeed, was seldom known.(1413) When a prince ascends the throne of
Cambodia he ceases to be designated by his real name; and if that name
happens to be a common word in the language, the word is often changed.
Thus, for example, since the reign of King Ang Duong the word _duong_,
which meant a small coin, has been replaced by _dom_.(1414) In the island
of Sunda it is taboo to utter any word which coincides with the name of a
prince or chief.(1415) The name of the rajah of Bolang Mongondo, a
district in the west of Celebes, is never mentioned except in case of
urgent necessity, and even then his pardon must be asked repeatedly before
the liberty is taken.(1416) In the island of Sumba people do not mention
the real name of a prince, but refer to him by the name of the first slave
whom in his youth he became master of. This slave is regarded by the chief
as his second self, and he enjoys practical impunity for any misdeeds he
may commit.(1417)
(M227) Among the Zulus no man will mention the name of the chief of his
tribe or the names of the progenitors of the chief, so far as he can
remember them; nor will he utter common words which coincide with or
merely resemble in sound tabooed names. “As, for instance, the Zungu tribe
say _mata_ for _manzi_ (water), and _inkosta_ for _tshanti_ (grass), and
_embigatdu_ for _umkondo_ (assegai), and _inyatugo_ for _enhlela_ (path),
because their present chief is Umfan-o inhlela, his father was Manzini,
his grandfather Imkondo, and one before him Tshani.” In the tribe of the
Dwandwes there was a chief called Langa, which means the sun; hence the
name of the sun was changed from _langa_ to _gala_, and so remains to this
day, though Langa died more than a hundred years ago. Once more, in the
Xnumayo tribe the word meaning “to herd cattle” was changed from _alusa_
or _ayusa_ to _kagesa_, because u-Mayusi was the name of the chief.
Besides these taboos, which were observed by each tribe separately, all
the Zulu tribes united in tabooing the name of the king who reigned over
the whole nation. Hence, for example, when Panda was king of Zululand, the
word for “a root of a tree,” which is _impando_, was changed to _nxabo_.
Again, the word for “lies” or “slander” was altered from _amacebo_ to
_amakwata_, because _amacebo_ contains a syllable of the name of the
famous King Cetchwayo. These substitutions are not, however, carried so
far by the men as by the women, who omit every sound even remotely
resembling one that occurs in a tabooed name. At the king’s kraal, indeed,
it is sometimes difficult to understand the speech of the royal wives, as
they treat in this fashion the names not only of the king and his
forefathers, but even of his and their brothers back for generations. When
to these tribal and national taboos we add those family taboos on the
names of connexions by marriage which have been already described,(1418)
we can easily understand how it comes about that in Zululand every tribe
has words peculiar to itself, and that the women have a considerable
vocabulary of their own. Members, too, of one family may be debarred from
using words employed by those of another. The women of one kraal, for
instance, may call a hyaena by its ordinary name; those of the next may
use the common substitute; while in a third the substitute may also be
unlawful and another term may have to be invented to supply its place.
Hence the Zulu language at the present day almost presents the appearance
of being a double one; indeed, for multitudes of things it possesses three
or four synonyms, which through the blending of tribes are known all over
Zululand.(1419)
(M228) In Madagascar a similar custom everywhere prevails and has
resulted, as among the Zulus, in producing certain dialectic differences
in the speech of the various tribes. There are no family names in
Madagascar, and almost every personal name is drawn from the language of
daily life and signifies some common object or action or quality, such as
a bird, a beast, a tree, a plant, a colour, and so on. Now, whenever one
of these common words forms the name or part of the name of the chief of
the tribe, it becomes sacred and may no longer be used in its ordinary
signification as the name of a tree, an insect, or what not. Hence a new
name for the object must be invented to replace the one which has been
discarded. Often the new name consists of a descriptive epithet or a
periphrasis. Thus when the princess Rabodo became queen in 1863 she took
the name of Rasoherina. Now _soherina_ was the word for the silkworm moth,
but having been assumed as the name of the sovereign it could no longer be
applied to the insect, which ever since has been called _zany-dandy_,
“offspring of silk.” So, again, if a chief had or took the name of an
animal, say of the dog (_amboa_), and was known as Ramboa, the animal
would henceforth be called by another name, probably a descriptive one,
such as “the barker” (_famovo_) or “the driver away” (_fandroaka_), etc.
In the western part of Imerina there was a chief called Andria-mamba; but
_mamba_ was one of the names of the crocodile, so the chiefs subjects
might not call the reptile by that name and were always scrupulous to use
another. It is easy to conceive what confusion and uncertainty may thus be
introduced into a language when it is spoken by many little local tribes
each ruled by a petty chief with his own sacred name. Yet there are tribes
and people who submit to this tyranny of words as their fathers did before
them from time immemorial. The inconvenient results of the custom are
especially marked on the western coast of the island, where, on account of
the large number of independent chieftains, the names of things, places,
and rivers have suffered so many changes that confusion often arises, for
when once common words have been banned by the chiefs the natives will not
acknowledge to have ever known them in their old sense.(1420)
(M229) But it is not merely the names of living kings and chiefs which are
tabooed in Madagascar; the names of dead sovereigns are equally under a
ban, at least in some parts of the island. Thus among the Sakalavas, when
a king has died, the nobles and people meet in council round the dead body
and solemnly choose a new name by which the deceased monarch shall be
henceforth known. The new name always begins with _andrian_, “lord,” and
ends with _arrivou_, “thousand,” to signify that the late king ruled over
a numerous nation. The body of the name is composed of an epithet or
phrase descriptive of the deceased or of his reign. After the new name has
been adopted, the old name by which the king was known during his life
becomes sacred and may not be pronounced under pain of death. Further,
words in the common language which bear any resemblance to the forbidden
name also become sacred and have to be replaced by others. For example,
after the death of King Makka the word _laka_, which meant a canoe, was
abandoned and the word _fiounrâma_ substituted for it. When Taoussi died,
the word _taoussi_, signifying “beautiful,” was replaced by _senga_. For
similar reasons the word _ântétsi_, “old,” was changed for _matoué_, which
properly means “ripe”; the word _voûssi_, “castrated,” was dropped and
_manapaka_, “cut,” adopted in its place; and the word for island (_nossi_)
was changed into _varioû_, which signifies strictly “a place where there
is rice.” Again, when a Sakalava king named Marentoetsa died, two words
fell into disuse, namely, the word _màry_ or _màre_ meaning “true,” and
the word _toetsa_ meaning “condition.” Persons who uttered these forbidden
words were looked on not only as grossly rude, but even as felons; they
had committed a capital crime. However, these changes of vocabulary are
confined to the district over which the deceased king reigned; in the
neighbouring districts the old words continue to be employed in the old
sense.(1421) Again, among the Bara, another tribe of Madagascar, “the
memory of their deceased kings is held in the very highest respect; the
name of such kings is considered sacred—too sacred indeed for utterance,
and no one is allowed to pronounce it. To such a length is this absurdity
carried that the name of any person or thing whatsoever, if it bear a
resemblance to the name of the deceased king, is no longer used, but some
other designation is given. For instance, there was a king named
Andriamasoandro. After his decease the word _masoandro_ was no longer
employed as the name of the sun, but _mahenika_ was substituted for
it.”(1422) An eminent authority on Madagascar has observed: “A curious
fact, which has had a very marked influence on the Malagasy language, is
the custom of no longer pronouncing the name of a dead person nor even the
words which resemble it in their conclusions. The name is replaced by
another. King Ramitra, since his decease, has been called
Mahatenatenarivou, ’the prince who has conquered a thousand foes,’ and a
Malagasy who should utter his old name would be regarded as the murderer
of the prince, and would therefore be liable to the confiscation of his
property, or even to the penalty of death. It is easy accordingly to
understand how the Malagasy language, one in its origin, has been
corrupted, and how it comes about that at the present day there are
discrepancies between the various dialects. In Menabe, since the death of
King Vinany, the word _vilany_, meaning a pot, has been replaced by
_fiketrehane_, ‘cooking vessel,’ whereas the old word continues in use in
the rest of Madagascar. These changes, it is true, hardly take place
except for kings and great chiefs.”(1423)
(M230) The sanctity attributed to the persons of chiefs in Polynesia
naturally extended also to their names, which on the primitive view are
hardly separable from the personality of their owners. Hence in Polynesia
we find the same systematic prohibition to utter the names of chiefs or of
common words resembling them which we have already met with in Zululand
and Madagascar. Thus in New Zealand the name of a chief is held so sacred
that, when it happens to be a common word, it may not be used in the
language, and another has to be found to replace it. For example, a chief
to the southward of East Cape bore the name of Maripi, which signified a
knife, hence a new word (_nekra_) for knife was introduced, and the old
one became obsolete. Elsewhere the word for water (_wai_) had to be
changed, because it chanced to be the name of the chief, and would have
been desecrated by being applied to the vulgar fluid as well as to his
sacred person. This taboo naturally produced a plentiful crop of synonyms
in the Maori language, and travellers newly arrived in the country were
sometimes puzzled at finding the same things called by quite different
names in neighbouring tribes.(1424) When a king comes to the throne in
Tahiti, any words in the language that resemble his name in sound must be
changed for others. In former times, if any man were so rash as to
disregard this custom and to use the forbidden words, not only he but all
his relations were immediately put to death.(1425) On the accession of
King Otoo, which happened before Vancouver’s visit to Tahiti, the proper
names of all the chiefs were changed, as well as forty or fifty of the
commonest words in the language, and every native was obliged to adopt the
new terms, for any neglect to do so was punished with the greatest
severity.(1426) When a certain king named Tu came to the throne of Tahiti
the word _tu_, which means “to stand,” was changed to _tia_; _fetu_, “a
star,” became _fetia_; _tui_, “to strike,” was turned into _tiai_, and so
on. Sometimes, as in these instances, the new names were formed by merely
changing or dropping some letter or letters of the original words; in
other cases the substituted terms were entirely different words, whether
chosen for their similarity of meaning though not of sound, or adopted
from another dialect, or arbitrarily invented. But the changes thus
introduced were only temporary; on the death of the king the new words
fell into disuse, and the original ones were revived.(1427) Similarly in
Samoa, when the name of a sacred chief was that of an animal or bird, the
name of the animal or bird was at once changed for another, and the old
one might never again be uttered in that chief’s district. For example, a
sacred Samoan chief was named Pe’a, which means “flying-fox.” Hence in his
district a flying-fox was no longer called a flying-fox but a “bird of
heaven” (_manu langi_).(1428)
(M231) In ancient Greece the names of the priests and other high officials
who had to do with the performances of the Eleusinian mysteries might not
be uttered in their lifetime. To pronounce them was a legal offence. The
pedant in Lucian tells how he fell in with these august personages hailing
along to the police court a ribald fellow who had dared to name them,
though well he knew that ever since their consecration it was unlawful to
do so, because they had become anonymous, having lost their old names and
acquired new and sacred titles.(1429) From two inscriptions found at
Eleusis it appears that the names of the priests were committed to the
depths of the sea;(1430) probably they were engraved on tablets of bronze
or lead, which were then thrown into deep water in the Gulf of Salamis.
The intention doubtless was to keep the names a profound secret; and how
could that be done more surely than by sinking them in the sea? what human
vision could spy them glimmering far down in the dim depths of the green
water? A clearer illustration of the confusion between the incorporeal and
the corporeal, between the name and its material embodiment, could hardly
be found than in this practice of civilised Greece.
(M232) In Togo, a district of West Africa, a secret religious society
flourishes under the name of the Yewe order. Both men and women are
admitted to it. The teaching and practice of the order are lewd and
licentious. Murderers and debtors join it for the sake of escaping from
justice, for the members are not amenable to the laws. On being initiated
every one receives a new name, and thenceforth his or her old name may
never be mentioned by anybody under penalty of a heavy fine. Should the
old name be uttered in a quarrel by an uninitiated person, the aggrieved
party, who seems to be oftener a woman than a man, pretends to fall into a
frenzy, and in this state rushes into the house of the offender, smashes
his pots, destroys the grass roof, and tears down the fence. Then she runs
away into the forest, where the simple people believe that she is changed
into a leopard. In truth she slinks by night into the conventual buildings
of the order, and is there secretly kept in comfort till the business is
settled. At last she is publicly brought back by the society with great
pomp, her body smeared with red earth and adorned with an artificial tail
in order to make the ignorant think that she has really been turned into a
leopard.(1431)
(M233) When the name is held to be a vital part of the person, it is
natural to suppose that the mightier the person the more potent must be
his name. Hence the names of supernatural beings, such as gods and
spirits, are commonly believed to be endowed with marvellous virtues, and
the mere utterance of them may work wonders and disturb the course of
nature. The Warramunga of central Australia believe in a formidable but
mythical snake called the Wollunqua, which lives in a pool. When they
speak of it amongst themselves they designate it by another name, because
they say that, were they to call the snake too often by its real name,
they would lose control over the creature, and it would come out of the
water and eat them all up.(1432) For this reason, too, the sacred books of
the Mongols, which narrate the miraculous deeds of the divinities, are
allowed to be read only in spring or summer; because at other seasons the
reading of them would bring on tempests or snow.(1433) When Mr. Campbell
was travelling with some Bechuanas, he asked them one morning after
breakfast to tell him some of their stories, but they informed him that
were they to do so before sunset, the clouds would fall from the heavens
upon their heads.(1434) The Sulka of New Britain believe in a certain
hostile spirit named Kot, to whose wrath they attribute earthquakes,
thunder, and lightning. Among the things which provoke his vengeance is
the telling of tales and legends by day; stories should be told only at
evening or night.(1435) Most of the rites of the Navajo Indians may be
celebrated only in winter, when the thunder is silent and the rattlesnakes
are hibernating. Were they to tell of their chief gods or narrate the
myths of the days of old at any other time, the Indians believe that they
would soon be killed by lightning or snake-bites. When Dr. Washington
Matthews was in New Mexico, he often employed as his guide and informant a
liberal-minded member of the tribe who had lived with Americans and
Mexicans and seemed to be free from the superstitions of his fellows. “On
one occasion,” says Dr. Matthews, “during the month of August, in the
height of the rainy season, I had him in my study conversing with him. In
an unguarded moment, on his part, I led him into a discussion about the
gods of his people, and neither of us had noticed a heavy storm coming
over the crest of the Zuñi mountains, close by. We were just talking of
Estsanatlehi, the goddess of the west, when the house was shaken by a
terrific peal of thunder. He rose at once, pale and evidently agitated,
and, whispering hoarsely, ‘Wait till Christmas; they are angry,’ he
hurried away. I have seen many such evidences of the deep influence of
this superstition on them.”(1436) Among the Iroquois the rehearsal of
tales of wonder formed the chief entertainment at the fireside in winter.
But all the summer long, from the time when the trees began to bud in
spring till the red leaves of autumn began to fall, these marvellous
stories were hushed and historical traditions took their place.(1437)
Other Indian tribes also will only tell their mythic tales in winter, when
the snow lies like a pall on the ground, and lakes and rivers are covered
with sheets of ice; for then the spirits underground cannot hear the
stories in which their names are made free with by merry groups gathered
round the fire.(1438) The Yabims of German New Guinea tell their magical
tales especially at the time when the yams have been gathered and are
stored in the houses. Such tales are told at evening by the light of the
fire to a circle of eager listeners, the narrative being broken from time
to time with a song in which the hearers join. The telling of these
stories is believed to promote the growth of the crops. Hence each tale
ends with a wish that there may be many yams, that the taro may be big,
the sugar-cane thick, and the bananas long.(1439)
(M234) Among the Kwakiutl Indians of British Columbia the superstition
about names has affected in a very curious way the social structure of the
tribe. The nobles have two different sets of names, one for use in winter
and the other in summer. Their winter names are those which were given
them at initiation by their guardian spirits, and as these spirits appear
to their devotees only in winter, the names which they bestowed on the
Indians may not be pronounced in summer. Conversely the summer names may
not be used in winter. The change from summer to winter names takes place
from the moment when the spirits are supposed to be present, and it
involves a complete transformation of the social system; for whereas
during summer the people are grouped in clans, in winter they are grouped
in societies, each society consisting of all persons who have been
initiated by the same spirit and have received from him the same magical
powers. Thus among these Indians the fundamental constitution of society
changes with the seasons: in summer it is organised on a basis of kin, in
winter on a basis of spiritual affinity: for one half the year it is
civil, for the other half religious.(1440)
§ 5. Names of Gods tabooed.
(M235) Primitive man creates his gods in his own image. Xenophanes
remarked long ago that the complexion of negro gods was black and their
noses flat; that Thracian gods were ruddy and blue-eyed; and that if
horses, oxen, and lions only believed in gods and had hands wherewith to
portray them, they would doubtless fashion their deities in the form of
horses, and oxen, and lions.(1441) Hence just as the furtive savage
conceals his real name because he fears that sorcerers might make an evil
use of it, so he fancies that his gods must likewise keep their true names
secret, lest other gods or even men should learn the mystic sounds and
thus be able to conjure with them. Nowhere was this crude conception of
the secrecy and magical virtue of the divine name more firmly held or more
fully developed than in ancient Egypt, where the superstitions of a
dateless past were embalmed in the hearts of the people hardly less
effectually than the bodies of cats and crocodiles and the rest of the
divine menagerie in their rock-cut tombs. The conception is well
illustrated by a story which tells how the subtle Isis wormed his secret
name from Ra, the great Egyptian god of the sun. Isis, so runs the tale,
was a woman mighty in words, and she was weary of the world of men, and
yearned after the world of the gods. And she meditated in her heart,
saying, “Cannot I by virtue of the great name of Ra make myself a goddess
and reign like him in heaven and earth?” For Ra had many names, but the
great name which gave him all power over gods and men was known to none
but himself. Now the god was by this time grown old; he slobbered at the
mouth and his spittle fell upon the ground. So Isis gathered up the
spittle and the earth with it, and kneaded thereof a serpent and laid it
in the path where the great god passed every day to his double kingdom
after his heart’s desire. And when he came forth according to his wont,
attended by all his company of gods, the sacred serpent stung him, and the
god opened his mouth and cried, and his cry went up to heaven. And the
company of gods cried, “What aileth thee?” and the gods shouted, “Lo and
behold!” But he could not answer; his jaws rattled, his limbs shook, the
poison ran through his flesh as the Nile floweth over the land. When the
great god had stilled his heart, he cried to his followers, “Come to me, O
my children, offspring of my body. I am a prince, the son of a prince, the
divine seed of a god. My father devised my name; my father and my mother
gave me my name, and it remained hidden in my body since my birth, that no
magician might have magic power over me. I went out to behold that which I
have made, I walked in the two lands which I have created, and lo!
something stung me. What it was, I know not. Was it fire? was it water? My
heart is on fire, my flesh trembleth, all my limbs do quake. Bring me the
children of the gods with healing words and understanding lips, whose
power reacheth to heaven.” Then came to him the children of the gods, and
they were very sorrowful. And Isis came with her craft, whose mouth is
full of the breath of life, whose spells chase pain away, whose word
maketh the dead to live. She said, “What is it, divine Father? what is
it?” The holy god opened his mouth, he spake and said, “I went upon my
way, I walked after my heart’s desire in the two regions which I have made
to behold that which I have created, and lo! a serpent that I saw not
stung me. Is it fire? is it water? I am colder than water, I am hotter
than fire, all my limbs sweat, I tremble, mine eye is not steadfast, I
behold not the sky, the moisture bedeweth my face as in summer-time.” Then
spake Isis, “Tell me thy name, divine Father, for the man shall live who
is called by his name.” Then answered Ra, “I created the heavens and the
earth, I ordered the mountains, I made the great and wide sea, I stretched
out the two horizons like a curtain. I am he who openeth his eyes and it
is light, and who shutteth them and it is dark. At his command the Nile
riseth, but the gods know not his name. I am Khepera in the morning, I am
Ra at noon, I am Tum at eve.” But the poison was not taken away from him;
it pierced deeper, and the great god could no longer walk. Then said Isis
to him, “That was not thy name that thou spakest unto me. Oh tell it me,
that the poison may depart; for he shall live whose name is named.” Now
the poison burned like fire, it was hotter than the flame of fire. The god
said, “I consent that Isis shall search into me, and that my name shall
pass from my breast into hers.” Then the god hid himself from the gods,
and his place in the ship of eternity was empty. Thus was the name of the
great god taken from him, and Isis, the witch, spake, “Flow away poison,
depart from Ra. It is I, even I, who overcome the poison and cast it to
the earth; for the name of the great god hath been taken away from him.
Let Ra live and let the poison die.” Thus spake great Isis, the queen of
the gods, she who knows Ra and his true name.(1442)
(M236) Thus we see that the real name of the god, with which his power was
inextricably bound up, was supposed to be lodged, in an almost physical
sense, somewhere in his breast, from which it could be extracted by a sort
of surgical operation and transferred with all its supernatural powers to
the breast of another. In Egypt attempts like that of Isis to appropriate
the power of a high god by possessing herself of his name were not mere
legends told of the mythical beings of a remote past; every Egyptian
magician aspired to wield like powers by similar means. For it was
believed that he who possessed the true name possessed the very being of
god or man, and could force even a deity to obey him as a slave obeys his
master. Thus the art of the magician consisted in obtaining from the gods
a revelation of their sacred names, and he left no stone unturned to
accomplish his end. When once a god in a moment of weakness or
forgetfulness had imparted to the wizard the wondrous lore, the deity had
no choice but to submit humbly to the man or pay the penalty of his
contumacy.(1443) In one papyrus we find the god Typhon thus adjured: “I
invoke thee by thy true names, in virtue of which thou canst not refuse to
hear me”; and in another the magician threatens Osiris that if the god
does not do his bidding he will name him aloud in the port of
Busiris.(1444) So in the Lucan the Thessalian witch whom Sextus Pompeius
consulted before the battle of Pharsalia threatens to call up the Furies
by their real names if they will not do her bidding.(1445) In modern Egypt
the magician still works his old enchantments by the same ancient means;
only the name of the god by which he conjures is different. The man who
knows “the most great name” of God can, we are told, by the mere utterance
of it kill the living, raise the dead, transport himself instantly
wherever he pleases, and perform any other miracle.(1446) Similarly among
the Arabs of North Africa at the present day “the power of the name is
such that when one knows the proper names the jinn can scarcely help
answering the call and obeying; they are the servants of the magical
names; in this case the incantation has a constraining quality which is
for the most part very strongly marked. When Ibn el Hâdjdj et-Tlemsânî
relates how the jinn yielded up their secrets to him, he says, ‘I once met
the seven kings of the jinn in a cave and I asked them to teach me the way
in which they attack men and women, causing them to fall sick, smiting
them, paralysing them, and the like. They all answered me: “If it were
anybody but you we would teach that to nobody, but you have discovered the
bonds, the spells, and the names which compel us; were it not for the
names by which you have constrained us, we would not have answered to your
call.” ’ ”(1447) So, too, “the Chinese of ancient times were dominated by
the notion that beings are intimately associated with their names, so that
a man’s knowledge of the name of a spectre might enable him to exert power
over the latter and to bend it to his will.”(1448)
(M237) The belief in the magic virtue of divine names was shared by the
Romans. When they sat down before a city, the priests addressed the
guardian deity of the place in a set form of prayer or incantation,
inviting him to abandon the beleaguered city and come over to the Romans,
who would treat him as well as or better than he had ever been treated in
his old home. Hence the name of the guardian deity of Rome was kept a
profound secret, lest the enemies of the republic might lure him away,
even as the Romans themselves had induced many gods to desert, like rats,
the falling fortunes of cities that had sheltered them in happier
days.(1449) Nay, the real name, not merely of its guardian deity, but of
the city itself, was wrapt in mystery and might never be uttered, not even
in the sacred rites. A certain Valerius Soranus, who dared to divulge the
priceless secret, was put to death or came to a bad end.(1450) In like
manner, it seems, the ancient Assyrians were forbidden to mention the
mystic names of their cities;(1451) and down to modern times the Cheremiss
of the Caucasus keep the names of their communal villages secret from
motives of superstition.(1452)
(M238) If the reader has had the patience to follow this long and perhaps
tedious examination of the superstitions attaching to personal names, he
will probably agree that the mystery in which the names of royal
personages are so often shrouded is no isolated phenomenon, no arbitrary
expression of courtly servility and adulation, but merely the particular
application of a general law of primitive thought, which includes within
its scope common folk and gods as well as kings and priests.
§ 6. Common Words tabooed.
(M239) But personal names are not the only words which superstitious fears
have banished from everyday use. In many cases similar motives forbid
certain persons at certain times to call common things by common names,
thus obliging them either to refrain from mentioning these things
altogether or to designate them by special terms or phrases reserved for
such occasions. A consideration of these cases follows naturally on an
examination of the taboos imposed upon personal names; for personal names
are themselves very often ordinary terms of the language, so that an
embargo laid on them necessarily extends to many expressions current in
the commerce of daily life. And though a survey of some of the interdicts
on common words is not strictly necessary for our immediate purpose, it
may serve usefully to complete our view of the transforming influence
which superstition has exercised on language. I shall make no attempt to
subject the examples to a searching analysis or a rigid classification,
but will set them down as they come in a rough geographical order. And
since my native land furnishes as apt instances of the superstition as any
other, we may start on our round from Scotland.
(M240) In the Atlantic Ocean, about six leagues to the west of Gallon Head
in the Lewis, lies a small group of rocky islets known as the Flannan
Islands. Sheep and wild fowl are now their only inhabitants, but remains
of what are described as Druidical temples and the title of the Sacred
Isles given them by Buchanan suggest that in days gone by piety or
superstition may have found a safe retreat from the turmoil of the world
in these remote solitudes, where the dashing of the waves and the strident
scream of the sea-birds are almost the only sounds that break the silence.
Once a year, in summer-time, the inhabitants of the adjacent lands of the
Lewis, who have a right to these islands, cross over to them to fleece
their sheep and kill the wild fowl for the sake both of their flesh and
their feathers. They regard the islands as invested with a certain
sanctity, and have been heard to say that none ever yet landed in them but
found himself more disposed to devotion there than anywhere else.
Accordingly the fowlers who go thither are bound, during the whole of the
time that they ply their business, to observe very punctiliously certain
quaint customs, the transgression of which would be sure, in their
opinion, to entail some serious inconvenience. When they have landed and
fastened their boat to the side of a rock, they clamber up into the island
by a wooden ladder, and no sooner are they got to the top, than they all
uncover their heads and make a turn sun-ways round about, thanking God for
their safety. On the biggest of the islands are the ruins of a chapel
dedicated to St. Flannan. When the men come within about twenty paces of
the altar, they all strip themselves of their upper garments at once and
betake themselves to their devotions, praying thrice before they begin
fowling. On the first day the first prayer is offered as they advance
towards the chapel on their knees; the second is said as they go round the
chapel; and the third is said in or hard by the ruins. They also pray
thrice every evening, and account it unlawful to kill a fowl after evening
prayers, as also to kill a fowl at any time with a stone. Another ancient
custom forbids the crew to carry home in the boat any suet of the sheep
they slaughter in the islands, however many they may kill. But what here
chiefly concerns us is that so long as they stay on the islands they are
strictly forbidden to use certain common words, and are obliged to
substitute others for them. Thus it is absolutely unlawful to call the
island of St. Kilda, which lies thirty leagues to the southward, by its
proper Gaelic name of Hirt; they must call it only “the high country.”
They may not so much as once name the islands in which they are fowling by
the ordinary name of Flannan; they must speak only of “the country.”
“There are several other things that must not be called by their common
names: _e.g._ _visk_, which in the language of the natives signifies
water, they call burn; a rock, which in their language is _creg_, must
here be called _cruey_, _i.e._ hard; shore in their language expressed by
_claddach_, must here be called _vah_, _i.e._ a cave; sour in their
language is expressed _gort_, but must here be called _gaire_, _i.e._
sharp; slippery, which is expressed _bog_, must be called soft; and
several other things to this purpose.”(1453) When Highlanders were in a
boat at sea, whether sailing or fishing, they were forbidden to call
things by the names by which they were known on land. Thus the boat-hook
should not be called a _croman_, but a _chliob_; a knife not _sgian_, but
“the sharp one” (_a ghiar_); a seal not _ròn_, but “the bald beast”
(_béisd mhaol_); a fox not _sionnach_, but “the red dog” (_madadh ruadh_);
the stone for anchoring the boat not _clach_, but “hardness” (_cruaidh_).
This practice now prevails much more on the east coast than on the west,
where it may be said to be generally extinct. It is reported to be
carefully observed by the fishermen about the Cromarty Firth.(1454) Among
the words tabooed by fishermen in the north of Scotland when they are at
sea are minister, salmon, hare, rabbit, rat, pig, and porpoise. At the
present day if some of the boats that come to the herring-fishing at Wick
should meet a salmon-boat from Reay in Caithness, the herring-men will not
speak to, nor even look at, the salmon-fishers.(1455)
(M241) When Shetland fishermen are at sea, they employ a nomenclature
peculiar to the occasion, and hardly anything may be mentioned by its
usual name. The substituted terms are mostly of Norwegian origin, for the
Norway men were reported to be good fishers.(1456) In setting their lines
the Shetland fishermen are bound to refer to certain objects only by some
special words or phrases. Thus a knife is then called a _skunie_ or
_tullie_; a church becomes _buanhoos_ or _banehoos_; a minister is
_upstanda_ or _haydeen_ or _prestingolva_; the devil is _da auld chield_,
_da sorrow_, _da ill-healt_ (health), or _da black tief_; a cat is
_kirser_, _fitting_, _vengla_, or _foodin_.(1457) On the north-east coast
of Scotland there are some villages, of which the inhabitants never
pronounce certain words and family names when they are at sea; each
village has its peculiar aversion to one or more of these words, among
which are “minister,” “kirk,” “swine,” “salmon,” “trout,” and “dog.” When
a church has to be referred to, as often happens, since some of the
churches serve as land-marks to the fishermen at sea, it is spoken of as
the “bell-hoose” instead of the “kirk.” A minister is called “the man wi’
the black quyte.” It is particularly unlucky to utter the word “sow” or
“swine” or “pig” while the line is being baited; if any one is foolish
enough to do so, the line is sure to be lost. In some villages on the
coast of Fife a fisherman who hears the ill-omened word spoken will cry
out “Cold iron.” In the village of Buckie there are some family names,
especially Ross, and in a less degree Coull, which no fisherman will
pronounce. If one of these names be mentioned in the hearing of a
fisherman, he spits or, as he calls it, “chiffs.” Any one who bears the
dreaded name is called a “chiffer-oot,” and is referred to only by a
circumlocution such as “The man it diz so in so,” or “the laad it lives at
such and such a place.” During the herring-season men who are unlucky
enough to inherit the tabooed names have little chance of being hired in
the fishing-boats; and sometimes, if they have been hired before their
names were known, they have been refused their wages at the end of the
season, because the boat in which they sailed had not been successful, and
the bad luck was set down to their presence in it.(1458) Although in
Scotland superstitions of this kind appear to be specially incident to the
callings of fishermen and fowlers, other occupations are not exempt from
them. Thus in the Outer Hebrides the fire of a kiln is not called fire
(_teine_) but _aingeal_. Such a fire, it is said, is a dangerous thing,
and ought not to be referred to except by a euphemism. “Evil be to him who
called it fire or who named fire in the kiln. It was considered the next
thing to setting it on fire.”(1459) Again, in some districts of Scotland a
brewer would have resented the use of the word “water” in reference to the
work in which he was engaged. “Water be your part of it,” was the common
retort. It was supposed that the use of the word would spoil the
brewing.(1460) The Highlanders say that when you meet a hobgoblin, and the
fiend asks what is the name of your dirk, you should not call it a dirk
(_biodag_), but “my father’s sister” (_piuthar m’athar_) or “my
grandmother’s sister” (_piuthar mo sheanamhair_) or by some similar title.
If you do not observe this precaution, the goblin will lay such an
enchantment on the blade that you will be unable to stab him with it; the
dirk will merely make a tinkling noise against the soft impalpable body of
the fiend.(1461)
(M242) Manx fishermen think it unlucky to mention a horse or a mouse on
board a fishing-boat.(1462) The fishermen of Dieppe on board their boats
will not speak of several things, for instance priests and cats.(1463)
German huntsmen, from motives of superstition, call everything by names
different from those in common use.(1464) In some parts of Bavaria the
farmer will not mention a fox by its proper name, lest his poultry-yard
should suffer from the ravages of the animal. So instead of _Fuchs_ he
calls the beast _Loinl_, _Henoloinl_, _Henading_, or _Henabou_.(1465) In
Prussia and Lithuania they say that in the month of December you should
not call a wolf a wolf but “the vermin” (_das Gewürm_), otherwise you will
be torn in pieces by the werewolves.(1466) In various parts of Germany it
is a rule that certain animals may not be mentioned by their proper names
in the mystic season between Christmas and Twelfth Night. Thus in
Thüringen they say that if you would be spared by the wolves you must not
mention their name at this time.(1467) In Mecklenburg people think that
were they to name a wolf on one of these days the animal would appear. A
shepherd would rather mention the devil than the wolf at this season; and
we read of a farmer who had a bailiff named Wolf, but did not dare to call
the man by his name between Christmas and Twelfth Night, referring to him
instead as Herr Undeert (Mr. Monster). In Quatzow, a village of
Mecklenburg, there are many animals whose common names are disused at this
season and replaced by others: thus a fox is called “long-tail,” and a
mouse “leg-runner” (_Boenlöper_). Any person who disregards the custom has
to pay a fine.(1468) In the Mark of Brandenburg they say that between
Christmas and Twelfth Night you should not speak of mice as mice but as
_dinger_; otherwise the field-mice would multiply excessively.(1469)
According to the Swedish popular belief, there are certain animals which
should never be spoken of by their proper names, but must always be
signified by euphemisms and kind allusions to their character. Thus, if
you speak slightingly of the cat or beat her, you must be sure not to
mention her name; for she belongs to the hellish crew, and is a friend of
the mountain troll, whom she often visits. Great caution is also needed in
talking of the cuckoo, the owl, and the magpie, for they are birds of
witchery. The fox must be called “blue-foot,” or “he that goes in the
forest”; and rats are “the long-bodied,” mice “the small grey,” and the
seal “brother Lars.” Swedish herd-girls, again, believe that if the wolf
and the bear be called by other than their proper and legitimate names,
they will not attack the herd. Hence they give these brutes names which
they fancy will not hurt their feelings. The number of endearing
appellations lavished by them on the wolf is legion; they call him “golden
tooth,” “the silent one,” “grey legs,” and so on; while the bear is
referred to by the respectful titles of “the old man,” “grandfather,”
“twelve men’s strength,” “golden feet,” and more of the same sort. Even
inanimate things are not always to be called by their usual names. For
instance, fire is sometimes to be called “heat” (_hetta_) not _eld_ or
_ell_; water for brewing must be called _lag_ or _löu_, not _vatn_, else
the beer would not turn out so well.(1470) The Huzuls of the Carpathians,
a pastoral people, who dread the ravages of wild beasts on their flocks
and herds, are unwilling to mention the bear by his proper name, so they
call him respectfully “the little uncle” or “the big one.” In like manner
and for similar reasons they name the wolf “the little one” and the
serpent “the long one.”(1471) They may not say that wool is scalded, or in
the heat of summer the sheep would rub themselves till their sides were
raw; so they merely say that the wool is warmed.(1472) The Lapps fear to
call the bear by his true name, lest he should ravage their herds; so they
speak of him as “the old man with the coat of skin,” and in cooking his
flesh to furnish a meal they may not refer to the work they are engaged in
as “cooking,” but must designate it by a special term.(1473) The Finns
speak of the bear as “the apple of the wood,” “beautiful honey-paw,” “the
pride of the thicket,” “the old man,” and so on.(1474) And in general a
Finnish hunter thinks that he will have poor sport if he calls animals by
their real names; the beasts resent it. The fox and the hare are only
spoken of as “game,” and the lynx is termed “the forest cat,” lest it
should devour the sheep.(1475) Esthonian peasants are very loth to mention
wild beasts by their proper names, for they believe that the creatures
will not do so much harm if only they are called by other names than their
own. Hence they speak of the bear as “broad foot” and the wolf as “grey
coat.”(1476)
(M243) The natives of Siberia are unwilling to call a bear a bear; they
speak of him as “the little old man,” “the master of the forest,” “the
sage,” “the respected one.” Some who are more familiar style him “my
cousin.”(1477) The Kamtchatkans reverence the whale, the bear, and the
wolf from fear, and never mention their names when they meet them,
believing that they understand human speech.(1478) Further, they think
that mice also understand the Kamtchatkan language; so in autumn, when
they rob the field-mice of the bulbs which these little creatures have
laid up in their burrows as a store against winter, they call everything
by names different from the ordinary ones, lest the mice should know what
they were saying. Moreover, they leave odds and ends, such as old rags,
broken needles, cedar-nuts, and so forth, in the burrows, to make the mice
think that the transaction has been not a robbery but a fair exchange. If
they did not do that, they fancy that the mice would go and drown or hang
themselves out of pure vexation; and then what would the Kamtchatkans do
without the mice to gather the bulbs for them? They also speak kindly to
the animals, and beg them not to take it ill, explaining that what they do
is done out of pure friendship.(1479) The Cherokee Indians regard the
rattlesnake as a superior being and take great pains not to offend him.
They never say that a man has been bitten by a snake but that he has been
“scratched by a briar.” In like manner, when an eagle has been shot for a
ceremonial dance, it is announced that “a snowbird has been killed.” The
purpose is to deceive the spirits of rattlesnakes or eagles which might be
listening.(1480) The Esquimaux of Bering Strait think that some animals
can hear and understand what is said of them at a distance. Hence, when a
hunter is going out to kill bears he will speak of them with the greatest
respect and give out that he is going to hunt some other beast. Thus the
bears will be deceived and taken unawares.(1481) Among the Esquimaux of
Baffin Land, women in mourning may not mention the names of any
animals.(1482) Among the Thompson Indians of British Columbia, children
may not name the coyote or prairie wolf in winter, lest he should turn on
his back and so bring cold weather.(1483)
(M244) The Arabs call a man who has been bitten by a snake “the sound
one”; leprosy or the scab they designate “the blessed disease”; the left
side they name “the lucky side”; they will not speak of a lion by his
right name, but refer to him as for example “the fox.”(1484) In Africa the
lion is alluded to with the same ceremonious respect as the wolf and the
bear in northern Europe and Asia. The Arabs of Algeria, who hunt the lion,
speak of him as Mr. John Johnson (Johan-ben-el-Johan), because he has the
noblest qualities of man and understands all languages. Hence, too, the
first huntsman to catch sight of the beast points at him with his finger
and says, “He is not there”; for if he were to say “He is there,” the lion
would eat him up.(1485) Except under dire necessity the Waziguas of
eastern Africa never mention the name of the lion from fear of attracting
him. They call him “the owner of the land” or “the great beast.”(1486) The
negroes of Angola always use the word _ngana_ (“sir”) in speaking of the
same noble animal, because they think that he is “fetish” and would not
fail to punish them for disrespect if they omitted to do so.(1487) Bushmen
and Bechuanas both deem it unlucky to speak of the lion by his proper
name; the Bechuanas call him “the boy with the beard.”(1488) During an
epidemic of smallpox in Mombasa, British East Africa, it was noticed that
the people were unwilling to mention the native name (_ndui_) of the
disease. They referred to it either as “grains of corn” (_tete_) or simply
as “the bad disease.”(1489) So the Chinese of Amoy are averse to speak of
fever by its proper name; they prefer to call it “beggar’s disease,”
hoping thereby to make the demons of fever imagine that they despise it
and that therefore it would be useless to attack them.(1490) Some of the
natives of Nigeria dread the owl as a bird of ill omen and are loth to
mention its name, preferring to speak of it by means of a circumlocution
such as “the bird that makes one afraid.”(1491) The Herero think that if
they see a snake and call it by its name, the reptile will sting them, but
that if they call it a strap (_omuvia_) it will lie still.(1492) When
Nandi warriors are out on an expedition, they may not call a knife a knife
(_chepkeswet_); they must call it “an arrow for bleeding cattle”
(_loñget_); and none of the party may utter the usual word employed in
greeting males.(1493) In Madagascar there seems to be an aversion to
pronouncing the word for lightning (_vàratra_); the word for mud
(_fòtaka_) is sometimes substituted for it.(1494) Again, it is strictly
forbidden to mention the word for crocodile (_màmba_) near some rivers of
Madagascar; and if clothes should be wetted in certain other rivers of the
island, you may not say that they are wet (_lèna_); you must say that they
are on fire (_may_) or that they are drinking water (_misòtro
ràno_).(1495) A certain spirit, who used to inhabit a lake in Madagascar,
entertained a rooted aversion to salt, so that whenever the thing was
carried past the lake in which he resided it had to be called by another
name, or it would all have been dissolved and lost. The persons whom he
inspired had to veil their references to the obnoxious article under the
disguise of “sweet peppers.”(1496) In a West African story we read of a
man who was told that he would die if ever the word for salt was
pronounced in his hearing. The fatal word was pronounced, and die he did
sure enough, but he soon came to life again with the help of a magical
wooden pestle of which he was the lucky possessor.(1497)
(M245) In India the animals whose names are most commonly tabooed are the
snake and the tiger, but the same tribute of respect is paid to other
beasts also. Sayids and Mussulmans of high rank in northern India say that
you should never call a snake by its proper name, but always describe it
either as a tiger (_sher_) or a string (_rassi_).(1498) In Telingana the
euphemistic name for a snake, which should always be employed, is worm or
insect (_purugu_); if you call a cobra by its proper name, the creature
will haunt you for seven years and bite you at the first
opportunity.(1499) Ignorant Bengalee women will not mention a snake or a
thief by their proper names at night, for fear that one or other might
appear. When they have to allude to a serpent, they call it “the creeping
thing”; when they speak of a thief, they say “the unwelcome
visitor.”(1500) Other euphemisms for the snake in northern India are
“maternal uncle” and “rope.” They say that if a snake bites you, you
should not mention its name, but merely observe “A rope has touched
me.”(1501) Natives of Travancore are careful not to speak disrespectfully
of serpents. A cobra is called “the good lord” (_nalla tambiran_) or “the
good snake” (_nalla pambu_). While the Malayalies of the Shervaray Hills
are hunting the tiger, they speak of the beast only as “the dog.”(1502)
The Canarese of southern India call the tiger either “the dog” or “the
jackal”; they think that if they called him by his proper name, he would
be sure to carry off one of them.(1503) The jungle people of northern
India, who meet the tiger in his native haunts, will not pronounce his
name, but speak of him as “the jackal” (_gídar_), or “the beast”
(_janwar_), or use some other euphemistic term. In some places they treat
the wolf and the bear in the same fashion.(1504) The Pankas of South
Mirzapur will not name the tiger, bear, camel, or donkey by their proper
names; the camel they call “long neck.” Other tribes of the same district
only scruple to mention certain animals in the morning. Thus, the
Kharwars, a Dravidian tribe, will not name a pig, squirrel, hare, jackal,
bear, monkey, or donkey in the morning hours; if they have to allude to
these animals at that time, they call them by special names. For instance,
they call the hare “the four-footed one” or “he that hides in the rocks”;
while they speak of the bear as _jigariya_, which being interpreted means
“he with the liver of compassion.” If the Bhuiyars are absolutely obliged
to refer to a monkey or a bear in the morning, they speak of the monkey as
“the tree-climber” and the bear as “the eater of white ants.” They would
not mention a crocodile. Among the Pataris the matutinal title of the bear
is “the hairy creature.”(1505) The Kols, a Dravidian race of northern
India, will not speak of death or beasts of prey by their proper names in
the morning. Their name for the tiger at that time of day is “he with the
claws,” and for the elephant “he with the teeth.”(1506) The forests of the
Sundarbans, the district at the mouth of the Ganges, are full of
man-eating tigers and the annual loss of life among the woodcutters is
heavy. Here accordingly the ferocious animal is not called a tiger but a
jackal (_çial_).(1507)
(M246) In Annam the fear inspired by tigers, elephants, and other wild
animals induces the people to address these creatures with the greatest
respect as “lord” or “grandfather,” lest the beasts should take umbrage
and attack them.(1508) The tiger reigns supreme in the forests of Tonquin
and Cochin-China, and the peasants honour him as a maleficent deity. In
talking of him they always call him _ong_, which means monsieur or
grandfather. They are convinced that if they dared to speak of him
disrespectfully, he would avenge the insult.(1509) In Siam there are many
people who would never venture to utter the words tiger or crocodile in a
spot where these terrible creatures might be in hiding, lest the sound of
their names should attract the attention of the beasts towards the
speakers.(1510) When the Malays of Patani Bay in Siam are in the jungle
and think there is a tiger near, they will either speak of him in
complimentary terms as the “grandfather of the woods” or only mention him
in a whisper.(1511) In Laos, while a man is out hunting elephants he is
obliged to give conventional names to all common objects, which creates a
sort of special language for elephant-hunters.(1512) So when the Chams and
Orang-Glaï of Indo-China are searching for the precious eagle-wood in the
forest, they must employ an artificial jargon to designate most objects of
everyday life; thus, for example, fire is called “the red,” a she-goat
becomes “a spider,” and so on. Some of the terms which compose the jargon
are borrowed from the dialects of neighbouring tribes.(1513) When the
Mentras or aborigines of Malacca are searching for what they call _gaharu_
(_lignum aloes_) they are obliged to use a special language, avoiding the
words in ordinary use. At such times they call _gaharu_ by the name of
_tabak_, and they speak of a snake as “the long animal” and of the
elephant as “the great animal.” They have also to observe a number of
other taboos, particularly in the matter of diet. If a man has found a
promising _gaharu_ tree, and on going home dreams that the guardian spirit
of the tree (_hantu gaharu_) demands a human victim as the price of his
property, the dreamer will try next day to catch somebody asleep and to
smear his forehead with lime. This is a sign to the guardian spirit of the
tree, who accordingly carries away the soul of the sleeper to the land of
the dead by means of a fever or other ailment, whereas the original
dreamer gets a good supply of aloes wood.(1514)
(M247) At certain seasons of the year parties of Jakuns and Binuas go out
to seek for camphor in the luxuriant forests of their native country,
which is the narrow southern extremity of the Malay Peninsula, the Land’s
End of Asia. They are absent for three or four months together, and during
the whole of this time the use of the ordinary Malay language is forbidden
to them, and they have to speak a special language called by them the
_bassa kapor_ (camphor language) or _pantang_(_1515_)_ kapur_. Indeed not
only have the searchers to employ this peculiar language, but even the men
and women who stay at home in the villages are obliged to speak it while
the others are away looking for the camphor. They believe that a spirit
presides over the camphor trees, and that without propitiating him they
could not obtain the precious gum; the shrill cry of a species of cicada,
heard at night, is supposed to be the voice of the spirit. If they failed
to employ the camphor language, they think that they would have great
difficulty in finding the camphor trees, and that even when they did find
them the camphor would not yield itself up to the collector. The camphor
language consists in great part of words which are either Malayan or of
Malay origin; but it also contains many words which are not Malayan but
are presumed to be remains of the original Jakun dialects now almost
extinct in these districts. The words derived from Malayan are formed in
many cases by merely substituting a descriptive phrase for the common
term. Thus instead of rice they say “grass fruit”; instead of gun they say
“far sounding”; the epithet “short-legged” is substituted for hog; hair is
referred to as “leaves,” and so on.(1516) So when the Battas or Bataks of
Sumatra have gone out to search for camphor, they must abandon the speech
of daily life as soon as they reach the camphor forest. For example, if
they wish to speak of the forest they may not use the ordinary word for it
(_hoetan_), but must call it _kerrengettetdoeng_. When they have fixed on
a spot in which to try their luck, they set up a booth and clear a space
in front of it to serve as a place of sacrifice. Here, after summoning the
camphor spirit (_berroe ni kapoer_) by playing on a flute, they offer
sacrifice to him repeatedly. Then they lie down to dream of the place
where camphor is to be found. If this succeeds, the leader goes and
chooses the tree. When it has been cut down to the accompaniment of
certain spells or incantations, one of the men runs and wraps the top of
the fallen tree in a garment to prevent the camphor from escaping from the
trunk before they have secured it. Then the tree is cleft and split up in
the search for the camphor crystals, which are to be found in the fibres
of the wood.(1517) Similarly, when the Kayans of Borneo are searching for
camphor, they talk a language invented solely for their use at this time.
The camphor itself is never mentioned by its proper name, but is always
referred to as “the thing that smells”; and all the tools employed in
collecting the drug receive fanciful names. Unless they conform to this
rule they suppose that the camphor crystals, which are found only in the
crevices of the wood, will elude them.(1518) The Malanau tribes of Borneo
observe the same custom very strictly, believing that the crystals would
immediately dissolve if they spoke anything but the camphor language. For
example, the common Malanau word for “return” is _muli_, but in presence
of a camphor tree they say _beteku_. Again, “to hide” is _palim_ in the
Malanau language, but when they are looking for camphor they say _krian_.
In like manner, all common names for implements and food are exchanged for
others. In some tribes the camphor-seekers may never mention the names of
chiefs and influential men; if they broke this rule, they would find no
camphor in the trees.(1519)
(M248) In the western states of the Malay Peninsula the chief industry is
tin-mining, and odd ideas prevail among the natives as to the nature and
properties of the ore. They regard it as alive and growing, sometimes in
the shape of a buffalo, which makes its way from place to place
underground. Ore of inferior quality is excused on the score of its tender
years; it will no doubt improve as it grows older. Not only is the tin
believed to be under the protection and command of certain spirits who
must be propitiated, but it is even supposed to have its own special likes
and dislikes for certain persons and things. Hence the Malays deem it
advisable to treat tin ore with respect, to consult its convenience, nay,
to conduct the business of mining in such a way that the ore may, as it
were, be extracted without its own knowledge. When such are their ideas
about the mineral it is no wonder that the miners scruple to employ
certain words in the mines, and replace them by others which are less
likely to give offence to the ore or its guardian spirits. Thus, for
example, the elephant must not be called an elephant but “the tall one who
turns himself about”; and in like manner special words, different from
those in common use, are employed by the miners to designate the cat, the
buffalo, the snake, the centipede, tin sand, metallic tin, and lemons.
Lemons are particularly distasteful to the spirits; they may not be
brought into the mines.(1520) Again, the Malay wizard, who is engaged in
snaring pigeons with the help of a decoy-bird and a calling-tube, must on
no account call things by their common names. The tiny conical hut, in
which he sits waiting for the wild pigeons to come fluttering about him,
goes by the high-sounding name of the Magic Prince, perhaps with a
delicate allusion to its noble inmate. The calling-tube is known as Prince
Distraction, doubtless on account of the extraordinary fascination it
exercises on the birds. The decoy-pigeon receives the name of the
Squatting Princess, and the rod with a noose at the end of it, which
serves to catch the unwary birds, is disguised under the title of Prince
Invitation. Everything, in fact, is on a princely scale, so far at least
as words can make it so. The very nooses destined to be slipped over the
necks or legs of the little struggling prisoners are dignified by the
title of King Solomon’s necklaces and armlets; and the trap into which the
birds are invited to walk is variously described as King Solomon’s
Audience Chamber, or a Palace Tower, or an Ivory Hall carpeted with silver
and railed with amalgam. What pigeon could resist these manifold
attractions, especially when it is addressed by the respectful title of
Princess Kapor or Princess Sarap or Princess Puding?(1521) Again, the
fisher-folk on the east coast of the Malay Peninsula, like their brethren
in Scotland, are reluctant to mention the names of birds or beasts while
they are at sea. All animals then go by the name of _cheweh_, a
meaningless word which is believed not to be understood by the creatures
to whom it refers. Particular kinds of animals are distinguished by
appropriate epithets; the pig is “the grunting _cheweh_,” the buffalo is
“the _cheweh_ that says _uak_,” the snipe is “the _cheweh_ that cries
_kek-kek_,” and so on.(1522) In this respect the fishermen of Patani Bay
class together sea spirits, Buddhist monks, beasts, and reptiles; these
are all _cheweh_ and their common names may not be mentioned at sea. But,
curiously enough, they lay no such embargo on the names of fish and birds,
except the vulture and domestic fowls and ducks. At sea the vulture is
named “bald head,” the tiger “striped,” the snake “weaver’s sword,” the
horse “fast,” and a species of monkey “long tail.” The human foot is
called “tortoise,” and a Buddhist monk “yellow” on account of the colour
of his robe. These Malay fishermen are at least as unwilling to speak of a
Buddhist monk at sea as Scotch fishermen are to mention a minister in
similar circumstances. If one of them mentions a monk, his mates will fall
on him and beat him; whereas for other slips of the tongue they think it
enough to throw a little bilge-water over the back of the transgressor and
to say, “May the ill-luck be dismissed!” The use of this special language
is even more obligatory by night than by day. On shore the fishermen make
very merry over those lubberly landsmen who cannot talk correctly at
sea.(1523) In like manner Achinese fishermen, in northern Sumatra, employ
a special vocabulary when they are at sea. Thus they may not call a
mountain a mountain, or mountain-high billows would swamp the boat; they
refer to it as “high ground.” They may not speak of an elephant by its
proper name of _gadjah_, but must call it _pò meurah_. If a man wishes to
say that something is clear, he must not use the ordinary word for clear
(_lheuëh_) because it bears the meaning also of “free,” “loose”; and the
utterance of such a word might enable the fish to get free from the net
and escape. Instead of _lheuëh_ he must therefore employ the less
dangerous synonym _leungka_. In like manner, we are told, among the
fishermen of the north coast of Java whole lists of words might be
compiled which are tabooed at sea and must be replaced by others.(1524)
(M249) In Sumatra the spirits of the gold mines are treated with as much
deference as the spirits of the tin-mines in the Malay Peninsula. Tin,
ivory, and the like may not be brought by the miners to the scene of their
operations, for at the scent of such things the spirits of the mine would
cause the gold to vanish. For the same reason it is forbidden to refer to
certain things by their proper names, and in speaking of them the miners
must use other words. In some cases, for example in removing the grains of
the gold, a deep silence must be observed; no commands may be given or
questions asked,(1525) probably because the removal of the precious metal
is regarded as a theft which the spirits would punish if they caught the
thieves in the act. Certainly the Dyaks believe that gold has a soul which
seeks to avenge itself on men who dig the precious metal. But the angry
spirit is powerless to harm miners who observe certain precautions, such
as never to bathe in a river with their faces turned up stream, never to
sit with their legs dangling, and never to tie up their hair.(1526) Again,
a Sumatran who fancies that there is a tiger or a crocodile in his
neighbourhood, will speak of the animal by the honourable title of
“grandfather” for the purpose of propitiating the creature.(1527) In the
forest a Karo-Batak refers to a tiger as “Grandfather to whom the wood
belongs,” “he with the striped coat,” or “the roving trap.”(1528) Among
the Gayos of Sumatra it is forbidden to mention the name of small-pox in
the house of a man who is suffering from the disease; and the words for
ugly, red, stinking, unlucky, and so forth are forbidden under the same
circumstances. The disease is referred to under the title of “prince of
the averters of misfortune.”(1529) So long as the hunting season lasts,
the natives of Nias may not name the eye, the hammer, stones, and in some
places the sun by their true names; no smith may ply his trade in the
village, and no person may go from one village to another to have smith’s
work done for him. All this, with the exception of the rule about not
naming the eye and the sun, is done to prevent the dogs from growing
stiff, and so losing the power of running down the game.(1530) During the
rice-harvest in Nias the reapers seldom speak to each other, and when they
do so, it is only in whispers. Outside the field they must speak of
everything by names different from those in common use, which gives rise
to a special dialect or jargon known as “field speech.” It has been
observed that some of the words in this jargon resemble words in the
language of the Battas of Sumatra.(1531) While these rice-reapers of Nias
are at work they may not address each other by their names; they must use
only such general terms as “man,” “woman,” “girl,” “old man,” and “old
woman.” The word for “fire” may not pass their lips; instead of it they
must use the word for “cold.” Other words tabooed to them during the
harvest are the words for “smoke” and “stone.” If a reaper wishes to ask
another for his whetstone to sharpen his knife, he must speak of it as a
“fowl’s egg.”(1532) In Java when people suspect that a tiger or crocodile
is near, they avoid the use of the proper name of the beast and refer to
him as “the old lord” or “grandfather.” Similarly, men who are watching a
plantation to protect it from wild boars speak of these animals as
“handsome men” (_wong bagus_). When after harvest the unhusked rice is to
be brought into the barn, the barn is not called a barn but “the dark
store-house.” Serious epidemics may not be mentioned by their true names;
thus smallpox is called the “pretty girl” (_lara bagus_). The Javanese are
particularly careful to eschew certain common words at evening or night.
Thus the snake is then called a “tree-root”; the venomous centipede is
referred to as the “red ant”; oil is spoken of as “water”; and so forth.
And when leaves and herbs are being gathered for use in medicine they are
regularly designated by other than their ordinary names.(1533)
(M250) The Alfoors or Toradjas of Poso, in Celebes, are forbidden by
custom to speak the ordinary language when they are at work in the
harvest-field. At such times they employ a secret language which is said
to agree with the ordinary one only in this, that in it some things are
designated by words usually applied in a different sense, or by
descriptive phrases or circumlocutions. Thus instead of “run” they say
“limp”; instead of “hand” they say “that with which one reaches”; instead
of “foot” they say “that with which one limps”; and instead of “ear” they
say “that with which one hears.” Again, in the field-speech “to drink”
becomes “to thrust forward the mouth”; “to pass by” is expressed by “to
nod with the head”; a gun is “a fire-producer”; and wood is “that which is
carried on the shoulder.” The writer who reports the custom was formerly
of opinion that this secret language was designed to avoid attracting the
attention of evil spirits to the ripe rice; but further enquiry has
satisfied him that the real reason for adopting it is a wish not to
frighten the soul of the rice by revealing to it the alarming truth that
it is about to be cut, carried home, boiled, and eaten. It is just the
words referring to these actions, he tells us, which are especially
tabooed and replaced by others. Beginning with a rule of avoiding a
certain number of common words, the custom has grown among people of the
Malay stock till it has produced a complete language for use in the
fields. In Minahassa also this secret field-speech consists in part of
phrases or circumlocutions, of which many are said to be very
poetical.(1534) But it is not only on the harvest field that the Toradja
resorts to the use of a secret language from superstitious motives. In the
great primaeval forest he feels ill at ease, for well he knows the
choleric temper of the spirits who inhabit the giant trees of the wood,
and that were he to excite their wrath they would assuredly pay him out in
one way or other, it might be by carrying off his soul and so making him
ill, it might be by crushing him flat under a falling tree. These touchy
beings particularly dislike to hear certain words pronounced, and
accordingly on his way through the forest the Toradja takes care to avoid
the offensive terms and to substitute others for them. Thus he will not
call a dog a dog, but refers to it as “the hairy one”; a buffalo is spoken
of as “thick hide”; a cooking pot becomes “that which is set down”; the
hair of the head is alluded to as “betel”; goats and pigs are “the folk
under the house”; a horse is “long nose”; and deer are “denizens of the
fell.” If he is rash or careless enough to utter a forbidden word in the
forest, a short-tempered tree-spirit will fetch him such a bang on the
head that the blood will spout from his nose and mouth.(1535) Again, when
the weather is fine and the Toradja wishes it to continue so, he is
careful not to utter the word “rain,” for if he did so the rain would
fancy he was called for and would obligingly present himself. Indeed, in
the district of Pakambia, which is frequently visited by heavy storms, the
word “rain” may not be mentioned throughout the year lest it should
provoke a tempest; the unmentionable thing is there delicately alluded to
as “tree-blossoms.”(1536)
(M251) When a Bugineese or Macassar man is at sea and sailing past a place
which he believes to be haunted by evil spirits, he keeps as quiet as he
can; but if he is obliged to speak he designates common things and
actions, such as water, wind, fire, cooking, eating, the rice-pot, and so
forth, by peculiar terms which are neither Bugineese nor Macassar, and
therefore cannot be understood by the evil spirits, whose knowledge of
languages is limited to these two tongues. However, according to another
and later account given by the same authority, it appears that many of the
substituted terms are merely figurative expressions or descriptive phrases
borrowed from the ordinary language. Thus the word for water is replaced
by a rare word meaning “rain”; a rice-pot is called a “black man”; boiled
rice is “one who is eaten”; a fish is a “tree-leaf”; a fowl is “one who
lives in a poultry hatch”; and an ape is a “tree-dweller.”(1537) Natives
of the island of Saleyer, which lies off the south coast of Celebes, will
not mention the name of their island when they are making a certain
sea-passage; and in sailing they will never speak of a fair wind by its
proper name. The reason in both cases is a fear of disturbing the evil
spirits.(1538) When natives of the Sapoodi Archipelago, to the north-east
of Java, are at sea they will never say that they are near the island of
Sapoodi, for if they did so they would be carried away from it by a head
wind or by some other mishap.(1539) When Galelareese sailors are crossing
over to a land that is some way off, say one or two days’ sail, they do
not remark on any vessels that may heave in sight or any birds that may
fly past; for they believe that were they to do so they would be driven
out of their course and not reach the land they are making for. Moreover,
they may not mention their own ship, or any part of it. If they have to
speak of the bow, for example, they say “the beak of the bird”; starboard
is named “sword,” and larboard “shield.”(1540) The inhabitants of Ternate
and of the Sangi Islands deem it very dangerous to point at distant
objects or to name them while they are at sea. Once while sailing with a
crew of Ternate men a European asked one of them the name of certain small
islands which they had passed. The man had been talkative before, but the
question reduced him to silence. “Sir,” he said, “that is a great taboo;
if I told you we should at once have wind and tide against us, and perhaps
suffer a great calamity. As soon as we come to anchor I will tell you the
name of the islands.” The Sangi Islanders have, besides the ordinary
language, an ancient one which is only partly understood by some of the
people. This old language is often used by them at sea, as well as in
popular songs and certain heathen rites.(1541) The reason for resorting to
it on shipboard is to hinder the evil spirits from overhearing and so
frustrating the plans of the voyagers.(1542) The Nufoors of Dutch New
Guinea believe that if they were to mention the name of an island to which
the bow of their vessel was pointing, they would be met by storm, rain, or
mist which would drive them from their course.(1543)
(M252) In some parts of Sunda it is taboo or forbidden to call a goat a
goat; it must be called a “deer under the house.” A tiger may not be
spoken of as a tiger; he must be referred to as “the supple one,” “the one
there,” “the honourable,” “the whiskered one,” and so on. Neither a wild
boar nor a mouse may be mentioned by its proper name; a boar must be
called “the beautiful one” (masculine) and the mouse “the beautiful one”
(feminine). When the people are asked what would be the consequence of
breaking a taboo, they generally say that the person or thing would suffer
for it, either by meeting with a mishap or by falling ill. But some say
they do not so much fear a misfortune as experience an indefinite feeling,
half fear, half reverence, towards an institution of their forefathers.
Others can assign no reason for observing the taboos, and cut enquiry
short by saying that “It is so because it is so.”(1544) When the Kenyahs
of Borneo are about to poison the fish of a section of the river with the
_tuba_ root, they always speak of the matter as little as possible and use
the most indirect and fanciful modes of expression. Thus they will say,
“There are many leaves fallen here,” meaning that there are many fish in
the river. And they will not breathe the name of the _tuba_ root; if they
must refer to it, they call it _pakat abong_, where _abong_ is the name of
a strong-smelling root something like _tuba_, and _pakat_ means “to agree
upon”; so that _pakat abong_ signifies “what we have agreed to call
_abong_.” This concealment of the truth deceives all the bats, birds, and
insects, which might otherwise overhear the talk of the men and inform the
fish of the deep-laid plot against them.(1545) These Kenyahs also fear the
crocodile and do not like to mention it by name, especially if one be in
sight; they refer to the beast as “the old grandfather.”(1546) When
small-pox invades a village of the Sakarang Dyaks in Borneo, the people
desert the place and take refuge in the jungle. In the daytime they do not
dare to stir or to speak above a whisper, lest the spirits should see or
hear them. They do not call the small-pox by its proper name, but speak of
it as “jungle leaves” or “fruit” or “the chief,” and ask the sufferer,
“Has he left you?” and the question is put in a whisper lest the spirit
should hear.(1547) Natives of the Philippines were formerly prohibited
from speaking of the chase in the house of a fisherman and from speaking
of fishing in the house of a hunter; journeying by land they might not
talk of marine matters, and sailing on the sea they might not talk of
terrestrial matters.(1548)
(M253) When we survey the instances of this superstition which have now
been enumerated, we can hardly fail to be struck by the number of cases in
which a fear of spirits, or of other beings regarded as spiritual and
intelligent, is assigned as the reason for abstaining in certain
circumstances from the use of certain words.(1549) The speaker imagines
himself to be overheard and understood by spirits, or animals, or other
beings whom his fancy endows with human intelligence; and hence he avoids
certain words and substitutes others in their stead, either from a desire
to soothe and propitiate these beings by speaking well of them, or from a
dread that they may understand his speech and know what he is about, when
he happens to be engaged in that which, if they knew of it, would excite
their anger or their fear. Hence the substituted terms fall into two
classes according as they are complimentary or enigmatic; and these
expressions are employed, according to circumstances, for different and
even opposite reasons, the complimentary because they will be understood
and appreciated, and the enigmatic because they will not. We can now see
why persons engaged in occupations like fishing, fowling, hunting, mining,
reaping, and sailing the sea, should abstain from the use of the common
language and veil their meaning in strange words and dark phrases. For
they have this in common that all of them are encroaching on the domain of
the elemental beings, the creatures who, whether visible or invisible,
whether clothed in fur or scales or feathers, whether manifesting
themselves in tree or stone or running stream or breaking wave, or
hovering unseen in the air, may be thought to have the first right to
those regions of earth and sea and sky into which man intrudes only to
plunder and destroy. Thus deeply imbued with a sense of the all-pervading
life and intelligence of nature, man at a certain stage of his
intellectual development cannot but be visited with fear or compunction,
whether he is killing wild fowl among the stormy Hebrides, or snaring
doves in the sultry thickets of the Malay Peninsula; whether he is hunting
the bear in Lapland snows, or the tiger in Indian jungles, or hauling in
the dripping net, laden with silvery herring, on the coast of Scotland;
whether he is searching for the camphor crystals in the shade of the
tropical forest, or extracting the red gold from the darksome mine, or
laying low with a sweep of his sickle the yellow ears on the harvest
field. In all these his depredations on nature, man’s first endeavour
apparently is by quietness and silence to escape the notice of the beings
whom he dreads; but if that cannot be, he puts the best face he can on the
matter by dissembling his foul designs under a fair exterior, by
flattering the creatures whom he proposes to betray, and by so guarding
his lips, that, though his dark ambiguous words are understood well enough
by his fellows, they are wholly unintelligible to his victims. He pretends
to be what he is not, and to be doing something quite different from the
real business in hand. He is not, for example, a fowler catching pigeons
in the forest; he is a Magic Prince or King Solomon himself(1550) inviting
fair princesses into his palace tower or ivory hall. Such childish
pretences suffice to cheat the guileless creatures whom the savage intends
to rob or kill, perhaps they even impose to some extent upon himself; for
we can hardly dissever them wholly from those forms of sympathetic magic
in which primitive man seeks to effect his purpose by imitating the thing
he desires to produce, or even by assimilating himself to it. It is hard
indeed for us to realise the mental state of a Malay wizard masquerading
before wild pigeons in the character of King Solomon; yet perhaps the
make-believe of children and of the stage, where we see the players daily
forgetting their real selves in their passionate impersonation of the
shadowy realm of fancy, may afford us some glimpse into the workings of
that instinct of imitation or mimicry which is deeply implanted in the
constitution of the human mind.
CHAPTER VII. OUR DEBT TO THE SAVAGE.
(M254) It would be easy to extend the list of royal and priestly taboos,
but the instances collected in the preceding pages may suffice as
specimens. To conclude this part of our subject it only remains to state
summarily the general conclusions to which our enquiries have thus far
conducted us. We have seen that in savage or barbarous society there are
often found men to whom the superstition of their fellows ascribes a
controlling influence over the general course of nature. Such men are
accordingly adored and treated as gods. Whether these human divinities
also hold temporal sway over the lives and fortunes of their adorers, or
whether their functions are purely spiritual and supernatural, in other
words, whether they are kings as well as gods or only the latter, is a
distinction which hardly concerns us here. Their supposed divinity is the
essential fact with which we have to deal. In virtue of it they are a
pledge and guarantee to their worshippers of the continuance and orderly
succession of those physical phenomena upon which mankind depends for
subsistence. Naturally, therefore, the life and health of such a god-man
are matters of anxious concern to the people whose welfare and even
existence are bound up with his; naturally he is constrained by them to
conform to such rules as the wit of early man has devised for averting the
ills to which flesh is heir, including the last ill, death. These rules,
as an examination of them has shewn, are nothing but the maxims with
which, on the primitive view, every man of common prudence must comply if
he would live long in the land. But while in the case of ordinary men the
observance of the rules is left to the choice of the individual, in the
case of the god-man it is enforced under penalty of dismissal from his
high station, or even of death. For his worshippers have far too great a
stake in his life to allow him to play fast and loose with it. Therefore
all the quaint superstitions, the old-world maxims, the venerable saws
which the ingenuity of savage philosophers elaborated long ago, and which
old women at chimney corners still impart as treasures of great price to
their descendants gathered round the cottage fire on winter evenings—all
these antique fancies clustered, all these cobwebs of the brain were spun
about the path of the old king, the human god, who, immeshed in them like
a fly in the toils of a spider, could hardly stir a limb for the threads
of custom, “light as air but strong as links of iron,” that crossing and
recrossing each other in an endless maze bound him fast within a network
of observances from which death or deposition alone could release him.
(M255) Thus to students of the past the life of the old kings and priests
teems with instruction. In it was summed up all that passed for wisdom
when the world was young. It was the perfect pattern after which every man
strove to shape his life; a faultless model constructed with rigorous
accuracy upon the lines laid down by a barbarous philosophy. Crude and
false as that philosophy may seem to us, it would be unjust to deny it the
merit of logical consistency. Starting from a conception of the vital
principle as a tiny being or soul existing in, but distinct and separable
from, the living being, it deduces for the practical guidance of life a
system of rules which in general hangs well together and forms a fairly
complete and harmonious whole.(1551) The flaw—and it is a fatal one—of the
system lies not in its reasoning, but in its premises; in its conception
of the nature of life, not in any irrelevancy of the conclusions which it
draws from that conception. But to stigmatise these premises as ridiculous
because we can easily detect their falseness, would be ungrateful as well
as unphilosophical. We stand upon the foundation reared by the generations
that have gone before, and we can but dimly realise the painful and
prolonged efforts which it has cost humanity to struggle up to the point,
no very exalted one after all, which we have reached. Our gratitude is due
to the nameless and forgotten toilers, whose patient thought and active
exertions have largely made us what we are. The amount of new knowledge
which one age, certainly which one man, can add to the common store is
small, and it argues stupidity or dishonesty, besides ingratitude, to
ignore the heap while vaunting the few grains which it may have been our
privilege to add to it. There is indeed little danger at present of
undervaluing the contributions which modern times and even classical
antiquity have made to the general advancement of our race. But when we
pass these limits, the case is different. Contempt and ridicule or
abhorrence and denunciation are too often the only recognition vouchsafed
to the savage and his ways. Yet of the benefactors whom we are bound
thankfully to commemorate, many, perhaps most, were savages. For when all
is said and done our resemblances to the savage are still far more
numerous than our differences from him; and what we have in common with
him, and deliberately retain as true and useful, we owe to our savage
forefathers who slowly acquired by experience and transmitted to us by
inheritance those seemingly fundamental ideas which we are apt to regard
as original and intuitive. We are like heirs to a fortune which has been
handed down for so many ages that the memory of those who built it up is
lost, and its possessors for the time being regard it as having been an
original and unalterable possession of their race since the beginning of
the world. But reflection and enquiry should satisfy us that to our
predecessors we are indebted for much of what we thought most our own, and
that their errors were not wilful extravagances or the ravings of
insanity, but simply hypotheses, justifiable as such at the time when they
were propounded, but which a fuller experience has proved to be
inadequate. It is only by the successive testing of hypotheses and
rejection of the false that truth is at last elicited. After all, what we
call truth is only the hypothesis which is found to work best. Therefore
in reviewing the opinions and practices of ruder ages and races we shall
do well to look with leniency upon their errors as inevitable slips made
in the search for truth, and to give them the benefit of that indulgence
which we ourselves may one day stand in need of; _cum excusatione itaque
veteres audiendi sunt_.
Note. Not To Step Over Persons And Things.(1552)
The superstition that harm is done to a person or thing by stepping over
him or it is very widely spread. Thus the Galelareese think that if a man
steps over your fishing-rod or your arrow, the fish will not bite when you
fish with that rod, and the game will not be hit by that arrow when you
shoot it. They say it is as if the implements merely skimmed past the fish
or the game.(1553) Similarly, if a Highland sportsman saw a person
stepping over his gun or fishing-rod, he presumed but little on that day’s
diversion.(1554) When a Dacota had bad luck in hunting, he would say that
a woman had been stepping over some part of the animal which he
revered.(1555) Amongst many South African tribes it is considered highly
improper to step over a sleeper; if a wife steps over her husband he
cannot hit his enemy in war; if she steps over his assegais, they are from
that time useless, and are given to boys to play with.(1556) The Baganda
think that if a woman steps over a man’s weapons, they will not aim
straight and will not kill, unless they have been first purified.(1557)
The Nandi of British East Africa hold that to step over a snare or trap is
to court death and must be avoided at all risks; further, they are of
opinion that if a man were to step over a pot, he would fall to pieces
whenever the pot were broken.(1558) The people of the Lower Congo deem
that to step over a person’s body or legs will cause ill-luck to that
person and they are careful not to do so, especially in passing men who
are holding a palaver. At such times a passer-by will shuffle his feet
along the ground without lifting them in order that he may not be charged
with bringing bad luck on any one.(1559) On the other hand among the
Wajagga of East Africa grandchildren leap over the corpse of their
grandfather, when it is laid out, expressing a wish that they may live to
be as old as he.(1560) In Laos hunters are careful never to step over
their weapons.(1561) The Tepehuanes of Mexico believe that if anybody
steps over them, they will not be able to kill another deer in their
lives.(1562) Some of the Australian aborigines are seriously alarmed if a
woman steps over them as they lie asleep on the ground.(1563) In the
tribes about Maryborough in Queensland, if a woman steps over anything
that belongs to a man he will throw it away.(1564) In New Caledonia it is
thought to endanger a canoe if a woman steps over the cable.(1565)
Everything that a Samoyed woman steps over becomes unclean and must be
fumigated.(1566) Malagasy porters believe that if a woman strides over
their poles, the skin will certainly peel off the shoulders of the bearers
when next they take up the burden.(1567) The Cherokees fancy that to step
over a vine causes it to wither and bear no fruit.(1568) The Ba-Pendi and
Ba-thonga of South Africa think that if a woman steps over a man’s legs,
they will swell and he will not be able to run.(1569) According to the
South Slavonians, the most serious maladies may be communicated to a
person by stepping over him, but they can afterwards be cured by stepping
over him in the reverse direction.(1570) The belief that to step over a
child hinders it from growing is found in France, Belgium, Germany,
Austria, and Syria; in Syria, Germany, and Bohemia the mischief can be
remedied by stepping over the child in the opposite direction.(1571)
INDEX.
Abdication of kings in favour of their infant children, 19, 20
Abduction of souls by demons, 58 _sqq._
Abipones, the, 328, 350;
changes in their language, 360
Abnormal mental states accounted inspiration, 248
Abortion, superstition as to woman who has procured, 153
Absence and recall of the soul, 30 _sqq._
Achilles, 261
Acts, tabooed, 101 _sqq._
Adivi or forest Gollas, the, 149
Aetolians, the, 311
Africa, fetish kings in West, 22 _sqq._;
names of animals and things tabooed in, 400 _sq._
Agutainos, the, 144
Air, prohibition to be uncovered in the open, 3, 14
Akamba, the, 204
Akikuyu, the, 175, 204, 286;
auricular confession among the, 214
Albanians of the Caucasus, 349
Alberti, L., 220
Alcmena and Hercules, 298 _sq._
Alfoors of Celebes, 33;
of Minahassa, 63 _sq._
Amboyna, 87, 105
Amenophis III., his birth represented on the monuments, 28
American Indians, their fear of naming the dead, 351 _sqq._
Ammon, Hanun, King of, 273
Amoy, 59
Amulets, knots used as, 306 _sqq._;
rings as, 314 _sqq._
Ancestors, names of, bestowed on their reincarnations, 368 _sq._;
reborn in their descendants, 368 _sq._
Ancestral spirits, cause sickness, 53;
sacrifices to, 104
Andaman Islanders, 183 _n._
Andania, mysteries of, 227 _n._
_Angakok_, Esquimaux wizard or sorcerer, 211, 212
Angoni, the, 174
Animals injured through their shadows, 81 _sq._;
propitiation of spirits of slain, 190, 204 _sq._;
atonement for slain, 207;
dangerous, not called by their proper names, 396 _sqq._;
thought to understand human speech, 398 _sq._, 400
Animism passing into religion, 213
Anklets as amulets, 315
Annamites, the, 235
Anointment of priests at installation, 14
Antambahoaka, the, 216
Ants, bites of, used in purificatory ceremony, 105
Apaches, the, 182, 184, 325, 328
Apollo, purification of, 223 _n._1
Apuleius, 270
Arab mode of cursing an enemy, 312
Arabs of Moab, 273, 280
Araucanians, the, 97, 324
Ares, men sacred to, 111
Arikaras, the, 161
Aristeas of Proconnesus, 34
Army under arms, prohibition to see, 13
Arrows to keep off death, 31
Aru Islands, 37, 276
Arunta, their belief as to the ghosts of the slain, 177 _sq._;
ceremonies at the end of mourning among the, 373 _sq._
Arval Brothers, 226
Aryans, the primitive, their theory of personal names, 319
Ashes strewn on the head, 112
Ash-tree, parings of nails buried under an, 276
Assam, taboos observed by headmen in, 11;
hill tribes of, 323
Astarte at Hierapolis, 286
Aston, W. G., 2 _n._2
Astrolabe Bay, 289
Athens, kings at, 21 _sq._;
ritual of cursing at, 75
Atonement for slain animals, 207
Attiuoindarons, the, 366
_Atua_, ancestral spirit, 134, 265
Augur’s staff at Rome, 313
Auricular confession, 214
Aurohuaca Indians, 215
Australian aborigines;
their conception of the soul, 27;
personal names kept secret among the, 320 _sqq._;
their fear of naming the dead, 349 _sqq._
Aversion of spirits and fairies to iron, 229, 232 _sq._
Avoidance of common words to deceive spirits or other beings, 416 _sqq._
Aymara Indians, the, 97
Aztecs, the, 249;
their priests, 259
Babylonian witches and wizards, 302
Bad Country, the, 109
Badham, Dr., 156 _n._
Baduwis, the, of Java, 115 _sq._, 232
Bag, souls collected in a, 63 _sq._
Baganda, the, 78, 87
—— fishermen, taboos observed by, 194 _sq._ _See also_ Uganda
Bagba, a fetish, 5
Bageshu, the, 174
Bagobos, the, 31, 315, 323
Bahima, the, 183 _n._;
names of their dead kings not mentioned, 375
Bahnars of Cochin-China, 52, 58
Baking, continence observed at, 201
Balder, Norse god, 305 _n._1
Ba-Lua, the, 330
Banana-trees, fruit-bearing, hair deposited under, 286
Bandages to prevent the escape of the soul, 32, 71
Bangala, the, 195 _sq._, 330
Bangkok, 90
Baoules, the, 70
Ba-Pedi, the, 141, 153, 163, 202
Baron, R., 380
Baronga, the, 272
Basagala, the, 361
Basket, souls gathered into a, 72
Bastian, A., 252, 253
Basutos, burial custom of the, 107;
purification of warriors among the, 172
Bathing (washing) as a ceremonial purification, 141, 142, 150, 153, 168,
169, 172, 173, 175, 179, 183, 192, 198, 219, 220, 222, 285,
286
Ba-Thonga, the, 141, 154, 163, 202
Battas or Bataks of Sumatra, 34, 45, 46, 65, 116, 296
Bavili, the, 78
Bawenda, the, 243
Bayazid, the Sultan, and his soul, 50
Beans, prohibition to touch or name, 13 _sq._
Bear, the polar, taboos concerning, 209;
customs observed by Lapps after killing a, 221
Bears not to be called by their proper names, 397 _sq._, 399, 402
Bechuanas, purification of manslayers among the, 172 _sq._, 174
Bed, feet of, smeared with mud, 14;
prohibition to sleep in a, 194
Beef and milk not to be eaten at the same meal, 292
Beer, continence observed at brewing, 200
Bells as talismans, 235
Benin, kings of, 123, 243
Bentley, R., 33 _n._3
Besisis, the, 87
Beveridge, P., 363 _sq._
Bird, soul conceived as a, 33 _sqq._
Birds, ghosts of slain as, 177 _sq._;
cause headache through clipped hair, 270 _sq._, 282
Birth from a golden image, pretence of, 113;
premature, 213. _See_ Miscarriage
Bismarck Archipelago, 128
Bites of ants used as purificatory ceremony, 105
Blackening faces of warriors, 163;
of manslayers, 169, 178, 181
Blackfoot Indians, 159 _n._
Black Mountain of southern France, 42
—— ox or black ram in magic, 154
Bladders, annual festival of, among the Esquimaux, 206 _sq._, 228
“Blessers” or sacred kings, 125 _n._
Blood put on doorposts, 15;
of slain, supposed effect of it on the slayer, 169;
smeared on person as a purification, 104, 115, 219;
drawn from bodies of manslayers, 176, 180;
tabooed, 239 _sqq._;
not eaten, 240 _sq._;
soul in the, 240, 241, 247, 250;
of game poured out, 241;
royal, not to be shed on the ground, 241 _sqq._;
unwillingness to shed, 243, 246 _sq._;
received on bodies of kinsfolk, 244 _sq._;
drops of, effaced, 245 _sq._;
horror of, 245;
of chief sacred, 248;
of women, dread of, 250 _sq._
—— of childbirth, supposed dangerous infection of, 152 _sqq._;
received on heads of friends or slaves, 245
—— -lickers, 246
Blowing upon knots, as a charm, 302, 304
Boa-constrictor, purification of man who has killed a, 221 _sq._
Boars, wild, not to be called by their proper names, 411, 415
Boas, Dr. Franz, 210 _sqq._, 214
Bodia or Bodio, a West African pontiff or fetish king, 14 _sq._, 23
Bodies, souls transferred to other, 49
Bodos, the, of Assam, 285
Boiled flesh tabooed, 185
Bolang Mongondo, a district in Celebes, 53, 279, 341
Bonds, no man in bonds allowed in priest’s house, 14
Bones of human bodies which have been eaten, special treatment of, 189
_sq._;
of the dead, their treatment after the decay of the flesh, 372 _n._5;
of dead disinterred and scraped, 373 _n._
Boobies, the, 8 _sq._
Born again, pretence of being, 113
Bornu, Sultan of, 120
Bororos, the, 34, 36
Bourke, Captain J. G., 184
Box, strayed soul caught in, 45, 70, 76
Bracelets as amulets, 315
Brahman student, his cut hair and nails, 277
Brahmans, their common and secret names, 322
Branches used in exorcism, 109
Breath of chief sacred, 136, 256
Breathing on a person as a mode of purification, 149
Brewing, continence observed at, 200, 201 _sq._
Bribri Indians, their ideas as to the uncleanness of women, 147, 149
Bride and bridegrooms, all knots on their garments unloosed, 299 _sq._
Bronze employed in expiatory rites, 226 _n._6;
priests to be shaved with, 226
—— knife to cut priest’s hair, 14
Brother and sister not allowed to mention each other’s names, 344
Brothers-in-law, their names not to be pronounced, 338, 342, 343, 344, 345
Buddha, Footprint of, 275
Building shadows into foundations, 89 _sq._
_Bukuru_, unclean, 147
Bulgarian building custom, 89
Burghead, 230
Burial under a running stream, 15
—— customs to prevent the escape of the soul, 51, 52
Burials, customs as to shadows at, 80 _sq._
Burma, kings of, 375
Burmese conception of the soul as a butterfly, 51 _sq._
Burning cut hair and nails to prevent them being used in sorcery, 281
_sqq._
Buryat shaman, his mode of recovering lost souls, 56 _sq._
Butterfly, the soul as a, 29 _n._1, 51 _sq._
Cacongo, King of, 115, 118
Caffre customs at circumcision, 156 _sq._
Caffres, “women’s speech” among the, 335 _sq._
Calabar, fetish king at, 22 _sq._
Calabashes, souls shut up in, 72
Calchaquis Indians, 31
Californian Indians, 352
Cambodia, kings of, 376
Camden, W., 68
Campbell, J., 384
Camphor, special language employed by searchers for, 405 _sqq._
Canelos Indians, 97
Cannibalism at hair-cutting, 264
Cannibals, taboos imposed on, among the Kwakiutl, 188 _sqq._
Canoe, fish offered to, 195
Canoes, continence observed at building, 202
Captives killed and eaten, 179 _sq._
Carayahis, the, 348
Caribou, taboos concerning, 208
Caribs, difference of language between men and women among the, 348
Caroline Islands, 25, 193, 290, 293
Caron’s _Account of Japan_, 4 _n._2
Carrier Indians, 215, 367
Catat, Dr., 98
Catlin, G., 182
Cats with stumpy tails, reason of, 128 _sq._
Cattle, continence observed for sake of, 204;
protected against wolves by charms, 307
Caul-fat extracted by Australian enemies, 303
“Cauld airn,” 233
Cazembes, the, 132
Celebes, 32, 33, 35;
hooking souls in, 30
Celibacy of holy milkmen, 15, 16
Ceremonial purity observed in war, 157
Ceremonies at the reception of strangers, 102 _sqq._;
at entering a strange land, 109 _sqq._;
purificatory, on return from a journey, 111 _sqq._;
observed after slaughter of panthers, lions, bears, serpents, etc., 219
_sqq._;
at hair-cutting, 264 _sqq._
Cetchwayo, King, 377
Chams, the, 202, 297
Change of language caused by taboo on the names of the dead, 358 _sqq._,
375;
caused by taboo on names of chiefs and kings, 375, 376 _sqq._
—— of names to deceive ghosts, 354 _sqq._
Charms to facilitate childbirth, 295 _sq._
Chastity. _See_ Continence
_Chegilla_, taboo, 137
Cheremiss, the, 391
Cherokee sorcery with spittle, 287 _sq._
Chiefs, foods tabooed to, 291, 292;
names of, tabooed, 376 _sq._, 378 _sq._, 381, 382
—— and kings tabooed, 131 _sqq._
—— sacred, not allowed to leave their enclosures, 124;
regarded as dangerous, 138
Child and father, supposed danger of resemblance between, 88 _sq._
Child’s nails bitten off, 262
Childbed, taboos imposed on women in, 147 _sqq._
Childbirth, precautions taken with mother at, 32, 33;
women tabooed at, 147 _sqq._;
confession of sins as a means of expediting, 216 _sq._;
women after, their hair shaved and burnt, 284;
homoeopathic magic to facilitate, 295 _sqq._;
knots untied at, 294, 296 _sq._, 297 _sq._
Children, young, tabooed, 262, 283;
parents named after their, 331 _sqq._
Chiloe, Indians of, 287, 324
China, custom at funerals in, 80;
Emperor of, 125, 375 _sq._
Chitomé or Chitombé, a pontiff of Congo, 5 _sq._, 7
Chittagong, 297
Choctaws, the, 181
Chuckchees, the, 358
Circumcision customs among the Caffres, 156 _sq._;
performed with flints, not iron, 227;
in Australia, 244
Circumlocutions adopted to avoid naming the dead, 350, 351, 354, 355;
employed by reapers, 412
Cities, guardian deities of, evoked by enemies, 391
Clasping of hands forbidden, 298
_Clavie_, the, at Burghead, 229 _sq._
Cleanliness fostered by superstition, 130;
personal, observed in war, 157, 158 _n._1
Clippings of hair, magic wrought through, 268 _sqq._, 275, 277, 278 _sq._
Clotaire, 259
Clothes of sacred persons tabooed, 131
Cloths used to catch souls, 46, 47, 48, 52, 53, 64, 67, 75 _sq._
Clotilde, Queen, 259
Cobra, ceremonies after killing a, 222 _sq._
Coco-nut oil made by chaste women, 201
_Codjour_, a priestly king, 132 _n._1
Coins, portraits of kings not stamped on, 98 _sq._
Comanches, the, 360
Combing the hair forbidden, 187, 203, 208, 264;
thought to cause storms, 271
Combs of sacred persons, 256
Common objects, names of, changed when they are the names of the dead, 358
_sqq._, 375, or the names of chiefs and kings, 375, 376 _sqq._
—— words tabooed, 392 _sqq._
Concealment of miscarriage in childbed, supposed effects of, 152 _sqq._
Concealment of personal names from fear of magic, 320 _sqq._
Conciliating the spirits of the land, 110 _sq._
Conduct, standard of, shifted from natural to supernatural basis, 213
_sq._
Confession of sins, 114, 191, 195, 211 _sq._, 214 _sqq._;
originally a magical ceremony, 217
Connaught, kings of, 11 _sq._
Consummation of marriage prevented by knots and locks, 299 _sqq._
Contagious magic, 246, 268, 272
Continence enjoined on people during the rounds of sacred pontiff, 5;
of Zapotec priests, 6;
of priests, 159 _n._
—— observed on eve of period of taboo, 11;
by those who have handled the dead, 142;
during war, 157, 158 _n._1, 161, 163, 164, 165;
after victory, 166 _sqq._, 175, 178, 179, 181;
by cannibals, 188;
by fishers and hunters, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 207;
by workers in salt-pans, 200;
at brewing beer, wine, and poison, 200 _sq._, 201 _sq._;
at baking, 201;
at making coco-nut oil, 201;
at building canoes, 202;
at house-building, 202;
at making or repairing dams, 202;
on trading voyages, 203;
after festivals, 204;
on journeys, 204;
while cattle are at pasture, 204;
by lion-killers and bear-killers, 220, 221;
before handling holy relics, 272;
by tabooed men, 293
Cooking, taboos as to, 147 _sq._, 156, 165, 169, 178, 185, 193, 194, 198,
209, 221, 256
Coptic church, 235, 310 _n._5
Cords, knotted, in magic, 302, 303 _sq._
Corea, clipped hair burned in, 283
—— kings of, 125;
not to be touched with iron, 226
Corpses, knots not allowed about, 310
Cousins, male and female, not allowed to mention each other’s names, 344
Covenant, spittle used in making a, 290
Covering up mirrors at a death, 94 _sq._
Cow bewitched, 93
Cowboy of the king of Unyoro, 159 _n._
Creek Indians, the, 156;
their war customs, 161
Crevaux, J., 105
Criminals shaved as a mode of purification, 287
Crocodiles not called by their proper names, 403, 410, 411, 415 _sq._
Crossing of legs forbidden, 295, 298 _sq._
Crown, imperial, as palladium, 4
Crystals used in divination, 56
Curr, E. M., 320 _sq._
Cursing at Athens, ritual of, 75
—— an enemy, Arab mode of, 312
Curtains to conceal kings, 120 _sq._
Cut hair and nails, disposal of, 267 _sqq._
Cuts made in the body as a mode of expelling demons or ghosts, 106 _sq._;
in bodies of manslayers, 174, 176, 180;
in bodies of slain, 176. _See also_ Incisions
Cutting the hair a purificatory ceremony, 283 _sqq._
Cynaetha, people of, 188
Cyzicus, council chamber at, 230
Dacotas, the, 181
Dahomey, the King of, 9;
royal family of, 243;
kings of, their “strong names,” 374
Dairi, the, or Mikado of Japan, 2, 4
Dairies, sacred, of the Todas, 15 _sqq._
Dairymen, sacred, of the Todas, 15 _sqq._
Damaras, the, 247
Dams, continence at making or repairing, 202
Dance of king, 123;
of successful head-hunters, 166
Dances of victory, 169, 170, 178, 182
Danger of being overshadowed by certain birds or people, 82 _sq._;
supposed, of portraits and photographs, 96 _sqq._;
supposed to attend contact with divine or sacred persons, such as chiefs
and kings, 132, 138
Darfur, 81;
Sultan of, 120
Dassera, festival of the, 316
Daughter-in-law, her name not to be pronounced, 338
David and the King of Moab, 273
Dawson, J., 347 _sq._
Dead, sacrifices to the, 15, 88;
taboos on persons who have handled the, 138 _sqq._;
souls of the dead all malignant, 145;
names of the dead tabooed, 349 _sqq._;
to name the dead a serious crime, 352;
names of the dead not borne by the living, 354;
reincarnation or resurrection of the dead in their namesakes, 365
_sqq._;
festivals of the, 367, 371
—— body, prohibition to touch, 14
Death, natural, of sacred king or priest, supposed fatal consequences of,
6, 7;
kept off by arrows, 31;
mourners forbidden to sleep in house after a death, 37;
custom of covering up mirrors at a, 94 _sq._;
from imagination, 135 _sqq._
Debt of civilisation to savagery, 421 _sq._
Defiled hands, 174. _See_ Hands
De Groot, J. J. M., 390
Demons, abduction of souls by, 58 _sqq._;
of disease expelled by pungent spices, pricks, and cuts, 105 _sq._;
and ghosts averse to iron, 232 _sqq._
Devils, abduction of souls by, 58 _sqq._
Dido, her magical rites, 312
Diet of kings and priests regulated, 291 _sqq._
Dieterich, A., 369 _n._3
Difference of language between husbands and wives, 347 _sq._;
between men and women, 348 _sq._
Diminution of shadow regarded with apprehension, 86 _sq._
Dio Chrysostom, on fame as a shadow, 86 _sq._
Diodorus Siculus, 12 _sq._
Dionysus in the city, festival of, 316
Disease, demons of, expelled by pungent spices, pricks, and cuts, 105
_sq._
Disenchanting strangers, various modes of, 102 _sqq._
Dishes, effect of eating out of sacred, 4;
of sacred persons tabooed, 131. _See_ Vessels
Disposal of cut hair and nails, 267 _sqq._
Divination by shoulder-blades of sheep, 229
Divinities, human, bound by many rules, 419 _sq._
Divorce of spiritual from temporal power, 17 _sqq._
Dobrizhoffer, Father M., 328, 360
Dog, prohibition to touch or name, 13
Dogs, bones of game kept from, 206;
unclean, 206;
tigers called, 402
Dolls or puppets employed for the restoration of souls to their bodies, 53
_sqq._, 62 _sq._
Doorposts, blood put on, 15
Doors opened to facilitate childbirth, 296, 297;
to facilitate death, 309
Doubles, spiritual, of men and animals, 28 _sq._
Doutté, E., 390
Dreams, absence of soul in, 36 _sqq._;
belief of savages in the reality of, 36 _sq._;
omens drawn from, 161
Drinking and eating, taboos on, 116 _sqq._;
modes of drinking for tabooed persons, 117 _sqq._, 120, 143, 146, 147,
148, 160, 182, 183, 185, 189, 197, 198, 256
Drought supposed to be caused by a concealed miscarriage, 153 _sq._
Dugong fishing, taboos in connexion with, 192
Dyaks, the Sea, 30;
their modes of recalling the soul, 47 _sq._, 52 _sq._, 55 _sq._, 60, 67;
taboos observed by head-hunters among the, 166 _sq._
Eagle, soul in form of, 34
—— -hunters, taboos observed by, 198 _sq._
Eagle-wood, special language employed by searchers for, 404
Eating out of sacred vessels, supposed effect of, 4
—— and drinking, taboos on, 116 _sqq._;
fear of being seen in the act of, 117 _sqq._
Eggs offered to demons, 110;
reason for breaking shells of, 129 _sq._
Egypt, rules of life observed by ancient kings of, 12 _sq._
Egyptian magicians, their power of compelling the deities, 389 _sq._
Egyptians, the ancient, their conception of the soul, 28;
their practice as to souls of the dead, 68 _sq._;
personal names among, 322
Elder brother, his name not to be pronounced, 341
Elder-tree, cut hair and nails inserted in an, 275 _sq._
Elephant-hunters, special language employed by, 404
Eleusinian priests, their names sacred, 382 _sq._
Elfin race averse to iron, 232 _sq._
Emetic as mode of purification, 175, 245;
pretended, in auricular confession, 214
Emin Pasha, 108
Epidemics attributed to evil spirits, 30
Epimenides, the Cretan seer, 50 _n._2
Esquimaux, their conception of the soul, 27;
their dread of being photographed, 96;
or Inuit, taboos observed by hunters among the, 205 _sq._;
namesakes of the dead among the, 371
Esthonians, the, 41 _sq._, 240
Ethical evolution, 218 _sq._
—— precepts developed out of savage taboos, 214
Ethiopia, kings of, 124
Euphemisms employed for certain animals, 397 _sqq._;
for smallpox, 400, 410, 411, 416
Europe, south-eastern, superstitions as to shadows in, 89 _sq._
Evil eye, the, 116 _sq._
Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast, 9;
rebirth of ancestors among the, 369
Execution, peculiar modes of, for members of royal families, 241 _sqq._
Executioners, customs observed by, 171 _sq._, 180 _sq._
Exorcising harmful influence of strangers, 102 _sqq._
Eye, the evil, 116 _sq._
Eyeos, the, 9
Faces veiled to avert evil influences, 120 _sqq._;
of warriors blackened, 163;
of manslayers blackened, 169
_Fàdy_, taboo, 327
Fafnir and Sigurd, 324
Fairies averse to iron, 229, 232 _sq._
Fasting, custom of, 157 _n._2, 159 _n._, 161, 162, 163, 182, 183, 189,
198, 199
Father and child, supposed danger of resemblance between, 88 _sq._
—— and mother, their names not to be mentioned, 337, 341
—— in-law, his name not to be pronounced by his daughter-in-law, 335
_sqq._, 343, 345, 346;
by his son-in-law, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343, 344
Fathers named after their children, 331 _sqq._
Faunus, consultation of, 314
Feast of Yams, 123
Feathers worn by manslayers, 180, 186 _n._1
Feet, not to wet the, 159. _See also_ Foot
Fernando Po, taboos observed by the kings of, 8 _sq._, 115, 123, 291
Festival of the Dead among the Hurons, 367
Fetish or taboo rajah, 24
—— kings in West Africa, 22 _sqq._
Fever, euphemism for, 400
“Field speech,” a special jargon employed by reapers, 410 _sq._, 411 _sq._
Fiji, catching away souls in, 69;
War King and Sacred King in, 21;
custom as to remains of food in, 117
Fijian chief, supposed effect of using his dishes or clothes, 131
—— conception of the soul, 29 _sq._, 92
—— custom of frightening away ghosts, 170
—— notion of absence of the soul in dreams, 39 _sq._
Fingers cut off as a sacrifice, 161
Finnish hunters, 398
Fire, rule as to removing fire from priest’s house, 13;
prohibition to blow the fire with the breath, 136, 256;
in purificatory rites, 108, 109, 111, 114, 197;
tabooed, 178, 182, 256 _sq._;
new, made by friction, 286
—— and Water, kingships of, 17
Firefly, soul in form of, 67
First-fruits, offering of, 5
Fish-traps, continence observed at making, 202
Fishermen, words tabooed by, 394 _sq._, 396, 408 _sq._, 415
Fishers and hunters tabooed, 190 _sqq._
Fison, Rev. Lorimer, 30 _n._1, 40 _n._1, 92 _n._3, 131 _n._2
Fits and convulsions set down to demons, 59
Flamen Dialis, taboos observed by the, 13 _sq._, 239, 248, 257, 275, 291,
293, 315 _sq._
Flaminica, rules observed by the, 14
Flannan Islands, 392
Flesh, boiled, not to be eaten by tabooed persons, 185;
diet restricted or forbidden, 291 _sqq._
Flints, not iron, cuts to be made with, 176;
use of, prescribed in ritual, 176;
sharp, circumcision performed with, 227
Fly, soul in form of, 39
Food, remnants of, buried as a precaution against sorcery, 118, 119, 127
_sq._, 129;
magic wrought by means of refuse of, 126 _sqq._;
taboos on leaving food over, 127 _sqq._;
not to be touched with hands, 138 _sqq._, 146 _sqq._, 166, 167, 168,
169, 174, 203, 265;
objection to have food over head, 256, 257
Foods tabooed, 291 _sqq._
Foot, custom of going with only one foot shod, 311 _sqq._ _See also_ Feet
Footprint in magic, 74;
of Buddha, 275
Forgetfulness, pretence of, 189
Forks used in eating by tabooed persons, 148, 168, 169, 203
Fors, the, of Central Africa, 281
Foundation sacrifices, 89 _sqq._
Fowl used in exorcism, 106
Fowlers, words tabooed by, 393, 407 _sq._
Foxes not to be mentioned by their proper names, 396, 397
Frankish kings, their unshorn hair, 258 _sq._
Fresh meat tabooed, 143
Fumigation as a mode of ceremonial purification, 155, 177
Funerals in China, custom as to shadows at, 80. _See also_ Burial, Burials
Furfo, 230
Gabriel, the archangel, 302, 303
_Gangas_, fetish priests, 291
Garments, effect of wearing sacred, 4
Gates, sacrifice of human beings at foundations of, 90 _sq._
Gatschet, A. S., 363
Gauntlet, running the, 222
Genitals of murdered people eaten, 190 _n._2
Getae, priestly kings of the, 21
Ghost of husband kept from his widow, 143;
fear of evoking the ghost by mentioning his name, 349 _sqq._;
chased into the grave at the end of mourning, 373 _sq._
Ghosts, sacrifices to, 56, 247;
draw away the souls of their kinsfolk, 51 _sqq._;
draw out men’s shadows, 80;
as guardians of gates, 90 _sq._;
kept off by thorns, 142;
and demons averse to iron, 232 _sqq._;
fear of wounding, 237 _sq._;
swept out of house, 238;
names changed in order to deceive ghosts or to avoid attracting their
attention, 354 _sqq._
Ghosts of animals, dread of, 223
—— of the slain haunt their slayers, 165 _sqq._;
fear of the, 165 _sqq._;
sacrifices to, 166;
scaring away the, 168, 170, 171, 172, 174 _sq._;
as birds, 177 _sq._
Gilyaks, the, 370
Ginger in purificatory rites, 105, 151
Gingiro, kingdom of, 18
Girls at puberty obliged to touch everything in house, 225 _n._;
their hair torn out, 284
Goajiro Indians, 30, 350
Goat, prohibition to touch or name, 13;
transference of guilt to, 214 _sq._
—— -sucker, shadow of the, 82
God, “the most great name” of, 390
—— -man a source of danger, 132;
bound by many rules, 419 _sq._
Gods, their names tabooed, 387 _sqq._;
Xenophanes on the, 387;
human, bound by many rules, 419 _sq._ _See also_ Myths
Gold excluded from some temples, 226 _n._8
—— and silver as totems, 227 _n._
—— mines, spirits of the, treated with deference, 409 _sq._
Goldie, H., 22
Gollas, the, 149
Good Friday, 229
Goorkhas, the, 316
Gordian knot, 316 _sq._
Gran Chaco, Indians of the, 37, 38, 357
Grandfathers, grandsons named after their deceased, 370
Grandidier, A., 380 _sq._
Grandmothers, granddaughters named after their deceased, 370
Grass knotted as a charm, 305, 310
Grave, soul fetched from, 54
—— -clothes, no knots in, 310
—— -diggers, taboos observed by, 141, 142
Graves, food offered on, 53;
water poured on, as a rain-charm, 154 _sq._
Great Spirit, sacrifice of fingers to the, 161
Grebo people of Sierra Leone, 14
Greek conception of the soul, 29 _n._1
—— customs as to manslayers, 188
Grey, Sir George, 364 _sq._
_Grihya-Sûtras_, 277
Grimm, J., 305 _n._1
Ground, prohibition to touch the, 3, 4, 6;
not to sit on the, 159, 162, 163;
not to set foot on, 180;
royal blood not to be shed on the, 241 _sqq._
Guardian deities of cities, 391
Guaycurus, the, 357
Guiana, Indians of, 324
Gypsy superstition about portraits, 100
Haida medicine-men, 31
Hair, mode of cutting the Mikado’s, 3;
cut with bronze knife, 14;
of manslayers shaved, 175, 176;
of slain enemy, fetish made from, 183;
not to be combed, 187, 203, 208, 264;
tabooed, 258 _sqq._;
of kings, priests, and wizards unshorn, 258 _sqq._;
regarded as the seat of a god or spirit, 258, 259, 263;
kept unshorn at certain times, 260 _sqq._;
offered to rivers, 261;
of children unshorn, 263;
magic wrought through clippings of, 268 _sqq._, 275, 277, 278 _sq._;
cut or combed out may cause rain and thunderstorms, 271, 272, 282;
clippings of, used as hostages, 272 _sq._;
infected by virus of taboo, 283 _sq._;
cut as a purificatory ceremony, 283 _sqq._;
of women after childbirth shaved and burnt, 284;
loosened at childbirth, 297 _sq._;
loosened in magical and religious ceremonies, 310 _sq._
—— and nails of sacred persons not cut, 3, 4, 16
—— and nails, cut, disposal of, 267 _sqq._;
deposited on or under trees, 14, 275 _sq._, 286;
deposited in sacred places, 274 _sqq._;
stowed away in any secret place, 276 _sqq._;
kept for use at the resurrection, 279 _sqq._;
burnt to prevent them from falling into the hands of sorcerers, 281
_sqq._
—— -cutting, ceremonies at, 264 _sqq._
Hands tabooed, 138, 140 _sqq._, 146 _sqq._, 158, 159 _n._, 265;
food not to be touched with, 138 _sqq._, 146 _sqq._, 166, 167, 168, 169,
174, 265;
defiled, 174;
not to be clasped, 298
Hanun, King of Moab, 273
Hawaii, 72, 106;
customs as to chiefs and shadows in, 255
Head, stray souls restored to, 47, 48, 52, 53 _sq._, 64, 67;
prohibition to touch the, 142, 183, 189, 252 _sq._, 254, 255 _sq._;
plastered with mud, 182;
the human, regarded as sacred, 252 _sqq._;
tabooed, 252 _sqq._;
supposed to be the residence of spirits, 252;
objection to have any one overhead, 253 _sqq._;
washing the, 253
—— -hunters, customs of, 30, 36, 71 _sq._, 111, 166 _sq._, 169 _sq._
Headache caused by clipped hair, 270 _sq._, 282
Heads of manslayers shaved, 177
Hearne, S., quoted, 184 _sqq._
Hebesio, god of thunder, 257
Hercules and Alcmena, 298 _sq._
Herero, the, 151, 177, 225 _n._
Hermotimus of Clazomenae, 50
Hidatsa Indians, taboos observed by eagle-hunters among the, 198 _sq._
Hierapolis, temple of Astarte at, 286
Hiro, thief-god, 69
Historical tradition hampered by the taboo on the names of the dead, 363
_sqq._
Holiness and pollution not differentiated by savages, 224
Hollis, A. C., 200 _n._3
Holy water, sprinkling with, 285 _sq._
Homicides. See Manslayers
Homoeopathic magic, 151, 152, 207, 295, 298
Honey-wine, continence observed at brewing, 200
Hooks to catch souls, 30 _sq._, 51
Horse, prohibition to see a, 9;
prohibition to ride, 13
Hos of Togoland, the, 295, 301
Hostages, clipped hair used as, 272 _sq._
Hottentots, the, 220
House, ceremony at entering a new, 63 _sq._;
taboos on quitting the, 122 _sqq._
—— building, custom as to shadows at, 81, 89 _sq._;
continence observed at, 202
Howitt, A. W., 269
Huichol Indians, 197
Human gods bound by many rules, 419 _sq._
—— sacrifices at foundation of buildings, 90 _sq._
Humbe, a kingdom of Angola, 6
Hunters use knots as charms, 306;
words tabooed by, 396, 398, 399, 400, 402, 404, 410
—— and fishers tabooed, 190 _sqq._
Hurons, the, 366;
their conception of the soul, 27;
their Festival of the Dead, 367
Husband’s ghost kept from his widow, 143
—— name not to be pronounced by his wife, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339
Husbands and wives, difference of language between, 347 _sq._
Huzuls, the, 270, 314
Ilocanes of Luzon, 44
Imagination, death from, 135 _sqq._
Imitative or homoeopathic magic, 295
Impurity of manslayers, 167
Incas of Peru, 279
Incisions made in bodies of warriors as a preparation for war, 161;
in bodies of slain, 176;
in bodies of manslayers, 174, 176, 180.
_See also_ Cuts
Incontinence of young people supposed to be fatal to the king, 6
India, names of animals tabooed in, 401 _sqq._
Indians of North America, their customs on the war-path, 158 _sqq._;
their fear of naming the dead, 351 _sqq._
Infants tabooed, 255
Infection, supposed, of lying-in women, 150 _sqq._
Infidelity of wife supposed to be fatal to hunter, 197
Initiation, custom of covering the mouth after, 122;
taboos observed by novices at, 141 _sq._, 156 _sq._;
new names given at, 320
Injury to a man’s shadow conceived as an injury to the man, 78 _sqq._
Inspiration, primitive theory of, 248
Intercourse with wives enjoined before war, 164 _n._1;
enjoined on manslayers, 176. _See also_ Continence
Intoxication accounted inspiration, 248, 249, 250
Inuit. _See_ Esquimaux
Ireland, taboos observed by the ancient kings of, 11 _sq._
Irish custom as to a fall, 68;
as to friends’ blood, 244 _sq._
Iron not to be touched, 167;
tabooed, 176, 225 _sqq._;
used as a charm against spirits, 232 _sqq._
—— instruments, use of, tabooed, 205, 206
—— rings as talismans, 235
Iroquois, the, 352, 385
Isis and Ra, 387 _sqq._
Israelites, rules of ceremonial purity observed by the Israelites in war,
157 _sq._, 177
Issini, the, 171
Itonamas, the, 31
Ivy, prohibition to touch or name, 13 _sq._
Ja-Luo, the, 79
Jackals, tigers called, 402, 403
Jackson, Professor Henry, 21 _n._3
Japan, the Mikado of, 2 _sqq._;
Kaempfer’s history of, 3 _n._2;
Caron’s account of, 4 _n._2
Jars, souls conjured into, 70
Jason and Pelias, 311 _sq._
Java, 34, 35
Jebu, the king of, 121
Jewish hunters, their customs as to blood of game, 241
Jinn, the servants of their magical names, 390
Journey, purificatory ceremonies on return from a, 111 _sqq._;
continence observed on a, 204;
hair kept unshorn on a, 261
Jumping over wife or children as a ceremony, 112, 164 _n._1
Juno Lucina, 294
Junod, H. A., 152 _sqq._, 420 _n._1
Jupiter Liber, temple of, at Furfo, 230
_Ka_, the ancient Egyptian, 28
Kachins of Burma, 200
Kaempfer’s _History of Japan_, 3 _sq._
Kafirs of the Hindoo Koosh, 13 _n._6, 14 _n._2
Kaitish, the, 82, 295
Kalamba, the, a chief in the Congo region, 114
_Kami_, the Japanese word for god, 2 _n._2
Kamtchatkans, their attempts to deceive mice, 399
Karaits, the, 95
Karen-nis of Burma, the, 13
Karens, the Red, of Burma, 292;
their recall of the soul, 43;
their customs at funerals, 51
Karo-Bataks, 52. _See also_ Battas
_Katikiro_, the, of Uganda, 145 _n._4
Kavirondo, 176
Kayans of Borneo, 32, 47, 110, 164, 239
Kei Islanders, 53
Kenyahs of Borneo, 43, 415
Key as symbol of delivery in childbed, 296
Keys as charms against devils and ghosts, 234, 235, 236;
as amulets, 308. _See also_ Locks
Khonds, rebirth of ancestors among the, 368 _sq._
Kickapoos, the, 171
Kidd, Dudley, 88 _n._
King not to be overshadowed, 83
—— of the Night, 23
King’s Evil, the, 134
Kings, supernatural powers attributed to, 1;
beaten before their coronation, 18;
forbidden to see their mothers, 86;
portraits of, not stamped on coins, 98 _sq._;
guarded against the magic of strangers, 114 _sq._;
forbidden to use foreign goods, 115;
not to be seen eating and drinking, 117 _sqq._;
concealed by curtains, 120 _sq._;
forbidden to leave their palaces, 122 _sqq._;
compelled to dance, 123;
punished or put to death, 124;
not to be touched, 132, 225 _sq._;
their hair unshorn, 258 _sq._;
foods tabooed to, 291 _sq._;
names of, tabooed, 374 _sqq._;
taboos observed by, identical with those observed by commoners, 419
_sq._
Kings and chiefs tabooed, 131 _sqq._;
their spittle guarded against sorcerers, 289 _sq._
—— fetish or religious, in West Africa, 22 _sqq._
Kingsley, Miss Mary H., 22 _n._3, 71, 123 _n._2, 251
Kiowa Indians, 357, 360
Klallam Indians, the, 354
Knife as charm against spirits, 232, 233, 234, 235
Knives not to be left edge upwards, 238;
not used at funeral banquets, 238
Knot, the Gordian, 316 _sq._
Knots, prohibition to wear, 13;
untied at childbirth, 294, 296 _sq._, 297 _sq._;
thought to prevent the consummation of marriage, 299 _sqq._;
thought to cause sickness, disease, and all kinds of misfortune, 301
_sqq._;
used to cure disease, 303 _sqq._;
used to win a lover or capture a runaway slave, 305 _sq_.;
used as protective amulets, 306 _sqq._;
used as charms by hunters and travellers, 306;
as a charm to protect corn from devils, 308 _sq._;
on corpses untied, 310
—— and locks, magical virtue of, 310, 313
—— and rings tabooed, 293 _sqq._
Koita, the, 168
Koryak, the, 32
Kruijt, A. C., 319
Kublai Khan, 242
Kukulu, a priestly king, 5
Kwakiutl, the, 53;
customs observed by cannibals among the, 188 _sqq._;
change of names in summer and winter among the, 386
_Kwun_, the spirit of the head, 252;
supposed to reside in the hair, 266 _sq._
Lafitau, J. F., 365 _sq._
Lampong in Sumatra, 10
Lamps to light the ghosts to their old homes, 371
Language of husbands and wives, difference between, 347 sq.;
of men and women, difference between, 348 _sq._
—— change of, caused by taboo on the names of the dead, 358 _sqq._, 375;
caused by taboo on the names of chiefs and kings, 375, 376 _sqq._
—— special, employed by hunters, 396, 398, 399, 400, 402, 404, 410;
employed by searchers for eagle-wood and _lignum aloes_, 404;
employed by searchers for camphor, 405 _sqq._;
employed by miners, 407, 409;
employed by reapers at harvest, 410 _sq._, 411 _sq._;
employed by sailors at sea, 413 _sqq._
Laos, 306
Lapps, the, 294;
their customs after killing a bear, 221;
rebirth of ancestors among the, 368
Latuka, the, 245
Leaning against a tree prohibited to warriors, 162, 163
Leavened bread, prohibition to touch, 13
Leaving food over, taboos on, 126 _sqq._
Leavings of food, magic wrought by means of, 118, 119, 126 _sqq._
Legs not to be crossed, 295, 298 _sq._
Leinster, kings of, 11
_Leleen_, the, 129
Lengua Indians of the Gran Chaco, 38, 357
Leonard, A. G., Major, 136 _sq._
Lesbos, building custom in, 89
Lewis, Rev. Thomas, 420 _n._1
Life in the blood, 241, 250
Limbs, amputated, kept by the owners against the resurrection, 281
Lion-killer, purification of, 176, 220
Lions not called by their proper names, 400
Lithuanians, the old, their funeral banquets, 238
Liver, induration of the, attributed to touching sacred chief, 133
Lizard, soul in form of, 38
Loango, taboos observed by kings of, 8, 9;
taboos observed by heir to throne of, 291
—— king of, forbidden to see a white man’s house, 115;
not to be seen eating or drinking, 117 _sq._;
confined to his palace, 123;
refuse of his food buried, 129
Locks unlocked at childbirth, 294, 296;
thought to prevent the consummation of marriage, 299;
as amulets, 308, 309;
unlocked to facilitate death, 309
—— and knots, magical virtue of, 309 _sq._ _See also_ Keys
Lolos, the, 43
Look back, not to, 157
Loom, men not allowed to touch a, 164
Loss of the shadow regarded as ominous, 88
Lovers won by knots, 305
Lucan, 390
Lucian, 270, 382
Lucina, 294, 398 _sq._
Lucky names, 391 _n._1
Lycaeus, sanctuary of Zeus on Mount, 88
Lycosura, sanctuary of the Mistress at, 227 _n._, 314
Lying-in women, dread of, 150 _sqq._;
sacred, 151
Mack, an adventurer, 19
Macusi Indians, 36, 159 _n._
Madagascar, names of chiefs and kings tabooed in, 378 _sqq._
Magic wrought by means of refuse of food, 126 _sqq._;
sympathetic, 126, 130, 164, 201, 204, 258, 268, 287;
homoeopathic, 151, 152, 207, 295, 298;
contagious, 246, 268, 272;
wrought through clippings of hair, 268 _sqq._, 275, 277, 278 _sq._;
wrought on a man through his name, 318, 320 _sqq._
Magicians, Egyptian, their power of compelling the deities, 389 _sq._
Mahafalys of Madagascar, the, 10
Makalaka, the, 369
Makololo, the, 281
Malagasy language, dialectical variations of, 378 _sq._, 380
Malanau tribes of Borneo, 406
Malay conception of the soul as a bird, 34 _sqq._
—— miners, fowlers, and fishermen, special forms of speech employed by,
407 _sqq._
—— Peninsula, art of abducting human souls in the, 73 _sqq._
Maldives, the, 274
Mandalay, 90, 125
Mandan Indians, 97
Mandelings of Sumatra, 296
Mangaia, separation of religious and civil authority in, 20
Mangaians, the, 87
Manipur, hill tribes of, 292
Mannikin, the soul conceived as a, 26 _sqq._
Manslayers, purification of, 165 _sqq._;
secluded, 165 _sqq._;
tabooed, 165 _sqq._;
haunted by ghosts of slain, 165 _sqq._;
their faces blackened, 169;
their bodies painted, 175, 178, 179, 180, 186 _n._1;
their hair shaved, 175, 177
Maori chiefs, their sanctity or taboo, 134 _sqq._;
their heads sacred, 256
—— language, synonyms in the, 381
Maoris, persons who have handled the dead tabooed among the, 138 _sq._;
tabooed on the war-path, 157
Marco Polo, 242, 243
Marianne Islands, 288
Mariner, W., quoted, 140
Mariners at sea, special language employed by, 413 _sqq._
Marquesans, the, 31;
their regard for the sanctity of the head, 254 _sq._;
their customs as to the hair, 261 _sq._;
their dread of sorcery, 268
Marquesas Islands, 178
Marriage, the consummation of, prevented by knots and locks, 299 _sqq._
Masai, the, 200, 309, 329, 354 _sq._, 356, 361
Matthews, Dr. Washington, 385
Meal sprinkled to keep off evil spirits, 112
Measuring shadows, 89 _sq._
—— -tape deified, 91 _sq._
Mecca, pilgrims to, not allowed to wear knots and rings, 293 _sq._
Medes, law of the, 121
Mekeo district of New Guinea, 24
Men injured through their shadows, 78 _sqq._
—— and women, difference of language between, 348 _sq._
Menedemus, 227
Menstruation, women tabooed at, 145 _sqq._
Menstruous women, dread of, 145 _sqq._, 206;
avoidance of, by hunters, 211
Mentras, the, 404
Merolla da Sorrento, 137
Mice thought to understand human speech, 399;
not to be called by their proper names, 399, 415
Midas and his ass’s ears, 258 _n._1;
king of Gordium, 316
Mikado, rules of life of the, 2 _sqq._;
supposed effect of using his dishes or clothes, 131;
the cutting of his hair and nails, 265
Mikados, their relations to the Tycoons, 19
Miklucho-Maclay, Baron N. von, 109
Milk, custom as to drinking, 119;
prohibition to drink, 141;
not to be drunk by wounded men, 174 _sq._;
wine called, 249 _n._2;
and beef not to be eaten at the same meal, 292
Milkmen of the Todas, taboos observed by the holy, 15 _sqq._
Miller, Hugh, 40
Minahassa, a district of Celebes, 99;
the Alfoors of, 63
Minangkabauers of Sumatra, 32, 36, 41
Miners, special language employed by, 407, 409
Mirrors, superstitions as to, 93;
covered after a death, 94 _sq._
Miscarriage in childbed, dread of, 149, 152 _sqq._;
supposed danger of concealing a, 211, 213
Moab, Arabs of, 280;
their custom of shaving prisoners, 273
Moabites, King David’s treatment of the, 273 _sq._
Mohammed bewitched by a Jew, 302 _sq._
Mongols, their recall of the soul, 44;
sacred books of the, 384
Montezuma, 121
Monumbos, the, 169, 238
Mooney, J., 318 _sqq._
Moquis, the, 228
Moral guilt regarded as a corporeal pollution, 217 _sq._
Morality developed out of taboo, 213 _sq._;
shifted from a natural to a supernatural basis, 213;
survival of savage taboos in civilised, 218 _sq._
Morice, A. G., 146 _sq._
Mosyni or Mosynoeci, the, 124
Mother-in-law, the savage’s dread of his, 83 _sqq._;
her name not to be mentioned by her son-in-law, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342,
343, 344, 345, 346
Mothers, African kings forbidden to see their, 86;
named after their children, 332, 333
Mourners, customs observed by, 31 _sq._, 159 n.;
tabooed, 138 _sqq._;
bodies of, smeared with mud or clay, 182 _n._2;
hair and nails of, cut at end of mourning, 285 _sq._
Mourning of slayers for the slain, 181
Mouse, soul in form of, 37, 39 _n._2
Mouth closed to prevent escape of soul, 31, 33;
soul in the, 33;
covered to prevent entrance of demons, etc., 122
Muata Jamwo, the, 118, 290
Mud smeared on feet of bed, 14;
plastered on head, 182
Munster, kings of, 11
Murderers, taboos imposed on, 187 _sq._
Murrams, the, of Manipur, 292
Muysca Indians, 121
Myths of gods and spirits to be told only in spring and summer, 384;
to be told only in winter, 385 _sq._;
not to be told by day, 384 _sq._
Nails, prohibition to cut finger-nails, 194;
of children not pared, 262 _sq._
—— and hair, cut, disposal of, 267 _sqq._;
deposited in sacred places, 274 _sqq._;
stowed away in any secret place, 276 _sqq._;
kept for use at the resurrection, 279 _sqq._;
burnt to prevent them from falling into the hands of sorcerers, 281
_sqq._
Nails, iron, used as charms against fairies, demons, and ghosts, 233, 234,
236
—— parings of, used in rain-charms, 271, 272;
swallowed by treaty-makers, 246, 274
Name, the personal, regarded as a vital part of the man, 318 _sqq._;
identified with the soul, 319;
the same, not to be borne by two living persons, 370
Names of relations tabooed, 335 _sqq._;
changed to deceive ghosts, 354 _sqq._;
of common objects changed when they are the names of the dead, 358
_sqq._, 375, or the names of chiefs and kings, 375, 376
_sqq._;
of ancestors bestowed on their reincarnations, 368 _sq._;
of kings and chiefs tabooed, 374 _sqq._;
of supernatural beings tabooed, 384 _sqq._;
of gods tabooed, 387 _sqq._;
of spirits and gods, magical virtue of, 389 _sqq._;
of Roman gods not to be mentioned, 391 _n._1;
lucky, 391 _n._1;
of dangerous animals not to be mentioned, 396 _sqq._
Names, new, given to the sick and old, 319;
new, at initiation, 320
—— of the dead tabooed, 349 _sqq._;
not borne by the living, 354;
revived after a time, 365 _sqq._
—— personal, tabooed, 318 sqq.;
kept secret from fear of magic, 320 _sqq._;
different in summer and winter, 386
Namesakes of the dead change their names to avoid attracting the attention
of the ghost, 355 _sqq._;
of deceased persons regarded as their reincarnations, 365 _sqq._
Naming the dead a serious crime, 352, 354;
of children, solemnities at the, connected with belief in the
reincarnation of ancestors in their namesakes, 372
Namosi, in Fiji, 264
Nandi, the, 175, 273, 310, 330
Nanumea, island of, 102
Narbrooi, a spirit or god, 60
Narcissus and his reflection, 94
Narrinyeri, the, 126 _sq._
Natchez, customs of manslayers among the, 181
_Nats_, demons, 90
Natural death of sacred king or priest, supposed fatal consequences of, 6,
7
Navajo Indians, 112 _sq._, 325, 385
Navel-string used to recall the soul, 48
Nazarite, vow of the, 262
Nelson, E. W., 228, 237
Nets to catch souls, 69 _sq._;
as amulets, 300, 307
New Britain, 85
—— Caledonia, 92, 141
—— everything, excites awe of savages, 230 _sqq._
—— fire made by friction, 286
—— Hebrides, the, 56, 127
—— names given to the sick and old, 319;
at initiation, 320
—— Zealand, sanctity of chiefs in, 134 _sqq._
Nias, island of, conception of the soul in, 29;
custom of the people of, 107;
special language of hunters in, 410;
special language employed by reapers in, 410 _sq._
Nicknames used in order to avoid the use of the real names, 321, 331
Nicobar Islands, customs as to shadows at burials in the, 80 _sq._
Nicobarese, the, 357;
changes in their language, 362 _sq._
Nieuwenhuis, Dr. A. W., 99
Night, King of the, 23
Nine knots in magic, 302, 303, 304
Noon, sacrifices to the dead at, 88;
superstitious dread of, 88
Nootka Indians, their idea of the soul, 27;
customs of girls at puberty among the, 146 _n._1;
their preparation for war, 160 _sq._
North American Indians, their dread of menstruous women, 145;
their theory of names, 318 _sq._
Norway, superstition as to parings of nails in, 283
Nose stopped to prevent the escape of the soul, 31, 71
Nostrils, soul supposed to escape by the, 30, 32, 33, 122
Novelties excite the awe of savages, 230 _sqq._
Novices at initiation, taboos observed by, 141 _sq._, 156 _sq._
Nubas, the, 132
Nufoors of New Guinea, 332, 341, 415
Obscene language in ritual, 154, 155
O’Donovan, E., 304
Oesel, island of, 42
Ojebways, the, 160
Oldfield, A., 350
Omahas, customs as to murderers among the, 187
Omens, reliance on, 110
One shoe on and one shoe off, 311 _sqq._
Ongtong Java Islands, 107
Onitsha, the king of, 123
Opening everything in house to facilitate childbirth, 296 _sq._
Orestes, the matricide, 188, 287
Oro, war god, 69
Orotchis, the, 232
Ot Danoms, the, 103
Ottawa Indians, the, 78
Ovambo, the, 227
Overshadowed, danger of being, 82 _sq._
Ovid, on loosening the hair, 311
Ox, purification by passing through the body of an, 173
Padlocks as amulets, 307
Painting bodies of manslayers, 175, 178, 179, 180, 186 _n._1
Palaces, kings not allowed to leave their, 122 _sqq._
_Pantang_, taboo, 405
Panther, ceremonies at the slaughter of a, 219
Parents named after their children, 331 _sqq._
—— -in-law, their names not to be pronounced, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342
Partition of spiritual and temporal power between religious and civil
kings, 17 _sqq._
Patagonians, the, 281
Paton, W. R., 382 _n._4, 383 _n._1
Pawnees, the, 228
Peace, ceremony at making, 274
Pelias and Jason, 311
Pentateuch, the, 219
Pepper in purificatory rites, 106, 114
Perils of the soul, 26 _sqq._
Perseus and the Gorgon, 312
Persian kings, their custom at meals, 119
Persons, tabooed, 131 _sqq._
Philosophy, primitive, 420 _sq._
_Phong long_, ill luck caused by women in childbed, 155
Photographed or painted, supposed danger of being, 96 _sqq._
Pictures, supposed danger of, 96 _sq._
Pig, the word unlucky, 233
Pigeons, special language employed by Malays in snaring, 407 _sq._
Pilgrims to Mecca not allowed to wear knots and rings, 293 _sq._
Pimas, the purification of manslayers among the, 182 _sqq._
Plataea, Archon of, forbidden to touch iron, 227;
escape of besieged from, 311
Pliny on crossed legs and clasped hands, 298;
on knotted threads, 303
Plutarch, 249
Poison, continence observed at brewing, 200
—— ordeal, 15
Polar bear, taboos concerning the, 209
Polemarch, the, at Athens, 22
Pollution or sanctity, their equivalence in primitive religion, 145, 158,
224
—— and holiness not differentiated by savages, 224
Polynesia, names of chiefs tabooed in, 381
Polynesian chiefs sacred, 136
_Pons Sublicius_, 230
Port Moresby, 203
Porto Novo, 23
Portraits, souls in, 96 _sqq._;
supposed dangers of, 96 _sqq._
Powers, S., 326
Pregnancy, husband’s hair kept unshorn during wife’s, 261;
conduct of husband during wife’s, 294, 295;
superstitions as to knots during wife’s, 294 _sq._
Pregnant women, their superstitions about shadows, 82 _sq._
Premature birth, 213. _See_ Miscarriage
Pricking patient with needles to expel demons of disease, 106
Priests to be shaved with bronze, 226;
their hair unshorn, 259, 260;
foods tabooed to, 291
Prisoners shaved, 273;
released at festivals, 316
Propitiation of the souls of the slain, 166;
of spirits of slain animals, 190, 204 _sq._;
of ancestors, 197
Prussians, the old, their funeral feasts, 238
_Pulque_, 201, 249
Puppets or dolls employed for the restoration of souls to their bodies, 53
_sqq._
Purge as mode of ceremonial purification, 175
Purification of city, 188;
of Pimas after slaying Apaches, 182 _sqq._;
of hunters and fishers, 190 _sq._;
of moral guilt by physical agencies, 217 _sq._;
by cutting the hair, 283 _sqq._
—— of manslayers, 165 _sqq._;
intended to rid them of the ghosts of the slain, 186 _sq._
Purificatory ceremonies at reception of strangers, 102 _sqq._;
on return from a journey, 111 _sqq._
Purity, ceremonial, observed in war, 157
Pygmies, the African, 282
Pythagoras, maxims of, 314 _n._2
Python, punishment for killing a, 222
Quartz used at circumcision instead of iron, 227
Queensland, aborigines of, 159 _n._
Ra and Isis, 387 _sqq._
Rabbah, siege of, 273
Rain caused by cut or combed out hair, 271, 272;
word for, not to be mentioned, 413
—— -charm by pouring water, 154 _sq._
—— -makers, their hair unshorn, 259 _sq._
Rainbow, the, a net for souls, 79
_Ramanga_, 246
Raven, soul as a, 34
Raw flesh not to be looked on, 239
—— meat, prohibition to touch or name, 13
Reapers, special language employed by, 410 _sq._, 411 _sq._
Reasoning, definite, at the base of savage custom, 420 _n._1
Rebirth of ancestors in their descendants, 368 _sq._
Recall of the soul, 30 _sqq._
Red, bodies of manslayers painted, 175, 179;
faces of manslayers painted, 185, 186 _n._1
Reflection, the soul identified with the, 92 _sqq._
Reflections in water or mirrors, supposed dangers of, 93 _sq._
Refuse of food, magic wrought by means of, 126 _sqq._
Regeneration, pretence of, 113
Reincarnation of the dead in their namesakes, 365 _sqq._;
of ancestors in their descendants, 368 _sqq._
Reindeer, taboos concerning, 208
Relations, names of, tabooed, 335 _sqq._
Relationship, terms of, used as terms of address, 324 _sq._
Release of prisoners at festivals, 316
Religion, passage of animism into, 213
Reluctance to accept sovereignty on account of taboos attached to it, 17
_sqq._
Remnants of food buried as a precaution against sorcery, 118, 119, 127
_sq._, 129
Resemblance of child to father, supposed danger of, 88 _sq._
Resurrection, cut hair and nails kept for use at the, 279 _sq._
—— of the dead effected by giving their names to living persons, 365
_sqq._
Rhys, Professor Sir John, 12 _n._2;
on personal names, 319
Rice used to attract the soul conceived as a bird, 34 _sqq._, 45 _sqq._;
soul of, not to be frightened, 412
—— -harvest, special language employed by reapers at, 410 _sq._, 411 _sq._
Ring, broken, 13;
on ankle as badge of office, 15
Rings used to prevent the escape of the soul, 31;
as spiritual fetters, 313 _sqq._;
as amulets, 314 _sqq._;
not to be worn, 314
—— and knots tabooed, 293 _sqq._
Rivers, Dr. W. H. R., 17
Rivers, prohibition to cross, 9 _sq._
Robertson, Sir George Scott, 14 _notes_
Roepstorff, F. A. de, 362 _sq._
Roman gods, their names not to be mentioned, 391 _n._1
—— superstition about crossed legs, 298
Romans, their evocation of gods of besieged cities, 391
Rome, name of guardian deity of Rome kept secret, 391
Roscoe, Rev. J., 85 _n._1, 145 _n._4, 195 _n._1, 254 _n._5, 277 _n._10
Roth, W. E., 356
Rotti, custom as to cutting child’s hair in the island of, 276, 283;
custom as to knots at marriage in the island of, 301
Roumanian building superstition, 89
Royal blood not to be shed on the ground, 241 _sqq._
Royalty, the burden of, 1 _sqq._
Rules of life observed by sacred kings and priests, 1 _sqq._
Runaways, knots as charm to stop, 305 _sq._
Russell, F., 183 _sq._
Sabaea or Sheba, kings of, 124
Sacred chiefs and kings regarded as dangerous, 131 _sqq._, 138;
their analogy to mourners, homicides, and women at menstruation and
childbirth, 138
Sacred and unclean, correspondence of rules regarding the, 145
Sacrifices to ghosts, 56, 166;
to the dead, 88;
at foundation of buildings, 89 _sqq._;
to ancestral spirits, 104
Sagard, Gabriel, 366 _sq._
Sahagun, B. de, 249
Sailors at sea, special language employed by, 413 _sqq._
Sakais, the, 348
Sakalavas of Madagascar, the, 10, 327;
customs as to names of dead kings among the, 379 _sq._
Salish Indians, 66
Salmon, taboos concerning, 209
Salt not to be eaten, 167, 182, 184, 194, 195, 196;
name of, tabooed, 401
—— -pans, continence observed by workers in, 200
Samoyeds, 353
Sanctity of the head, 252 _sqq._
—— or pollution, their equivalence in primitive religion, 145, 158, 224
Sankara and the Grand Lama, 78
Saragacos Indians, 152
_Satapatha Brahmana_, 217
Saturday, persons born on a, 89
Saturn, the planet, 315
Savage, our debt to the, 419 _sqq._
—— custom the product of definite reasoning, 420 _n._1
—— philosophy, 420 _sq._
Saxons of Transylvania, 294
Scapegoat, 214 _sq._
Scarification of warriors, 160 _sq._;
of bodies of whalers, 191
Scaring away the ghosts of the slain, 168, 170, 171, 172, 174 _sq._
Schoolcraft, H. R., 325
Scotch fowlers and fishermen, words tabooed by, 393 _sqq._
Scotland, common words tabooed in, 392 _sqq._
Scratching the person or head, rules as to, 146, 156, 158, 159 _n._, 160,
181, 183, 189, 196
Scrofula thought to be caused and cured by touching a sacred chief or
king, 133 _sq._
Sea, horror of the, 10;
offerings made to the, 10;
prohibition to look on the, 10;
special language employed by sailors at, 413 _sqq._
—— -mammals, atonement for killing, 207;
myth of their origin, 207
Seals, supposed influence of lying-in women on, 152;
taboos observed after the killing of, 207 _sq._, 209, 213
Seclusion of those who have handled the dead, 138 _sqq._;
of women at menstruation and childbirth, 145 _sqq._, 147 _sqq._;
of tabooed persons, 165;
of manslayers, 166 _sqq._;
of cannibals, 188 _sqq._;
of men who have killed large game, 220 _sq._
Secret names among the Central Australian aborigines, 321 _sq._
Sedna, an Esquimau goddess, 152, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 213
Semangat, Malay word for the soul, 28, 35
Semites, moral evolution of the, 219
Seoul, capital of Corea, 283
Serpents, purificatory ceremonies observed after killing, 221 _sqq._
Servius, on Dido’s costume, 313
Seven knots in magic, 303, 304, 308
Sewing as a charm, 307
Shades of dead animals, fear of offending, 205, 206, 207
Shadow, the soul identified with the, 77 _sqq._;
injury done to a man through his, 78 _sqq._;
diminution of shadow regarded with apprehension, 86 _sq._;
loss of the, regarded as ominous, 88;
not to fall on a chief, 255
Shadows drawn out by ghosts, 80;
animals injured through their, 81 _sq._;
of trees sensitive, 82;
of certain birds and people viewed as dangerous, 82 _sq._;
built into the foundations of edifices, 89 _sq._;
of mourners dangerous, 142;
of certain persons dangerous, 173
Shamans among the Thompson Indians, 57 _sq._
—— Buryat, their mode of recovering lost souls, 56 _sq._
—— Yakut, 63
Shark Point, priestly king at, 5
Sharp instruments, use of, tabooed, 205
—— weapons tabooed, 237 _sqq._
Shaving prisoners, reason of, 273
Sheep used in purificatory ceremony, 174, 175;
shoulder-blades of, used in divination, 229
Shetland fishermen, their tabooed words, 394
Shoe untied at marriage, 300;
custom of going with one shoe on and one shoe off, 311 _sqq._
Shoulder-blades, divination by, 229
Shuswap Indians, the, 83, 142
Siam, kings of, 226, 241;
names of kings of, concealed from fear of sorcery, 375
Siamese children, ceremony at cutting their hair, 265 _sqq._
—— view of the sanctity of the head, 252 _sq._
Sick man, attempts to prevent the escape of the soul of, 30 _sqq._
Sick people not allowed to sleep, 95;
sprinkled with pungent spices, 105 _sq._
—— -room, mirrors covered up in, 95
Sickness explained by the absence of the soul, 42 _sqq._;
caused by ancestral spirits, 53
Sierra Leone, priests and kings of, 14 _sq._, 18
—— Nevada of Colombia, 215, 216
Sigurd and Fafnir, 324
Sikhim, kings of, 20
Silkworms, taboos observed by breeders of, 194
Simpson, W., 125 _n._3
Sin regarded as something material, 214, 216, 217 _sq._
Singhalese, 297; their fear of demons, 233 _sq._
Sins, confession of, 114, 191, 195, 211 _sq._, 214 _sqq._;
originally a magical ceremony, 217
Sisters-in-law, their names not to be pronounced, 338, 342, 343
Sit, Egyptian god, 68
Sitting on the ground prohibited to warriors, 159, 162, 163
Skull-cap worn by girls at their first menstruation, 146;
worn by Australian widows, 182 _n._2
Skulls of ancestors rubbed as a propitiation, 197;
of dead used as drinking-cups, 372
Slain, ghosts of the, fear of the, 165 _sqq._
Slave Coast, the, 9
Slaves, runaway, charm for recovering, 305 _sq._
Sleep, absence of soul in, 36 _sqq._;
sick people not allowed to, 95;
forbidden in house after a death, 37 _sq._;
forbidden to unsuccessful eagle-hunter, 199
Sleeper not to be wakened suddenly, 39 _sqq._;
not to be moved nor his appearance altered, 41 _sq._
Smallpox not mentioned by its proper name, 400, 410, 411, 416
Smearing blood on the person as a purification, 104, 115;
on persons, dogs, and weapons as a mode of pacifying their souls, 219
—— bodies of manslayers with porridge, 176
—— porridge or fat on the person as a purification, 112
—— sheep’s entrails on body as mode of purification, 174
Smith, W, Robertson, 77 _n._1, 96 _n._1, 243 _n._7, 247 _n._5
Smith’s craft regarded us uncanny, 236 _n._5
Snakes not called by their proper names, 399, 400, 401 _sq._, 411
Snapping the thumbs to prevent the departure of the soul, 31
Snares set for souls, 69
Son-in-law, his name not to be pronounced, 338 _sq._, 344, 345
Sorcerers, souls extracted or detained by, 69 _sqq._;
make use of cut hair and other bodily refuse, 268 _sq._, 274 _sq._;
278, 281 sq. _See also_ Magic
Soul conceived as a mannikin, 26 _sqq._;
the perils of the, 26 _sqq._;
ancient Egyptian conception of the, 28 _sq._;
representations of the soul in Greek art, 29 _n._1;
as a butterfly, 29 _n._1, 41, 51 _sq._;
absence and recall of the, 30 _sqq._;
attempts to prevent the soul from escaping from the body, 30 _sqq._;
sickness attributed to the absence of the, 32, 42 _sqq._;
tied by thread or string to the body, 32 _sq._, 43, 51;
conceived as a bird, 33 _sqq._;
absent in sleep, 36 _sqq._;
in form of mouse, 37, 39 _n._2;
in form of lizard, 38;
in form of fly, 39;
caught in a cloth, 46, 47, 48, 52, 53, 64, 67, 75 _sq._;
identified with the shadow, 77 _sqq._;
identified with the reflection in water or a mirror, 92 _sqq._;
supposed to escape at eating and drinking, 116;
in the blood, 240, 241, 247, 250;
identified with the personal name, 319;
of rice not to be frightened, 412
Souls, every man thought to have four, 27, 80;
light and heavy, thin and fat, 29;
transferred to other bodies, 49;
impounded in magic fence, 56;
abducted by demons, 58 _sqq_.;
transmigrate into animals, 65;
brought back in a visible form, 65 _sqq._;
caught in snares or nets, 69 _sqq._;
extracted or detained by sorcerers, 69 _sqq._;
in tusks of ivory, 70;
conjured into jars, 70;
in boxes, 70, 76;
shut up in calabashes, 72;
transferred from the living to the dead, 73;
gathered into a basket, 72;
wounded and bleeding, 73;
supposed to be in portraits, 96 _sqq._
—— of beasts respected, 223
—— of the dead all malignant, 145;
cannot go to the spirit-land till the flesh has decayed from their
bones, 372 _n._5
—— of the slain, propitiation of, 166
Sovereignty, reluctance to accept the, on account of its burdens, 17
_sqq._
Spells cast by strangers, 112;
at hair-cutting, 264 _sq._
Spenser, Edmund, 244 _sq._
Spices used in exorcism of demons, 105 _sq._
Spirit of dead apparently supposed to decay with the body, 372
Spirits averse to iron, 232 _sqq._
—— of land, conciliation of the, 110 _sq._
Spiritual power, its divorce from temporal power, 17 _sqq._
Spitting forbidden, 196;
as a protective charm, 279, 286;
upon knots as a charm, 302
Spittle effaced or concealed, 288 _sqq._;
tabooed, 287 _sqq._;
used in magic, 268, 269, 287 _sqq._;
used in making a covenant, 290
Spoil taken from enemy purified, 177
Spoons used in eating by tabooed persons, 141, 148, 189
Sprained leg, cure for, 304 _sq._
Spring and summer, myths of divinities and spirits to be told only in, 384
Sprinkling with holy water, 285 _sq._
St. Sylvester’s Day, 88
Stabbing reflections in water to injure the persons reflected, 93
Stade, Hans, captive among Brazilian Indians, 231
Standard of conduct shifted from natural to supernatural basis, 213
Stepping over persons or things forbidden, 159 _sq._, 194, 423 _sqq._;
over dead panther, 219.
_See also_ Jumping
Stone knives and arrow-heads used in religious ritual, 228
Stones on which a man’s shadow should not fall, 80
Storms caused by cutting or combing the hair, 271, 282
Strange land, ceremonies at entering a, 109 _sqq._
Strangers, taboos on intercourse with, 101 _sqq._;
suspected of practising magical arts, 102;
ceremonies at the reception of, 102 _sqq._;
dread of, 102 _sqq._;
spells cast by, 112;
killed, 113
String or thread used to tie soul to body, 32 _sq._, 43, 51
Strings, knotted, as amulets, 309.
_See also_ Cords, Threads
“Strong names” of kings of Dahomey, 374
Sulka, the, 151, 331
Sultan Bayazid and his soul, 50
Sultans veiled, 120
Sumba, custom as to the names of princes in the island of, 376
Summer, myths of gods and spirits not to be told in, 385 _sq._
—— and winter, personal names different in, 386
Sun not allowed to shine on sacred persons, 3, 4, 6
—— -god draws away souls, 64 _sq._
Sunda, tabooed words in, 341, 415
Supernatural basis of morality, 213 _sq._
Supernatural beings, their names tabooed, 384 _sqq._
Superstition a crutch to morality, 219
Swaheli charm, 305 _sq._
Sweating as a purification, 142, 184
Swelling and inflammation thought to be caused by eating out of sacred
vessels or by wearing sacred garments, 4
Sympathetic connexion between a person and the severed parts of his body,
267 _sq._, 283
—— magic, 164, 201, 204, 258, 268, 287
Synonyms adopted in order to avoid naming the dead, 359 _sqq._;
in the Zulu language, 377;
in the Maori language, 381
Taboo of chiefs and kings in Tonga, 133 _sq._;
of chiefs in New Zealand, 134 _sqq._;
Esquimaux theory of, 210 _sqq._;
the meaning of, 224
—— rajah and chief, 24 _sq._
Tabooed acts, 101 _sqq._
—— hands, 138, 140 _sqq._, 146 _sqq._, 158, 159 _n._
—— persons, 131 _sqq._;
secluded, 165
—— things, 224 _sqq._
—— words, 318 _sqq._
Taboos, royal and priestly, 1 _sqq._;
on intercourse with strangers, 101 _sqq._;
on eating and drinking, 116 _sqq._;
on shewing the face, 120 _sqq._;
on quitting the house, 122 _sqq._;
on leaving food over, 126 _sqq._;
on persons who have handled the dead, 138 _sqq._;
on warriors, 157 _sqq._;
on manslayers, 165 _sqq._;
imposed on murderers, 187 _sq._;
imposed on hunters and fishers, 190 _sqq._;
transformed into ethical precepts, 214;
survivals of, in morality, 218 _sq._;
as spiritual insulators, 224;
on sharp weapons, 237 _sqq._;
on blood, 239 _sqq._;
relating to the head, 252 _sqq._;
on hair, 258 _sqq._;
on spittle, 287 _sqq._;
on foods, 291 _sqq._;
on knots and rings, 293 _sqq._;
on words, 318 _sqq._, 392 _sqq._;
on personal names, 318 _sqq._;
on names of relations, 335 _sqq._;
on the names of the dead, 349 _sqq._;
on names of kings and chiefs, 374 _sqq._;
on names of supernatural beings, 384 _sqq._;
on names of gods, 387 _sqq._
—— observed by the Mikado, 3 _sq._;
by headmen in Assam, 11;
by ancient kings of Ireland, 11 _sq._;
by the Flamen Dialis, 13 _sq._;
by the Bodia or Bodio, 15;
by sacred milkmen among the Todas, 16 _sqq._
Tahiti, 255
Tahiti, kings of, 226;
abdicate on birth of a son, 20;
their names not to be pronounced, 381 _sq._
Tails of cats docked as a magical precaution, 128 _sq._
Tales, wandering souls in popular, 49 _sq._
Tara, the old capital of Ireland, 11
Tartar Khan, ceremony at visiting a, 114
Teeth, loss of, supposed effect of breaking a taboo, 140;
loosened by angry ghosts, 186 _n._1;
as a rain-charm, 271;
extracted, kept against the resurrection, 280.
_See also_ Tooth
Temple at Jerusalem, the, 230
Temporary reincarnation of the dead in their living namesakes, 371
_Tendi_, Batta word for soul, 45.
_See also_ Tondi
Tepehuanes, the, 97
Terms of relationship used as terms of address, 324 _sq._
Thakambau, 131
Thebes in Egypt, priestly kings of, 13
Theocracies in America, 6
Thesmophoria, release of prisoners at, 316
Thessalian witch, 390
Things tabooed, 224 _sqq._
Thompson Indians of British Columbia, 37 _sq._;
customs of mourners among the, 142 _sq._
Thomson, Joseph, 98
Thorn bushes to keep off ghosts, 142
Thread or string used to tie soul to body, 32 _sq._, 43, 51
Threads, knotted, in magic, 303, 304 _sq._, 307
Three knots in magic, 304, 305
Thumbs snapped to prevent the departure of the soul, 31
Thunderstorms caused by cut hair, 271, 282
Thurn, E. F. im, 324 _sq._
Tigers not called by their proper names, 401, 402, 403 _sq._, 410, 415;
called dogs, 402;
called jackals, 402, 403
Timines of Sierra Leone, 18
Timor, fetish or taboo rajah in, 24;
customs as to war in, 165 _sq._
Tin ore, Malay superstitions as to, 407
Tinneh or Déné Indians, 145 _sq._
Toboongkoos of Celebes, 48, 78
Todas, holy milkmen of the, 15 _sqq._
Togoland, 247
Tolampoos, the, 319
Tolindoos, the, 78
_Tondi_, Batta word for soul, 35.
_See also_ Tendi
Tonga, divine chiefs in, 21;
the taboo of chiefs and kings in, 133 _sq._;
taboos connected with the dead in, 140
Tonquin, division of monarchy in, 19 _sq._;
kings of, 125
_Tooitonga_, divine chief of Tonga, 21
Tooth knocked out as initiatory rite, 244.
_See also_ Teeth
Toradjas, tabooed names among the, 340;
their field-speech, 411 _sqq._
Touching sacred king or chief, supposed effects of, 132 _sqq._
Trading voyages, continence observed on, 203
Tradition, historical, hampered by the taboo on the names of the dead, 363
_sqq._
Transference of souls from the living to the dead, 73;
of souls to other bodies, 49;
of sins, 214 _sqq._
Transgressions, need of confessing, 211 _sq._
_See also_ Sins
Transmigration of souls into animals, 65
Transylvania, the Germans of, 296, 310
Traps set for souls, 70 _sq._
Travail, women in, knots on their garments untied, 294.
_See also_ Childbirth
Travellers, knots used as charms by, 306
Tree-spirits, fear of, 412 _sq._
Trees, the shadows of trees sensitive, 82;
cut hair deposited on or under, 14, 275 _sq._, 286
Tuaregs, the, 117, 122; their fear of ghosts, 353
Tumleo, island of, 150
Tupi Indians, their customs as to eating captives, 179 _sq._
Turtle catching, taboos in connexion with, 192
Tusks of ivory, souls in, 70
Twelfth Night, 396
Twins, water poured on graves of, 154 _sq._
—— father of, taboos observed by the, 239 _sq._;
his hair shaved and nails cut, 284
Tycoons, the, 19
Tying the soul to the body, 32 _sq._, 43
Tylor, E. B., on reincarnation of ancestors, 372 _n._1
Uganda, 84, 86, 112, 145, 164 _n._1, 239, 243, 254, 263, 277, 330, 369.
_See also_ Baganda
Ulster, kings of, 12
Unclean and sacred, correspondence of the rules regarding the, 145
Uncleanness regarded as a vapour, 152, 206;
of manslayers, of menstruous and lying-in women, and of persons who have
handled the dead, 169;
of whalers, 191, 207;
of lion-killer, 220;
of bear-killers, 221
Uncovered in the open air, prohibition to be, 3, 14
Unyoro, king of, his custom of drinking milk, 119;
cowboy of the king of, 159 _n._;
diet of the king of, 291 _sq._
Vapour thought to be exhaled by lying-in women and hunters, 152, 206;
supposed, of blood and corpses, 210 _sq._;
supposed to be produced by the violation of a taboo, 212
Varuna, festival of, 217
Veiling faces to avert evil influences, 120 _sqq._
Venison, taboos concerning, 208 _sq._
Vermin from hair returned to their owner, 278
Vessels used by tabooed persons destroyed, 4, 131, 139, 145, 156, 284
—— special, employed by tabooed persons, 138, 139, 142, 143, 144, 145,
146, 147, 148, 160, 167, 185, 189, 197, 198
Victims, sacrificial, carried round city, 188
Vine, prohibition to walk under a, 14, 248
Virgil, the enchantress in, 305;
on rustic militia of Latium, 311
Vow, hair kept unshorn during a, 261 _sq._, 285
Wabondei, the, 272
Wadai, Sultan of, 120
_Wakan_, mysterious, sacred, taboo, 225 _n._
Wakelbura, the, 31
Wallis Island, 140
Walrus, taboos concerning, 208 _sq._
Wanigela River, 192
Wanika, the, 247
Wanyamwesi, the, 112, 330
Wanyoro (Banyoro), the, 278
War, continence in, 157, 158 _n._1, 161, 163, 164, 165;
rules of ceremonial purity observed in, 157 _sqq._;
hair kept unshorn in, 261
—— chief, or war king, 20, 21, 24
—— -dances, 169, 170, 178, 182
Warm food tabooed, 189
Warramunga, the, 384
Warriors tabooed, 157 _sqq._
Washing the head, 253. _See_ Bathing
Water poured as a rain-charm, 154 _sq._;
holy, sprinkling with, 285 _sq._
—— -spirits, danger of, 94
Wax figure in magic, 74
Weapons of manslayers, purification of, 172, 182, 219
Wedding ring, an amulet against witchcraft, 314
Were-wolf, 42
Whale, solemn burial of dead, 223
Whalers, taboos observed by, 191 _sq._, 205 _sqq._
Wheaten flour, prohibition to touch, 13
White, faces and bodies of manslayers painted, 175, 186 _n._1;
lion-killer painted, 220
—— clay, Caffre boys at circumcision smeared with, 156
Whydah, king of, 129
Widows and widowers, customs observed by, 142 _sq._, 144 _sq._, 182 _n._2
Wied, Prince of, 96
Wife’s mother, the savage’s dread of his, 83 _sqq._;
her name not to be pronounced by her son-in-law, 337, 338, 343
—— name not to be pronounced by her husband, 337, 338, 339
Wild beasts not called by their proper names, 396 _sqq._
Wilkinson, R. J., 416 _n._4
Willow wands as disinfectants, 143
Windessi, in New Guinea, 169
Winds kept in jars, 5
Wine, the blood of the vine, 248;
called milk, 249 _n._2
Wing-bone of eagle used to drink through, 189
Winter, myths of gods and spirits to be told only in, 385 _sq._
Wirajuri, the, 269
Witch’s soul departs from her in sleep, 39, 41, 42
Witches make use of cut hair, 270, 271, 279, 282
Wollunqua, a mythical serpent, 384
Wolofs of Senegambia, 323
Wolves, charms to protect cattle from, 307;
not to be called by their proper names, 396, 397, 398, 402
Women tabooed at menstruation and childbirth, 145 _sqq._;
abstinence from, during war, 157, 158 _n._1, 161, 163, 164;
in childbed holy, 225 _n._;
blood of, dreaded, 250 _sq._
Women’s clothes, supposed effects of touching, 164 _sq._
“Women’s speech” among the Caffres, 335 _sq._
Words tabooed, 318 _sqq._;
savages take a materialistic view of words, 331
—— common, changed because they are the names of the dead, 358 _sqq._,
375,
or the names of chiefs and kings, 375, 376 _sqq._;
tabooed, 392 _sqq._
Wounded men not allowed to drink milk, 174 _sq._
Wrist tied to prevent escape of soul, 32, 43, 51
—— bands as amulets, 315
Wurunjeri tribe, 42
Xenophanes, on the gods, 387
Yabim, the, 151, 306, 354, 386
Yakut shaman, 63
Yams, Feast of, 123
Yaos, the, 97 _sq._
Yawning, soul supposed to depart in, 31
Yewe order, secret society in Togo, 383
Yorubas, rebirth of ancestors among the, 369
Zapotecs of Mexico, the pontiff of the, 6 _sq._
Zend-Avesta, the, on cut hair and nails, 277
Zeus on Mount Lycaeus, sanctuary of, 88
Zulu language, its diversity, 377
Zulus, names of chiefs and kings tabooed among the, 376 _sq._;
their superstition as to reflections in water, 91
FOOTNOTES
M1 Life of divine kings and priests regulated by minute rules. The
Mikado or Dairi of Japan.
1 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 332
_sqq._, 373 _sqq._
_ 2 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 352 _sqq._
_ 3 Manners and Customs of the Japanese in the Nineteenth Century: from
recent Dutch Visitors to Japan, and the German of Dr. Ph. Fr. von
Siebold_ (London, 1841), pp. 141 _sqq._
4 W. G. Aston, _Shinto_ (_the Way of the Gods_) (London, 1905), p. 41;
Michel Revon, _Le Shintoïsme_, i. (Paris, 1907), pp. 189 _sqq._ The
Japanese word for god or deity is _kami_. It is thus explained by
the native scholar Motoöri, one of the chief authorities on Japanese
religion: “The term _Kami_ is applied in the first place to the
various deities of Heaven and Earth who are mentioned in the ancient
records as well as their spirits (_mi-tama_) which reside in the
shrines where they are worshipped. Moreover, not only human beings,
but birds, beasts, plants and trees, seas and mountains, and all
other things whatsoever which deserve to be dreaded and revered for
the extraordinary and pre-eminent powers which they possess, are
called _Kami_. They need not be eminent for surpassing nobleness,
goodness, or serviceableness alone. Malignant and uncanny beings are
also called _Kami_ if only they are the objects of general dread.
Among _Kami_ who are human beings I need hardly mention first of all
the successive Mikados—with reverence be it spoken.... Then there
have been numerous examples of divine human beings both in ancient
and modern times, who, although not accepted by the nation
generally, are treated as gods, each of his several dignity, in a
single province, village, or family.” Hirata, another native
authority on Japanese religion, defines _kami_ as a term which
comprises all things strange, wondrous, and possessing _isao_ or
virtue. And a recent dictionary gives the following definitions:
“_Kami_. 1. Something which has no form but is only spirit, has
unlimited supernatural power, dispenses calamity and good fortune,
punishes crime and rewards virtue. 2. Sovereigns of all times, wise
and virtuous men, valorous and heroic persons whose spirits are
prayed to after their death. 3. Divine things which transcend human
intellect. 4. The Christian God, Creator, Supreme Lord.” See W. G.
Aston, _Shinto_ (_the Way of the Gods_), pp. 8-10, from which the
foregoing quotations are made. Mr. Aston himself considers that “the
deification of living Mikados was titular rather than real,” and he
adds: “I am not aware that any specific so-called miraculous powers
were authoritatively claimed for them” (_op. cit._ p. 41). No doubt
it is very difficult for the Western mind to put itself at the point
of view of the Oriental and to seize the precise point (if it can be
said to exist) where the divine fades into the human or the human
brightens into the divine. In translating, as we must do, the vague
thought of a crude theology into the comparatively exact language of
civilised Europe we must allow for a considerable want of
correspondence between the two: we must leave between them, as it
were, a margin of cloudland to which in the last resort the deity
may retreat from the too searching light of philosophy and science.
5 M. Revon, _op. cit._ i. 190 n.2
M2 Rules of life formerly observed by the Mikado.
6 Kaempfer, “History of Japan,” in Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_,
vii. 716 _sq._ However, Mr. W. G. Aston tells us that Kaempfer’s
statements regarding the sacred character of the Mikado’s person
cannot be depended on (_Shinto, the Way of the Gods_, p. 41, note
†). M. Revon quotes Kaempfer’s account with the observation that,
“_les naïvetés recèlent plus d’une idée juste_” (_Le Shintoïsme_,
vol. i. p. 191, note 2). To me it seems that Kaempfer’s description
is very strongly confirmed by its close correspondence in detail
with the similar customs and superstitions which have prevailed in
regard to sacred personages in many other parts of the world and
with which it is most unlikely that Kaempfer was acquainted. This
correspondence will be brought out in the following pages.
7 In Pinkerton’s reprint this word appears as “mobility.” I have made
the correction from a comparison with the original (Kaempfer,
_History of Japan_, translated from the original Dutch manuscript by
J. G. Scheuchzer, London, 1728, vol. i. p. 150).
8 Caron, “Account of Japan,” in Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_,
vii. 613. Compare B. Varenius, _Descriptio regni Japoniae et Siam_
(Cambridge, 1673), p. 11: “_Nunquam attingebant (quemadmodum et
hodie id observat) pedes ipsius terram: radiis Solis caput nunquam
illustrabatur: in apertum aërem non procedebat_,” etc. The first
edition of this book was published by Elzevir at Amsterdam in 1649.
The _Geographia Generalis_ of the same writer had the honour of
appearing in an edition revised and corrected by Isaac Newton
(Cambridge, at the University Press, 1672).
M3 Rules of life observed by kings and priests in Africa and America.
9 A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste_ (Jena,
1874-75), i. 287 _sq._, compare pp. 353 _sq._
10 H. Klose, _Togo unter deutscher Flagge_ (Berlin, 1899), pp. 189,
268.
11 J. B. Labat, _Relation historique de l’Éthiopie occidentale_ (Paris,
1732), i. 254 _sqq._
12 Ch. Wunenberger, “La Mission et le royaume de Humbé, sur les bords
du Cunène,” _Missions Catholiques_, xx. (1888) p. 262.
13 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 415
_sq._
14 Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des nations civilisées du Mexique
et de l’Amérique-centrale_, iii. 29 _sq._; H. H. Bancroft, _Native
Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 142 _sq._
M4 The rules of life imposed on kings in early society are intended to
preserve their lives for the good of their people.
M5 Taboos observed by African kings.
15 A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste_, i. 355.
16 O. Dapper, _Description de l’Afrique_ (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 336.
17 O. Baumann, _Eine afrikanische Tropen-Insel, Fernando Póo und die
Bube_ (Wien und Olmütz, 1888), pp. 103 _sq._
M6 Taboos observed by African kings. Prohibition to see the sea.
18 G. Zündel, “Land und Volk der Eweer auf der Sclavenküste in
Westafrika,” _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin_,
xii. (1877) p. 402.
19 Béraud, “Note sur le Dahomé,” _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_
(Paris), Vme Série, xii. (1866) p. 377.
20 A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste_, i. 263.
21 Bosman’s “Guinea,” in Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_, xvi. 500.
22 A. Dalzell, _History of Dahomey_ (London, 1793), p. 15; Th.
Winterbottom, _An Account of the Native Africans in the
Neighbourhood of Sierra Leone_ (London, 1803), pp. 229 _sq._
23 J. B. L. Durand, _Voyage au Sénégal_ (Paris, 1802), p. 55.
24 W. S. Taberer (Chief Native Commissioner for Mashonaland),
“Mashonaland Natives,” _Journal of the African Society_, No. 15
(April 1905). p. 320.
25 A. van Gennep, _Tabou et totémisme à Madagascar_ (Paris, 1904), p.
113.
26 Father Porte, “Les Reminiscences d’un missionnaire du Basutoland,”
_Missions Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896) p. 235.
27 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 32.
28 P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,
1621), pp. 11, 132.
29 W. Marsden, _History of Sumatra_ (London, 1811), p. 301.
M7 Taboos observed by chiefs among the Sakalavas and the hill tribes of
Assam.
30 A. van Gennep, _Tabou et totémisme à Madagascar_, p. 113, quoting De
Thuy, _Étude historique, géographique et ethnographique sur la
province de Tuléar_, Notes, Rec., Expl., 1899, p. 104.
31 T. C. Hodson, “The _genna_ amongst the Tribes of Assam,” _Journal of
the Anthropological Institute_, xxxvi. (1906) p. 98. The word for
taboo among these tribes is _genna_.
M8 Taboos observed by Irish kings.
32 The Duibhlinn is the part of the Liffey on which Dublin now stands.
33 The site, marked by the remains of some earthen forts, is now known
as Rathcroghan, near Belanagare in the county of Roscommon.
_ 34 The Book of Rights_, edited with translation and notes by John
O’Donovan (Dublin, 1847), pp. 3-8. This work, comprising a list both
of the prohibitions (_urgharta_ or _geasa_) and the prerogatives
(_buadha_) of the Irish kings, is preserved in a number of
manuscripts, of which the two oldest date from 1390 and about 1418
respectively. The list is repeated twice, first in prose and then in
verse. I have to thank my friend Professor Sir J. Rhys for kindly
calling my attention to this interesting record of a long-vanished
past in Ireland. As to these taboos, see P. W. Joyce, _Social
History of Ancient Ireland_, i. 310 _sqq._
M9 Taboos observed by Egyptian kings.
35 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 418
_sqq._
36 Diodorus Siculus, i. 70.
37 G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des peuples de l’Orient classique_,
ii. 759, note 3; A. Moret, _Du caractère religieux de la royauté
Pharaonique_ (Paris, 1902), pp. 314-318.
38 (Sir) J. G. Scott, _Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States_,
part ii. vol. i. (Rangoon, 1901) p. 308.
M10 Taboos observed by the Flamen Dialis at Rome.
39 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. ii. pp. 191 sq.
40 Among the Gallas the king, who also acts as priest by performing
sacrifices, is the only man who is not allowed to fight with
weapons; he may not even ward off a blow. See Ph. Paulitschke,
_Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas: die geistige Cultur der Danâkil,
Galla und Somâl_, p. 136.
41 Among the Kafirs of the Hindoo Koosh men who are preparing to be
headmen are considered ceremonially pure, and wear a semi-sacred
uniform which must not be defiled by coming into contact with dogs.
“The Kaneash [persons in this state of ceremonial purity] were
nervously afraid of my dogs, which had to be fastened up whenever
one of these august personages was seen to approach. The dressing
has to be performed with the greatest care, in a place which cannot
be defiled with dogs. Utah and another had convenient dressing-rooms
on the top of their houses which happened to be high and isolated,
but another of the four Kaneash had been compelled to erect a
curious-looking square pen made of poles in front of his house, his
own roof being a common thoroughfare” (Sir George Scott Robertson,
_The Kafirs of the Hindu Kush_ (London, 1898), p. 466).
42 Similarly the Egyptian priests abstained from beans and would not
even look at them. See Herodotus, ii. 37, with A. Wiedemann’s note;
Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 5.
43 Similarly among the Kafirs of the Hindoo Koosh the high priest “may
not traverse certain paths which go near the receptacles for the
dead, nor may he visit the cemeteries. He may not go into the actual
room where a death has occurred until after an effigy has been
erected for the deceased. Slaves may cross his threshold, but must
not approach the hearth” (Sir George Scott Robertson, _op. cit._ p.
416).
44 Aulus Gellius, x. 15; Plutarch, _Quaest, Rom._ 109-112; Pliny, _Nat.
Hist._ xxviii. 146; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ i. 179, 448, iv. 518;
Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 16. 8 _sq._; Festus, p. 161 A, ed. C. O.
Müller. For more details see J. Marquardt, _Römische
Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2 326 _sqq._
M11 Taboos observed by the Bodia of Sierra Leone.
45 Sir Harry Johnston, _Liberia_ (London, 1906), ii. 1076 _sq._,
quoting from Bishop Payne, who wrote “some fifty years ago.” The
Bodia described by Bishop Payne is clearly identical with the Bodio
of the Grain Coast who is described by the Rev. J. L. Wilson
(_Western Africa_, pp. 129 _sqq._). See below, p. 23; and _The Magic
Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. p. 353. As to the iron ring
which the pontiff wears on his ankle as the badge of his office we
are told that it “is regarded with as much veneration as the most
ancient crown in Europe, and the incumbent suffers as deep disgrace
by its removal as any monarch in Europe would by being deprived of
his crown” (J. L. Wilson, _op. cit._ pp. 129 _sq._).
M12 Taboos observed by sacred milkmen among the Todas of South India.
46 W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_ (London, 1906), pp. 98-103.
47 For restrictions imposed on these lesser milkmen see W. H. R.
Rivers, _op. cit._ pp. 62, 66, 67 _sq._, 72, 73, 79-81.
48 W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_, pp. 79-81.
M13 The effect of these burdensome rules was to divorce the temporal
from the spiritual authority.
M14 Reluctance to accept sovereignty with its vexatious restrictions.
_ 49 The Magic Art_, vol. ii. p. 4.
_ 50 Id._ vol. i. pp. 354 _sq._
51 A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste_, i. 354
_sq._, ii. 9, 11.
52 Zweifel et Moustier, “Voyage aux sources du Niger,” _Bulletin de la
Société de Géographie_ (Paris), VIme Série, xx. (1880) p. 111.
53 O. Dapper, _Description de l’Afrique_ (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 250.
54 J. Matthews, _Voyage to Sierra-Leone_ (London, 1791), p. 75.
55 T. Winterbottom, _Account of the Native Africans in the
Neighbourhood of Sierra Leone_ (London, 1803), p. 124.
_ 56 The Travels of the Jesuits in Ethiopia_, collected and historically
digested by F. Balthazar Tellez (London, 1710), pp. 197 _sq._
M15 Sovereign powers divided between a temporal and a spiritual head.
_ 57 Manners and Customs of the Japanese_, pp. 199 _sqq._, 355 _sqq._
58 Richard, “History of Tonquin,” in Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_,
ix. 744 _sqq._
59 L. A. Waddell, _Among the Himalayas_ (Westminster, 1899), pp. 146
_sq._
60 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, Second Edition (London,
1832-1836), iii. 99 _sqq._
61 W. W. Gill, _Myths and Songs of the South Pacific_, pp. 293 _sqq._
62 The late Rev. Lorimer Fison, in a letter to the author, dated August
26, 1898.
63 W. Mariner, _An Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands_, Second
Edition (London, 1818), ii. 75-79, 132-136.
64 Strabo, vii. 3. 5, pp. 297 _sq._ Compare _id._ vii. 3. 11, p. 304.
65 Aristotle, _Constitution of Athens_, iii. 2. My friend Professor
Henry Jackson kindly called my attention to this passage.
66 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. p. 416, and
above, p. 6.
M16 Fetish kings and civil kings in West Africa.
67 Miss Mary H. Kingsley in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,
xxix. (1899) pp. 61 _sqq._ I had some conversation on this subject
with Miss Kingsley (1st June 1897) and have embodied the results in
the text. Miss Kingsley did not know the rule of succession among
the fetish kings.
68 T. J. Hutchinson, _Impressions of Western Africa_ (London, 1858),
pp. 101 _sq._; Le Comte C. N. de Cardi, “Ju-ju Laws and Customs in
the Niger Delta,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxix.
(1899) p. 51.
69 H. Goldie, _Calabar and its Mission_, New Edition (London, 1901), P.
43.
70 J. L. Wilson, _Western Africa_ (London, 1856), p. 129. As to the
taboos observed by the Bodio or Bodia see above, p. 15.
71 Miss Mary H. Kingsley, in _Journal of the Anthropological
Institute_, xxix. (1899) p. 62.
M17 The King of the Night.
72 Marchoux, “Ethnographie, Porto-Novo,” _Revue Scientifique_,
Quatrième Série, iii. (1895) pp. 595 _sq._ This passage was pointed
out to me by Mr. N. W. Thomas.
73 O. von Kotzebue, _Entdeckungs-Reise in die Süd-See und nach der
Berings-Strasse_ (Weimar, 1821), iii. 149.
M18 Civil rajahs and taboo rajahs in the East Indies.
74 J. J. de Hollander, _Handleiding bij de Beofening der Land- en
Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Oost-Indië_, ii. 606 _sq._ In other
parts of Timor the spiritual ruler is called _Anaha paha_ or
“conjuror of the land.” Compare H. Zondervan, “Timor en de
Timoreezen,” _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig
Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, v. (1888) Afdeeling, mehr uitgebreide
artikelen, pp. 400-402.
75 A. C. Haddon, _Head-hunters, Black, White, and Brown_ (London,
1901), pp. 270-272.
76 Dr. Hahl, “Mittheilungen über Sitten und rechtliche Verhältnisse auf
Ponape,” _Ethnologisches Notizblatt_, ii. Heft 2 (Berlin, 1901), pp.
5 _sq._, 7. The title of the prime-minister is _Nanekin_.
M19 What is the primitive conception of death?
M20 Savages conceive the human soul as a mannikin, the prolonged absence
of which from the body causes death.
M21 The soul as a mannikin in Australia, America, and among the Malays.
77 R. Salvado, _Mémoires historiques sur l’Australie_ (Paris, 1854), p.
162; _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, vii. (1878) p. 282.
In this edifying catechism there is little to choose between the
savagery of the white man and the savagery of the black.
_ 78 Relations des Jésuites_, 1634, p. 17; _id._, 1636, p. 104; _id._,
1639, p. 43 (Canadian reprint, Quebec, 1858).
79 H. Rink, _Tales and Traditions of the Eskimo_, p. 36. The Esquimaux
of Bering Strait believe that every man has several souls, and that
two of these souls are shaped exactly like the body. See E. W.
Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” _Eighteenth Annual Report
of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part i. (Washington, 1899) p.
422.
80 Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,
p. 44 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British Association
for 1890_).
81 Fr. Boas, in _Ninth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,
p. 461 (_Report of the British Association for 1894_).
82 W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_ (London, 1900), p. 47.
M22 The soul as a mannikin in ancient Egypt.
83 G. Maspero, _Études de mythologie et d’archéologie égyptiennes_
(Paris, 1893), i. 388 _sq._; A. Wiedemann, _The ancient Egyptian
Doctrine of the Immortality of the Soul_ (London, 1895), pp. 10
_sqq._ In Greek works of art, especially vase-paintings, the human
soul is sometimes represented as a tiny being in human form,
generally winged, sometimes clothed and armed, sometimes naked. See
O. Jahn, _Archäologische Beiträge_ (Berlin, 1847), pp. 128 _sqq._;
E. Pottier, _Étude sur les lécythes blancs attiques_ (Paris, 1883),
pp. 75-79; _American Journal of Archaeology_, ii. (1886) pll. xii.,
xiii.; O. Kern, in _Aus der Anomia, Archäologische Beiträge Carl
Robert zur Erinnerung an Berlin dargebracht_ (Berlin, 1890), pp.
89-95. Greek artists of a later period sometimes portrayed the human
soul in the form of a butterfly (O. Jahn, _op. cit._ pp. 138
_sqq._). There was a particular sort of butterfly to which the
Greeks gave the name of soul (ψυχή). See Aristotle, _Hist. anim._ v.
19, p. 550 b 26, p. 551 b 13 _sq._; Plutarch, _Quaest. conviv._ ii.
3. 2.
M23 The soul as a mannikin in Nias, Fiji, and India.
84 W. W. Gill, _Myths and Songs of the South Pacific_ (London, 1876),
p. 171.
85 H. Sundermann, “Die Insel Nias und die Mission daselbst,”
_Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift_, Bd. xi. October 1884, p. 453.
86 The late Rev. Lorimer Fison, in a letter to the author, dated
November 3, 1898.
87 H. A. Rose, “Note on Female Tattooing in the Panjâb,” _Indian
Antiquary_, xxxi. (1902) p. 298.
M24 Attempts to prevent the soul from escaping from the body.
88 B. F. Matthes, _Over de Bissoes of heidensche priesters en
priesteressen der Boeginezen_ (Amsterdam, 1872), p. 24 (reprinted
from the _Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van
Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Deel vii.).
89 A. C. Haddon, _Head-hunters_, p. 439.
90 H. Ling Roth, “Low’s Natives of Borneo,” _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, xxi. (1892) p. 115.
91 A. C. Haddon, _Head hunters_, pp. 371, 396.
92 H. Candelier, _Rio-Hacha et les Indiens Goajires_ (Paris, 1893), pp.
258 _sq._
93 R. Southey, _History of Brazil_, iii. 396.
94 G. M. Dawson, “On the Haida Indians of the Queen Charlotte Islands,”
_Geological Survey of Canada, Report of Progress for 1878-1879_
(Montreal, 1880), pp. 123 B, 139 B.
_ 95 Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. p. 114, § 665.
96 M. Radiguet, _Les Derniers Sauvages_ (Paris, 1882), p. 245; Matthias
G——, _Lettres sur Iles les Marquises_ (Paris, 1843), p. 115; Clavel,
_Les Marquisiens_, p. 42 note.
97 Gagnière, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, xxxii. (1860) p.
439.
98 F. Blumentritt, “Das Stromgebiet des Rio Grande de Mindano,”
_Petermanns Mitteilungen_, xxxvii. (1891) p. 111.
99 A. d’Orbigny, _L’Homme américain_, ii. 241; T. J. Hutchinson, “The
Chaco Indians,” _Transactions of the Ethnological Society of
London_, N.S., iii. (1865) pp. 322 _sq._; A. Bastian, _Culturländer
des alten Amerika_, i. 476. A similar custom is observed by the
Cayuvava Indians (A. d’Orbigny, _op. cit._ ii. 257).
100 E. Modigliani, _Un Viaggio a Nías_ (Milan, 1890), p. 283.
101 A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_ (London,
1904), p. 473.
102 Fr. Boas, “The Central Eskimo,” _Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau
of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1888), pp. 613 _sq._ Among the Esquimaux
of Smith Sound male mourners plug up the right nostril and female
mourners the left (E. Bessels in _American Naturalist_, xviii.
(1884) p. 877; cp. J. Murdoch, “Ethnological Results of the Point
Barrow Expedition,” _Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_
(Washington, 1892), p. 425). This seems to point to a belief that
the soul enters by one nostril and goes out by the other, and that
the functions assigned to the right and left nostrils in this
respect are reversed in men and women. Among the Esquimaux of Baffin
land “the person who prepares a body for burial puts rabbit’s fur
into his nostrils to prevent the exhalations from entering his own
lungs” (Fr. Boas, “The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,”
_Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History_, xv. part i.
(1901) p. 144). But this would hardly explain the custom of stopping
one nostril only.
103 G. F. Lyon, _Private Journal_ (London, 1824), p. 370.
104 B. F. Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes_ (The
Hague, 1875), p. 54.
105 J. L. van der Toorn, “Het animisme bij den Minangkabauer der
Padangsche Bovenlanden,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en
Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, xxxix. (1890) p. 56.
106 C. Hose and R. Shelford, “Materials for a Study of Tatu in Borneo,”
_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxvi. (1906) p. 65.
107 W. Jochelson, “The Koryak, Religion and Myths” (Leyden and New York,
1905), p. 103 (_Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History,
The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. vi. part i.).
108 W. F. A. Zimmermann, _Die Inseln des Indischen und Stillen Meeres_
(Berlin, 1864-65), ii. 386 _sq._
109 Compare τοῦτον κατ᾽ ὤμου δεῖρον ἄχρις ἡ ψυχὴ | αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ χειλέων
μοῦνον ἡ κακὴ λειφθῇ, Herodas, _Mimiambi_, iii. 3 _sq._; μόνον οὐκ
ἐπὶ τοῖς χείλεσι τὰς ψυχὰς ἕχοντας, Dio Chrysostom, _Orat._ xxxii.
vol. i. p. 417, ed. Dindorf; modern Greek μὲ τὴ ψυχὴ ᾽ς τὰ δόντια,
G. F. Abbott, _Macedonian Folklore_, p. 193 note; “_mihi anima in
naso esse, stabam tanquam mortuus_,” Petronius, _Sat._ 62; “_in
primis labris animam habere_,” Seneca, _Natur. quaest._ iii. praef.
16; “_Voilà un pauvre malade qui a le feu dans le corps, et l’âme
sur le bout des lèvres_,” J. de Brebeuf, in _Relations des
Jésuites_, 1636, p. 113 (Canadian reprint); “This posture keeps the
weary soul hanging upon the lip; ready to leave the carcass, and yet
not suffered to take its wing,” R. Bentley, “Sermon on Popery,”
quoted in Monk’s _Life of Bentley_,2 i. 382. In Czech they say of a
dying person that his soul is on his tongue (Br. Jelínek, in
_Mittheilungen der anthropolog. Gesellschaft in Wien_, xxi. (1891)
p. 22).
M25 The soul conceived as a bird ready to fly away.
110 Compare the Greek ποτάομαι, ἀναπτερόω, etc.
111 K. von den Steinen, _Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens_
(Berlin, 1894), pp. 511, 512.
112 Fr. Boas, in _Seventh Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,
pp. 14 _sq._ (separate reprint of the _Report of the British
Association for 1891_).
113 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, pp. 207 _sq._
114 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ vii. 174. Compare Herodotus, iv. 14 _sq._;
Maximus Tyríus, _Dissert._ xvi. 2.
115 Br. Jelínek, “Materialien zur Vorgeschichte und Volkskunde Böhmens,”
_Mittheilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien_, xxi.
(1891) p. 22.
116 G. A. Wilken, “Het animisme bij de volken van den Indischen
Archipel,” _De Indische Gids_, June 1884, p. 944.
117 G. A. Wilken, _l.c._
118 E. L. M. Kühr, “Schetsen uit Borneo’s Westerafdeeling,” _Bijdragen
tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indie_, xlvii.
(1897) p. 57.
119 B. F. Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes_, p.
33; _id._, _Over de Bissoes of heidensche priesters en priesteressen
der Boeginezen_, pp. 9 _sq._; _id._, _Makassaarsch-Hollandsch
Woordenboek_, _s.vv._ _Kôerróe_ and _soemāñgá_, pp. 41, 569. Of
these two words, the former means the sound made in calling fowls,
and the latter means the soul. The expression for the ceremonies
described in the text is _ápakôerróe soemāñgá_. So common is the
recall of the bird-soul among the Malays that the words _koer (kur)
semangat_ (“cluck! cluck! soul!”) often amount to little more than
an expression of astonishment, like our “Good gracious me!” See W.
W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 47, note 2.
120 B. F. Matthes, “Over de _âdá’s_ of gewoonten der Makassaren en
Boegineezen,” _Verslagen en Mededeelingen der koninklijke Akademie
van Wetenschappen_ (Amsterdam), Afdeeling Letterkunde, Reeks iii.
Deel ii. (1885) pp. 174 _sq._; J. K. Niemann, “De Boegineezen en
Makassaren,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indië_, xxxviii.(1889) p. 281.
121 A. C. Kruyt, “Het koppensnellen der Toradja’s,” _Verslagen en
Mededeelingen der koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen_
(Amsterdam), Afdeeling Letterkunde, Reeks iv. Deel iii. (1899) p.
162.
122 J. L. van der Toorn, “Het animisme bij den Minangkabauer der
Padangsche Bovenlanden,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en
Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, xxxix. (1890) pp. 56-58. On
traces of the bird-soul in Mohammedan popular belief, see I.
Goldziher, “Der Seelenvogel im islamischen Volksglauben,” _Globus_,
lxxxiii. (1903) pp. 301-304; and on the soul in bird-form generally,
see J. von Negelein, “Seele als Vogel,” _Globus_, lxxix. (1901) pp.
357-361, 381-384.
M26 The soul is supposed to be absent in sleep.
123 K. von den Steinen, _Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens_, p.
340; E. F. im Thurn, _Among the Indians of Guiana_, pp. 344 _sqq._
124 V. Fric, “Eine Pilcomayo-Reise in den Chaco Central,” _Globus_,
lxxxix. (1906) p. 233.
M27 The soul absent in sleep may be prevented from returning to the
body.
125 Shway Yoe, _The Burman, his Life and Notions_ (London, 1882), ii.
100.
126 R. Andree, _Braunschweiger Volkskunde_ (Brunswick, 1896), p. 266.
127 H. von Wlislocki, _Volksglaube und Volksbrauch der Siebenbürger
Sachsen_ (Berlin, 1893), p. 167.
128 J. L. Wilson, _Western Africa_ (London, 1856), p. 220; A. B. Ellis,
_The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 20.
129 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes
en Papua_, p. 267. For detention of a sleeper’s soul by spirits and
consequent illness, see also Mason, quoted in A. Bastian’s _Die
Völker des östlichen Asien_, ii. 387 note.
130 J. Teit, “The Thompson Indians of British Columbia,” _Memoir of the
American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific
Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) p. 327. The Koryak of
North-Eastern Asia also keep awake so long as there is a corpse in
the house. See W. Jochelson, “The Koryak, Religion and Myths,”
_Memoir of the American Museum for Natural History, The Jesup North
Pacific Expedition_, vol. vi. part i. (Leyden and New York, 1905) p.
110.
131 G. Kurze, “Sitten und Gebräuche der Lengua-Indianer,” _Mitteilungen
der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena_, xxiii. (1905) p. 18.
132 H. Ling Roth, “Low’s Natives of Borneo,” _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, xxi. (1892) p. 112.
_ 133 Indian Antiquary_, vii. (1878) p. 273; A. Bastian, _Völkerstämme am
Brahmaputra_, p. 127. A similar story is told by the Hindoos and
Malays, though the lizard form of the soul is not mentioned. See
_Panjab Notes and Queries_, iii. p. 166, § 679; N. Annandale,
“Primitive Beliefs and Customs of the Patani Fishermen,” _Fasciculi
Malayenses, Anthropology_, part i. (April 1903) pp. 94 _sq._
134 E. Gerard, _The Land beyond the Forest_, ii. 27 _sq._ A similar
story is told in Holland (J. W. Wolf, _Nederlandsche Sagen_, No.
250, pp. 343 _sq._). The story of King Gunthram belongs to the same
class; the king’s soul comes out of his mouth as a small reptile
(Paulus Diaconus, _Hist. Langobardorum_, iii. 34). In an East Indian
story of the same type the sleeper’s soul issues from his nose in
the form of a cricket (G. A. Wilken, in _De Indische Gids_, June
1884, p. 940). In a Swabian story a girl’s soul creeps out of her
mouth in the form of a white mouse (A. Birlinger, _Volksthümliches
aus Schwaben_, i. 303). In a Saxon story the soul comes out of the
sleeper’s mouth in the shape of a red mouse. See E. Mogk, in R.
Wuttke’s _Sächsische Volkskunde_2 (Dresden, 1901), p. 318.
M28 Danger of awaking a sleeper suddenly before his soul has time to
return.
135 Shway Yoe, _The Burman_, ii. 103; M. and B. Ferrars, _Burma_
(London, 1900), p. 77; R. G. Woodthorpe, in _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, xxvi. (1897) p. 23; A. Bastian, _Die
Völker des östlichen Asien_, ii. 389; F. Blumentritt, “Der
Ahnencultus und die religiösen Anschauungen der Malaien des
Philippinen-Archipels,” _Mittheilungen der Wiener Geogr.
Gesellschaft_, 1882, p. 209; J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik-en
kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_, p. 440; _id._, “Die
Landschaft Dawan oder West-Timor,” _Deutsche geographische Blätter_,
x. 280; A. C. Kruijt, “Een en ander aangaande het geestelijk en
maatschapelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,” _Mededeelingen van wege
het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxix. (1895) p. 4; K. von
den Steinen, _Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens_, pp. 340,
510; L. F. Gowing, _Five Thousand Miles in a Sledge_ (London, 1889),
p. 226; A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), p. 308. The rule
is mentioned and a mystic reason assigned for it in the _Satapatha
Brâhmana_ (part v. p. 371, J. Eggeling’s translation).
136 Rev. Lorimer Fison, in a letter to the author dated August 26, 1898.
137 K. von den Steinen, _Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens_, p.
340.
138 Hugh Miller, _My Schools and Schoolmasters_ (Edinburgh, 1854), ch.
vi. pp. 106 _sq._
M29 Danger of moving a sleeper or altering his appearance.
139 J. L. van der Toorn, “Het animisme bij den Minangkabauer der
Padangsche Bovenlanden,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en
Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, xxxix. (1890) p. 50.
140 N. Annandale, in _Fasciculi Malayenses, Anthropology_, part i.
(April 1903) p. 94.
_ 141 Panjab Notes and Queries_, iii. p. 116, § 530.
142 W. W. Rockhill, “Notes on some of the Laws, Customs, and
Superstitions of Korea,” _American Anthropologist_, iv. (1891) p.
183.
143 W. R. S. Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, pp. 117 _sq._; F.
S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religiöser Brauch der Südslaven_
(Münster i. W., 1890), p. 112. The latter writer tells us that the
witch’s spirit is also supposed to assume the form of a fly, a hen,
a turkey, a crow, and especially a toad.
144 Holzmayer, “Osiliana,” _Verhandlungen der gelehrten Estnischen
Gesellschaft zu Dorpat_, vii. (1872) No. 2, p. 53.
145 P. Einhorn, “Wiederlegunge der Abgötterey,” etc., reprinted in
_Scriptores rerum Livonicarun_, ii. 645 (Riga and Leipsic, 1848).
146 A. de Nore, _Coutumes, mythes et traditions des provinces de France_
(Paris and Lyons, 1846), p. 88.
M30 The soul may quit the body in waking hours, thereby causing
sickness, insanity or death. Recalling truant souls in Australia,
Burma, China, Sarawak, Luzon and Mongolia.
147 A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 387.
148 Bringaud, “Les Karens de la Birmanie,” _Missions Catholiques_, xx.
(1888) pp. 297 _sq._
149 A. Henry, “The Lolos and other tribes of Western China,” _Journal of
the Anthropological Institute_, xxxiii. (1903) p. 102.
150 C. Hose and W. M’Dougall, “The Relations between Men and Animals in
Sarawak,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901)
pp. 183 _sq._
151 De los Reyes y Florentino, “Die religiöse Anschauungen der Ilocanen
(Luzon),” _Mittheilungen der k. k. Geograph. Gesellschaft in Wien_,
xxxi (1888) pp. 569 _sq._
152 A. Bastian, _Die Seele und ihre Erscheinungswesen in der
Ethnographie_, p. 36.
M31 Recalling truant souls in Africa and America.
153 H. Ward, _Five Years with the Congo Cannibals_ (London, 1890), pp.
53 _sq._
154 A. G. Morice, “The Western Dénés, their Manners and Customs,”
_Proceedings of the Canadian Institute, Toronto_, Third Series, vii.
(1888-1889) pp. 158 _sq._; _id._, _Au pays de l’ours noir, chez les
sauvages de la Colombie Britannique_ (Paris and Lyons, 1897), p. 75.
155 Clicteur, in _Annales de l’Association de la Propagation de la Foi_,
iv (1830) p. 479.
M32 Recalling truant souls in Sumatra, Borneo, Celebes.
156 M. Joustra, “Het leven, de zeden en gewoonten der Bataks,”
_Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_,
xlvi. (1902) p. 408.
157 J. H. Meerwaldt, “Gebruiken der Bataks in het maatschappelijk
leven,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
Zendelinggenootschap_, li. (1907) pp. 98 _sq._ The writer gives
_tondi_ as the form of the Batak word for “soul.”
158 Dr. R. Römer, “Bijdrage tot de Geneeskunst der Karo-Batak’s,”
_Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, i. (1908)
pp. 212 _sq._
159 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _In Centraal Borneo_ (Leyden, 1900), i. 148, 152
_sq._, 164 _sq._; _id._, _Quer durch Borneo_ (Leyden, 1904-1907), i.
112 _sq._, 125.
160 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, ii. 481.
161 J. Perham, “Manangism in Borneo,” _Journal of the Straits Branch of
the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 19 (Singapore, 1887), p. 91, compare
pp. 89, 90; H. Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and British North
Borneo_, i. 274, compare pp. 272 _sq._
162 E. L. M. Kühr, “Schetsen uit Borneo’s Westerafdeeling,” _Bijdragen
tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, xlvii.
(1897) pp. 60 _sq._
163 A. C. Kruijt, “Eenige ethnografische aanteekeningen omtrent de
Toboengkoe en de Tomori,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
Zendelinggenootschap_, xliv. (1900) p. 225.
M33 Wandering souls in popular tales.
_ 164 Pantschatantra_, übersetzt von Th. Benfey (Leipsic, 1859), ii. 124
_sqq._
165 J. Brandes, “Iets over het Pape-gaai-boek, zooals het bij de
Maleiers voorkomt,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en
Volkenkunde_, xli. (1899) pp. 480-483. A story of this sort is
quoted from the _Persian Tales_ in the _Spectator_ (No. 578, Aug. 9,
1714).
_ 166 Katha Sarit Ságara_, translated by C. H. Tawney (Calcutta, 1880),
i. 21 _sq._ For other Indian tales of the same general type, with
variations in detail, see _Lettres édifiantes et curieuses_,
Nouvelle Édition, xii. 183 _sq._; _North Indian Notes and Queries_,
iv. p. 28, § 54.
167 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, iv. 104.
168 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ vii. 174; Plutarch, _De genio Socratis_, 22;
Lucian, _Muscae encomium_, 7. Plutarch calls the man Hermodorus.
Epimenides, the Cretan seer, had also the power of sending his soul
out of his body and keeping it out as long as he pleased. See
Hesychius Milesius, in _Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C.
Müller, v. 162; Suidas, _s.v._ Ἐπιμενίδης. On such reported cases in
antiquity see further E. Rohde, _Psyche_,3 ii. 91 _sqq._
_ 169 Narrative of Travels in Europe, Asia, and Africa in the Seventeenth
Century by Evliyā Efendī_, translated from the Turkish by the Ritter
Joseph von Hammer (Oriental Translation Fund), vol. i. pt. ii. p. 3.
I have not seen this work. An extract from it, containing the above
narrative, was kindly sent me by Colonel F. Tyrrel, and the exact
title and reference were supplied to me by Mr. R. A. Nicholson, who
was so good as to consult the book for me in the British Museum.
M34 The wandering soul may be detained by ghosts.
170 E. B. Cross, “On the Karens,” _Journal of the American Oriental
Society_, iv. (1854) p. 311.
171 A. R. McMahon, _The Karens of the Golden Chersonese_ (London, 1876),
p. 318.
172 F. Mason, “Physical Character of the Karens,” _Journal of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal_, 1866, pt. ii. pp. 28 _sq._
173 R. G. Woodthorpe, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,
xxvi. (1897) p. 23.
174 C. J. S. F. Forbes, _British Burma_ (London, 1878), pp. 99 _sq._;
Shway Yoe, _The Burman_ (London, 1882), ii. 102; A. Bastian, _Die
Völker des östlichen Asien_, ii. 389.
175 Guerlach, “Mœurs et superstitions des sauvages Ba-hnars,” _Missions
Catholiques_, xix. (1887) pp. 525 _sq._
176 J. H. Neumann, “De _begoe_ in de godsdienstige begrippen der
Karo-Bataks in de Doesoen,” _Mededeelingen van wege het
Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlvi. (1902) p. 27.
177 F. Grabowsky, in _Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, ii.
(1889) p. 182.
178 Fr. Boas, in _Eleventh Report on the North-Western Tribes of
Canada_, p. 6 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British
Association for 1896_).
179 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes
en Papua_, p. 414.
180 J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ pp. 221 _sq._
M35 Attempts to rescue the lost soul from the spirits of the dead who
are detaining it.
181 N. Ph. Wilken en J. A. Schwarz, “Het heidendom en de Islam in
Bolaang Mongondou,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
Zendelinggenootschap_, xi. (1867) pp. 263 _sq._
182 James Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_ (Melbourne, Sydney, and
Adelaide, 1881), pp. 57 _sq._
183 W. W. Gill, _Myths and Songs of the South Pacific_ (London, 1876),
pp. 171 _sq._
184 De Flacourt, _Histoire de la grande Isle Madagascar_ (Paris, 1658),
pp. 101 _sq._
M36 Rescuing the soul from the dead in Borneo and Melanesia.
185 E. L. M. Kühr, “Schetsen uit Borneo’s Westerafdeeling,” _Bijdragen
tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, xlvii.
(1897) pp. 61 _sq._
186 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, pp. 138 _sq._
187 Bishop Hose, “The Contents of a Dyak Medicine Chest,” _Journal of
the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 39, June 1903,
p. 69.
188 R. H. Codrington, _op. cit._ p. 208.
189 R. H. Codrington, _op. cit._ pp. 146 _sq._
M37 Buryat mode of recovering a lost soul from the nether world.
190 V. M. Mikhailovskii, “Shamanism in Siberia and European Russia,”
_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxiv. (1895) pp. 69
_sq._
M38 American Indian modes of recovering a lost soul from the land of the
dead.
191 J. Teit, “The Thompson Indians of British Columbia,” _Memoir of the
American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific
Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) pp. 363 _sq._
192 Rev. Myron Eels, “The Twana, Chemakum, and Klallam Indians of
Washington Territory,” _Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution
for 1887_, pt. i. pp. 677 _sq._
M39 Abduction of souls by demons in Annam, Cochin-China, and China.
193 A. Landes, “Contes et légendes annamites,” No. 76 in _Cochinchine
Française: excursions et reconnaissances_, No. 23 (Saigon, 1885), p.
80.
194 Guerlach, “Chez les sauvages Ba-hnars,” _Missions Catholiques_, xvi.
(1884) p. 436, xix. (1887) p. 453, xxvi. (1894) pp. 142 _sq._
195 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, i. 243 _sq._
196 See above, p. 45.
M40 Abduction of souls by demons in the East Indies.
197 M. J. van Baarda, “Fabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der
Galelareezen,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indië_, xlv. (1895) p. 509.
198 M. T. H. Perelaer, _Ethnographische Beschrijving der Dajaks_
(Zalt-Bommel, 1870), pp. 26 _sq._
199 “Eenige bijzonderheden betreffende de Papoeas van de Geelvinksbaai
van Nieuw-Guinea,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
Neêrlandsch-Indië_, ii. (1854) pp. 375 _sq._ It is especially the
souls of children that the spirit loves to take to himself. See J.
L. van Hasselt, “Die Papuastämme an der Geelvinkbai,” _Mitteilungen
der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena_, ix. (1891) p. 103; compare
_ib._ iv. (1886) pp. 118 _sq._ The mists seen to hang about
tree-tops are due to the power of trees to condense vapour, as to
which see Gilbert White, _Natural History of Selborne_, part ii.
letter 29.
M41 Abduction of souls by demons in the Moluccas.
200 Fr. Valentyn, _Oud- en nieuw Oost-Indiën_, iii. 13 _sq._
201 Van Schmidt, “Aanteekeningen nopens de zeden, gewoonten en
gebruiken, benevens de vooroordeelen en bijgelovigheden der
bevolking van de eilanden Saparoea, Haroekoe, Noessa Laut, en van
een gedeelte van de zuidkust van Ceram,” in _Tijdschrift voor
Neêrlands Indië_, 1843, dl. ii. 511 _sqq._
M42 Abduction of souls by demons in Celebes and Siberia.
202 A. C. Kruijt, “Een en ander aangaande het geestelijk en
maatschappelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,” _Mededeelingen van wege
het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxix. (1895) pp. 5-8.
203 A. Bastian, _Die Seele und ihre Erscheinungswesen in der
Ethnographie_ (Berlin, 1868), pp. 36 _sq._; J. G. Gmelin, _Reise
durch Sibirien_, ii. 359 _sq._ This mode of curing sickness, by
inducing the demon to swap the soul of the patient for an effigy, is
practised also by the Dyaks and by some tribes on the northern coast
of New Guinea. See H. Ling Roth, “Low’s Natives of Borneo,” _Journal
of the Anthropological Institute_, xxi. (1892) p. 117; E. L. M.
Kühr, “Schetsen uit Borneo’s Westerafdeeling,” _Bijdragen tot de
Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, xlvii. (1897)
pp. 62 _sq._; F. S. A. de Clercq, “De West- en Noordkust van
Nederlandsch Nieuw-Guinea,” _Tijdschrift van het kon. Nederlandsch
Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, x. (1893) pp. 633 _sq._
204 V. Priklonski, “Todtengebräuche der Jakuten,” _Globus_, lix. (1891)
pp. 81 _sq._ Compare _id._, “Über das Schamenthum bei den Jakuten,”
in A. Bastian’s _Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde_, i. 218
_sq._
M43 Souls rescued from demons at a house-warming in Minahassa.
205 P. N. Wilken, “Bijdragen tot de kennis van de zeden en gewoonten der
Alfoeren in de Minahassa,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
Zendelinggenootschap_, vii. (1863) pp. 146 _sq._ Why the priest,
after restoring the soul, tells it to go away again, is not clear.
206 J. G. F. Riedel “De Minahasa in 1825,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische
Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xviii. 523.
207 N. Graafland, _De Minahassa_ (Rotterdam, 1869), i. 327 _sq._
M44 Souls carried off by the sun and other gods.
208 Fr. Kramer, “Der Götzendienst der Niasser,” _Tijdschrift voor
Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxiii. (1890) pp. 490 _sq._
209 J. Teit, “The Thompson Indians of British Columbia,” _Memoir of the
American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific
Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) p. 357.
210 G. Turner, _Samoa_, pp. 142 _sq._
M45 Lost souls extracted from a fowl.
211 J. B. Neumann, “Het Pane- en Bila-stroomgebied op het eiland
Sumatra,” _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig
Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, dl. iii., Afdeeling, meer uitgebreide
artikelen, No. 2 (1886), p. 302.
M46 Lost souls brought back in a visible form. Soul lost by a fall and
recovered from the earth.
212 R. H. Codrington, “Religious Beliefs and Practices in Melanesia,”
_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, x. (1881) p. 281; _id._,
_The Melanesians_, p. 267.
213 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p. 229
214 Horatio Hale, _United States Exploring Expedition, Ethnography and
Philology_ (Philadelphia, 1846), pp. 208 _sq._ Compare Ch. Wilkes,
_Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition_ (London,
1845), iv. 448 _sq._ Similar methods of recovering lost souls are
practised by the Haidas, Nootkas, Shuswap, and other Indian tribes
of British Columbia. See Fr. Boas, in _Fifth Report on the
North-Western Tribes of Canada_, pp. 58 _sq._ (separate reprint from
the _Report of the British Association for 1889_); _id._ in _Sixth
Report_, etc., pp. 30, 44, 59 _sq._, 94 (separate reprint of the
_Report of the Brit. Assoc. for 1890_); _id._ in _Ninth Report_,
etc., p. 462 (in _Report of the Brit. Assoc. for 1894_). Kwakiutl
medicine-men exhibit captured souls in the shape of little balls of
eagle down. See Fr. Boas, in _Report of the U.S. National Museum for
1895_, pp. 561, 575.
215 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes
en Papua_, pp. 77 _sq._
216 J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ pp. 356 _sq._
217 J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 376.
218 Spenser St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_,2 i. 189; H.
Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo_, i.
261. Sometimes the souls resemble cotton seeds (Spenser St. John,
_l.c._). Compare _id._ i. 183.
219 Nieuwenhuisen en Rosenberg, “Verslag omtrent het Eiland Nias,”
_Verhandel. van het Batav. Genootsch. van Kunsten en Wetenschappen_,
xxx. (Batavia, 1863) p. 116; H. von Rosenberg, _Der Malayische
Archipel_, p. 174; E. Modigliani, _Viaggio a Nías_ (Milan, 1890), p.
192.
220 “Lettre du curé de Santiago Tepehuacan à son évêque sur les mœurs et
coutumes des Indiens soumis à ses soins,” _Bulletin de la Société de
Géographie_ (Paris), IIme Série, ii. (1834) p. 178.
221 W. Camden, _Britannia_ (London, 1607), p. 792. The passage has not
always been understood by Camden’s translators.
M47 Recovery of the soul in ancient Egypt.
222 A. Moret, _Le Rituel du culte divin journalier en Égypte_ (Paris,
1902), pp. 32-35, 83 _sq._
M48 Souls stolen or detained by sorcerers in Fiji and Polynesia.
223 Th. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_2 (London, 1860), i. 250.
224 W. W. Gill, _Myths and Songs of the South Pacific_, p. 171; _id._,
_Life in the Southern Isles_, pp. 181 _sqq._ Cinet, sinnet, or
sennit is cordage made from the dried fibre of the coco-nut husk.
Large quantities of it are used in Fiji. See Th. Williams, _Fiji and
the Fijians_,2 i. 69.
225 J. Williams, _Narrative of Missionary Enterprises in the South Sea
Islands_ (London, 1838), pp. 93, 466 _sq._ A traveller in Zombo-land
found traps commonly set at the entrances of villages and huts for
the purpose of catching the devil. See Rev. Th. Lewis, “The Ancient
Kingdom of Kongo,” _The Geographical Journal_, xix. (1902) p. 554.
_ 226 Relations des Jésuites_, 1639, p. 44 (Canadian reprint, Quebec,
1858).
M49 Detention of souls by sorcerers in Africa.
227 L. J. B. Bérenger-Féraud, _Les Peuplades de la Sénégambie_ (Paris,
1879), p. 277.
228 Delafosse, in _L’Anthropologie_, xi. (1895) p. 558.
229 W. H. Bentley, _Life on the Congo_ (London, 1887), p. 71.
230 Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_ (London, 1897), pp. 461
_sq._
M50 Taking the souls of enemies first and their heads afterwards.
231 E. L. M. Kühr, in _Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, ii.
(1889) p. 163; _id._, “Schetsen uit Borneo’s Westerafdeeling,”
_Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indië_, xlvii. (1897) pp. 59 _sq._ Among the Haida
Indians of Queen Charlotte Islands “every war-party must be
accompanied by a shaman, whose duty it was to find a propitious time
for making an attack, etc., but especially to war with and kill the
souls of the enemy. Then the death of their natural bodies was
certain.” See J. R. Swanton, “Contributions to the Ethnology of the
Haida” (Leyden and New York, 1905), p. 40 (_Memoir of the American
Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol.
v. part i.). Some of the Dyaks of south-eastern Borneo perform a
ceremony for the purpose of extracting the souls from the bodies of
prisoners whom they are about to torture to death. See F. Grabowsky,
“Der Tod, das Begräbnis, etc., bei den Dajaken,” _Internationales
Archiv für Ethnographie_, ii. (1889) p. 199.
M51 Injuries of various sorts done to captured souls by wizards.
232 A. Bastian, _Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde_ (Berlin, 1888),
i. 119.
_ 233 Relations des Jésuites_, 1637, p. 50 (Canadian reprint, Quebec,
1858).
234 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes
en Papua_ (the Hague, 1886), pp. 78 _sq._
235 E. B. Cross, “On the Karens,” _Journal of the American Oriental
Society_, iv. (1854) p. 307.
M52 Abduction of human souls by Malay wizards.
236 W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_ (London, 1900), pp. 568 _sq._
237 W. W. Skeat, _op. cit._ pp. 569 _sq._
238 W. W. Skeat, _op. cit._ pp. 574 _sq._
239 W. W. Skeat, _op. cit._ pp. 576 _sq._
M53 Athenian curse accompanied by the shaking of red cloths.
240 Lysias, _Or._ vi. 51, p. 51 ed. C. Scheibe. The passage was pointed
out to me by my friend Mr. W. Wyse. As to the mutilation of the
Hermae, see Thucydides, vi. 27-29, 60 _sq._; Andocides, _Or._ i. 37
_sqq._; Plutarch, _Alcibiades_, 18.
241 Above, p. 69.
M54 Extracting a patient’s soul from the stomach of his doctor.
242 J. B. McCullagh, in _The Church Missionary Gleaner_, xiv. No. 164
(August 1887), p. 91. The same account is copied from the “North
Star” (Sitka, Alaska, December 1888) in _Journal of American
Folk-lore_, ii. (1889) pp. 74 _sq._ Mr. McCullagh’s account (which
is closely followed in the text) of the latter part of the custom is
not quite clear. It would seem that failing to find the soul in the
head-doctor’s box it occurs to them that he may have swallowed it,
as the other doctors were at first supposed to have done. With a
view of testing this hypothesis they hold him up by the heels to
empty out the soul; and as the water with which his head is washed
may possibly contain the missing soul, it is poured on the patient’s
head to restore the soul to him. We have already seen that the
recovered soul is often conveyed into the sick person’s head.
243 Fr. Boas in _Eleventh Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,
p. 571 (_Report of the British Association for 1896_). For other
examples of the recapture or recovery of lost, stolen, and strayed
souls, in addition to those which have been cited in the preceding
pages, see J. N. Vosmaer, _Korte Beschrijving van het Zuid-oostelijk
Schiereiland van Celebes_, pp. 119-123 (this work, of which I
possess a copy, forms part of a Dutch journal which I have not
identified; it is dated Batavia, 1835); J. G. F. Riedel, “De
Topantunuasu of oorspronkelijke volksstammen van Central Selebes,”
_Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indië_, xxxv. (1886) p. 93; J. B. Neumann, “Het Pane-
en Bilastroom-gebeid,” _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch
Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, dl. iii., Afdeeling,
meer uitgebreide artikelen, No. 2 (1886), pp. 300 _sq._; J. L. van
der Toorn, “Het animisme bei den Minangkabauer,” _Bijdragen tot de
Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, xxxix. (1890)
pp. 51 _sq._; H. Ris, “De onderafdeeling Klein Mandailing Oeloe en
Pahantan,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indië_, xlvi. (1896) p. 529; C. Snouck Hurgronje, _De
Atjéhers_ (Batavia and Leyden, 1893-4), i. 426 _sq._; W. W. Skeat,
_Malay Magic_, pp. 49-51, 452-455, 570 _sqq._; _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, xxiv. (1895) pp. 128, 287; Chimkievitch,
“Chez les Bouriates de l’Amoor,” _Tour du monde_, N.S. iii. (1897)
pp. 622 _sq._; Father Ambrosoli, “Notice sur l’île de Rook,”
_Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, xxvii. (1855) p. 364; A.
Bastian, _Die Völker des östlichen Asien_, ii. 388, iii. 236; _id._,
_Völkerstämme am Brahmaputra_, p. 23; _id._, “Hügelstämme Assam’s,”
_Verhandlungen der Berlin. Gesell. für Anthropol., Ethnol. und
Urgeschichte_, 1881, p. 156; Shway Yoe, _The Burman_, i. 283 _sq._,
ii. 101 _sq._; G. M. Sproat, _Scenes and Studies of Savage Life_, p.
214; J. Doolittle, _Social Life of the Chinese_, pp. 110 _sq._ (ed.
Paxton Hood); T. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_,2 i. 242; E. B.
Cross, “On the Karens,” _Journal of the American Oriental Society_,
iv. (1854) pp. 309 sq.; A. W. Howitt, “On some Australian Beliefs,”
_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) pp. 187
_sq._; _id._, “On Australian Medicine Men,” _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._
xvi. (1887) p. 41; E. P. Houghton, “On the Land Dayaks of Upper
Sarawak,” _Memoirs of the Anthropological Society of London_, iii.
(1870) pp. 196 _sq._; L. Dahle, “Sikidy and Vintana,” _Antananarivo
Annual and Madagascar Annual_, xi. (1887) pp. 320 _sq._; C. Leemius,
_De Lapponibus Finmarchiae eorumque lingua, vita et religione
pristina commentatio_ (Copenhagen, 1767), pp. 416 _sq._; A. E.
Jenks, _The Bontoc Igorot_ (Manilla, 1905), pp. 199 _sq._; C. G.
Seligmann, _The Melanesians of British New Guinea_ (Cambridge,
1910), pp. 185 _sq._ My friend W. Robertson Smith suggested to me
that the practice of hunting souls, which is denounced in Ezekiel
xiii. 17 _sqq._, may have been akin to those described in the text.
M55 A man’s soul conceived as his shadow, so that to injure the shadow
is to injure the man.
244 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes
en Papua_, p. 440.
245 A. Bastian, _Die Völker des östlichen Asien_, v. 455.
246 J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 340.
247 N. Adriani en A. C. Kruijt, “Van Posso naar Parigi, Sigi en Lindoe,”
_Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_,
xlii. (1898) p. 511; compare A. C. Kruijt, _ib._ xliv. (1900) p.
247.
248 A. C. Kruijt, “Eenige ethnografische aanteekeningen omtrent de
Toboengkoe en de Tomori,” _op. cit._ xliv. (1900) p. 226.
_ 249 Annales de l’Association de la Propagation de la Foi_, iv. (1830)
p. 481.
250 Rev. J. Roscoe, in a letter to me dated Mengo, Uganda, May 26, 1904.
251 R. E. Dennett, “Bavili Notes,” _Folk-lore_, xvi. (1905) p. 372;
_id._, _At the Back of the Black Man’s Mind_ (London, 1906), p. 79.
252 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, p. 84.
253 Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood_, p. 68.
254 C. W. Hobley, “British East Africa,” _Journal of the Anthropological
Institute_, xxxiii. (1903) pp. 327 _sq._
255 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, iv. 84 _sq._
256 E. Modigliani, _Viaggio a Nías_, p. 620, compare p. 624.
M56 Danger to a person of letting his shadow fall on certain things.
Animals and trees also may be injured through their shadows.
257 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p. 184.
258 R. H. Codrington, _op. cit._ p. 176.
259 Fr. Boas, in _Ninth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,
pp. 461 _sq._ (_Report of the British Association for 1894_).
260 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, i. 94, 210 _sq._
261 E. H. Man, “Notes on the Nicobarese,” _Indian Antiquary_, xxviii.
(1899) pp. 257-259. Compare Sir R. C. Temple, in _Census of India,
1901_, iii. 209.
262 W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 143.
263 J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 54.
264 Mohammed Ebn-Omar El-Tounsy, _Voyage au Darfour_, traduit de l’Arabe
par le Dr. Perron (Paris, 1845), p. 347.
265 W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 306.
266 [Aristotle] _Mirab. Auscult._ 145 (157); _Geoponica_, xv. 1. In the
latter passage, for κατάγει ἑαυτήν we must read κατάγει αὐτόν, an
emendation necessitated by the context, and confirmed by the passage
of Damïrï quoted and translated by Bochart, _Hierozoicon_, i. col.
833, “_cum ad lunam calcat umbram canis, qui supra tectum est, canis
ad eam_ [scil. hyaenam] _decidit, et ea illum devorat_.” Compare W.
Robertson Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_,2 p. 129.
267 Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood_, p. 71.
M57 Danger of being overshadowed by certain birds or people.
268 W. Crooke, in _Indian Antiquary_, xix. (1890) p. 254.
269 Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 612.
270 M. R. Pedlow, in _Indian Antiquary_, xxix. (1900) p. 60.
271 W. Cornwallis Harris, _The Highlands of Aethiopia_ (London, 1844),
i. 158.
272 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, p. 313.
273 D. Kidd, _op. cit._ p. 356.
274 Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood_, p. 70.
_ 275 Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. p. 15, § 122.
M58 The shadows of certain persons are regarded as peculiarly dangerous.
The savage’s dread of his mother in-law.
276 Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,
pp. 92, 94 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British
Association for 1890_); compare _id._ in _Seventh Report_, etc., p.
13 (separate reprint from the _Rep. Brit. Assoc. for 1891_).
277 A. W. Howitt, “The Jeraeil, or Initiation Ceremonies of the Kurnai
Tribe,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xiv. (1885) p.
316.
278 Miss Mary E. B. Howitt, _Folk-lore and Legends of some Victorian
Tribes_ (in manuscript).
279 A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 266.
280 A. W. Howitt, _op. cit._ p. 267.
281 A. W. Howitt, _op. cit._ pp. 256 _sq._
282 A. W. Howitt, _op. cit._ pp. 280 _sq._ Compare J. Dawson,
_Australian Aborigines_, pp. 32 _sq._
283 Partly from notes sent me by my friend the Rev. J. Roscoe, partly
from Sir H. Johnston’s account (_The Uganda Protectorate_, ii. 688).
In his printed notes (_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,
xxxii. (1902) p. 39) Mr. Roscoe says that the mother-in-law “may be
in another room out of sight and speak to him through the wall or
open door.”
284 Father Picarda, “Autour du Mandera, Notes sur l’Ouzigoua, l’Oukwéré
et l’Oudoé (Zanguebar),” _Missions Catholiques_, xviii. (1886) p.
286.
285 Father Porte, “Les Réminiscences d’un missionnaire du Basutoland,”
_Missions Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896) p. 318.
286 H. H. Romily and Rev. George Brown, in _Proceedings of the Royal
Geographical Society_, N.S. ix. (1887) pp. 9, 17.
287 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p. 43.
288 J. G. Bourke, _On the Border with Crook_, p. 132. More evidence of
the mutual avoidance of mother-in-law and son-in-law among savages
is collected in my _Totemism and Exogamy_; see the Index, _s.v._
“Mother-in-law.” The custom is probably based on a fear of incest
between them. To the almost universal rule of savage life that a man
must avoid his mother-in-law there is a most remarkable exception
among the Wahehe of German East Africa. In that tribe a bridegroom
must sleep with his mother-in-law before he may cohabit with her
daughter. See Rev. H. Cole, “Notes on the Wagogo of German East
Africa,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)
p. 312.
289 O. Dapper, _Description de l’Afrique_, p. 312; H. Ling Roth, _Great
Benin_, p. 119; _Missions Catholiques_, xv. (1883) p. 110; J.
Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,”
_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 67.
M59 A man’s health and strength supposed to vary with the length of his
shadow. Fear of the loss of the shadow. Fear of the resemblance of a
child to its parents.
290 Dio Chrysostom, _Or._ lxvii. vol. ii. p. 230, ed. L. Dindorf.
291 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes
en Papua_, p. 61.
292 W. W. Gill, _Myths and Songs of the South Pacific_, pp. 284 _sqq._
293 W. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden. _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_
(London, 1906), ii. 110.
294 The Rev. J. Roscoe, in a letter to me dated Mengo, Uganda, May 26,
1904.
295 T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, _Voyage d’exploration_ (Paris, 1842), p.
291; Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, pp. 83, 303; _id._, _Savage
Childhood_, p. 69. In the last passage Mr. Kidd tells us that “the
mat was _not_ held up in the sun, but was placed in the hut at the
marked-off portion where the _itongo_ or ancestral spirit was
supposed to live; and the fate of the man was divined, not by the
_length_ of the shadow, but by its _strength_.”
296 Theocritus, i. 15 _sqq._; Philostratus, _Heroic._ i. 3; Porphyry,
_De antro nympharum_, 26; Lucan, iii. 423 _sqq._; Drexler, _s.v._
“Meridianus daemon,” in Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm.
Mythologie_, ii. 2832 _sqq._; Bernard Schmidt, _Das Volksleben der
Neugriechen_, pp. 94 _sqq._, 119 _sq._; Georgeakis et Pineau,
_Folk-lore de Lesbos_, p. 342; A. de Nore, _Coutumes, mythes, et
traditions des provinces de France_, pp. 214 _sq._; J. Grimm,
_Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. 972; C. L. Rochholz, _Deutscher Glaube
und Brauch_, i. 62 _sqq._; E. Gerard, _The Land beyond the Forest_,
i. 331; “Lettre du curé de Santiago Tepehuacan,” _Bulletin de la
Société de Géographie_ (Paris), IIme Série, ii. (1834) p. 180; N.
von Stenin, “Die Permier,” _Globus_, lxxi. (1897) p. 374; D.
Louwerier, “Bijgeloovige gebruiken, die door die Javanen worden in
acht genomen,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
Zendelinggenootschap_, xlix. (1905) p. 257.
297 Schol. on Aristophanes, _Frogs_, 293.
298 Pausanias, viii. 38. 6; Polybius, xvi. 12. 7; Plutarch, _Quaestiones
Graecae_, 39.
299 Th. Vernaleken, _Mythen und Bräuche des Volkes in Österreich_, p.
341; Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, _Das festliche Jahr_, p. 401; A. Wuttke,
_Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,2 p. 207, § 314.
300 M. J. van Baarda, “Fabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der
Galelareezen,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indië_, xlv. (1895) p. 459.
301 J. H. Weeks, “Notes on some Customs of the Lower Congo People,”
_Folk-lore_, xix. (1908) p. 422.
M60 The shadows of people built into foundations to strengthen the
edifices.
302 B. Schmidt, _Das Volksleben der Neugriechen_ (Leipsic, 1871), pp.
196 _sq._
303 Georgeakis et Pineau, _Folk-lore de Lesbos_, pp. 346 _sq._
304 A. Strausz, _Die Bulgaren_ (Leipsic, 1898), p. 199; W. R. S.
Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, p. 127.
305 W. Schmidt, _Das Jahr und seine Tage in Meinung und Brauch der
Romänen Siebenbürgens_ (Hermannstadt, 1866), p. 27; E. Gerard, _The
Land beyond the Forest_, ii. 17 _sq._ Compare F. S. Krauss,
_Volksglaube und religiöser Brauch der Südslaven_, p. 161.
306 Mgr. Bruguière, in _Annales de l’Association de la Propagation de la
Foi_, v. (1831) pp. 164 _sq._; Pallegoix, _Description du royaume
Thai ou Siam_, ii. 50-52.
307 A. Fytche, _Burma, Past and Present_ (London, 1878), i. 251 note.
308 On such practices in general, see E. B. Tylor, _Primitive Culture_,2
i. 104 _sqq._; F. Liebrecht, _Zur Volkskunde_, pp. 284-296; F. S.
Krauss, “Der Bauopfer bei den Südslaven,” _Mittheilungen der
Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien_, xvii. (1887) pp. 16-24; P.
Sartori, “Über das Bauopfer,” _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xxx.
(1898) pp. 1-54; E. Westermarck, _Origin and Development of the
Moral Ideas_ (London, 1906-1908), i. 461 _sqq._ For some special
evidence, see H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_, pp. 363 _sqq._
(as to ancient India); Sonnerat, _Voyage aux Indes Orientales et à
la Chine_, ii. 47 (as to Pegu); Guerlach, “Chez les sauvages
Bahnars,” _Missions Catholiques_, xvi. (1884) p. 82 (as to the
Sedans of Cochin-China); W. H. Furness, _Home-life of Borneo
Head-hunters_, p. 3 (as to the Kayans and Kenyahs of Burma); A. C.
Kruijt, “Van Paloppo naar Posso,” _Mededeelingen van wege het
Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlii. (1898) p. 56 note (as to
central Celebes); L. Hearn, _Glimpses of Unfamiliar Japan_ (London,
1894), i. 148 _sq._; H. Ternaux-Compans, _Essai sur l’ancien
Cundinamarca_, p. 70 (as to the Indians of Colombia). These customs
are commonly called foundation-sacrifices. But the name is
inappropriate, as Prof. H. Oldenberg has rightly observed, since
they are not sacrifices but charms.
309 D. F. van Braam Morris, in _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en
Volkenkunde_, xxxiv. (1891) p. 224.
M61 Deification of a measuring tape.
310 J. H. de Vries, “Reis door eenige eilandgroepen der Residentie
Amboina,” _Tijdschrift van het koninklijk Nederlandsch
Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweedie Serie, xvii. (1900) pp. 612
_sq._
M62 The soul sometimes supposed to be in the reflection. Dangers to
which the reflection-soul is exposed.
311 E. H. Mann, _Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands_, p. 94.
312 T. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_,2 i. 241. However, the late Mr.
Lorimer Fison wrote to me that this reported belief in a bright soul
and a dark soul “is one of Williams’ absurdities. I inquired into it
on the island where he was, and found that there was no such belief.
He took the word for ‘shadow,’ which is a reduplication of _yalo_,
the word for soul, as meaning the dark soul. But _yaloyalo_ does not
mean the soul at all. It is not part of a man as his soul is. This
is made certain by the fact that it does not take the possessive
suffix _yalo-na_ = his soul; but _nona yaloyalo_ = his shadow. This
settles the question beyond dispute. If _yaloyalo_ were any kind of
soul, the possessive form would be _yaloyalona_” (letter dated
August 26, 1898).
313 James Chalmers, _Pioneering in New Guinea_ (London, 1887), p. 170.
314 Father Lambert, _Mœurs et superstitions des Néo-Calédoniens_
(Nouméa, 1900), pp. 45 _sq._
315 M. J. van Baarda, “Fabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der
Galelareezen,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indië_, xlv. (1895) p. 462.
316 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire générale des choses de la Nouvelle-Espagne_
(Paris, 1880), p. 314. The Chinese hang brass mirrors over the idols
in their houses, because it is thought that evil spirits entering
the house and seeing themselves in the mirrors will be scared away
(_China Review_, ii. 164).
317 G. Vuillier, “Chez les magiciens et les sorciers de la Corrèze,”
_Tour du monde_, N.S. v. (1899) pp. 522, 524.
318 H. Callaway, _Nursery Tales, Traditions, and Histories of the Zulus_
(Natal and London, 1868), p. 342.
319 T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, _Voyage d’exploration au nord-est de la
colonie du Cap de Bonne-Espérance_, p. 12; T. Lindsay Fairclough,
“Notes on the Basuto,” _Journal of the African Society_, No. 14
(January 1905), p. 201.
320 R. H. Codrington, “Religious Beliefs and Practices in Melanesia,”
_Journ. Anthrop. Inst._ x. (1881) p. 313; _id._, _The Melanesians_,
p. 186.
M63 Dread of looking at one’s reflection in water.
_ 321 Fragmenta philosophorum Graecorum_, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, i. 510;
Artemidorus, _Onirocr._ ii. 7; _Laws of Manu_, iv. 38 (p. 135, G.
Bühler’s translation, _Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xxv.).
M64 Reason for covering up mirrors or turning them to the wall after a
death.
322 See above, p. 37.
323 A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,2 pp. 429 _sq._, § 726.
324 A. Wuttke, _l.c._; E. Monseur, _Le Folklore Wallon_, p. 40.
_ 325 Folk-lore Journal_, iii. (1885) p. 281; T. F. Thiselton Dyer,
_English Folk-lore_, p. 109; J. Napier, _Folk-lore, or Superstitious
Beliefs in the West of Scotland_, p. 60; W. Ellis, _History of
Madagascar_, i. 238. Compare A. Grandidier, “Des rites funéraires
chez les Malgaches,” _Revue d’Ethnographie_, v. (1886) p. 215.
326 S. Weissenberg, “Die Karäer der Krim,” _Globus_, lxxxiv. (1903) p.
143; _id._ “Krankheit und Tod bei den südrussischen Juden,”
_Globus_, xci. (1907) p. 360.
_ 327 Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. p. 169, § 906.
328 J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebräuche aus Böhmen und Mähren_,
p. 151, § 1097; _Folk-lore Journal_, vi. (1888) pp. 145 _sq._:
_Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. p. 61, § 378.
329 J. G. Frazer, “On certain Burial Customs as illustrative of the
Primitive Theory of the Soul,” _Journal of the Anthropological
Institute_, xv. (1886) pp. 82 _sqq._ Among the heathen Arabs, when a
man had been stung by a scorpion, he was kept from sleeping for
seven days, during which he had to wear a woman’s bracelets and
earrings (Rasmussen, _Additamenta ad historiam Arabum ante
Islamismum_, p. 65, compare p. 69). The old Mexican custom of
masking and the images of the gods so long as the king was sick
(Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des nations civilisées du Mexique
et de l’Amérique-Centrale_, iii. 571 _sq._) may perhaps have been
intended to prevent the images from drawing away the king’s soul.
330 W. R. S. Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, p. 117. The
objection, however, may be merely Puritanical. W. Robertson Smith
informed me that the peculiarities of the Raskolniks are largely due
to exaggerated Puritanism.
M65 The soul sometimes supposed to be in the portrait. This belief among
the Esquimaux and American Indians.
331 E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” _Eighteenth Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part I. (Washington,
1899) p. 422.
332 J. Owen Dorsey, “A Study of Siouan Cults,” _Eleventh Annual Report
of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1894), p. 484; _id._ “Teton
Folk-lore,” _American Anthropologist_, ii. (1889) p. 143.
333 Maximilian Prinz zu Wied, _Reise in das innere Nord-America_, i.
417.
_ 334 Ibid._ ii. 166.
335 C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), i. 459 _sq._
336 A. Simson, “Notes on the Jivaros and Canelos Indians,” _Journal of
the Anthropological Institute_, ix. (1880) p. 392.
337 D. Forbes, in _Journal of the Ethnological Society of London_, ii.
(1870) p. 236.
338 E. R. Smith, _The Araucanians_ (London, 1855), p. 222.
M66 The same belief in Africa.
339 Rev. A. Hetherwick, “Some Animistic Beliefs among the Yaos of
British Central Africa,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,
xxxii. (1902) pp. 89 _sq._
340 W. A. Elmslie, _Among the Wild Ngoni_ (Edinburgh and London, 1899),
pp. 70 _sq._
341 J. Thomson, _Through Masai Land_ (London, 1885), p. 86.
342 E. Clodd, in _Folk-lore_, vi. (1895) pp. 73 _sq._, referring to _The
Times_ of March 24, 1891.
M67 The same belief in Asia and the East Indies.
343 L. A. Waddell, _Among the Himalayas_ (Westminster, 1899), pp. 85
_sq._
344 E. Young, _The Kingdom of the Yellow Robe_ (Westminster, 1898), p.
140.
345 Ch. Dallet, _Histoire de l’Église de Corée_ (Paris, 1874), i. p.
xxv. This account of Corea was written at a time when the country
was still almost secluded from European influence. The events of
recent years have naturally wrought great changes in the habits and
ideas of the people.
346 “Iets over het bijgeloof in de Minahasa,” _Tijdschrift voor
Nederlandsch Indië_, III. Série, iv. (1870) pp. 8 _sq._
347 J. Freiherr von Brenner, _Besuch bei den Kannibalen Sumatras_
(Würzburg, 1894), p. 195.
348 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, i. 314.
M68 The same belief in Europe.
349 “A Far-off Greek Island,” _Blackwood’s Magazine_, February 1886, p.
235.
350 J. A. E. Köhler, _Volksbrauch, Aberglauben, Sagen und andre alte
Überlieferungen im Voigtlande_ (Leipsic, 1867), p. 423.
351 W. R. S. Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, p. 117.
352 Miss M. E. Durham, _High Albania_ (London, 1909), p. 107.
353 F. H. Groome, _In Gipsy Tents_ (Edinburgh, 1880), pp. 337 _sq._
354 James Napier, _Folk-lore, or Superstitious Beliefs in the West of
Scotland_, p. 142. For more examples of the same sort, see R.
Andree, _Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche_, Neue Folge
(Leipsic, 1889), pp. 18 _sqq._
M69 Primitive conceptions of the soul helped to mould early kingships by
dictating rules to be observed by the king for his soul’s salvation.
M70 The general effect of these rules is to isolate the king, especially
from strangers. The savage fears the magic arts of strangers and
hence guards himself against them. Various modes of disenchanting
strangers.
355 Menander Protector, in _Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C.
Müller, iv. 227. Compare Gibbon, _Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire_, ch. xlii. vol. vii. pp. 294 _sq._ (Edinburgh, 1811).
356 G. Turner, _Samoa_, pp. 291 _sq._
357 Charles New, _Life, Wanderings, and Labours in Eastern Africa_
(London, 1873), p. 432. Compare _ibid._ pp. 400, 402. For the demons
on Mt. Kilimanjaro, see also J. L. Krapf, _Travels, Researches, and
Missionary Labours in Eastern Africa_ (London, 1860), p. 192.
358 Pierre Bouche, _La Côte des Esclaves et le Dahomey_ (Paris, 1885),
p. 133.
359 A. van Gennep, _Tabou et totémisme à Madagascar_ (Paris, 1904), p.
42.
360 C. A. L. M. Schwaner, _Borneo_ (Amsterdam, 1853-54), ii. 77.
_ 361 Ibid._ ii. 167.
362 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, ii. 102.
363 E. Aymonier, _Notes sur le Laos_ (Saigon, 1885), p. 196.
_ 364 Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_ (Paris), IVme Série, vi.
(1853) pp. 134 _sq._
365 H. von Rosenberg, _Der malayische Archipel_ (Leipsic, 1878), p. 198.
366 D. W. Horst, “Rapport van eene reis naar de Noordkust van Nieuw
Guinea,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_,
xxxii. (1889) p. 229.
367 Capt. John Moresby, _Discoveries and Surveys in New Guinea_ (London,
1876), pp. 102 _sq._
368 R. I. Dodge, _Our Wild Indians_ (Hartford, Conn., 1886), p. 119.
M71 Disenchantment effected by means of stinging ants and pungent
spices. Disenchantment effected by cuts with knives.
369 J. Crevaux, _Voyages dans l’Amérique du Sud_ (Paris, 1883), p. 300.
370 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes
en Papua_, p. 78.
371 J. Kreemer, “Hoe de Javaan zijne zieken verzorgt,” _Mededeelingen
van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxvi. (1892) p.
13. Mr. E. W. Lewis, of Woodthorpe, Atkins Rood, Clapham Park,
London, S.W., writes to me (July 2, 1902) that his grandmother, a
native of Cheshire, used to make bees sting her as a cure for local
rheumatism; she said the remedy was infallible and had been handed
down to her from her mother.
372 Father Baudin, “Le Fétichisme,” _Missions Catholiques_, xvi. (1884)
p. 249; A. B. Ellis, _The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave
Coast_ (London, 1894), pp. 113 _sq._
373 A. Bastian, _Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde_ (Berlin, 1888),
i. 116.
374 J. B. de Callone, “Iets over de geneeswijze en ziekten der Daijakers
ter Zuid Oostkust van Borneo,” _Tijdschrift voor Neêrlands Indie_,
1840, dl. i. p. 418.
375 M. T. H. Perelaer, _Ethnographische Beschrijving der Dajaks_, pp.
44, 54, 252; B. F. Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van
Zuid-Celebes_ (The Hague, 1875), p. 49.
376 H. Grützner, “Über die Gebräuche der Basutho,” in _Verhandlungen der
Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie, und
Urgeschichte_, 1877, pp. 84 _sq._
377 L. Decle, _Three Years in Savage Africa_ (London, 1898), p. 81.
378 P. Reichard, _Deutsch-Ostafrika_ (Leipsic, 1892), p. 431.
379 Nieuwenhuisen en Rosenberg, “Verslag omtrent het eiland Nias,” in
_Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en
Wetenschappen_, xxx. (Batavia, 1863) p. 26.
M72 Ceremonies observed at the reception of strangers may sometimes be
intended to counteract their enchantments.
380 R. Parkinson, “Zur Ethnographie der Ontong Java- und Tasman-Inseln,”
_Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, x. (1897) p. 112.
381 T. S. Weir, “Note on Sacrifices in India as a Means of averting
Epidemics,” _Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay_, i.
35.
382 E. O’Donovan, _The Merv Oasis_ (London, 1882), ii. 58.
_ 383 Emin Pasha in Central Africa, being a Collection of his Letters and
Journals_ (London, 1888), p. 107.
384 H. Ling Roth, _Great Benin_ (Halifax, England, 1903), p. 123.
_ 385 Narrative of the Second Arctic Expedition made by Charles F. Hall_,
edited by Prof. J. G. Nourse, U.S.N. (Washington, 1879), p. 269,
note. Compare Fr. Boas, “The Central Eskimo,” _Sixth Annual Report
of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1888), p. 609.
386 J. A. Grant, _A Walk across Africa_, pp. 104 _sq._
M73 Ceremonies observed at entering a strange land to disenchant it.
Ceremonies at entering a strange land to disenchant it or to
propitiate the local spirits.
387 E. Shortland, _Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders_2
(London, 1856), p. 103.
388 N. von Miklucho-Maclay, “Ethnologische Bemerkungen über die Papuas
der Maclay-Kuste in Neu-Guinea,” _Natuurkundig Tijdschrift voor
Nederlandsch Indie_, xxxvi. 317 _sq._
389 Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_ (Berlin, 1894),
p. 94.
390 R. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 134.
391 A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 403.
392 Ch. Hose, _Notes on the Natives of British Borneo_ (in manuscript).
393 A. C. Kruijt, “Het koppensnellen der Toradja’s van Midden-Celebes,
en zijne beteekenis,” _Verslagen en Mededeelingen der Konikl.
Akademie van Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, iv. Reeks, iii.
(1899) p. 204.
394 Scholiast on Euripides, _Phoenissae_, 1377, ed. E. Schwartz.
395 Conon, _Narrationes_, 18; Pausanias, iii. 19. 12; Francis Fleming,
_Southern Africa_ (London, 1856), p. 259; Dudley Kidd, _The
Essential Kafir_, p. 307.
396 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. ii. pp. 263
_sq._
M74 Purificatory ceremonies observed on the return from a journey.
397 John Campbell, _Travels in South Africa, being a Narrative of a
Second Journey in the Interior of that Country_ (London, 1822), ii.
205.
398 Ladislaus Magyar, _Reisen in Süd-Afrika_ (Buda-Pesth and Leipsic,
1859), p. 203.
399 Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_ (Berlin, 1894),
p. 89.
400 J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the
Baganda,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)
p. 62.
401 C. J. Andersson, _Lake Ngami_2 (London, 1856), p. 223.
402 Washington Matthews, “The Mountain Chant: a Navajo Ceremony,” _Fifth
Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1887), p.
410.
_ 403 Asiatick Researches_, vi. 535 _sq._ ed. 4to (p. 537 _sq._ ed. 8vo).
404 François Valentyn, _Oud en nieuw Oost-Indiën_, iii. 16.
405 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _In Centraal Borneo_, i. 165.
406 G. Turner, _Samoa_, pp. 305 _sq._
M75 Special precautions taken to guard the king against the magic of
strangers.
407 De Plano Carpini, _Historia Mongolorum quos nos Tartaros
appellamus_, ed. D’Avezac (Paris, 1838), cap. iii. § iii. p. 627,
cap. ult. § i. x. p. 744, and Appendix, p. 775; “Travels of William
de Rubriquis into Tartary and China,” in Pinkerton’s _Voyages and
Travels_, vii. 82 _sq._
408 Paul Pogge, “Bericht über die Station Mukenge,” _Mittheilungen der
Afrikanischen Gesellschaft in Deutschland_, iv. (1883-1885) pp. 182
_sq._
409 Coillard, “Voyage au pays des Banyais et au Zambèse,” _Bulletin de
la Société de Géographie_ (Paris), VIme Série, xx. (1880) p. 393.
410 J. L. Krapf, _Travels, Researches, and Missionary Labours during an
Eighteen Years’ Residence in Eastern Africa_ (London, 1860), pp. 252
_sq._
411 O. Dapper, _Description de l’Afrique_ (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 391.
412 Proyart, “History of Loango, Kakongo,” etc., in Pinkerton’s _Voyages
and Travels_, xvi. 583; Dapper, _op. cit._ p. 340; J. Ogilby,
_Africa_ (London, 1670), p. 521. Compare A. Bastian, _Die deutsche
Expedition an der Loango-Küste_, i. 288.
413 A. Bastian, _op. cit._ i. 268 _sq._
414 See above, pp. 8 _sq._
415 L. von Ende, “Die Baduwis auf Java,” _Mittheilungen der
anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien_, xix. (1889) pp. 7-10. As to
the Baduwis (Badoejs) see also G. A. Wilken, _Handleiding voor de
vergelijkende Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_ (Leyden, 1893),
pp. 640-643.
M76 Spiritual dangers of eating and drinking and precautions taken
against them.
416 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 107.
417 J. B. Neumann, “Het Pane- en Bila- Stroomgebied op het eiland
Sumatra,” _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig
Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, dl. iii. (1886) Afdeeling, meer
uitgebreide artikelen, No. 2, p. 300.
418 J. Richardson, “Tanala Customs, Superstitions and Beliefs,” _The
Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine, Reprint of the First
Four Numbers_ (Antananarivo, 1885), p. 219.
419 W. Cornwallis Harris, _The Highlands of Aethiopia_, iii. 171 _sq._
420 Th. Lefebvre, _Voyage en Abyssinie_, i. p. lxxii.
421 Lieut. V. L. Cameron, _Across Africa_ (London, 1877), ii. 71; _id._,
in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, vi. (1877) p. 173.
422 Ebn-el-Dyn el-Eghouâthy, “Relation d’un voyage dans l’intérieur de
l’Afrique septentrionale,” _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_
(Paris), IIme Série, i. (1834) p. 290.
423 J. Teit, “The Thompson Indians of British Columbia,” _Memoir of the
American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific
Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) p. 360.
424 Th. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_.2 i. 249.
M77 Seclusion of kings at their meals.
425 “Adventures of Andrew Battel,” in Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_,
xvi. 330; O. Dapper, _Description de l’Afrique_, p. 330; A. Bastian,
_Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste_, i. 262 _sq._; R. F.
Burton, _Abeokuta and the Cameroons Mountains_, i. 147.
426 Proyart’s “History of Loango, Kakongo,” etc., in Pinkerton’s
_Voyages and Travels_, xvi. 584.
427 J. L. Wilson, _Western Africa_, p. 202; John Duncan, _Travels in
Western Africa_, i. 222. Compare W. W. Reade, _Savage Africa_, p.
543.
428 Paul Pogge, _Im Reiche des Muata Jamwo_ (Berlin, 1880), p. 231.
429 F. T. Valdez, _Six Years of a Traveller’s Life in Western Africa_
(London, 1861), ii. 256.
430 A. F. Mockler-Ferryman, _Up the Niger_ (London, 1892), p. 38.
431 Baron Roger, “Notice sur le gouvernement, les mœurs et les
superstitions des Nègres du pays de Walo,” _Bulletin de la Société
de Géographie_ (Paris), viii. (1827) p. 351.
432 G. Schweinfurth, _The Heart of Africa_, ii. 45 (third edition,
London, 1878); G. Casati, _Ten Years in Equatoria_ (London and New
York, 1891), i. 177. As to the various customs observed by Monbutto
chiefs in drinking see G. Burrows, _The Land of the Pigmies_
(London, 1898), pp. 88, 91.
433 J. G. Frazer, _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 526, from information
furnished by the Rev. John Roscoe.
434 W. Cornwallis Harris, _The Highlands of Aethiopia_, iii. 78.
435 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, pp. 162
_sq._
436 Capt. James Cook, _Voyages_, v. 374 (ed. 1809).
437 Heraclides Cumanus, in Athenaeus, iv. 26, p. 145 B-D. On the other
hand, in Kafa no one, not even the king, may eat except in the
presence of a legal witness. A slave is appointed to witness the
king’s meals, and his office is esteemed honourable. See F. G.
Massaja, in _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_ (Paris), Vme
Série, i. (1861) pp. 330 _sq._; Ph. Paulitschke, _Ethnographie
Nordost-Afrikas: die geistige Cultur der Danâkil, Galla und Somâl_
(Berlin, 1896), pp. 248 _sq._
M78 Faces veiled to avert evil influences. Kings not to be seen by their
subjects.
_ 438 Notes analytiques sur les collections ethnographiques du Musée du
Congo_, I. _Les Arts, Religion_ (Brussels, 1902-1906), p. 164.
439 Mohammed Ibn-Omar el Tounsy, _Voyage au Darfour_ (Paris, 1845), p.
203; _Travels of an Arab Merchant_ [Mohammed Ibn-Omar el Tounsy] _in
Soudan_, abridged from the French (of Perron) by Bayle St. John
(London, 1854), pp. 91 _sq._
440 Mohammed Ibn-Omar el Tounsy, _Voyage au Ouadây_ (Paris, 1851), p.
375.
441 Ibn Batoutah, _Voyages_, ed. C. Defrémery et B. R. Sanguinetti
(Paris, 1853-1858), iv. 441.
442 Le Commandant Mattei, _Bas-Niger, Bénoué, Dahomey_ (Paris, 1895),
pp. 90 _sq._
443 H. Ternaux-Compans, _Essai sur l’ancien Cundinamarca_, p. 60.
_ 444 Manuscrit Ramirez, histoire de l’origine des Indiens qui habitent
la Nouvelle Espagne selon leurs traditions_, publié par D. Charnay
(Paris, 1903), pp. 107 _sq._
445 Herodotus, i. 99.
446 A. B. Ellis, _The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p.
170.
447 Ebn-el-Dyn el-Eghouathy, “Relation d’un voyage,” _Bulletin de la
Société de Géographie_ (Paris), IIme Série, i. (1834) p. 290; H.
Duveyrier, _Exploration du Sahara: les Touareg du Nord_, pp. 391
_sq._; Reclus, _Nouvelle Géographie Universelle_, xi. 838 _sq._;
James Richardson, _Travels in the Great Desert of Sahara_, ii. 208.
448 J. Wellhausen, _Reste arabischen Heidentums_2 (Berlin, 1897), p.
196.
449 Tertullian, _De virginibus velandis_, 17 (Migne’s _Patrologia
Latina_, ii. col. 912).
450 Pseudo-Dicaearchus, _Descriptio Graeciae_, 18, in _Geographi Graeci
Minores_, ed. C. Müller, i. 103; _id._, in _Fragmenta Historicorum
Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, ii. 259.
451 G. Turner, _Samoa_, pp. 67 _sq._
452 J. G. F. Riedel, “Die Landschaft Dawan oder West-Timor,” _Deutsche
geographische Blätter_, x. 230.
453 A. W. Howitt, “On some Australian Ceremonies of Initiation,”
_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) p. 456.
454 Above, pp. 30 _sqq._
M79 Kings forbidden to leave their palaces or to be seen abroad by their
subjects.
455 See above, pp. 5, 8 _sq._
456 This rule was mentioned to me in conversation by Miss Mary H.
Kingsley. However, he is said to have shewn himself outside his
palace on solemn occasions once or twice a year. See O. Dapper,
_Description de l’Afrique_, pp. 311 _sq._; H. Ling Roth, _Great
Benin_, p. 74. As to the worship of the king of Benin, see _The
Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. p. 396.
457 A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste_, i. 263.
However, a case is recorded in which he marched out to war (_ibid._
i. 268 _sq._).
458 S. Crowther and J. C. Taylor, _The Gospel on the Banks of the Niger_
(London, 1859), p. 433.
459 Le Commandant Mattei, _Bas-Niger, Bénoué, Dahomey_ (Paris, 1895),
pp. 67-72. The annual dance of the king of Onitsha outside of his
palace is mentioned also by S. Crowther and J. C. Taylor (_op. cit._
p. 379), and A. F. Mockler-Ferryman (_Up the Niger_, p. 22).
460 “Mission Voulet-Chanoine,” _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_
(Paris), VIIIme Série, xx. (1899) p. 223.
461 C. Partridge, _Cross River Natives_ (London, 1905), p. 7; compare
_id._ pp. 8, 200, 202, 203 _sq._ See also Major A. G. Leonard, _The
Lower Niger and its Tribes_ (London, 1906), pp. 371 _sq._
462 Strabo, xvii. 2. 2 σέβονται δ᾽ ὡς θεοὺς τουσ βασιλεασ, κατακλειστουσ
οντασ και οἰκουροὺς τὸ πλέον.
463 Xenophon, _Anabasis_, v. 4. 26; Scymnus Chius, _Orbis descriptio_,
900 _sqq._ (_Geographi Graeci Minores_, ed. C. Müller, i. 234);
Diodorus Siculus, xiv. 30. 6 _sq._; Nicolaus Damascenus, quoted by
Stobeaus, _Florilegium_, xliv. 41 (vol. ii. p. 185, ed. Meineke);
Apollonius Rhodius, _Argon._ ii. 1026, _sqq._, with the note of the
scholiast; Pomponius Mela, i. 106, p. 29, ed. Parthey. Die
Chrysostom refers to the custom without mentioning the name of the
people (_Or._ xiv. vol. i. p. 257, ed. L. Dindorf).
464 Strabo, xvi. 4. 19, p. 778; Diodorus Siculus, iii. 47. Inscriptions
found in Sheba (the country about two hundred miles north of Aden)
seem to shew that the land was at first ruled by a succession of
priestly kings, who were afterwards followed by kings in the
ordinary sense. The names of many of these priestly kings
(_makarribs_, literally “blessers”) are preserved in inscriptions.
See Prof. S. R. Driver, in _Authority and Archaeology Sacred and
Profane_, edited by D. G. Hogarth (London, 1899), p. 82. Probably
these “blessers” are the kings referred to by the Greek writers. We
may suppose that the blessings they dispensed consisted in a proper
regulation of the weather, abundance of the fruits of the earth, and
so on.
465 Heraclides Cumanus, in Athenaeus, xii. 13, p. 517 B.C.
466 Ch. Dallet, _Histoire de l’Église de Coreé_ (Paris, 1874), i. pp.
xxiv-xxvi. The king sometimes, though rarely, left his palace. When
he did so, notice was given beforehand to his people. All doors must
be shut and each householder must kneel before his threshold with a
broom and a dust-pan in his hand. All windows, especially the upper
ones, must be sealed with slips of paper, lest some one should look
down upon the king. See W. E. Griffis, _Corea, the Hermit Nation_,
p. 222. These customs are now obsolete (G. N. Curzon, _Problems of
the Far East_, Westminster, 1896, pp. 154 _sq._ note).
467 This I learned from the late Mr. W. Simpson, formerly artist of the
_Illustrated London News_.
468 Richard, “History of Tonquin,” in Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_,
ix. 746.
469 Shway Yoe, _The Burman_ (London, 1882), i. 30 _sq._; compare _Indian
Antiquary_, xx. (1891) p. 49.
M80 Magical harm done a man through the remains of his food or the
dishes he has eaten out of. Ideas and customs of the Narrinyeri of
South Australia.
470 G. Taplin, “The Narrinyeri,” in _Native Tribes of South Australia_
(Adelaide, 1879), pp. 24-26; _id._, in E. M. Curr, _The Australian
Race_, ii. p. 247.
471 G. Taplin, “The Narrinyeri,” in _Native Tribes of South Australia_,
p. 63; _id._, “Notes on the Mixed Races of Australia,” _Journal of
the Anthropological Institute_, iv. (1875) p. 53; _id._, in E. M.
Curr, _The Australian Race_, ii. 245.
472 H. E. A. Meyer, “Manners and Customs of the Aborigines of the
Encounter Bay Tribe,” in _Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 196.
M81 Ideas and customs as to the leavings of food in Melanesia and New
Guinea.
473 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, pp. 203 _sq._, compare pp. 178,
188, 214.
474 G. Turner, _Samoa_, pp. 302 _sq._ See _The Magic Art and the
Evolution of Kings_, i. 341 _sq._
475 K. Vetter, _Komm herüber und hilf uns!_ iii. (Barmen, 1898) p. 9; M.
Krieger, _Neu-Guinea_, pp. 185 _sq._; R. Parkinson, “Die Berlinhafen
Section, ein Beitrag zur Ethnographie der Neu-Guinea Küste,”
_Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, xiii. (1900) p. 44; M. J.
Erdweg, “Die Bewohner der Insel Tumleo, Berlinhafen,
Deutsch-Neu-Guinea,” _Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen
Gesellschaft in Wien_, xxxii. (1902) p. 287.
476 Mgr. Couppé, “En Nouvelle-Poméranie,” _Missions Catholiques_, xxiii.
(1891) p. 364; J. Graf Pfeil, _Studien und Beobachtungen aus der
Südsee_ (Brunswick, 1899), pp. 141 _sq._; P. A. Kleintitschen, _Die
Küstenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel_ (Hiltrup bei Münster, N.D.),
pp. 343 _sq._
M82 Ideas and customs as to the leavings of food in Africa, Celebes,
India, and ancient Rome.
477 O. Dapper, _Description de l’Afrique_, p. 330. We have seen that the
food left by the king of the Monbutto, is carefully buried (above,
p. 119).
478 Bosman’s “Guinea,” in Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_, xvi. 487.
479 P. N. Wilken, “Bijdragen tot de kennis van de zeden en gewoonten der
Alfoeren in de Minahassa,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
Zendelinggenootschap_, vii. (1863) p. 126.
480 W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_, pp. 163 _sq._
481 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 19. For other examples of witchcraft
wrought by means of the refuse of food, see E. S. Hartland, _The
Legend of Perseus_, ii. 83 _sqq._
M83 The fear of the magical evil which may be done a man through his
food has had beneficial effects in fostering habits of cleanliness
and in strengthening the ties of hospitality.
482 On the covenant entered into by eating together see the classical
exposition of W. Robertson Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_2
(London, 1894), pp. 269 _sqq._ For examples of the blood-covenant,
see H. C. Trumbull, _The Blood Covenant_ (London, 1887). The
examples might easily be multiplied.
M84 Disastrous results supposed to follow from using the dishes of the
Mikado or of a Fijian chief. Sacred persons are a source of danger
to others: their divinity burns like a fire what it touches. African
examples.
483 Kaempfer’s “History of Japan,” in Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_,
vii. 717.
484 Rev. Lorimer Fison, in a letter to me dated August 26, 1898. In
Fijian, _kana_ is to eat; the meaning of _lama_ is unknown.
M85 The taboo of chiefs and kings in Tonga. The King’s Evil cured by the
king’s touch.
485 “Coutumes étranges des indigènes du Djebel-Nouba,” _Missions
Catholiques_, xiv. (1882) p. 460; Father S. Carceri, “Djebel-Nouba,”
_ibid._ xv. (1883) p. 450. The title of the priestly king is
_cogiour_ or _codjour_. “The _codjour_ is the pontifical king of
each group of villages; it is he who regulates and administers the
affairs of the Nubas. He is an absolute monarch, on whom all depend.
But he has no princely privileges or immunities; no royal insignia,
no badge mark him off from his subjects. He lives like them by the
produce of his fields and his industry; he works like them, earns
his daily bread, and has no guard of honour, no tribunal, no code of
laws, no civil list” (Father S. Carceri, _loc. cit._).
486 “Der Muata Cazembe und die Völkerstämme der Maravis, Chevas,
Muembas, Lundas und andere von Süd-Afrika,” _Zeitschrift für
allgemeine Erdkunde_ (Berlin), vi. (1856) pp. 398 _sq._; F. T.
Valdez, _Six Years of a Traveller’s Life in Western Africa_ (London,
1861), ii. 251 _sq._
487 W. Mariner, _The Natives of the Tonga Islands_,2 i. 141 _sq._ note,
434 note, ii. 82 _sq._, 221-224; Captain J. Cook, _Voyages_ (London,
1809), v. 427 _sq._ Similarly in Fiji any person who had touched the
head of a living chief or the body of a dead one was forbidden to
handle his food, and must be fed by another (J. E. Erskine, _The
Western Pacific_, p. 254).
488 On the custom of touching for the King’s Evil, see _The Magic Art
and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 368 _sqq._
M86 Fatal effects of contact with sacred chiefs in New Zealand.
489 “The idea in which this law [the law of taboo or _tapu_, as it was
called in New Zealand] originated appears to have been, that a
portion of the spiritual essence of an _atua_ or of a sacred person
was communicated directly to objects which they touched, and also
that the spiritual essence so communicated to any object was
afterwards more or less retransmitted to anything else brought into
contact with it” (E. Shortland, _Traditions and Superstitions of the
New Zealanders_, Second Edition, London, 1856, p. 102). Compare
_id._, _Maori Religion and Mythology_, p. 25.
_ 490 Old New Zealand_, by a Pakeha Maori (London, 1884), pp. 96 _sq._
491 W. Brown, _New Zealand and its Aborigines_ (London, 1845), p. 76.
For more examples of the same kind see _ibid._ pp. 177 _sq._
492 E. Tregear, “The Maoris of New Zealand,” _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) p. 100.
493 R. Taylor, _Te Ika a Maui, or, New Zealand and its Inhabitants_,2 p.
164.
494 R. Taylor, _op. cit._ p. 165.
M87 Examples of the fatal effects of imagination in other parts of the
world.
495 Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 537
_sq._
496 R. Southey, _History of Brazil_, i.2 (London, 1822), p. 238.
497 Major A. G. Leonard, _The Lower Niger and its Tribes_ (London,
1906), pp. 257 _sq._
498 Merolla’s “Voyage to Congo,” in Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_,
xvi. 237 _sq._ As to these _chegilla_ or taboos on food, which are
commonly observed by the natives of this part of Africa, see further
my _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 614 _sqq._
M88 The taboos observed by sacred kings resemble those imposed on
persons who are commonly regarded as unclean, such as menstruous
women, homicides, and so forth. Taboos laid on persons who have been
in contact with the dead in New Zealand.
499 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_ (Second Edition, London,
1832-1836), iv. 388. Ellis appears to imply that the rule was
universal in Polynesia, but perhaps he refers only to Hawaii, of
which in this part of his work he is specially treating. We are told
that in Hawaii the priest who carried the principal idol about the
country was tabooed during the performance of this sacred office; he
might not touch anything with his hands, and the morsels of food
which he ate had to be put into his mouth by the chiefs of the
villages through which he passed or even by the king himself, who
accompanied the priest on his rounds (L. de Freycinet, _Voyage
autour du monde_, Historique, ii. Première Partie, Paris, 1829, p.
596). In Tonga the rule applied to chiefs only when their hands had
become tabooed by touching a superior chief (W. Mariner, _Tonga
Islands_, i. 82 _sq._). In New Zealand chiefs were fed by slaves (A.
S. Thomson, _The Story of New Zealand_, i. 102); or they may, like
tabooed people in general, have taken up their food from little
stages with their mouths or by means of fern-stalks (R. Taylor, _Te
Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_,2 p. 162).
_ 500 Old New Zealand_, by a Pakeha Maori (London, 1884), pp. 104-114.
For more evidence see W. Yate, _New Zealand_, p. 85; G. F. Angas,
_Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand_, ii. 90; E.
Dieffenbach, _Travels in New Zealand_, ii. 104 _sq._; J. Dumont
D’Urville, _Voyage autour du monde et à la recherche de La Pérouse_,
ii. 530; Father Servant, “Notice sur la Nouvelle Zélande,” _Annales
de la Propagation de la Foi_, xv. (1843) p. 22.
M89 The rule which forbids persons who have been in contact with a
corpse to touch food with their hands seems to have been universal
in Polynesia. A rule of the same sort is observed in Melanesia and
Africa.
501 G. Turner, _Samoa_, p. 145. Compare G. Brown, D.D., _Melanesians and
Polynesians_ (London, 1910), p. 402: “The men who took hold of the
body were _paia_ (sacred) for the time, were forbidden to touch
their own food, and were fed by others. No food wad eaten in the
same house with the dead body.”
502 W. Mariner, _The Natives of the Tonga Islands_2 (London, 1818), i.
141 _sq._, note.
503 Father Bataillon, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, xiii.
(1841) p. 19. For more evidence of the practice of this custom in
Polynesia, see Captain J. Cook, _Voyages_ (London, 1809), vii. 147;
James Wilson, _Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific Ocean_
(London, 1799), p. 363.
504 Ch. Wilkes, _Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition_,
New Edition (New York, 1851), iii. 99 _sq._
505 W. G. Lawes, “Ethnological Notes on the Motu, Koitapu, and Koiari
Tribes of New Guinea,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,
viii. (1879) p. 370.
506 Father Lambert, in _Missions Catholiques_, xii. (1880) p. 365;
_id._, _Mœurs et superstitions des Néo-Calédoniens_ (Nouméa, 1900),
pp. 238 _sq._
507 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), p. 70.
508 H. A. Junod, “Les Conceptions physiologiques des Bantou
sud-africains et leurs tabous,” _Revue d’Ethnographie et de
Sociologie_, i. (1910) p. 153.
509 A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 563.
M90 Taboos laid on mourners among the Indian tribes of North America.
510 Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,
pp. 91 _sq._ (separate Reprint from the _Report of the British
Association for 1890_).
511 J. Teit, “The Thompson Indians of British Columbia,” _Memoir of the
American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific
Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) pp. 331, 332 _sq._
512 C. Hill-Tout, _The Far West, the Home of the Salish and Déné_
(London, 1907), pp. 193 _sq._
513 G. M. Dawson, “Notes and Observations on the Kwakiool People of the
Northern part of Vancouver Island and adjacent Coasts,” _Proceedings
and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada for the Year 1887_,
vol. v. (Montreal, 1888) Trans. Section ii. pp. 78 _sq._
M91 Seclusion of widows and widowers in the Philippines and New Guinea.
514 F. Blumentritt, “Über die Eingeborenen der Insel Palawan und der
Inselgruppe der Talamlanen,” _Globus_, lix. (1891) p. 182.
515 Father Guis, “Les Canaques, Mort-Deuil,” _Missions Catholiques_,
xxxiv. (1902) pp. 208 _sq._
M92 Taboos imposed on women at menstruation.
516 Capt. W. E. Armit, “Customs of the Australian Aborigines,” _Journal
of the Anthropological Institute_, ix. (1880) p. 459.
517 W. Ridley, “Report on Australian Languages and Traditions,” _Journal
of the Anthropological Institute_, ii. (1873) p. 268.
518 From information given me by Messrs. Roscoe and Miller, missionaries
to Uganda (June 24, 1897), and afterwards corrected by the
_Katikiro_ (Prime Minister) of Uganda in conversation with Mr.
Roscoe (June 20, 1902).
_ 519 Report of the International Polar Expedition to Point Barrow,
Alaska_ (Washington, 1885), p. 46.
520 Alexander Mackenzie, _Voyages from Montreal through the Continent of
North America_ (London, 1801), p. cxxiii.
521 Gavin Hamilton, “Customs of the New Caledonian Women,” _Journal of
the Anthropological Institute_, vii. (1878) p. 206. Among the
Nootkas of British Columbia a girl at puberty is hidden from the
sight of men for several days behind a partition of mats; during her
seclusion she may not scratch her head or her body with her hands,
but she may do so with a comb or a piece of bone, which is provided
for the purpose. See Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western
Tribes of Canada_, p. 41 (separate reprint from the _Report of the
British Association for 1890_). Again, among the Shuswap of British
Columbia a girl at puberty lives alone in a little hut on the
mountains and is forbidden to touch her head or scratch her body;
but she may scratch her head with a three-toothed comb and her body
with the painted bone of a deer. See Fr. Boas, _op. cit._ pp. 89
_sq._ In the East Indian island of Ceram a girl may not scratch
herself with her fingers the night before her teeth are filed, but
she may do it with a piece of bamboo. See J. G. F. Riedel, _De
sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_, p. 137.
522 A. G. Morice, “The Canadian Dénés,” _Annual Archaeological Report
(Toronto), 1905_, p. 218.
523 H. Pittier de Fabrega, “Die Sprache der Bribri-Indianer in Costa
Rica,” _Sitzungsberichte der philosophischen-historischen Classe der
Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften_ (Vienna), cxxxviii. (1898)
p. 20.
524 C. G. Seligmann, in _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological
Expedition to Torres Straits_, v. (Cambridge, 1904) pp. 201, 203.
M93 Taboos imposed on women in childbed.
525 James Wilson, _Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific Ocean_, p.
354.
526 G. Turner, _Samoa_, p. 276.
527 C. G. Seligmann, “The Medicine, Surgery, and Midwifery of the
Sinaugolo,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii.
(1902) p. 302. In Uganda a bride is secluded for a month, during
which she only receives near relatives; she wears her veil all this
time. She may not handle food, but is fed by one of her attendants.
A peasant’s wife is secluded for two or three days only. See J.
Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,”
_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 37.
528 Father Guis, “Les Canaques, ce qu’ils font, ce qu’ils disent,”
_Missions Catholiques_, xxx. (1898) p. 119.
529 V. Lisiansky, _A Voyage Round the World_ (London, 1814), p. 201.
530 H. A. Junod, “Les Conceptions physiologiques des Bantou
sud-africains et leurs tabous,” _Revue d’ Ethnographie et de
Sociologie_, i. (1910) p. 153.
531 H. Pittier de Fábrega, _op. cit._ pp. 20 _sq._
532 F. Fawcett, “Note on a Custom of the Mysore ‘Gollaválu’ or Shepherd
Caste People,” _Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay_,
i. 536 _sq._; E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_
(Madras, 1909), ii. 287 _sq._
M94 Dangers apprehended from women in childbed.
533 M. J. Erdweg, “Die Bewohner der Insel Tumleo, Berlinhafen, Deutsch
Neu-Guinea,” _Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in
Wien_, xxxii. (1902) p. 280.
534 P. Rascher, “Die Sulka,” _Archiv für Anthropologie_, xxix. (1904) p.
212; R. Parkinson, _Dreissig Jahre in der Südsee_ (Stuttgart, 1907),
p. 180.
535 K. Vetter, in _Nachrichten über Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und den
Bismarck-Archipel_, 1897, p. 87.
536 Rev. E. Dannert, “Customs of the Ovaherero at the Birth of a Child,”
(_South African_) _Folk-lore Journal_, ii. (1880) p. 63.
M95 Dangers apprehended from women in childbed by Indians and Esquimaux.
537 Levrault, “Rapport sur les provinces de Canélos et du Napo,”
_Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_ (Paris), Deuxième Série, xi.
(1839) p. 74.
538 Franz Boas, “The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,” _Bulletin of
the American Museum of Natural History_, xv. part i. (New York,
1901) pp. 125 _sq._ As to Sedna, see _id._ pp. 119 _sqq._
M96 Dangers apprehended from women in childbed by Bantu tribes of South
Africa. Dangers apprehended from a concealed miscarriage.
539 H. A. Junod, “Les Conceptions physiologiques des Bantou
sud-africains et leurs tabous,” _Revue d’Ethnographie et de
Sociologie_, i. (1910) p. 139.
540 H. A. Junod, _op. cit._ pp. 139 _sq._
M97 Belief of the Ba-Thonga that severe droughts result from the
concealment of miscarriages by women.
541 H. A. Junod, _op. cit._ pp. 140 _sq._
542 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 262
_sqq._, 278.
M98 Dangers apprehended from women in childbed by some tribes of Annam.
543 Le R. P. Cadière, “Coutumes populaires de la vallée du Nguôn-So’n,”
_Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient_, ii. (Hanoi, 1902)
pp. 353 _sq._
544 Dittenberger, _Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 566; Ch.
Michel, _Recueil d’inscriptions grecques_, No. 730 ἁγνευέτωσαν δὲ
καὶ εἰσίτωσαν εἰς τὸν τῆς θεο[ῦ ναὸν] ... ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ ἀπὸ κήδους
καὶ τεκούσης γυναικὸς δευτεραῖος: Euripides, _Iphigenia in Tauris_,
380 _sqq._:
τὰ τῆς θεοῦ δὲ μέμφομαι σοφίσματα, ἤτις. βροτῶν μὲν ἤν τις ἄψηται
φόνου ἥ καὶ λοχείας ἢ νεκροῦ θιγῇ χεροῖν, βωμῶν ἀπείργει, μυσαρὸν ὡς
ἡγουμένη.
Compare also a mutilated Greek inscription found in Egypt (_Revue
archéologique_, IIIme Série, ii. 182 _sqq._). In the passage of
Euripides which I have just quoted an acute verbal scholar, the late
Dr. Badham, proposed to omit the line ἢ καὶ λοχείας ἢ νεκροῦ θιγῇ
χεροῖν with the comment: “_Nihil facit ad argumentum puerperae
mentio; patet versum a sciolo additum_.” To do Dr. Badham justice,
the inscription which furnishes so close a parallel to the line of
Euripides had not yet been discovered among the ruins of Pergamum,
when he proposed to mutilate the text of the poet.
M99 Taboos imposed on lads at initiation.
545 B. Hawkins, “The Creek Confederacy,” _Collections of the Georgia
Historical Society_, iii. pt. i. (Savannah, 1848) pp. 78 _sq._
Hawkins’s account is reproduced by A. S. Gatschett, in his
_Migration Legend of the Creek Indians_, i. 185 _sq._ (Philadelphia,
1884). In the Turrbal tribe of southern Queensland boys at
initiation were not allowed to scratch themselves with their
fingers, but they might do it with a stick. See A. W. Howitt,
_Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 596.
546 L. Alberti, _De Kaffers_ (Amsterdam, 1810), pp. 76 _sq._; H.
Lichtenstein, _Reisen im südlichen Afrika_ (Berlin, 1811-12), i.
427; S. Kay, _Travels and Researches in Caffraria_ (London, 1833),
pp. 273 _sq._; Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, p. 208; J.
Stewart, D.D., _Lovedale, South Africa_ (Edinburgh, 1894), pp. 105
_sq._, with illustrations.
M100 Taboos laid on warriors when they go forth to fight.
_ 547 Old New Zealand_, by a Pakeha Maori (London, 1884), pp. 96, 114
_sq._ One of the customs mentioned by the writer was that all the
people left in the camp had to fast strictly while the warriors were
out in the field. This rule is obviously based on the sympathetic
connexion supposed to exist between friends at a distance,
especially at critical times. See _The Magic Art and the Evolution
of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 126 _sqq._
548 Deuteronomy xxiii. 9-14; 1 Samuel xxi. 5. The rule laid down in
Deuteronomy xxiii. 10, 11, suffices to prove that the custom of
continence observed in time of war by the Israelites, as by a
multitude of savage and barbarous peoples, was based on a
superstitious, not a rational motive. To convince us of this it is
enough to remark that the rule is often observed by warriors for
some time after their victorious return, and also by the persons
left at home during the absence of the fighting men. In these cases
the observance of the rule evidently does not admit of a rational
explanation, which could hardly, indeed, be entertained by any one
conversant with savage modes of thought. For examples, see _The
Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 125, 128, 131,
133, and below, pp. 161, 163, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 175 _sq._,
178, 179, 181.
The other rule of personal cleanliness referred to in the text is
exactly observed, for the reason I have indicated, by the aborigines
in various parts of Australia. See (Sir) George Grey, _Journals_,
ii. 344; R. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 165; J.
Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 12; P. Beveridge, in _Journal
and Proceedings of the Royal Society of New South Wales_, xvii.
(1883) pp. 69 _sq._ Compare W. Stanbridge, “On the Aborigines of
Victoria,” _Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London_,
N.S. i. (1861) p. 299; Fison and Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, p.
251; E. M. Curr, _The Australian Race_, iii. 178 _sq._, 547; W. E.
Roth, _North Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5_ (Brisbane,
1903), p. 22, § 80. The same dread has resulted in a similar custom
of cleanliness in Melanesia and Africa. See R. Parkinson, _Im
Bismarck-Archipel_, pp. 143 _sq._; R. H. Codrington, _The
Melanesians_, p. 203 note; F. von Luschan, “Einiges über Sitten und
Gebräuche der Eingeborenen Neu-Guineas,” _Verhandlungen der Berliner
Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie, und Urgeschichte_
(1900), p. 416; J. Macdonald, “Manners, Customs, Superstitions, and
Religions of South African Tribes,” _Journal of the Anthropological
Institute_, xx. (1891) p. 131. Mr. Lorimer Fison sent me some notes
on the Fijian practice, which agrees with the one described by Dr.
Codrington. The same rule is observed, probably from the same
motives, by the Miranha Indians of Brazil. See Spix und Martius,
_Reise in Brasilien_, iii. 1251 note. On this subject compare F.
Schwally, _Semitische Kriegsaltertümer_, i. (Leipsic, 1901) pp. 67
_sq._
_ 549 Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures of John Tanner_ (London,
1830), p. 122.
550 We have seen (pp. 146, 156) that the same rule is observed by girls
at puberty among some Indian tribes of British Columbia and by Creek
lads at initiation. It is also observed by Kwakiutl Indians who have
eaten human flesh (see below, p. 189). Among the Blackfoot Indians
the man who was appointed every four years to take charge of the
sacred pipe and other emblems of their religion might not scratch
his body with his finger-nails, but carried a sharp stick in his
hair which he used for this purpose. During the term of his
priesthood he had to fast and practise strict continence. None but
he dare handle the sacred pipe and emblems (W. W. Warren, “History
of the Ojibways,” _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_,
v. (1885) pp. 68 _sq._). In Vedic India the man who was about to
offer the solemn sacrifice of soma prepared himself for his duties
by a ceremony of consecration, during which he carried the horn of a
black deer or antelope wherewith to scratch himself if necessary
(_Satapatha-Brâhmana_, bk. iii. 31, vol. ii. pp. 33 _sq._ trans. by
J. Eggeling; H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_, p. 399). Some of
the Peruvian Indians used to prepare themselves for an important
office by fasting, continence, and refusing to wash themselves, to
comb their hair, and to put their hands to their heads; if they
wished to scratch themselves, they must do it with a stick. See P.
J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la idolatria del Piru_ (Lima, 1621),
p. 20. Among the Isistines Indians of Paraguay mourners refrained
from scratching their heads with their fingers, believing that to
break the rule would make them bald, no hair growing on the part of
the head which their fingers had touched. See Guevara, “Historia del
Paraguay,” in P. de Angelis’s _Coleccion de obras y documentos
relativos a la historia antigua y moderna de las provincias del Rio
de la Plata_, ii. (Buenos-Aires, 1836) p. 30. Amongst the Macusis of
British Guiana, when a woman has given birth to a child, the father
hangs up his hammock beside that of his wife and stays there till
the navel-string drops off the child. During this time the parents
have to observe certain rules, of which one is that they may not
scratch their heads or bodies with their nails, but must use for
this purpose a piece of palm-leaf. If they broke this rule, they
think the child would die or be an invalid all its life. See R.
Schomburgk, _Reisen in Britisch-Guiana_, ii. 314. Some aborigines of
Queensland believe that if they scratched themselves with their
fingers during a rain-making ceremony, no rain would fall. See _The
Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. p. 254. In all these
cases, plainly, the hands are conceived to be so strongly infected
with the venom of taboo that it is dangerous even for the owner of
the hands to touch himself with them. The cowboy who herded the cows
of the king of Unyoro had to live strictly chaste, no one might
touch him, and he might not scratch or wound himself so as to draw
blood. But it is not said that he was forbidden to touch himself
with his own hands. See my _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 527.
_ 551 Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures of John Tanner_ (London,
1830), p. 123. As to the custom of not stepping over a person or his
weapons, see the note at the end of the volume.
552 J. G. Bourke, _On the Border with Crook_ (New York, 1891), p. 133;
_id._, in _Folk-lore_, ii. (1891) p. 453; _id._, in _Ninth Annual
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1892), p. 490.
553 J. G. Kohl, _Kitschi-Gami_, ii. 168.
M101 Ceremonies observed by American Indians before they went out on the
war-path. Rules observed by Indians on a war-expedition.
_ 554 Narrative of the Adventures and Sufferings of John R. Jewitt_
(Middletown, 1820), pp. 148 _sq._
555 J. de Smet, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, xiv. (1842)
pp. 67 _sq._ These customs have doubtless long passed away, and the
Indians who practised them may well have suffered the extinction
which they did their best to incur.
556 J. Adair, _History of the American Indians_ (London, 1775), p. 163.
557 J. Adair, _History of the American Indians_, pp. 380-382.
558 Maj. M. Marston, in Rev. Jedidiah Morse’s _Report to the Secretary
of War of the United States on Indian Affairs_ (New-haven, 1822),
Appendix, p. 130. The account in the text refers especially to the
Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo Indians, at the junction of the Rock and
Mississippi rivers.
559 H. A. Junod, “Les Conceptions physiologiques des Bantou
sud-africains et leurs tabous,” _Revue d’Ethnographie et de
Sociologie_, i. (1910) p. 149.
M102 The rule of continence observed by savage warriors is perhaps based
on a fear of infecting themselves sympathetically with feminine
weakness and cowardice.
560 For more evidence of the practice of continence by warriors, see R.
Taylor, _Te Ika A Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_,2 p.
189; E. Dieffenbach, _Travels in New Zealand_, ii. 85 _sq._; Ch.
Wilkes, _Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition_, iii.
78; J. Chalmers, “Toaripi,” _Journal of the Anthropological
Institute_, xxvii. (1898) p. 332; _id._, _Pioneering in New Guinea_,
p. 65; Van Schmidt, “Aanteekeningen nopens de zeden, etc., der
bevolking van de eilanden Saparoea, Haroekoe, Noessa Laut, etc.,”
_Tijdschrift voor Neêrlands Indie_, 1843, deel ii. p. 507; J. G. F.
Riedel, _De sluikharige en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en
Papua_, p. 223; _id._, “Galela und Tobeloresen,” _Zeitschrift für
Ethnologie_, xvii. (1885) p. 68; W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 524;
E. Reclus, _Nouvelle Géographie universelle_, viii. 126 (compare J.
Biddulph, _Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh_, p. 18); N. Isaacs, _Travels
and Adventures in Eastern Africa_, i. 120; H. Callaway, _Religious
System of the Amazulu_, iv. 437 _sq._; Dudley Kidd, _The Essential
Kafir_, p. 306; A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der
Loango-Küste_, i. 203; H. Cole, “Notes on the Wagogo of German East
Africa,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)
p. 317; R. H. Nassau, _Fetichism in West Africa_, p. 177; H. R.
Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, iv. 63; J. Morse, _Report to the
Secretary of War of the U.S. on Indian Affairs_ (New-haven, 1822),
pp. 130, 131; H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_,
i. 189. On the other hand in Uganda, before an army set out, the
general and all the chiefs had either to lie with their wives or to
jump over them. This was supposed to ensure victory and plenty of
booty. See J. Roscoe, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,
xxxii. (1902) p. 59. And in Kiwai Island, off British New Guinea,
men had intercourse with their wives before they went to war, and
they drew omens from it. See J. Chalmers, “Notes on the Natives of
Kiwai,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxiii. (1903)
p. 123.
561 See above, pp. 151 _sq._
562 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, i. 350.
563 T. C. Hodson, “The _genna_ amongst the Tribes of Assam,” _Journal of
the Anthropological Institute_, xxxvi. (1906) p. 100.
M103 Taboos laid on warriors after slaying their foes. The effect of the
taboos is to seclude the tabooed person from ordinary society.
Seclusion of manslayers in the East Indies.
564 S. Müller, _Reizen en Onderzoekingen in den Indischen Archipel_
(Amsterdam, 1857), ii. 252.
565 J. S. G. Gramberg, “Eene maand in de binnenlanden van Timor,”
_Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en
Wetenschappen_, xxxvi. (1872) pp. 208, 216 _sq._ Compare H.
Zondervan, “Timor en de Timoreezen,” _Tijdschrift van het
Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, v. (1888)
Afdeeling, meer uitgebreide artikelen, pp. 399, 413. Similarly
Gallas returning from war sacrifice to the jinn or guardian spirits
of their slain foes before they will re-enter their own houses (Ph.
Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas, die geistige Cultur der
Danâkil, Galla und Somâl_, pp. 50, 136). Sometimes perhaps the
sacrifice consists of the slayers’ own blood. See below, pp. 174,
176, 180. Orestes is said to have appeased the Furies of his
murdered mother by biting off one of his fingers (Pausanias, viii.
34. 3).
566 N. Adriani en A. C. Kruijt, “Van Posso naar Parigi, Sigi en Lindoe,”
_Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_,
xlii. (1898) p. 451.
567 S. W. Tromp, “Uit de Salasila van Koetei,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal-
Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, xxxvii. (1888) p. 74.
M104 Seclusion of manslayers in New Guinea.
568 Dr. L. Loria, “Notes on the Ancient War Customs of the Natives of
Logea and Neighbourhood,” _British New Guinea, Annual Report for
1894-1895_ (London, 1896), p. 52.
569 Rev. J. Chalmers, “Toaripi,” _Journal of the Anthropological
Institute_, xxvii. (1898) p. 333.
570 R. E. Guise, “On the Tribes inhabiting the Mouth of the Wanigela
River, New Guinea,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,
xxviii. (1899) pp. 213 _sq._
571 C. G. Seligmann, _The Melanesians of British New Guinea_ (Cambridge,
1910), p. 298.
572 C. G. Seligmann, _op. cit._ pp. 129 _sq._
573 C. G. Seligmann, _op. cit._ pp. 563 _sq._
M105 The manslayer unclean. Driving away the ghosts of the slain.
574 P. Franz Vormann, “Zur Psychologie, Religion, Soziologie und
Geschichte der Monumbo-Papua, Deutsch-Neuguinea,” _Anthropos_, v.
(1910) pp. 410 _sq._
575 J. L. D. van der Roest, “Uit het leven der Bevolking van Windessi,”
_Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xl. (1898)
pp. 157 _sq._
576 H. von Rosenberg, _Der malayische Archipel_, p. 461.
577 K. Vetter, in _Nachrichten über Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und den
Bismarck-Archipel_, 1897, p. 94.
578 J. E. Erskine, _The Western Pacific_ (London, 1853), p. 477.
579 Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, vi. pp. 77, 122 _sq._;
J. F. Lafitau, _Mœ urs des sauvages ameriquains_, ii. 279. In many
places it is customary to drive away the ghosts even of persons who
have died a natural death. An account of these customs is reserved
for another work.
580 W. H. Keating, _Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St.
Peter’s River_ (London, 1825), i. 109.
M106 Precautions taken by executioners against the ghosts of their
victims.
581 Father Baudin, “Féticheurs, ou ministres religieux des Nègres de la
Guinée,” _Missions Catholiques_, xvi. (1884) p. 332.
582 Juan de la Concepcion, _Historia general de Philipinas_, xi.
(Manilla, 1791) p. 387.
583 G. Loyer, “Voyage to Issini on the Gold Coast,” in T. Astley’s _New
General Collection of Voyages and Travels_, ii. (London, 1745) p.
444. Among the tribes of the Lower Niger it is customary for the
executioner to remain in the house for three days after the
execution; during this time he sleeps on the bare floor, eats off
broken platters, and drinks out of calabashes or mugs, which are
also damaged. See Major A. G. Leonard, _The Lower Niger and its
Tribes_ (London, 1906), p. 180.
M107 Purification of manslayers among the Basutos, Bechuanas, and
Bageshu. Expulsion of the ghosts of the slain by the Angoni.
584 E. Casalis, _The Basutos_, p. 258. So Caffres returning from battle
are unclean and must wash before they enter their houses (L.
Alberti, _De Kaffers_, p. 104). It would seem that after the
slaughter of a foe the Greeks or Romans had also to bathe in running
water before they might touch holy things (Virgil, _Aen._ ii. 719
_sqq._).
585 Father Porte, “Les Réminiscences d’un missionnaire du Basutoland,”
_Missions Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896) p. 371. For a fuller
description of a ceremony of this sort see T. Arbousset et F.
Daumas, _Voyage d’exploration au nord-est de la colonie du Cap de
Bonne-Espérance_ (Paris, 1842), pp. 561-563.
586 “Extrait du journal des missions évangeliques,” _Bulletin de la
Société de Géographie_ (Paris), IIme Série, ii. (1834) pp. 199 _sq._
587 Rev. W. C. Willoughby, “Notes on the Totemism of the Becwana,”
_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905) pp. 305
_sq._
588 Rev. J. Roscoe, “Notes on the Bageshu,” _Journal of the Royal
Anthropological Institute_, xxxix. (1909) p. 190.
589 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, p. 310.
590 C. Wiese, “Beiträge zur Geschichte der Zulu im Norden des Zambesi,”
_Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xxxii. (1900) pp. 197 _sq._
591 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, pp. 309 _sq._
M108 Seclusion and purification of manslayers in Africa.
592 Rev. J. Macdonald, “Manners, Customs, Superstitions, and Religions
of South African Tribes,” _Journal of the Anthropological
Institute_, xx. (1891) p. 138; _id._, _Light in Africa_, p. 220.
593 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), p. 74. As to the painting
of the body red on one side and white on the other see also C. W.
Hobley, _Eastern Uganda_, pp. 38, 42; Sir H. Johnston, _The Uganda
Protectorate_, ii. 868. As to the custom of painting the bodies of
homicides, see below, p. 178 note 1 and p. 186 note 1.
594 H. R. Tate, “Further Notes on the Kikuyu Tribe of British East
Africa,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxiv. (1904)
p. 264.
595 C. W. Hobley, “British East Africa,” _Journal of the Anthropological
Institute_, xxxiii. (1903) p. 353.
596 Miss Alice Werner, _Natives of British Central Africa_ (London,
1906), pp. 67 _sq._
597 H. Schinz, _Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika_, p. 321.
598 P. H. Brincker, “Heidnisch-religiöse Sitten der Bantu, speciell der
Ovaherero und Ovambo,” _Globus_, lxvii. (1895) p. 289; id.,
“Charakter, Sitten und Gebräuche speciell der Bantu
Deutsch-Südwestafrikas,” _Mittheilungen des Seminars für
orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin_, iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, p.
76.
_ 599 Id._, “Beobachtungen über die Deisidämonie der Eingeborenen
Deutsch-Südwest-Afrikas,” _Globus_, lviii. (1890) p. 324; id., in
_Globus_, lxvii. (1895) p. 289; id., in _Mittheilungen des Seminars
für orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin_, iii. (1900) Dritte
Abtheilung, p. 83.
600 Sir H. Johnston, _The Uganda Protectorate_ (London, 1902), ii. 743
_sq._; C. W. Hobley, _Eastern Uganda_ (London, 1902), p. 20.
601 M. Weiss, _Die Völkerstämme im Norden Deutsch-Ostafrikas_ (Berlin,
1910), p. 198.
602 Sir H. Johnston, _op. cit._ ii. 794; C. W. Hobley, _op. cit._ p. 31.
603 Numbers xxxi. 19-24.
604 E. Casalis, _The Basutos_, pp. 258 _sq._
M109 Manslayers in Australia guard themselves against the ghosts of the
slain.
605 Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.
493-495; _id._, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 563-568.
The writers suggest that the practice of painting the slayers black
is meant to render them invisible to the ghost. A widow, on the
contrary, must paint her body white, in order that her husband’s
spirit may see that she is mourning for him.
M110 Seclusion of manslayers in Polynesia.
606 G. H. von Langsdorff, _Reise um die Welt_ (Frankfort, 1812), i. 114
_sq._
607 T. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_,2 i. 55 _sq._
608 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_ (Berlin, 1885),
pp. 126 _sq._, 130.
M111 Seclusion and purification of manslayers among the Tupi Indians of
Brazil.
609 F. A. Thevet, _Les Singularités de la France Antarctique, autrement
nommée Amérique_ (Antwerp, 1558), pp. 74-76; _id._, _Cosmographie
universelle_ (Paris, 1575), pp. 944 [978] _sq._; Pero de Magalhanes
de Gandavo, _Histoire de la province de Sancta-Cruz_ (Paris, 1837),
pp. 134-141 (H. Ternaux-Compans, _Voyages, relations, et mémoires
originaux pour servir à l’histoire de la découverte de l’Amérique_;
the original of Gandavo’s work was published in Portuguese at Lisbon
in 1576); J. Lery, _Historia navigationis in Brasiliam, quae et
America dicitur_ (1586), pp. 183-194; _The Captivity of Hans Stade
of Hesse, in __A.D.__ 1547-1555, among the Wild Tribes of Eastern
Brazil_, translated by A. Tootal (London, 1874), pp. 155-159; J. F.
Lafitau, _Mœurs des sauvages ameriquains_, ii. 292 _sqq._; R.
Southey, _History of Brazil_, i.2 227-232.
M112 Seclusion and purification of manslayers among the North American
Indians.
610 “Relation des Natchez,” _Voyages au nord_, ix. 24 (Amsterdam, 1737);
_Lettres édifiantes et curieuses_, vii. 26; Charlevoix, _Histoire de
la Nouvelle France_, vi. 186 _sq._
611 Bossu, _Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes occidentales_ (Paris, 1768), ii.
94.
612 H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, iv. 63.
613 J. Teit, “The Thompson Indians of British Columbia,” _Memoir of the
American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific
Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) p. 357.
614 J. O. Dorsey, “An Account of the War Customs of the Osages,”
_American Naturalist_, xviii. (1884) p. 126.
615 G. Catlin, _North American Indians_, i. 246.
616 H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, i. 553; Capt.
Grossman, cited in _Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_
(Washington, 1892), pp. 475 _sq._ The custom of plastering the head
with mud was observed by Egyptian women in mourning (Herodotus, ii.
85; Diodorus Siculus, i. 91). Among some of the aboriginal tribes of
Victoria and New South Wales widows wore a thick skullcap of clay or
burned gypsum, forming a cast of the head, for some months after the
death; when the period of mourning was over, the cap was removed,
baked in the fire, and laid on the husband’s grave. One of these
widows’ caps is exhibited in the British Museum. See T. L. Mitchell,
_Three Expeditions into the Interior of Eastern Australia_ (London,
1838), i. 251 _sq._; E. J. Eyre, _Journals of Expeditions of
Discovery into Central Australia_, ii. 354; G. F. Angas, _Savage
Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand_ (London, 1847), i. 86;
G. Krefft, “On the Manners and Customs of the Aborigines of the
Lower Murray and Darling,” _Transactions of the Philosophical
Society of New South Wales_, 1862-1865 (Sydney, 1866), pp. 373
_sq._; J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 66; R. Brough Smyth,
_The Aborigines of Victoria_, i. p. xxx.; W. Stanbridge, “On the
Aborigines of Victoria,” _Transactions of the Ethnological Society
of London_, N.S., i. (1861) p. 298; A. Oldfield, “The Aborigines of
Australia,” _ibid._ iii. (1865) p. 248; F. Bonney, “On some Customs
of the Aborigines of the River Darling, New South Wales,” _Journal
of the Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) p. 135; E. M. Curr,
_The Australian Race_, i. 88, ii. 238 _sq._, iii. 21; A. W. Howitt,
_Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp. 248, 452; R. Etheridge,
jun., “The ‘Widow’s Cap’ of the Australian Aborigines,” _Proceedings
of the Linnaean Society of New South Wales for the Year 1899_, xxiv.
(Sydney, 1900) pp. 333-345 (with illustrations). In the Andaman
Islands mourners coat their heads with a thick mass of white clay
(Jagor, in _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für
Anthropologie_, 1876, p. (57); M. V. Portman, “Disposal of the Dead
among the Andamanese,” _Indian Antiquary_, xxv. (1896) p. 57;
compare E. H. Man, _Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands_,
pp. 73, 75). Among the Bahima of the Uganda Protectorate, when
herdsmen water their cattle in the evening, they plaster their faces
and bodies with white clay, at the same time stiffening their hair
with mud into separate lumps. This mud is left on the head for days
till it crumbles into dust (Sir H. Johnston, _The Uganda
Protectorate_, ii. 626, compare 620).
617 F. Russell, “The Pima Indians,” _Twenty-Sixth Annual Report of the
Bureau of American Ethnology_ (Washington, 1908), pp. 204 _sq._
618 J. G. Bourke, _On the Border with Crook_, p. 203.
619 F. Russell, “The Pima Indians,” _Twenty-Sixth Annual Report of the
Bureau of American Ethnology_ (Washington, 1908), p. 204.
M113 Taboos observed by Indians who had slain Esquimaux.
620 S. Hearne, _Journey from Prince of Wales’s Fort in Hudson’s Bay to
the Northern Ocean_ (London, 1795), pp. 204-206. The custom of
painting the face or the body of the manslayer, which may perhaps be
intended to disguise him from the vengeful spirit of the slain, is
practised by other peoples, as by the Nandi (see above, p. 175).
Among the Ba-Yaka of the Congo Free State a man who has been slain
in battle is supposed to send his soul to avenge his death on his
slayer; but the slayer can protect himself against the ghost by
wearing the red tail-feathers of a parrot in his hair and painting
his forehead red (E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, “Notes on the
Ethnography of the Ba-Yaka,” _Journal of the Anthropological
Institute_, xxxvi. (1906) pp. 50 _sq._). Among the Borâna Gallas,
when a war-party has returned to the village, the victors who have
slain a foe are washed by the women with a mixture of fat and
butter, and their faces are painted with red and white (Ph.
Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nord-ost-Afrikas: die materielle Cultur
der Danâkil, Galla und Somâl_ (Berlin, 1893), p. 258). When Masai
warriors kill enemies in fight they paint the right half of their
own bodies red and the left half white (A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_,
p. 353). Among the Wagogo of German East Africa, a man who has
killed an enemy in battle paints a red circle round his right eye
and a black circle round his left eye (Rev. H. Cole, “Notes on the
Wagogo of German East Africa,” _Journal of the Anthropological
Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 314). Among the Angoni of central
Africa, after a successful raid, the leader calls together all who
have killed an enemy and paints their faces and heads white; also he
paints a white band round the body under the arms and across the
chest (_British Central Africa Gazette_, No. 86, vol. v. No. 6
(April 30, 1898), p. 2). A Koossa Caffre who has slain a man is
accounted unclean. He must roast some flesh on a fire kindled with
wood of a special sort which imparts a bitter flavour to the meat.
This flesh he eats, and afterwards blackens his face with the ashes
of the fire. After a time he may wash himself, rinse his mouth with
fresh milk, and paint himself brown again. From that moment he is
clean (H. Lichtenstein, _Reisen im südlichen Africa_, i. 418). Among
the Yabim of German New Guinea, when the relations of a murdered man
have accepted a bloodwit instead of avenging his death, they must
allow the family of the murderer to mark them with chalk on the
brow. If this is not done, the ghost of their murdered kinsman may
come and trouble them for not doing their duty by him; for example,
he may drive away their swine or loosen their teeth (K. Vetter, in
_Nachrichten über Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und den Bismarck-Archipel_,
1897, p. 99). In this last case the marking the face with chalk
seems to be clearly a disguise to outwit the ghost.
M114 The purification of murderers, like that of warriors who have slain
enemies, was probably intended to avert or appease the ghosts of the
slain. Ancient Greek dread of the ghosts of the slain.
621 J. Owen Dorsey, “Omaha Sociology,” _Third Annual Report of the
Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1884), p. 369.
622 Plato, Laws, ix. pp. 865 D-866 A; Demosthenes, _Contra Aristocr._
pp. 643 _sq._; Hesychius, _s.v._ ἀπενιαυτιαμὸς.
623 Euripides, _Iphig. in Taur._ 940 _sqq._; Pausanias, ii. 31. 8. We
may compare the wanderings of the other matricide Alcmaeon, who
could find no rest till he came to a new land on which the sun had
not yet shone when he murdered his mother (Thucydides, ii. 102;
Apollodorus, iii. 7. 5; Pausanias, viii. 24. 8).
624 Polybius, iv. 21.
M115 Taboos imposed on men who have partaken of human flesh.
625 Fr. Boas, “The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the
Kwakiutl Indians,” _Report of the U.S. National Museum for 1895_,
pp. 440, 537 _sq._
626 Th. H. Ruys, “Bezoek an den Kannibalenstam van Noord Nieuw-Guinea,”
_Tijdschrift van het koninklijk Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig
Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, xxiii. (1906) p. 328. Among these
savages the genitals of a murdered man are eaten by an old woman,
and the genitals of a murdered woman are eaten by an old man. What
the object of this curious practice may be is not apparent. Perhaps
the intention is to unsex and disarm the dangerous ghost. On the
dread of ghosts, especially the ghosts of those who have died a
violent death, see further _Psyche’s Task_, pp. 52 sqq.
M116 Hunters and fishers have to observe taboos and undergo rites of
purification, which are probably dictated by a fear of the spirits
of the animals or fish which they have killed or intended to kill.
627 Meantime I may refer the reader to _The Golden Bough_, Second
Edition, vol. ii. pp. 389 _sqq._
M117 Taboos and ceremonies observed before catching whales. Taboos
observed as a preparation for catching dugong and turtle. Taboos
observed as a preparation for hunting and fishing. Taboos and
ceremonies observed at the hatching and pairing of silkworms.
_ 628 Narrative of the Adventures and Sufferings of John R. Jewitt_
(Middletown, 1820), pp. 133, 136.
629 See above, pp. 160 _sq._
630 Baron d’Unienville, _Statistique de l’Île Maurice_ (Paris, 1838),
iii. 271. Compare A. van Gennep, _Tabou et Totémisme à Madagascar_
(Paris, 1904), p. 253, who refers to Le Gentil, _Voyage dans les
Mers de l’Inde_ (Paris, 1781), ii. 562.
631 U. Lisiansky, _Voyage Round the World_ (London, 1814), pp. 174, 209.
632 A. C. Haddon, “The Ethnography of the Western Tribe of Torres
Straits,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) p.
397; _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres
Straits_, v. 271.
633 A. C. Haddon, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix.
(1890) p. 467.
_ 634 Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres
Straits_, v. 271 note.
635 R. E. Guise, “On the Tribes inhabiting the Mouth of the Wanigela
River,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxviii. (1899)
p. 218. The account refers specially to Bulaa, which the author
describes (pp. 205, 217) as “a marine village” and “the greatest
fishing village in New Guinea.” Probably it is built out over the
water. This would explain the allusion to the sanctified headman
going ashore daily at sundown.
636 Captain F. R. Barton and Dr. Strong, in C. G. Seligmann’s _The
Melanesians of British New Guinea_ (Cambridge, 1910), pp. 292, 293
_sq._
637 W. H. Furness, _The Island of Stone Money, Uap of the Carolines_
(Philadelphia and London, 1910), pp. 38 _sq._, 44 _sq._ Though the
fisherman may have nothing to do with his wife and family, he is not
wholly debarred from female society; for each of the men’s
clubhouses has one young woman, or sometimes two young women, who
have been captured from another district, and who cohabit
promiscuously with all the men of the clubhouse. The name for one of
these concubines is _mispil_. See W. H. Furness, _op. cit._ pp. 46
_sqq._ There is a similar practice of polyandry in the men’s
clubhouses of the Pelew Islands. See J. Kubary, _Die socialen
Einrichtungen der Pelauer_ (Berlin, 1885), pp. 50 _sqq._ Compare
_Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 435 _sq._
638 J. S. Kubary, _Ethnographische Beiträge zur Kenntnis des Karolinen
Archipels_ (Leyden, 1895), p. 127.
639 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_
(Westminster, 1896), ii. 257. In Chota Nagpur and the Central
Provinces of India the rearers of silk-worms “carefully watch over
and protect the worms, and while the rearing is going on, live with
great cleanliness and self-denial, abstaining from alcohol and all
intercourse with women, and adhering very strictly to certain
ceremonial observances. The business is a very precarious one, much
depending on favourable weather” (_Indian Museum Notes, issued by
the Trustees_, vol. i. No. 3 (Calcutta, 1890), p. 160).
M118 Taboos observed by fishermen in Uganda. Continence observed by
Bangala fishermen and hunters.
640 The Rev. J. Roscoe in letters to me dated Mengo, Uganda, April 23
and June 6, 1903.
641 Rev. J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the
Baganda,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)
p. 56.
642 Rev. J. H. Weeks, “Anthropological Notes on the Bangala of the Upper
Congo,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxix. (1909)
pp. 458, 459.
M119 Taboos observed by hunters in Nias.
643 J. W. Thomas, “De jacht op het eiland Nias,” _Tijdschrift voor
Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvi. (1880) pp. 276 _sq._
M120 The practice of continence by fishers and hunters seems to be based
on a notion that incontinence offends the fish and the animals.
644 J. Chalmers, _Pioneering in New Guinea_ (London, 1887), p. 186.
645 P. Reichard, _Deutsch-Ostafrika_ (Leipsic, 1892), p. 427.
646 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. p. 123.
647 Mgr. Le Roy, “Les Pygmées,” _Missions Catholiques_, xxix. (1897) p.
269.
M121 Chastity observed by American Indians before hunting.
648 C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, ii. 40 sq.
649 Father A. G. Morice, “Notes, Archaeological, Industrial, and
Sociological on the Western Denés,” _Transactions of the Canadian
Institute_, iv. (1892-93) pp. 107, 108.
650 M. C. Stevenson, “The Sia,” _Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of
Ethnology_ (Washington, 1894), p. 118.
651 Fr. Boas, in _Tenth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,
p. 47 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British Association
for 1895_).
_ 652 Id._, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_, p.
90 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British Association for
1890_).
653 J. Teit, “The Thompson Indians of British Columbia,” _Memoir of the
American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific
Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) p. 347.
654 J. Teit, _op. cit._ p. 348.
M122 Taboos observed by Hidatsa Indians at catching eagles.
655 Washington Matthews, _Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa
Indians_ (Washington, 1877), pp. 58-60. Other Indian tribes also
observe elaborate superstitious ceremonies in hunting eagles. See
_Totemism and Exogamy_, iii. 182, 187 _sq._
M123 Miscellaneous examples of chastity practised from superstitious
motives.
656 E. Aymonier, _Notes sur le Laos_ (Saigon, 1885), p. 141.
657 P. Ch. Gilhodes, “La Culture matérielle des Katchins (Birmanie),”
_Anthropos_, v. (1910) p. 622. Compare J. Anderson, _From Mandalay
to Momien_ (London, 1876), p. 198, who observes that among the
Kakhyens (Kachins) the brewing of beer “is regarded as a serious,
almost sacred, task, the women, while engaged in it, having to live
in almost vestal seclusion.”
658 J. G. Frazer, _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 410 _sq._, on Mr. A. C.
Hollis’s authority.
659 M. Weiss, _Die Völker-Stämme im Norden Deutsch-Ostafrikas_ (Berlin,
1910), p. 396.
660 G. A. Wilken, “Bijdrage tot de Kennis der Alfoeren van het eiland
Boeroe,” p. 30 (_Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van
Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xxxvi.).
661 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes
en Papua_, p. 179.
662 G. H. von Langsdorff, _Reise um die Welt_ (Frankfort, 1812), i. 118
_sq._
663 G. H. von Langsdorff, _op. cit._ i. 117.
664 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire générale des choses de la Nouvelle
Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon, p. 45.
M124 Miscellaneous examples of continence observed from superstitious
motives. Continence observed by the Motu of New Guinea before and
during a trading voyage. Continence observed by the Akamba and
Akikuyu on a journey and other occasions.
665 H. A. Junod, “Les Conceptions physiologiques des Bantou
sud-africains et leurs tabous,” _Revue d’Ethnographie et de
Sociologie_, i. (1910) p. 148.
666 Dameon Grangeon, “Les Chams et leurs superstitions,” _Missions
Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896) p. 70.
667 Father Lambert, “Mœurs et superstitions de la tribu Bélep,”
_Missions Catholiques_, xii. (1880) p. 215; _id._, _Mœurs et
superstitions des Néo-Calédoniens_ (Nouméa, 1900), pp. 191 _sq._
668 R. Parkinson, _Dreissig Jahre in der Südsee_ (Stuttgart, 1907), p.
99.
669 Captain F. R. Barton, in C. G. Seligmann’s _The Melanesians of
British New Guinea_ (Cambridge, 1910), pp. 100-102. The native words
which I have translated respectively “skipper” and “mate” are
_baditauna_ and _doritauna_. The exact meaning of the words is
doubtful.
670 Quoted by Dr. George Turner, _Samoa_ (London, 1884), pp. 349 _sq._
671 J. M. Hildebrandt, “Ethnographische Notizen über Wakamba und ihre
Nachbarn,” _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, x. (1878) p. 401.
672 H. R. Tate, “Further Notes on the Kikuyu Tribe of British East
Africa,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxiv. (1904)
pp. 260 _sq._ At the festivals sheep and goats are sacrificed to God
(_Ngai_), and the people feast on the roast flesh.
M125 The taboos observed by hunters and fishers are often continued and
even increased in stringency after the game has been killed and the
fish caught. The motive for this conduct can only be superstitious.
M126 Taboos observed by the Bering Strait Esquimaux after catching whales
or salmon.
673 E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” _Eighteenth Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part i. (Washington,
1899) pp. 438, 440.
M127 Taboos observed by the Bering Strait Esquimaux and the Aleuts of
Alaska out of regard for the animals they have killed.
674 E. W. Nelson, _op. cit._ p. 440, compare pp. 380 _sq._ The bladder
festival of these Esquimaux will be described in a later part of
this work.
675 I. Petroff, _Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources of
Alaska_ (preface dated August 7, 1882), pp. 154 _sq._
676 W. H. Dall, _Alaska and its Resources_ (London, 1870), p. 404.
M128 Taboos observed by the central Esquimaux after killing sea-beasts.
The sea-mammals may not be brought into contact with reindeer.
M129 Even among the sea-beasts themselves there are rules of mutual
avoidance which the central Esquimaux must observe.
677 Fr. Boas, “The Central Eskimo,” _Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau
of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1888), pp. 584 _sq._, 595; _id._ “The
Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,” _Bulletin of the American
Museum of Natural History_, xv. part i. (1901) pp. 121-124. See also
_id._ “Die Sagen der Baffin-land Eskimo,” _Verhandlungen der
Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie, und
Urgeschichte_ (1885), pp. 162 _sq._; _id._, in _Proceedings and
Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada_, v. (Montreal, 1888)
section ii. pp. 35 _sq._; C. F. Hall, _Life with the Esquimaux_
(London, 1864), ii. 321 _sq._; _id._, _Narrative of the Second
Arctic Expedition made by Charles F. Hall_, edited by Professor J.
E. Nourse (Washington, 1879), pp. 191 _sq._
M130 Native explanation of these Esquimau taboos.
M131 The object of the taboos observed after killing sea-beasts is to
prevent the souls of the slain animals from contracting certain
attachments, which would hurt not only them, but also the great
goddess Sedna, in whose house the disembodied souls of the
sea-beasts reside.
M132 The souls of the sea-beasts have a great aversion to the dark colour
of death and to the vapour that arises from flowing blood, and they
avoid persons who are affected by these things.
M133 The transgresser of a taboo must announce his transgression, in
order that other people may shun him.
M134 Hence the central Esquimaux have come to think that sin can be
atoned for by confession.
678 That is, the wizard or sorcerer.
M135 The transgression of taboos affects the soul of the transgressor,
becoming attached to it and making him sick. If the attachment is
not removed by the wizard, the man will die.
679 That is, the wizard or sorcerer.
M136 The Esquimaux try to keep the sea-beasts free from contaminating
influences, especially from contact with corpses and with women who
have recently been brought to bed.
680 Fr. Boas, “The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,” _Bulletin of
the American Museum of Natural History_, xv. pt. i. (1901) pp.
119-121, 124-126. In quoting these passages I have changed the
spelling of a few words in accordance with English orthography.
M137 In the system of taboos of the central Esquimaux we see animism
passing into religion; morality is coming to rest on a supernatural
basis, namely the will of the goddess Sedna. In this evolution of
religion the practice of confession has played a part. It seems to
have been regarded as a spiritual purge or emetic, by which sin,
conceived as a sort of morbid substance, was expelled from the body
of the sinner.
681 Le P. P. Cayzac, “La Religion des Kikuyu,” _Anthropos_, v. (1905) p.
311.
682 Le P. P. Cayzac, _loc. cit._ The nature of the “ignoble ceremony” of
transferring sin to a he-goat is not mentioned by the missionary. It
can hardly have been the simple Jewish one of laying hands on the
animal’s head.
M138 Hence the confession of sins is employed as a sort of medicine for
the recovery of the sick. Similarly the confession of sins is
sometimes resorted to by women in hard labour as a means of
accelerating their delivery. In these cases confession is a magical
ceremony designed to relieve the sinner.
683 D. W. Harmon, in Rev. Jedidiah Morse’s _Report to the Secretary of
War of the United States on Indian Affairs_ (New-haven, 1822), p.
345. The Carriers are an Indian tribe of North-West America who call
themselves _Ta-cul-lies_, “a people who go upon water” (_ibid._ p.
343).
684 Francis C. Nicholas, “The Aborigines of Santa Maria, Colombia,”
_American Anthropologist_, N.S. iii. (1901) pp. 639-641.
685 A. de Herrera, _The General History of the Vast Continent and
Islands of America_, translated by Capt. J. Stevens (London,
1725-26), iv. 148. The confession of sins appears to have held an
important place in the native religion of the American Indians,
particularly the Mexicans and Peruvians. There is no sufficient
reason to suppose that they learned the practice from Catholic
priests. For more evidence of the custom among the aborigines of
America see L. H. Morgan, _League of the Iroquois_ (Rochester, U.S.
America, 1851), pp. 170 _sq._, 187 _sq._; B. de Sahagun, _Histoire
générale des choses de la Nouvelle Espagne_, bk. i. ch. 12, bk. vi.
ch. 7, pp. 22-27, 339-344 (Jourdanet and Simeon’s French
translation); A. de Herrera, _op. cit._ iv. 173, 190; Diego de
Landa, _Relation des choses de Yucatan_ (Paris, 1864), pp. 154
_sqq._; Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des nations civilisées du
Mexique et de l’Amérique Centrale_, ii. 114 _sq._, 567, iii.
567-569; P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la idolatria del Piru_
(Lima, 1621), pp. 18, 28 _sq._
686 As to this means of hastening the delivery see _Totemism and
Exogamy_, iv. 248 _sqq._ The intention of the exchange of clothes at
childbirth between husband and wife seems to be to relieve the woman
by transferring the travail pangs to the man.
687 G. Ferrand, _Les Musulmans à Madagascar_, Deuxième Partie (Paris,
1893), pp. 20 _sq._
688 H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_ (Berlin, 1894), pp. 319 _sq._
_ 689 Satapatha Brahmana_, translated by J. Eggeling, pt. i. p. 397
(_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xii.).
M139 Thus the confession of sins is at first rather a bodily than a moral
purgation, resembling the ceremonies of washing, fumigation, and so
on, which are observed by many primitive peoples for the removal of
sin.
M140 It is possible that some savage taboos may still lurk, under various
disguises, in the morality of civilised peoples.
690 The similarity of some of the Mosaic laws to savage customs has
struck most Europeans who have acquired an intimate knowledge of the
savage and his ways. They have often explained the coincidences as
due to a primitive revelation or to the dispersion of the Jews into
all parts of the earth. Some examples of these coincidences were
cited in my article “Taboo,” _Encyclopaedia Britannica_,9 xxiii. 17.
The subject has since been handled, with consummate ability and
learning, by my lamented friend W. Robertson Smith in his _Religion
of the Semites_ (New Edition, London, 1894). In _Psyche’s Task_ I
have illustrated by examples the influence of superstition on the
growth of morality.
M141 Ceremonies observed by the Kayans after killing a panther.
Ceremonies of purification observed by African hunters after killing
dangerous beasts. Ceremonies observed by Lapp hunters after killing
a bear.
691 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, i. 106 _sq._
692 J. Adair, _History of the American Indians_, p. 118.
693 C. J. Andersson, _Lake Ngami_, p. 224.
694 L. Alberti, _De Kaffers aan de Zuidkust van Afrika_ (Amsterdam,
1810), pp. 158 _sq._ Compare H. Lichtenstein, _Reisen im südlichen
Africa_ (Berlin, 1811-12), i. 419. These accounts were written about
a century ago. The custom may since have become obsolete. A similar
remark applies to other customs described in this and the following
paragraph.
695 P. Kolbe, _Present State of the Cape of Good Hope_, I.2 (London,
1738) pp. 251-255. The reason alleged for the custom is to allow the
slayer to recruit his strength. But the reason is clearly inadequate
as an explanation of this and similar practices.
696 J. Scheffer, _Lapponia_ (Frankfort, 1673), pp. 234-243; C. Leemius,
_De Lapponibus Finmarchiae eorumque lingua, vita et religione
pristina commentatio_ (Copenhagen, 1767), pp. 502 _sq._; E. J.
Jessen, _De Finnorum Lapponumque Nouvegicorum religione pagana
tractatus singularis_, pp. 64 _sq._ (bound up with Leemius’s work).
M142 Expiatory ceremonies performed for the slaughter of serpents.
697 S. Kay, _Travels and Researches in Caffraria_ (London, 1833), pp.
341 _sq._
698 J. Duncan, _Travels in Western Africa_ (London, 1847), i. 195 _sq._;
F. E. Forbes, _Dahomey and the Dahomans_ (London, 1851), i. 107; P.
Bouche, _La Côte des Esclaves_ (Paris, 1885), p. 397; A. B. Ellis,
_The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, pp. 58 _sq._
_ 699 Indian Antiquary_, xxi. (1892) p. 224. Many of the above examples
of expiation exacted for the slaughter of animals have already been
cited by me in a note on Pausanias, ii. 7. 7, where I suggested that
the legendary purification of Apollo for the slaughter of the python
at Delphi (Plutarch, _Quaest. Graec._, 12; _id._, _De defectu
oraculorum_, 15; Aelian, _Var. Hist._ iii. 1) may be a reminiscence
of a custom of this sort.
M143 All such expiatory rites are based on the respect which the savage
feels for the souls of animals.
700 Le R. P. Cadière, “Croyances et dictons populaires de la Vallée du
Nguôn-son, Province de Quang-binh (Annam),” _Bulletin de l’École
Française d’Extrême Orient_, i. (1901) pp. 183 _sq._
M144 Taboos of holiness agree with taboos of pollution, because in the
savage mind the ideas of holiness and pollution are not yet
differentiated.
701 On the nature of taboo see my article “Taboo” in the _Encyclopaedia
Britannica_, 9th edition, vol. xxiii. (1888) pp. 15 _sqq._; W.
Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_2 (London, 1894), pp. 148
_sqq._, 446 _sqq._ Some languages have retained a word for that
general idea which includes under it the notions which we now
distinguish as sanctity and pollution. The word in Latin is _sacer_,
in Greek, ἅγιος. In Polynesian it is _tabu_ (Tongan), _tapu_
(Samoan, Tahitian, Marquesan, Maori, etc.), or _kapu_ (Hawaiian).
See E. Tregear, _Maori-Polynesian Comparative Dictionary_
(Wellington, N.Z., 1891), _s.v._ _tapu_. In Dacotan the word is
_wakan_, which in Riggs’s _Dakota-English Dictionary_
(_Contributions to North American Ethnology_, vol. vii., Washington,
1890, pp. 507 _sq._) is defined as “_spiritual_, _sacred_,
_consecrated_; _wonderful_, _incomprehensible_; said also of women
at the menstrual period.” Another writer in the same dictionary
defines _wakan_ more fully as follows: “_Mysterious_;
_incomprehensible_; _in a peculiar state, which, from not being
understood, it is dangerous to meddle with_; hence the application
of this word to women at the _menstrual period_, and from hence,
too, arises the feeling among the wilder Indians, that if the Bible,
the church, the missionary, etc., are ‘wakan,’ they are to be
_avoided_, or _shunned_, not as being _bad_ or _dangerous_, but as
wakan. The word seems to be the only one suitable for _holy_,
_sacred_, etc., but the common acceptation of it, given above, makes
it quite misleading to the _heathen_.” On the notion designated by
_wakan_, see also G. H. Pond, “Dakota Superstitions,” _Collections
of the Minnesota Historical Society for the year 1867_ (Saint Paul,
1867), p. 33; J. Owen Dorsey, in _Eleventh Annual Report of the
Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1894), pp. 366 _sq._ It is
characteristic of the equivocal notion denoted by these terms that,
whereas the condition of women in childbed is commonly regarded by
the savage as what we should call unclean, among the Herero the same
condition is described as holy; for some time after the birth of her
child, the woman is secluded in a hut made specially for her, and
every morning the milk of all the cows is brought to her that she
may consecrate it by touching it with her mouth. See H. Schinz,
_Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika_, p. 167. Again, whereas a girl at puberty
is commonly secluded as dangerous, among the Warundi of eastern
Africa she is led by her grandmother all over the house and obliged
to touch everything (O. Baumann, _Durch Massailand sur Nilquelle_
(Berlin, 1894), p. 221), as if her touch imparted a blessing instead
of a curse.
M145 Kings may not be touched. The use of iron forbidden to kings and
priests. Use of iron forbidden at circumcision, childbirth, and so
forth. Use of iron forbidden at certain times and places among the
Esquimaux. Use of iron forbidden on certain occasions among the
Highlanders of Scotland. Iron not used in building sacred edifices.
702 Plutarch, _Agis_, 19.
703 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_,2 iii. 102.
704 E. Aymonier, _Le Cambodge_, ii. (Paris, 1901) p. 25.
705 J. Moura, _Le Royaume du Cambodge_ (Paris, 1883), i. 226.
706 Ch. Dallet, _Histoire de l’Église de Corée_ (Paris, 1874), i. pp.
xxiv. _sq._; W. E. Griffis, _Corea, the Hermit Nation_ (London,
1882), p. 219. These customs are now obsolete (G. N. Curzon,
_Problems of the Far East_ (Westminster, 1896), pp. 154 _sq._ note).
707 Macrobius, _Sat._ v. 19. 13; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ i. 448;
Joannes Lydus, _De mensibus_, i. 31. We have already seen (p. 16)
that the hair of the Flamen Dialis might only be cut with a bronze
knife. The Greeks attributed a certain cleansing virtue to bronze;
hence they employed it in expiatory rites, at eclipses, etc. See the
Scholiast on Theocritus, ii. 36.
_ 708 Acta Fratrum Arvalium_, ed. G. Henzen (Berlin, 1874), pp. 128-135;
J. Marquardt, _Römische Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2 (_Das Sacralwesen_)
pp. 459 _sq._
709 Plutarch, _Praecepta gerendae reipublicae_, xxvi. 7. Plutarch here
mentions that gold was also excluded from some temples. At first
sight this is surprising, for in general neither the gods nor their
ministers have displayed any marked aversion to gold. But a little
enquiry suffices to clear up the mystery and set the scruple in its
proper light. From a Greek inscription discovered some years ago we
learn that no person might enter the sanctuary of the Mistress at
Lycosura wearing golden trinkets, unless for the purpose of
dedicating them to the goddess; and if any one did enter the holy
place with such ornaments on his body but no such pious intention in
his mind, the trinkets were forfeited to the use of religion. See
Ἐφημερὶς ἀρχαιολογική (Athens, 1898), col. 249; Dittenberger,
_Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 939. The similar rule, that
in the procession at the mysteries of Andania no woman might wear
golden ornaments (Dittenberger, _op. cit._ No. 653), was probably
subject to a similar exception and enforced by a similar penalty.
Once more, if the maidens who served Athena on the Acropolis at
Athens put on gold ornaments, the ornaments became sacred, in other
words, the property of the goddess (Harpocration, _s.v._ ἀρρηφορεῖν,
vol. i. p. 59, ed. Dindorf). Thus it appears that the pious scruple
about gold was concerned rather with its exit from, than with its
entrance into, the sacred edifice. At the sacrifice to the Sun in
ancient Egypt worshippers were forbidden to wear golden trinkets and
to give hay to an ass (Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 30)—a singular
combination of religious precepts. In India gold and silver are
common totems, and members of such clans are forbidden to wear gold
and silver trinkets respectively. See _Totemism and Exogamy_, iv.
24.
710 Callimachus, referred to by the Old Scholiast on Ovid, _Ibis_. See
_Callimachea_, ed. O. Schneider, ii. p. 282, Frag. 100a E.; Chr. A.
Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_, p. 686.
711 Plutarch, _Aristides_, 21. This passage was pointed out to me by my
friend Mr. W. Wyse.
712 Theophilus Hahn, _Tsuni-Goam, the Supreme Being of the Khoi-Khoi_
(London, 1881), p. 22.
713 Dr. P. H. Brincker, “Charakter, Sitten und Gebräuche speciell der
Bantu Deutsch-Südwestafrikas,” _Mittheilungen des Seminars für
orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin_, iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, p.
80.
714 A. van Gennep, _Tabou et totémisme à Madagascar_ (Paris, 1904), p.
38.
715 W. H. Furness, _The Island of Stone Money, Uap of the Carolines_
(Philadelphia and London, 1910), p. 151.
716 J. G. Bourke, _The Snake Dance of the Moquis of Arizona_ (New York,
1891), pp. 178 _sq._
717 G. B. Grinnell, _Pawnee Hero Stories and Folk-tales_ (New York,
1889), p. 253.
718 See above, pp. 205 _sq._
719 E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” _Eighteenth Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part I. (Washington,
1899) p. 392.
720 E. W. Nelson, _op. cit._ p. 383.
721 Fr. Boas, “The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,” _Bulletin of
the American Museum of Natural History_, xv. Part I. (1901) p. 149.
722 C. F. Gordon Cumming, _In the Hebrides_ (ed. 1883), p. 195.
723 James Logan, _The Scottish Gael_ (ed. Alex. Stewart), ii. 68 _sq._
724 J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and
Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 262, 298, 299.
725 R. C. Maclagan, M.D., “Notes on Folklore Objects from Argyleshire,”
_Folk-lore_, vi. (1895) p. 157; J. G. Campbell, _Superstitions of
the Highlands and Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1900), pp. 263-266.
The shoulder-blades of sheep have been used in divination by many
peoples, for example by the Corsicans, South Slavs, Tartars,
Kirghiz, Calmucks, Chukchees, and Lolos, as well as by the Scotch.
See J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, iii. 339 _sq._ (Bohn’s ed.);
Sir John Lubbock (Lord Avebury), _Origin of Civilisation_,4 pp. 237
_sq._; Ch. Rogers, _Social Life in Scotland_, iii. 224; Camden,
_Britannia_, translated by E. Gibson (London, 1695), col. 1046; M.
MacPhail, “Traditions, Customs, and Superstitions of the Lewis,”
_Folk-lore_, vi. (1895) p. 167; J. G. Dalyell, _Darker Superstitions
of Scotland_, pp. 515 _sqq._; F. Gregorovius, _Corsica_, (London,
1855), p. 187; F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religiöser Brauch der
Südslaven_, pp. 166-170; M. E. Durham, _High Albania_ (London,
1909), pp. 104 _sqq._; E. Doutté, _Magie et religion dans l’Afrique
du Nord_ (Algiers, 1908), p. 371; W. Radloff, _Proben der
Volksliteratur der türkischen Stämme Süd-Sibiriens_, iii. 115, note
1, compare p. 132; J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. 932; W. W.
Rockhill, _The Land of the Lamas_ (London, 1891), pp. 176, 341-344;
P. S. Pallas, _Reise durch verschiedene Provinzen des russischen
Reichs_, i. 393; J. G. Georgi, _Beschreibung aller Nationen des
russischen Reichs_, p. 223; T. de Pauly, _Description ethnographique
des peuples de la Russie, peuples de la Sibérie orientale_ (St.
Petersburg, 1862), p. 7; Krahmer, “Der Anadyr-Bezirk nach A. W.
Olssufjew,” _Petermann’s Mittheilungen_, xlv. (1899) pp. 230 _sq._;
W. Bogoras, “The Chuckchee Religion,” _Memoir of the American Museum
of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. vii.
part ii. (Leyden and New York) pp. 487 _sqq._; Crabouillet, “Les
Lolos,” _Missions Catholiques_, v. (1873) p. 72; W. G. Aston,
_Shinto_, p. 339; R. Andree, “Scapulimantia,” in _Boas Anniversary
Volume_ (New York, 1906), pp. 143-165.
726 C. F. Gordon Cumming, _In the Hebrides_, p. 226; E. J. Guthrie, _Old
Scottish Customs_ (London and Glasgow, 1885), p. 223.
727 1 Kings vi. 7; Exodus xx. 25.
728 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Roman._ iii. 45, v. 24;
Plutarch, _Numa_, 9; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxxvi. 100.
_ 729 Acta Fratrum Arvalium_, ed. G. Henzen, p. 132; _Corpus
Inscriptionum Latinarum_, i. No. 603.
730 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxxvi. 100.
_ 731 Indian Antiquary_, x. (1881) p. 364.
M146 Everything new excites the awe and fear of the savage.
732 Prof. W. Ridgeway ingeniously suggests that the magical virtue of
iron may be based on an observation of its magnetic power, which
would lead savages to imagine that it was possessed of a spirit. See
_Report of the British Association for 1903_, p. 816.
733 Frank Hatton, _North Borneo_ (1886), p. 233.
734 A. E. Pratt, “Two Journeys to Ta-tsien-lu on the eastern Borders of
Tibet,” _Proceedings of the R. Geographical Society_, xiii. (1891)
p. 341.
735 W. Svoboda, “Die Bewohner des Nikobaren-Archipels,” _Internationales
Archiv für Ethnographie_, vi. (1893) p. 13.
_ 736 The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse, in __A.D.__ 1547-1555_,
translated by A. Tootal (London, 1874), pp. 85 _sq._
737 E. H. Fraser, “The Fish-skin Tartars,” _Journal of the China Branch
of the R. Asiatic Society for the Year 1891-92_, N.S. xxvi. p. 15.
738 Fr. Kreutzwald und H. Neus, _Mythische und magische Lieder der
Ehsten_ (St. Petersburg, 1854), p. 113.
739 Alexand. Guagninus, “De ducatu Samogitiae,” in _Respublica sive
status regni Poloniae, Lituaniae, Prussiae, Livoniae_, etc.
(Elzevir, 1627) p. 276; Johan. Lasicius, “De diis Samogitarum
caeterorumque Sarmatum,” in _Respublica_, etc. (_ut supra_), p. 294
(p. 84, ed. W. Mannhardt, in _Magazin herausgegeben von der
Lettisch—Literärischen Gesellschaft_, vol. xiv.).
740 L. von Ende, “Die Baduwis von Java,” _Mittheilungen der
anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien_, xix. (1889) p. 10.
M147 The dislike of spirits to iron allows men to use the metal as a
weapon against them. Iron used as a charm against fairies in the
Highlands of Scotland. Iron used as a protective charm by Scotch
fishermen and others. Iron used as a protective charm against devils
and ghosts in India, Annam. Africa, and Scotland.
741 J. G. Campbell, _Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands of
Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1900), pp. 46 _sq._
742 E. J. Guthrie, _Old Scottish Customs_, p. 149; Ch. Rogers, _Social
Life in Scotland_ (Edinburgh, 1884-1886), iii. 218.
743 J. Macdonald, _Religion and Myth_, p. 91.
744 W. Gregor, _Folk-lore of the North-East of Scotland_ (London, 1881),
p. 201. The fishermen think that if the word “pig,” “sow,” or
“swine” be uttered while the lines are being baited, the line will
certainly be lost.
745 A. Leared, _Morocco and the Moors_ (London, 1876), p. 273.
746 Wickremasinghe, in _Am Urquell_, v. (1894) p. 7.
747 G. F. D’Penha, “Superstitions and Customs in Salsette,” _Indian
Antiquary_, xxviii. (1899) p. 114.
748 W. Crooke, _Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and
Oudh_, iii. 431.
749 F. Jagor, “Bericht über verschiedene Volksstämme in Vorderindien,”
_Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xxvi. (1894) p. 70.
750 E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_ (Madras, 1906),
p. 341.
751 E. M. Gordon, _Indian Folk Tales_ (London, 1908), p. 31.
752 L. R. P. Cadière, “Coutumes populaires de la vallée du Nguôn-So’n,”
_Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient_, ii. (1902) pp. 354
_sq._
753 Baudin, “Le Fétichisme,” _Missions Catholiques_, xvi. (1884) p. 249;
A. B. Ellis, _The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p.
113.
_ 754 Il Fetha Nagast o legislazione dei re, codice ecclesiastico e
civile di Abissinia_, tradotto e annotato da Ignazio Guidi (Rome,
1899), p. 140.
755 The reader may observe how closely the taboos laid upon mourners
resemble those laid upon kings. From what has gone before, the
reason of the resemblance is obvious.
_ 756 Panjab Notes and Queries_, iii. p. 61, § 282.
757 G. F. D’Penha, “Superstitions and Customs in Salsette,” _Indian
Antiquary_, xxviii. (1899) p. 115.
758 W. Gregor, _Folk-lore of the North-East of Scotland_, p. 206.
759 This is expressly said in _Panjab Notes and Queries_, iii. p. 202, §
846. On iron as a protective charm see also F. Liebrecht, _Gervasius
von Tilbury_, pp. 99 _sqq._; _id._, _Zur Volkskunde_, p. 311; L.
Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_, i.
pp. 354 _sq._ § 233; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,2 §
414 _sq._; E. B. Tylor, _Primitive Culture_,2 i. 140; W. Mannhardt,
_Baumkultus_, p. 132 note. Many peoples, especially in Africa,
regard the smith’s craft with awe or fear as something uncanny and
savouring of magic. Hence smiths are sometimes held in high honour,
sometimes looked down upon with great contempt. These feelings
probably spring in large measure from the superstitions which
cluster round iron. See R. Andree, _Ethnographische Parallelen und
Vergleiche_, pp. 153-159; G. McCall Theal, _Records of South-Eastern
Africa_, vii. 447; O. Lenz, _Skizzen aus West-Afrika_ (Berlin,
1878), p. 184; A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der
Loango-Küste_, ii. 217; M. Merkel, _Die Masai_ (Berlin, 1904), pp.
110 _sq._; A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), pp. 330 _sq._;
_id._, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), pp. 36 _sq._; J. Spieth, _Die
Ewe-Stämme_ (Berlin, 1906), p. 776; E. Doutté, _Magie et religion
dans l’Afrique du Nord_, pp. 40 _sqq._; Ph. Paulitschke,
_Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas, die geistige Cultur der Danâkil,
Galla und Somâl_ (Berlin, 1896), p. 30; _id._, _Ethnographie
Nordost-Afrikas, die materielle Cultur der Danâkil, Galla und Somâl_
(Berlin, 1893), p. 202; Th. Levebvre, _Voyage en Abyssinie_, i. p.
lxi.; A. Cecchi, _Da Zeila alle frontiere del Caffa_, i. (Rome,
1886) p. 45; M. Parkyns, _Life in Abyssinia_2 (London, 1868), pp.
300 _sq._; J. T. Bent, _Sacred City of the Ethiopians_ (London,
1893), p. 212; G. Rohlf, “Reise durch Nord-Afrika,” _Petermann’s
Mittheilungen, Ergänzungsheft_, No. 25 (Gotha, 1868), pp. 30, 54; G.
Nachtigal, “Die Tibbu,” _Zeitschrift für Erdkunde zu Berlin_, v.
(1870) pp. 312 _sq._; _id._, _Sahara und Sudan_, i. 443 _sq._, ii.
145, 178, 371, iii. 189, 234 _sq._ The Kayans of Borneo think that a
smith is inspired by a special spirit, the smith’s spirit, and that
without this inspiration he could do no good work. See A. W.
Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, ii. 198.
M148 The use of sharp-edged weapons is sometimes forbidden lest they
should wound spirits. Sharp-edged weapons removed from a room where
there is a lying-in woman.
760 A. Bastian, _Die Völker des östlichen Asien_, i. (Leipsic, 1866) p.
136.
761 E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” _Eighteenth Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part i. (Washington,
1899) p. 312. Compare _ibid._ pp. 315, 364; W. H. Dall, _Alaska and
its Resources_, p. 146; _id._, in _American Naturalist_, xii. 7;
_id._, in _The Yukon Territory_ (London, 1898), p. 146.
762 See above, p. 205.
763 A. Woldt, _Captain Jacobsen’s Reise an der Nordwestküste Americas
1881-1883_ (Leipsic, 1884), p. 243.
764 W. Schmidt, _Das Jahr und seine Tage in Meinung und Brauch der
Romänen Siebenbürgens_ (Hermannstadt, 1866), p. 40; E. Gerard, _The
Land beyond the Forest_, i. 312.
765 J. H. Gray, _China_ (London, 1878), i. 288.
766 Jo. Meletius (Maeletius, Menecius), “De religione et sacrificiis
veterum Borussorum,” in _De Russorum Muscovitarum et Tartarorum
religione, sacrificiis, nuptiarum, funerum ritu_ (Spires, 1582), p.
263; _id._, reprinted in _Scriptores rerum Livonicarum_, vol. ii.
(Riga and Leipsic, 1848) pp. 391 _sq._, and in _Mitteilungen der
Litterarischen Gesellschaft Masovia_, viii. (Lötzen, 1902) pp. 194
_sq._ Compare Chr. Hartknoch, _Alt und neues Preussen_ (Frankfort
and Leipsic, 1684), pp. 187 _sq._
767 B. F. Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes_, p.
136.
768 Tettau und Temme, _Die Volkssagen Ostpreussens, Litthauens und
Westpreussens_, p. 285; J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 iii. 454,
compare pp. 441, 469; J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebräuche aus
Böhmen und Mähren_, p. 198, § 1387.
769 Franz Vormann, “Zur Psychologie, Soziologie und Geschichte der
Monumbo-Papua, Deutsch-Neuginea,” _Anthropos_, v. (1910) p. 410.
770 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _In Centraal Borneo_ (Leyden, 1900), i. 61;
_id._, _Quer durch Borneo_, i. 69.
771 Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_ (Berlin, 1894),
p. 184.
772 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, iii. 1045
(Leyden, 1897).
M149 Raw meat tabooed because the life or spirit is in the blood.
773 Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 110; Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 12. See above,
p. 13.
_ 774 Grihya-Sutras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, part i. pp. 81, 141
(_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xxix.).
775 J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the
Baganda,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)
p. 53.
776 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_ (Berlin, 1885),
pp. 126 _sq._
777 F. J. Wiedemann, _Aus dem inneren und äussern Leben der Ehsten_ (St.
Petersburg, 1876), pp. 448, 478.
778 James Adair, _History of the American Indians_ (London, 1775), pp.
134, 117. The Indians described by Adair are the Creek, Cherokee,
and other tribes in the south-east of the United States.
779 A. G. Morice, “The Western Dénés, their Manners and Customs,”
_Proceedings of the Canadian Institute_, Third Series, vii.
(1888-89) p. 164.
780 E. Petitot, _Monographie des Dènè-Dindjié_ (Paris, 1876), p. 76.
781 Schlömann, “Die Malepa in Transvaal,” _Verhandlungen der Berliner
Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte_, 1894,
p. (67).
782 Leviticus xvii. 10-14. The Hebrew word (נפש) translated “life” in
the English version of verse 11 means also “soul” (marginal note in
the Revised Version). Compare Deuteronomy xii. 23-25.
783 Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ v. 79; compare _id._ on _Aen._ iii. 67.
784 J. Wellhausen, _Reste arabischen Heidentumes_ (Berlin, 1887), p.
217.
785 J. J. M. de Groot, _Religious System of China_, iv. 80-82.
786 A. Goudswaard, _De Papoewa’s van de Geelvinksbaai_ (Schiedam, 1863),
p. 77.
M150 Royal blood may not be spilt on the ground; hence kings and princes
are put to death by methods which do not involve bloodshed.
787 Hamilton’s “Account of the East Indies,” in Pinkerton’s _Voyages and
Travels_, viii. 469. Compare W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the
Semites_,2 i. 369, note 1.
788 De la Loubere, _Du royaume de Siam_ (Amsterdam, 1691), i. 317.
789 Pallegoix, _Description du royaume Thai ou Siam_, i. 271, 365 _sq._
790 Marco Polo, translated by Col. H. Yule (Second Edition, 1875), i.
335.
791 Col. H. Yule on Marco Polo, _l.c._
792 A. Fytche, _Burma, Past and Present_ (London, 1878), i. 217 note.
Compare _Indian Antiquary_, xxix. (1900) p. 199.
_ 793 Indian Antiquary_, xx. (1891) p. 49.
794 Baron’s “Description of the Kingdom of Tonqueen,” in Pinkerton’s
_Voyages and Travels_, ix. 691.
795 T. E. Bowdich, _Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee_ (London,
1873), p. 207.
796 A. B. Ellis, _Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 224,
compare p. 89.
797 O. Dapper, _Description de l’Afrique_ (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 313.
798 J. Sibree, _Madagascar and its People_, p. 430.
799 J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the
Baganda,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)
p. 50.
800 C. T. Wilson and R. W. Felkin, _Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan_
(London, 1882), i. 200.
801 J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ p. 67. There is an Arab legend of a king who
was slain by opening the veins of his arms and letting the blood
drain into a bowl; not a drop might fall on the ground, otherwise
there would be blood revenge for it. Robertson Smith conjectured
that the legend was based on an old form of sacrifice regularly
applied to captive chiefs (_Religion of the Semites_,2 p. 369 note,
compare p. 418 note).
802 Rev. E. Gottschling, “The Bawenda,” _Journal of the Anthropological
Institute_, xxxv. (1905) p. 366.
M151 Reluctance to shed any human blood on the ground. Reluctance to
allow human blood to fall on the ground.
803 Marco Polo, i. 399, Yule’s translation, Second Edition.
804 Sir Walter Scott, note 2 to _Peveril of the Peak_, ch. v.
805 Charlotte Latham, “Some West Sussex Superstitions,” _Folk-lore
Record_, i. (1878) p. 17.
_ 806 Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 230; E. J. Eyre, _Journals of
Expeditions of Discovery into Central Australia_, ii. 335; R. Brough
Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 75 note.
807 D. Collins, _Account of the English Colony of New South Wales_
(London, 1798), p. 580.
_ 808 Native Tribes of South Australia_, pp. 224 _sq._; G. F. Angas,
_Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand_ (London,
1847), i. 110 _sq._
_ 809 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. p. 256.
810 Edmund Spenser, _View of the State of Ireland_, p. 101 (reprinted in
H. Morley’s _Ireland under Elizabeth and James the First_, London,
1890).
811 “Futuna, or Horne Island and its People,” _Journal of the Polynesian
Society_, vol. i. No. 1 (April 1892), p. 43.
812 Max Radiguet, _Les Derniers Sauvages_ (Paris, 1882), p. 175.
813 B. F. Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes_, p.
53.
814 Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_, p. 795.
815 Miss Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_, pp. 440, 447.
816 A. Kropf, “Die religiösen Anschauungen der Kaffern,” _Verhandlungen
der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und
Urgeschichte_, 1888, p. (46).
817 R. H. Nassau, _Fetichism in West Africa_ (London, 1904), p. 83.
818 Le R. P. Guis, “Les _Nepu_ ou Sorciers,” _Missions Catholiques_,
xxxvi. (1904) p. 370. See also _The Magic Art and the Evolution of
Kings_, vol. i. p. 205.
819 A. van Gennep, _Tabou et totémisme à Madagascar_, p. 338, quoting J.
Sibree, “Remarkable Ceremonial at the Decease and Burial of a
Betsileo Prince,” _Antananarivo Annual_, No. xxii. (1898) pp. 195
_sq._
820 Brun-Rollet, _Le Nil Blanc et le Soudan_ (Paris, 1855), pp. 239
_sq._
M152 Unwillingness to shed the blood of animals.
821 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, p. 169.
822 Lieut. Emery, in _Journal of the R. Geographical Society_, iii. 282.
823 Ch. Andersson, _Lake Ngami_ (London, 1856), p. 224.
824 Ch. New, _Life, Wanderings, and Labours in Eastern Africa_, p. 124;
Francis Galton, “Domestication of Animals,” _Transactions of the
Ethnological Society of London_, N.S., iii. (1865) p. 135. On the
original sanctity of domestic animals see, above all, W. Robertson
Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 280 _sqq._, 295 _sqq._
825 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-Stämme_, p. 796.
826 L. Linton Palmer, “A Visit to Easter Island,” _Journal of the R.
Geographical Society_, xl. (1870) p. 171.
827 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p. 129.
828 Strabo, xv. 1. 54, p. 710.
M153 Anything on which a Maori chief’s blood falls becomes sacred to him.
829 R. Taylor, _Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_,2 pp.
194 _sq._
M154 The prohibition to pass under a trellised vine is probably based on
the idea that the juice of the grape is the blood or spirit of the
vine. This notion is confirmed by the intoxicating or inspiring
effect of wine.
830 Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 112; Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 13. See above,
p. 14.
_ 831 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. ii. pp. 18, 20.
832 Compare W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,2 p. 230.
833 “_Dialis cotidie feriatus est_,” Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 16.
M155 Wine treated as blood, and intoxication as inspiration.
834 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 6. A myth apparently akin to this has
been preserved in some native Egyptian writings. See Ad. Erman,
_Ägypten und ägyptisches Leben im Altertum_, p. 364. Wine might not
be taken into the temple at Heliopolis (Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_,
6). It was apparently forbidden to enter the temple at Delos after
drinking wine (Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No.
564). When wine was offered to the Good Goddess at Rome it was not
called wine but milk (Macrobius, _Saturn_, i. 12. 5; Plutarch,
_Quaest. Rom._ 20). It was a rule of Roman religion that wine might
not be poured out in libations to the gods which had been made
either from grapes trodden with bleeding feet or from the clusters
of a vine beside which a human body had hung in a noose (Pliny,
_Nat. Hist._ xiv. 119). This rule shews that wine was supposed to be
defiled by blood or death.
835 Bernardino de Sahagun, _Histoire générale des choses de la
Nouvelle-Espagne_, traduite par Jourdanet et Siméon (Paris, 1880),
pp. 46 _sq._ The native Mexican wine (_pulque_) is made from the sap
of the great American aloe. See the note of the French translators
of Sahagun, _op. cit._ pp. 858 _sqq._; E. J. Payne, _History of the
New World called America_, i. 374 _sqq._ The Chiquites Indians of
Paraguay believed that the spirit of _chica_, or beer made from
maize, could punish with sickness the person who was so irreverent
or careless as to upset a vessel of the liquor. See Charlevoix,
_Histoire du Paraguay_ (Paris, 1756), ii. 234.
836 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 381
_sqq._
_ 837 Op. cit._ vol. i. pp. 384 _sq._
M156 Fear of passing under women’s blood.
838 E. M. Curr, _The Australian Race_ (Melbourne and London, 1887), iii.
179.
839 H. B. Guppy, _The Solomon Islands and their Natives_ (London, 1887),
p. 41.
840 E. B. Cross, “On the Karens,” _Journal of the American Oriental
Society_, iv. (1854) p. 312.
841 A. Bastian, _Die Völker des östlichen Asien_, iii. 230.
M157 Disastrous effect of women’s blood on men.
842 For the reason, see E. Shortland, _Traditions and Superstitions of
the New Zealanders_, pp. 112 _sq._, 292; E. Tregear, “The Maoris of
New Zealand,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix.
(1890) p. 118.
843 F. J. Gillen, in _Report of the Horn Scientific Expedition to
Central Australia_, pt. iv. p. 182.
_ 844 Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 186.
845 Mrs. James Smith, _The Booandik Tribe_, p. 5.
846 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes
en Papua_, p. 450.
847 J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 139, compare p. 209.
848 F. J. Wiedemann, _Aus dem innern und äussern Leben der Ehsten_, p.
475.
849 Miss Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_, p. 447. Conversely
among the central Australian tribes women are never allowed to
witness the drawing of blood from men, which is often done for
purposes of decoration; and when a quarrel has taken place and men’s
blood has been spilt in the presence of women, it is usual for the
man whose blood has been shed to perform a ceremony connected with
his own or his father or mother’s totem. See Spencer and Gillen,
_Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 463.
M158 The head sacred because a spirit resides in it.
850 A. B. Ellis, _The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, pp.
125 _sq._
851 E. B. Cross, “On the Karens,” _Journal of the American Oriental
Society_, iv. (1854) pp. 311 _sq._
852 A. Bastian, _Die Völker des östlichen Asien_, ii. 256, iii. 71, 230,
235 _sq._ The spirit is called _kwun_ by E. Young (_The Kingdom of
the Yellow Robe_, pp. 75 _sqq._). See below, pp. 266 _sq._
853 Herodotus, ix. 110. This passage was pointed out to me by the late
Mr. E. S. Shuckburgh of Emmanuel College, Cambridge.
854 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 100. Plutarch’s words (μάλιστα
ῥύπτεσθαι τὰς κεφαλὰς καὶ καθαίρειν ἐπιτηδεύουσι) leave room to hope
that the ladies did not strictly confine their ablutions to one day
in the year.
855 P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpación de la Idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,
1621), pp. 28, 29.
M159 Objection to have any one overhead.
856 A. Bastian, _op. cit._ ii. 150; Sangermano, _Description of the
Burmese Empire_ (Rangoon, 1885), p. 131; C. F. S. Forbes, _British
Burma_, p. 334; Shway Yoe, _The Burman_ (London, 1882), i. 91.
857 E. Young, _The Kingdom of the Yellow Robe_ (Westminster, 1898), p.
131.
858 J. Moura, _Le Royaume du Cambodge_, i. 178, 388.
859 Duarte Barbosa, _Description of the Coasts of East Africa and
Malabar in the beginning of the Sixteenth Century_ (Hakluyt Society,
1866), p. 197.
860 This I learned in conversation with Messrs. Roscoe and Miller,
missionaries to Uganda. The system of totemism exists in full force
in Uganda. No man will eat his totem animal or marry a woman of his
own totem clan. Among the totems of the clans are the lion, leopard,
elephant, antelope, mushroom, buffalo, sheep, grasshopper,
crocodile, otter, beaver, and lizard. See _Totemism and Exogamy_,
ii. 472 _sqq._
M160 Sanctity of the head, especially of a chief’s head, in Polynesia and
elsewhere.
861 David Porter, _Journal of a Cruise made to the Pacific Ocean in the
U.S. Frigate __“__Essex__”_ (New York, 1822), ii. 65.
862 Vincendon-Dumoulin et C. Desgraz _Îles Marquises_ (Paris, 1843), p.
262.
863 Le P. Matthias G——, _Lettres sur les Îles Marquises_ (Paris, 1843),
p. 50.
864 G. H. von Langsdorff, _Reise um die Welt_ (London, 1812), i. 115
_sq._
865 Max Radiguet, _Les Derniers Sauvages_ (Paris, 1882), p. 156.
866 Capt. James Cook, _Voyages_, v. 427 (London, 1809).
867 Jules Remy, _Ka Mooolelo Hawaii, Histoire de l’Archipel Havaiien_
(Paris and Leipsic, 1862), p. 159.
868 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_2 (London, 1832-36), iii. 102.
869 James Wilson, _A Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific Ocean_
(London, 1799), pp. 354 _sq._
870 W. Colenso, “The Maori Races of New Zealand,” p. 43, in
_Transactions and Proceedings of the New Zealand Institute_, 1868,
vol. i. (separately paged).
871 R. Taylor, _To Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_,2 p.
165. We have seen that under certain special circumstances common
persons also are temporarily forbidden to touch their heads with
their hands. See above, pp. 146, 156, 158, 160, 183.
872 R. Taylor, _l.c._
873 E. Shortland, _The Southern Districts of New Zealand_ (London,
1851), p. 293; _id._, _Traditions and Superstitions of the New
Zealanders_, pp. 107 _sq._
874 J. Dumont D’Urville, _Voyage autour du monde et à la recherche de La
Pérouse, exécuté sous son commandement sur la corvette
__“__Austrolabe__”__: histoire du voyage_, ii. 534.
875 R. A. Cruise, _Journal of a Ten Months’ Residence in New Zealand_
(London, 1823), p. 187; J. Dumont D’Urville, _op. cit._ ii. 533; E.
Shortland, _The Southern Districts of New Zealand_, p. 30.
876 Herodotus, i. 187.
877 H. France, “Customs of the Awuna Tribes,” _Journal of the African
Society_, No. 17 (October, 1905), p. 39.
M161 When the head is sacred, the cutting of the hair becomes a difficult
and dangerous operation. The hair of kings, priests, chiefs,
sorcerers, and other tabooed persons is sometimes kept unshorn. Hair
kept unshorn on various occasions, such as a wife’s pregnancy, a
journey, and war.
878 Agathias, _Hist._ i. 3; J. Grimm, _Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer_,3 pp.
239 _sqq._ Compare F. Kauffmann, _Balder_ (Strasburg, 1902), pp. 209
_sq._ The story of the Phrygian king Midas, who concealed the ears
of an ass under his long hair (Aristophanes, _Plutus_, 287; Ovid,
_Metam._ xi. 146-193) may perhaps be a distorted reminiscence of a
similar custom in Phrygia. Parallels to the story are recorded in
modern Greece, Ireland, Brittany, Servia, India, and among the
Mongols. See B. Schmidt, _Griechische Märchen, Sagen und
Volkslieder_, pp. 70 _sq._, 224 _sq._; Grimm’s _Household Tales_,
ii. 498, trans. by M. Hunt; Patrick Kennedy, _Legendary Fictions of
the Irish Celts_, pp. 248 _sqq._ (ed. 1866); A. de Nore, _Coutumes,
mythes, et traditions des provinces de la France_, pp. 219 _sq._; W.
S. Karadschitsch, _Volksmärchen der Serben_, No. 39, pp. 225 _sqq._;
_North Indian Notes and Queries_, iii. p. 104, § 218; B. Jülg,
_Mongolische Märchen-Sammlung_, No. 22, pp. 182 _sqq._; _Sagas from
the Far East_, No. 21, pp. 206 _sqq._
879 Gregory of Tours, _Histoire ecclésiastique des Francs_, iii. 18,
compare vi. 24 (Guizot’s translation).
880 Dr. Hahl, “Mitteilungen über Sitten und rechtliche Verhältnisse auf
Ponape,” _Ethnologisches Notizblatt_, ii. Heft 2 (Berlin, 1901), p.
6.
_ 881 Manuscrit Ramirez, Histoire de l’origine des Indiens qui habitent
la Nouvelle Espagne_ (Paris, 1903), p. 171; J. de Acosta, _Natural
and Moral History of the Indies_, ii. 365 (Hakluyt Society); A. de
Herrera, _General History of the vast Continent and Islands of
America_, iii. 216 (Stevens’s translation). The author of the
_Manuscrit Ramirez_ speaks as if the rule applied only to the
priests of the god Tezcatlipoca.
882 G. M. Dawson, “On the Haida Indians of Queen Charlotte Islands,” in
_Geological Survey of Canada, Report of Progress for 1878-79_, p.
123 B.
883 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-Stämme_, p. 229.
_ 884 Missions Catholiques_, xxv. (1893) p. 266.
885 M. Merker, _Die Masai_ (Berlin, 1904), pp. 21, 22, 143.
886 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, i. 68.
_ 887 Satapatha Brahmana_, translated by J. Eggeling, part iii. pp. 126,
128, with the translator’s note on p. 126 (_Sacred Books of the
East_, vol. xli.).
888 P. N. Wilken, “Bijdragen tot de kennis van de zeden en gewoonten der
Alfoeren in de Minahassa,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
Zendelinggenootschap_, vii. (1863) p. 126.
889 R. P. Ashe, _Two Kings of Uganda_ (London, 1889), p. 109.
890 Fr. Boas, in _Tenth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,
p. 45 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British Association
for 1895_).
891 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes
en Papua_, p. 137.
892 J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ pp. 292 _sq._
893 W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 44.
894 Diodorus Siculus, i. 18.
895 W. Robertson Smith, _Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia_
(Cambridge, 1885), pp. 152 _sq._
896 Homer, _Iliad_, xxiii. 141 _sqq._ This Homeric passage has been
imitated by Valerius Flaccus (_Argonaut._ i. 378). The Greeks often
dedicated a lock of their hair to rivers. See Aeschylus,
_Choephori_, 5 _sq._; Philostratus, _Heroica_, xiii. 4; Pausanias,
i. 37. 3, viii. 20. 3, viii. 41. 3. The lock might be at the side or
the back of the head or over the brow; it received a special name
(Pollux, ii. 30).
897 S. W. Tromp, “Een Dajaksch Feest,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en
Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, xxxix. (1890) p. 38.
898 T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, _Relation d’un voyage d’exploration_, p.
565.
M162 Hair unshorn during a vow. The nails of infants should not be pared.
Child’s hair left unshorn as a refuge for its soul.
899 D. Porter, _Journal of a Cruise made to the Pacific Ocean_, ii. 120.
900 Tacitus, _Germania_, 31. Vows of the same sort were occasionally
made by the Romans (Suetonius, _Julius_, 67; Tacitus, _Hist._ iv.
61).
901 Paulus Diaconus, _Hist. Langobard._ iii. 7; Gregory of Tours,
_Histoire ecclésiastique des Francs_, v. 15, vol. i. p. 268
(Guizot’s translation, Nouvelle Edition, Paris, 1874).
902 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_,2 iv. 387.
903 Numbers vi. 5.
904 J. A. E. Köhler, _Volksbrauch_, etc., _im Voigtlande_, p. 424; W.
Henderson, _Folk-lore of the Northern Counties_, pp. 16 _sq._; F.
Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, i. p. 258, § 23; I. V.
Zingerle, _Sitten, Bräuche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_,2 §§
46, 72; J. W. Wolf, _Beiträge zur deutschen Mythologie_, i. p. 208,
§ 45, p. 209 § 53; O. Knoop, _Volkssagen, Erzählungen_, etc., _aus
dem östlichen Hinterpommern_, p. 157, § 23; E. Veckenstedt,
_Wendische Sagen, Märchen und abergläubische Gebräuche_, p. 445; J.
Haltrich, _Zur Volkskunde der Siebenbürger Sachsen_, p. 313; E.
Krause, “Abergläubische Kuren und sonstiger Aberglaube in Berlin,”
_Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xv. (1883) p. 84.
_ 905 Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. p. 205, § 1092.
906 G. Gibbs, “Notes on the Tinneh or Chepewyan Indians of British and
Russian America,” in _Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution_,
1866, p. 305; W. Dall, _Alaska and its Resources_, p. 202. The
reason alleged by the Indians is that if the girls’ nails were cut
sooner the girls would be lazy and unable to embroider in porcupine
quill-work. But this is probably a late invention like the reasons
assigned in Europe for the similar custom, of which the commonest is
that the child would become a thief if its nails were cut.
907 J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the
Baganda,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)
p. 30.
908 Lieut. Herold, “Religiöse Anschauungen und Gebräuche der deutschen
Ewe-Neger,” _Mittheilungen aus den Deutschen Schutzgebieten_, v. 148
_sq._
909 S. J. Curtiss, _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_ (Chicago, etc.,
1902), p.153.
910 A. C. Kruyt, “Het koppensnellen der Toradja’s,” _Verslagen en
Mededeelingen der konink. Akademie van Wetenschapen_, Afdeeling
Letterkunde, iv. Reeks, iii. 198 n2 (Amsterdam, 1899).
911 R. Römer, “Bijdrage tot de Geneeskunst der Karo-Batak’s,”
_Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, i. (1908) p.
216.
912 O. Knoop, _Volkssagen, Erzählungen, etc., aus dem östlichen
Hinterpommern_ (Posen, 1885), p. 157, § 23.
913 J. W. Wolf, _Beiträge zur deutschen Mythologie_, i. p. 209, § 57.
M163 Solemn ceremonies observed at hair-cutting.
914 Rev. Lorimer Fison, in a letter to the author, dated August 26,
1898.
915 From the report of a lecture delivered in Melbourne, December 9,
1898, by the Rev. H. Worrall, of Fiji, missionary. The newspaper
cutting from which the above extract is quoted was sent to me by the
Rev. Lorimer Fison in a letter, dated Melbourne, January 9, 1899.
Mr. Fison omitted to give the name and date of the newspaper.
916 R. Taylor, _Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_2
(London, 1870), pp. 206 _sqq._
917 Richard A. Cruise, _Journal of a Ten Months’ Residence in New
Zealand_ (London, 1823), pp. 283 _sq._ Compare J. Dumont D’Urville,
_Voyage autour du monde et à la recherche de La Pérouse: histoire du
voyage_ (Paris, 1832), ii. 533.
918 E. Shortland, _Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders_,
pp. 108 _sqq._; R. Taylor, _l.c._
919 G. F. Angas, _Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand_
(London, 1847), ii. 90 _sq._
920 J. Moura, _Le Royaume du Cambodge_, i. 226 _sq._
921 See above, p. 3.
M164 Ceremonies at cutting the hair of Siamese children.
922 See above, p. 252.
923 E. Young, _The Kingdom of the Yellow Robe_ (Westminster, 1898), pp.
64 _sq._, 67-84. I have abridged the account of the ceremonies by
omitting some details. For an account of the ceremonies observed at
cutting the hair of a young Siamese prince, at the age of thirteen
or fourteen, see Mgr. Bruguière, in _Annales de l’Association de la
Propagation de la Foi_, v. (1831) pp. 197 _sq._
M165 Belief that people may be bewitched through the clippings of their
hair, the parings of their nails, and other severed parts of their
persons.
924 The aboriginal tribes of Central Australia form an exception to this
rule; for among them no attempt is made to injure a person by
performing magical ceremonies over his shorn hair. See Spencer and
Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 478.
925 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 52-54,
174 _sqq._
926 C. Martin, “Über die Eingeborenen von Chiloe,” _Zeitschrift für
Ethnologie_, ix. (1877) p. 177.
927 Vincendon-Dumoulin et C. Desgraz, _Îles Marquises_ (Paris, 1843),
pp. 247 _sq._
928 D. Porter, _Journal of a Cruise made to the Pacific Ocean_2 (New
York, 1882), ii. 188.
929 R. Taylor, _Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_,2 pp.
203 _sq._; A. S. Thomson, _The Story of New Zealand_ (London, 1859),
i. 116 _sq._
930 R. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 468 _sq._
931 J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 36.
932 A. W. Howitt, “On Australian Medicine-men,” _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, xvi. (1887) p. 27. Compare _id._,
_Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp. 360 _sq._
933 E. Palmer, “Notes on some Australian Tribes,” _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) p. 293.
934 Lucian, _Dial. meretr._ iv. 4 _sq._
935 Apuleius, _Metamorph._ iii. 16 _sqq._ For more evidence of the same
sort, see Th. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_,2 i. 248; James
Bonwick, _Daily Life of the Tasmanians_, p. 178; James Chalmers,
_Pioneering in New Guinea_, p. 187; J. S. Polack, _Manners and
Customs of the New Zealanders_, i. 282; A. Bastian, _Die Völker des
östlichen Asien_, iii. 270; G. H. von Langsdorff, _Reise um die
Welt_, i. 134 _sq._; W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_,2 i. 364; A.
B. Ellis, _Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 99; R. H.
Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p. 203; K. von den Steinen, _Unter
den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens_, p. 343; Miss Mary H. Kingsley,
_Travels in West Africa_, p. 447; I. V. Zingerle, _Sitten, Bräuche
und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_,2 § 178; R. Andree,
_Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche_, Neue Folge, pp. 12
_sqq._; E. S. Hartland, _Legend of Perseus_, ii. 64-74, 132-139.
M166 Clipped hair may cause headache.
936 R. F. Kaindl, “Neue Beiträge zur Ethnologie und Volkeskunde der
Huzulen,” _Globus_, lxix. (1896) p. 94.
937 E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Schwaben_, p.
509; A. Birlinger, _Volksthümliches aus Schwaben_, i. 493; F.
Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, i. 258; J. A. E. Köhler,
_Volksbrauch_, etc., _im Voigtlande_, p. 425; A. Witzschel, _Sagen,
Sitten und Gebräuche aus Thüringen_, p. 282; I. V. Zingerle, _op.
cit._ § 180; J. W. Wolf, _Beiträge zur deutschen Mythologie_, i. p.
224, § 273. A similar belief prevails among the gypsies of Eastern
Europe (H. von Wlislocki, _Volksglaube und religiöser Brauch der
Zigeuner_, p. 81).
938 I. V. Zingerle, _op. cit._ § 181.
939 Charlotte Latham, “Some West Sussex Superstitions,” _Folk-lore
Record_, i. (1878) p. 40.
940 J. G. Campbell, _Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands of
Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1900), p. 237.
941 W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_ (London, 1906), pp. 268 _sq._
M167 Cut hair may cause rain, hail, thunder and lightning. Magical uses
of cut hair.
942 I. V. Zingerle, _op. cit._ §§ 176, 179.
943 A. Krause, _Die Tlinkit-Indianer_ (Jena, 1885), p. 300.
944 Petronius, _Sat._ 104.
945 J. G. Campbell, _op. cit._ pp. 236 _sq._
946 A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste_, i. 231
_sq._; _id._, _Ein Besuch in San Salvador_, pp. 117 _sq._
947 P. B. du Chaillu, _Explorations and Adventures in Equatorial Africa_
(London, 1861), pp. 426 _sq._
948 O. Baumann, _Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete_ (Berlin, 1891), p.
141.
949 A. Junod, _Les Ba-Ronga_ (Neuchâtel, 1898), pp. 398-400.
950 W. Stanbridge, “On the Aborigines of Victoria,” _Transactions of the
Ethnological Society of London_, N.S., i. (1861) p. 300.
M168 Cut hair and nails may be used as hostages for good behaviour of the
persons from whose bodies they have been taken.
951 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), pp. 30, 74 _sq._
952 Le P. A. Jaussen, _Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab_ (Paris,
1908), pp. 94 _sq._
953 2 Samuel, x. 4.
954 2 Samuel, x., xii. 26-31.
955 R. Torday and T. A. Joyce, “Notes on the Ethnography of the
Ba-Yaka,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxvi. (1906)
p. 49.
M169 Cut hair and nails are deposited in sacred places, such as temples
and cemeteries, to preserve them from injury. Cut hair and nails
buried under certain trees or deposited among the branches.
956 François Pyrard, _Voyages to the East Indies, the Maldives, the
Moluccas, and Brazil_, translated by Albert Gray (Hakluyt Society,
1887), i. 110 _sq._
957 E. Shortland, _Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders_,
p. 110.
958 J. S. Polack, _Manners and Customs of the New Zealanders_, i. 38
_sq._ Compare G. F. Angas, _Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and
New Zealand_ (London, 1847), ii. 108 _sq._
959 James Wilson, _A Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific Ocean_
(London, 1799), p. 355.
960 R. A. Freeman, _Travels and Life in Ashanti and Jaman_ (Westminster,
1898), pp. 171 _sq._
961 E. Young, _The Kingdom of the Yellow Robe_, p. 79.
962 Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 15. The ancients were not agreed as to the
distinction between lucky and unlucky trees. According to Cato and
Pliny, trees that bore fruit were lucky, and trees which did not
were unlucky (Festus, ed. C. O. Müller, p. 29, _s.v._ _Felices_;
Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 108); but according to Tarquitius Priscus
those trees were unlucky which were sacred to the infernal gods and
bore black berries or black fruit (Macrobius, _Saturn_, ii. 16, but
iii. 20 in L. Jan’s edition, Quedlinburg and Leipsic, 1852).
963 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 235; Festu, p. 57 ed. C. O. Müller, _s.v._
_Capillatam vel capillarem arborem_.
964 M. Quedenfelt, “Aberglaube und halbreligiöse Bruderschaft bei den
Marokkanern,” _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für
Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte_, 1886, p. (680).
965 A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,2 pp. 294 _sq._, § 464.
966 W. Mannhardt, _Germanische Mythen_ (Berlin, 1858), p. 630.
967 W. Henderson, _Folk-lore of the Northern Counties_ (London, 1879),
p. 17.
968 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes
en Papua_, p. 74.
969 J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 265.
970 G. Heijmering, “Zeden en gewoonten op het eiland Rottie,”
_Tijdschrift voor Neêrlands Indië_, 1843, dl. ii. pp. 634-637.
971 W. Dall, _Alaska and its Resources_ (London, 1870), p. 54; F.
Whymper, “The Natives of the Youkon River,” _Transactions of the
Ethnological Society of London_, N.S., vii. (1869) p. 174.
M170 Cut hair and nails may be stowed away for safety in any secret
place.
972 E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Schwaben_, p.
509; A. Birlinger, _Volksthümliches aus Schwaben_, i. 493.
973 W. Mannhardt, _Germanische Mythen_, p. 630.
974 H. B. Guppy, _The Solomon Islands and their Natives_ (London, 1887),
p. 54.
975 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p. 203.
976 Th. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_,2 i. 249.
977 J. G. Scott and J. P. Hardiman, _Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the
Shan States_, part i. vol. ii. p. 37.
_ 978 The Zend-Avesta, Vendîdâd_ Fargaard, xvii. (vol. i. pp. 186 _sqq._,
translated by J. Darmesteter, _Sacred Books of the East_, vol. iv.).
_ 979 Grihya-Sûtras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, part i. p. 57; compare
_id._, pp. 303, 399, part ii. p. 62 (_Sacred Books of the East_,
vols. xxix., xxx.). Compare H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_,
p. 487.
_ 980 Grihya-Sûtras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, part ii. pp. 165 _sq._,
218.
981 R. W. Felkin, “Notes on the Madi or Moru Tribe of Central Africa,”
_Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh_, xii. (1882-84) p.
332.
982 Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_, p. 185 note.
The same thing was told me in conversation by the Rev. J. Roscoe,
missionary to Uganda; but I understood him to mean that the hair was
not carelessly disposed of, but thrown away in some place where it
would not easily be found.
983 Fr. Stuhlmann, _op. cit._ pp. 516 _sq._
984 J. Macdonald, _Light in Africa_, p. 209; _id._, “Manners, Customs,
Superstitions and Religions of South African Tribes,” _Journal of
the Anthropological Institute_, xx. (1891) p. 131.
985 A. Steedman, _Wanderings and Adventures in the Interior of Southern
Africa_ (London, 1835), i. 266.
_ 986 Emin Pasha in Central Africa, being a Collection of his Letters and
Journals_ (London, 1888), p. 74.
987 Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_, p. 625.
988 M. Merkel, _Die Masai_ (Berlin, 1904), p. 243.
989 J. L. Wilson, _Western Africa_, p. 215.
990 Ch. Partridge, _Cross River Natives_ (London, 1905), pp. 8, 203
_sq._
991 James Teit, “The Thompson River Indians of British Columbia,”
_Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North
Pacific Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) p. 360.
992 N. P. Wilken en J. A. Schwarz, “Allerlei over het land en volk van
Bolaang Mongondou,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
Zendelinggenootschap_, xi. (1867) p. 322.
993 I. V. Zingerle, _Sitten, Bräuche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_2
(Innsbruck, 1871), §§ 176, 580; _Mélusine_, 1878, col. 79; E.
Monseur, _Le Folklore Wallon_, p. 91.
994 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._, xxviii. 35; Theophrastus, _Characters_, “The
Superstitious Man”; Theocritus, _id._ vi. 39, vii. 127; Persius,
_Sat._ ii. 31 _sqq._ At the siege of Danzig in 1734, when the old
wives saw a bomb coming, they used to spit thrice and cry, “Fi, ti,
fi, there comes the dragon!” in the persuasion that this secured
them against being hit (Tettau und Temme, _Die Volkssagen
Ostpreussens, Litthauens und Westpreussens_ (Berlin, 1837), p. 284).
For more examples, see J. E. B. Mayor on Juvenal, _Sat._ vii. 112;
J. E. Crombie, “The Saliva Superstition,” _International Folk-lore
Congress_, 1891, _Papers and Transactions_, pp. 249 sq.; C. de
Mensignac, _Recherches ethnographiques sur la salive et le crachat_
(Bordeaux, 1892), pp. 50 _sqq._; F. W. Nicolson, “The Saliva
Superstition in Classical Literature,” _Harvard Studies in Classical
Philology_, viii. (1897) pp. 35 _sqq._
M171 Cut hair and nails kept against the resurrection.
995 Garcilasso de la Vega, _First Part of the Royal Commentaries of the
Yncas_, bk. ii. ch. 7 (vol. i. p. 127, Markham’s translation).
_ 996 Mélusine_, 1878, coll. 583 _sq._
_ 997 The People of Turkey_, by a Consul’s daughter and wife, ii. 250.
998 M. Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_, p. 68.
999 G. F. Abbott, _Macedonian Folklore_ (Cambridge, 1903), p. 214.
1000 M. Quedenfelt, “Aberglaube und halbreligiöse Bruderschaft bei den
Marokkanern,” _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für
Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte_, 1886, p. (680).
1001 Le P. A. Jaussen, _Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab_ (Paris,
1908), p. 94 note 1.
1002 Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergläubische Gebräuche, Weisen und
Gewohnheiten_, p. 139; F. J. Wiedemann, _Aus dem innern und äussern
Leben der Ehsten_, p. 491.
1003 L. F. Sauvé, _Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_ (Paris, 1889), p. 41.
1004 Miss A. H. Singleton, in a letter to me, dated Rathmoyle House,
Abbeyleix, Ireland, 24th February 1904.
1005 Dr. Antoine Petit, in Th. Lefebvre, _Voyage en Abyssinie_, i. 373.
1006 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, i. 342 _sq._
(Leyden, 1892).
1007 R. W. Felkin, “Notes on the For Tribe of Central Africa,”
_Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh_, xiii. (1884-86) p.
230.
M172 Cut hair and nails burnt to prevent them from falling into the hands
of sorcerers.
1008 A. D’Orbigny, _Voyage dans l’Amérique méridionale_, ii. 93; Lieut.
Musters, “On the Races of Patagonia,” _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, i. (1872) p. 197; J. Dawson, _Australian
Aborigines_, p. 36. The Patagonians sometimes throw their hair into
a river instead of burning it.
1009 L. F. Sauvé, _Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_, p. 170.
1010 Z. Zanetti, _La Medicina delle nostre donne_ (Città di Castello,
1892), pp. 234 _sq._
1011 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 99;
Miss Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_, p. 447; R. H.
Nassau, _Fetichism in West Africa_ (London, 1904), p. 83; A. F.
Mockler-Ferryman, _British Nigeria_ (London, 1902), p. 286; David
Livingstone, _Narrative of Expedition to the Zambesi_, pp. 46 _sq._;
W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_,2 i. 365. In some parts of New
Guinea cut hair is destroyed for the same reason (H. H. Romilly,
_From my Verandah in New Guinea_, London, 1889, p. 83).
1012 W. H. Furness, _The Island of Stone Money, Uap of the Carolines_
(Philadelphia and London, 1910), P. 137.
1013 Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_, p. 451.
1014 W. E. Roth, _North Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5_
(Brisbane, 1903), p. 21.
1015 Captain R. Fitzroy, _Narrative of the Surveying Voyages of His
Majesty’s Ships Adventure and Beagle_, i. (London, 1839). pp. 313
_sq._
1016 J. Teit, “The Thompson Indians of British Columbia,” _Memoir of the
American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific
Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) p. 360.
1017 I. V. Zingerle, _Sitten, Bräuche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_2
(Innsbruck, 1871), p. 28, §§ 177, 179, 180.
1018 U. Jahn, _Hexenwesen und Zauberei in Pommern_ (Breslau, 1886), p.
15; _Mélusine_, 1878, col. 79; E. Monseur, _Le Folklore Wallon_, p.
91.
1019 E. H. Meyer, _Indogermanische Mythen_, ii. _Achilleis_ (Berlin,
1877), p. 523.
1020 P. Lowell, _Chosön, the Land of the Morning Calm, a Sketch of Korea_
(London, Preface dated 1885), pp. 199-201; Mrs. Bishop, _Korea and
her Neighbours_ (London, 1898), ii. 55 _sq._
M173 Inconsistency in burning cut hair and nails.
M174 Hair is sometimes cut because it is infected with the virus of
taboo. In these cases hair-cutting is a form of purification. Hair
of mourners cut to rid them of the pollution of death.
1021 Above, p. 276.
1022 Above, pp. 4, 131, 139, 145, 156.
1023 W. Ridley, “Report on Australian Languages and Traditions,” _Journal
of the Anthropological Institute_, ii. (1873) p. 268.
1024 Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_, p. 795.
1025 F. de Castelnau, _Expédition dans les parties centrales de
l’Amérique du Sud_, v. (Paris, 1851) p. 46.
1026 J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the
Baganda,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)
p. 34.
1027 See G. A. Wilken, _Über das Haaropfer und einige andere
Trauergebräuche bei den Völkern Indonesiens_, pp. 94 _sqq._
(reprinted from the _Revue Coloniale Internationale_, Amsterdam,
1886-87); H. Ploss, _Das Kind in Brauch und Sitte der Völker_,2 i.
289 _sqq._; K. Potkanski, “Die Ceremonie der Haarschur bei den
Slaven und Germanen,” _Anzeiger der Akademie der Wissenschaften in
Krakau_, May 1896, pp. 232-251.
1028 Above, p. 261.
1029 Above, pp. 111 _sqq._
1030 J. Campbell, _Travels in South Africa, Second Journey_ (London,
1822), ii. 205.
1031 H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_, pp. 426 _sq._
1032 L. F. Alfred Maury, “Les Populations primitives du nord de
l’Hindoustan,” _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_ (Paris), IVme
Série, vii. (1854) p. 197.
1033 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 53.
1034 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 160.
1035 W. H. Furness, _Folk-lore in Borneo_ (Wallingford, Pennsylvania,
1899; privately printed), p. 28.
1036 B. Gutmann, “Trauer und Begräbnissitten der Wadschagga,” _Globus_,
lxxxix. (1906) p. 198.
1037 Miss A. Werner, _The Natives of British Central Africa_ (London,
1906), pp. 165, 166, 167.
1038 J. M. Hildebrandt, “Ethnographische Notizen über Wakamba und ihre
Nachbarn,” _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, x. (1878) p. 395. Children
who are born in an unusual position, the second born of twins, and
children whose upper teeth appear before the lower, are similarly
exposed by the Akikuyu. The mother is regarded as unclean, not so
much because she has exposed, as because she has given birth to such
a child.
1039 Monier Williams, _Religious Thought and Life in India_, p. 375.
1040 Strabo, xii. 2. 3, p. 535; Pausanias, viii. 34. 3. In two paintings
on Greek vases we see Apollo in his character of the purifier
preparing to cut off the hair of Orestes. See _Monumenti inediti_,
1847, pl. 48; _Annali dell’ Instituto di Corrispondenza
Archeologica_, 1847, pl. x.; _Archaeologische Zeitung_, 1860, pll.
cxxxvii. cxxxviii.; L. Stephani, in _Compte rendu de la Commission
archéologique_ (St. Petersburg), 1863, pp. 271 _sq._
M175 People may be bewitched by means of their spittle. Hence people take
care of their spittle to prevent it from falling into the hands of
sorcerers.
1041 C. Martin, “Über die Eingeborenen von Chiloe,” _Zeitschrift für
Ethnologie_, ix. (1877) pp. 177 _sq._
1042 J. Mooney, “Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees,” _Seventh Annual
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1891), pp. 392 _sq._
1043 B. C. A. J. van Dinter, “Eenige geographische en ethnographische
aanteekeningen betreffende het eiland Siaoe,” _Tijdschrift voor
Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xii. (1899) p. 381.
1044 A. W. Howitt, “On Australian Medicine-men,” _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, xvi. (1887) p. 27; _id._, _Native Tribes
of South-east Australia_, p. 365.
1045 E. Dieffenbach, _Travels in New Zealand_ (London, 1843), ii. 59.
1046 Rev. J. Macdonald, _Light in Africa_, p. 209; _id._, in _Journal of
the Anthropological Institute_, xx. (1891) p. 131.
1047 C. le Gobin, _Histoire des Isles Marianes_ (Paris, 1700), p. 52. The
writer confesses his ignorance of the reason of the custom.
1048 C. de Mensignac, _Recherches ethnographiques sur la salive et le
crachat_ (Bordeaux, 1892), pp. 48 _sq._
1049 Vahness, reported by F. von Luschan, in _Verhandlungen der Berliner
Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte_, 1900,
p. (416).
1050 K. Vetter, _Komm herüber und hilf uns!_ iii. (Barmen, 1898) pp. 9
_sq._
_ 1051 Indian Antiquary_, xxviii. (1899) pp. 83 _sq._
M176 Precautions taken by chiefs, kings, and wizards to guard their
spittle from being put to evil uses by magicians.
1052 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_,2 i. 365.
1053 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 99.
1054 C. Partridge, _Cross River Natives_ (London, 1905), p. 8.
1055 A. Raffenel, _Voyage dans l’Afrique occidentale_ (Paris, 1846), p.
338.
1056 C. de Mensignac, _op. cit._ p. 48.
_ 1057 Mission Evangelica al reyno de Congo por la serafica religion de
los Capuchinos_ (Madrid, 1649), p. 70 verso.
1058 R. Andree, _Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche_, Neue Folge
(Leipsic, 1889), p. 13.
1059 F. W. Christian, _The Caroline Islands_ (London, 1899), pp. 289
_sq._
1060 R. Southey, _History of Brazil_, i.2 (London, 1822) pp. 127, 138.
M177 Use of spittle in making a covenant.
1061 J. Raum, “Blut und Speichelbünde bei den Wadschagga,” _Archiv für
Religionswissenschaft_, x. (1907) pp. 290 _sq._
M178 Certain foods are tabooed to sacred persons, such as kings, chiefs,
priests, and other sacred persons.
1062 Above, pp. 13 _sq._
1063 Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, iii. 18.
1064 A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste_, ii. 170.
The blood may perhaps be drunk by them as a medium of inspiration.
See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 381
_sqq._
1065 O. Dapper, _Description de l’Afrique_, p. 336.
1066 T. J. Hutchinson, _Impressions of Western Africa_ (London, 1858), p.
198.
1067 M. Merker, _Die Masai_ (Berlin, 1904), p. 21.
1068 J. G. Frazer, _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 526 _sqq._, from
information furnished by the Rev. J. Roscoe.
1069 G. Watt (quoting Col. W. J. M’Culloch), “The Aboriginal Tribes of
Manipur,” in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xvi. (1887)
p. 360.
1070 T. C. Hodson, “The Native Tribes of Manipur,” _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901) p. 306.
_ 1071 Indian Antiquary_, xxi. (1892) pp. 317 _sq._; (Sir) J. G. Scott and
J. P. Hardiman, _Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States_, part
ii. vol. i. p. 308.
1072 “Die Pschawen und Chewsuren im Kaukasus,” _Zeitschrift für
allgemeine Erdkunde_, ii. (1857) p. 76.
1073 A. Senfft, “Ethnographische Beiträge über die Karolineninsel Yap,”
_Petermanns Mitteilungen_, xlix. (1903) p. 54. In Gall, another
village of the same island, the people grow bananas for sale, but
will not eat them themselves, fearing that if they did so the women
of the village would be barren (_ibid._).
M179 Knots and rings not worn by certain sacred persons. Knots loosed and
locks unlocked at childbirth to facilitate delivery.
1074 Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 6 and 9. See above, p. 13.
1075 E. Doutté, _Magie et religion dans l’Afrique du Nord_, pp. 87 _sq._
1076 J. Hillner, _Volksthümlicher Brauch und Glaube bei Geburt und Taufe
im Siebenbürger Sachsenlande_, p. 15. This tractate (of which I
possess a copy) appears to be a programme of the High School
(_Gymnasium_) at Schässburg in Transylvania for the school year
1876-1877.
1077 C. Leemius, _De Lapponibus Finmarchiac eorumque lingua, vita, et
religione pristina commentatio_ (Copenhagen, 1767), p. 494.
1078 W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_ (Amsterdam, 1900), p. 108.
1079 Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ iii. 518.
1080 J. Kreemer, “Hoe de Javaan zijne zieken verzorgt,” _Mededeelingen
van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxvi. (1892) p.
114; C. M. Pleyte, “Plechtigheden en gebruiken uit den cyclus van
het familienleven der volken van den Indischen Archipel,” _Bijdragen
tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, xli.
(1892) p. 586.
1081 H. Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo_, i.
98.
1082 Spenser St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_,2 i. 170.
1083 J. G. F. Riedel, “Alte Gebräuche bei Heirathen, Geburt und
Sterbefällen bei dem Toumbuluh-Stamm in der Minahasa (Nord
Selebes),” _Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, viii. (1895)
pp. 95 _sq._
1084 Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 606
_sq._
M180 On the principles of homoeopathic magic knots are impediments which
tie up the mother and prevent her from bringing the child to the
birth. All locks, doors, drawers, windows, etc. opened in order to
facilitate childbirth.
1085 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-Stämme_, p. 692.
1086 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-Stämme_, pp. 433 _sq._
1087 J. A. E. Köhler, _Volksbrauch, Aberglauben, Sagen und andre alte
Überlieferungen im Voigtlande_, pp. 435 _sq._; A. Wuttke, _Der
deutsche Volksaberglaube_,2 p. 355, § 574.
1088 J. G. Campbell, _Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands of
Scotland_, p. 37. note 1.
1089 Festus, p. 56, ed. C. O. Müller.
1090 G. F. D’Penha, “Superstitions and Customs in Salsette,” _Indian
Antiquary_, xxviii. (1899) p. 115.
1091 H. Ris, “De onderafdeeling Klein Mandailing Oeloe en Pahantan en
hare Bevolking,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indië_, xlvi. (1896) p. 503. Compare A. L. van Hasselt,
_Volksbeschrijving van Midden Sumatra_, p. 266.
1092 J. H. Meerwaldt, “Gebruiken der Bataks in het maatschappelijk
leven,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
Zendelinggenootschap_, xlix. (1905) p. 117.
1093 H. K[ern], “Bijgeloof onder de inlanders in den Oosthoek van Java,”
_Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvi. (1880)
310; J. Kreemer, “Hoe de Javaan zijne zieken verzorgt,”
_Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_,
xxxvi. (1892) pp. 120, 124; D. Louwerier, “Bijgeloovige gebruiken,
die door de Javanen worden in acht genomen bij de verzorging en
opvoeding hunner kinderen,” _Mededeelingen van wege het
Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlix. (1905) p. 253.
1094 A. W. P. V. Pistorius, _Studien over de inlandsche huishouding in de
Padangsche Bovenlanden_ (Zalt-Bommel, 1871), pp. 55 _sq._; A. L. van
Hasselt, _Volksbeschrijving van Midden-Sumatra_ (Leyden, 1882), p.
266; J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen
Selebes en Papua_ (the Hague, 1886), pp. 135, 207, 325.
1095 Th. Bérengier, “Croyances superstitieuses dans le pays de
Chittagong,” _Missions Catholiques_, xiii. (1881) p. 515.
1096 Damien Grangeon, “Les Chams et leurs superstitions,” _Missions
Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896) p. 93.
1097 A. A. Perera, “Glimpses of Singhalese Social Life,” _Indian
Antiquary_, xxxi. (1902) p. 378.
1098 B. Pilsudski, “Schwangerschaft, Entbindung und Fehlgeburt bei den
Bewohnern der Insel Sachalin,” _Anthropos_, v. (1910) p. 759.
1099 E. M. Gordon, _Indian Folk Tales_ (London, 1908), p. 39.
1100 R. Campbell Thompson, _Semitic Magic_ (London, 1908), p. 169.
M181 On the principles of homoeopathic magic the crossing of the legs is
also thought to impede childbirth and other things.
1101 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 59. Compare Hippocrates, _De morbo
sacro_, μηδὲ πόδα ἐπὶ ποδὶ ἔχειν, μηδὲ χεῖρα ἐπὶ χειρί; ταῦτα γὰρ
πάντα κωλύματα εἶναι (vol. i. p. 589, ed. Kühn, Leipsic, 1825,
quoted by E. Rohde, _Psyche_,3 ii. 76 note 1).
1102 Ovid, _Metam._ ix. 285 _sqq._ Antoninus Liberalis, quoting Nicander,
says it was the Fates and Ilithyia who impeded the birth of
Hercules, but though he says they clasped their hands, he does not
say that they crossed their legs (_Transform._ 29). Compare
Pausanias, ix. 11. 3.
1103 A. Strausz, _Die Bulgaren_ (Leipsic, 1898), p. 293.
1104 F. Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. 303.
M182 Knots are supposed to prevent the consummation of marriage. Knots
loosed in the costume of bride and bridegroom in order to ensure the
consummation of the marriage. Knots tied by enchanters to render the
bridegroom impotent.
1105 J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. 897, 983; J. Brand, _Popular
Antiquities_, iii. 299; J. G. Dalyell, _Darker Superstitions of
Scotland_, pp. 302, 306 _sq._; B. Souché, _Croyances, présages et
traditions diverses_, p. 16; J. G. Bourke, in _Ninth Annual Report
of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1892), p. 567.
1106 J. G. Dalyell, _ll.cc._
1107 Rev. Dr. Th. Bisset, in Sir John Sinclair’s _Statistical Account of
Scotland_, v. (Edinburgh, 1793) p. 83. In his account of the second
tour which he made in Scotland in the summer of 1772, Pennant says
that “the precaution of loosening every knot about the new-joined
pair is strictly observed” (Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_, iii.
382). He is here speaking particularly of the Perthshire Highlands.
1108 Pennant, “Tour in Scotland,” Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_, iii.
91. However, at a marriage in the island of Skye, the same traveller
observed that “the bridegroom put all the powers of magic to
defiance, for he was married with both shoes tied with their
latchet” (Pennant, “Second Tour in Scotland,” Pinkerton’s _Voyages
and Travels_, iii. 325). According to another writer the shoe-tie of
the bridegroom’s _right_ foot was unloosed at the church-door (Ch.
Rogers, _Social Life in Scotland_, iii. 232).
1109 Eijüb Abela, “Beiträge zur Kenntniss abergläubischer Gebräuche in
Syrien,” _Zeitschrift des deutschen Palaestina-Vereins_, vii. (1884)
pp. 91 _sq._
1110 Georgeakis et Pineau, _Folk-lore de Lesbos_, pp. 344 _sq._
1111 E. Doutté, _Magie et religion dans l’Afrique du Nord_, pp. 288-292.
M183 Use of knots at marriage in the island of Rotti.
1112 “Eenige mededeelingen betreffende Rote door een inlandischen
Schoolmeester,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en
Volkenkunde_, xxvii. (1882) p. 554; N. Graafland, “Eenige
aanteekeningen op ethnographisch gebied ten aanzien van het eiland
Rote,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxiii. (1889) pp. 373 _sq._
M184 Knots may be used to inflict disease.
1113 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-Stämme_, p. 533.
1114 M. Jastrow, _The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_, pp. 268, 270.
1115 J. G. Dalyell, _Darker Superstitions of Scotland_, p. 307.
_ 1116 Al Baidawī’s Commentary on the Koran_, chap. 113, verse 4. I have
to thank my friend Prof. A. A. Bevan for indicating this passage to
me, and furnishing me with a translation of it.
1117 E. Palmer, “Notes on some Australian Tribes,” _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) p. 293. The Tahitians
ascribed certain painful illnesses to the twisting and knotting of
their insides by demons (W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_,2 i.
363).
M185 Knots may be used to cure disease.
1118 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 48.
1119 C. Fossey, _La Magie assyrienne_ (Paris, 1902), pp. 83 sq.; R.
Campbell Thompson, _Semitic Magic_ (London, 1908), pp. 164 _sqq._
1120 R. Campbell Thompson, _Semitic Magic_, pp. 168 _sq._
1121 E. O’Donovan, _The Merv Oasis_ (London, 1882), ii. 319.
1122 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-Stämme_, p. 531.
1123 R. C. Maclagan, M.D., “Notes on Folklore Objects collected in
Argyleshire,” _Folk-lore_, vi. (1895) pp. 154-156. In the north-west
of Ireland divination by means of a knotted thread is practised in
order to discover whether a sick beast will recover or die. See E.
B. Tylor, in _International Folk-lore Congress_, 1891, _Papers and
Transactions_, pp. 391 _sq._
1124 R. Chambers, _Popular Rhymes of Scotland_, New Edition, p. 349.
Grimm has shewn that the words of this charm are a very ancient
spell for curing a lame horse, a spell based on an incident in the
myth of the old Norse god Balder, whose foal put its foot out of
joint and was healed by the great master of spells, the god Woden.
See J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 i. 185, ii. 1030 _sq._ Christ
has been substituted for Balder in the more modern forms of the
charm both in Scotland and Germany.
1125 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_
(Westminster, 1896), i. 279.
M186 Knots may be used to win a lover or capture a runaway slave.
1126 Virgil, _Ecl._ viii. 78-80. Highland sorcerers also used three
threads of different colours with three knots tied on each thread.
See J. G. Dalyell, _Darker Superstitions of Scotland_, p. 306.
1127 J. Wellhausen, _Reste arabischen Heidentums_2 (Berlin, 1897), p.
163.
1128 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, p. 263.
1129 C. Velten, _Sitten und Gebräuche der Suaheli_ (Göttingen, 1903), p.
317.
M187 Knots tied by hunters and travellers.
1130 David Leslie, _Among the Zulus and Amatongas_ (Edinburgh, 1875), p.
147.
_ 1131 Gríhya-Sûtras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, part i. p. 432, part
ii. p. 127 (Sacred Books of the East, vols. xxix., xxx.).
1132 J. Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country_ (London,
1857), pp. 217 _sq._
1133 E. Aymonier, _Notes sur le Laos_ (Saigon, 1885), pp. 23 _sq._
1134 Vetter, in _Mitteilungen der geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena_,
xii. (1893) p. 95.
M188 Knots and locks used as protective amulets in Russia and elsewhere.
1135 W. R. S. Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, pp. 388-390.
1136 Ovid, _Fasti_, ii. 577 _sqq._; compare W. Warde Fowler, _Roman
Festivals of the Period of the Republic_, pp. 309 _sq._
_ 1137 Geoponica_, i. 14.
1138 M. Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_, p. 115.
1139 M. Abeghian, _op. cit._ p. 91.
1140 V. Titelbach, “Das heilige Feuer bei den Balkanslaven,”
_Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, xiii. (1900) p. 3.
1141 A. Heinrich, _Agrarische Sitten und Gebräuche unter den Sachsen
Siebenbürgens_ (Hermannstadt, 1880), p. 9.
1142 C. J. R. Le Mesurier, “Customs and Superstitions connected with the
Cultivation of Rice in the Southern Province of Ceylon,” _Journal of
the Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S., xvii. (1885) p. 371.
1143 J. G. Dalyell, _Darker Superstitions of Scotland_, p. 307.
1144 J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, ii. 231 (Bohn’s edition); R. Hunt,
_Popular Romances of the West of England_, p. 379; T. F. Thiselton
Dyer, _English Folk-lore_, pp. 229 _sq._ On the other hand the
Karaits, a Jewish sect in the Crimea, lock all cupboards when a
person is in the last agony, lest their contents should be polluted
by the contagion of death. See S. Weissenberg, “Die Karäer der
Krim,” _Globus_, lxxxiv. (1903) p. 143.
1145 Extract from _The Times_ of 4th September 1863, quoted in
_Folk-lore_, xix. (1908) p. 336.
1146 M. Merker, _Die Masai_ (Berlin, 1904), p. 98.
M189 The magical virtue of a knot is always that of an impediment or
hindrance whether for good or evil.
1147 H. Runge, “Volksglaube in der Schweiz,” _Zeitschrift für deutsche
Mythologie und Sittenkunde_, iv. (1859) p. 178, § 25. The belief is
reported from Zurich.
1148 J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and
Islands of Scotland_, p. 174; _id._, _Superstitions of the Highlands
and Islands of Scotland_, p. 241.
1149 E. Gerard, _The Land beyond the Forest_, i. 208.
1150 R. F. Kaindl, “Volksüberlieferungen der Pidhireane,” _Globus_,
lxxiii. (1898) p. 251.
1151 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), pp. 89 _sq._ The tying and
untying of magic knots was forbidden by the Coptic church, but we
are not told the purposes for which the knots were used. See _Il
Fetha Nagast o legislazione dei re, codice ecclesiastico e civile di
Abissinia_, tradotto e annotato da Ignazio Guidi (Rome, 1899), p.
140.
M190 The rule that at certain magical and religious rites the hair should
be loose and the feet bare is probably based on a fear of the
impediment which is thought to be caused by any knot or
constriction. Custom of going on certain solemn occasions with one
shoe on and one shoe off.
1152 For examples see Horace, _Sat._ i. 8, 23 _sq._; Virgil, _Aen._ iii.
370, iv. 509; Ovid, _Metam._ vii. 182 _sq._; Tibullus, i. 3. 29-32;
Petronius, _Sat._ 44; Aulus Gellius, iv. 3. 3; Columella, _De re
rustica_, x. 357-362; Athenaeus, v. 28, p. 198 E; Dittenberger,
_Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 Nos. 653 (lines 23 _sq._) and
939; Ch. Michel, _Recueil d’inscriptions grecques_, No. 694. Compare
Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 518, “_In sacris nihil solet esse
religatum._”
1153 Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 257 _sq._
1154 Thucydides, iii. 22.
1155 Schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._ iv. 133.
1156 Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 689 _sq._
1157 Pindar, _Pyth._ iv. 129 _sqq._: Apollonius Rhodius, _Argonaut._ i. 5
_sqq._; Apollodorus, i. 9. 16.
1158 Artemidorus, _Onirocrit._ iv. 63. At Chemmis in Upper Egypt there
was a temple of Perseus, and the people said that from time to time
Perseus appeared to them and they found his great sandal, two cubits
long, which was a sign of prosperity for the whole land of Egypt.
See Herodotus, ii. 91.
_ 1159 Gazette archéologique_, 1884, plates 44, 45, 46 with the remarks of
De Witte and F. Lenormant, pp. 352 _sq._ The skin on which the man
is crouching is probably the so-called “fleece of Zeus” (Διὸς
κώδιον), as to which see Hesychius and Suidas, _s.v._; Polemo, ed.
Preller, pp. 140-142; C. A. Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_, pp. 183 _sqq._
Compare my note on Pausanias, ii. 31. 8.
1160 Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 517 _sqq._
1161 I. Goldziher, “Der Dîwân des Garwal b. Aus Al-Hutej’ a,”
_Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, xlvi.
(1892) p. 5.
M191 The intention of going with one shoe on and one shoe off on such
occasions seems to be to free the man so attired from magical
constraint and to lay it on his enemy.
1162 See Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ iii. 370: “_In ratione sacrorum par
est et animae et corporis causa: nam plerumque quae non possunt
circa animam fieri fiunt circa corpus, ut solvere vel ligare, quo
possit anima, quod per se non potest, ex cognatione sentire._”
1163 Livy, i. 18. 7.
1164 “_UNUM EXUTA PEDEM quia id agitur, ut et ista solvatur et implicetur
Aeneas_,” Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 518.
M192 Rings also are regarded as magical fetters which prevent the egress
or ingress of spirits.
1165 “On a Far-off Island,” _Blackwood’s Magazine_, February 1886, p.
238.
1166 Clement of Alexandria, _Strom._ v. 5. 28, p. 662, ed. Potter;
Jamblichus, _Adhortatio ad philosophiam_, 23; Plutarch, _De
educatione puerorum_, 17. According to others, all that Pythagoras
forbade was the wearing of a ring on which the likeness of a god was
engraved (Diogenes Laertius, viii. 1. 17; Porphyry, _Vit. Pythag._
42; Suidas, _s.v._ Πυθαγόρας); according to Julian a ring was only
forbidden if it bore the names of the gods (Julian, _Or._ vii. p.
236 D, p. 306 ed. Dindorf). I have shewn elsewhere that the maxims
or symbols of Pythagoras, as they were called, are in great measure
merely popular superstitions (_Folk-lore_, i. (1890) pp. 147
_sqq._).
1167 This we learn from an inscription found on the site. See Ἐφημερὶς
ἀρχαιολογική, Athens, 1898, col. 249; Dittenberger, _Sylloge
inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 939.
1168 Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 657 _sq._
M193 Rings worn as amulets against demons, witches, and ghosts. Reason
why the Flamen Dialis might not wear knots and rings.
1169 I. V. Zingerle, _Sitten, Bräuche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_,2
p. 3.
1170 J. Scheffer, _Lapponia_ (Frankfort, 1673), p. 313.
1171 R. F. Kaindl, _Die Huzulen_ (Vienna, 1894), p. 89; _id._, “Viehzucht
und Viehzauber in den Ostkarpaten,” _Globus_, lxix. (1896) p. 386.
1172 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_
(Westminster, 1896), ii. 13, 16.
1173 M. Merker, _Die Masai_ (Berlin, 1904), p. 143.
1174 M. Merker, _op. cit._ pp. 200 _sq._, 202; compare, _id._ p. 250.
1175 Above, p. 267.
1176 Above, pp. 32, 51.
1177 Above, p. 31.
1178 De la Borde, “Relation de l’origine, etc., des Caraibes sauvages,”
p. 15, in _Recueil de divers voyages faits en Afrique et en
l’Amérique_ (Paris, 1684).
1179 A considerable body of evidence as to rings and the virtues
attributed to them has been collected by Mr. W. Jones in his work
_Finger-ring Lore_ (London, 1877). See also W. G. Black,
_Folk-medicine_, pp. 172-177.
1180 Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 8. See above, p. 14.
1181 Marcellinus on Hermogenes, in _Rhetores Graeci_, ed. Walz, iv. 462;
Sopater, _ibid._ viii. 67.
1182 Demosthenes, _Contra Androt._ 68, p. 614; P. Foucart, _Le Culte de
Dionysos en Attique_ (Paris, 1904), p. 168.
1183 H. A. Oldfield, _Sketches from Nipal_ (London, 1880), ii. 342 _sq._
M194 The Gordian knot was perhaps a royal talisman.
1184 Arrian, _Anabasis_, ii. 3; Quintus Curtius, iii. 1; Justin, xi. 7;
Schol. on Euripides, _Hippolytus_, 671.
1185 Public talismans, on which the safety of the state was supposed to
depend, were common in antiquity. See C. A. Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_,
pp. 278 _sqq._, and my note on Pausanias, viii. 47. 5.
M195 The savage confuses words and things, and hence regards his name as
a vital part of himself, and fancies that he can be magically
injured through it.
1186 On the primitive conception of the relation of names to persons and
things, see E. B. Tylor, _Early History of Mankind_,3 pp. 123
_sqq._; R. Andree, _Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche_
(Stuttgart, 1878), pp. 165 _sqq._; E. Clodd, _Tom-tit-tot_ (London,
1898), pp. 53 _sqq._, 79 _sqq._ In what follows I have used with
advantage the works of all these writers.
1187 J. Mooney, “Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees,” _Seventh Annual
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1891), p. 343.
1188 E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” _Eighteenth Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part i. (Washington,
1899) p. 289.
1189 A. C. Kruijt, “Van Paloppo naar Posso,” _Mededeelingen van wege het
Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlii. (1898) pp. 61 _sq._
1190 Professor (Sir) J. Rhys, “Welsh Fairies,” _The Nineteenth Century_,
xxx. (July-December 1891) pp. 566 _sq._
M196 The Australian savages keep their names secret lest sorcerers should
injure them by means of their names.
1191 A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 377;
compare _id._ p. 440.
1192 R. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 469, note.
1193 C. Lumholtz, _Among Cannibals_ (London, 1889), p. 280.
1194 A. W. Howitt, _op. cit._ p. 736.
1195 A. W. Howitt, _op. cit._ p. 133.
1196 E. M. Curr, _The Australian Race_, i. 46.
1197 J. Bulmer, in Brough Smyth’s _Aborigines of Victoria_, ii. 94. The
writer appears to mean that the natives feared they would die if any
one, or at any rate, an enemy, learned their real names.
1198 Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 139;
compare _ibid._ p. 637; _id._, _Northern Tribes of Central
Australia_, pp. 584 _sq._
M197 The same fear of sorcery has led people to conceal their names in
Egypt, Africa, Asia, and the East Indies.
1199 E. Lefébure, “La Vertu et la vie du nom en Égypte,” _Mélusine_,
viii. (1897) coll. 226 _sq._
1200 Mansfield Parkyns, _Life in Abyssinia_ (London, 1868), pp. 301 _sq._
_ 1201 Grihya Sûtras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, part i. pp. 50, 183,
395, part ii. pp. 55, 215, 281; A. Hillebrandt, _Vedische Opfer und
Zauber_, pp. 46, 170 _sq._; W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_,
p. 162, note 20; D. C. J. Ibbetson, _Outlines of Punjáb Ethnography_
(Calcutta, 1883), p. 118; W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folklore
of Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896), i. 24, ii. 5; _id._,
_Natives of Northern India_ (London, 1907), p. 199.
1202 A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_, p. 109.
1203 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 98.
1204 L. J. B. Bérenger-Féraud, _Les Peuples de la Sénégambie_ (Paris,
1879), p. 28.
1205 E. Modigliani, _Un Viaggio a Nías_ (Milan, 1890), p. 465.
1206 T. C. Hodson, “The _genna_ amongst the Tribes of Assam,” _Journal of
the Anthropological Institute_, xxxvi. (1906) p. 97.
1207 C. de Sabir, “Quelques notes sur les Manègres,” _Bulletin de la
Société de Géographie_ (Paris), Vme Série, i. (1861) p. 51.
1208 A. Schadenburg, “Die Bewohner von Süd-Mindanao und der Insel Samal,”
_Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xvii. (1885) p. 30.
1209 J. H. W. van der Miesen, “Een en ander over Boeroe,” _Mededeelingen
van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlvi. (1902) p.
455; J. W. Meerburg, “Proeve einer beschrijving van land en volk van
Midden-Manggarai (West-Flores), Afdeeling Bima,” _Tijdschrift voor
Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxiv. (1891) p. 465.
1210 F. Kauffmann, _Balder_ (Strasburg, 1902), p. 198.
M198 The South and Central American Indians also keep their names secret
from fear of sorcery.
1211 This I learned from my wife, who spent some years in Chili and
visited the island of Chiloe.
1212 E. R. Smith, _The Araucanians_ (London, 1855), p. 222.
1213 E. F. im Thurn, _Among the Indians of Guiana_ (London, 1883), p.
220.
1214 F. A. Simons, “An Exploration of the Goajira Peninsula, U.S. of
Colombia,” _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S.,
vii. (1885) p. 790.
1215 Dr. Cullen, “The Darien Indians,” _Transactions of the Ethnological
Society of London_, N.S., iv. (1866) p. 265.
1216 A. Pinart, “Les Indiens de l’État de Panama,” _Revue
d’Ethnographie_, vi. (1887) p. 44.
1217 C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, i. 462.
M199 Similar superstition as to personal names among the Indians of North
America.
1218 H. R. Schoolcraft, _The American Indians, their History, Condition,
and Prospects_ (Buffalo, 1851), p. 213. Compare _id._, _Oneóta, or
Characteristics of the Red Race of America_ (New York and London,
1845), p. 456.
1219 H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, iv. 217.
1220 J. G. Bourke, “Notes upon the Religion of the Apache Indians,”
_Folk-lore_ ii. (1891) p. 423.
1221 A. S. Galschet, _The Karankawa Indians, the Coast People of Texas_
(_Archaeological and Ethnological Papers of the Peabody Museum,
Harvard University_, vol. i. No. 2), p. 69.
1222 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), p. 315.
1223 G. B. Grinnell, _Blackfoot Lodge Tales_, p. 194.
_ 1224 Relations des Jésuites_, 1633, p. 3 (Canadian reprint, Quebec,
1858).
1225 Peter Jones, _History of the Ojebway Indians_, p. 162. Compare A. P.
Reid, “Religious Beliefs of the Ojibois or Sauteux Indians,”
_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, iii. (1874) p. 107.
M200 Sometimes savages, though they will not utter their own names, do
not object to other people’s doing so.
M201 Men who will not mention their own names will yet invite other
people to do so for them.
1226 J. Sibree, _The Great African Island_ (London, 1880), p. 289.
1227 H. W. Grainge, “Journal of a Visit to Mojanga on the North-West
Coast,” _Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine_, No. i. p. 25
(reprint of the first four numbers, Antananarivo and London, 1885).
1228 J. G. Bourke, “Medicine-men of the Apaches,” _Ninth Annual Report of
the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1892), p. 461.
1229 R. C. Mayne, _Four Years in British Columbia and Vancouver Island_
(London, 1862), pp. 278 _sq._
1230 J. G. Bourke, _On the Border with Crook_, pp. 131 _sq._
1231 M. Dobrizhoffer, _Historia de Abiponibus_ (Vienna, 1784), ii. 498.
1232 E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” _Eighteenth Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part i. (Washington,
1899) p. 289.
1233 G. A. Wilken, _Handleiding voor de vergelijkende Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indië_, p. 221. Compare J. H. F. Kohlbrugge,
“Naamgeving in Insulinde,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en
Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, lii. (1901) pp. 172 _sq._ The
custom is reported for the British settlements in the Straits of
Malacca by T. J. Newbold (_Political and Statistical Account of the
British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca_, London, 1839, ii.
176); for Sumatra in general by W. Marsden (_History of Sumatra_,
pp. 286 _sq._), and A. L. van Hasselt (_Volksbeschrijving van
Midden-Sumatra_, p. 271); for the Battas by Baron van Hoëvell (“Iets
over ’t oorlogvoeren der Batta’s,” _Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch
Indië_, N.S., vii. (1878) p. 436, note); for the Dyaks by C. Hupe
(“Korte Verhandeling over de Godsdienst, Zeden, enz. der Dajakkers,”
_Tijdschrift voor Neêrlands Indië_, 1846, dl. iii. p. 250), and W.
H. Furness (_Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters_, Philadelphia, 1902,
p. 16); for the island of Sumba by S. Roos (“Bijdrage tot de Kennis
van Taal, Land en Volk op het Eiland Soemba,” p. 70, _Verhandelingen
van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen_,
xxxvi.); and for Bolang Mongondo, in the west of Celebes, by N. P.
Wilken and J. A. Schwarz (“Allerlei over het land en volk van
Bolaang Mongondou,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
Zendelinggenootschap_, xi. (1867) p. 356).
1234 J. Chalmers, _Pioneering in New Guinea_, p. 187. If a Motumotu man
is hard pressed for his name and there is nobody near to help him,
he will at last in a very stupid way mention it himself.
1235 O. Schellong, “Über Familienleben und Gebräuche der Papuas der
Umgebung von Finschhafen,” _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xxi. (1889)
p. 12. Compare M. Krieger, _Neu Guinea_ (Berlin, 1899), p. 172.
1236 Th. J. F. van Hasselt, “Gebruik van vermomde Taal door de Nufooren,”
_Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xlv. (1902)
p. 279. The Nufoors are a Papuan tribe on Doreh Bay, in Dutch New
Guinea. See _id._, in _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en
Volkenkunde_, xlvi. (1903) p. 287.
1237 J. Graf Pfeil, _Studien und Beobachtungen aus der Südsee_
(Brunswick, 1899), p. 78; P. A. Kleintitschen, _Die Küstenbewohner
der Gazellehalbinsel_ (Hiltrup bei Münster, preface dated Christmas,
1906), pp. 237 _sq._
1238 J. Macdonald, “Manners, Customs, Superstitions, and Religions of
South African Tribes,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,
xx. (1891) p. 131.
1239 V. L. Cameron, _Across Africa_ (London, 1877), ii. 61.
1240 S. L. Hinde and H. Hinde, _The Last of the Masai_ (London, 1901),
pp. 48 _sq._ Compare Sir H. Johnston, _The Uganda Protectorate_
(London, 1902), ii. 826 _sq._; M. Merker, _Die Masai_ (Berlin,
1904), p. 56.
1241 P. Reichard, “Die Wanjamuesi,” _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für
Erdkunde zu Berlin_, xxiv. (1889) p. 258.
1242 J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the
Baganda,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)
p. 29.
1243 E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, “Note on the Southern Ba-Mbala,” _Man_,
vii. (1907) p. 81.
M202 Sometimes the prohibition to mention personal names is not permanent
but temporary and contingent.
1244 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_, p. 43.
1245 Rev. J. H. Weeks, “Anthropological Notes on the Bangala of the Upper
Congo River,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxix.
(1909) pp. 128, 459.
1246 R. Parkinson, _Dreissig Jahre in der Südsee_, p. 198.
1247 Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood_, p. 73.
M203 In order to avoid the use of people’s own names, parents are
sometimes named after their children, uncles and aunts after their
nephews and nieces, and so forth. The common custom of naming
parents after their children seems to arise from a reluctance to
mention the real names of persons addressed or directly referred to.
1248 E. M. Curr, _The Australian Race_, iii. 545. Similarly among the
Dacotas “there is no secrecy in children’s names, but when they grow
up there is a secrecy in men’s names” (H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian
Tribes_, iii. 240).
1249 Th. J. F. van Hasselt, “Gebruik van vermomde Taal door de Nufooren,”
_Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xlv. (1902)
p. 278.
1250 A. C. Kruijt, “Een en ander aangaande het geestelijk en
maatschappelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,” _Mededeelingen van wege
het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xl. (1896) pp. 273 _sqq._
1251 G. Mansveld (Kontroleur van Nias), “Iets over de namen en Galars
onder de Maleijers in de Padangsche Bovenlanden, bepaaldelijk in
noordelijk Agam,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en
Volkenkunde_, xxiii. (1876) pp. 443, 449.
1252 Spenser St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_,2 i. 208.
1253 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, p. 202.
1254 L. A. Waddell, “The Tribes of the Brahmapootra Valley,” _Journal of
the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, lxix. part iii. (1901) pp. 52, 69,
compare 46.
1255 H. Callaway, _Religious System of the Amazulu_, part iii. p. 316,
note.
1256 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_
(Westminster, 1896), ii. 5 _sq._ Compare _id._, _Tribes and Castes
of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh_, ii. 251.
1257 G. A. Wilken, _Handleiding voor de vergelijkende Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indië_, pp. 216-219; E. B. Tylor, “On a Method of
Investigating the Developement of Institutions,” _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, xviii. (1889) pp. 248-250 (who refers to
a series of papers by G. A. Wilken, “Over de primitieve vormen van
het huwelijk,” published in _Indische Gids_, 1880, etc., which I
have not seen). Wilken’s theory is rejected by Mr. A. C. Kruijt
(_l.c._), who explains the custom by the fear of attracting the
attention of evil spirits to the person named. Other explanations
are suggested by Mr. J. H. F. Kohlbrugge (“Naamgeving in Insulinde,”
_Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indië_, lii. (1901) pp. 160-170), and by Mr. E. Crawley
(_The Mystic Rose_, London, 1902, pp. 428-433).
1258 For evidence of the custom of naming parents after their children in
Australia, see E. J. Eyre, _Journals of Expeditions of Discovery
into Central Australia_ (London, 1845), ii. 325 _sq._: in Sumatra,
see W. Marsden, _History of Sumatra_, p. 286; Baron van Hoëvell,
“Iets over ’t oorlogvoeren der Batta’s,” _Tijdschrift voor
Nederlandsch-Indië_, N.S. vii. (1878) p. 436, note; A. L. van
Hasselt, _Volksbeschrijving van Midden-Sumatra_, p. 274: in Nias,
see J. T. Nieuwenhuisen en H. C. B. von Rosenberg, _Verslag omtrent
het eiland Nias_, p. 28 (_Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch
Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xxx. Batavia, 1863): in
Java, see P. J. Veth, _Java_, i. (Haarlem, 1875) p. 642; J. H. F.
Kohlbrugge, “Die Tenggeresen, ein alter Javanischen Volksstamm,”
_Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indië_, liii. (1901) p. 121; in Borneo, see C. Hupe,
“Korte Verhandeling over de Godsdienst, Zeden, enz. der Dajakkers,”
_Tijdschrift voor Neêrlands Indië_, 1846, dl. iii. p. 249; H. Low,
_Sarawak_, p. 249; Spenser St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far
East_,2 i. 208; M. T. H. Perelaer, _Ethnographische Beschrijving der
Dajaks_, p. 42; C. Hose, “The Natives of Borneo,” _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, xxiii. (1894) p. 170; W. H. Furness,
_Folk-lore in Borneo_ (Wallingford, Pennsylvania, 1899, privately
printed), p. 26; _id._, _Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters_, pp. 17
_sq._, 55; A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, i. 75: among the
Mantras of Malacca, see W. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden, _Pagan Races
of the Malay Peninsula_, ii. 16 _sq._: among the Negritos of
Zambales in the Philippines, see W. A. Reed, _Negritos of Zambales_
(Manilla, 1904), p. 55: in the islands between Celebes and New
Guinea, see J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen
tusschen Selebes en Papua_, pp. 5, 137, 152 _sq._, 238, 260, 353,
392, 418, 450; J. H. W. van der Miesen, “Een en ander over Boeroe,”
_Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_,
xlvi. (1902) p. 444; in Celebes and other parts of the Indian
Archipelago, see J. H. F. Kohlbrugge, “Naamgeving in Insulinde,”
_Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indië_, lii. (1901) pp. 160-170; G. A. Wilken,
_Handleiding voor de vergelijkende Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indië_, pp. 216 _sqq._: in New Guinea, see P. W.
Schmidt, “Ethnographisches von Berlinhafen, Deutsch-Neu-Guinea,”
_Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien_, xxx.
(1899) p. 28: among the Kasias of North-eastern India, see Col. H.
Yule, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, ix. (1880) p.
298; L. A. Waddell, “The Tribes of the Brahmaputra Valley,” _Journal
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, lxix. part iii. (Calcutta, 1901)
p. 46: among some of the indigenous races of southern China, see P.
Vial, “Les Gni ou Gnipa, tribu Lolote du Yun-Nan,” _Missions
Catholiques_, xxv. (1893) p. 270; _La Mission lyonnaise
d’exploration commerciale en Chine_ (Lyons, 1898), p. 369: in Corea,
see Mrs. Bishop, _Korea and her Neighbours_ (London, 1898), i. 136:
among the Yukagirs of north-eastern Asia, see W. Jochelson, “Die
Jukagiren im äussersten Nordosten Asiens,” xvii. _Jahresbericht der
Geographischen Gesellschaft von Bern_ (Bern, 1900), pp. 26 _sq._; P.
von Stenin, “Jochelson’s Forschungen unter den Jukagiren,” _Globus_,
lxxvi. (1899) p. 169: among the Masai, see M. Merker, _Die Masai_
(Berlin, 1904), pp. 59, 235: among the Bechuanas, Basutos, and other
Caffre tribes of South Africa, see D. Livingston, _Missionary
Travels and Researches in South Africa_ (London, 1857), p. 126; J.
Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal_ (London, 1857), pp. 220 _sq._; D.
Leslie, _Among the Zulus and Amatongas_2 (Edinburgh, 1875), pp. 171
_sq._; G. M’Call Theal, _Kaffir Folk-lore_2 (London, 1886), p. 225;
Father Porte, “Les reminiscences d’un missionaire du Basutoland,”
_Missions Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896) p. 300: among the Hos of
Togoland in West Africa, see J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-Stāmme_, p. 217:
among the Patagonians, see G. C. Musters, _At Home with the
Patagonians_ (London, 1871), p. 177: among the Lengua Indians of the
Gran Chaco, see G. Kurze, “Sitten und Gebräuche der
Lengua-Indianer,” _Mittheilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu
Jena_, xxiii. (1905) p. 28: among the Mayas of Guatemala, see H. H.
Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 680: among the
Haida Indians of Queen Charlotte Islands, see J. R. Swanton,
“Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida,” _Memoir of the
American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific
Expedition_, vol. v. part i. (Leyden and New York, 1905) p. 118: and
among the Tinneh and occasionally the Thlinkeet Indians of
north-west America, see E. Petitot, _Monographie des Dènè-Dindjié_
(Paris, 1876), p. 61; H. J. Holmberg, “Ethnographische Skizzen über
die Völker des russischen Amerika,” _Acta Societatis Scientiarum
Fennicae_, iv. (1856) p. 319.
M204 The names of persons related to the speaker by blood and especially
by marriage may often not be mentioned. Women’s speech among the
Caffres.
1259 J. Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal_ (London, 1857), p. 221.
1260 Maclean, _Compendium of Kafir Laws and Customs_ (Cape Town, 1866),
pp. 92 _sq._; D. Leslie, _Among the Zulus and Amatongas_,2 pp. 141
_sq._, 172; M. Kranz, _Natur- und Kulturleben der Zulus_ (Wiesbaden,
1880), pp. 114 _sq._; G. M’Call Theal, _Kaffir Folk-lore_2 (London,
1886), p. 214; _id._, _Records of South-Eastern Africa_, vii. 435;
Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, pp. 236-243; Father Porte, “Les
reminiscences d’un missionaire du Basutoland,” _Missions
Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896) p. 233.
1261 Rev. Francis Fleming, _Kaffraria and its Inhabitants_ (London,
1853), p. 97; _id._, _Southern Africa_ (London, 1856), pp. 238 _sq._
This writer states that the women are forbidden to pronounce “any
word which may happen to contain a sound similar to any one in the
names of their nearest male relatives.”
1262 Maclean, _op. cit._ p. 93; D. Leslie, _Among the Zulus and
Amatongas_,2 pp. 46, 102, 172. The extensive system of taboos on
personal names among the Caffres is known as _Ukuhlonipa_, or simply
_hlonipa_. The fullest account of it with which I am acquainted is
given by Leslie, _op. cit._ pp. 141 _sq._, 172-180. See further Miss
A. Werner, “The Custom of _Hlonipa_ in its Influence on Language,”
_Journal of the African Society_, No. 15 (April, 1905), pp. 346-356.
1263 Sir H. H. Johnston, _British Central Africa_ (London, 1897), p. 452.
1264 A. Merensky, “Das Konde-volk im deutschen Gebiet am Nyassa-See,”
_Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie,
Ethnologie, und Urgeschichte_, 1893, p. (296).
1265 W. Munzinger, _Ostafrikanische Studien_ (Schaffhausen, 1864), p.
526; _id._, _Sitten und Recht der Bogos_ (Winterthur, 1859), p. 95.
1266 G. A. Krause, “Merkwürdige Sitten der Haussa,” _Globus_, lxix.
(1896) p. 375.
1267 Herodotus, i. 146.
1268 Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 58.
1269 K. Rhamm, “Der Verkehr der Geschlecter unter den Slaven in seinen
gegensätzlichen Erscheinungen,” _Globus_, lxxxii. (1902) p. 192.
1270 W. Radloff, _Proben der Volkslitteratur der türkischen Stämme
Süd-Sibiriens_, iii. (St. Petersburg, 1870) p. 13, note 3.
1271 J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_ (London, 1901), pp.
226, 249 _sq._, 252.
1272 Bringaud, “Les Karins de la Birmanie,” _Missions Catholiques_, xx.
(1888) p. 308.
1273 W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_, p. 626.
1274 E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_, p. 533.
1275 Peter Jones, _History of the Ojebway Indians_, p. 162.
1276 E. James, _Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains_
(London, 1823), i. 232.
1277 S. R. Riggs, _Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnography_ (Washington,
1893), p. 204.
1278 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_, p. 315.
M205 Names of relations, especially of persons related to the speaker by
marriage, may not be mentioned in the East Indies.
1279 Willer, “Verzameling der Battasche Wetten en Instellingen in
Mandheling en Pertibie,” _Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch-Indië_,
1846, dl. ii. 337 _sq._
1280 J. H. Meerwaldt, “Gebruiken der Bataks in het maatschappelijk
leven,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
Zendelinggenootschap_, xlix. (1905) pp. 123, 125.
1281 J. E. Neumann, “Kemali, Pantang en Rĕboe bij de Karo-Bataks,”
_Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xlviii.
(1906) p. 510.
1282 C. Hupe, “Korte Verhandeling over de Godsdienst, Zeden, enz. der
Dajakkers,” _Tijdschrift voor Neêrlands Indie_, 1846, dl. iii. pp.
249 _sq._
1283 “De Dajaks op Borneo,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
Zendelinggenootschap_, xiii. (1869) p. 78; G. A. Wilken,
_Handleiding voor de vergelijkende Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indië_, p. 599.
1284 R. Shelford, “Two Medicine-baskets from Sarawak,” _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, xxxiii. (1903) pp. 78 _sq._
1285 M. C. Schadee, “Bijdrage tot de kennis van den godsdienst der Dajaks
van Landak en Tajan,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde
van Nederlandsche-Indië_, lvi. (1904) p. 536.
1286 A. C. Kruijt, “Een en ander aangaande het geestelijk en
maatschappelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,” _Mededeelingen van wege
het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xl. (1896) pp. 273 _sq._
The word for taboo among these people is _kapali_. See further A. C.
Kruijt, “Eenige ethnographische aanteekeningen omtrent de Toboengkoe
en Tomori,” _op. cit._ xliv. (1900) pp. 219, 237.
1287 G. A. Wilken, _Handleiding voor de vergelijkende Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indië_, pp. 599 _sq._
1288 G. A. Wilken, “Bijdrage tot de Kennis der Alfoeren van het Eiland
Boeroe,” p. 26 (_Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van
Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xxxvi.). The words for taboo among these
Alfoors are _poto_ and _koin_; _poto_ applies to actions, _koin_ to
things and places. The literal meaning of _poto_ is “warm,” “hot”
(Wilken, _op. cit._ p. 25).
1289 J. H. W. van der Miesen, “Een en ander over Boeroe,” _Mededeelingen
van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlvi. (1902) p.
455.
1290 N. P. Wilken and J. A. Schwarz, “Allerlei over het Land en Volk van
Bolaang Mongondou,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
Zendelinggenootschap_, xi. (1867) p. 356.
1291 C. F. H. Campen, “De godsdienstbegrippen der Halmaherasche
Alfoeren,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_,
xxvii. (1882) p. 450.
1292 K. F. Holle, “Snippers van den Regent van Galoeh,” _Tijdschrift voor
Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvii. (1882) pp. 101 _sq._
The precise consequence supposed to follow is that the _oebi_ (?)
plantations would have no bulbs (_geen knollen_). The names of
several animals are also tabooed in Sunda. See below, p. 415.
M206 Names of persons related by marriage to the speaker are tabooed in
New Guinea.
1293 Above, p. 332.
1294 Th. J. F. van Hasselt, “Gebruik van vermomde Taal door de Nufooren,”
_Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xlv. (1902)
pp. 278 _sq._ The writer explains that “to eat well” is a phrase
used in the sense of “to be decent, well-behaved,” “to know what is
customary.”
1295 M. Krieger, _Neu-Guinea_, pp. 171 _sq._
1296 K. Vetter, in _Nachrichten über Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und den
Bismarck-Archipel_, 1897, p. 92. For more evidence of the observance
of this custom in German New Guinea see O. Schellong, “Über
Familienleben und Gebräuche der Papuas der Umgebung von
Finschhafen,” _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xxi. (1889) p. 12; M. J.
Erdweg, “Die Bewohner der Insel Tumleo, Berlinhafen,
Deutsch-Neu-Guinea,” _Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen
Gesellschaft in Wien_, xxxii. (1902) pp. 379 _sq._
1297 B. A. Hely, “Notes on Totemism, etc., among the Western Tribes,”
_British New Guinea, Annual Report for 1894-95_, pp. 54 _sq._
Compare M. Krieger, _Neu-Guinea_, pp. 313 _sq._
M207 Names of persons related by marriage to the speaker are tabooed in
Melanesia.
_ 1298 Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres
Straits_, v. 142 _sq._
1299 Dr. Hahl, “Über die Rechtsanschauungen der Eingeborenen eines Teiles
der Blanchebucht und des Innern der Gazelle Halbinsel,” _Nachrichten
über Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und den Bismarck-Archipel_, 1897, p. 80;
O. Schellong, in _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xxi. (1889) p. 12.
1300 P. A. Kleintitschen, _Die Küstenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel_, pp.
190, 238.
1301 Rev. W. O’Ferrall, “Native Stories from Santa Cruz and Reef
Islands,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxiv. (1904)
pp. 223 _sq._
1302 Father Lambert, “Mœurs et superstitions de la tribu Belep,”
_Missions Catholiques_, xii. (1880) pp. 30, 68; _id._, _Mœurs et
superstitions des Néo-Calédoniens_ (Nouméa, 1900), pp. 94 _sq._
1303 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, pp. 43 _sq._
M208 Names of relations tabooed in Australia.
1304 E. J. Eyre, _Journals of Expeditions_, ii. 339.
1305 J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 29. Specimens of this
peculiar form of speech are given by Mr. Dawson. For example, “It
will be very warm by and by” was expressed in the ordinary language
_Baawan kulluun_; in “turn tongue” it was _Gnullewa gnatnæn
tirambuul_.
1306 Joseph Parker, in Brough Smyth’s _Aborigines of Victoria_, ii. 156.
1307 J. Macgillivray, _Narrative of the Voyage of H. M. S. Rattlesnake_
(London, 1852), ii. 10 _sq._ It is obvious that the example given by
the writer does not illustrate his general statement. Apparently he
means to say that Nuki is the son-in-law, not the son, of the woman
in question, and that the prohibition to mention the names of
persons standing in that relationship is mutual.
1308 Mrs. James Smith, _The Booandik Tribe_, p. 5.
1309 D. Stewart, in E. M. Curr’s _Australian Race_, iii. 461.
M209 These taboos can hardly be accounted for by the intermarriage of
tribes speaking different languages. Differences of language between
husbands and wives. Intermixture of races speaking different
languages would hardly account for the taboos on the names of
relations.
1310 C. W. Schürmann, in _Native Tribes of South Australia_ (Adelaide,
1879), p. 249.
1311 J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, pp. 27, 30 _sq._, 40. So among
the Gowmditch-mara tribe of western Victoria the child spoke his
father’s language, and not his mother’s, when she happened to be of
another tribe (Fison and Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, p. 276).
Compare A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp.
250 _sq._
1312 A. Hale, “On the Sakais,” _Journal of the Anthropological
Institute_, xv. (1886) p. 291.
1313 H. A. Coudreau, _La France équinoxiale_ (Paris, 1887), ii. 178.
1314 De Rochefort, _Histoire naturelle et morale des Iles Antilles de
l’Amerique_2 (Rotterdam, 1665), pp. 349 _sq._; De la Borde,
“Relation de l’origine, etc., des Caraibs sauvages des Isles
Antilles de l’Amerique,” pp. 4, 39 (_Recueil de divers voyages faits
en Afrique et en Amerique, qui n’ont point esté encore publiez_,
Paris, 1684); Lafitau, _Mœurs des sauvages ameriquains_, i. 55. On
the language of the Carib women see also Jean Baptiste du Tertre,
_Histoire generale des Isles de S. Christophe, de la Guadeloupe, de
la Martinique et autres dans l’Amerique_ (Paris, 1654), p. 462;
Labat, _Nouveau Voyage aux isles de l’Amerique_ (Paris, 1713), vi.
127 _sq._; J. N. Rat, “The Carib Language,” _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, xxvii. (1898) pp. 311 _sq._
1315 See C. Sapper, “Mittelamericanische Caraiben,” _Internationales
Archiv für Ethnographie_, x. (1897) pp. 56 _sqq._; and my article,
“A Suggestion as to the Origin of Gender in Language,” _Fortnightly
Review_, January 1900, pp. 79-90; also _Totemism and Exogamy_, iv.
237 _sq._
1316 P. Ehrenreich, “Materialien zur Sprachenkunde Brasiliens,”
_Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xxvi. (1894) pp. 23-35.
M210 The names of the dead are in general not mentioned by the Australian
aborigines.
1317 Strabo, xi. 4. 8, p. 503.
1318 G. Grey, _Journals of Two Expeditions of Discovery in North-West and
Western Australia_ (London, 1841), ii. 232, 257. The writer is here
speaking especially of western Australia, but his statement applies,
with certain restrictions which will be mentioned presently, to all
parts of the continent. For evidence see D. Collins, _Account of the
English Colony in New South Wales_ (London, 1804), p. 390; Hueber,
“À travers l’Australie,” _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_
(Paris), Vme Série, ix. (1865) p. 429; S. Gason, in _Native Tribes
of South Australia_, p. 275; K. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of
Victoria_, i. 120, ii. 297; A. L. P. Cameron, in _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, xiv. (1885) p. 363; E. M. Curr, _The
Australian Race_, i. 88, 338, ii. 195, iii. 22, 29, 139, 166, 596;
J. D. Lang, _Queensland_ (London, 1861), pp. 367, 387, 388; C.
Lumholtz, _Among Cannibals_ (London, 1889), p. 279; _Report on the
Work of the Horn Scientific Expedition to Central Australia_ (London
and Melbourne, 1896), pp. 137, 168. More evidence is adduced below.
1319 On this latter motive see especially the remarks of A. W. Howitt, in
_Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, p. 249. Compare also C. W. Schurmann, in
_Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 247; F. Bonney, in _Journal
of the Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) p. 127.
1320 A. Oldfield, “The Aborigines of Australia,” _Transactions of the
Ethnological Society of London_, N.S., iii. (1865) p. 238.
1321 A. Oldfield, _op. cit._ p. 240.
1322 W. Stanbridge, “On the Aborigines of Victoria,” _Transactions of the
Ethnological Society of London_, N.S., i. (1861) p. 299.
1323 A. W. Howitt, “On some Australian Beliefs,” _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) p. 191; _id._, _Native
Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 440.
_ 1324 Id._, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 469.
1325 G. F. Angas, _Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand_
(London, 1847), i. 94.
1326 Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 498.
1327 Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 526.
1328 E. Clement, “Ethnographical Notes on the Western Australian
Aborigines,” _Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, xvi. (1904)
p. 9.
M211 The names of the dead are not uttered by the American Indians.
1329 L. H. Morgan, _League of the Iroquois_ (Rochester, U.S., 1851), p.
175.
1330 A. S. Gatschett, _The Klamath Indians of South-Western Oregon_
(Washington, 1890) (_Contributions to North American Ethnology_,
vol. ii. pt. 1), p. xli; Chase, quoted by H. H. Bancroft, _Native
Races of the Pacific States_, i. 357, note 76.
1331 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_, p. 33; compare p. 68.
1332 S. Powers, _op. cit._ p. 240.
1333 F. A. Simons, “An Exploration of the Goajira Peninsula, U.S. of
Colombia,” _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, vii.
(1885) p. 791.
1334 M. Dobrizhoffer, _Historia de Abiponibus_, ii. 301, 498. For more
evidence of the observance of this taboo among the American Indians
see A. Woldt, _Captain Jacobsen’s Reise an der Nordwestküste
Americas_ (Leipsic, 1884), p. 57 (as to the Indians of the
north-west coast); W. Colquhoun Grant, “Description of Vancouver’s
Island,” _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, xxvii. (1857)
p. 303 (as to Vancouver Island); Capt. Wilson, “Report on the Indian
Tribes,” _Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London_, N.S.,
iv. (1866) p. 286 (as to Vancouver Island and neighbourhood); C.
Hill Tout, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv.
(1905) p. 138; _id._, _The Far West, the Land of the Salish and
Déné_, p. 201; A. Ross, _Adventures on the Oregon or Columbia
River_, p. 322; H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, iv. 226 (as to
the Bonaks of California); Ch. N. Bell, “The Mosquito Territory,”
_Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, xxxii. (1862) p. 255;
A. Pinart, “Les Indiens de l’Etat de Panama,” _Revue
d’Ethnographie_, vi. (1887) p. 56; G. C. Musters, in _Journal of the
Royal Geographical Society_, xli. (1871) p. 68 (as to Patagonia).
More evidence is adduced below.
M212 Many other peoples are reluctant to mention the names of the dead.
This reluctance seems to be based on a fear of the ghosts, whose
attention might be attracted by the mention of their names.
1335 See P. S. Pallas, _Reise durch verschiedene Provinzen des russischen
Reichs_, iii. 76 (Samoyeds); J. W. Breeks, _Account of the Primitive
Tribes and Monuments of the Nīlagiris_ (London, 1873), p. 19; W. E.
Marshall, _Travels amongst the Todas_, p. 177; W. H. R. Rivers, _The
Todas_, pp. 462, 496, 626; Plan de Carpin (de Plano Carpini),
_Relation des Mongols ou Tartares_, ed. D’Avezac, cap. iii. § iii.;
H. Duveyrier, _Exploration du Sahara, les Touareg du nord_ (Paris,
1864), p. 415; Lieut. S. C. Holland, “The Ainos,” _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, iii. (1874) p. 238; J. Batchelor, _The
Ainu and their Folk-lore_ (London, 1901), pp. 252, 564; J. M.
Hildebrandt, “Ethnographische Notizen über Wakamba und ihre
Nachbarn,” _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, x. (1878) p. 405; A. C.
Hollis, _The Nandi_, p. 71; F. Blumentritt, _Versuch einer
Ethnographie der Philippinen_ (Gotha, 1882), p. 38 (_Petermann’s
Mittheilungen, Ergänzungsheft_, No. 67); N. Fontana, “On the Nicobar
Isles,” _Asiatick Researches_, iii. (London, 1799) p. 154; W. H.
Furness, _Folk-lore in Borneo_ (Wallingford, Pennsylvania, 1899), p.
26; A. van Gennep, _Tabou et totémisme à Madagascar_, pp. 70 _sq._;
J. E. Calder, “Native Tribes of Tasmania,” _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, iii. (1874) p. 23; J. Bonwick, _Daily
Life of the Tasmanians_, pp. 97, 145, 183.
1336 H. Duveyrier, _Exploration du Sahara, les Touareg du nord_, p. 431.
1337 J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 42.
1338 K. Vetter, _Komm herüber und hilf uns!_ iii. (Barmen, 1898) p. 24;
_id._, in _Nachrichten über Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und den
Bismarck-Archipel_, 1897, p. 92.
1339 Dr. L. Loria, “Notes on the ancient War Customs of the Natives of
Logea,” _British New Guinea, Annual Report for 1894-95_, pp. 45, 46
_sq._ Compare M. Krieger, _Neu-Guinea_, p. 322.
1340 Myron Eels, “The Twana, Chemakum, and Klallam Indians of Washington
Territory,” _Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institute for 1887_,
part i. p. 656.
1341 Baron C. C. von der Decken, _Reisen in Ost-Afrika_ (Leipsic,
1869-1871), ii. 25; R. Andree, _Ethnographische Parallelen und
Vergleiche_, pp. 182 _sq._
1342 S. L. Hinde and H. Hinde, _The last of the Masai_ (London, 1901), p.
50; Sir H. Johnston, _The Uganda Protectorate_, ii. 826.
M213 The like fear leads people who bear the same name as the dead to
change it for another.
1343 W. Wyatt, in _Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 165.
1344 D. Collins, _Account of the English Colony in New South Wales_
(London, 1804), p. 392.
1345 P. Beveridge, “Notes on the Dialects, Habits, and Mythology of the
Lower Murray Aborigines,” _Transactions of the Royal Society of
Victoria_, vi. 20 _sq._
1346 “Description of the Natives of King George’s Sound (Swan River) and
adjoining Country,” _Journal of the R. Geographical Society_, i.
(1832) pp. 46 _sq._
1347 W. E. Roth, _North Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5_
(Brisbane, 1903), § 72, p. 20.
1348 G. F. Angas, _Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand_
(London, 1847), ii. 228.
1349 J. F. Lafitau, _Mœurs des sauvages ameriquains_, ii. 434; R.
Southey, _History of Brazil_, iii. 894 (referring to Roger
Williams).
1350 Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, vi. 109.
1351 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_, p. 349; Myron Eels, “The Twana,
Chemakum, and Klallam Indians of Washington Territory,” _Annual
Report of the Smithsonian Institute for 1887_, p. 656.
1352 S. L. Hinde and H. Hinde, _The Last of the Masai_, p. 50.
M214 Sometimes all the near relations of the deceased change their names.
1353 J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 42.
1354 H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, i. 248.
Compare K. F. v. Baer und Gr. v. Helmersen, _Beiträge zur Kenntniss
des russischen Reiches und der angränzenden Länder Asiens_, i. (St.
Petersburg, 1839), p. 108 (as to the Kenayens of Cook’s Inlet and
the neighbourhood).
1355 J. Mooney, “Calendar History of the Kiowa Indians,” _Seventeenth
Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part i.
(Washington, 1898) p. 231.
1356 F. de Azara, _Voyages dans l’Amérique Méridionale_ (Paris, 1808),
ii. 153 _sq._
1357 P. Lozano, _Descripcion chorographica_, etc., _del Gran Chaco_
(Cordova, 1733), p. 70.
1358 E. H. Man, “Notes on the Nicobarese,” _Indian Antiquary_, xxviii.
(1899) p. 261. Elsewhere I have suggested that mourning costume in
general may have been adopted with this intention. See _Journal of
the Anthropological Institute_, xv. (1886) pp. 73, 98 _sqq._
1359 J. Enderli, “Zwei Jahre bei den Tchuktschen und Korjaken,”
_Petermanns Mitteilungen_, xlix. (1903) p. 257.
M215 When the name of the deceased is that of a common object, the word
is often dropped in ordinary speech and another substituted for it.
1360 R. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, ii. 266.
1361 E. J. Eyre, _Journals of Expeditions of Discovery_, ii. 354 _sq._
1362 J. Macgillivray, _Narrative of the Voyage of H.M.S. Rattlesnake_
(London, 1852), ii. 10 _sq._
1363 J. Bulmer, in Brough Smyth’s _Aborigines of Victoria_, ii. 94.
1364 H. E. A. Meyer, in _Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 199,
compare p. xxix.
1365 J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 43. Mr. Howitt mentions the
case of a native who arbitrarily substituted the name _nobler_
(“spirituous liquor”) for _yan_ (“water”) because Yan was the name
of a man who had recently died (_Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, p. 249).
M216 This custom has transformed some of the languages of the American
Indians.
1366 M. Dobrizhoffer, _Historia de Abiponibus_ (Vienna, 1784), ii. 199,
301.
1367 H. Ten Kate, “Notes ethnographiques sur les Comanches,” _Revue
d’Ethnographie_, iv. (1885) p. 131.
1368 J. Mooney, “Calendar History of the Kiowa Indians,” _Seventeenth
Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part i.
(Washington, 1898) p. 231.
M217 A similar custom has modified languages in Africa, Buru, New Guinea,
the Caroline Islands, and the Nicobarese.
1369 Rev. J. Roscoe in a letter to me dated Mengo, Uganda, 17th February
1904.
1370 A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), pp. 304 _sq._ As to the
Masai customs in this respect see also above, pp. 354 _sq._, 356.
1371 J. H. W. van der Miesen, “Een en ander over Boeroe,” _Mededeelingen
van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlvi. (1902) p.
455.
1372 Sir William Macgregor, _British New Guinea_ (London, 1897), p. 79.
1373 C. G. Seligmann, _The Melanesians of British New Guinea_ (Cambridge,
1910), pp. 629-631.
1374 F. W. Christian, _The Caroline Islands_ (London, 1899), p. 366.
1375 F. A. de Roepstorff, “Tiomberombi, a Nicobar Tale,” _Journal of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal_, liii. (1884) pt. i. pp. 24 _sq._ In some
tribes apparently the names of the dead are only tabooed in the
presence of their relations. See C. Hill-Tout, in “Report of the
Committee on the Ethnological Survey of Canada,” _Report of the
British Association for the Advancement of Science_, Bradford, 1900,
p. 484; G. Brown, _Melanesians and Polynesians_ (London, 1910), p.
399. But in the great majority of the accounts which I have
consulted no such limitation of the taboo is mentioned.
M218 The suppression of the names of the dead cuts at the root of
historical tradition.
1376 A. S. Gatschet, _The Klamath Indians of South-Western Oregon_
(Washington, 1890), p. xli. (_Contributions to North American
Ethnology_, vol. ii. pt. I).
1377 P. Beveridge, “Of the Aborigines inhabiting the great Lacustrine and
Riverine Depression of the Lower Murray,” etc., _Journal and
Proceedings of the Royal Society of New South Wales for 1883_, vol.
xvii. p. 65. The custom of changing common words on the death of
persons who bore them as their names seems also to have been
observed by the Tasmanians. See J. Bonwick, _Daily Life of the
Tasmanians_, p. 145.
M219 Sometimes the names of the dead are revived after a certain time.
The American Indians used to bring the dead to life again by
solemnly bestowing their names on living persons, who were
thereafter regarded as reincarnations of the dead.
1378 G. Grey, _Journals of two Expeditions of Discovery in North-West and
Western Australia_, ii. 231 _sq._
1379 J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 42.
1380 C. W. Schürmann, in _Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 247.
1381 H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, iii. 156.
1382 Myron Eels, “The Twana, Chemakum, and Klallam Indians of Washington
Territory,” _Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1887_,
p. 656.
1383 S. R. M’Caw, “Mortuary Customs of the Puyallups,” _The American
Antiquarian and Oriental Journal_, viii. (1886) p. 235.
1384 J. F. Lafitau, _Mœurs des sauvages ameriquains_ (Paris, 1724), ii.
434. Charlevoix merely says that the taboo on the names of the dead
lasted “a certain time” (_Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, vi. 109).
“A good long while” is the phrase used by Captain J. G. Bourke in
speaking of the same custom among the Apaches (_On the Border with
Crook_, p. 132).
M220 Mode of reviving the dead in the persons of their namesakes among
the North American Indians.
1385 Gabriel Sagard, _Le Grand Voyage du pays des Hurons_, Nouvelle
Édition (Paris, 1865), p. 202. The original edition of Sagard’s book
was published at Paris in 1632.
_ 1386 Relations des Jésuites_, 1636, p. 131; _id._, 1642, pp. 53, 85;
_id._, 1644, pp. 66 _sq._ (Canadian reprint, Quebec, 1858).
1387 Daniel W. Harmon, quoted by Rev. Jedidiah Morse, _Report to the
Secretary of War of the United States on Indian Affairs_ (New-Haven,
1822), Appendix, p. 345. The custom seems now to be extinct. It is
not mentioned by Father A. G. Morice in his accounts of the tribe
(in _Proceedings of the Canadian Institute_, Third Series, vol. vii.
1888-89; _Transactions of the Canadian Institute_, vol. iv. 1892-93;
_Annual Archaeological Report_, Toronto, 1905).
1388 Ch. Wilkes, _Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition_
(New York, 1851), iv. 453.
M221 The dead revived in their namesakes among the Lapps, Khonds,
Yorubas, Baganda, and Makalaka.
1389 E. J. Jessen, _De Finnorum Lapponumque Norwegicorum religione
pagana_, pp. 33 _sq._ (bound up with C. Leemius, _De Lapponibus
Finmarchiae eorumque lingua, vita, et religione pristina
commentatio_, Copenhagen, 1767).
1390 Major S. C. Macpherson, _Memorials of Service in India_ (London,
1865), pp. 72 _sq._
1391 C. Spiess, “Einiges über die Bedeutung der Personennamen der Evheer
in Togo-Gebiete,” _Mittheilungen des Seminars für orientalische
Sprachen zu Berlin_, vi. (1903) Dritte Abtheilung, pp. 56 _sq._
1392 A. B. Ellis, _The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p.
152; _id._, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, pp. 153
_sq._ In the former passage the writer says nothing about the
child’s name. In the latter he merely says that an ancestor is
supposed to have sent the child, who accordingly commonly takes the
name of that ancestor. But the analogy of other peoples makes it
highly probable that, as Col. Ellis himself states in his later work
(_The Yoruba-speaking Peoples_), the ancestor is believed to be
incarnate in the child. That the Yoruba child takes the name of the
ancestor who has come to life again in him is definitely stated by
A. Dieterich in _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, viii. (1904) p.
20, referring to _Zeitschrift für Missionskunde und
Religionswissenschaft_, xv. (1900) p. 17, a work to which I have not
access. Dieterich’s account of the subject of rebirth (_op. cit._
pp. 18-21) deserves to be consulted.
1393 J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the
Baganda,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)
p. 32.
1394 C. Mauch, _Reisen im Inneren von Süd-Afrika_ (Gotha, 1874), p. 43
(_Petermann’s Mittheilungen, Ergänsungsheft_, No. 37).
M222 Revival of the names of the dead among the Nicobarese and Gilyaks.
1395 Sir R. C. Temple, in _Census of India, 1901_, vol. iii. 207, 212.
1396 Plan de Carpin (de Plano Carpini), _Relation des Mongols ou
Tartares_, ed. D’Avezac, cap. iii. § iii. The writer’s statement
(“_nec nomen proprium ejus usque ad tertiam generationem audet
aliquis nominare_”) is not very clear.
1397 P. Labbé, _Un Bagne russe, l’île de Sakhaline_ (Paris, 1903), p.
166.
M223 Namesakes of the dead treated as the dead in person among the
Esquimaux of Bering Strait.
1398 E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” _Eighteenth Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part i. (Washington,
1899), pp. 363 _sq._, 365, 368, 371, 377, 379, 424 _sq._
M224 Ceremonies at the naming of children are probably often associated
with the idea of rebirth.
1399 On the doctrine of the reincarnation of ancestors in their
descendants see E. B. Tylor, _Primitive Culture_,2 ii. 3-5, who
observes with great probability that “among the lower races
generally the renewal of old family names by giving them to new-born
children may always be suspected of involving some such thought.”
See further _Totemism and Exogamy_, iii. 297-299.
M225 Sometimes the names of the dead may be pronounced after their bodies
have decayed. Arunta practice of chasing the ghost into the grave at
the end of the period of mourning.
1400 H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, i. 248.
1401 G. Taplin, in _Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 19.
1402 H. E. A. Meyer, in _Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 199.
1403 Some of the Indians of Guiana bring food and drink to their dead so
long as the flesh remains on the bones; when it has mouldered away,
they conclude that the man himself has departed. See A. Biet,
_Voyage de la France équinoxiale en l’Isle de Cayenne_ (Paris,
1664), p. 392. The Alfoors or Toradjas of central Celebes believe
that the souls of the dead cannot enter the spirit-land until all
the flesh has been removed from their bones; till that has been
done, the gods (_lamoa_) in the other world could not bear the
stench of the corpse. Accordingly at a great festival the bodies of
all who have died within a certain time are dug up and the decaying
flesh scraped from the bones. See A. C. Kruijt, “Een en ander
aangaande het geestelijk en maatschappelijk leven van den
Poso-Alfoer,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxix. (1895) pp. 26, 32 _sqq._; _id._, “Het
wezen van het Heidendom te Posso,” _ibid._ xlvii. (1903) p. 32. The
Matacos Indians of the Gran Chaco believe that the soul of a dead
man does not pass down into the nether world until his body is
decomposed or burnt. See J. Pelleschi, _Los Indios Matacos_ (Buenos
Ayres, 1897), p. 102. These ideas perhaps explain the widespread
custom of disinterring the dead after a certain time and disposing
of their bones otherwise.
1404 Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.
498-508.
M226 The birth-names of kings kept secret or not pronounced.
1405 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, pp. 98
_sq._
1406 A. Cecchi, _Da Zeila alle frontiere del Caffa_, ii. (Rome, 1885) p.
551.
1407 Rev. J. Roscoe, “The Bahima,” _Journal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute_, xxxvii. (1907) p. 96.
1408 J. F. Cunningham, _Uganda and its Peoples_ (London, 1905), pp. 14,
16.
1409 De la Loubere, _Du royaume de Siam_ (Amsterdam, 1691), i. 306;
Pallegoix, _Royaume Thai ou Siam_, i. 260.
1410 J. S. Polack, _Manners and Customs of the New Zealanders_ (London,
1840), ii. 127, note 43.
1411 A. Fytche, _Burma Past and Present_ (London, 1878), i. 238.
1412 J. Edkins, _Religion in China_2 (London, 1878), p. 35.
1413 Ch. Dallet, _Histoire de l’Église de Corée_, i. p. xxiv.; Mrs.
Bishop, _Korea and her Neighbours_ (London, 1898), i. 48. The custom
is now obsolete (G. N. Curzon, _Problems of the Far East_,
Westminster, 1896, p. 155 note).
1414 E. Aymonier, _Notice sur le Cambodge_ (Paris, 1875), p. 22; _id._,
_Le Cambodge_, i. (Paris, 1900) p. 58.
1415 K. F. Holle, “Snippers van den Regent van Galoeh,” _Tijdschrift voor
Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvii. (1882) p. 101.
1416 N. P. Wilken en J. A. Schwarz, “Allerlei over het land en volk van
Bolaang Mongondou,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
Zendelinggenootschap_, xi. (1867) p. 356.
1417 S. Roos, “Bijdrage tot de Kennis van Taal, Land, en Volk op het
eiland Soemba,” p. 70, _Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch
Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xxxvi. Compare J. H. F.
Kohlbrugge, “Naamgeving in Insulinde,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land-
en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsche-Indië_, ii. (1900) p. 173.
M227 The names of Zulu kings and chiefs may not be pronounced.
1418 Above, pp. 335 _sq._
1419 J. Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country_, pp. 221
_sq._; David Leslie, _Among the Zulus and Amatongas_2 (Edinburgh,
1875), pp. 172-179; J. Macdonald, “Manners, Customs, Superstitions,
and Religions of South African Tribes,” _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, xx. (1891) p. 131. The account in the
text is based mainly on Leslie’s description, which is by far the
fullest.
M228 The names of living kings and chiefs may not be pronounced in
Madagascar.
1420 D. Tyerman and G. Bennet, _Journal of Voyages and Travels_ (London,
1831), ii. 525 _sq._; J. Sibree, _The Great African Island_ (London,
1880), pp. 150 _sq._; _id._, “Curiosities of Words connected with
Royalty and Chieftainship,” _Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar
Magazine_, No. xi. (Christmas, 1887) pp. 308 _sq._; _id._, in
_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxi. (1887) pp. 226
_sqq._ On the custom of tabooing royal or chiefly names in
Madagascar, see A. van Gennep, _Tabou et totémisme à Madagascar_
(Paris, 1904), pp. 104 _sqq._
M229 The names of dead kings and chiefs are also tabooed in Madagascar.
1421 V. Noel, “Île de Madagascar, recherches sur les Sakkalava,”
_Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_ (Paris), IIme Série, xx.
(1843) pp. 303-306. Compare A. Grandidier, “Les Rites funéraires
chez les Malgaches,” _Revue d’Ethnographie_, v. (1886) p. 224; A.
Walen, “The Sakalava,” _Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar
Magazine_, vol. ii., Reprint of the Second Four Numbers
(Antananarivo, 1896), p. 242; A. van Gennep, _Tabou et totémisme à
Madagascar_, pp. 110 _sq._ Amongst the Sakalavas it is forbidden to
mention the name of any dead person. See A. Voeltzkow, “Vom
Morondava zum Mangoky, Reiseskizzen aus West-Madagascar,”
_Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin_, xxxi. (1896)
p. 118.
1422 R. Baron, “The Bara,” _Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine_,
vol. ii., Reprint of the Second Four Numbers (Antananarivo, 1896),
p. 83.
1423 A. Grandidier, “Madagascar,” _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_
(Paris), Vme Série, xvii. (1869) pp. 401 _sq._ The writer is here
speaking specially of the Sakalavas, though his remarks appear to be
of general application.
M230 The names of chiefs may not be pronounced in Polynesia.
1424 J. S. Polack, _Manners and Customs of the New Zealanders_, i. 37
_sq._, ii. 126 _sq._ Compare E. Tregear, “The Maoris of New
Zealand,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) p.
123.
1425 Captain J. Cook, _Voyages_ (London, 1809), vi. 155 (Third Voyage).
Compare Captain James Wilson, _Missionary Voyage to the Southern
Pacific Ocean_ (London, 1799), p. 366; W. Ellis, _Polynesian
Researches_,2 iii. 101.
1426 Vancouver, _Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean and round
the World_ (London, 1798), i. 135.
_ 1427 United States Exploring Expedition, Ethnography and Philology_, by
Horatio Hale (Philadelphia, 1846), pp. 288 _sq._
1428 G. Brown, D.D., _Melanesians and Polynesians_ (London, 1910), p.
280.
M231 The names of the Eleusinian priests might not be uttered.
1429 Lucian, _Lexiphanes_, 10. The inscriptional and other evidence of
this Greek superstition was first brought to the notice of
anthropologists by Mr. W. R. Paton in an interesting article, “The
Holy Names of the Eleusinian Priests,” _International Folk-lore
Congress, 1891, Papers and Transactions_, pp. 202-214. Compare E.
Maass, _Orpheus_ (Munich, 1895), p. 70; Aug. Mommsen, _Feste der
Stadt Athen im Altertum_ (Leipsic, 1898), pp. 253-255; P. Foucart,
_Les Grands Mystères d’Eleusis_ (Paris, 1900), pp. 28-31. The two
last writers shew that, contrary to what we might have expected, the
custom appears not to have been very ancient.
1430 G. Kaibel, _Epigrammata Graeca ex lapidibus conlecta_, No. 863;
Ἐφημερὶς ἀρχαιολογική, 1883, col. 79 _sq._ From the latter of these
inscriptions we learn that the name might be made public after the
priest’s death. Further, a reference of Eunapius (_Vitae
sophistarum_, p. 475 of the Didot edition) shews that the name was
revealed to the initiated. In the essay cited in the preceding note
Mr. W. R. Paton assumes that it was the new and sacred name which
was kept secret and committed to the sea. The case is not clear, but
both the evidence and the probability seem to me in favour of the
view that it was rather the old everyday name of the priest or
priestess which was put away at his or her consecration. If, as is
not improbable, these sacred personages had to act the parts of gods
and goddesses at the mysteries, it might well be deemed indecorous
and even blasphemous to recall the vulgar names by which they had
been known in the familiar intercourse of daily life. If our clergy,
to suppose an analogous case, had to personate the most exalted
beings of sacred history, it would surely be grossly irreverent to
address them by their ordinary names during the performance of their
solemn functions.
M232 The old names of members of the Yewe order in Togo may not be
uttered.
1431 H. Seidel, “Der Yew’e Dienst im Togolande,” _Zeitschrift für
afrikanische und oceanische Sprachen_, iii. (1897) pp. 161-173; H.
Klose, _Togo unter deutscher Flagge_ (Berlin, 1899), pp. 197-205.
Compare Lieut. Herold, “Bericht betreffend religiöse Anschauungen
und Gebräuche der deutschen Ewe-Neger,” _Mittheilungen aus den
deutschen Schutzgebieten_, v. (1892) p. 146; J. Spieth, “Der Jehve
Dienst der Evhe-Neger,” _Mittheilungen der Geographischen
Gesellschaft zu Jena_, xii. (1893) pp. 83-88; C. Spiess,
“Religionsbegriffe der Evheer in Westafrika,” _Mittheilungen des
Seminars für orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin_, vi. (1903) Dritte
Abtheilung, p. 126.
M233 The utterance of the names of gods and spirits is supposed to
disturb the course of nature.
1432 Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 227.
1433 G. Timkowski, _Travels of the Russian Mission through Mongolia to
China_ (London, 1827), ii. 348.
1434 J. Campbell, _Travels in South Africa, Second Journey_ (London,
1822), ii. 204 _sq._
1435 P. Rascher, “Die Sulka, ein Beitrag zur Ethnographie Neu-Pommern,”
_Archiv für Anthropologie_, xxix. (1904) p. 216. Compare R.
Parkinson, _Dreissig Jahre in der Südsee_, p. 198.
1436 Washington Matthews, “The Mountain Chant, a Navajo Ceremony,” _Fifth
Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1887), pp.
386 _sq._
1437 L. H. Morgan, _League of the Iroquois_ (Rochester, U.S., 1851), pp.
167 _sq._ The writer derives the prohibition to tell tales of wonder
in summer “from a vague and indefinable dread.”
1438 H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, iii. 314, 492.
1439 K. Vetter, in _Mittheilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu
Jena_, xii. (1893) p. 95; _id._, _Komm herüber und hilf uns!_ ii.
(Barmen, 1898) p. 26; B. Hagen, _Unter den Papuas_ (Wiesbaden,
1898), p. 270. On myths or magical tales told as spells to produce
the effects which they describe, compare F. Kauffmann, _Balder_
(Strasburg, 1902), pp. 299 _sqq._; C. Fossey, _La Magie assyrienne_
(Paris, 1902), pp. 95-97.
M234 Winter and summer names of the Kwakiutl Indians.
1440 Fr. Boas, “The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the
Kwakiutl Indians,” _Report of the U.S. National Museum for 1895_,
pp. 396, 418 _sq._, 503, 504. Compare _Totemism and Exogamy_, iii.
333 _sq._, 517 _sq._
M235 Names of gods kept secret. How Isis discovered the name of Ra, the
sun-god.
1441 Xenophanes, quoted by Eusebius, _Praeparatio Evangelii_, xiii. 13,
pp. 269 _sq._, ed. Heinichen, and by Clement of Alexandria, _Strom._
vii. 4, pp. 840 _sq._, ed. Potter; H. Diels, _Die Fragmente der
Vorsokratiker_2 (Berlin, 1906-1910), i. 49.
1442 A. Erman, _Ägypten und ägyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 359-362;
A. Wiedemann, _Die Religion der alten Ägypter_, pp. 29-32; G.
Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des peuples de l’Orient classique: les
origines_, pp. 162-164; R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di mitologia
egizia_ (Turin, 1881-1884), pp. 818-822; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The
Book of the Dead_ (London, 1895), pp. lxxxix.-xci.; _id._, _Egyptian
Magic_, pp. 136 _sqq._; _id._, _The Gods of the Egyptians_ (London,
1904), i. 360 _sq._ The abridged form of the story given in the text
is based on a comparison of these various versions, of which Erman’s
is slightly, and Maspero’s much curtailed. Mr. Budge’s version is
reproduced by Mr. E. Clodd (_Tom Tit Tot_, pp. 180 _sqq._).
M236 Egyptian wizards have worked enchantments by the names of the gods
both in ancient and modern times. Magical constraint exercised over
demons by means of their names in North Africa and China.
1443 G. Maspero, _Études de mythologie et d’archéologie égyptienne_
(Paris, 1893), ii. 297 _sq._
1444 E. Lefébure, “La Vertu et la vie du nom en Égypte,” _Mélusine_,
viii. (1897) coll. 227 _sq._ Compare A. Erman, _Ägypten und
ägyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 472 _sq._; E. A. Wallis Budge,
_Egyptian Magic_, pp. 157 _sqq._
1445 Lucan, _Pharsalia_, vi. 730 _sqq._
1446 E. W. Lane, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_ (Paisley
and London, 1895), ch. xii. p. 273.
1447 E. Doutté, _Magie et religion dans l’Afrique du nord_, p. 130.
1448 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, vi. (Leyden,
1910) p. 1126.
M237 Divine names used by the Romans to conjure with.
1449 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 18; Macrobius, _Saturn._ iii. 9; Servius
on Virgil, _Aen._ ii. 351; Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 61. According to
Servius (_l.c._) it was forbidden by the pontifical law to mention
any Roman god by his proper name, lest it should be profaned.
Compare Festus, p. 106, ed. C. O. Müller: “_Indigetes dii quorum
nomina vulgari non licet_.” On the other hand the Romans were
careful, for the sake of good omen, to choose men with lucky names,
like Valerius, Salvius, Statorius, to open any enterprise of moment,
such as to lead the sacrificial victims in a religious procession or
to be the first to answer to their names in a levy or a census. See
Cicero, _De divinatione_, i. 45. 102 _sq._; Festus, _s.v._ “Lacus
Lucrinus,” p. 121, ed. C. O. Müller; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 22;
Tacitus, _Histor._ iv. 53.
1450 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ iii. 65; Solinus, i. 4 _sq._; Macrobius, _Sat._
iii. 9, 3, and 5; Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ i. 277; Joannes Lydus,
_De mensibus_, iv. 50.
1451 F. Fossey, _La Magie assyrienne_ (Paris, 1902), pp. 58, 95.
1452 T. de Pauly, _Description ethnographique des peuples de la Russie_
(St. Petersburg, 1862), _Peuples ouralo-altaïques_, p. 24.
M238 The taboos on names of kings and commoners are alike in origin.
M239 Common words as well as personal names are often tabooed from
superstitious motives.
M240 Common words tabooed by Highland fowlers and fishermen.
1453 M. Martin, “Description of the Western Islands of Scotland,” in
Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_, iii. 579 _sq._ As to the Flannan
Islands see also Sir J. Sinclair’s _Statistical Account of
Scotland_, xix. (Edinburgh, 1797), p. 283.
1454 J. G. Campbell, _Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands of
Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1900), p. 239.
1455 Miss Morag Cameron, “Highland Fisher-folk and their Superstitions,”
_Folk-lore_, xiv. (1903) p. 304.
M241 Common words tabooed by Scotch fishermen and others.
1456 A. Edmonston, _Zetland Islands_ (Edinburgh, 1809), ii. 74.
1457 Ch. Rogers, _Social Life in Scotland_ (Edinburgh, 1884-1886), iii.
218.
1458 W. Gregor, _Folk-lore of the North-East of Scotland_, pp. 199-201.
1459 “Traditions, Customs, and Superstitions of the Lewis,” _Folk-lore_,
vi. (1895) p. 170; Miss A. Goodrich-Freer, “The Powers of Evil in
the Outer Hebrides,” _Folk-lore_, x. (1899) p. 265.
1460 J. Mackenzie, _Ten Years north of the Orange River_ (Edinburgh,
1871), p. 151, note 1.
1461 J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and
Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 184 _sq._
M242 Common words, especially the names of dangerous animals, tabooed in
various parts of Europe.
1462 J. Rhys, “Manx Folk-lore and Superstitions,” _Folk-lore_, iii.
(1892) p. 84.
1463 A. Bosquet, _La Normandie romanesque et merveilleuse_ (Paris and
Rouen, 1845), p. 308.
1464 J. G. Gmelin, _Reise durch Sibirien_, ii. (Göttingen, 1752), p. 277
_ 1465 Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs Bayern_, ii.
(Munich, 1863), p. 304.
1466 Tettau und Temme, _Die Volkssagen Ostpreussens, Litthauens und
Westpreussens_ (Berlin, 1837), p. 281.
1467 W. Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten, und Gebräuche aus Thüringen_, p. 175,
§ 30.
1468 K. Bartsch, _Sagen, Märchen, und Gebräuche aus Meklenburg_, ii. p.
246, §§ 1273, 1274.
1469 A. Kuhn, _Märkische Sagen und Märchen_, p. 378, § 14.
1470 B. Thorpe, _Northern Mythology_, ii. 83 _sq._; L. Lloyd, _Peasant
Life in Sweden_ (London, 1870), p. 251.
1471 R. F. Kaindl, _Die Huzulen_ (Vienna, 1894), p. 103; _id._,
“Viehzucht und Viehzauber in den Ostkarpaten,” _Globus_, lxix.
(1896) p. 387.
_ 1472 Id._, “Neue Beiträge zur Ethnologie und Volkskunde der Huzulen,”
_Globus_, lxix. (1896) p. 73.
1473 C. Leemius, _De Lapponibus Finmarchiae eorumque lingua, vita, et
religione pristina commentatio_ (Copenhagen, 1767), pp. 502 _sq._
1474 M. A. Castren, _Vorlesungen über die finnische Mythologie_ (St.
Petersburg, 1853), p. 201.
1475 Varonen, reported by Hon. J. Abercromby in _Folk-lore_, ii. (1891)
pp. 245 _sq._
1476 Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergläubische Gebräuche, Weisen und
Gewohnheiten_, p. 120.
M243 The names of various animals tabooed in Siberia, Kamtchatka, and
America.
1477 P. Labbé, _Un Bagne russe, l’île de Sakhaline_ (Paris, 1903), p.
231.
1478 G. W. Steller, _Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtschatka_ (Frankfort
and Leipsic, 1774), p. 276.
1479 G. W. Steller, _op. cit._ p. 91; compare _ib._ pp. 129, 130.
1480 J. Mooney, “Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees,” _Seventh Annual
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1892), p. 352.
Compare _id._, “Myths of the Cherokee,” _Nineteenth Annual Report of
the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington, 1900) p.
295.
1481 E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” _Eighteenth Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington,
1899) p. 438.
1482 F. Boas, “The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,” _Bulletin of
the American Museum of Natural History_, xv. (1901) p. 148.
1483 J. Teit, “The Thompson Indians of British Columbia,” _Memoir of the
American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific
Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) p. 374.
M244 Names of animals and things tabooed by the Arabs, Africans, and
Malagasy.
1484 J. Wellhausen, _Reste arabischen Heidentums_2 (Berlin, 1897), p.
199.
1485 A. Certeux et E. H. Carnoy, _L’Algérie traditionnelle_ (Paris and
Algiers, 1884), pp. 172, 175.
1486 Father Picarda, “Autour de Mandéra,” _Missions Catholiques_, xviii.
(1886) p. 227.
1487 J. J. Monteiro, _Angola and the River Congo_ (London, 1875), ii.
116.
1488 J. Mackenzie, _Ten Years north of the Orange River_ (Edinburgh,
1871), p. 151; C. R. Conder, in _Journal of the Anthropological
Institute_, xvi. (1887) p. 84.
1489 H. B. Johnstone, “Notes on the Customs of the Tribes occupying
Mombasa Sub-district, British East Africa,” _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 268.
1490 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, v. (Leyden,
1907) p. 691.
1491 A. F. Mockler-Ferryman, _British Nigeria_ (London, 1902), p. 285.
1492 J. Irle, _Die Herero_ (Gütersloh, 1906), p. 133.
1493 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), p. 43.
1494 H. F. Standing, “Malagasy _fady_,” _Antananarivo Annual and
Madagascar Magazine_, vol. ii., _Reprint of the Second Four Numbers_
(Antananarivo, 1896), p. 258.
1495 H. F. Standing, _op. cit._ p. 263.
1496 J. Sibree, _The Great African Island_, pp. 307 _sq._
1497 R. H. Nassau, _Fetichism in West Africa_ (London, 1904), pp. 381
_sqq._
M245 Names of animals, especially the snake and the tiger, tabooed in
India.
_ 1498 Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. p. 15, § 122.
_ 1499 North Indian Notes and Queries_, i. p. 104, § 690.
_ 1500 Id._ v. p. 133, § 372.
1501 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_
(Westminster, 1896), ii. 142 _sq._
1502 S. Mateer, _Native Life in Travancore_, pp. 320 _sq._
_ 1503 North Indian Notes and Queries_, v. p. 133, § 372.
1504 W. Crooke, _op. cit._ ii. 212.
1505 W. Crooke in _North Indian Notes and Queries_, i. p. 70, § 579;
_id._, _Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh_,
iii. 249; _id._, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_
(Westminster, 1896), ii. 54.
1506 W. Crooke, _Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and
Oudh_, iii. 314.
1507 D. Sunder, “Exorcism of Wild Animals in the Sundarbans,” _Journal of
the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, lxxii. part iii. (Calcutta, 1904)
pp. 45 _sqq._, 51.
M246 Names of animals and things tabooed in Indo-China.
1508 H. Mouhot, _Travels in the Central Parts of Indo-China_ (London,
1864), i. 263 _sq._
1509 Mgr Masson, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, xxiv. (1852)
p. 323. Compare Le R. P. Cadière, “Croyances et dictons populaires
de la vallée du Nguôn-son,” _Bulletin de l’École Française
d’Extrême-Orient_, i. (1901) p. 134.
1510 E. Young, _The Kingdom of the Yellow Robe_ (Westminster, 1898), p.
61.
1511 N. Annandale, “Primitive Beliefs and Customs of the Patani
Fishermen,” _Fasciculi Malayenses, Anthropology_, part i. (April
1903) p. 104.
1512 E. Aymonier, _Notes sur le Laos_, p. 113; _id._, _Voyage dans le
Laos_, i. (Paris, 1895) p. 311. In the latter passage the writer
observes that the custom of giving conventional names to common
objects is very generally observed in Indo-China during the
prosecution of long and perilous journeys undertaken periodically.
_ 1513 Id._, “Les Tchames et leurs religions,” _Revue de l’Histoire des
Religions_, xxiv. (1891) p. 278. Compare A. Cabaton, _Nouvelles
Recherches sur les Chams_ (Paris, 1901), p. 53.
1514 D. F. A. Hervey, in _Indian Notes and Queries_ (December 1886), p.
45, § 154.
M247 Special language used by East Indian searchers for camphor.
_ 1515 Pantang_ is equivalent to taboo. In this sense it is used also by
the Dyaks. See S. W. Tromp, “Een Dajaksch Feest,” _Bijdragen tot de
Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, xxxix. (1890)
pp. 31 _sq._
1516 J. R. Logan, “The Orang Binua of Johore,” _Journal of the Eastern
Archipelago and Eastern Asia_, i. (1847) pp. 249, 263-265; A.
Bastian, _Die Völker des östlichen Asien_, v. 37; H. Lake and H. J.
Kelsall, “The Camphor Tree and Camphor Language of Johore,” _Journal
of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 26 (January
1894), pp. 39 _sq._; W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, pp. 212-214; W. W.
Skeat and C. O. Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_
(London, 1906), ii. 414-431.
1517 C. M. Pleyte, “Herinneringen uit Oost-Indië,” _Tijdschrift van het
koninklijk Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, II Serie,
xvii. (1900) pp. 27 _sq._
1518 W. H. Furness, _Folk-lore in Borneo_ (Wallingford, Pennsylvania,
1899; privately printed), p. 27; _id._, _Home-life of Borneo
Head-hunters_ (Philadelphia, 1902), p. 17. A special language is
also used in the search for camphor by some of the natives of
Sumatra. See Th. A. L. Heyting, “Beschrijving der onder-afdeeling
Groot-Mandeling en Batang-Natal,” _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch
Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, xiv. (1897) p. 276.
1519 W. H. Furness, _Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters_, pp. 168 _sq._
M248 Special languages used by Malay miners, fowlers, and fishermen.
1520 W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, pp. 250, 253-260. In like manner the
people of Sikhim intensely dread all mining operations, believing
that the ores and veins of metals are the stored treasures of the
earth-spirits, who are enraged by the removal of these treasures and
visit the robbers with sickness, failure of crops, and other
calamities. Hence the Sikhimese leave the copper mines to be worked
by Nepaulese. See L. A. Waddell, _Among the Himalayas_ (Westminster,
1899), p. 101.
1521 W. W. Skeat, _op. cit._ pp. 139 _sq._
1522 W. W. Skeat, _op. cit._ pp. 192 _sq._
1523 N. Annandale, “Primitive Beliefs and Customs of the Patani
Fishermen,” _Fasciculi Malayenses, Anthropology_, part i. (April
1903) pp. 84-86.
1524 C. Snouck Hurgronje, _De Atjèhers_ (Batavia and Leyden, 1893-1894),
i. 303.
M249 Names of things and animals tabooed in Sumatra, Nias, and Java.
1525 J. L. van der Toorn, “Het animisme bij den Minangkabauer der
Padangsche Bovenlanden,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en
Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, xxxix. (1890) p. 100. As to the
superstitions of gold-washers among the Gayos of Sumatra, see C.
Snouck Hurgronje, _Het Gajoland en zijne Bewoners_ (Batavia, 1903),
pp. 361 _sq._
1526 M. T. H. Perelaer, _Ethnographische Beschrijving der Dajaks_
(Zalt-Bommel, 1870), p. 215.
1527 J. T. Nieuwenhuisen en H. C. B. von Rosenberg, “Verslag omtrent het
eiland Nias,” _Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van
Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xxx. (1863) p. 115. Compare W. Marsden,
_History of Sumatra_, p. 292; T. J. Newbold, _Account of the British
Settlements in the Straits of Malacca_, ii. 192 _sq._
1528 J. E. Neumann, “_Kemali_, _Pantang_ en _Rèboe_ bij de Karo-Bataks,”
_Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xlviii.
(1906) pp. 511 _sq._
1529 C. Snouck Hurgronje, _Het Gajoland en zijne Bewoners_ (Batavia,
1903), pp. 311 _sq._
1530 J. W. Thomas, “De jacht op het eiland Nias,” _Tijdschrift voor
Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvi. (1880) p. 275.
1531 L. N. H. A. Chatelin, “Godsdienst en bijgeloof der Niassers,”
_Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvi. (1880)
p. 165; H. Sundermann, “Die Insel Nias und die Mission daselbst,”
_Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift_, xi. (1884) p. 349; E. Modigliani,
_Un Viaggio a Nias_ (Milan, 1890), p. 593.
1532 A. L. van Hasselt, “Nota, betreffende de rijstcultuur in de
Residentie Tapanoeli,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en
Volkenkunde_, xxxvi. (1893) pp. 525 _sq._ The Singhalese also call
things by strange names when they are in the rice-fields. See A. A.
Perera, “Glimpses of Singhalese Social Life,” _Indian Antiquary_,
xxxii. (1903) p. 437.
1533 G. A. J. Hazeu, “Kleine Bijdragen tot de Ethnografie en de Folk-lore
van Java,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_,
xlvii. (1903) pp. 291 _sq._
M250 Names of things and animals tabooed in Celebes.
1534 A. C. Kruijt, “Een en ander aangaande het geestelijk en
maatschappelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,” _Mededeelingen van wege
het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxix. (1895) pp. 146-148;
_id._, “Eenige ethnografische aanteekeningen omtrent de Toboengkoe
en de Tomori,” _ibid._ xliv. (1900) pp. 228 _sq._
1535 N. Adriani und A. C. Kruijt, “Van Posso naar Mori,” _Mededeelingen
van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xliv. (1900) pp.
145 _sq._
1536 A. C. Kruijt, “Regen lokken en regen verdrijven bij de Toradja’s van
Midden Celebes,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en
Volkenkunde_, xliv. (1901) p. 8; _id._, “Het rijk Mori,”
_Tijdschrift van het Koniklijk Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig
Genootschap_, II. Serie, xvii. (1900) p. 464, note.
M251 Common words tabooed by East Indian mariners at sea.
1537 B. F. Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes_ (The
Hague, 1875), p. 107; _id._, “Over de _âdá’s_ of gewoonten der
Makassaren en Boegineezen,” _Verslagen en Mededeelingen der
Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, III.
Reeks, ii. (Amsterdam, 1885) pp. 164 _sq._
1538 H. E. D. Engelhard, “Mededeelingen over het eiland Saleijer,”
_Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Neêrlandsch-Indië_,
Vierde Volgreeks, viii. (1884) p. 369.
1539 E. F. Jochim, “Beschrijving van den Sapoedi Archipel,” _Tijdschrift
voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxvi. (1893) p. 361.
1540 M. J. van Baarda, “Fabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der
Galelareezen,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indië_, xlv. (1895) p. 508.
1541 S. D. van de Velde van Cappellan, “Verslag eener Bezoekreis naar de
Sangi-eilanden,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
Zendelinggenootschap_, i. (1857) pp. 33, 35.
1542 A. C. Kruijt, “Een en ander aangaande het geestelijk en
maatschappelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,” _Mededeelingen van wege
het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxix. (1895) p. 148.
1543 Th. J. F. van Hasselt, “Gebruik van vermomde Taal door de Nufooren,”
_Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xlv. (1902)
pp. 279 _sq._
M252 Common words tabooed in Sunda, Borneo, and the Philippines.
1544 K. F. Holle, “Snippers van den Regent van Galoeh,” _Tijdschrift voor
Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvii. (1882) pp. 101 _sq._
1545 Ch. Hose and W. McDougall, “The Relations between Men and Animals in
Sarawak,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1902)
p. 205; W. H. Furness, _Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters_
(Philadelphia, 1902), pp. 17, 186 _sq._
1546 Ch. Hose and W. McDougall, _op. cit._ p. 186.
1547 Ch. Brooke, _Ten Years in Sarawak_ (London, 1866), i. 208; Spenser
St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_,2 i. 71 _sq._
1548 Juan de la Concepcion, _Historia general de Philipinas_, i.
(Manilla, 1788), p. 20. Compare J. Mallat, _Les Philippines_ (Paris,
1846), i. 64.
M253 The avoidance of common words seems to be based on a fear of spirits
and a wish to deceive them or elude their notice. Common words
avoided by hunters and fowlers in order to deceive the beasts and
birds.
1549 On this subject Mr. R. J. Wilkinson’s account of the Malay’s
attitude to nature (_Malay Beliefs_, London and Leyden, 1906, pp. 67
_sq._) deserves to be quoted: “The practice of magic arts enters
into every department of Malay life. If (as the people of the
Peninsula believe) all nature is teeming with spiritual life, some
spiritual weapon is necessary to protect man against possible
ghostly foes. Now the chief and most characteristic weapon of the
Malay in his fight against the invisible world is courtesy. The
peasant will speak no evil of a tiger in the jungle or of an evil
spirit within the limits of that spirit’s authority.... The tiger is
the symbol of kingly oppression; still, he is royal and must not be
insulted; he is the ‘shaggy-haired father’ or ‘grandfather’ of the
traveller in the woods. Even the birds, the fish and the fruits that
serve as human food are entitled to a certain consideration: the
deer is addressed as a ‘prince,’ the coco-nut tree as a ‘princess,’
the chevrotin as ‘emperor of the jungle’ (_shah alam di-rimba_). In
all this respect paid to unseen powers—for it is the soul of the
animal or plant that is feared—there is no contemptible adulation or
cringeing; the Malay believes that courtesy honours the speaker more
than the person addressed.”
1550 The character of King Solomon appears to be a favourite one with the
Malay sorcerer when he desires to ingratiate himself with or lord it
over the powers of nature. Thus, for example, in addressing silver
ore the sage observes:—
“_If you do not come hither at this very moment_
_ You shall be a rebel unto God,_
_ And a rebel unto God’s Prophet Solomon,_
_ For I am God’s Prophet Solomon._”—
See W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 273. No doubt the fame of his
wisdom has earned for the Hebrew monarch this distinction among the
dusky wizards of the East.
M254 General conclusion. Human gods, on whom the welfare of the community
is believed to depend, are obliged to observe many rules to ensure
their own safety and that of their people.
M255 A study of these rules affords us an insight into the philosophy of
the savage. Our debt to our savage forefathers.
1551 “The mind of the savage is not a blank; and when one becomes
familiar with his beliefs and superstitions, and the complicated
nature of his laws and customs, preconceived notions of his
simplicity of thought go to the winds. I have yet to find that most
apocryphal of beings described as the ‘unsophisticated African.’ We
laugh at and ridicule his fetishes and superstitions, but we fail to
follow the succession of ideas and effort of mind which have created
these things. After most careful observations extending over
nineteen years, I have come to the conclusion that there is nothing
in the customs and fetishes of the African which does not represent
a definite course of reasoning” (Rev. Thomas Lewis, “The Ancient
Kingdom of Kongo,” _The Geographical Journal_, xix. (1902) p. 554).
“The study of primitive peoples is extremely curious and full of
surprises. It is twenty years since I undertook it among the Thonga
and Pedi tribes of South Africa, and the further I advance, the more
I am astonished at the great number, the complexity, and the
profundity of the rites of these so-called savages. Only a
superficial observer could accuse their individual or tribal life of
superficiality. If we take the trouble to seek the reason of these
strange customs, we perceive that at their base there are secret,
obscure reasons, principles hard to grasp, even though the most
fervent adepts of the rite can give no account of it. To discover
these principles, and so to give a true explanation of the rites, is
the supreme task of the ethnographer,—a task in the highest degree
delicate, for it is impossible to perform it if we do not lay aside
our personal ideas to saturate ourselves with those of primitive
peoples” (Rev. H. A. Junod, “Les Conceptions physiologiques des
Bantou sud-africains et leurs tabous,” _Revue d’Ethnographie et de
Sociologie_, i. (1910) p. 126). These weighty words, the fruit of
ripe experience, deserve to be pondered by those who fancy that the
elaborate system of savage custom can have grown up instinctively
without a correspondingly elaborate process of reasoning in the
minds of its founders. We may not, indeed, always be able to
discover the reason for which a particular custom or rite was
instituted, for we are only beginning to understand the mind of
uncivilised man; but all that we know of him tends to shew that his
practice, however absurd it may seem to us, originated in a definite
train of thought and for a definite and very practical purpose.
1552 See above, pp. 159 _sq._
1553 M. J. van Baarda, “Fabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der
Galelareezen,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indië_, xlv. (1895) p. 513.
1554 John Ramsay, _Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century_
(Edinburgh, 1888), ii. 456.
1555 H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, ii. 175.
1556 J. Macdonald, _Light in Africa_ (London, 1890), p. 209.
1557 Rev. J. Roscoe, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,
xxxii. (1902) p. 59.
1558 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_, pp. 24 _sq._, 36. In these cases the harm
is thought to fall on the person who steps over, not on the thing
which is stepped over.
1559 Rev. J. H. Weeks, “Customs of the Lower Congo People,” _Folk-lore_,
xx. (1909) p. 474.
1560 B. Gutmann, “Trauer und Begräbnissitten der Wadschagga,” _Globus_,
lxxxix. (1906) p. 199.
1561 E. Aymonier, _Voyage dans le Laos_, i. (Paris, 1895) p. 144.
1562 C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), i. 435.
1563 E. M. Curr, _The Australian Race_, i. 50.
1564 A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 402.
1565 Father Lambert, _Mœurs et superstitions des Néo-Calédoniens_, pp.
192 _sq._
1566 P. von Stenin, “Das Gewohnheitsrecht der Samojeden,” _Globus_, lx.
(1891) p. 173.
1567 J. Richardson, in _Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine_,
_Reprint of the First Four Numbers_ (Antananarivo, 1885), p. 529;
_id._, _Reprint of the Second Four Numbers_ (Antananarivo, 1896), p.
296; J. Sibree, _The Great African Island_, p. 288; compare De
Flacourt, _Histoire de la grande isle Madagascar_ (Paris, 1658), p.
99.
1568 J. Mooney, “Myths of the Cherokee,” _Nineteenth Annual Report of the
Bureau of American Ethnology_, pt. i. (Washington, 1900) p. 424.
1569 H. A. Junod, “Les Conceptions physiologiques des Bantou
sud-africains,” _Revue d’Ethnographie et de Sociologie_, i. (1910)
p. 138, note 3.
1570 F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religiöser Brauch der Südslaven_, p.
52.
1571 See L. F. Sauvé, _Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_, p. 226, compare pp.
219 _sq._; E. Monseur, _Le Folk-lore Wallon_, p. 39; A. Wuttke, _Der
deutsche Volksaberglaube_,2 § 603; J. W. Wolf, _Beiträge zur
deutschen Mythologie_, i. p. 208, § 42; J. A. E. Köhler,
_Volksbrauch_, etc., _im Voigtlande_, p. 423; A. Kuhn und W.
Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche_, p. 462, §
461; E. Krause, “Abergläubische Kuren und sonstiger Aberglaube in
Berlin,” _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xv. (1883) p. 85; R. H.
Kaindl, _Die Huzulen_, p. 5; J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und
Gebräuche aus Böhmen und Mähren_, p. 109, §§ 798, 799; Eijüb Abêla,
“Beiträge zur Kenntniss abergläubischer Gebräuche in Syrien,”
_Zeitschrift des deutschen Palästina-Vereins_, vii. (1884) p. 81;
compare B. Chemali, “Naissance et premier âge au Liban,”
_Anthropos_, v. (1910) p. 741.
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