The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, Volume 2 - The Native Races, Volume 2, Civilized Nations

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Title: The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, Volume 2 - The Native Races, Volume 2, Civilized Nations
Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe, 1832-1918
Language: English
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Transcriber's Note:

Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have
been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.

Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.

The character e-breve (e with a small curved line over) is represented
in the text by [)e].

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the typesetter.

On page 43, a word is possibly missing in the phrase "we will pass
over third force, 'la race';"

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On the fold-out chart between pages 509 and 510, Clavigero, Month 10
may be "Xocohuetzl".

In footnote 638, a reference to Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, is
incomplete.

THE WORKS OF HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.

VOLUME II.

THE NATIVE RACES.

VOL. II. CIVILIZED NATIONS.

SAN FRANCISCO: A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 1883.

Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1882, by
HUBERT H. BANCROFT,

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

_All Rights Reserved._

CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.
SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

PAGE.
Definition of the Terms -- The Universal Soul of Progress --
Man the Instrument and not the Element of Progress -- Origin
of Progressional Phenomena -- The Agency of Evil -- Is
Civilization Conducive to Happiness? -- Objective and
Subjective Humanity -- Conditions Essential to Progress --
Continental Configurations -- Food and Climate -- Wealth and
Leisure -- Association -- War, Slavery, Religion, and
Government -- The Development of Progressional Law 1

CHAPTER II.
GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

The American Civilization of the Sixteenth Century -- Its
Disappearance -- The Past, a New Element -- Dividing line
between Savage and Civilized Tribes -- Bounds of American
Civilization -- Physical Features of the Country -- Maya and
Nahua Branches of Aboriginal Culture -- The Nahua
Civilization -- The Aztecs its Representatives -- Limits of
the Aztec Empire -- Ancient History of Anáhuac in Outline --
The Toltec Era -- The Chichimec Era -- The Aztec Era --
Extent of the Aztec Language -- Civilized Peoples outside of
Anáhuac -- Central American Nations -- The Maya Culture --
The Primitive Maya Empire -- Nahua Influence in the South --
Yucatan and the Mayas -- The Nations of Chiapas -- The
Quiché Empire in Guatemala -- The Nahuas in Nicaragua and
Salvador -- Etymology of Names 81

CHAPTER III.
GOVERNMENT OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.

System of Government -- The Aztec Confederacy -- Order of
Succession -- Election of Kings among the Mexicans -- Royal
Prerogatives -- Government and Laws of Succession among the
Toltecs, and in Michoacan, Tlascala, Cholula, Huexotzinco,
and Oajaca -- Magnificence of the Nahua Monarchs -- Ceremony
of Anointment -- Ascent to the Temple -- The Holy Unction --
Address of the High-Priest to the King -- Penance and
Fasting in the House called Tlacatecco -- Homage of the
Nobles -- General Rejoicing throughout the Kingdom --
Ceremony of Coronation -- The Procuring of Sacrifices --
Description of the Crown -- Coronation Feasts and
Entertainments -- Hospitality extended to Enemies --
Coronation Speech of Nezahualpilli, King of Tezcuco, to
Montezuma II. of Mexico -- Oration of a Noble to a Newly
elected King 133

CHAPTER IV.
PALACES AND HOUSEHOLDS OF THE NAHUA KINGS.

Extent and Interior of the Great Palace in Mexico -- The
Palace of Nezahualcoyotl, King of Tezcuco -- The Zoölogical
Collections of the Nahua Monarchs -- Montezuma's Oratory --
Royal Gardens and Pleasure-Grounds -- The Hill of
Chapultepec -- Nezahualcoyotl's Country Residence at
Tezcozinco -- Toltec Palaces -- The Royal Guard -- The
King's Meals -- An Aztec Cuisine -- The Audience Chamber --
After-dinner Amusements -- The Royal Wardrobe -- The King
Among his People -- Meeting of Montezuma II. and Cortés --
The King's Harem -- Revenues of the Royal Household --
Policy of Aztec Kings 158

CHAPTER V.
THE PRIVILEGED CLASSES AMONG THE NAHUAS.

Titles of the Nobility and Gentry -- The Power of the Nobles
-- The Aristocracy of Tezcuco -- The Policy of King
Techotlalatzin -- Privileges of the Nobles -- Montezuma's
Policy -- Rivalry between Nobles and Commons -- The Knightly
Order of Tecuhtli -- Ceremony of Initiation -- Origin of the
Order -- The Nahua Priesthood -- The Priests of Mexico --
Dedication of Children -- Priestesses -- Priesthood of
Miztecapan -- The Pontiff of Yopaa -- Tradition of
Wixipecocha -- The Cave of Yopaa -- The Zapotec Priests --
Toltec Priests -- Totonac Priests -- Priests of Michoacan,
Puebla, and Tlascala 186

CHAPTER VI.
PLEBEIANS, SLAVES, TENURE OF LANDS, AND TAXATION.

Influence of the Commoners -- Oppression by Nobles --
Deprived of Office by Montezuma II. -- Classes of Slaves --
Penal Slaves -- Voluntary Slavery -- Slave Market at
Azcapuzalco -- Punishment and Privileges of Slaves --
Division of Lands -- Crown Lands -- Lands of the Nobles --
Municipal Property -- Property of the Temples -- Tenure of
Lands in Zapotecapan, Miztecapan, Michoacan, Tlascala,
Cholula, and Huexotzinco -- Similarity to Feudal System of
Europe -- System of Taxation -- Municipal Taxes -- Lice
Tribute -- Tribute from Conquered Provinces -- Revenue
Officers -- Injustice of Montezuma II. 216

CHAPTER VII.
EDUCATION, MARRIAGE, CONCUBINAGE, CHILDBIRTH, AND BAPTISM.

Education of the Nahua Youth -- Manner of Punishment --
Marriage Preliminaries -- Nuptial Ceremony -- Observance
after Marriage -- Mazatec, Otomí, Chichimec, and Toltec
Marriages -- Divorce -- Concubinage -- Ceremonies
Preliminary to Childbirth -- Treatment of Pregnant Women --
Proceedings of Midwife -- Superstitions with regard to Women
who Died in Childbed -- Abortion -- Baptism -- Speeches of
Midwife -- Naming of Children -- Baptism among the
Tlascaltecs, Mixtecs, and Zapotecs -- Circumcision and
Scarification of Infants 240

CHAPTER VIII.
NAHUA FEASTS AND AMUSEMENTS.

Excessive Fondness for Feasts -- Manner of Giving Feasts --
Serving the Meal -- Professional Jesters -- Parting Presents
to Guests -- Royal Banquets -- Tobacco Smoking -- Public
Dances -- Manner of Singing and Dancing -- The Neteteliztli
-- The Drama among the Nahuas -- Music and Musical
Instruments -- Nahua Poetry -- Acrobatic Feats -- The
Netololiztli, or 'Bird Dance' -- Professional Runners -- The
Game of Tlactli -- Games of Chance -- The Patoliztli, or
'Bean Game' -- Totoloque, Montezuma's Favorite Game 283

CHAPTER IX.
PUBLIC FESTIVALS.

Frequent Occurrence of Religious Feasts -- Human Sacrifices
-- Feasts of the Fourth Year -- Monthly Festivals --
Sacrifice of Children -- Feast of Xipe -- Manner of
Sacrifice -- Feasts of Camaxtli, of the Flower Dealers, of
Centeotl, of Tezcatlipoca, and of Huitzilopochtli --
Festival of the Salt Makers -- The Sacrifice by Fire --
Feast of the Dead -- The Coming of the Gods -- The
Footprints on the Mat -- Hunting Feast -- The Month of Love
-- Hard Times -- Nahua Lupercalia -- Feasts of the Sun, of
the Winter Solstice -- Harvest and Eight-Year Festivals --
The Binding of the Sheaf 302

CHAPTER X.
FOOD OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.

Origin of Agriculture -- Floating Gardens -- Agricultural
Products -- Manner of preparing the Soil -- Description of
Agricultural Implements -- Irrigation -- Granaries --
Gardens -- The Harvest Feast -- Manner of Hunting -- Fishing
-- Methods of procuring Salt -- Nahua Cookery -- Various
kinds of Bread -- Beans -- Pepper -- Fruit -- Tamales --
Miscellaneous Articles of Food -- Eating of Human Flesh --
Manufacture of Pulque -- Preparation of Chocolatl -- Other
Beverages -- Intoxicating Drinks -- Drunkenness -- Time and
Manner of Taking Meals 342

CHAPTER XI.
DRESS OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.

Progress in Dress -- Dress of the Pre-Aztec Nations --
Garments of the Chichimecs and Toltecs -- Introduction of
Cotton -- The Maxtli -- The Tilmatli -- Dress of the
Acolhuas -- Origin of the Tarascan Costume -- Dress of the
Zapotecs and Tabascans -- Dress of Women -- The Huipil and
Cueitl -- Sandals -- Manner of Wearing the Hair -- Painting
and Tattooing -- Ornaments used by the Nahuas -- Gorgeous
Dress of the Nobles -- Dress of the Royal Attendants --
Names of the Various Mantles -- The Royal Diadem -- The
Royal Wardrobe -- Costly Decorations 363

CHAPTER XII.
COMMERCE OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.

The Main Features of Nahua Commerce -- Commerce in Pre-Aztec
Times -- Outrages Committed by Aztec Merchants -- Privileges
of the Merchants of Tlatelulco -- Jealousy between Merchants
and Nobles -- Articles used as Currency -- The Markets of
Anáhuac -- Arrangement and Regulations of the Market-Places
-- Number of Buyers and Sellers -- Transportation of Wares
-- Traveling Merchants -- Commercial Routes -- Setting out
on a Journey -- Caravans of Traders -- The Return -- Customs
and Feasts of the Merchants -- Nahua Boats and Navigation 378

CHAPTER XIII.
WAR-CUSTOMS OF THE NAHUAS.

Importance of the Military Profession -- Indications of Rank
-- Education of Warriors -- Rewards for Valor -- Military
Orders and their Dress -- Gorgeous War-Dresses of Montezuma
and the Aztec Nobility -- Dress of the Common Soldiers --
Armor and Defensive Weapons -- Offensive Weapons --
Standards -- Ambassadors and Couriers -- Fortifications --
The Military Council -- Articles of War -- Declaration of
War -- Spies -- Order of March and Battle -- War Customs of
the Tlascaltecs and Tarascos -- Return of the Conquering
Army -- Celebration of Feats of Arms 400

CHAPTER XIV.
NAHUA LAWS AND LAW COURTS.

General Remarks -- the Cihuacoatl, or Supreme Judge -- the
Court of the Tlacatecatl -- Jurisdiction of the Tecuhtlis --
the Centectlapixques and Topillis -- Law Courts and Judges
of Tezcuco -- Eighty-Day Council -- Tribunal of the King --
Court Proceedings -- Lawyers -- Witnesses -- Remuneration of
Judges -- Justice of King Nezahualpilli -- He orders his
Son's Execution -- Montezuma and the Farmer -- Jails -- Laws
against Theft, Murder, Treason, Kidnapping, Drunkenness,
Witchcraft, Adultery, Incest, Sodomy, Fornication, and other
Crimes -- Story of Nezahualcoyotl and the Boy 433

CHAPTER XV.
NAHUA ARTS AND MANUFACTURES.

Metals Used and Manner of Obtaining Them -- Working of Gold
and Silver -- Wonderful Skill in Imitating Gilding and
Plating -- Working in Stone -- Lapidary Work -- Wood Carving
-- Manufacture of Pottery -- Various Kinds of Cloth --
Manufacture of Paper and Leather -- Preparation of Dyes and
Paints -- The Art of Painting -- Feather Mosaic Work --
Leaf-Mats -- Manner of Kindling Fire -- Torches -- Soap --
Council of Arts in Tezcuco -- Oratory and Poetry --
Nezahualcoyotl's Odes on the Mutability of Life, and the
Tyrant Tezozomoc -- Aztec Arithmetical System 473

CHAPTER XVI.
THE AZTEC CALENDAR.

Astronomical Knowledge of the Aztecs -- Contradictions of
Authors respecting the Calendar -- Value of the Researches
of Various Writers -- The First Regular Calendar -- The
Mexican Cycle -- The Civil Year -- The Aztec Months -- Names
of the Days and their Signification -- The Commencement of
the Aztec Year -- The Ritual Calendar -- Gama's Arrangement
of the Months -- The Calendar-Stone -- The Four Destructions
of the World -- The Calendar of Michoacan -- Reckoning of
the Zapotecs 502

CHAPTER XVII.
THE AZTEC PICTURE-WRITING.

Hieroglyphic Records -- The Native Books -- Authorities --
Destruction of the Native Archives by Zumárraga and his
Confrères -- Picture-Writings used after the Conquest for
Confession and Law-Suits -- Value of the Records --
Documents sent to Spain in the Sixteenth Century -- European
Collections -- Lord Kingsborough's Work -- Picture-Writings
retained in Mexico -- Collections of Ixtlilxochitl,
Sigüenza, Gemelli Careri, Boturini, Veytia, Leon y Gama,
Pichardo, Aubin, and the National Museum of Mexico --
Process of Hieroglyphic Development -- Representative,
Symbolic, and Phonetic Picture-Writing -- Origin of Modern
Alphabets -- The Aztec System -- Specimen from the Codex
Mendoza -- Specimen from Gemelli Careri -- Specimen from the
Boturini Collection -- Probable future Success of
Interpreters -- The Nepohualtzitzin 523

CHAPTER XVIII.
ARCHITECTURE AND DWELLINGS OF THE NAHUAS.

Architecture of the Ancient Nations -- General Features of
Nahua Architecture -- The Arch -- Exterior and Interior
Decorations -- Method of Building -- Inclined Planes --
Scaffolds -- The use of the Plummet -- Building Materials --
Position and Fortification of Towns -- Mexico Tenochtitlan
-- The Great Causeways -- Quarters and Wards of Mexico --
The Market Place -- Fountains and Aqueducts -- Light-houses
and Street-work -- City of Tezcuco -- Dwellings -- Aztec
Gardens -- Temple of Huitzilopochtli -- Temple of Mexico --
Other Temples -- Teocalli at Cholula and Tezcuco 553

CHAPTER XIX.
MEDICINE AND FUNERAL RITES AMONG THE NAHUAS.

Mexican Contributions to Medical Science -- The Botanical
Gardens -- Longevity -- Prevalent Diseases -- Introduction
of Small-Pox and Syphilis -- Medical Treatment -- The
Temazcalli -- Aboriginal Physicians -- The Aztec Faculty --
Standard Remedies -- Surgery -- Superstitious Ceremonies in
Healing -- Funeral Rites of Aztecs -- Cremation -- Royal
Obsequies -- Embalming -- The Funeral Pyre -- Human
Sacrifice -- Disposal of the Ashes and Ornaments -- Mourners
-- Funeral Ceremonies of the People -- Certain Classes
Buried -- Rites for the Slain in Battle -- Burial among the
Teo-Chichimecs and Tabascans -- Cremation Ceremonies in
Michoacan -- Burial by the Miztecs in Oajaca 591

CHAPTER XX.
GOVERNMENT, SOCIAL CLASSES, PROPERTY, AND LAWS OF THE MAYA
NATIONS.

Introductory Remarks -- Votan's Empire -- Zamná's Reign --
The Royal Families of Yucatan, Cocomes, Tutul Xius, Itzas,
and Cheles -- Titles and Order of Succession -- Classes of
Nobles -- The Quiché-Cakchiquel Empire in Guatemala -- The
Ahau Ahpop and Succession to the Throne -- Privileged
Classes -- Government of the Provinces -- The Royal Council
-- The Chiapanecs -- The Pipiles -- Nations of Nicaragua --
The Maya Priesthood -- Plebeian Classes -- Slaves -- Tenure
of Lands -- Inheritance of Property -- Taxation -- Debtors
and Creditor -- Laws and the Administration of Justice 630

CHAPTER XXI.
EDUCATION AND FAMILY MATTERS AMONG THE MAYAS.

Education of Youth -- Public Schools of Guatemala --
Branches of Study in Yucatan -- Marrying-Age -- Degrees of
Consanguinity allowed in Marriage -- Preliminaries of
Marriage -- Marriage Ceremonies -- The Custom of the Droit
du Seigneur in Nicaragua -- Widows -- Monogamy --
Concubinage -- Divorce -- Laws Concerning Adultery --
Fornication -- Rape -- Prostitution -- Unnatural Crimes --
Desire for Children -- Childbirth Ceremonies -- Rite of
Circumcision -- Manner of Naming Children -- Baptismal
Ceremonies 661

CHAPTER XXII.
FEASTS AND AMUSEMENTS OF THE MAYAS.

Special Observances -- Fixed Feasts -- Sacrifice of Slaves
-- Monthly Feasts of the Yucatecs -- Renewal of the Idols --
Feast of the Chacs -- Hunting Festival -- The Tuppkak --
Feast of the Cacao-Planters -- War Feast -- The Maya New
Year's Day -- Feasts of the Hunters, Fishers, and Apiarists
-- Ceremonies in honor of Cukulcan -- Feast of the Month of
Mol -- Feasts of the Years Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac --
Yucatec Sacrifices -- The Pit of Chichen -- Sacrifices of
the Pipiles -- Feast of Victory -- Feasts and Sacrifices in
Nicaragua -- Banquets -- Dances -- Musical Instruments --
Games 687

CHAPTER XXIII.
FOOD, DRESS, COMMERCE, AND WAR CUSTOMS OF THE MAYAS.

Introduction of Agriculture -- Quiché Tradition of the
Discovery of Maize -- Maize Culture -- Superstitions of
Farmers -- Hunting and Fishing -- Domestic Animals, Fowl,
and Bees -- Preservation and Cooking of Food -- Meals --
Drinks and Drinking -- Habits -- Cannibalism -- Dress of the
Mayas -- Maxtlis, Mantles, and Sandals -- Dress of Kings and
Priests -- Women's Dress -- Hair and Beard -- Personal
Decoration -- Head-Flattening, Perforation, Tattooing, and
Painting -- Personal Habits -- Commerce -- Currency --
Markets -- Superstitions of Travelers -- Canoes and Balsas
-- War -- Military Leaders -- Insignia -- Armor -- Weapons
-- Fortifications -- Battles -- Treatment of Captives 715

CHAPTER XXIV.
MAYA ARTS, CALENDAR, AND HIEROGLYPHICS.

Scarcity of Information -- Use of Metals -- Gold and
Precious Stones -- Implements of Stone -- Sculpture --
Pottery -- Manufacture of Cloth -- Dyeing -- System of
Numeration -- Maya Calendar in Yucatan -- Days, Weeks,
Months, and Years -- Indictions and Katunes -- Perez' System
of Ahau Katunes -- Statements of Landa and Cogolludo --
Intercalary Days and Years -- Days and Months in Guatemala,
Chiapas, and Soconusco -- Maya Hieroglyphic System --
Testimony of Early Writers on the Use of Picture-Writing --
Destruction of Documents -- Specimens which have Survived --
The Dresden Codex -- Manuscript Troano -- Tablets of
Palenque, Copan, and Yucatan -- Bishop Landa's Key --
Brasseur de Bourbourg's Interpretation 748

CHAPTER XXV.
BUILDINGS, MEDICINE, BURIAL, PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES, AND
CHARACTER OF THE MAYAS.

Scanty Information given by the Early Voyagers -- Private
Houses of the Mayas -- Interior Arrangement, Decoration, and
Furniture -- Maya Cities -- Description of Utatlan --
Patinamit, the Cakchiquel Capital -- Cities of Nicaragua --
Maya Roads -- Temples at Chichen Itza and Cozumel -- Temples
of Nicaragua and Guatemala -- Diseases of the Mayas --
Medicines used -- Treatment of the Sick -- Propitiatory
Offerings and Vows -- Superstitions -- Dreams -- Omens --
Witchcraft -- Snake-Charmers -- Funeral Rites and Ceremonies
-- Physical Peculiarities -- Character 783

[Illustration: NATIVE RACES OF THE PACIFIC STATES SHOWING THE LOCATION
OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS]

THE NATIVE RACES
OF THE
PACIFIC STATES.
CIVILIZED NATIONS.

CHAPTER I.

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

DEFINITION OF THE TERMS -- FORCE AND NATURE -- THE UNIVERSAL
SOUL OF PROGRESS -- MAN THE INSTRUMENT AND NOT THE ELEMENT
OF PROGRESS -- ORIGIN OF PROGRESSIONAL PHENOMENA -- THE
AGENCY OF EVIL -- IS CIVILIZATION CONDUCIVE TO HAPPINESS? --
OBJECTIVE AND SUBJECTIVE HUMANITY -- CONDITIONS ESSENTIAL TO
PROGRESS -- CONTINENTAL CONFIGURATIONS -- FOOD AND CLIMATE
-- WEALTH AND LEISURE -- ASSOCIATION -- WAR, SLAVERY,
RELIGION, AND GOVERNMENT -- MORALITY AND FASHION -- THE
DEVELOPMENT OF PROGRESSIONAL LAW.

The terms Savage and Civilized, as applied to races of men, are
relative and not absolute terms. At best these words mark only broad
shifting stages in human progress; the one near the point of
departure, the other farther on toward the unattainable end. This
progress is one and universal, though of varying rapidity and extent;
there are degrees in savagism and there are degrees in civilization;
indeed, though placed in opposition, the one is but a degree of the
other. The Haidah, whom we call savage, is as much superior to the
Shoshone, the lowest of Americans, as the Aztec is superior to the
Haidah, or the European to the Aztec. Looking back some thousands of
ages, we of to-day are civilized; looking forward through the same
duration of time, we are savages.

Nor is it, in the absence of fixed conditions, and amidst the many
shades of difference presented by the nations along our western
seaboard, an easy matter to tell where even comparative savagism ends
and civilization begins. In the common acceptation of these terms, we
may safely call the Central Californians savage, and the Quichés of
Guatemala civilized; but between these two extremes are hundreds of
peoples, each of which presents some claim for both distinctions.
Thus, if the domestication of ruminants, or some knowledge of arts and
metals, constitute civilization, then are the ingenious but
half-torpid Hyperboreans civilized, for the Eskimos tame reindeer, and
the Thlinkeets are skillful carvers and make use of copper; if the
cultivation of the soil, the building of substantial houses of adobe,
wood, and stone, with the manufacture of cloth and pottery, denote an
exodus from savagism, then are the Pueblos of New Mexico no longer
savages; yet in both these instances enough may be seen, either of
stupidity or brutishness, to forbid our ranking them with the more
advanced Aztecs, Mayas, and Quichés.

We know what savages are; how, like wild animals, they depend for food
and raiment upon the spontaneous products of nature, migrating with
the beasts and birds and fishes, burrowing beneath the ground, hiding
in caves, or throwing over themselves a shelter of bark or skins or
branches or boards, eating or starving as food is abundant or scarce;
nevertheless, all of them have made some advancement from their
original naked, helpless condition, and have acquired some aids in the
procurement of their poor necessities. Primeval man, the only real
point of departure, and hence the only true savage, nowhere exists on
the globe to-day. Be the animal man never so low--lower in skill and
wisdom than the brute, less active in obtaining food, less ingenious
in building his den--the first step out of his houseless, comfortless
condition, the first fashioning of a tool, the first attempt to cover
nakedness and wall out the wind, if this endeavor spring from
intellect and not from instinct, is the first step toward
civilization. Hence the modern savage is not the pre-historic or
primitive man; nor is it among the barbarous nations of to-day that we
must look for the rudest barbarism.

[Sidenote: DEFINITION OF THE TERMS.]

Often is the question asked, What is civilization? and the answer
comes, The act of civilizing; the state of being civilized. What is
the act of civilizing? To reclaim from a savage or barbarous state; to
educate; to refine. What is a savage or barbarous state? A wild
uncultivated state; a state of nature. Thus far the dictionaries. The
term civilization, then, popularly implies both the transition from a
natural to an artificial state, and the artificial condition attained.
The derivation of the word civilization, from _civis_, citizen,
_civitas_, city, and originally from _coetus_, union, seems to
indicate that culture which, in feudal times, distinguished the
occupants of cities from the ill-mannered boors of the country. The
word savage, on the other hand, from _silva_, a wood, points to man
primeval; _silvestres homines_, men of the forest, not necessarily
ferocious or brutal, but children of nature. From these simple
beginnings both words have gradually acquired a broader significance,
until by one is understood a state of comfort, intelligence, and
refinement; and by the other, humanity wild and bestial.

Guizot defines civilization as an "improved condition of man resulting
from the establishment of social order in place of the individual
independence and lawlessness of the savage or barbarous life;" Buckle
as "the triumph of mind over external agents;" Virey as "the
development more or less absolute of the moral and intellectual
faculties of man united in society;" Burke as the exponent of two
principles, "the spirit of a gentleman and the spirit of religion."
"Whatever be the characteristics of what we call savage life," says
John Stuart Mill, "the contrary of these, or the qualities which
society puts on as it throws off these, constitute civilization;" and,
remarks Emerson, "a nation that has no clothing, no iron, no alphabet,
no marriage, no arts of peace, no abstract thought, we call
barbarous."

Men talk of civilization and call it liberty, religion, government,
morality. Now liberty is no more a sign of civilization than tyranny;
for the lowest savages are the least governed of all people. Civilized
liberty, it is true, marks a more advanced stage than savage liberty,
but between these two extremes of liberty there is a necessary age of
tyranny, no less significant of an advance on primitive liberty than
is constitutional liberty an advance on tyranny. Nor is religion
civilization, except in so far as the form and machinery of sacerdotal
rites, and the abandonment of fetichism for monotheism become
significant of intenser thought and expansion of intellect. No nation
ever practiced grosser immorality, or what we of the present day hold
to be immorality, than Greece during the height of her intellectual
refinement. Peace is no more civilization than war, virtue than vice,
good than evil. All these are the incidents, not the essence, of
civilization.

That which we commonly call civilization is not an adjunct nor an
acquirement of man; it is neither a creed nor a polity, neither
science nor philosophy nor industry; it is rather the measure of
progressional force implanted in man, the general fund of the nation's
wealth, learning, and refinement, the storehouse of accumulated
results, the essence of all best worth preserving from the
distillations of good and the distillations of evil. It is a something
between men, no less than a something within them; for neither an
isolated man nor an association of brutes can by any possibility
become civilized.

[Sidenote: CIVILIZATION A WORKING PRINCIPLE.]

Further than this, civilization is not only the measure of aggregated
human experiences, but it is a living working principle. It is a
social transition; a moving forward rather than an end attained; a
developing vitality rather than a fixed entity; it is the effort or
aim at refinement rather than refinement itself; it is labor with a
view to improvement and not improvement consummated, although it may
be and is the metre of such improvement. And this accords with
latter-day teachings. Although in its infancy, and, moreover, unable
to explain things unexplainable, the science of evolution thus far has
proved that the normal condition of the human race, as well as that of
physical nature, is progressional; that the plant in a congenial soil
is not more sure to grow than is humanity with favorable surroundings
certain to advance. Nay, more, we speak of the progress of
civilization as of something that moves on of its own accord; we may,
if we will, recognize in this onward movement, the same principle of
life manifest in nature and in the individual man.

To things we do not understand we give names, with which by frequent
use we become familiar, when we fancy that we know all about the
things themselves. At the first glance civilization appears to be a
simple matter; to be well clad, well housed, and well fed, to be
intelligent and cultured are better than nakedness and ignorance;
therefore it is a good thing, a thing that men do well to strive
for,--and that is all. But once attempt to go below this placid
surface, and investigate the nature of progressional phenomena, and we
find ourselves launched upon an eternity of ocean, and in pursuit of
the same occult Cause, which has been sought alike by philosophic and
barbaric of every age and nation; we find ourselves face to face with
a great mystery, to which we stand in the same relation as to other
great mysteries, such as the origin of things, the principle of life,
the soul-nature. When such questions are answered as What is
attraction, heat, electricity; what instinct, intellect, soul? Why are
plants forced to grow and molecules to conglomerate and go whirling
in huge masses through space?--then we may know why society moves ever
onward like a river in channels predetermined. At present, these
phenomena we may understand in their action partially, in their
essence not at all; we may mark effects, we may recognize the same
principle under widely different conditions though we may not be able
to discover what that principle is. Science tells us that these things
are so; that certain combinations of certain elements are inevitably
followed by certain results, but science does not attempt to explain
why they are so. Nevertheless, a summary of such few simple thoughts
as I have been able to gather upon the subject, may be not wholly
valueless.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: FORCE AND MATTER.]

And first, to assist our reflections, let us look for a moment at some
of the primal principles in nature, not with a view to instruct in
that direction, but rather to compare some of the energies of the
material world with the intellectual or progressional energy in man;
and of these I will mention such only as are currently accepted by
latter-day science.

Within the confines of the conceivable universe one element alone is
all-potential, all-pervading,--Force. Throughout the realms of space,
in and round all forms of matter, binding minutest atoms, balancing
systems of worlds, rioting in life, rotting in death, under its
various aspects mechanical and chemical, attractive and repulsive,
this mighty power is manifest; a unifying, coalescing, and flowing
power, older than time, quicker than thought, saturating all suns and
planets and filling to repletion all molecules and masses. Worlds and
systems of worlds are sent whirling, worlds round worlds and systems
round systems, in a mazy planetary dance, wherein the slightest
tripping, the least excess of momentum or inertia, of tension or
traction, in any part, and chaos were come again. Every conceivable
entity, ponderable and imponderable, material and immaterial, is
replete with force. By it all moving bodies are set in motion, all
motionless bodies held at rest; by it the infinitesimal atom is held
an atom and the mass is held concrete, vapory moisture overspreads the
land, light and heat animate senseless substance; by it forms of
matter change, rocks grow and dissolve, mountains are made and unmade,
the ocean heaves and swells, the eternal hills pulsate, the
foundations of the deep rise up, and seas displace continents.

One other thing we know, which with the first comprises all our
knowledge,--Matter. Now force and matter are interdependent, one
cannot exist without the other; as for example, all substance, unless
held together--which term obviously implies force--would speedily
dissolve into inconceivable nothingness. But no less force is required
to annihilate substance than to create it; force, therefore, is alike
necessary to the existence or non-existence of matter, which reduces
the idea of a possible absence of either force or matter to an
absurdity; or, in other words, it is impossible for the human mind to
conceive of a state of things wherein there is no matter, and
consequently no force.

Force has been called the soul of nature, and matter the body, for by
force matter lives and moves and has its being.

Force like matter, is divisible, infinitely so, as far as human
experience goes; for, though ultimates may exist, they have never yet
been reached; and it would seem that all physical phenomena, endlessly
varied and bewildering as they may appear, spring from a few simple
incomprehensible forces, the bases of which are attraction and
repulsion; which may yet, indeed, derive their origin from One Only
Source. In the morphological and geometrical displays of matter these
phenomena assume a multitude of phases; all are interactive and
interdependent, few are original or primary,--for example, heat and
electricity are the offspring of motion which is the result of
attractive and repulsive force.

What is force and what matter, whether the one is the essence of a
self-conscious Creator and the other his handiwork, or whether both
are the offspring of a blind chance or fate--which latter hypothesis
is simply unthinkable--it is not my purpose here to consider. I
propose in this analysis to take things as I find them, to study the
operations rather than the origin of phenomena, to determine what man
does rather than what he ought to do, and to drop the subject at the
confines of transcendentalism. When, therefore, I speak of force as
the life of matter, it no more implies a self-existant materialism in
man, than the soul of man implies a pantheistic self-existant soul in
nature. Omnipotence can as easily create and sustain a universe
through the media of antagonistic and interdependent forces as through
any other means, can as easily place nature and man under the
governance of fixed laws as to hold all under varying arbitrary
dispensations, and can reconcile these laws with man's volition. Wells
of bitterness are dug by disputants under meaningless words;
scientists are charged with materialism and religionists with
fanaticism, in their vain attempts to fathom the ways of the Almighty
and restrict his powers to the limits of our weak understanding.

It has been said that, in the beginning, the sixty and odd supposed
several elements of matter were in a chaotic state; that matter and
force were poised in equilibrium or rioted at random throughout space,
that out of this condition of things sprang form and development;
regular motion and time began; matter condensed into revolving masses
and marked off the days, and months, and years; organization and
organisms were initiated and intellectual design became manifest. The
infinitesimal molecules, balanced by universal equilibrium of forces,
which before motion and time were but chaotic matter and force, were
finally supposed to have been each endowed with an innate
individuality. However this may be, we now see every atom in the
universe athrill with force, and possessed of chemical virtues, and,
under conditions, with the faculty of activity. As to the Force behind
force, or how or by what means this innate energy was or is implanted
in molecules, we have here nothing to do. It is sufficient for our
purpose that we find it there; yet, the teachings of philosophy imply
that this innate force is neither self-implanted nor self-operative;
that whether, in pre-stellar times, infinitesimal particles of matter
floated in space as nebulous fluid or objectless vapor without form or
consistence, or whether all matter was united in one mass which was
set revolving, and became broken into fragments, which were sent
whirling as suns and planets in every direction; that in either case,
or in any other conceivable case, matter, whether as molecules or
masses, was primordially, and is, endowed and actuated by a Creative
Intelligence, which implanting force, vitality, intellect, soul,
progress, is ever acting, moving, mixing, unfolding, and this in every
part and in all the multitudinous combinations of matter; and that all
forces and vitalities must have co-existed in the mass, innate in and
around every atom.

[Sidenote: THEORIES OF NEWTON AND LAPLACE.]

Thus, in his great theory of the projectile impulse given to heavenly
bodies in counteraction of the attractive impulse, Sir Isaac Newton
assumes that both impulses were given from without; that some power
foreign to themselves projected into space these heavenly bodies and
holds them there. So, too, when Laplace promulgated the idea that in
pre-planetary times space was filled with particles and vapors, solar
systems existing only in a nebulous state and this nebula set
revolving in one mass upon its own axis from west to east, and that as
the velocity of this mass increased suns and planets were, by
centrifugal force, thrown off and condensed into habitable but still
whirling worlds, some impulse foreign to the revolving mass setting it
in motion is implied.

With organization and motion, the phases of force, called heat, light,
electricity and magnetism, hitherto held dormant in molecules are
engendered; composition and decomposition ensue; matter assumes new
and varying forms; a progressional development, which is nothing but
intelligently directed motion, is initiated, and motion becomes
eternal.

It is a well-established principle of physics that force cannot be
created or lost. The conservation of force is not affected by the
action or energies of moving bodies. Force is not created to set a
body in motion, nor when expended, as we say, is it lost. The sum of
all potential energies throughout the universe is always the same,
whether matter is at rest or in motion. It is evident that so long as
every molecule is charged with attractive force no atom can drop out
into the depths of unoccupied and absolute space and become lost or
annihilated; and so long as force is dependent on matter for its
perceivable existence, force cannot escape beyond the confines of
space and become lost in absolute void.

Not only are forces interdependent, but they are capable of being
metamorphosed one into another. Thus intellectual energy invents a
machine which drives a steamship across the ocean. This invention or
creation of the mind is nothing else than a vitalization or setting at
liberty of mechanical forces, and without this vitalization or applied
intellectual force such mechanical force lies dormant as in so-called
dead matter. Gravitation is employed to turn a water-wheel, caloric to
drive a steam-engine, by means of either of which weights may be
raised, heat, electricity, and light produced, and these new-created
forces husbanded and made to produce still other forces or turned back
into their original channels. And so in chemical and capillary action,
the correlation of forces everywhere is found.

[Sidenote: INTIMACY OF MIND AND MATTER.]

Between mind and matter there exists the most intimate relationship.
Immateriality, in its various phases of force, life, intellect, so far
as human consciousness can grasp it, is inseparable from materiality.
The body is but part of the soil on which it treads, and the mind can
receive no impressions except through the organs of the body. The
brain is the seat of thought and the organ of thought; neither can
exist in a normal state apart from the other. As a rule, the power of
the intellect is in proportion to the size and quality of the brain.
Among animals, those of lowest order have the least brains; man, the
most intellectual of animals, has relatively, if not absolutely, the
largest brain. True, in some of the largest animals the cerebral mass
is larger than in man, but, in its chemical composition, its
convolutions, shape, and quality, that in man is superior; and it is
in the quality, rather than in the quantity of the nervous tissues,
that their superiority consists. Intelligence enters the brain by the
organs of the senses, and through the nervous system its subtle
influence radiates to every part of the body. All human activities are
either mental or mechanical; nor will it be denied that mental
activity is produced by mechanical means, or, that mechanical activity
is the result of mental force. Corporeal motion is mental force
distributed to the various parts of the body.

The action of immaterial forces on the material substances of the
human body manifestly accords with the action of immaterial forces
elsewhere. All the physical and mechanical actions of the human body
accord with the physical and mechanical forces elsewhere displayed.
Man, we are told, was the last of all created things, but in the
making of man no new matter was employed; nor in setting the body in
motion can we discover that any new force was invented. Thus the heart
beats upon mechanical principles; the eye sees, and the voice speaks
in accordance with the general laws of optics and acoustics.

To the observer, organic activity is but the product of combined
inorganic forces. The same processes are at work, and in the same
manner, in living and in so-called dead matter. Life, to all
appearance, is but the result of combined chemical and mechanical
processes. Assimilation, digestion, secretion, are explainable by
chemistry, and by chemistry alone. The stomach is a chemical retort,
the body a chemical laboratory. Carbon, oxygen, hydrogen, nitrogen,
combine and separate in the body as out of the body. The blood
circulates upon purely mechanical principles; all muscular action is
mechanical. In the phenomena of life, the only perceptible difference
is in the combinations of fundamental elements; yet chemistry and
mechanics cannot produce a live body.

With the foregoing well-recognized principles before us, let us now
notice some few parallelisms between mechanical and social energetics.

Man, like every other natural substance, is a compound of force and
matter. "Respiration," says Liebig, "is the falling weight, the bent
spring, which keeps the clock in motion; the inspirations and
respirations are the strokes of the pendulum which regulates." Atoms
of matter, through the instrumentality of living force, cohere and
coalesce under endless complex conditions into endless varieties of
form and substance; so also the activities of man, corporeal and
intellectual, result in vast accumulations of experiences, which
accumulations become the property of the whole society. Society, like
matter, is composed of units, each possessing certain forces,
attractive and repulsive; societies act upon each other, like
celestial bodies, in proportion to their volume and proximity, and the
power of the unit increases with the increase of the mass. In
association there is a force as silent and as subtle as that which
governs atoms and holds worlds in equipoise; its grosser forms are
known as government, worship, fashion, and the like; its finer essence
is more delicate than thought. It is this social force, attractive and
repulsive, that binds men together, tears them asunder, kneads, and
knits, and shapes, and evolves; it is the origin of every birth, the
ultimate of every activity. Mechanical forces are manifest in
machines, as the lever, the wheel, the inclined plane; professional
force is manifest in intellectual ingenuity, literature, art, science,
which are the machines of human progress.

[Sidenote: MATERIALITY ACTING ON THE MIND.]

How many of all our joys and sorrows, our loves and hates, our good
and evil actions, spring from physical causes only? Even material
substances display moods and affections, as when heated, electrified,
decomposed, or set in motion; the sea at rest presents a different
mood from the sea raging. Jean-Jacques Rousseau's idea that the soul
might be governed for its good by material things working through the
media of the senses, is not so extravagant after all. "The gospel
according to Jean-Jacques," as Carlyle puts it, runs as follows on
this point--and, indeed, the great Genevan evangelist at one time
intended to devote a book to the subject under the title of _La Morale
Sensitive_:--"The striking and numerous observations that I had
collected were beyond all dispute; and, in their physical origin, they
appeared to me proper for furnishing an exterior regimen, which,
varied according to circumstances, should be able to place or maintain
the soul in the state most favorable to virtue. How many wanderings
one might save the reason, how many vices might be hindered birth, if
one could but force the animal economy to favor the moral order that
it troubles so often. Climates, seasons, sounds, colors, darkness,
light, the elements, food, noise, silence, movement, repose, all act
on our bodily frame, and, by consequence, on our soul; all offer us a
thousand firm holds to govern, in their origin, those sentiments by
which we allow ourselves to be dominated."

In contemplating the numerous activities by which we are surrounded,
again and again we are called upon to wonder at the marvelous
regularity which characterizes all their movements. So regular are
these movements, so sure are certain conditions to accompany certain
results, that in physics, in chemistry, in physiology, and even in
society, facts are collected and classified, and from them laws are
discovered as fixed and irrevocable as the facts themselves, which
laws, indeed, are themselves facts, no less than the facts from which
they are deduced.

Highly cultivated nations frame laws that provide for many
contingencies, but the code of nature has yet finer provisions. There
are conditions that neither political nor social laws reach, there are
none not reached by physical law; in society, criminals sometimes
evade the law; in nature, never. So subtle are the laws of nature,
that even thought cannot follow them; when we see that every molecule,
by virtue of its own hidden force, attracts every other molecule, up
to a certain point, and then from the same inherent influence every
atom repels every other atom; when by experiments of physicists it has
been proved that in polarization, crystallization, and chemical
action, there is not the slightest deviation from an almost startling
regularity, with many other facts of like import, how many natural
laws do we feel to be yet unrevealed and, from the exquisite delicacy
of their nature, unrevealable to our present coarse understanding.

It would be indeed strange, if, when all the universe is under the
governance of fixed laws--laws which regulate the motion of every
molecule, no less than the revolutions of suns--laws of such subtle
import, as for instance, regulate the transformations of heat, the
convertibility and correlation of force; it would be strange, I say,
if such laws as these, when they reached the domain of human affairs
should pause and leave the world of man alone in purposeless
wanderings.

[Sidenote: ANALOGIES BETWEEN MAN AND NATURE.]

To continue our analogies. As, latent in the atom, or in the mass,
there are energies releasable only by heat or friction,--as in
charcoal, which holds, locked up, muriatic acid gas equivalent to
ninety times its volume; or in spongy platinum, which holds in like
manner oxygen, equal to eight hundred times its volume; so, latent in
every individual, are numberless energies, which demand the friction
of society to call them out.

Force comprises two elements, attraction and repulsion, analagous to
the principles commonly called good and evil in the affairs of human
society; take away from mechanical force either of these two oppugnant
elements, and there could be neither organism nor life, so without
both good and evil in human affairs there could be no progress.

If none of the forces of nature are dissipated or lost, and if force
can no more be extinguished than matter, and like matter passes from
one form into another, we may conclude that intellectual force is
never dissipated or lost, but that the potential energies of mind and
soul perpetually vibrate between man and nature.

Or, again, if, as we have seen, energy of every kind is clothed in
matter, and when employed and expended returns again to its place in
matter; and if the mind draws its forces from the body, as it appears
to do, both growing, acting, and declining simultaneously; and if the
body draws its energy from the earth, which is no less possible; then
may not intellectual and progressional force be derived from man's
environment, and return thither when expended? Every created being
borrows its material from the storehouse of matter, and when uncreated
restores it again; so every individual born into society becomes
charged with social force, with progressional energy, which, when
expended, rests with society. Winslow's opinion on this subject is,
that "all electric and magnetic currents originate in--are inducted
from--and radiate either directly or indirectly out of the globe as
the fountain of every form and constituency of mechanical force, and
that abstract immaterial mechanical energy, as we have thus far
discussed and developed its dual principles, is absolutely convertible
through molecular motion into every form and expansion of secondary
force, passing successively from heat through electricity, magnetism,
etc., and _vice versa_, it follows that this same mechanical energy
itself, as hypostatical motive power, must proceed out of the globe
also."

Thus is loaded with potential energy the universe of matter,
generating life, mind, civilization, and hence we may conclude that
whatever else it is, civilization is a force; that it is the sum of
all the forces employed to drive humanity onward; that it acts on man
as mechanical force acts on matter, attracting, repelling, pressing
forward yet holding in equilibrium, and all under fixed and determined
laws.

* * * * *

From all which it would appear that nothing is found in man that has
not its counterpart in nature, and that all things that are related to
man are related to each other; even immortal mind itself is not unlike
that subtle force, inherent in, and working round every atom.

In this respect physical science is the precursor of social science.
Nature produces man; man in his earlier conception of nature, that is
in his gods, reproduces himself; and later, his knowledge of intrinsic
self depends upon his knowledge of extrinsic agencies, so that as the
laws that govern external nature are better understood, the laws that
govern society are more definitely determined. The conditions of human
progress can be wrought into a science only by pursuing the same
course that raises into a science any branch of knowledge; that is, by
collecting, classifying, and comparing facts, and therefrom
discovering laws. Society must be studied as chemistry is studied; it
must be analyzed, and its component parts--the solubilities,
interactions, and crystallizations of religions, governments and
fashions, ascertained. As in the earlier contemplations of physical
nature, the action of the elements was deemed fortuitous, so in a
superficial survey of society, all events appear to happen by chance;
but on deeper investigation, in society as in physics, events
apparently fortuitous, may be reduced to immutable law. To this end
the life of mankind on the globe must be regarded as the life of one
man, successions of societies as successions of days in that life; for
the activities of nations are but the sum of the activities of the
individual members thereof.

[Sidenote: PHYSICAL LAWS AND SOCIAL LAWS.]

We have seen that man's organism, as far as it may be brought under
exact observation, is governed by the same processes that govern
elemental principles in inorganic nature. The will of man attempting
to exert itself in antagonism to these laws of nature is wholly
ineffectual. We are all conscious of a will, conscious of a certain
freedom in the exercise of our will, but wholly unconscious as to the
line of separation between volition and environment. Part of our
actions arise from fixed necessity, part are the result of free will.
Statistics, as they are accumulated and arranged, tend more and more
to show that by far the greater part of human actions are not under
individual control, and that the actions of masses are, in the main,
wholly beyond the province of the human will.

Take the weather for a single day, and note the effect on the will.
The direction of the wind not unfrequently governs one's train of
thought; resolution often depends upon the dryness of the atmosphere,
benevolence upon the state of the stomach; misfortunes, arising from
physical causes, have ere now changed the character of a ruler from
one of lofty self-sacrifice, to one of peevish fretfulness, whereat
his followers became estranged and his empire lost in consequence. In
the prosecution of an enterprise, how often we find ourselves drifting
far from the anticipated goal. The mind is governed by the condition
of the body, the body by the conditions of climate and food; hence it
is that many of our actions, which we conceive to be the result of
free choice, arise from accidental circumstances.

It is only in the broader view of humanity that general laws are to be
recognized, as Dr Draper remarks: "He who is immersed in the turmoil
of a crowded city sees nothing but the acts of men; and, if he formed
his opinion from his experience alone, must conclude that the course
of events altogether depends on the uncertainties of human volition.
But he who ascends to a sufficient elevation loses sight of the
passing conflicts, and no longer hears the contentions. He discovers
that the importance of individual action is diminishing as the
panorama beneath him is extending; and if he could attain to the truly
philosophical, the general point of view, disengage himself from all
terrestrial influences and entanglements, rising high enough to see
the whole at a glance, his acutest vision would fail to discern the
slightest indication of man, his free will, or his works."

* * * * *

Let us now glance at some of the manifestations of this progressional
influence; first in its general aspects, after which we will notice
its bearing on a few of the more important severalties intimately
affecting humanity, such as religion, morality, government, and
commerce,--for there is nothing that touches man's welfare, no matter
how lightly, in all his long journey from naked wildness to clothed
and cultured intelligence, that is not placed upon him by this
progressional impulse.

[Sidenote: MANIFESTATIONS OF PROGRESSIONAL IMPULSE.]

In every living thing there is an element of continuous growth; in
every aggregation of living things there is an element of continuous
improvement. In the first instance, a vital actuality appears; whence,
no one can tell. As the organism matures, a new germ is formed, which,
as the parent stock decays, takes its place and becomes in like manner
the parent of a successor. Thus even death is but the door to new
forms of life. In the second instance, a body corporate appears, no
less a vital actuality than the first; a social organism in which,
notwithstanding ceaseless births and deaths, there is a living
principle. For while individuals are born and die, families live;
while families are born and die, species live; while species are born
and die, organic being assumes new forms and features. Herein the
all-pervading principle of life, while flitting, is nevertheless
permanent, while transient is yet eternal. But above and independent
of perpetual birth and death is this element of continuous growth,
which, like a spirit, walks abroad and mingles in the affairs of men.
"All our progress," says Emerson, "is an unfolding, like the vegetable
bud. You have first an instinct; then an opinion, then a knowledge, as
the plant has root bud and fruit."

Under favorable conditions, and up to a certain point, stocks improve;
by a law of natural selection the strongest and fittest survive, while
the ill-favored and deformed perish; under conditions unfavorable to
development, stocks remain stationary or deteriorate. Paradoxically,
so far as we know, organs and organisms are no more perfect now than
in the beginning; animal instincts are no keener, nor are their
habitudes essentially changed. No one denies that stocks improve, for
such improvement is perceptible and permanent; many deny that
organisms improve, for if there be improvement it is imperceptible,
and has thus far escaped proof. But, however this may be, it is
palpable that the mind, and not the body, is the instrument and object
of the progressional impulse.

Man in the duality of his nature is brought under two distinct
dominions; materially he is subject to the laws that govern matter,
mentally to the laws that govern mind; physiologically he is perfectly
made and non-progressive, psychologically he is embryonic and
progressive. Between these internal and external forces, between moral
and material activities there may be, in some instances, an apparent
antagonism. The mind may be developed in excess and to the detriment
of the body, and the body may be developed in excess and to the
detriment of the mind.

The animal man is a bundle of organs, with instincts implanted that
set them in motion; man intellectual is a bundle of sentiments, with
an implanted soul that keeps them effervescent; mankind in the mass,
society,--we see the fermentations, we mark the transitions; is there,
then, a soul in aggregated humanity as there is in individual
humanity?

The instincts of man's animality teach the organs to perform their
functions as perfectly at the first as at the last; the instincts of
man's intellectuality urge him on in an eternal race for something
better, in which perfection is never attained nor attainable; in
society, we see the constant growth, the higher and yet higher
development; now in this ever-onward movement are there instincts
which originate and govern action in the body social as in the body
individual? Is not society a bundle of organs, with an implanted Soul
of Progress, which moves mankind along in a resistless predetermined
march?

Nations are born and die; they appear first in a state of infancy or
savagism; many die in their childhood, some grow into manhood and rule
for a time the destinies of the world; finally, by sudden extinction,
or a lingering decrepitude, they disappear, and others take their
place. But in this ceaseless coming and going there is somewhere a
mysterious agency at work, making men better, wiser, nobler, whether
they will or not. This improvement is not the effect of volition; the
plant does not will to unfold, nor the immature animal to grow;
neither can the world of human kind cease to advance in mind and in
manners. Development is the inevitable incident of being. Nations,
under normal conditions, can no more help advancing than they can
throw themselves into a state of non-existence; than can the
individual stop his corporeal growth, or shut out from the intellect
every perception of knowledge, and become a living petrification. And
in whatever pertains to intellectual man this fundamental principle is
apparent. It underlies all moralities, governments, and religions, all
industries, arts, and commerce; it is the mainspring of every action,
the consequence of every cause; it is the great central idea toward
which all things converge; it is the object of all efforts, the end of
all successes; it absorbs all forces, and is the combined results of
innumerable agencies, good and evil.

Before the theory of Dr von Martius and his followers, that the
savage state is but a degeneration from something higher, can become
tenable, the whole order of nature must be reversed. Races may
deteriorate, civilized peoples relapse into barbarism, but such
relapse cannot take place except under abnormal conditions. We cannot
believe that any nation, once learning the use of iron would cast it
away for stone. Driven from an iron-yielding land, the knowledge of
iron might at last be forgotten, but its use would never be
voluntarily relinquished. And so with any of the arts or inventions of
man. Societies, like individuals, are born, mature, and decay; they
grow old and die; they may pause in their progress, become diseased,
and thereby lose their strength and retrograde, but they never turn
around and grow backward or ungrow,--they could not if they would.

[Sidenote: BRUTES CANNOT PROGRESS.]

In the brute creation this element of progress is wanting. The bird
builds its nest, the bee its cell, the beaver its dam, with no more
skill or elaboration to-day, than did the bird or bee or beaver
primeval. The instinct of animals does not with time become intellect;
their comforts do not increase, their sphere of action does not
enlarge. By domestication, stocks may be improved, but nowhere do we
see animals uniting for mutual improvement, or creating for themselves
an artificial existence. So in man, whose nature comprises both the
animal and the intellectual, the physical organism neither perceptibly
advances nor deteriorates. The features may, indeed, beam brighter
from the light of a purer intellectuality cast upon them from within,
but the hand, the eye, the heart, so far as we know, is no more
perfect now than in the days of Adam.

As viewed by Mr Bagehot, the body of the accomplished man "becomes, by
training, different from what it once was, and different from that of
the rude man, becomes charged with stored virtue and acquired faculty
which come away from it unconsciously." But the body of the
accomplished man dies, and the son can in no wise inherit it, whereas
the soul of his accomplishments does not die, but lives in the air,
and becomes part of the vital breath of society. And, again, "power
that has been laboriously acquired and stored up as statical in one
generation" sometimes, says Maudsley, "becomes the inborn faculty of
the next; and the development takes place in accordance with that law
of increasing speciality and complexity of adaption to external nature
which is traceable through the animal kingdom; or, in other words,
that law of progress, from the general to the special, in development,
which the appearance of nerve force amongst natural forces and the
complexity of the nervous system of man both illustrate." On the other
side John Stuart Mill is just as positive that culture is not
inherent. "Of all vulgar modes," he remarks, "of escaping from the
consideration of the effect of social and moral influences on the
human mind, the most vulgar is that of attributing the diversities of
conduct and character to inherent natural differences;" and, says Mr
Buckle, "we cannot safely assume that there has been any permanent
improvement in the moral or intellectual faculties of man, nor have we
any decisive ground for saying that those faculties are likely to be
greater in an infant born in the most civilized part of Europe, than
in one born in the wildest region of a barbarous country."

Whether or not the nervous system, which is the connective tissue
between man's animality and his intellectuality, transmits its subtle
forces from one generation to another, we may be sure that the mind
acts on the nerves, and the nerves on every part of the system, and
that the intelligence of the mind influences and governs the
materialism of the body, and the consequences in some way are felt by
succeeding generations; but that the mind becomes material, and its
qualities transmitted to posterity, is an hypothesis yet
unestablished.

[Sidenote: IMPROVEMENT PURELY INTELLECTUAL.]

Moreover we may safely conclude that the improvement of mankind is a
phenomenon purely intellectual.

Not that the improvement of the mind is wholly independent of the
condition of the body; for, as we shall hereafter see, so intimate is
the connection between the mind and the body, that the first step
toward intellectual advancement cannot be taken until the demands of
the body are satisfied. Nervous phenomena are dependent upon the same
nutritive processes that govern physical development; and that this
nerve force, through whose agency the system is charged with
intellectuality, as the molecule is charged with mechanical force,
does exist, is capable, to some extent, of transmitting acquirements
or artificial instincts from parent to child, we have every reason to
believe; but, so far as we know, intellectual force, _per se_, is no
more a transmittable entity than is the flesh-quivering of the slain
ox life.

The strangest part of it all is, that though wrought out by man as the
instrument, and while acting in the capacity of a free agent, this
spirit of progress is wholly independent of the will of man. Though in
our individual actions we imagine ourselves directed only by our free
will, yet in the end it is most difficult to determine what is the
result of free will, and what of inexorable environment. While we
think we are regulating our affairs, our affairs are regulating us. We
plan out improvements, predetermine the best course and follow it,
sometimes; yet, for all that, the principle of social progress is not
the man, is not in the man, forms no constituent of his physical or
psychical individual being; it is the social atmosphere into which the
man is born, into which he brings nothing and from which he takes
nothing. While a member of society he adds his quota to the general
fund and there leaves it; while acting as a free agent he performs his
part in working out this problem of social development, performs it
unconsciously, willing or unwilling he performs it, his baser passions
being as powerful instruments of progress as his nobler; for avarice
drives on intellect as effectually as benevolence, hate as love, and
selfishness does infinitely more for the progress of mankind than
philanthropy. Thus is humanity played upon by this principle of
progress, and the music sometimes is wonderful; green fields as if by
magic take the place of wild forests, magnificent cities rise out of
the ground, the forces of nature are brought under the dominion of
man's intelligence, and senseless substances endowed with speech and
action.

It is verily as Carlyle says; "under the strangest new vesture, the
old great truth (since no vesture can hide it) begins again to be
revealed: That man is what we call a miraculous creature, with
miraculous power over men; and, on the whole, with such a Life in him,
and such a World round him, as victorious Analysis, with her
Physiologies, Nervous Systems, Physic and Metaphysic, will never
completely name, to say nothing of explaining."

Thus, to sum up the foregoing premises: in society, between two or
more individuals, there is at work a mysterious energy, not unlike
that of force between molecules or life in the organism; this social
energy is under intelligent governance, not fortuitous nor causeless,
but reducible to fixed law, and capable of being wrought into a
science; is, moreover, a vital actuality, not an incident nor an
accident, but an entity, as attraction and repulsion are entities;
under this agency society, perforce, develops like the plant from a
germ. This energy acts on the intellect, and through the intellect on
the organism; acts independently of the will, and cannot be created or
destroyed by man; is not found in the brute creation, is not
transmittable by generation through individuals, is wrought out by man
as a free-will agent, though acting unconsciously, and is the product
alike of good and evil.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: CAUSES OF MAN'S DEVELOPMENT.]

As to the causes which originate progressional phenomena there are
differences of opinion. One sees in the intellect the germ of an
eternal unfolding; another recognizes in the soul-element the vital
principle of progress, and attributes to religion all the benefits of
enlightenment; one builds a theory on the ground-work of a fundamental
and innate morality; another discovers in the forces of nature the
controlling influence upon man's destiny; while yet others, as we have
seen, believe accumulative and inherent nervous force to be the media
through which culture is transmitted. Some believe that moral causes
create the physical, others that physical causes create the moral.

Thus Mr Buckle attempts to prove that man's development is wholly
dependent upon his physical surroundings. Huxley points to a system of
reflex actions,--mind acting on matter, and matter on mind,--as the
possible culture-basis. Darwin advances the doctrine of an evolution
from vivified matter as the principle of progressive development. In
the transmution of nerve-element from parents to children, Bagehot
sees "the continuous force which binds age to age, which enables each
to begin with some improvement on the last, if the last did itself
improve; which makes each civilization not a set of detached dots, but
a line of color, surely enhancing shade by shade." Some see in human
progress the ever-ruling hand of a divine providence, others the
results of man's skill; with some it is free will, with others
necessity; some believe that intellectual development springs from
better systems of government, others that wealth lies at the
foundation of all culture; every philosopher recognizes some cause,
invents some system, or brings human actions under the dominion of
some species of law.

As in animals of the same genus or species, inhabiting widely
different localities, we see the results of common instincts, so in
the evolutions of the human race, divided by time or space, we see the
same general principles at work. So too it would seem, whether species
are one or many, whether man is a perfectly created being or an
evolution from a lower form, that all the human races of the globe are
formed on one model and governed by the same laws. In the customs,
languages, and myths of ages and nations far removed from each other
in social, moral, and mental characteristics, innumerable and striking
analogies exist. Not only have all nations weapons, but many who are
separated from each other by a hemisphere use the same weapon; not
only is belief universal, but many relate the same myth; and to
suppose the bow and arrow to have had a common origin, or that all
flood-myths, and myths of a future life are but offshoots from Noachic
and Biblical narratives is scarcely reasonable.

It is easier to tell what civilization is not, and what it does not
spring from, than what it is and what its origin. To attribute its
rise to any of the principles, ethical, political, or material, that
come under the cognizance of man, is fallacy, for it is as much an
entity as any other primeval principle; nor may we, with Archbishop
Whately, entertain the doctrine that civilization never could have
arisen had not the Creator appeared upon earth as the first
instructor; for, unfortunately for this hypothesis, the aboriginals
supposedly so taught, were scarcely civilized at all, and compare
unfavorably with the other all-perfect works of creation; so that this
sort of reasoning, like innumerable other attempts of man to limit the
powers of Omnipotence, and narrow them down to our weak
understandings, is little else than puerility.

[Sidenote: SOCIETY ESSENTIAL TO INTELLECT.]

Nor, as we have seen, is this act of civilizing the effect of
volition; nor, as will hereafter more clearly appear, does it arise
from an inherent principle of good any more than from an inherent
principle of evil. The ultimate result, though difficult of proof, we
take for granted to be good, but the agencies employed for its
consummation number among them more of those we call evil than of
those we call good. The isolated individual never, by any possibility,
can become civilized like the social man; he cannot even speak, and
without a flow of words there can be no complete flow of thought.
Send him forth away from his fellow-man to roam the forest with the
wild beasts, and he would be almost as wild and beastlike as his
companions; it is doubtful if he would ever fashion a tool, but would
not rather with his claws alone procure his food, and forever remain
as he now is, the most impotent of animals. The intellect, by which
means alone man rises above other animals, never could work, because
the intellect is quickened only as it comes in contact with intellect.
The germ of development therein implanted cannot unfold singly any
more than the organism can bear fruit singly. It is a well-established
fact that the mind without language cannot fully develop; it is
likewise established that language is not inherent, that it springs up
between men, not in them. Language, like civilization, belongs to
society, and is in no wise a part or the property of the individual.
"For strangely in this so solid-seeming World," says Carlyle, "which
nevertheless is in continual restless flux, it is appointed that
Sound, to appearance the most fleeting, should be the most continuing
of all things." And further, as remarked by Herbert Spencer: "Now that
the transformation and equivalence of forces is seen by men of science
to hold not only throughout all inorganic actions, but throughout all
organic actions; now that even mental changes are recognized as the
correlatives of cerebral changes, which also conform to this
principle; and now that there must be admitted the corollary, that all
actions going on in a society are measured by certain antecedent
energies, which disappear in effecting them, while they themselves
become actual or potential energies from which subsequent actions
arise; it is strange that there should not have arisen the
consciousness that these higher phenomena are to be studied as lower
phenomena have been studied--not, of course, after the same physical
methods, but in conformity with the same principles."

We may hold then, a priori, that this progressional principle exists;
that it exists not more in the man than around him; that it requires
an atmosphere in which to live, as life in the body requires an
atmosphere which is its vital breath, and that this atmosphere is
generated only by the contact of man with man. Under analysis this
social atmosphere appears to be composed of two opposing
principles--good and evil--which, like attraction and repulsion, or
positive and negative electricity, underlie all activities. One is as
essential to progress as the other; either, in excess or
disproportionately administered, like an excess of oxygen or of
hydrogen in the air, becomes pernicious, engenders social disruptions
and decay which continue until the equilibrium is restored; yet all
the while with the progress of humanity the good increases while the
evil diminishes. Every impulse incident to humanity is born of the
union of these two opposing principles. For example, as I have said,
and will attempt more fully to show further on, association is the
first requisite of progress. But what is to bring about association?
Naked nomads will not voluntarily yield up their freedom, quit their
wanderings, hold conventions and pass resolutions concerning the
greatest good to the greatest number; patriotism, love, benevolence,
brotherly kindness, will not bring savage men together; extrinsic
force must be employed, an iron hand must be laid upon them which will
compel them to unite, else there can be no civilization; and to
accomplish this first great good to man,--to compel mankind to take
the initial step toward the amelioration of their condition,--it is
ordained that an evil, or what to us of these latter times is surely
an evil, come forward,--and that evil is War.

[Sidenote: EVIL AS A STIMULANT OF PROGRESS.]

Primeval man, in his social organization, is patriarchal, spreading
out over vast domains in little bands or families, just large enough
to be able successfully to cope with wild beasts. And in that state
humanity would forever remain did not some terrible cause force these
bands to confederate. War is an evil, originating in hateful passions
and ending in dire misery; yet without war, without this evil, man
would forever remain primitive. But something more is necessary. War
brings men together for a purpose, but it is insufficient to hold them
together; for when the cause which compacted them no longer exists,
they speedily scatter, each going his own way. Then comes in
superstition to the aid of progress. A successful leader is first
feared as a man, then reverenced as a supernatural being, and finally
himself, or his descendant, in the flesh or in tradition, is worshiped
as a god. Then an unearthly fear comes upon mankind, and the ruler,
perceiving his power, begins to tyrannize over his fellows. Both
superstition and tyranny are evils; yet, without war superstition and
tyranny, dire evils, civilization, which many deem the highest good,
never by any possibility, as human nature is, could be. But more of
the conditions of progress hereafter; what I wish to establish here
is, that evil is no less a stimulant of development than good, and
that in this principle of progress are manifest the same antagonism of
forces apparent throughout physical nature; the same oppugnant
energies, attractive and repulsive, positive and negative, everywhere
existing. It is impossible for two or more individuals to be brought
into contact with each other, whether through causes or for purposes
good or evil, without ultimate improvement to both. I say whether
through causes or for purposes good or evil, for, to the all-pervading
principle of evil, civilization is as much indebted as to the
all-pervading principle of good. Indeed, the beneficial influences of
this unwelcome element have never been generally recognized. Whatever
be this principle of evil, whatever man would be without it, the fact
is clearly evident that to it civilization, whatever that may be, owes
its existence. "The whole tendency of political economy and
philosophical history," says Lecky, "which reveal the physiology of
society, is to show that the happiness and welfare of mankind are
evolved much more from our selfish than what are termed our virtuous
acts." No wonder that devil-worship obtains, in certain parts, when to
his demon the savage finds himself indebted for skill not only to
overthrow subordinate deities, but to cure diseases, to will an enemy
to death, to minister to the welfare of departed friends, as well as
to add materially to his earthly store of comforts. The world, such as
it is, man finds himself destined for a time to inhabit. Within him
and around him the involuntary occupant perceives two agencies at
work; agencies apparently oppugnant, yet both tending to one
end--improvement; and Night or Day, Love or Crime, leads all souls to
the Good, as Emerson sings. The principle of evil acts as a perpetual
stimulant, the principle of good as a reward of merit. United in their
operation, there is a constant tendency toward a better condition, a
higher state; apart, the result would be inaction. For, civilization
being a progression and not a fixed condition, without incentives,
that is without something to escape from and something to escape to,
there could be no transition, and hence no civilization.

Had man been placed in the world perfected and sinless, obviously
there would be no such thing as progress. The absence of evil implies
perfect good, and perfect good perfect happiness. Were man sinless and
yet capable of increasing knowledge, the incentive would be wanting,
for, if perfectly happy, why should he struggle to become happier? The
advent of civilization is in the appearance of a want, and the first
act of civilization springs from the attempt to supply the want. The
man or nation that wants nothing remains inactive, and hence does not
advance; so that it is not in what we have but in what we have not
that civilization consists. These wants are forced upon us, implanted
within us, inseparable from our being; they increase with an
increasing supply, grow hungry from what they feed on; in quick
succession, aspirations, emulations, and ambitions spring up and
chase each other, keeping the fire of discontent ever glowing, and the
whole human race effervescent.

The tendency of civilizing force, like the tendency of mechanical
force, is toward an equilibrium, toward a never-attainable rest.
Obviously there can be no perfect equilibrium, no perfect rest, until
all evil disappears, but in that event the end of progress would be
attained, and humanity would be perfect and sinless.

Man at the outset is not what he may be, he is capable of improvement
or rather of growth; but childlike, the savage does not care to
improve, and consequently must be scourged into it. Advancement is the
ultimate natural or normal state of man; humanity on this earth is
destined some day to be relatively, if not absolutely, good and happy.

The healthy body has appetites, in the gratification of which lies its
chiefest enjoyment; the healthy mind has proclivities, the healthy
soul intuitions, in the exercise and activities of which the happiest
life is attainable; and in as far as the immaterial and immortal in
our nature is superior to the material and mortal, in so far does the
education and development of our higher nature contribute in a higher
degree to our present benefit and our future well-being.

[Sidenote: LABOR A CIVILIZING AGENT.]

There is another thought in this connection well worthy our attention.
In orthodox and popular parlance, labor is a curse entailed on man by
vindictive justice; yet viewed as a civilizing agent, labor is man's
greatest blessing. Throughout all nature there is no such thing found
as absolute inertness; and, as in matter, so with regard to our
faculties, no sooner do they begin to rest than they begin to rot, and
even in the rotting they can obtain no rest. One of the chief objects
of labor is to get gain, and Dr Johnson holds that "men are seldom
more innocently employed than when they are making money."

Human experience teaches, that in the effort is greater pleasure than
in the end attained; that labor is the normal condition of man; that in
acquisition, that is progress, is the highest happiness; that passive
enjoyment is inferior to the exhilaration of active attempt. Now
imagine the absence from the world of this spirit of evil, and what
would be the result? Total inaction. But before inaction can become
more pleasurable than action, man's nature must be changed. Not to say
that evil is a good thing, clearly there is a goodness in things evil;
and in as far as the state of escaping from evil is more pleasurable
than the state of evil escaped from, in so far is evil conducive to
happiness.

The effect of well-directed labor is twofold; by exercise our
faculties strengthen and expand, and at the same time the returns of
that labor give us leisure in which to direct our improved faculties
to yet higher aims. By continual efforts to increase material
comforts, greater skill is constantly acquired, and the mind asserts
more and more its independence. Increasing skill yields ever increased
delights, which encourage and reward our labor. This, up to a certain
point; but with wealth and luxury comes relaxed energy. Without
necessity there is no labor; without labor no advancement. Corporeal
necessity first forces corporeal activity; then the intellect goes to
work to contrive means whereby labor may be lessened and made more
productive.

[Sidenote: EVIL TENDS TO DISAPPEAR.]

The discontent which arises from discomfort, lies at the root of every
movement; but then comfort is a relative term and complete
satisfaction is never attained. Indeed, as a rule, the more squalid
and miserable the race, the more are they disposed to settle down and
content themselves in their state of discomfort. What is discomfort to
one is luxury to another; "the mark of rank in nature is capacity for
pain"; in following the intellectual life, the higher the culture the
greater the discontent; the greater the acquisition, the more eagerly
do men press forward toward some higher and greater imaginary good.
We all know that blessings in excess become the direst curses; but
few are conscious where the benefit of a blessing terminates and the
curse begins, and fewer still of those who are able thus to
discriminate have the moral strength to act upon that knowledge. As a
good in excess is an evil, so evil as it enlarges outdoes itself and
tends toward self-annihilation. If we but look about us, we must see
that to burn up the world in order to rid it of gross evil--a dogma
held by some--is unnecessary, for accumulative evils ever tend towards
reaction. Excessive evils are soonest remedied; the equilibrium of the
evil must be maintained, or the annihilation of the evil ensues.

Institutions and principles essentially good at one time are essential
evils at another time. The very aids and agencies of civilization
become afterward the greatest drags upon progress. At one time it
would seem that blind faith was essential to improvement, at another
time skepticism, at one time order and morality, at another time
lawlessness and rapine; for so it has ever been, and whether peace and
smiling plenty, or fierce upheavals and dismemberments predominate,
from every social spasm as well as fecund leisure, civilization shoots
forward in its endless course. The very evils which are regarded as
infamous by a higher culture were the necessary stepping-stones to
that higher life. As we have seen, no nation ever did or can emerge
from barbarism without first placing its neck under the yokes of
despotism and superstition; therefore, despotism and superstition, now
dire evils, were once essential benefits. No religion ever attained
its full development except under persecution. Our present evils are
constantly working out for humanity unforeseen good. All systems of
wrongs and fanaticisms are but preparing us for and urging us on to a
higher state.

If then civilization is a predestined, ineluctable, and eternal march
away from things evil toward that which is good, it must be that
throughout the world the principle of good is ever increasing and
that of evil decreasing. And this is true. Not only does evil
decrease, but the tendency is ever toward its disappearance. Gradually
the confines of civilization broaden; the central principle of human
progress attains greater intensity, and the mind assumes more and more
its lordly power over matter.

The moment we attempt to search out the cause of any onward movement
we at once encounter this principle of evil. The old-time aphorism
that life is a perpetual struggle; the first maxim of social ethics
'the greatest happiness to the greatest number'; indeed, every thought
and action of our lives points in the same direction. From what is it
mankind is so eager to escape; with what do we wrestle; for what do we
strive? We fly from that which gives pain to that which gives
pleasure; we wrestle with agencies which bar our escape from a state
of infelicity; we long for happiness.

[Sidenote: IS CIVILIZATION CONDUCIVE TO HAPPINESS?]

Then comes the question, What is happiness? Is man polished and
refined happier than man wild and unfettered; is civilization a
blessing or a curse? Rousseau, we know, held it to be the latter; but
not so Virey. "What!" he exclaims, "is he happier than the social
man, this being abandoned in his maladies, uncared for even by his
children in his improvident old age, exposed to ferocious beasts, in
fear of his own kind, even of the cannibal's tooth? The civilized man,
surrounded in his feebleness by affectionate attention, sustains a
longer existence, enjoys more pleasure and daily comforts, is better
protected against inclemencies of weather and all external ills. The
isolated man must suffice for himself, must harden himself to endure
any privation; his very existence depends upon his strength, and if
necessity requires it of him, he must be ready to abandon wife and
children and life itself at any moment. Such cruel misery is rare in
social life, where the sympathies of humanity are awakened, and freely
exercised."

Continue these simple interrogatories a little farther and see where
we land. Is the wild bird, forced to long migrations for endurable
climates and food, happier than the caged bird which buys a daily
plentiful supply for a song? Is the wild beast, ofttimes hungry and
hunted, happier than its chained brother of the menagerie? Is the wild
horse, galloping with its fellows over the broad prairie, happier than
the civilized horse of carriage, cart, or plow? May we not question
whether the merchant, deep in his speculating ventures, or the man of
law, poring over his brain-tearing brief, derives a keener sense of
enjoyment than does the free forest-native, following the war-path or
pursuing his game?

As I have attempted to show, civilization is not an end attained, for
man is never wholly civilized,--but only the effort to escape from an
evil, or an imaginary evil--savagism. I say an evil real or imaginary,
for as we have seen, the question has been seriously discussed whether
civilization is better or worse than savagism. For every advantage
which culture affords, a price must be paid,--some say too great a
price. The growth of the mind is dependent upon its cultivation, but
this cultivation may be voluntary or involuntary, it may be a thing
desired or a thing abhorred.

Every nation, every society, and every person has its or his own
standard of happiness. The miser delights in wealth, the city belle in
finery, the scholar in learning. The Christian's heaven is a spiritual
city, where they neither marry, nor are given in marriage; the
Norse-man's a Valhalla of alternate battle and wassail; the
Mahometan's, a paradise of houris and lazy sensuality. The martyr at
the stake, triumphant in his faith, may be happier than the man of
fashion dying of ennui and gout; the savage, wandering through forest
and over plain in pursuit of game, or huddled in his hut with wives
and children, may be happier than the care-laden speculator or the
wrangling politician. Content, the essence of all happiness, is as
prevalent among the poor and ill-mannered, as among the rich, refined
and civilized. _Ubi bene, ibi patria_, where it is well with me, there
is my country, is the motto of the Indian,--and to be well with him
signifies only to be beyond the reach of hunger and enemies. Ask the
savage which is preferable, a native or a cultured state, and he will
answer the former; ask the civilized man, and he will say the latter.
I do not see any greater absurdity in the wild man saying to the tamed
one: Give up the despotisms and diseases of society and throw yourself
with me upon beauteous, bounteous nature; than in the European saying
to the American: If you would find happiness, abandon your filth and
naked freedom, accept Christianity and cotton shirts, go to work in a
mission, rot on a reservation, or beg and starve in civilized fashion!

Of all animals, man alone has broken down the barriers of his nature
in civilizing, or, as Rousseau expresses it, in denaturalizing
himself; and for this denaturalization some natural good must be
relinquished; to every infringement of nature's law, there is a
penalty attached; for a more delicate organism the price is numberless
new diseases; for political institutions the price is native freedom.
With polished manners the candidate for civilization must accept
affectation, social despotism; with increasing wealth, increasing
wants; civilization engenders complexity in society, and in its turn
is engendered thereby. Peoples the most highly cultured are moved by
the most delicate springs; a finer touch, the result of greater skill,
with a finer tone, the result of greater experience, produces music
more and yet more exquisite.

[Sidenote: SUBJECTIVE AND OBJECTIVE HUMANITY.]

Were man only an animal, this denaturalization and more, would be
true. The tamed brute gives up all the benefits of savagism for few of
the blessings of civilization; in a cultured state, as compared to a
state of wild freedom, its ills are numberless, its advantages
infinitesimal. But human nature is twofold, objective and subjective,
the former typical of the savage state, the latter of the civilized.
Man is not wholly animal; and by cultivating the mind, that is, by
civilizing himself, he is no more denaturalized than by cultivating
the body, and thereby acquiring greater physical perfection. We cannot
escape our nature; we cannot re-create ourselves; we can only submit
ourselves to be polished and improved by the eternal spirit of
progress. The moral and the intellectual are as much constituents of
human nature as the physical; civilization, therefore, is as much the
natural state of man as savagism.

Another more plausible and partially correct assertion is, that by the
development of the subjective part of our nature, objective humanity
becomes degenerated. The intellectual cannot be wrought up to the
highest state of cultivation except at the expense of the physical,
nor the physical fully developed without limiting the mental. The
efforts of the mind draw from the energies of the body; the highest
and healthiest vigor of the body can only be attained when the mind is
at rest, or in a state of careless activity. In answer to which I
should say that beyond a certain point, it is true; one would hardly
train successfully for a prize fight and the tripos at the same time;
but that the non-intellectual savage, as a race, is physically
superior, capable of enduring greater fatigue, or more skillful in
muscular exercise than the civilized man is inconsistent with facts.
Civilization has its vices as well as its virtues, savagism has its
advantages as well as its demerits.

The evils of savagism are not so great as we imagine; its pleasures
more than we are apt to think. As we become more and more removed from
evils their magnitude enlarges; the fear of suffering increases as
suffering is less experienced and witnessed. If savagism holds human
life in light esteem, civilization makes death more hideous than it
really is; if savagism is more cruel, it is less sensitive. Combatants
accustomed to frequent encounter think lightly of wounds, and those
whose life is oftenest imperiled think least of losing it.
Indifference to pain is not necessarily the result of cruelty; it may
arise as well from the most exalted sentiment as from the basest.

Civilization not only engenders new vices, but proves the destroyer of
many virtues. Among the wealthier classes energy gives way to
enjoyment, luxury saps the foundation of labor, progress becomes
paralyzed, and with now and then a noble exception, but few earnest
workers in the paths of literature, science, or any of the departments
which tend to the improvement of mankind, are to be found among the
powerful and the affluent, while the middle classes are absorbed in
money-getting, unconsciously thereby, it is true, working toward the
ends of civilization.

That civilization is expedient, that it is a good, that it is better
than savagism, we who profess to be civilized entertain no doubt.
Those who believe otherwise must be ready to deny that health is
better than disease, truth than superstition, intellectual power than
stupid ignorance; but whether the miseries and vices of savagism, or
those of civilization are the greater, is another question. The
tendency of civilization is, on the whole, to purify the morals, to
give equal rights to man, to distribute more equally among men the
benefits of this world, to melioriate wholesale misery and
degradation, offer a higher aim and the means of accomplishing a
nobler destiny, to increase the power of the mind and give it dominion
over the forces of nature, to place the material in subservience to
the mental, to elevate the individual and regulate society. True, it
may be urged that this heaping up of intellectual fruits tends toward
monopoly, toward making the rich richer and the poor poorer, but I
still hold that the benefits of civilization are for the most part
evenly distributed; that wealth beyond one's necessity is generally a
curse to the possessor greater than the extreme of poverty, and that
the true blessings of culture and refinement like air and sunshine are
free to all.

Civilization, it is said, multiplies wants, but then they are
ennobling wants, better called aspirations, and many of these
civilization satisfies.

If civilization breeds new vices, old ones are extinguished by it.
Decency and decorum hide the hideousness of vice, drive it into dark
corners, and thereby raise the tone of morals and weaken vice. Thus
civilization promotes chastity, elevates woman, breaks down the
barriers of hate and superstition between ancient nations and
religions; individual energy, the influence of one over the many,
becomes less and less felt, and the power of the people becomes
stronger.

Civilization in itself can not but be beneficial to man; that which
makes society more refined, more intellectual, less bestial, more
courteous; that which cures physical and mental diseases, increases
the comforts and luxury of life, purifies religions, makes juster
governments, must surely be beneficial: it is the universal principle
of evil which impregnates all human affairs, alloying even current
coin, which raises the question. That there are evils attending
civilization as all other benefits, none can deny, but civilization
itself is no evil.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: CONDITIONS ESSENTIAL TO PROGRESS.]

If I have succeeded in presenting clearly the foregoing thoughts,
enough has been said as to the nature and essence of civilization; let
us now examine some of the conditions essential to intellectual
development. For it must not be forgotten that, while every department
of human progress is but the unfolding of a germ; while every tendency
of our life, every custom and creed of our civilization finds its
rudiment in savagism; while, as man develops, no new elements of human
nature are created by the process; while, as the organism of the child
is as complex and complete as the organism of the man, so is humanity
in a savage state the perfect germ of humanity civilized,--it must not
be forgotten in all this, that civilization cannot unfold except under
favorable conditions. Just as the plant, though endowed with life
which corresponds to the mind-principle in progress, requires for its
growth a suitable soil and climate, so this progressional phenomenon
must have soil and sunshine before it yields fruit; and this is
another proof that civilization is not in the man more than around
him; for if the principle were inherent in the individual, then the
Hyperborean, with his half year of light and half year of underground
darkness, must of necessity become civilized equally with the man born
amidst the sharpening jostles of a European capital, for in all those
parts that appertain solely to the intrinsic individual, the one
develops as perfectly as the other. A people undergoing the civilizing
process need not necessarily, does not indeed, advance in every
species of improvement at the same time; in some respects the nation
may be stationary, in others even retrograde. Every age and every
nation has its special line of march. Literature and the fine arts
reached their height in pagan Greece; monotheism among the Hebrews;
science unfolded in Egypt, and government in Rome.

In every individual there is some one talent that can be cultivated
more advantageously than any other; so it is with nations, every
people possesses some natural advantage for development in some
certain direction over every other people, and often the early history
of a nation, like the precocious proclivities of the child, points
toward its future; and in such arts and industries as its climate and
geographical position best enable it to develop, is discovered the
germ of national character. Seldom is the commercial spirit developed
in the interior of a continent, or the despotic spirit on the border
of the sea, or the predatory spirit in a country wholly devoid of
mountains and fastnesses. It cannot be said that one nation or race is
inherently better fitted for civilization than another; all may not be
equally fitted for exactly the same civilization, but all are alike
fitted for that civilization which, if left to itself, each will work
out.

Mankind, moreover, advances spasmodically, and in certain directions
only at a time, which is the greatest drawback to progress. As Lecky
remarks: "Special agencies, such as religious or political
institutions, geographical conditions, traditions, antipathies, and
affinities, exercise a certain retarding, accelerating, or deflecting
influence, and somewhat modify the normal progress." Perfect
development only is permanent, and that alone is perfect which
develops the whole man and the whole society equally in all its parts;
all the activities, mental, moral, and physical, must needs grow in
unison and simultaneously, and this alone is perfect and permanent
development. Should all the world become civilized there will still be
minor differences; some will advance further in one direction and some
in another, all together will form the complete whole.

Civilization as an exotic seldom flourishes. Often has the attempt
been made by a cultivated people to civilize a barbarous nation, and
as often has it failed. True, one nation may force its arts or
religion upon another, but to civilize is neither to subjugate nor
annihilate; foreigners may introduce new industries and new
philosophies, which the uncultured may do well to accept, but as
civilization is an unfolding, and not a creation, he who would advance
civilization must teach society how to grow, how to enlarge its better
self; must teach in what direction its highest interests lie.

* * * * *

Thus it appears that, while this germ of progress is innate in every
human society, certain conditions are more favorable to its
development than others,--conditions which act as stimulants or
impediments to progress. Often we see nations remain apparently
stationary, the elements of progress evenly balanced by opposing
influences, and thus they remain until by internal force, or external
pressure, their system expands or explodes, until they absorb or are
absorbed by antagonistic elements. The intrinsic force of the body
social appears to demand extrinsic prompting before it will manifest
itself. Like the grains of wheat in the hand of Belzoni's mummy, which
held life slumbering for three thousand years, and awoke to growth
when buried in the ground, so the element of human progress lies
dormant until planted in a congenial soil and surrounded by those
influences which provoke development.

This stimulant, which acts upon and unfolds the intellect, can be
administered only through the medium of the senses. Nerve force, which
precedes intellectual force, is supplied by the body; the cravings of
man's corporeal nature, therefore, must be quieted before the mind can
fix itself on higher things. The first step toward teaching a savage
is to feed him; the stomach satisfied he will listen to instruction,
not before.

Cultivation of at least the most necessary of the industrial arts
invariably precedes cultivation of the fine arts; the intellect must
be implanted in a satisfied body before it will take root and grow.
The mind must be allowed some respite from its attendance on the body,
before culture can commence; it must abandon its state of servitude,
and become master; in other words, leisure is an essential of culture.

As association is the primal condition of progress, let us see how
nature throws societies together or holds them asunder. In some
directions there are greater facilities for intercommunication
(another essential of improvement) than in other directions. Wherever
man is most in harmony with nature, there he progresses most rapidly;
wherever nature offers the greatest advantages, such as a sea that
invites to commerce, an elevated plateau lifting its occupants above
the malaria of a tropical lowland, a sheltering mountain range that
wards off inclement winds and bars out hostile neighbors, there
culture flourishes best.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: OBJECTIVE AND SUBJECTIVE STIMULANTS.]

So that humanity, in its twofold nature, is dependent for its
development upon two distinct species of stimulants, objective and
subjective. Material causations, or those forces which minister to the
requirements of man's material nature but upon which his intellectual
progress is dependent, are configurations of surface, soil, climate,
and food. Those physical conditions which, when favorable, give to
their possessors wealth and leisure, are the inevitable precursors of
culture. Immaterial causations are those forces which act more
directly upon man's immaterial nature, as association, religion,
wealth, leisure, and government. Continuing the analysis, let us first
examine physical stimulants. Admitting readily two of M. Taine's
primordial humanity-moving forces, 'le milieu' or environment, and his
'le moment' or inherited impulse, we will pass over the third force 'la
race';--for inherent differences in race, in the present stage of
science, are purely hypothetical; it remains yet to be proved that one
nation is primarily inherently inferior or superior to another nation.
That man once created is moulded and modified by his environment,
there can be no doubt. Even a cursory survey of the globe presents
some indications favorable and unfavorable to the unfolding of the
different forms of organic being.

Great continents, for instance, appear to be congenial to the
development of animal life; islands and lesser continents to the
growth of exuberant vegetation. Thus, in the eastern hemisphere, which
is a compact oval, essentially continental, with vast areas far
removed from the influence of the ocean, flourish the elephant, the
hippopotamus, the rhinoceros, the courageous lion, the fierce tiger,
the largest and lordliest of animal kind, while in the more oceanic
western hemisphere inferior types prevail. Cold and dryness
characterize the one; heat and humidity the other; in one are the
greatest deserts, in the other the greatest lakes and rivers. Warm
oceanic currents bathe the frosty shores of the northern extremities
of the continents and render them habitable; the moisture-laden
equatorial atmosphere clothes the adjacent islands and firm land in
emerald verdure. Upon the same parallel of latitude are the great
Sahara Desert of Africa, and the wilderness of luxuriant billowy
foliage of the American Isthmus. In warm, moist climates, such species
of animal life attain the fullest development as are dependent upon
the aqueous and herbous agencies. In tropical America are seen the
largest reptiles, the most gorgeous insects,--there the inhabitants of
warm marshes and sluggish waters assume gigantic proportions, while
only upon the broad inland prairies or upon elevated mountain ranges,
away from the influences of warm waters and humid atmospheres, are
found the buffalo, bear, and elk. The very complexion and temperament
of man are affected by these vegetative and umbrageous elements.
Unprotected from the perpendicular rays of the sun, the African is
black, muscular, and cheerful; under the shadow of primeval forest,
man assumes a coppery hue, lacking the endurance of the negro, and
becomes in disposition cold and melancholy.

And again, if we look for the natural causes which tend to promote or
retard association, we find in climates and continental configurations
the chief agencies. The continent of the two Americas, in its greatest
length, lies north and south, the eastern continental group extends
east and west. Primitive people naturally would spread out in those
directions which offered the least change of climate from that of the
primitive centre. Obviously, variations of climate are greater in
following a meridian than along a parallel of latitude. Thus, the
tropical man passing along a meridian is driven back by unendurable
cold, while a continent may be traversed on any parallel, elevations
excepted, with but little variation in temperature. A savage, exposed
and inexperienced, not knowing how to protect himself against severe
changes of climate, could not travel far in a northerly or southerly
direction without suffering severely from the cold or heat; hence,
other things being equal, the inhabitants of a country whose greatest
length lay east and west, would intermingle more readily than those
whose territory extended north and south.

[Sidenote: CLIMATE AND MOUNTAIN RANGES.]

That the eastern hemisphere attained a higher degree of civilization
than the western, may be partly due to the fact, that the former
presents wider spaces of uniform climate than the latter. The climatic
zones of the New World, besides being shorter, are intersected by
mountain barriers, which tend to retard the intercourse that would
otherwise naturally follow. Thus the Mexican table-land, the seat of
Aztec civilization, is a _tierra fria_ situated above the insalubrious
_tierra caliente_ of either coast and the healthful _tierra templada_
of the slopes, but below the mountain ranges which rise from this
table-land, forming a _tierra frígida_, a region of perpetual snow. To
this day, the natives of the Mexican plateau cannot live on the
sea-coast, though less than a day's journey distant.

Between the climatic zones which extend through Europe and Asia, there
are contrasts as marked and changes as sudden, but these differences
are between the different zones rather than between longitudinal
sections of the same zone. Hence, in the old world, where climatic
zones are separated by mountain ranges which make the transition from
one to the other sudden and abrupt, we see a greater diversity of race
than in America, where the natural barriers extend north and south and
intersect the climatic zones, thereby bringing the inhabitants along a
meridian in easier communication than those who live in the same
latitude but who are separated by mountains, table-lands and large
rivers. That is, if color and race are dependent on climate, America
should offer greater varieties in color and race than Europe, for
America traverses the most latitudes; but the mountain barriers of
America extend north and south, thereby forcing its people to
intermingle, if at all, in that direction, while the chief ranges of
the eastern continent extend east and west, parallel with climatic
zones, thereby forming in themselves distinctly marked lines between
peoples, forcing the African to remain under his burning sun, and the
northmen in their cooler latitudes; so that in the several climatic
zones of the old world, we see the human race distinctly marked,
Aryan, Semitic, and Turanian--white, black, and yellow--while
throughout the two Americas, from Alaska to Tierra del Fuego, type and
color are singularly uniform.

* * * * *

Who can picture the mighty tide of humanity, which, while the eastern
hemisphere has been developing so high a state of culture, in America
has ebbed and flowed between barbarisms and civilizations? Through
what long and desperate struggles, continuing age after age through
the lives of nations, now advancing, now receding, have these peoples
passed? Asia, from its central position and favorable climate, would
seem naturally to encourage a redundant population and a spontaneous
civilization; the waters of the Mediterranean invite commerce and
intercommunication of nations, while the British Isles, from their
insular situation and distance from hypothetical primitive centres,
would seem necessarily to remain longer in a state of barbarism. In
the Pacific States of North America we find the densest population
north along the shores of the ocean, and south on the cordillera
table-land, from the fact that the former offers the best facilities
for food and locomotion until the latter is reached, when the interior
presents the most favorable dwelling-place for man.

Climate affects both mental and moral endowments, the temperament of
the body, and the texture of the brain; physical energy, and mental
vigor. Temperate climates are more conducive to civilization, not for
the reason given by Mr Harris, "as developing the higher qualities,
and not invigorating the baser feelings", for the Hyperborean is as
unchaste and as great a slave to passion as the sub-equatorial
man--but because a temperate climate, while it lures to exertion,
rewards the laborer.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: THE INFLUENCE OF FOOD.]

Next, let us consider the agency of food in human development. The
effect of food is to supply the body with caloric, which is essential
to its life, and to repair the muscular fibres which are constantly
undergoing waste in our daily activities. These two effects are
produced by two different kinds of diet; carbonized food, such as
animal flesh, fish, oils and fats, and oxidized food, which consists
chiefly of vegetables. In hot climates, obviously, less carbonized
food is required to keep up the necessary temperature of the body than
in cold climates. Hence it is, that hyperborean nations subsist on
whale's blubber, oil, and flesh, while the tropical man confines
himself almost exclusively to a vegetable diet.

It is not my purpose here to enter into the relative effects of the
different kinds of food on physiological and mental development; I
desire, however, to call attention to the comparative facility with
which carbonized and oxidized food is procured by man, and to note the
effect of this ease or difficulty in obtaining a food supply, upon his
progress. In warm, humid climates vegetation is spontaneous and
abundant; a plentiful supply of food may, therefore, be obtained with
the smallest expenditure of labor. The inhabitants of cold climates,
however, are obliged to pursue, by land and water, wild and powerful
animals, to put forth all their strength and skill in order to secure
a precarious supply of the necessary food. Then, again, besides being
more difficult to obtain, and more uncertain as to a steady supply,
the quantity of food consumed in a cold climate is much greater than
that consumed in a hot climate. Now as leisure is essential to
cultivation, and as without a surplus of food and clothing there can
be no leisure, it would seem to follow naturally that in those
countries where food and clothing are most easily obtained culture
should be the highest; since so little time and labor are necessary
to satisfy the necessities of the body, the mind would have
opportunity to expand. It would seem that a fertile soil, an exuberant
vegetation, soft skies and balmy air, a country where raiment was
scarcely essential to comfort, and where for food the favored
inhabitant had but to pluck and eat, should become the seat of a
numerous population and a high development. Is this the fact?
"Wherever snow falls," Emerson remarks, "there is usually civil
freedom. Where the banana grows, the animal system is indolent, and
pampered at the cost of higher qualities; the man is sensual and
cruel;" and we may add that where wheat grows, there is civilization,
where rice is the staple, there mental vigor is relaxed.

Heat and moisture being the great vegetative stimulants, tropical
lands in proximity to the sea are covered with eternal verdure. Little
or no labor is required to sustain life; for food there is the
perpetually ripening fruit, a few hours' planting, sometimes, being
sufficient to supply a family for months; for shelter, little more
than the dense foliage is necessary, while scarcely any clothing is
required.

But although heat and moisture, the great vegetative stimulants, lie
at the root of primitive progress, these elements in superabundance
defeat their own ends, and in two ways: First, excessive heat
enervates the body and prostrates the mind, languor and inertia become
chronic, while cold is invigorating and prompts to activity. And in
tropical climates certain hours of the day are too hot for work, and
are, consequently, devoted to sleep. The day is broken into fragments;
continuous application, which alone produces important results, is
prevented, and habits of slackness and laxity become the rule of life.
Satisfied, moreover, with the provisions of nature for their support,
the people live without labor, vegetating, plant-like, through a
listless and objectless life. Secondly, vegetation, stimulated by
excessive heat and moisture, grows with such strength and rapidity as
to defy the efforts of inexperienced primitive man; nature becomes
domineering, unmanageable, and man sinks into insignificance. Indeed
the most skillful industry of armed and disciplined civilization is
unable to keep under control this redundancy of tropical vegetation.
The path cleared by the pioneer on penetrating the dense undergrowth,
closes after him like the waters of the sea behind a ship; before the
grain has time to spring up, the plowed field is covered with rank
weeds, wild flowers, and poisonous plants no less beautiful than
pernicious. I have seen the very fence-posts sprouting up and growing
into trees. So destructive is the vegetation of the Central American
lowlands, that in their triumphal march the persistent roots penetrate
the crevices of masonry, demolish strong walls, and obliterate
stupendous tumuli. The people whose climate makes carbonized food a
necessity, are obliged to call into action their bolder and stronger
faculties in order to obtain their supplies, while the vegetable-eater
may tranquilly rest on bounteous nature. The Eskimo struggles manfully
with whale, and bear, and ice, and darkness, until his capacious
stomach is well filled with heat-producing food, then he dozes
torpidly in his den while the supply lasts; the equatorial man plucks
and eats, basks in the open air, and sleeps.

[Sidenote: UNMANAGEABLENESS OF REDUNDANT NATURE.]

Here we have a medley of heterogeneous and antagonistic elements.
Leisure is essential to culture; before leisure there must be an
accumulation of wealth; the accumulation of wealth is dependent upon
the food-supply; a surplus of food can only be easily obtained in warm
climates. But labor is also essential to development, and excessive
heat is opposed to labor. Labor, moreover, in order to produce leisure
must be remunerative, and excessive cold is opposed to accumulation.
It appears, therefore, that an excess of labor and an excess of
leisure are alike detrimental to improvement. Again, heat and moisture
are essential to an abundant supply of oxidized food. But heat and
moisture, especially in tropical climates, act as a stimulant upon
other rank productions, engendering dense forests, tangled brush-wood,
and poisonous shrubs, and filling miasmatic marshes with noxious
reptiles. These enemies to human progress the weaponless savage is
unable to overcome.

It is, therefore, neither in hot and humid countries, nor in
excessively cold climates, that we are to look for a primitive
civilization; for in the latter nature lies dormant, while in the
former the redundancy of nature becomes unmanageable. It is true that
in the tropics of America and Asia are found the seats of many ancient
civilizations, but if we examine them one after the other, we shall
see, in nearly every instance, some opposite or counteracting agency.
Thus, the Aztecs, though choosing a low latitude in proximity to both
oceans, occupied an elevated table-land, in a cool, dry atmosphere,
seven or eight thousand feet above the level of the sea. The river
Nile, by its periodic inundations, forced the ancient Egyptians to lay
by a store of food, which is the very first step toward wealth. The
rivers of India are, some of them, subject to like overflowings, while
the more elevated parts are dry and fertile.

Egypt was the cradle of European development. Long before the advent
of Christianity, the fertile banks of the Nile, for their pyramidal
tombs, their colossi, their obelisks and catacombs and sphinxes and
temples, were regarded by surrounding barbarians as a land of miracles
and marvels. Thence Greece derived her earliest arts and maxims. The
climate of Egypt was unchangeable, and the inundations of the Nile
offered a less uncertain water-supply than the rains of many other
districts, and thus agriculture, while offering to the laborer the
greater part of the year for leisure, was almost certain to be
remunerative. Common instincts and common efforts, uniformity of
climate and identity of interests produced a homogeneous people, and
forty centuries of such changeless coming and going could not fail to
result in improvement.

[Sidenote: MR BUCKLE'S THEORY.]

Mr Buckle, in his attempt to establish a universal theory that heat
and moisture inevitably engender civilization, and that without those
combined agencies no civilization can arise, somewhat overreaches
himself. "In America, as in Asia and Africa," he says, "all the
original civilizations were seated in hot countries; the whole of
Peru, proper, being within the southern tropic, the whole of Central
America and Mexico within the northern tropic." The fact is, that
Cuzco, the capital city of the Incas, is in the cordilleras, three
hundred miles from and eleven thousand feet above the sea. For the
latitude the climate is both cold and dry. The valley of Mexico is
warmer and moister, but cannot be called hot and humid. Palenque and
Copan approach nearer Mr Buckle's ideal than Cuzco or Mexico, being
above the tierra caliente proper, and yet in a truly hot and humid
climate.

The Hawaiian Islands,--an isolated group of lava piles, thrown up into
the trade winds on the twentieth parallel, and by these winds deluged
on one side with rain, while the other is left almost dry, with but
little alluvial soil, and that little exceedingly fertile,--at the
time of their discovery by Captain Cook appeared to have made no
inconsiderable advance toward feudalism. Systems of land tenure and
vassalage were in operation, and some works for the public weal had
been constructed. Here were the essentials for a low order of
improvement such as was found there, but which never, in all
probability, would have risen much higher.

Again, Mr Buckle declares that, "owing to the presence of physical
phenomena, the civilization of America was, of necessity, confined to
those parts where alone it was found by the discoverers of the New
World." An apparently safe postulate; but, upon any conceivable
hypothesis, there are very many places as well adapted to development
as those in which it was found. Once more: "The two great conditions
of fertility have not been united in any part of the continent north
of Mexico." When we consider what it is, namely, heat and humidity,
upon which Mr Buckle makes intellectual evolution dependent, and that
not only the Mexican plateau lacked both these essentials, in the full
meaning of the term, but that both are found in many places northward,
as for instance, in some parts of Texas and in Louisiana, a
discrepancy in his theory becomes apparent. "The peculiar
configuration of the land," he continues, "secured a very large amount
of coast, and thus gave to the southern part of North America the
character of an island." An island, yes, but, as M. Guyot terms it, an
"aerial island;" bordered on either side by sea-coast, but by such
sea-coast as formed an almost impassable barrier between the
table-land and the ocean.

"While, therefore," adds Mr Buckle, "the position of Mexico near the
equator gave it heat, the shape of the land gave it humidity; and this
being the only part of North America in which these two conditions
were united it was likewise the only part which was at all civilized.
There can be no doubt, that if the sandy plains of California and
Southern Columbia, instead of being scorched into sterility, had been
irrigated by the rivers of the east, or if the rivers of the east had
been accompanied by the heat of the west, the result of either
combination would have been that exuberance of soil, by which, as the
history of the world decisively proves, every early civilization was
preceded. But inasmuch as, of the two elements of fertility, one was
deficient in every part of America north of the twentieth parallel, it
followed that, until that line was passed, civilization could gain no
resting place; and there never has been found, and we may confidently
assert never will be found, any evidence that even a single ancient
nation, in the whole of that enormous continent, was able to make much
progress in the arts of life, or organize itself into a fixed and
permanent society." This is a broad statement embodying precipitate
deductions from false premises, and one which betrays singular
ignorance of the country and its climate. These same "sandy plains of
California" so far from being "scorched into sterility", are to-day
sending their cereals in every direction--to the east and to the
west--and are capable of feeding all Europe.

[Sidenote: WHY WERE CALIFORNIANS NOT CIVILIZED?]

I have often wondered why California was not the seat of a primitive
civilization; why, upon every converging line the race deteriorates as
this centre is approached; why, with a cool, salubrious seaboard, a
hot and healthful interior, with alternate rainy and dry seasons,
alternate seasons of labor and leisure which encourage producing and
hoarding and which are the primary incentives to accumulation and
wealth, in this hot and cool, moist and dry, and invigorating
atmosphere, with a fertile soil, a climate which in no part of the
year can be called cold or inhospitable, should be found one of the
lowest phases of humanity on the North American continent. The cause
must be sought in periods more remote, in the convulsions of nature
now stilled; in the tumults of nations whose history lies forgotten,
forever buried in the past. Theories never will solve the mystery.
Indeed, there is no reason why the foundations of the Aztec and
Maya-Quiché civilizations may not have been laid north of the
thirty-fifth parallel, although no architectural remains have been
discovered there, nor other proof of such an origin; but upon the
banks of the Gila, the Colorado, and the Rio Grande, in Chihuahua, and
on the hot dry plains of Arizona and New Mexico, far beyond the limits
of Mr Buckle's territory where "there never has been found, and we may
confidently assert never will be found" any evidence of progress, are
to-day walled towns inhabited by an industrial and agricultural
people, whose existence we can trace back for more than three
centuries, besides ruins of massive buildings of whose history nothing
is known.

Thus, that California and many other parts of North America could not
have been the seat of a primitive civilization, cannot be proved upon
the basis of any physical hypothesis; and, indeed, in our attempt to
elucidate the principles of universal progress, where the mysterious
and antagonistic activities of humanity have been fermenting all
unseen for thousands of ages, unknown and unknowable, among peoples of
whom our utmost knowledge can be only such as is derived from a
transient glimpse of a disappearing race, it is with the utmost
difficulty that satisfactory conclusions can in any instance be
reached.

It is in a temperate climate, therefore, that man attains the highest
development. On the peninsulas of Greece and Italy, where the
Mediterranean invites intercourse; in Iran and Armenia, where the
climate is cold enough to stimulate labor, but not so cold as to
require the use of all the energies of body and mind in order to
acquire a bare subsistence; warm enough to make leisure possible, but
not so warm as to enervate and prostrate the faculties; with a soil of
sufficient fertility to yield a surplus and promote the accumulation
of wealth, without producing such a redundancy of vegetation as to be
unmanageable by unskilled, primitive man--there it is that we find the
highest intellectual culture.

It sometimes happens that, in those climates which are too vigorous
for the unfolding of the tender germ, cultivation is stimulated into
greater activity than in its original seats. It sometimes happens
that, when the shell of savagism is once fairly broken, a people may
overcome a domineering vegetation, and flourish in a climate where by
no possibility could their development have originated. Even in the
frozen regions of the north, as in Scandinavia, man, by the intensity
of his nature, was enabled to surmount the difficulties of climate and
attain a fierce, rude cultivation. The regions of Northern Europe and
Northern America, notwithstanding their original opposition to man,
are to-day the most fruitful of all lands in industrial discoveries
and intellectual activities, but in the polar regions, as in the
equatorial, the highest development never can be reached.

The conditions which encourage indigenous civilization are not always
those that encourage permanent development, and vice versa. Thus,
Great Britain in her insulation, remained barbarous long after Greece
and Italy had attained a high degree of cultivation, yet when once the
seed took root, that very insulation acted as a wall of defense,
within which a mighty power germinated and with its influence
overspread the whole earth.

Thus we have seen that a combination of physical conditions is
essential to intellectual development. Without leisure, there can be
no culture, without wealth no leisure, without labor no wealth, and
without a suitable soil and climate no remunerative labor.

Now, throughout the material universe, there is no object or element
which holds its place, whether at rest or in motion, except under
fixed laws; no atom of matter nor subtle mysterious force, no breath
of air, nor cloudy vapor nor streak of light, but in existing obeys a
law. The Almighty fiat: Be fruitful and multiply, fruitful in
increase, intellectual as well as physical, was given alike to all
mankind; seeds of progress were sown broadcast throughout all the
races human; some fell on stony places, others were choked with weeds,
others found good soil. When we see a people in the full enjoyment of
all these physical essentials to progress yet in a state of savagism,
we may be sure that elements detrimental to progress have, at some
period of their history, interposed to prevent natural growth. War,
famine, pestilence, convulsions of nature, have nipped in the bud many
an incipient civilization, whose history lies deep buried in the
unrecorded past.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ASSOCIATION AN ELEMENT OF PROGRESS.]

The obvious necessity of association as a primary condition of
development leaves little to be said on that subject. To the
manifestation of this Soul of Progress a body social is requisite, as
without an individual body there can be no manifestation of an
individual soul. This body social, like the body individual, is
composed of numberless organs, each having its special functions to
perform, each acting on the others, and all under the general
government of the progressional idea. Civilization is not an
individual attribute, and though the atom, man, may be charged with
stored energy, yet progress constitutes no part of individual nature;
it is something that lies between men and not within them; it belongs
to society and not to the individual; man, the molecule of society,
isolate, is inert and forceless. The isolated man, as I have said,
never can become cultivated, never can form a language, does not
possess in its fullness the faculty of abstraction, nor can his mind
enter the realm of higher thought. All those characteristics which
distinguish mankind from animal-kind become almost inoperative.
Without association there is no speech, for speech is but the
conductor of thought between two or more individuals; without words
abstract thought cannot flow, for words, or some other form of
expression, are the channels of thought, and with the absence of words
the fountain of thought is in a measure sealed.

At the very threshold of progress social crystallization sets in;
something there is in every man that draws him to other men. In the
relationship of the sexes, this principle of human attraction reaches
its height, where the husband and wife, as it were, coalesce, like the
union of one drop of water with another, forming one globule. As
unconsciously and as positively are men constrained to band together
into societies as are particles forced to unite and form crystals. And
herein is a law as palpable and as fixed as any law in nature; a law,
which if unfulfilled, would result in the extermination of the race.
But the law of human attraction is not perfect, does not fulfill its
purpose apart from the law of human repulsion, for as we have seen,
until war and despotism and superstition and other dire evils come,
there is no progress. Solitude is insupportable, even beasts will not
live alone; and men are more dependent on each other than beasts.
Solitude carries with it a sense of inferiority and insufficiency; the
faculties are stinted, lacking completeness, whereas volume is added
to every individual faculty by union.

[Sidenote: COÖPERATION AND THE DIVISION OF LABOR.]

But association simply, is not enough; nothing materially great can be
accomplished without union and coöperation. It is only when
aggregations of families intermingle with other aggregations, each
contributing its quota of original knowledge to the other; when the
individual gives up some portion of his individual will and property
for the better protection of other rights and property; when he
entrusts society with the vindication of his rights; when he depends
upon the banded arm of the nation, and not alone upon his own arm for
redress of grievances, that progress is truly made. And with union and
coöperation comes the division of labor by which means each, in some
special department, is enabled to excel. By fixing the mind wholly
upon one thing, by constant repetition and practice, the father hands
down his art to the son, who likewise, improves it for his
descendants. It is only by doing a new thing, or by doing an old thing
better than it has ever been done before, that progress is made. Under
the régime of universal mediocrity the nation does not advance; it is
to the great men,--great in things great or small, that progress is
due; it is to the few who think, to the few who dare to face the
infinite universe of things and step, if need be, outside an old-time
boundary, that the world owes most.

Originally implanted is the germ of intelligence, at the first but
little more than brute instinct. This germ in unfolding undergoes a
double process; it throws off its own intuitions and receives in
return those of another. By an interchange of ideas, the experiences
of one are made known for the benefit of another, the inventions of
one are added to the inventions of another; without intercommunication
of ideas the intellect must lie dormant. Thus it is with individuals,
and with societies it is the same. Acquisitions are eminently
reciprocal. In society, wealth, art, literature, polity, and religion
act and react on each other; in science a fusion of antagonistic
hypotheses is sure to result in important developments. Before much
progress can be made, there must be established a commerce between
nations for the interchange of aggregated human experiences, so that
the arts and industries acquired by each may become the property of
all the rest, and thus knowledge becomes scattered by exchange, in
place of each having to work out every problem for himself. Thus
viewed, civilization is a partnership entered into for mutual
improvement; a joint stock operation, in which the product of every
brain contributes to a general fund for the benefit of all. No one can
add to his own store of knowledge without adding to the general store;
every invention, and discovery, however insignificant, is a
contribution to civilization.

In savagism, union and coöperation are imperfectly displayed. The
warriors of one tribe unite against the warriors of another; a band
will coöperate in pursuing a herd of buffalo; even one nation will
sometimes unite with another nation against a third, but such
combinations are temporary, and no sooner is the particular object
accomplished than the confederation disbands, and every man is again
his own master. The moment two or more persons unite for the
accomplishment of some purpose which shall tend permanently to
meliorate the condition of themselves and others, that moment progress
begins. The wild beasts of the forest, acting in unison, were
physically able to rise up and extirpate primitive man, but could
beasts in reality confederate and do this, such confederation of wild
beasts could become civilized.

[Sidenote: THE SAVAGE HATES CIVILIZATION.]

But why does primitive man desire to abandon his original state and
set out upon an arduous never-ending journey? Why does he wish to
change his mild paternal government, to relinquish his title to lands
as broad as his arm can defend, with all therein contained, the common
property of his people? Why does he wish to give up his wild freedom,
his native independence, and place upon his limbs the fetters of a
social and political despotism? He does not. The savage hates
civilization as he hates his deadliest foe; its choicest benefits he
hates more than the direst ills of his own unfettered life. He is
driven to it; driven to it by extraneous influences, without his
knowledge and against his will; he is driven to it by this Soul of
Progress. It is here that this progressional phenomenon again appears
outside of man and in direct opposition to the will of man; it is here
that the principle of evil again comes in and stirs men up to the
accomplishment of a higher destiny. By it Adam, the first of recorded
savages, was driven from Eden, where otherwise he would have remained
forever, and remained uncivilized. By it our ancestors were impelled
to abandon their simple state, and organize more heterogeneous complex
forms of social life. And it is a problem for each nation to work out
for itself. Millions of money are expended for merely proselyting
purposes, when if the first principles of civilization were well
understood, a more liberal manner of teaching would prevail.

Every civilization has its peculiarities, its idiosyncrasies. Two
individuals attempting the same thing differ in the performance; so
civilization evolving under incidental and extraneous causes takes an
individuality in every instance. This is why civilizations will not
coalesce; this is why the Spaniards could make the Aztecs accept their
civilization only at the point of the sword. Development engendered by
one set of phenomena will not suit the developments of other
circumstances. The government, religion, and customs of one people
will not fit another people any more than the coat of one person will
suit the form of another. Thought runs in different channels; the
happiness of one is not the happiness of another; development springs
from inherent necessity, and one species cannot be engrafted on
another.

* * * * *

Let us now examine the phenomena of government and religion in their
application to the evolution of societies, and we shall better
understand how the wheels of progress are first set in motion,--and by
religion I do not mean creed or credulity, but that natural cultus
inherent in humanity, which is a very different thing. Government is
early felt to be a need of society; the enforcement of laws which
shall bring order out of social chaos; laws which shall restrain the
vicious, protect the innocent, and punish the guilty; which shall act
as a shield to inherent budding morality. But before government, there
must arise some influence which will band men together. An early evil
to which civilization is indebted is war; the propensity of
man--unhappily not yet entirely overcome--for killing his fellow-man.

[Sidenote: GOVERNMENT AND RELIGION.]

The human race has not yet attained that state of homogeneous felicity
which we sometimes imagine; upon the surface, we yet bear many of the
relics of barbarism; under cover of manners, we hide still more. War
is a barbarism which civilization only intensifies, as indeed
civilization intensifies every barbarism which it does not eradicate
or cover up. The right of every individual to act as his own avenger;
trial by combat; justice dependent upon the passion or caprice of the
judge or ruler and not upon fixed law; hereditary feuds and migratory
skirmishes; these and the like are deemed barbarous, while every
nation of the civilized world maintains a standing army, applies all
the arts and inventions of civilization to the science of killing, and
upon sufficient provocation, as a disputed boundary or a fancied
insult, no greater nor more important than that which moved our
savage ancestors to like conduct, falls to, and after a respectable
civilized butchery of fifty or a hundred thousand men, ceases
fighting, and returns, perhaps, to right and reason as a basis for the
settlement of the difficulty. War, like other evils which have proved
instruments of good, should by this time have had its day, should have
served its purpose. Standing armies, whose formation was one of the
first and most important steps in association and partition of labor,
are but the manifestation of a lingering necessity for the use of
brute force in place of moral force in the settlement of national
disputes. Surely, rational beings who retain the most irrational
practices concerning the simplest principles of social life cannot
boast of a very high order of what we are pleased to call
civilization. Morality, commerce, literature, and industry, all that
tends toward elevation of intellect, is directly opposed to the
warlike spirit. As intellectual activity increases, the taste for war
decreases, for an appeal to war in the settlement of difficulties is
an appeal from the intellectual to the physical, from reason to brute
force.

Despotism is an evil, but despotism is as essential to progress as any
good. In some form despotism is an inseparable adjunct of war. An
individual or an idea may be the despot, but without cohesion, without
a strong central power, real or imaginary, there can be no unity, and
without unity no protracted warfare. In the first stages of government
despotism is as essential as in the last it is noxious. It holds
society together when nothing else would hold it, and at a time when
its very existence depends upon its being so held. And not until a
moral inherent strength arises sufficient to burst the fetters of
despotism, is a people fit for a better or milder form of government;
for not until this inherent power is manifest is there sufficient
cohesive force in society to hold it together without being hooped by
some such band as despotism. Besides thus cementing society, war
generates many virtues, such as courage, discipline, obedience,
chivalrous bearing, noble thought; and the virtues of war, as well as
its vices, help to mould national character.

Slavery to the present day has its defenders, and from the first it
has been a preventive of a worse evil,--slaughter. Savages make slaves
of their prisoners of war, and if they do not preserve them for slaves
they kill them. The origin of the word, _servus_, from _servare_, to
preserve, denotes humane thought rather than cruelty. Discipline is
always necessary to development, and slavery is another form of savage
discipline. Then, by systems of slavery, great works were
accomplished, which, in the absence of arts and inventions, would not
have been possible without slavery. And again, in early societies
where leisure is so necessary to mental cultivation and so difficult
to obtain, slavery, by promoting leisure, aids elevation and
refinement. Slaves constitute a distinct class, devoted wholly to
labor, thereby enabling another class to live without labor, or to
labor with the intellect rather than with the hands.

Primordially, society was an aggregation of nomadic families, every
head of a family having equal rights, and every individual such power
and influence as he could acquire and maintain. In all the ordinary
avocations of savage life this was sufficient; there was room for all,
and the widest liberty was possessed by each. And in this happy state
does mankind ever remain until forced out of it. In unity and
coöperation alone can great things be accomplished; but men will not
unite until forced to it. Now in times of war--and with savages war is
the rule and not the exception--some closer union is necessary to
avoid extinction; for other things being equal, the people who are
most firmly united and most strongly ruled are sure to prevail in war.
The idea of unity in order to be effectual must be embodied in a unit;
some one must be made chief, and the others must obey, as in a band of
wild beasts that follow the one most conspicuous for its prowess and
cunning. But the military principle alone would never lay the
foundation of a strong government, for with every cessation from
hostilities there would be a corresponding relaxation of government.

[Sidenote: GOVERNMENT FORCED UPON MAN.]

Another necessity for government here arises, but which likewise is
not the cause of government, for government springs from force and not
from utility. These men do not want government, they do not want
culture; how then is an arm to be found sufficiently strong to bridle
their wild passions? In reason they are children, in passion men; to
restrain the strong passions of strong non-reasoning men requires a
power; whence is this power to come? It is in the earlier stage of
government that despotism assumes its most intense forms. The more
passionate, and lawless, and cruel the people, the more completely do
they submit to a passionate, lawless, and cruel prince; the more
ungovernable their nature, the more slavish are they in their
submission to government; the stronger the element to be governed, the
stronger must be the government.

The primitive man, whoever or whatever that may be, lives in harmony
with nature; that is, he lives as other animals live, drawing his
supplies immediately from the general storehouse of nature. His food
he plucks from a sheltering tree, or draws from a sparkling stream, or
captures from a prolific forest. The remnants of his capture, unfit
for food, supply his other wants; with the skin he clothes himself,
and with the bones makes implements and points his weapons. In this
there are no antagonisms, no opposing principles of good and evil;
animals are killed not with a view of extermination, but through
necessity, as animals kill animals in order to supply actual wants.
But no sooner does the leaven of progress begin to work than war is
declared between man and nature. To make room for denser populations
and increasing comforts, forests must be hewn down, their primeval
inhabitants extirpated or domesticated, and the soil laid under more
direct contribution. Union and coöperation spring up for purposes of
protection and aggression, for the accomplishment of purposes beyond
the capacity of the individual. Gradually manufactures and commerce
increase; the products of one body of laborers are exchanged for the
products of another, and thus the aggregate comforts produced are
doubled to each. Absolute power is taken from the hands of the many
and placed in the hands of one, who becomes the representative power
of all. Men are no longer dependent upon the chase for a daily supply
of food; even agriculture no longer is a necessity which each must
follow for himself, for the intellectual products of one person or
people may be exchanged for the agricultural products of another. With
these changes of occupation new institutions spring up, new ideas
originate, and new habits are formed. Human life ceases to be a purely
material existence; another element finds exercise, the other part of
man is permitted to grow. The energies of society now assume a
different shape; hitherto the daily struggle was for daily
necessities, now the accumulation of wealth constitutes the chief
incentive to labor. Wealth becomes a power and absorbs all other
powers. The possessor of unlimited wealth commands the products of
every other man's labor.

But in time, and to a certain extent, a class arises already possessed
of wealth sufficient to satisfy even the demands of avarice, and
something still better, some greater good is yet sought for.
Money-getting gives way before intellectual cravings. The self-denials
and labor necessary to the acquisition of wealth are abandoned for the
enjoyment of wealth already acquired and the acquisition of a yet
higher good. Sensual pleasure yields in a measure to intellectual
pleasure, the acquisition of money to the acquisition of learning.

Where brute intelligence is the order of the day, man requires no more
governing than brutes, but when lands are divided, and the soil
cultivated, when wealth begins to accumulate and commerce and industry
to flourish, then protection and lawful punishment become necessary.
Like the wild horse, leave him free, and he will take care of himself;
but catch him and curb him, and the wilder and stronger he is the
stronger must be the curb until he is subdued and trained, and then he
is guided by a light rein. The kind of government makes little
difference so that it be strong enough.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: THE SUPERNATURAL IN CIVILIZATION.]

Granted that it is absolutely essential to the first step toward
culture that society should be strongly governed, how is the first
government to be accomplished; how is one member of a passionate,
unbridled heterogeneous community to obtain dominion absolute over all
the others? Here comes in another evil to the assistance of the former
evils, all for future good,--Superstition. Never could physical force
alone compress and hold the necessary power with which to burst the
shell of savagism. The government is but a reflex of the governed. Not
until one man is physically or intellectually stronger than ten
thousand, will an independent people submit to a tyrannical
government, or a humane people submit to a cruel government, or a
people accustomed to free discussion to an intolerant priesthood.

At the outset, if man is to be governed at all, there must be no
division of governmental force. The cause for fear arising from both
the physical and the supernatural must be united in one individual. In
the absence of the moral sentiment the fear of legal and that of
spiritual punishments are identical, for the spiritual is feared only
as it works temporal or corporal evil. Freedom of thought at this
stage is incompatible with progress, for thought without experience is
dangerous, tending towards anarchy. Before men can govern themselves
they must be subjected to the sternest discipline of government, and
whether this government be just or humane or pleasant is of small
consequence so that it be only strong enough. As with polity so with
morality and religion; conjointly with despotism there must be an
arbitrary central church government, or moral anarchy is the
inevitable consequence. At the outset it is not for man to rule but to
obey; it is not for savages, who are children in intellect to think
and reason, but to believe.

And thus we see how wonderfully man is provided with the essentials of
growth. This tender germ of progress is preserved in hard shells and
prickly coverings, which, when they have served their purpose are
thrown aside as not only useless but detrimental to further
development. We know not what will come hereafter, but up to the
present time a state of bondage appears to be the normal state of
humanity; bondage, at first severe and irrational, then ever
loosening, and expanding into a broader freedom. As mankind
progresses, moral anarchy no more follows freedom of thought than does
political anarchy follow freedom of action. In Germany, in England, in
America, wherever secular power has in any measure cut loose from
ecclesiastical power and thrown religion back upon public sentiment
for support, a moral as well as an intellectual advance has always
followed. What the mild and persuasive teachings and lax discipline of
the present epoch would have been to the Christians of the fourteenth
century, the free and lax government of republican America would have
been to republican Rome. Therefore, let us learn to look charitably
upon the institutions of the past, and not forget how much we owe to
them; while we rejoice at our release from the cruelty and ignorance
of mediæval times, let us not forget the debt which civilization owes
to the rigorous teachings of both Church and State.

[Sidenote: MORALITY AND CREED.]

Christianity, by its exalted un-utilitarian morality and philanthropy,
has greatly aided civilization. Indeed so marked has been the effect
in Europe, so great the contrast between Christianity and Islamism and
the polytheistic creeds in general, that Churchmen claim civilization
as the offspring of their religion. But religion and morality must not
be confounded with civilization. All these and many other activities
act and react on each other as proximate principles in the social
organism, but they do not, any or all of them, constitute the life of
the organism. Long before morality is religion, and long after
morality religion sends the pious penitent to his knees. Religious
culture is a great assistant to moral culture as intellectual training
promotes the industrial arts, but morality is no more religion than is
industry intellect. When Christianity, as in the early settlement of
Mexico and Central America, falls into the hands of unprincipled
adventurers or blind zealots who stand up in deadly antagonism to
liberty, then Christianity is a drag upon civilization; and therefore
we may conclude that in so far as Christianity grafts on its code of
pure morality the principle of intellectual freedom, in so far is
civilization promoted by Christianity, but when Christianity engenders
persecution, civilization is retarded thereby.

Then Protestantism sets up a claim to the authorship of civilization,
points to Spain and then to England, compares Italy and Switzerland,
Catholic America and Puritan America, declares that the intellect can
never attain superiority while under the dominion of the Church of
Rome; in other words, that civilization is Protestantism. It is true
that protestation against irrational dogmas, or any other action that
tends toward the emancipation of the intellect, is a great step in
advance; but religious belief has nothing whatever to do with
intellectual culture. Religion from its very nature is beyond the
limits of reason; it is emotional rather than intellectual, an
instinct and not an acquisition. Between reason and religion lies a
domain of common ground upon which both may meet and join hands, but
beyond the boundaries of which neither may pass. The moment the
intellect attempts to penetrate the domain of the Supernatural all
intellectuality vanishes, and emotion and imagination fill its place.
There can be no real conflict between the two, for neither, by any
possibility, can pass this neutral ground. Before the mind can receive
Christianity, or Mahometanism, or any other creed, it must be ready to
accept dogmas in the analysis of which human reason is powerless.
Among the most brilliant intellects are found Protestants, Romanists,
Unitarians, Deists, and Atheists; judging from the experiences of
mankind in ages past, creeds and formulas, orthodoxy and heterodoxy,
have no inherent power to advance or retard the intellect. Some claim,
indeed, that strong doctrinal bias stifles thought, fosters
superstition, and fetters the intellect; still religious thought, in
some form, is inseparable from the human mind, and it would be very
difficult to prove that belief is more debasing than non-belief.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELIGIOUS IDEAL.]

Religion at first is a gross fetichism, which endows every wonder with
a concrete personality. Within every appearance is a several personal
cause, and to embody this personal cause in some material form is the
first effort of the savage mind. Hence, images are made in
representation of these imaginary supernatural powers. Man, of
necessity, must clothe these supernatural powers in the elements of
some lower form. The imagination cannot grasp an object or an idea
beyond the realms of human experience. Unheard-of combinations of
character may be made, but the constituent parts must, at some time
and in some form, have had an existence in order to be conceivable. It
is impossible for the human mind to array in forms of thought anything
wholly and absolutely new. This state is the farthest remove possible
from a recognition of those universal laws of causation toward which
every department of knowledge is now so rapidly tending. Gods are made
in the likeness of man and beast, endowed with earthly passions, and a
sensual polytheism, in which blind fate is a prominent element,
becomes the religious ideal. Religious conceptions are essentially
material; all punishments and rewards are such as effect man as a
material being; morality, the innate sense of right and wrong, lies
stifled, almost dormant.

Thrown wholly upon himself, without experience to guide him, the
savage must, of necessity, invest nature with his own qualities, for
his mind can grasp none other. But when experience dispels the nearer
illusions, objects more remote are made gods; in the sun and stars he
sees his controlling destinies; the number of his gods is lessened
until at last all merge into one God, the author of all law, the great
and only ruler of the universe. In every mythology we see this
impersonation of natural phenomena; frost and fire, earth and air and
water, in their displays of mysterious powers, are at once deified and
humanized. These embodiments of physical force are then naturally
formed into families, and their supposed descendants worshiped as
children of the gods. Thus, in the childhood of society, when
incipient thought takes up its lodgment in old men's brains, shadows
of departed heroes mingle with shadows of mysterious nature, and
admiration turns to adoration.

Next arises the desire to propitiate these unseen powers, to
accomplish which some means of communication must be opened up between
man and his deities. Now, as man in his gods reproduces himself, as
all his conceptions of supernatural power must, of necessity, be
formed on the skeleton of human power, naturally it follows that the
strongest and most cunning of the tribe, he upon whom leadership most
naturally falls, comes to be regarded as specially favored of the
gods. Powers supernatural are joined to powers temporal, and embodied
in the chieftain of the nation. A grateful posterity reveres and
propitiates departed ancestors. The earlier rulers are made gods, and
their descendants lesser divinities; the founder of a dynasty,
perhaps, the supreme god, his progeny subordinate deities. The
priesthood and kingship thus become united; religion and civil
government join forces to press mankind together, and the loose sands
of the new strata cohere into the firm rock, that shall one day bear
alone the wash of time and tide.

Hence arise divine kingship, and the divine right of kings, and with
the desire to win the favor of this divine king, arise the courtesies
of society, the first step toward polish of manners. Titles of respect
and worship are given him, some of which are subsequently applied to
the Deity, while others drop down into the common-place compliments of
every-day life.

Here then, we have as one of the first essentials of progress the
union of Church and State, of superstition and despotism, a union
still necessarily kept up in some of the more backward civilizations.
Excessive loyalty and blind faith ever march hand in hand. The very
basis of association is credulity, blind loyalty to political powers
and blind faith in sacerdotal terrors. In all mythologies at some
stage temporal and spiritual government are united, the supernatural
power being incarnated in the temporal chief; political despotism and
an awful sanguinary religion,--a government and a belief, to disobey
which was never so much as thought possible.

See how every one of these primary essentials of civilization becomes,
as man advances, a drag upon his progress; see how he now struggles to
free himself from what, at the outset, he was led by ways he knew not
to endure so patiently. Government, in early stages always strong and
despotic, whether monarchical, oligarchical, or republican, holding
mankind under the dominion of caste, placing restrictions upon
commerce and manufactures, regulating social customs, food,
dress,--how men have fought to break loose these bonds! Religion, not
that natural cultus instinctive in humanity, the bond of union as well
under its most disgusting form of fetichism, as under its latest,
loveliest form of Christianity; but those forms and dogmas of sect and
creed which stifle thought and fetter intellect,--how men have lived
lives of sacrifice and self-denial as well as died for the right to
free themselves from unwelcome belief!

[Sidenote: RELATION OF GOVERNMENT TO CIVILIZATION.]

In primeval ages, government and religion lay lightly on the human
race; ethnology, as well as history, discloses the patriarchal as the
earliest form of government, and a rude materialism as the earliest
religious ideal; these two simple elements, under the form of
monsters, became huge abortions, begotten of ignorance, that held the
intellect in abject slavery for thousands of years, and from these we,
of this generation, more than any other, are granted emancipation.
Even wealth, kind giver of grateful leisure, in the guise of avarice
becomes a hideous thing, which he who would attain the higher
intellectual life, must learn to despise.

* * * * *

Government, as we have seen, is not an essential element of collective
humanity. Civilization must first be awakened, must even have passed
the primary stages before government appears. Despotism, feudalism,
divine kingship, slavery, war, superstition, each marks certain stages
of development, and as civilization advances all tend to disappear;
and, as in the early history of nations the state antedates the
government, so the time may come in the progress of mankind when
government will be no longer necessary. Government always grows out of
necessity; the intensity of government inevitably following necessity.
The form of government is a natural selection; its several phases
always the survival of the fittest. When the federalist says to the
monarchist, or the monarchist to the federalist: My government is
better than yours, it is as if the Eskimo said to the Kaffir: My coat,
my house, my food, is better than yours.

The government is made for the man, and not the man for the
government. Government is as the prop for the growing plant; at first
the young shoot stands alone, then in its rapid advancement for a time
it requires support, after which it is able again to stand alone.
What we term the evils of government are rather its necessities, and
are, indeed, no evils at all. The heavy bit which controls the mouth
of an untamed horse is to that horse an evil, yet to the driver a
necessity which may be laid aside as the temper of the animal is
subdued. So despotism, feudalism, slavery, are evils to those under
their dominion, yet are they as necessary for the prevention of
anarchy, for the restraint of unbridled passions, as the powerful bit
to the horse, and will as surely be laid aside when no longer
required. Shallow-minded politicians talk of kingcraft, arbitrary
rule, tyrants, the down-trodden masses, the withholding of just
rights; as though the government was some independent, adverse
element, wholly foreign to the character of the people; as though one
man was stronger than ten thousand; as though, if these phases of
society were not the fittest, they would be tolerated for a moment.
The days of rigorous rule were ever the best days of France and Spain,
and so it will be until the people become stronger than the strength
of rulers. Republicanism is as unfit for stupid and unintellectual
populations, as despotism would be for the advanced ideas and liberal
institutions of Anglo-Saxon America. The subject of a liberal rule
sneeringly crying down to the subject of an absolute rule his form of
government, is like the ass crying to the tiger: Leave blood and meat;
feed on grass and thistles, the only diet fit for civilized beasts!
Our federal government is the very best for our people, when it is not
so it will speedily change; it fits the temper of American
intelligence, but before it can be planted in Japan or China the
traditions and temper of the Asiatics must change.

We of to-day are undergoing an important epoch in the history of
civilization. Feudalism, despotism, and fanaticism have had each its
day, have each accomplished its necessary purpose, and are fast fading
away. Ours is the age of democracy, of scientific investigation, and
freedom of religious thought; what these may accomplish for the
advancing intellect remains to be seen. Our ancestors loved to dwell
upon the past, now we all look toward the future.

[Sidenote: LATTER-DAY PROGRESSION.]

The sea of ice, over which our forefathers glided so serenely in their
trustful reliance, is breaking up. One after another traditions
evaporate; in their application to proximate events they fail us,
history ceases to repeat itself as in times past. Old things are
passing away, all things are becoming new; new philosophies, new
religions, new sciences; the industrial spirit springs up and
overturns time-honored customs; theories of government must be
reconstructed. Thus, says experience, republicanism, as a form of
government, can exist only in small states; but steam and electricity
step in and annihilate time and space. The Roman republic, from a lack
of cohesive energy, from failure of central vital power sufficient to
send the blood of the nation from the heart to the extremities, died a
natural death. The American republic, covering nearly twice the
territory of republican Rome in her palmiest days, is endowed with a
different species of organism; in its physiological system is found a
new series of veins and arteries, the railway, the telegraph, and the
daily press,--through which pulsates the life's blood of the nation,
millions inhaling and exhaling intelligence as one man. By means of
these inventions all the world, once every day, are brought together.
By telegraphic wires and railroad iron men are now bound as in times
past they were bound by war, despotism, and superstition. The remotest
corners of the largest republics of to-day, are brought into closer
communication than were the adjoining states of the smallest
confederations of antiquity. A united Germany, from its past history
held to be an impossibility, is, with the present facilities of
communication, an accomplished fact. England could as easily have
possessed colonies in the moon, as have held her present possessions,
three hundred years ago. Practically, San Francisco is nearer
Washington than was Philadelphia when the foundations of the Capitol
were laid. What is to prevent republics from growing, so long as
intelligence keeps pace with extension? The general of an army may now
sit before his maps, and manoeuvre half a score of armies a hundred
or a thousand miles apart, know hourly the situation of every
division, the success of every battle, order an advance or a retreat,
lay plots and make combinations, with more exactness than was once
possible in the conduct of an ordinary campaign.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: MORALS, MANNERS, AND FASHION.]

A few words about morals, manners, and fashion, will further
illustrate how man is played upon by his environment, which here takes
the shape of habit. In their bearing on civilization, these phenomena
all come under the same category; and this, without regard to the
rival theories of intuition and utility in morals. Experience teaches,
blindly at first yet daily with clearer vision, that right conduct is
beneficial, and wrong conduct detrimental; that the consequences of
sin invariably rest on the evil-doer; that for an unjust act, though
the knowledge of it be forever locked in the bosom of the offender,
punishment is sure to follow; yet there are those who question the
existence of innate moral perceptions, and call it all custom and
training. And if we look alone to primitive people for innate ideas of
morality and justice I fear we shall meet with disappointment. Some we
find who value female chastity only before marriage, others only after
marriage,--that is, after the woman and her chastity both alike become
the tangible property of somebody. Some kindly kill their aged
parents, others their female infants; the successful Apache
horse-thief is the darling of his mother, and the hero of the tribe;
often these American Arabs will remain from home half-starved for
weeks, rather than suffer the ignominy of returning empty-handed.
Good, in the mind of the savage, is when he steals wives; bad, is when
his own wives are stolen. Where it is that inherent morality in
savages first makes its appearance, and in what manner, it is often
difficult to say; the most hideous vices are everywhere practiced with
unblushing effrontery.

Take the phenomena of Shame. Go back to the childhood of our race, or
even to our own childhood, and it will be hard to discover any
inherent quality which make men ashamed of one thing more than
another. Nor can the wisest of us give any good and sufficient reason
why we should be ashamed of our body any more than of our face. The
whole man was fashioned by one Creator, and all parts equally are
perfect and alike honorable. We cover our person with drapery, and
think thereby to hide our faults from ourselves and others, as the
ostrich hides its head under a leaf, and fancies its body concealed
from the hunter. What is this quality of shame if it be not habit? A
female savage will stand unblushingly before you naked, but strip her
of her ornaments and she will manifest the same appearance of shame,
though not perhaps so great in degree, that a European woman will
manifest if stripped of her clothes. It is well known how civilized
and semi-civilized nations regard this quality of propriety. Custom,
conventional usage, dress and behavior, are influences as subtle and
as strong as any that govern us, weaving their net-work round man more
and more as he throws off allegiance to other powers; and we know but
little more of their origin and nature than we do of the origin and
nature of time and space, of life and death, of origin and end.

Every age and every society has its own standard of morality, holds up
some certain conduct or quality as a model, saying to all, Do this,
and receive the much-coveted praise of your fellows. Often what one
people deem virtue is to another vice; what to one age is religion is
to another superstition; but underlying all this are living fires,
kindled by Omnipotence, and destined to burn throughout all time. In
the Spartan and Roman republics the moral ideal was patriotism; among
mediæval Churchmen it took the form of asceticism; after the elevation
of woman the central idea was female chastity.

In this national morality, which is the cohesive force of the body
social, we find the fundamental principle of the progressional
impulse, and herein is the most hopeful feature of humanity; mankind
must progress, and progress in the right direction. There is no help
for it until God changes the universal order of things; man must
become better in spite of himself; it is the good in us that grows and
ultimately prevails.

As a race we are yet in our nonage; fearful of the freedom given us by
progress we cling tenaciously to our leading-strings; hugging our
mother, Custom, we refuse to be left alone. Liberty and high
attainments must be meted out to us as we are able to receive them,
for social retchings and vomitings inevitably follow over-feedings.
Hence it is, that we find ourselves escaped from primeval and mediæval
tyrannies only to fall under greater ones; society is none the less
inexorable in her despotisms because of the sophistry which gives her
victims fancied freedom. For do we not now set up forms and fashions,
the works of our own hands, and bow down to them as reverently as ever
our heathen ancestors did to their gods of wood and stone? Who made
us? is not the first question of our catechism, but What will people
say?

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ORIGIN AND SIGNIFICANCE OF DRESS.]

Of all tyrannies, the tyranny of fashion is the most implacable; of
all slaveries the slavery to fashion is the most abject; of all fears
the fear of our fellows is the most overwhelming; of all the
influences that surround and govern man the forms and customs which he
encounters in society are the most domineering. It is the old story,
only another turn of the wheel that grinds and sharpens and polishes
humanity,--at the first a benefit, now a drag. Forms and fashions are
essential; we cannot live without them. If we have worship,
government, commerce, or clothes, we must have forms; or if we have
them not we still must act and do after some fashion; costume, which
is but another word for custom, we must have, but is it necessary to
make the form the chief concern of our lives while we pay so little
heed to the substance? and may we not hope while rejoicing over our
past emancipations, that we shall some day be free from our present
despotisms?

Dress has ever exercised a powerful influence on morals and on
progress; but this vesture-phenomenon is a thing but imperfectly
understood. Clothes serve as a covering to the body of which we are
ashamed, and protect it against the weather, and these, we infer, are
the reasons of our being clothed. But the fact is, aboriginally,
except in extreme cases, dress is not essential to the comfort of man
until it becomes a habit, and as for shame, until told of his
nakedness, the primitive man has none. The origin of dress lies behind
all this; it is found in one of the most deep-rooted elements of our
nature, namely, in our love of approbation. Before dress is
decoration. The successful warrior, proud of his achievement, besmears
his face and body with the blood of the slain, and straightway
imitators, who also would be thought strong and brave, daub themselves
in like manner; and so painting and tattooing become fashionable, and
pigments supply the place of blood. The naked, houseless Californian
would undergo every hardship, travel a hundred miles, and fight a
round with every opposing band he met, in order to obtain cinnabar
from the New Almaden quicksilver mine. So when the hunter kills a wild
beast, and with the tail or skin decorates his body as a trophy of his
prowess, others follow his example, and soon it is a shame to that
savage who has neither paint, nor belt, nor necklace of bears' claws.
And so follow head-flattenings, and nose-piercings, and lip-cuttings,
and, later, chignons, and breast-paddings, and bustles. Some say that
jealousy prompted the first Benedicks to hide their wives' charms
from their rivals, and so originated female dress, which, from its
being so common to all aborigines, is usually regarded as the result
of innate modesty. But whatever gave us dress, dress has given much to
human progress. Beneath dress arose modesty and refinement, like the
courtesies that chivalry threw over feudalism, covering the coarse
brutality of the barons, and paving the way to real politeness.

[Sidenote: ETIQUETTE, MORALITY, LAWS.]

From the artificial grimaces of fashion have sprung many of the
natural courtesies of life; though here, too, we are sent back at once
to the beginning for the cause. From the ages of superstition and
despotism have descended the expressions of every-day politeness. Thus
we have sir, from _sieur_, _sire_, _seigneur_, signifying ruler, king,
lord, and aboriginally father. So madam, _ma dame_, my lady, formerly
applied only to women of rank. In place of throwing ourselves upon the
ground, as before a god or prince, we only partially prostrate
ourselves in bowing, and the hat which we touch to an acquaintance we
take off on entering a church in token of our humility. Again, the
captive in war is made a slave, and as such is required to do
obeisance to his master, which forms of servility are copied by the
people in addressing their superiors, and finally become the
established usage of ordinary intercourse. Our daily salutations are
but modified acts of worship, and our parting word a benediction; and
from blood, tomahawks, and senseless superstitions we turn and find
all the world of humanity, with its still strong passions and subtle
cravings, held in restraint by a force of which its victims are almost
wholly unconscious,--and this force is Fashion. In tribunals of
justice, in court and camp etiquette, everywhere these relics of
barbarism remain with us. Even we of this latter-day American
republicanism, elevate one of our fellows to the chieftainship of a
federation or state, and call him Excellency; we set a man upon the
bench and _plead_ our cause before him; we send a loafer to a
legislature, and straightway call him Honorable,--such divinity doth
hedge all semblance of power.

Self-denial and abstinence lie at the bottom of etiquette and good
manners. If you would be moral, says Kant, you must "act always so
that the immediate motive of thy will may become a universal rule for
all intelligent beings," and Goethe teaches that "there is no outward
sign of courtesy that does not rest on a deep, moral foundation."

Fine manners, though but the shell of the individual, are, to society,
the best actions of the best men crystallized into a mode; not only
the best thing, but the best way of doing the best thing. Good society
is, or ought to be, the society of the good; but fashion is more than
good society, or good actions; it is more than wealth, or beauty, or
genius, and so arbitrary in its sway that, not unfrequently, the form
absorbs the substance, and a breach of decorum becomes a deadly sin.

Thus we see in every phase of development the result of a social
evolution; we see men coming and going, receiving their leaven from
the society into which by their destiny they are projected, only to
fling it back into the general fund interpenetrated with their own
quota of force. Meanwhile, this aggregation of human experiences, this
compounding of age with age, one generation heaping up knowledge upon
another; this begetting of knowledge by knowledge, the seed so
infinitesimal, the tree now so rapidly sending forth its branches,
whither does it tend? Running the eye along the line of progress, from
the beginning to the end, the measure of our knowledge seems nearly
full; resolving the matter, experience assures us that, as compared
with those who shall come after us, we are the veriest barbarians. The
end is not yet; not until infinity is spanned and eternity brought to
an end, will mankind cease to improve.

* * * * *

Out of this conglomeration of interminable relationships concordant
and antagonistic laws are ever evolving themselves. Like all other
progressional phenomena, they wait not upon man; they are
self-creative, and force themselves upon the mind age after age,
slowly but surely, as the intellect is able to receive them; laws
without law, laws unto themselves, gradually appearing as from behind
the mists of eternity. At first, man and his universe appear to be
regulated by arbitrary volitions, by a multitude of individual minds;
each governs absolutely his own actions; every phenomenon of nature is
but the expression of some single will. As these phenomena, one after
another, become stripped of their mystery, there stands revealed not a
god, but a law; seasons come and go, and never fail; sunshine follows
rain, not because a pacified deity smiles, but because the rain-clouds
have fallen and the sun cannot help shining. Proximate events first
are thus made godless, then the whole host of deities is driven
farther and farther back. Finally the actions of man himself are found
to be subject to laws. Left to his own will, he wills to do like
things under like conditions.

As to the nature of these laws, the subtle workings of which we see
manifest in every phase of society, I cannot even so much as speak. An
infinite ocean of phenomena awaits the inquirer; an ocean bottomless,
over whose surface spreads an eternity of progress, and beneath whose
glittering waves the keenest intellect can scarcely hope to penetrate
far. The universe of man and matter must be anatomized; the functions
of innumerable and complex organs studied; the exercise and influence
of every part on every other part ascertained, and events apparently
the most capricious traced to natural causes; then, when we know all,
when we know as God knoweth, shall we understand what it is, this Soul
of Progress.

CHAPTER II.

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

THE AMERICAN CIVILIZATION OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY--ITS
DISAPPEARANCE--THE PAST, A NEW ELEMENT--DIVIDING LINE
BETWEEN SAVAGE AND CIVILIZED TRIBES--BOUNDS OF AMERICAN
CIVILIZATION--PHYSICAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY--MAYA AND
NAHUA BRANCHES OF ABORIGINAL CULTURE--THE NAHUA
CIVILIZATION--THE AZTECS ITS REPRESENTATIVES--LIMITS OF THE
AZTEC EMPIRE--ANCIENT HISTORY OF ANÁHUAC IN OUTLINE--THE
TOLTEC ERA--THE CHICHIMEC ERA--THE AZTEC ERA--EXTENT OF THE
AZTEC LANGUAGE--CIVILIZED PEOPLES OUTSIDE OF
ANÁHUAC--CENTRAL AMERICAN NATIONS--THE MAYA CULTURE--THE
PRIMITIVE MAYA EMPIRE--NAHUA INFLUENCE IN THE SOUTH--YUCATAN
AND THE MAYAS--THE NATIONS OF CHIAPAS--THE QUICHÉ EMPIRE IN
GUATEMALA--THE NAHUAS IN NICARAGUA AND SALVADOR--ETYMOLOGY
OF NAMES.

In the preceding volume I have had occasion several times to remark
that, in the delineation of the Wild Tribes of the Pacific States, no
attempt is made to follow them in their rapid decline, no attempt to
penetrate their past or prophesy a possible future, no profitless
lingering over those misfortunes that wrought among them such swift
destruction. To us the savage nations of America have neither past nor
future; only a brief present, from which indeed we may judge somewhat
of their past; for the rest, foreign avarice and interference,
European piety and greed, saltpetre, steel, small-pox, and syphilis,
tell a speedy tale. Swifter still must be the hand that sketches the
incipient civilization of the Mexican and Central American
table-lands. For although here we have more past, there is still less
present, and scarcely any future. Those nations raised the highest by
their wealth and culture, were the first to fall before the invader,
their superior attainments offering a more shining mark to a rapacious
foe; and falling, they were the soonest lost,--absorbed by the
conquering race, or disappearing in the surrounding darkness. Although
the savage nations were rapidly annihilated, traces of savagism
lingered, and yet linger; but the higher American culture, a plant of
more delicate growth and more sensitive nature, withered at the first
rude touch of foreign interference. Instead of being left to its own
intuitive unfoldings, or instead of being fostered by the new-comers,
who might have elevated by interfusion both their own culture and that
of the conquered race, the spirit of progress was effectually stifled
on both sides by fanatical attempts to substitute by force foreign
creeds and polities for those of indigenous origin and growth. And now
behold them both, the descendants of conquerors and of conquered, the
one scarcely less denaturalized than the other, the curse inflicted by
the invaders on a flourishing empire returning and resting with
crushing weight on their own head. Scarce four centuries ago the
empire of Charles the Fifth, and the empire of Montezuma the Second,
were brought by the force of progress most suddenly and unexpectedly
face to face; the one then the grandest and strongest of the old world
as was the other of the new. Since which time the fierce fanaticism
that overwhelmed the New World empire, has pressed like an incubus
upon the dominant race, and held it fast while all the world around
were making the most rapid strides forward.

[Sidenote: THE PAST, A NEW ELEMENT.]

No indigenous civilization exists in America to-day, yet the effects
of a former culture are not altogether absent. The descendant of the
Aztec, Maya, and Quiché, is still of superior mind and haughtier
spirit than his roving brother who boasts of none but a savage
ancestry. Still, so complete has been the substitution of foreign
civil and ecclesiastical polities, and so far-reaching their influence
on native character and conduct; so intimate the association for three
and more centuries with the Spanish element; so closely guarded from
foreign gaze has been every manifestation of the few surviving sparks
of aboriginal modes of thought, that a study of the native condition
in modern times yields, by itself, few satisfactory results. This
study, however, as part of an investigation of their original or
normal condition, should by no means be neglected, since it may
furnish illustrative material of no little value.

Back of all this lies another element which lends to our subject yet
grander proportions. Scattered over the southern plateaux are heaps of
architectural remains and monumental piles. Furthermore, native
traditions, both orally transmitted and hieroglyphically recorded by
means of legible picture-writings, afford us a tolerably clear view of
the civilized nations during a period of several centuries preceding
the Spanish conquest, together with passing glances, through momentary
clearings in the mythologic clouds, at historical epochs much more
remote. Here we have as aids to this analysis,--aids almost wholly
wanting among the so-called savage tribes, antiquities, tradition,
history, carrying the student far back into the mysterious New World
past; and hence it is that from its simultaneous revelation and
eclipse, American civilization would otherwise offer a more limited
field for investigation than American savagism, yet by the
introduction of this new element the field is widely extended.

Nor have we even yet reached the limits of our resources for the
investigation of this New World civilization. In these relics of
architecture and literature, of mythology and tradition, there are
clear indications of an older and higher type of culture than that
brought immediately to the knowledge of the invaders; of a type that
had temporarily deteriorated, perhaps through the influence of
long-continued and bloody conflicts, civil and foreign, by which the
more warlike rather than the more highly cultured nations had been
brought into prominence and power. But this anterior and superior
civilization, resting largely as it does on vague tradition, and
preserved to our knowledge in general allusions rather than in detail,
may, like the native condition since the conquest, be utilized to the
best advantage here as illustrative of the later and better-known, if
somewhat inferior civilization of the sixteenth century, described by
the conqueror, the missionary, and the Spanish historian.

Antique remains of native skill, which have been preserved for our
examination, may also be largely used in illustration of more modern
art, whose products have disappeared. These relics of the past are
also of the highest value as confirming the truth of the reports made
by Spanish writers, very many, or perhaps most, of whose statements
respecting the wonderful phenomena of the New World, without this
incontrovertible material proof, would find few believers among the
sceptical students of the present day. These remains of antiquity,
however, being fully described in another volume of this work, may be
referred to in very general terms for present purposes.

[Sidenote: ORIGIN OF AMERICAN CIVILIZATION.]

Of civilization in general, the nature of its phenomena, the causes
and processes by which it is evolved from savagism, I have spoken
sufficiently in the foregoing chapter. As for the many theories
respecting the American civilization in particular, its origin and
growth, it is not my purpose to discuss them in this volume. No theory
on these questions could be of any practical value in the elucidation
of the subject, save one that should stand out among the rest so
preëminently well-founded as to be generally accepted among scientific
men, and no one of all the multitude proposed has acquired any such
preëminence. A complete résumé of all the theories on the subject,
with the foundations which support them, is given elsewhere in
connection with the ancient traditionary history of the aboriginal
nations. It is well, however, to remark that our lack of definite
knowledge about the origin of this civilization is not practically so
important as might appear at first thought. True, we know not for
certain whether it is indigenous or exotic; and if the former, whether
to ascribe its cradle to the north or south, to one locality or many;
or if the latter, whether contact with the old world was effected at
one or many points, on one occasion or at divers epochs, through the
agency of migrating peoples or by the advent of individual civilizers
and teachers. Yet the tendency of modern research is to prove the
great antiquity of the American civilization as well as of the
American people; and if either was drawn from a foreign source, it was
at a time probably so remote as to antedate any old-world culture now
existing, and to prevent any light being thrown on the offspring by a
study of the parent stock; while if indigenous, little hope is
afforded of following rationally their development through the
political convulsions of the distant past down to even a traditionally
historic epoch.

I may then dispense with theories of origin and details of past
history as confusing rather than aiding my present purpose, and as
being fully treated elsewhere in this work. Neither am I required in
this treatment of the civilized races to make an accurate division
between them and their more savage neighbors, to determine the exact
standard by which savagism and civilization are to be measured, or to
vindicate the use of the word civilized as applied to the American
nations in preference to that of semi-civilized, preferred by many
writers. We have seen that civilization is at best only a comparative
term, applied to some of the ever-shifting phases of human progress.
In many of the Wild Tribes already described some of its
characteristics have been observed, and the opposite elements of
savagism will not be wanting among what I proceed to describe as the
Civilized Nations. There is not a savage people between Anáhuac and
Nicaragua that has not been influenced in its institutions by
intercourse, warlike, social, or commercial, with neighbors of higher
culture, and has not exerted in its turn a reflex influence on the
latter. The difficulty of drawing division-lines between nations thus
mutually acting on each other is further increased in America by the
fact that two or three nations constitute the central figure of nearly
all that has been observed or written by the few that came in actual
contact with the natives. This volume will, therefore, deal rather
with the native civilization than with the nations that possessed it.

While, however, details on all the points mentioned, outside of actual
institutions found existing in the sixteenth century, would tend to
confusion rather than to clearness, besides leading in many cases to
endless repetition, yet a general view of the whole subject, of the
number, extent, location, and mutual relations of the nations
occupying the central portions of the continent at its discovery, as
well as of their relations to those of the more immediate past,
appears necessary to an intelligent perusal of the following pages. In
this general view I shall avoid all discussion of disputed questions,
reserving arguments and details for future volumes on antiquities and
aboriginal history.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: HOME OF THE AMERICAN CULTURE.]

That portion of what we call the Pacific States which was the home of
American civilization within historic or traditionally historic times,
extends along the continent from north-west to south-east, between
latitudes 22° and 11°. On the Atlantic side the territory stretches
from Tamaulipas to Honduras, on the Pacific from Colima to Nicaragua.
Not that these are definitely drawn boundaries, but outside of these
limits, disregarding the New Mexican Pueblo culture, this civilization
had left little for Europeans to observe, while within them lived few
tribes uninfluenced or unimproved by contact with it. No portion of
the globe, perhaps, embraces within equal latitudinal limits so great
a variety of climate, soil, and vegetation; a variety whose important
bearing on the native development can be understood in some degree,
and which would doubtless account satisfactorily for most of the
complications of progressional phenomena observed within the
territory, were the connection between environment and progress fully
within the grasp of our knowledge. All the gradations from a torrid to
a temperate clime are here found in a region that lies wholly within
the northern tropic, altitudinal variations taking the place of and
producing all the effects elsewhere attributable to latitude alone.
These variations result from the topography of the country as
determined by the conformation given to the continent by the central
cordillera. The Sierra Madre enters this territory from the north in
two principal ranges, one stretching along the coast of the Pacific,
while the other and more lofty range trends nearer the Atlantic, the
two again uniting before reaching the isthmus of Tehuantepec. This
eastern branch between 18° 40´ and 20° 30´ opens out into a table-land
of some seventy-five by two hundred miles area, with an altitude of
from six to eight thousand feet above the sea level. This broad
plateau or series of plateaux is known as the tierra fria, while the
lower valleys, with a band of the surrounding slopes, at an elevation
of from three to five thousand feet, including large portions of the
western lands of Michoacan, Guerrero, and Oajaca, between the two
mountain branches, constitute the tierra templada. From the surface of
the upper table-land rise sierras and isolated peaks of volcanic
origin, the highest in North America, their summits covered with
eternal snow, which shelter, temper, and protect the fertile plateaux
lying at their base. Centrally located on this table-land, surrounded
by a wall of lofty volcanic cliffs and peaks, is the most famous of
all the valley plateaux, something more than one hundred and sixty
miles in circuit, the valley of Mexico, Anáhuac, that is to say,
'country by the waters,' taking its name from the lakes that formerly
occupied one tenth of its area. Anáhuac, with an elevation of 7,500
feet, may be taken as representative of the tierra fria. It has a mean
temperature of 62°, a climate much like that of southern Europe,
although dryer, and to which the term 'cold' can only be comparatively
applied. The soil is fertile and productive, though now generally
presenting a bare and parched surface, by reason of the excessive
evaporation on lofty plains exposed to the full force of a tropical
sun, its natural forest-covering having been removed since the Spanish
conquest, chiefly, it is believed, through artificial agencies. Oak
and pine are prominent features of the native forest-growth, while
wheat, barley, and all the European cereals and fruits flourish side
by side with plantations of the indigenous maize, maguey, and cactus.
From May to October of each year, corresponding nearly with the hot
season of the coast, rains or showers are frequent, but rarely occur
during the remaining months. Trees retain their foliage for ten months
in the year, and indeed their fading is scarcely noticeable. Southward
of 18°, as the continent narrows, this eastern table-land contracts
into a mountain range proper, presenting a succession of smaller
terraces, valleys, and sierras, in place of the broader plateaux of
the region about Anáhuac. Trending south-eastward toward the Pacific,
and uniting with the western Sierra Madre, the chain crosses the
isthmus of Tehuantepec at a diminished altitude, only to rise again
and expand laterally into the lofty Guatemalan ranges which stretch
still south-eastward to Lake Nicaragua, where for the second time a
break occurs in the continental cordillera at the southern limit of
the territory now under consideration. From this central cordillera
lateral subordinate branches jut out at right angles north and south
toward either ocean. As we go southward the vegetation becomes more
dense, and the temperature higher at equal altitudes, but the same
gradations of 'fria' and 'templada' are continued, blending into each
other at a height of 5,000 to 6,000 feet. The characteristics of the
cordillera south of the Mexican table-land are lofty volcanic peaks
whose lower bases are clothed with dense forests, fertile plateaux
bounded by precipitous cliffs, vertical fissures or ravines of immense
depth torn in the solid rock by volcanic action, and mountain torrents
flowing in deep beds of porphyry and forming picturesque lakes in the
lower valleys. Indeed, in Guatemala, where more than twenty volcanoes
are in active operation, all these characteristic features appear to
unite in their highest degree of perfection. One of the lateral ranges
extends north-eastward from the continental chain, forming with a
comparatively slight elevation the back-bone of the peninsula of
Yucatan.

[Sidenote: THE TIERRA CALIENTE.]

At the bases of the central continental heights, on the shores of
either ocean, is the tierra caliente, a name applied to all the coast
region with an elevation of less than 1,500 feet, and also by the
inhabitants to many interior valleys of high temperature. So abruptly
do the mountains rise on the Pacific side that the western torrid band
does not perhaps exceed twenty miles in average width for its whole
length, and has exerted comparatively little influence on the history
and development of the native races. But on the Atlantic or gulf coast
is a broad tract of level plain and marsh, and farther inland a more
gradual ascent to the interior heights. This region presents all the
features of an extreme tropical climate and vegetation. In the
latitude of Vera Cruz barren and sandy tracts are seen; elsewhere the
tierra caliente is covered with the densest tropical growth of trees,
shrubs, vines, and flowers, forming in their natural state an almost
impenetrable thicket. Cocoa, cotton, cacao, sugar-cane, indigo,
vanilla, bananas, and the various palms are prominent among the flora;
while the fauna include birds in infinite variety of brilliant
plumage, with myriads of tormenting and deadly insects and reptiles.
The atmosphere is deadly to all but natives. The moist soil, enriched
by the decay of vegetable substances, breathes pestilence and malaria
from every pore, except during the winter months of incessant winds,
which blow from October to March. Southern Vera Cruz and Tabasco, the
tierra caliente par excellence, exhibit the most luxuriant display of
nature's prodigality. Of alluvial and comparatively recent formation
this region is traversed by the Goazacoalco, Alvarado, Usumacinta, and
other noble rivers, which rise in the mountains of Guatemala, Chiapas,
and Tehuantepec. River-banks are crowded with magnificent
forest-trees, and the broad savanas farther back marked off into
natural plantations of the valuable dye-woods which abound there, by a
network of branch streams and canals, which serve both for irrigation
and as a medium of transport for the native products that play no
unimportant rôle in the world's commerce. Each year inundations are
expected between June and October, and these transform the whole
system of lagoons into a broad lake. Farther up the course of the
rivers on the foothills of the cordillera, are extensive forests of
cedar, mahogany, zapote, Brazil, and other precious woods, together
with a variety of medicinal plants and aromatic resins.

The whole of Yucatan may, by reason of its temperature and elevation
above the sea, be included in the tierra caliente, but its climate is
one of the most healthful in all tropical America. The whole north and
west of the peninsula are of fossil shell formation, showing that at
no very distant date this region was covered by the waters of the sea.
There are no rivers that do not dry up in winter, but by a wonderful
system of small ponds and natural wells the country is supplied with
water, the soil being moreover always moist, and supporting a rich and
vigorous vegetation.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: THE NAHUA AND MAYA ELEMENTS.]

Notwithstanding evident marks of similarity in nearly all the
manifestations of the progressional spirit in aboriginal America, in
art, thought, and religion, there is much reason for and convenience
in referring all the native civilization to two branches, the Maya and
the Nahua, the former the more ancient, the latter the more recent and
wide-spread. It is important, however, to understand the nature and
extent of this division, and just how far it may be considered real
and how far ideal. Of all the languages spoken among these nations,
the two named are the most wide-spread, and are likewise entirely
distinct. In their traditional history, their material relics, and,
above all, in their methods of recording events by hieroglyphics, as
well as in their several lesser characteristics, these two stocks show
so many and so clear points of difference standing prominently out
from their many resemblances, as to indicate either a separate culture
from the beginning, or what is more probable and for us practically
the same thing, a progress in different paths for a long time prior to
the coming of the Europeans. Very many of the nations not clearly
affiliated with either branch show evident traces of both cultures,
and may be reasonably supposed to have developed their condition from
contact and intermixture of the parent stocks with each other, and
with the neighboring savage tribes. It is only, however, in a very
general sense that this classification can be accepted, and then only
for practical convenience in elucidating the subject; since there are
several nations that must be ranked among our civilized peoples,
which, particularly in the matter of language, show no Maya nor Nahua
affinities. Nor is too much importance to be attached to the names
Maya and Nahua by which I designate these parallel civilizations. The
former is adopted for the reason that the Maya people and tongue are
commonly regarded as among the most ancient in all the Central
American region, a region where formerly flourished the civilization
that left such wonderful remains at Palenque, Uxmal, and Copan; the
latter as being an older designation than either Aztec or Toltec, both
of which stocks the race Nahua includes. The civilization of what is
now the Mexican Republic, north of Tehuantepec, belonged to the Nahua
branch, both at the time of the conquest and throughout the historic
period preceding. Very few traces of the Maya element occur north of
Chiapas, and these are chiefly linguistic, appearing in two or three
nations dwelling along the shores of the Mexican gulf. In published
works upon the subject the Aztecs are the representatives of the Nahua
element; indeed, what is known of the Aztecs has furnished material
for nine tenths of all that has been written on the American civilized
nations in general. The truth of the matter is that the Aztecs were
only the most powerful of a league or confederation of three nations,
which in the sixteenth century, from their capitals in the valley,
ruled central Mexico. This confederation, moreover, was of
comparatively recent date. These three nations were the Acolhuas, the
Aztecs, and the Tepanecs, and their respective capitals, Tezcuco,
Mexico, and Tlacopan (Tacuba) were located near each other on the lake
borders, where, except Mexico, they still are found in a sad state of
dilapidation. Within the valley, in general terms, the eastern section
belonged to Tezcuco, the southern and western to Mexico, and a limited
territory in the north-west to Tlacopan. At the time when the
confederation was formed, which was about one hundred years before the
advent of the Spaniards, Tezcuco was the most advanced and powerful of
the allies, maintaining her precedence nearly to the end of the
fifteenth century. Tlacopan was far inferior to the other two. Her
possessions were small, and according to the terms of the compact,
which seem always to have been strictly observed, she received but one
fifth of the spoils obtained by successful war. While keeping within
the boundaries of their respective provinces, so far as the valley of
Mexico was concerned, these three chief powers united their forces to
extend their conquests beyond the limits of the valley in every
direction. Thus under the leadership of a line of warlike kings
Mexico extended her domain to the shores of either ocean, and rendered
the tribes therein tributary to her. During this period of foreign
conquest, the Aztec kings, more energetic, ambitious, warlike, and
unscrupulous than their allies, acquired a decided preponderance in
the confederate councils and possessions; so that, originally but a
small tribe, one of the many which had settled in the valley of
Anáhuac, by its valor and success in war, by the comparatively broad
extent of its domain, by the magnificence of its capital, the only
aboriginal town in America rebuilt by the conquerors in anything like
its pristine splendor, and especially by being the people that came
directly into contact with the invaders in the desperate struggles of
the conquest, the Aztecs became to Europeans, and to the whole modern
world, the representatives of the American civilized peoples. Hence,
in the observations of those who were personally acquainted with these
people, little or no distinction is made between the many different
nations of Central Mexico, all being described as Aztecs. Indeed, many
of the lesser nations favored this error, being proud to claim
identity with the brave and powerful people to whose valor they had
been forced to succumb. While this state of things doubtless creates
some confusion by failing to show clearly the slight tribal
differences that existed, yet the difficulty is not a serious one,
from the fact that very many of these nations were unquestionably of
the same blood as the Aztecs, and that all drew what civilization they
possessed from the same Nahua source. I may therefore continue to
speak of the Aztecs in their representative character, including
directly in this term all the nations permanently subjected to the
three ruling powers in Anáhuac, due care being taken to point out such
differences as may have been noticed and recorded.

[Sidenote: THE AZTECS THE NAHUA REPRESENTATIVES.]

To fix the limits of the Aztec Empire with any approximation to
accuracy is exceedingly difficult, both by reason of conflicting
statements, and because the boundaries were constantly changing as
new tribes were brought under Aztec rule, or by successful revolt
threw off the Mexican yoke. Clavigero, followed by Prescott, gives to
the empire the territory from 18° to 21° on the Atlantic, and 14° to
19° on the Pacific, exclusive, according to the latter author, of the
possessions of Tezcuco and Tlacopan. But this extent of territory,
estimated at nearly twice that of the state of California, gives an
exaggerated idea of Anáhuac, even when that term is applied to the
conquered territory of the whole confederacy. The limits mentioned are
in reality the extreme points reached by the allied armies in their
successful wars, or rather, raids, during the most palmy days of Aztec
rule. Within these bounds were several nations that were never
conquered, even temporarily, by the arms of Anáhuac, as for example
the Tlascaltecs, the Tarascos, and the Chiapanecs. Many nations,
indeed most of those whose home was far from the central capitals,
were simply forced on different occasions by the presence of a
conquering army to pay tribute and allegiance to the Aztec kings, an
allegiance which they were not slow to throw off as soon as the
invaders had withdrawn. Such were the nations of northern Guatemala
and Soconusco, whose conquest was in reality but a successful raid for
plunder and captives; such the nations of Tehuantepec, such the
Miztecs and Zapotecs of Oajaca, the latter having completely regained
their independence and driven the Aztecs from their soil before the
coming of the Spaniards. Other nations were conquered only in the
years immediately preceding the Spanish conquest; instance the
Matlaltzincas just west of Anáhuac, and the Huastecs and Totonacs of
Vera Cruz. By their successful raids among these latter peoples, the
Aztecs only sealed their own doom, making inveterate foes of the coast
nations, whose services would have been most efficacious in resisting
the fatal progress of the Castilian arms. But other tribes less
warlike and powerful, or nearer the strongholds of their conquerors,
were, by means of frequent military expeditions made to check
outbreaking rebellion, kept nominally subject to the Aztecs during
fifty years, more or less, preceding the coming of the Spaniards,
paying their annual tribute with some regularity. Outside the rocky
barriers of their valley, the Mexicans maintained their supremacy only
by constant war; and even within the valley their sway was far from
undisputed, since several tribes, notably the Chalcas on the southern
lake, broke out in open rebellion whenever the imperial armies were
elsewhere occupied.

[Sidenote: EXTENT OF THE AZTEC EMPIRE.]

The Aztec empire proper, not restricting it to its original seat in
the valley of Mexico, nor including within its limits all the nations
which were by the fortunes of war forced at one time or another to pay
tribute, may then be said to have extended from the valley of Mexico
and its immediate environs, over the territories comprised in the
present States of Mexico (with its modern subdivisions of Hidalgo and
Morelos), Puebla, southern Vera Cruz, and Guerrero. Of all the nations
that occupied this territory, most of them, as I have said, were of
one blood and language with their masters, and all, by their character
and institutions, possessed in greater or less degree the Nahua
culture. Of many of the multitudinous nations occupying the vast
territory surrounding the valley of Mexico, nothing is known beyond
their names and their likeness, near or remote, to the Aztecs. For a
statement of their names and localities in detail, the reader is
referred to the Tribal Boundaries following the chapter on the Central
Mexicans in the first volume of this work. Let it be understood,
therefore, that the description of Aztec institutions contained in
this volume applies to all the nations of the empire as bounded above,
except where special limitation is indicated; besides which it has a
general application to a much wider region, in fact to the whole
country north of the isthmus of Tehuantepec.

[Sidenote: THE NAHUAS IN ANÁHUAC.]

In this connection, and before attempting a description of the
Mexican nations beyond the limits of the empire, nations more or less
independent of Aztec sway, a glance at ancient Mexican history seems
necessary, as well to throw light on the mutual relations of the
peoples of Anáhuac, as to partially explain the broad extent of the
Nahua civilization and of the Aztec idiom. The old-time story, how the
Toltecs in the sixth century appeared on the Mexican table-land, how
they were driven out and scattered in the eleventh century, how after
a brief interval the Chichimecs followed their footsteps, and how
these last were succeeded by the Aztecs who were found in
possession,--the last two, and probably the first, migrating in
immense hordes from the far north-west,--all this is sufficiently
familiar to readers of Mexican history, and is furthermore fully set
forth in the fifth volume of this work. It is probable, however, that
this account, accurate to a certain degree, has been by many writers
too literally construed; since the once popular theory of wholesale
national migrations of American peoples within historic times, and
particularly of such migrations from the north-west, may now be
regarded as practically unfounded. The sixth century is the most
remote period to which we are carried in the annals of Anáhuac by
traditions sufficiently definite to be considered in any proper sense
as historic records. At this period we find the Nahua civilization and
institutions established on the table-land, occupied then as at every
subsequent time by many tribes more or less distinct from each other.
And there this culture remained without intermixture of essentially
foreign elements down to the sixteenth century; there the successive
phases of its development appeared, and there the progressional spirit
continued to ferment for a period of ten centuries, which fermentation
constitutes the ancient Mexican history. During the course of these
ten centuries we may follow now definitely now vaguely the social,
religious, and political convulsions through which these aboriginals
were doomed to pass. From small beginnings we see mighty political
powers evolved, and these overturned and thrown into obscurity by
other and rival unfoldings. Religious sects in like manner we see
succeed each other, coloring their progress with frequent persecutions
and reformations, not unworthy of old-world mediæval fanaticism, as
partisans of rival deities shape the popular superstition in
conformity with their creeds. Wars, long and bloody, are waged for
plunder, for territory, and for souls; now, to quell the insurrection
of a tributary prince, now to repel the invasion of outer barbarian
hordes. Leaders, political and religious, rising to power with their
nation, faction, city, or sect, are driven at their fall into exile,
and thereby forced to seek their fortunes and introduce their culture
among distant tribes. Outside bands, more or less barbarous, but brave
and powerful, come to settle in Anáhuac, and to receive, voluntarily
or involuntarily, the benefits of its arts and science.

I have no disposition unduly to magnify the New World civilization,
nor to under-rate old world culture, but during these ten centuries of
almost universal mediæval gloom, the difference between the two
civilizations was less than most people imagine. On both sides of the
Dark Sea humanity lay floundering in besotted ignorance; the
respective qualities of that ignorance it is hardly profitable to
analyze. The history of all these complicated changes, so far as it
may be traced, separates naturally into three chronologic periods,
corresponding with what are known as the Toltec, the Chichimec, and
the Aztec empires. Prior to the sixth century doubtless there were
other periods of Nahua greatness, for there is little evidence to
indicate that this was the first appearance in Mexico of this
progressive people, but previous developments can not be definitely
followed, although affording occasional glimpses which furnish
interesting matter for antiquarian speculation.

At the opening then, of the historic times, we find the Toltecs in
possession of Anáhuac and the surrounding country. Though the
civilization was old, the name was new, derived probably, although not
so regarded by all, from Tollan, a capital city of the empire, but
afterward becoming synonymous with all that is excellent in art and
high culture. Tradition imputes to the Toltecs a higher civilization
than that found among the Aztecs, who had degenerated with the growth
of the warlike spirit, and especially by the introduction of more
cruel and sanguinary religious rites. But this superiority, in some
respects not improbable, rests on no very strong evidence, since this
people left no relics of that artistic skill which gave them so great
traditional fame; there is, however, much reason to ascribe the
construction of the pyramids at Teotihuacan and Cholula to the Toltec
or a still earlier period. Among the civilized peoples of the
sixteenth century, however, and among their descendants down to the
present day, nearly every ancient relic of architecture or sculpture
is accredited to the Toltecs, from whom all claim descent. In fact the
term Toltec became synonymous in later times with all that was
wonderful or mysterious in the past; and so confusing has been the
effect of this universal reference of all traditional events to a
Toltec source, that, while we can not doubt the actual existence of
this great empire, the details of its history, into which the
supernatural so largely enters, must be regarded as to a great extent
mythical.

[Sidenote: THE TOLTEC EMPIRE.]

There are no data for fixing accurately the bounds of the Toltec
domain, particularly in the south. There is very little, however, to
indicate that it was more extensive in this direction than that of the
Aztecs in later times, although it seems to have extended somewhat
farther northward. On the west there is some evidence that it included
the territory of Michoacan, never subdued by the Aztecs; and it
probably stretched eastward to the Atlantic, including the Totonac
territory of Vera Cruz. Of the tribes or nations that made up the
empire none can be positively identified by name with any of the later
peoples found in Anáhuac, though there can be little doubt that
several of the latter were descended directly from the Toltecs and
contemporary tribes; and indeed it is believed with much reason that
the semi-barbarous Otomís of Anáhuac, and several nations beyond the
limits of the valley, may date their tribal history back to a period
even preceding the Toltec era. During the most flourishing period of
its traditional five centuries of duration, the Toltec empire was
ruled by a confederacy similar in some respects to the alliance of
later date between Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan. The capitals were
Culhuacan, Otompan, and Tollan, the two former corresponding somewhat
in territory with Mexico and Tezcuco, while the latter was just beyond
the limits of the valley toward the north-west. Each of these capital
cities became in turn the leading power in the confederacy. Tollan
reached the highest eminence in culture, splendor, and fame, and
Culhuacan was the only one of the three to survive by name the bloody
convulsions by which the empire was at last overthrown, and retain
anything of her former greatness.

Long-continued civil wars, arising chiefly from dissensions between
rival religious factions, resulting naturally in pestilence and
famine, which in the aboriginal annals are attributed to the direct
interposition of irate deities, gradually undermine the imperial
thrones. Cities and nations previously held in subjection or
overshadowed by the splendor and power of Tollan, take advantage of
her civil troubles to enlarge their respective domains and to
establish independent powers. Distant tribes, more or less barbarous,
but strong and warlike, come and establish themselves in desirable
localities within the limits of an empire whose rulers are now
powerless to repel invasion. So the kings of Tollan, Culhuacan, and
Otompan lose, year by year, their prestige, and finally, in the middle
of the eleventh century, are completely overthrown, leaving the
Mexican table-land to be ruled by new combinations of rising powers.
Thus ends the Toltec period of ancient Anáhuac history.

The popular account pictures the whole Toltec population, or such part
of it as had been spared by war, pestilence, and famine, as migrating
en masse southward, and leaving Anáhuac desolate and unpeopled for
nearly a half century, to be settled anew by tribes that crowded in
from the north-west when they learned that this fair land had been so
strangely abandoned. This account, like all other national
migration-narratives pertaining to the Americans, has little
foundation in fact or in probability.

The royal families and religious leaders of the Toltecs were doubtless
driven into perpetual exile, and were accompanied by such of the
nobility as preferred, rather than content themselves with subordinate
positions at home, to try their fortunes in new lands, some of which
were perhaps included in the southern parts of the empire concerning
which so little is known. That there was any essential or immediate
change in the population of the table-land beyond the irruption of a
few tribes, is highly improbable. The exiled princes and priests, as I
have said, went southward, where doubtless they played an important
part in the subsequent history of the Maya-Quiché nations of Central
America, a history less fully recorded than that of Anáhuac. That
these exiles were the founders of the Central American civilization, a
popular belief supported by many writers, I cannot but regard as
another phase of that tendency above-mentioned to attribute all that
is undefined and ill-understood to the great and wonderful Toltecs;
nor do I believe that the evidence warrants such an hypothesis. If the
pioneer civilizers of the south, the builders of Palenque, Copan, and
other cities of the more ancient type, were imbued with or influenced
by the Nahua culture, as is not improbable, it certainly was not that
culture as carried southward in the eleventh century, but a
development or phase of it long preceding that which took the name of
Toltec on the Mexican plateaux. With the destruction of the empire the
term Toltec, as applied to an existing people, disappeared. This
disappearance of the name while the institutions of the nation
continued to flourish, may indicate that the designation of the
people--or possibly of the ruling family--of Tollan, was not applied
contemporaneously to the whole empire, and that in the traditions and
records of later times, it has incidentally acquired a fictitious
importance. Of the Toltec cities, Culhuacan, on the lake border,
recovered under the new political combinations something of her old
prominence; the name Culhuas applied to its people appears much more
ancient than that of Toltecs, and indeed the Mexican civilization as a
whole might perhaps as appropriately be termed Culhua as Nahua.

[Sidenote: THE CHICHIMEC EMPIRE.]

The new era succeeding the Toltec rule is that of the Chichimec
empire, which endured with some variations down to the coming of
Cortés. The ordinary version of the early annals has it, that the
Chichimecs, a wild tribe living far in the north-west, learning that
the fertile regions of Central Mexico had been abandoned by the
Toltecs, came down in immense hordes to occupy the land. Numerous
other tribes came after them at short intervals, were kindly received
and granted lands for settlement, and the more powerful of the new
comers, in confederation with the original Chichimec settlers,
developed into the so-called empire. Now, although this occupation of
the central table-lands by successive migrations of foreign tribes
cannot be accepted by the sober historian, and although we must
conclude that very many of the so-called new comers were tribes that
had occupied the country during the Toltec period,--their names now
coming into notice with their increasing importance and power,--yet it
is probable that some new tribes, sufficiently powerful to exercise a
great if not a controlling influence in building up the new empire,
did at this time enter Anáhuac from the immediately bordering regions,
and play a prominent part, in conjunction with the rising nations
within the valley, in the overthrow of the kings of Tollan. These
in-coming nations, by alliance with the original inhabitants, infused
fresh life and vigor into the worn-out monarchies, furnishing the
strength by which new powers were built up on the ruins of the old,
and receiving on the other hand the advantages of the more perfect
Nahua culture.

If one, and the most powerful, of these new nations was, as the annals
state, called the Chichimec, nothing whatever is known of its race or
language. The Chichimecs, their identity, their idiom, and their
institutions, if any such there were, their name even, as a national
appellation, were merged into those of the Nahua nations that
accompanied or followed them, and were there lost. The ease and
rapidity with which this tribal fusion of tongue and culture is
represented to have been accomplished would indicate at least that the
Chichimecs, if a separate tribe, were of the same race and language as
the Toltecs; but however this may be, it must be conceded that, while
they can not have been the wild cave-dwelling barbarians painted by
some of the historians, they did not introduce into Anáhuac any new
element of civilization.

[Sidenote: NO SUCH NATION AS THE CHICHIMEC.]

The name Chichimec at the time of the Spanish conquest, and
subsequently, was used with two significations, first, as applied to
the line of kings that reigned at Tezcuco, and second, to all the wild
hunting tribes, particularly in the broad and little-known regions of
the north. Traditionally or historically the name has been applied to
nearly every people mentioned in the ancient history of America. This
has caused the greatest confusion among writers on the subject, a
confusion which I believe can only be cleared up by the supposition
that the name Chichimec, like that of Toltec, never was applied as a
tribal or national designation proper to any people, while such people
were living. It seems probable that among the Nahua peoples that
occupied the country from the sixth to the eleventh centuries, a few
of the leading powers appropriated to themselves the title Toltecs,
which had been at first employed by the inhabitants of Tollan, whose
artistic excellence soon rendered it a designation of honor. To the
other Nahua peoples, by whom these leading powers were surrounded,
whose institutions were identical but whose polish and elegance of
manner were deemed by these self-constituted autocrats somewhat
inferior, the term Chichimecs, barbarians, etymologically 'dogs,' was
applied. After the convulsions that overthrew Tollan and reversed the
condition of the Nahua nations, the 'dogs' in their turn assumed an
air of superiority and retained their designation Chichimecs as a
title of honor and nobility.

The names of the tribes represented as entering Anáhuac after the
Chichimecs, but respecting the order of whose coming there is little
agreement among authors, are the following: Matlaltzincas, Tepanecs,
Acolhuas, Teo-Chichimecs (Tlascaltecs), Malinalcas, Cholultecs,
Xochimilcas, Chalcas, Huexotzincas, Cuitlahuacs, Cuicatecs, Mizquicas,
Tlahuicas, Cohuixcas, and Aztecs. Some of these, as I have said, may
have entered the valley from the immediate north. Which these were I
shall not attempt to decide, but they were nearly all of the same race
and language, all lived under Nahua institutions, and their
descendants were found living on and about the Aztec plateau in the
sixteenth century, speaking, with one or two exceptions, the Aztec
tongue.

In the new era of prosperity that now dawned on Anáhuac, Culhuacan,
where some remnants even of the Toltec nobility remained, under
Chichimec auspices regained to a great extent its old position as a
centre of culture and power. Among the new nations whose name now
first appears in history, the Acolhuas and Tepanecs soon rose to
political prominence in the valley. The Acolhuas were the Chichimecs
par excellence, or, as tradition has it, the Chichimec nation was
absorbed by them, giving up its name, language, and institutions. The
capitals which ruled the destinies of Anáhuac down to the fifteenth
century, besides Culhuacan, were Tenayocan, Xaltocan, Coatlychan,
Tezcuco, and Azcapuzalco. These capitals being governed for the most
part by branches of the same royal Chichimec family, the era was one
of civil intrigue for the balance of power and for succession to the
throne, rather than one of foreign conquest. During the latter part of
the period, Tezcuco, the Acolhua capital under the Chichimec kings
proper, Azcapuzalco the capital of the Tepanecs, and Culhuacan held
the country under their sway, sometimes allied to meet the forces of
foreign foes, but oftener plotting against each other, each, by
alliance with a second against the third, aiming at universal
dominion. At last in this series of political manoeuvres Culhuacan
was permanently overthrown, and the Chichimec ruler at Tezcuco was
driven from his possessions by the warlike chief of the Tepanecs, who
thus for a short time was absolute master of Anáhuac.

But with the decadence of the Culhua power at Culhuacan, another of
the tribes that came into notice in the valley after the fall of the
Toltecs, had been gradually gaining a position among the nations. This
rising power was the Aztecs, a people traditionally from the far
north-west, whose wanderings are described in picture-writings shown
in another part of this volume. Their migration is more definitely
described than that of any other of the many who are said to have come
from the same direction, and has been considered by different writers
to be a migration from California, New Mexico, or Asia. Later
researches indicate that the pictured annals are intended simply as a
record of the Aztec wanderings in the valley of Mexico and its
vicinity. Whatever their origin, by their fierce and warlike nature
and bloody religious rites, from the first they made themselves the
pests of Anáhuac, and later its tyrants. For some centuries they
acquired no national influence, but were often conquered, enslaved,
and driven from place to place, until early in the fourteenth century,
when Mexico or Tenochtitlan was founded, and under a line of able
warlike kings started forward in its career of prosperity unequaled in
the annals of aboriginal America. At the fall of Culhuacan, Mexico
ranked next to Tezcuco and Azcapuzalco, and when the armies of the
latter prevailed against the former, Mexico was the most powerful of
all the nations that sprang to arms, and pressed forward to humble the
Tepanec tyrant, to reïnstate the Acolhua monarch on his throne, and to
restore Tezcuco to her former commanding position. The result was the
utter defeat of the Tepanecs, and the glory of Azcapuzalco departed
forever.

[Sidenote: THE AZTEC ERA.]

Thus ended in the early part of the fifteenth century the Chichimec
empire,--that is, it nominally ended, for the Chichimec kings proper
lost nothing of their power,--and, by the establishment of the
confederacy already described, the Aztec empire was inaugurated. Under
the new dispensation of affairs, Mexico, by whose aid chiefly
Azcapuzalco had been humbled, received rank and dominion at least
equal to that of Tezcuco, while from motives of policy, and in order,
so far as possible, to conciliate the good will of a strong though
conquered people, Tlacopan, under a branch of the Tepanecs, with a
less extensive domain, was admitted to the alliance. The terms of the
confederacy seem, as I have said, never to have been openly violated;
but in the first years of the sixteenth century the Aztecs had not
only excited the hatred of the most powerful nations outside the
bounds of Anáhuac by their foreign raids, but by their arrogant
overbearing spirit had made themselves obnoxious at home. Their aim
at supreme power was apparent, and both Tezcuco and the independent
republic of Tlascala began to tremble at the dangerous progress of
their mighty neighbor. A desperate struggle was imminent, in which the
Aztecs, pitted against all central Mexico, by victory would have
grasped the coveted prize of imperial power, or crushed as were the
Tepanecs before them by a coalition of nations, would have yielded
their place in the confederacy to some less dangerous rival. At this
juncture Cortés appeared. This renowned chieftain aided Montezuma's
foes to triumph, and in turn fastened the shackles of European
despotism on all alike, with a partial exception in favor of brave
Tlascala. The nations which formed the Aztec empire proper, were the
tribes for the most part that have been named as springing into
existence or notice in Anáhuac early in the Chichimec period, and the
names of most of them have been preserved in the names of modern
localities. It will be seen, in treating of the languages of the
Pacific States, that the Aztec tongue, in a pure state, in distinct
verbal or grammatical traces, and in names of places, is spread over a
much wider extent of territory than can be supposed to have ever been
brought under subjection to Anáhuac during either the Toltec,
Chichimec, or Aztec phases of the Nahua domination. To account for
this we have the commercial connections of the Aztecs, whose traders
are known to have pushed their mercantile ventures far beyond the
regions subjected by force of arms; colonies which, both in Toltec and
Aztec times, may be reasonably supposed to have sought new homes; the
exile of nobles and priests at the fall of the Toltec empire, and
other probable migrations, voluntary and involuntary, of princes and
teachers; the large detachments of Aztecs who accompanied the
Spaniards in the expeditions by which the continent was brought under
subjection; and finally, if all these are not sufficient, the unknown
history and migrations of the Nahua peoples during the centuries
preceding the Toltec era.

[Sidenote: THE TARASCOS OF MICHOACAN.]

I will now briefly notice the civilized nations beyond the limits of
Anáhuac, and more or less independent of the Aztec rule, concerning
whose institutions and history comparatively little or nothing is
known, except what is drawn from the Aztec annals, with some very
general observations on their condition made by their Spanish
conquerors. Westward of the Mexican valley was the flourishing
independent kingdom of Michoacan, in possession of the Tarascos, whose
capital was Tzintzuntzan on Lake Patzcuaro. Their country, lying for
the most part between the rivers Mexcala and Tololotlan, is by its
altitude chiefly in the tierra templada, and enjoys all the advantages
of a tropical climate, soil, and vegetation. Topographically it
presents a surface of undulating plains, intersected by frequent
mountain chains and by the characteristic ravines, and well watered by
many streams and beautiful lakes; hence the name Michoacan, which
signifies 'land abounding in fish.' The lake region of Patzcuaro, the
seat of the Tarasco kings, is described as unsurpassed in picturesque
beauty, while in the variety of its agricultural products and in its
yield of mineral wealth, Michoacan was equaled by few of the states of
New Spain.

If we may credit the general statements of early authors, who give us
but few details, in their institutions, their manners, wealth, and
power, the Tarascos were at least fully the equals of the Aztecs, and
in their physical development were even superior. That they
successfully resisted and defeated the allied armies of Anáhuac is
sufficient proof of their military prowess, although they yielded
almost without a struggle to the Spaniards after the fall of Mexico.
With respect to their civilization we must accept the statements of
their superiority as the probably correct impression of those who came
first in contact with this people, notwithstanding which I find no
architectural or artistic relics of a high culture within their
territory. All that is known on the subject indicates that their
civilization was of the Nahua type, although the language is
altogether distinct from the Aztec, the representative Nahua tongue.
The history of Michoacan, in the form of any but the vaguest
traditions, does not reach back farther than the thirteenth century;
nevertheless, as I have said, there is some reason to suppose that it
formed part of the Toltec empire. The theory has even been advanced
that the Tarascos, forming a part of that empire, were not disturbed
by its fall, and were therefore the best representatives of the oldest
Nahua culture. Their reported physical superiority might favor this
view, but their distinct language on the contrary would render it
improbable. A careful study of all that is known of this people
convinces me that they had long been settled in the lands where they
were found, but leaves on the mind no definite idea of their earlier
history. Their later annals are made up of tales, partaking largely of
the marvelous and supernatural, of the doings of certain demi-gods or
priests, and of wars waged against the omnipresent Chichimecs.
Branches of the great and primitive Otomí family are mentioned as
having their homes in the mountains, and there are traditions that
fragments of the Aztecs and other tribes which followed the Chichimecs
into Anáhuac, lingered on the route of their migration and settled in
the fertile valleys of Michoacan. Between the Tarascos and the Aztecs,
speaking a language different from either but allied more or less
intimately with the former, were the Matlaltzincas, whose capital was
in the plateau valley of Toluca, just outside the bounds of Anáhuac.
This was one of the tribes that have already been named as coming
traditionally from the north-west. For a long time they maintained
their independence, but in the last quarter of the fifteenth century
were forced to yield to the victorious arms of Axayacatl, the Aztec
warrior king.

Immediately below the mouth of the Mexcala, on the border of the
Pacific, were the lands of the Cuitlatecs, and also the province or
kingdom of Zacatollan, whose capital was the modern Zacatula. Of these
two peoples absolutely nothing is known, save that they were tributary
to the Aztec empire, the latter having been added to the domain of
Tezcuco in the very last years of the fifteenth century.

The provinces that extended south-westward from Anáhuac to the ocean,
belonging chiefly to the modern state of Guerrero and included in what
I have described as the Aztec empire proper, were those of the
Tlahuicas, whose capital was Cuernavaca, the Cohuixcas, capital at
Acapulco, the Yoppi on the coast south of Acapulco, and the province
of Mazatlan farther inland or north-east. The name Tlapanecs is also
rather indefinitely applied to the people of a portion of this
territory in the south, including probably the Yoppi. Of the names
mentioned we have met those of the Tlahuicas and Cohuixcas among the
tribes newly springing into notice at the beginning of the Chichimec
period. It is probable that nearly all were more or less closely
allied in race and language to their Mexican masters, their political
subjection to whom dates from about the middle of the fifteenth
century.

[Sidenote: MIZTECS AND ZAPOTECS.]

The western slope of the cordillera still farther south-west,
comprising in general terms the modern state of Oajaca, was ruled and
to a great extent inhabited by the Miztecs and Zapotecs, two powerful
nations distinct in tongue from the Aztecs and from each other.
Western Oajaca, the home of the Miztecs, was divided into Upper and
Lower Miztecapan, the latter toward the coast, and the former higher
up in the mountains, and sometimes termed Cohuaixtlahuacan. The
Zapotecs in eastern Oajaca, when first definitely known to history,
had extended their power over nearly all the tribes of Tehuantepec,
besides encroaching somewhat on the Miztec boundaries. The Miztecs,
notwithstanding the foreign aid of Tlascaltecs and other eastern foes
of the Aztec king, were first defeated by the allied forces of Anáhuac
about 1458; and from that date the conquerors succeeded in holding
their stronger towns and more commanding positions down to the
conquest, thus enforcing the payment of tribute and controlling the
commerce of the southern coast, which was their primary object.
Tehuantepec and Soconusco yielded some years after to the conquering
Axayacatl, and Zapotecapan still later to his successor Ahuitzotl; but
in the closing years of the fifteenth century the Zapotecs recovered
their country with Tehuantepec, leaving Socunusco, however,
permanently in Aztec possession. The history of the two nations takes
us no farther back than the fourteenth century, when they first came
into contact with the peoples of Anáhuac; it gives a record of their
rulers and their deeds of valor in wars waged against each other,
against the neighboring tribes, and against the Mexicans. Prior to
that time we have a few traditions of the vaguest character preserved
by Burgoa, the historian of Oajaca. These picture both Miztecs and
Zapotecs as originally wild, but civilized by the influence of
teachers, priests, or beings of supernatural powers, who came among
them, one from the south, and others from the direction of Anáhuac.
Their civilization, however received, was surely Nahua, as is shown by
the resemblances which their institutions, and particularly their
religious rites, bear to those of the Aztecs. Being of the Nahua type,
its origin has of course been referred to that inexhaustible source,
the dispersion of the Toltecs, or to proselyting teachers sent
southward by that wonderful people. Indeed, the Miztec and Zapotec
royal families claimed a direct Toltec descent. It is very probable,
however, that the Nahua element here was at least contemporaneous in
its introduction with the same element known as Toltec in Anáhuac,
rather than implanted in Oajaca by missionaries, voluntary or
involuntary, from Tollan. I have already remarked that the presence
of Nahua institutions in different regions is too often attributed to
the Toltec exiles, and too seldom to historical events preceding the
sixth century. The Oajacan coast region or tierra caliente, if we may
credit the result of researches by the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, was
sometimes known as Anáhuac Ayotlan, as the opposite coast of Tabasco
was called Anáhuac Xicalanco. Both these Anáhuacs were inhabited by
enterprising commercial peoples, whose flourishing centres of trade
were located at short intervals along the coast. Material relics of
past excellence in architecture and other arts of civilization abound
in Oajaca, chief among which stand the remarkable structures at Mitla.

[Sidenote: NATIONS OF TEHUANTEPEC.]

Although Tehuantepec in the later aboriginal times was subject to the
kings of Zapotecapan, yet within its limits, besides the Chontales,--a
name resembling in its uncertainty of application that of Chichimecs
farther north,--were the remnants of two old nations that still
preserved their independence. These were the Mijes, living chiefly by
the chase in the mountain fastnesses of the north, and the Huaves, who
held a small territory on the coast and islands of the lagoons just
east of the city of Tehuantepec. The Mijes, so far as the vague
traditions of the country reveal anything of their past, were once the
possessors of Zapotecapan and the isthmus of Tehuantepec, antedating
the Zapotecs and perhaps the Nahua culture in this region, being
affiliated, as some believe, in institutions and possibly in language,
with the Maya element of Central America. While this connection must
be regarded as somewhat conjectural, we may nevertheless accept as
probably authentic the antiquity, civilization, and power of this
brave people. The Huaves were traditionally of southern origin, having
come to Tehuantepec by sea from Nicaragua or a point still farther
south. In navigation and in commerce they were enterprising, as were
indeed all the tribes of this southern-coast Anáhuac, and they took
gradually from the Mijes, whom they found in possession, a large
extent of territory, which as we have seen they were finally forced to
yield up to their Zapotec conquerors.

Crossing now to the Atlantic or Gulf shores we have from the past
nothing but a confused account of Olmecs, Xicalancas, and Nonohualcas,
who may have been distinct peoples, or the same people under different
names at different epochs, and who at some time inhabited the lowlands
of Tehuantepec and Vera Cruz, as well as those of Tabasco farther
south. At the time of the conquest we know that this region was
thickly inhabited by a people scarcely less advanced than those of
Anáhuac, and dotted with flourishing towns devoted to commerce. But
neither in the sixteenth nor immediately preceding centuries can any
one civilized nation be definitely named as occupying this Anáhuac
Xicalanco. We know, however, that this country north of the
Goazacoalco River formed a portion of the Aztec empire, and that its
inhabitants spoke for the most part the Aztec tongue. These provinces,
known as Cuetlachtlan and Goazacoalco, were conquered, chiefly with a
view to the extension of the Aztec commerce, as early as the middle of
the fifteenth century, notwithstanding the assistance rendered by the
armies of Tlascala.

[Sidenote: THE TLASCALTECS.]

The plateau east of Anáhuac sometimes known as Huitzilapan was found
by the Spaniards in the possession of the independent republics, or
cities, of Tlascala, Huexotzinco, and Cholula. The people who occupied
this part of the table-land were the Teo-Chichimecs, of the same
language and of the same traditional north-western origin as the
Aztecs, whom they preceded in Anáhuac. Late in the thirteenth century
they left the valley of Mexico, and in several detachments established
themselves on the eastern plateau, where they successfully maintained
their independence of all foreign powers. As allies of the Chichimec
king of Tezcuco they aided in overturning the Tepanec tyrant of
Azcapuzalco; but after the subsequent dangerous development of Aztec
ambition, the Tlascaltec armies aided in nearly every attempt of other
nations to arrest the progress of the Mexicans toward universal
dominion. Their assistance, as we have seen, was unavailing except in
the final successful alliance with the forces of Cortés; for, although
secure in their small domain against foreign invasion, their armies
were often defeated abroad. Tlascala has retained very nearly its
original bounds, and the details of its history from the foundation of
the city are, by the writings of the native historian Camargo, more
fully known than those of most other nations outside of Anáhuac. This
author, however, gives us the annals of his own and the surrounding
peoples from a Tlascaltec stand-point only. Before the Teo-Chichimec
invasion of Huitzilapan, Cholula had already acquired great prominence
as a Toltec city, and as the residence of the great Nahua apostle
Quetzalcoatl, of which era, or a preceding one, the famous pyramid
remains as a memento. Outside of Cholula, however, the ancient history
of this region presents but a blank page, or one vaguely filled with
tales of giants, its first reputed inhabitants, and of the mysterious
Olmecs, from some remaining fragments of which people the Tlascaltecs
are said to have won their new homes. These Olmecs seem to have been a
very ancient people who occupied the whole eastern region, bordering
on or mixed with the Xicalancas in the south; or rather the name Olmec
seems to have been the designation of a phase or era of the Nahua
civilization preceding that known as the Toltec. It is impossible to
determine accurately whether the Xicalancas should be classed with the
Nahua or Maya element, although probably with the former.

The coast region east of Tlascala, comprising the northern half of the
state of Vera Cruz, was the home of the Totonacs, whose capital was
the famous Cempoala, and who were conquered by the Aztecs at the close
of the fifteenth century. They were probably one of the ancient
pre-Toltec peoples like the Otomís and Olmecs, and they claimed to
have occupied in former times Anáhuac and the adjoining territory,
where they erected the pyramids of the sun and moon at Teotihuacan.
Their institutions when first observed by Europeans seem to have been
essentially Nahua, and the abundant architectural remains found in
Totonac territory, as at Papantla, Misantla, and Tusapan, show no
well-defined differences from Aztec constructions proper. Whether this
Nahua culture was that originally possessed by them or was introduced
at a comparatively late period through the influence of the
Teo-Chichimecs, with whom they became largely consolidated, is
uncertain. The Totonac language is, however, distinct from the Aztec,
and is thought to have some affinity with the Maya.

North of the Totonacs on the gulf coast, in the present state of
Tamaulipas, lived the Huastecs, concerning whose early history nothing
whatever is known. Their language is allied to the Maya dialects. They
were a brave people, looked upon by the Mexicans as semi-barbarous,
but were defeated and forced to pay tribute by the king of Tezcuco in
the middle of the fifteenth century.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: NATIONS OF CENTRAL AMERICA.]

The difficulties experienced in rendering to any degree satisfactory a
general view of the northern nations, are very greatly augmented now
that I come to treat of the Central American tribes. The causes of
this increased difficulty are many. I have already noticed the
prominence of the Aztecs in most that has been recorded of American
civilization. During the conquest of the central portions of the
continent following that of Mexico, the Spaniards found an advanced
culture, great cities, magnificent temples, a complicated system of
religious and political institutions; but all these had been met
before in the north, and consequently mere mention in general terms of
these later wonders was deemed sufficient by the conquerors, who were
a class of men not disposed to make minute observations or comparisons
respecting what seemed to them unimportant details. As to the priests,
their duty was clearly to destroy rather than to closely investigate
these institutions of the devil. And in the years following the
conquest, the association between the natives and the conquerors was
much less intimate than in Anáhuac. These nations in many instances
fought until nearly annihilated, or after defeat retired in national
fragments to the inaccessible fastnesses of the cordillera, retaining
for several generations--some of them permanently--their independence,
and affording the Spaniards little opportunity of becoming acquainted
with their aboriginal institutions. In the south, as in Anáhuac,
native writers, after their language had been fitted to the Spanish
alphabet, wrote more or less fully of their national history; but all
such writings whose existence is known are in the possession of one or
two individuals, and, excepting the Popol Vuh translated by Ximenes as
well as Brasseur de Bourbourg, and the Perez Maya manuscript, their
contents are only vaguely known to the public through the writings of
their owners. Another difficulty respecting these writings is that
their dependence on any original authority more trustworthy than that
of orally transmitted traditions, is at least doubtful. The key to the
hieroglyphics engraved on the stones of Palenque and Copan, and
painted on the pages of the very few ancient manuscripts preserved, is
now practically lost; that it was possessed by the writers referred to
is, although not impossible, still far from proven. Again, chronology,
so complicated and uncertain in the annals of Anáhuac, is here,
through the absence of legible written records, almost entirely
wanting, so that it is in many cases absolutely impossible to fix even
an approximate date for historical events of great importance. The
attempts of authors to attach some of these events, without sufficient
data, to the Nahua chronology, have done much to complicate the
matter still further.

The only author who has attempted to treat of the subject of Central
American civilization and antiquity comprehensively as a whole is the
Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg. The learned abbé, however, with all his
research and undoubted knowledge of the subject, and with his
well-known enthusiasm and tact in antiquarian engineering, by which he
is wont to level difficulties, apparently insurmountable, to a grade
which offers no obstruction to his theoretical construction-trains,
has been forced to acknowledge at many points his inability to
construct a perfect whole from data so meagre and conflicting. Such
being the case, the futility must be apparent of attempting here any
outline of history which may throw light on the institutions of the
sixteenth century. I must be content, for the purposes of this
chapter, with a mention of the civilized nations found in possession
of the country, and a brief statement of such prominent points in
their past as seem well-authenticated and important.

[Sidenote: THE ANCIENT MAYA EMPIRE.]

Closely enveloped in the dense forests of Chiapas, Guatemala, Yucatan,
and Honduras, the ruins of several ancient cities have been
discovered, which are far superior in extent and magnificence to any
seen in Aztec territory, and of which a detailed description may be
found in the fourth volume of this work. Most of these cities were
abandoned and more or less unknown at the time of the conquest. They
bear hieroglyphic inscriptions apparently identical in character; in
other respects they resemble each other more than they resemble the
Aztec ruins--or even other and apparently later works in Guatemala and
Honduras. All these remains bear evident marks of great antiquity.
Their existence and similarity, in the absence of any evidence to the
contrary, would indicate the occupation of the whole country at some
remote period by nations far advanced in civilization, and closely
allied in manners and customs, if not in blood and language.
Furthermore, the traditions of several of the most advanced nations
point to a wide-spread civilization introduced among a numerous and
powerful people by Votan and Zamná, who, or their successors, built
the cities referred to, and founded great allied empires in Chiapas,
Yucatan and Guatemala; and moreover, the tradition is confirmed by the
universality of one family of languages or dialects spoken among the
civilized nations, and among their descendants to this day. I deem the
grounds sufficient, therefore, for accepting this Central American
civilization of the past as a fact, referring it not to an extinct
ancient race, but to the direct ancestors of the peoples still
occupying the country with the Spaniards, and applying to it the name
Maya as that of the language which has claims as strong as any to be
considered the mother tongue of the linguistic family mentioned. As I
have said before, the phenomena of civilization in North America may
be accounted for with tolerable consistency by the friction and
mixture of this Maya culture and people with the Nahua element of the
north; while that either, by migrations northward or southward, can
have been the parent of the other within the traditionally historic
past, I regard as extremely improbable. That the two elements were
identical in their origin and early development is by no means
impossible; all that we can safely presume is that within historic
times they have been practically distinct in their workings.

There are also some rather vague traditions of the first appearance of
the Nahua civilization in the regions of Tabasco and Chiapas, of its
growth, the gradual establishment of a power rivalling that of the
people I call Mayas, and of a struggle by which the Nahuas were
scattered in different directions, chiefly northward, to reappear in
history some centuries later as the Toltecs of Anáhuac. While the
positive evidence in favor of this migration from the south is very
meagre, it must be admitted that a southern origin of the Nahua
culture is far more consistent with fact and tradition than was the
north-western origin, so long implicitly accepted. There are no data
by which to fix the period of the original Maya empire, or its
downfall or breaking-up into rival factions by civil and foreign wars.
The cities of Yucatan, as is clearly shown by Mr Stephens, were, many
of them, occupied by the descendants of the builders down to the
conquest, and contain some remnants of wood-work still in good
preservation, although some of the structures appear to be built on
the ruins of others of a somewhat different type. Palenque and Copan,
on the contrary, have no traces of wood or other perishable material,
and were uninhabited and probably unknown in the sixteenth century.
The loss of the key to what must have been an advanced system of
hieroglyphics, while the spoken language survived, is also an
indication of great antiquity, confirmed by the fact that the Quiché
structures of Guatemala differed materially from those of the more
ancient epoch. It is not likely that the Maya empire in its integrity
continued later than the third or fourth century, although its cities
may have been inhabited much later, and I should fix the epoch of its
highest power at a date preceding rather than following the Christian
era. A Maya manuscript fixes the date of the first appearance in
Yucatan of the Tutul Xius at 171 A. D. The Abbé Brasseur therefore
makes this the date of the Nahua dispersion, believing, on apparently
very slight foundation, the Tutul Xius to be one of the Nahua
fragments. With the breaking-up of this empire into separate nations
at an unknown date, the ancient history of Central America as a whole
ceases, and down to a period closely preceding the conquest we have
only an occasional event preserved in the traditions of two or three
nations.

[Sidenote: MAYA NATIONS OF YUCATAN.]

Yucatan was occupied in the sixteenth century by the Mayas proper, all
speaking the same language, and living under practically the same
institutions, religious and political. The chief divisions were the
Cocomes, Tutul Xius, Itzas, and Cheles, which seem to have been
originally the designations of royal or priestly families, rather than
tribal names proper of the peoples over whom they held sway. Each of
these had their origin-traditions of immigrating tribes or teachers
who came in the distant past to seek new homes, escape persecution, or
introduce new religious ideas, in the fertile Maya plains. Some of
these stranger apostles of new creeds are identified by authors with
Toltec missionaries or exiles from Anáhuac. The evidence in favor of
this identity in any particular case is of course unsatisfactory, but
that it was well-founded in some cases is both probable,--commercial
intercourse having undoubtedly made the two peoples mutually
acquainted with each other,--and is supported by the presence of Nahua
names of rulers and priests, and of Nahua elements in the Yucatec
religion, the same remark applying to all Central America. The ancient
history of Yucatan is an account of the struggles, alliances, and
successive domination of the factions mentioned. To enumerate here, in
outline even, these successive changes so vaguely and confusedly
recorded would be useless, especially as their institutions, so far as
can be known, were but slightly affected by political changes among
people of the same blood, language, and religion.

The Cocomes were traditionally the original Maya rulers of the land,
and the Tutul Xius first came into notice in the second century, the
Itzas and Cheles appearing at a much later date. One of the most
prosperous eras in the later history of the peninsula of Yucatan is
represented to have followed the appearance of Cuculcan, a mysterious
stranger corresponding closely in his teachings, as in the etymology
of his name, with the Toltec Quetzalcoatl. He became the head of the
Cocome dynasty at Mayapan, and ruled the country as did his successors
after him in alliance with the Tutul Xius at Uxmal, the Itzas at
Chichen Itza, and the Cheles at Izamal. But later the Cocomes were
overthrown, and Mayapan destroyed by a revolution of the allies. The
Tutul Xius now became the leading power, a position which they held
down to the time, not long before the conquest, when the country was
divided by war and civil dissensions into numerous petty domains, each
ruled by its chief and independent of the rest, all in a weak and
exhausted condition compared with their former state, and unable to
resist by united effort the progress of the Spanish invaders whom
individually they fought most bravely. Three other comparatively
recent events of some importance in Yucatec history may be noticed.
The Cocomes in the struggle preceding their fall called in the aid of
a large force of Xicalancas, probably a Nahua people, from the
Tabascan coast region, who after their defeat were permitted by the
conquerors to settle in the country. A successful raid by some foreign
people, supposed with some reason to be the Quichés from Guatemala, is
reported to have been made against the Mayas with, however, no
important permanent results. Finally a portion of the Itzas migrated
southward and settled in the region of Lake Peten, establishing their
capital city on an island in the lake. Here they were found, a
powerful and advanced nation, by Hernan Cortés in the sixteenth
century, and traces of their cities still remain, although it must be
noted that another and older class of ruins are found in the same
region, dating back perhaps to a time when the glory of the Maya
empire had not wholly departed.

[Sidenote: CHIAPAS AND GUATEMALA.]

Chiapas, politically a part of the Mexican Republic, but belonging
geographically to Central America, was occupied by the Chiapanecs,
Tzendales, and Quelenes. The Tzendales lived in the region about
Palenque, and were presumably the direct descendants of its builders,
their language having nearly an equal claim with the Maya to be
considered the mother tongue. The Chiapanecs of the interior were a
warlike tribe, and had before the coming of the Spaniards conquered
the other nations, forcing them to pay tribute, and successfully
resisting the attacks of the Aztec allies. They also are a very old
people, having been referred even to the tribes that preceded the
establishment of Votan's empire. Statements concerning their history
are numerous and irreconcilable; they have some traditions of having
come from the south; their linguistic affinity with the Mayas is at
least very slight. The Quelenes or Zotziles, whose past is equally
mysterious, inhabited the southern or Guatemalan frontier.

Guatemala and northern Honduras were found in possession of the Mames
in the north-west, the Pocomams in the south-east, the Quichés in the
interior, and the Cakchiquels in the south. The two latter were the
most powerful and ruled the country from their capitals of Utatlan and
Patinamit, where they resisted the Spaniards almost to the point of
annihilation, retiring for the most part after defeat to live by the
chase in the distant mountain gorges. Guatemalan history from the Votan
empire down to an indefinite date not many centuries before the
conquest is a blank. It recommences with the first traditions of the
nations just mentioned. These traditions, as in the case of every
American people, begin with the immigration of foreign tribes into the
country as the first in the series of events leading to the establishment
of the Quiché-Cakchiquel empire. Assuming the Toltec dispersion from
Anáhuac in the eleventh century as a well-authenticated fact, most
writers have identified the Guatemalan nations, except perhaps the
Mames by some considered the descendants of the original inhabitants,
with the migrating Toltecs who fled southward to found a new empire. I
have already made known my scepticism respecting national American
migrations in general, and the Toltec migration southward in
particular, and there is nothing in the annals of Guatemala to modify
the views previously expressed. The Quiché traditions are vague and
without chronologic order, much less definite than those relating to
the mythical Aztec wanderings. The sum and substance of the Quiché and
Toltec identity is the traditional statement that the former people
entered Guatemala at an unknown period in the past, while the latter
left Anáhuac in the eleventh century. That the Toltecs should have
migrated en masse southward, taken possession of Guatemala,
established a mighty empire, and yet have abandoned their language for
dialects of the original Maya tongue is in the highest degree
improbable. It is safer to suppose that the mass of the Quichés and
other nations of Guatemala, Chiapas, and Honduras, were descended
directly from the Maya builders of Palenque, and from contemporary
peoples. Yet the differences between the Quiché-Cakchiquel structures,
and the older architectural remains of the Maya empire indicate a new
era of Maya culture, originated not unlikely by the introduction of
foreign elements. Moreover, the apparent identity in name and
teachings between the early civilizers of the Quiché tradition and the
Nahua followers of Quetzalcoatl, together with reported resemblances
between actual Quiché and Aztec institutions as observed by Europeans,
indicate farther that the new element was engrafted on Maya
civilization by contact with the Nahuas, a contact of which the
presence of the exiled Toltec nobility may have been a prominent
feature. After the overthrow of the original empire we may suppose the
people to have been subdivided during the course of centuries by civil
wars and sectarian struggles into petty states, the glory of their
former greatness vanished and partially forgotten, the spirit of
progress dormant, to be roused again by the presence of the Nahua
chiefs. These gathered and infused new life into the scattered
remnants; they introduced some new institutions, and thus aided the
ancient people to rebuild their empire on the old foundations,
retaining the dialects of the original language.

[Sidenote: NICARAGUANS AND PIPILES.]

In addition to the peoples thus far mentioned, there were undoubtedly
in Nicaragua, and probably in Salvador, nations of nearly pure Aztec
blood and language. The former are known among different authors as
Nicaraguans, Niquirans, or Cholutecs, and they occupied the coast
between lake Nicaragua and the ocean, with the lake islands. Their
institutions, political and religious, were nearly the same as those
of the Aztecs of Anáhuac, and they have left abundant relics in the
form of idols and sepulchral deposits, but no architectural remains.
These relics are moreover hardly less abundant in the territory of the
adjoining tribes, nor do they differ essentially in their nature;
hence we must conclude that some other Nicaraguan peoples, either by
Aztec or other influence, were considerably advanced in civilization.
The Nahua tribes of Salvador, the ancient Cuscatlan, were known as
Pipiles, and their culture appears not to have been of a high order.
Both of these nations probably owe their existence to a colony sent
southward from Anáhuac; but whether in Aztec or pre-Aztec times, the
native traditions, like their interpretation by writers on the
subject, are inextricably confused and at variance. For further
details on the location of Central American nations I refer to the
statement of tribal boundaries at the end of Chapter VII., Volume I.,
of this work.

* * * * *

I here close this general view of the subject, and if it is in some
respects unsatisfactory, I cannot believe that a different method of
treatment would have rendered it less so. To have gone more into
detail would have tended to confuse rather than elucidate the matter
in the reader's mind, unless with the support of extensive quotations
from ever-conflicting authorities, which would have swollen this
general view from a chapter to a volume. As far as antiquity is
concerned, the most intricate element of the subject, I shall attempt
to present--if I cannot reconcile--all the important variations of
opinion in another division of this work.

In the treatment of my subject, truth and accuracy are the principal
aim, and these are never sacrificed to graphic style or glowing
diction. As much of interest is thrown into the recital as the
authorities justify, and no more. Often may be seen the more striking
characteristics of these nations dashed off with a skill and
brilliance equaled only by their distance from the facts; disputed
points and unpleasing traits glossed over or thrown aside whenever
they interfere with style and effect. It is my sincere desire, above
all others, to present these people as they were, not to make them as
I would have them, nor to romance at the expense of truth;
nevertheless, it is to be hoped that in the truth enough of interest
will remain to command the attention of the reader. My treatment of
the subject is essentially as follows: The civilized peoples of North
America naturally group themselves in two great divisions, which for
convenience may be called the Nahuas and the Mayas respectively; the
first representing the Aztec civilization of Mexico, and the second
the Maya-Quiché civilization of Central America. In describing their
manners and customs, five large divisions may be made of each group.
The first may be said to include the systems of government, the order
of succession, the ceremonies of election, coronation, and anointment,
the magnificence, power, and manner of life of their kings; court
forms and observances; the royal palaces and gardens. The second
comprises the social system; the classes of nobles, gentry, plebeians
and slaves; taxation, tenure, and distribution of lands; vassalage and
feudal service; the inner life of the people; their family and private
relations, such as marriage, divorce, and education of youth; other
matters, such as their dress, food, games, feasts and dances,
knowledge of medicine, and manner of burial. The third division
includes their system of war, their relations with foreign powers,
their warriors and orders of knighthood, their treatment of prisoners
of war and their weapons. The fourth division embraces their system
of trade and commerce, the community of merchants, their sciences,
arts, and manufactures. The fifth and last considers their judiciary,
law-courts, and legal officials. I append as more appropriately placed
here than elsewhere, a note on the etymological meaning and
derivation, so far as known, of the names of the Civilized Nations.

ETYMOLOGY OF NAMES.

ACOLHUAS;--Possibly from _coloa_, 'to bend,' meaning with the prefix
_atl_, 'water-colhuas,' or 'people at the bend of the water.' Not from
_acolli_, 'shoulder,' nor from _colli_, 'grandfather.' _Buschmann_,
_Ortsnamen_, pp. 85, 89. '_Coloa_, encoruar, o entortar algo, o rodear
yendo camino.' '_Acolli_, ombro.' '_Culhuia_, lleuar a otro por rodeos
a alguna parte.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. _Colli_, 'grand-father,'
plural _colhuan_. _Colhuacan_, or _Culiacan_, may then mean 'the land
of our ancestors.' _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol.
i., pp. 204-5. 'El nombre de _aculhuas_, ó segun la ortografía
mexicana, _aculhuaque_, en plural, y no _aculhuacanes_, ni
_aculhues_.' _Dicc. Univ._, tom. i., p. 39. 'Col, chose courbe,
faisant _coloa_, _colua_, ou _culhua_, nom appliqué plus tard dans le
sens d'ancêtre, parce que du _Colhuacan_ primitif, des îles de la
Courbe, vinrent les émigrés qui civilisèrent les habitants de la
vallée d'Anahuac.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Quatre Lettres_, p. 407.
'_Colhua_, ou _culhua_, _culua_, de _coltic_, chose courbée. De là le
nom de la cité de _Colhuacan_, qu'on traduit indifféremment, ville de
la courbe, de choses recourbées (des serpents), et aussi des aïeux, de
_coltzin_, aïeul.' _Id._, _Popol Vuh_, p. xxix.

AZTECS;--From _Aztlan_, the name of their ancient home, from a root
_Aztli_, which is lost. It has no connection with _azcatl_, 'ant,' but
may have some reference to _iztac_, 'white.' _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_,
pp. 5-6. 'De _Aztlan_ se deriva el nacional _Aztecatl_.' _Pimentel_,
_Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 158. '_Az_, primitif d'_azcatl_, fourmi, est le
mot qui désigne, à la fois, d'une manière générale, la vapeur, le gaz,
ou toute chose légère, comme le vent ou la pluie; c'est l'aile,
_aztli_ qui désigne aussi la vapeur, c'est le héron dans _aztatl_. Il
se retrouve, avec une légère variante, dans le mot nahuatl composé,
_tem-az-calli_, bain de vapeur, dans _ez-tli_, le sang ou la lave;
dans les vocables quichés _atz_, bouffée du fumée, épouvantail,
feu-follet.... Ainsi les fourmis de la tradition haïtienne, comme de
la tradition mexicaine, sont à la fois des images des feux intérieurs
de la terre et de leurs exhalaisons, comme du travail des mines et de
l'agriculture. Du même primitif _az_ vient _Aztlan_ "le Pays sur ou
dans le gaz, _az-tan_, _az-dan_, la terre sèche, soulevée par les gaz
ou remplie de vapeurs."' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Quatre Lettres_, p.
311.

CHALCAS;--'Il nome _Chalcho_ vale, Nella gemma. Il P. Acosta dice, che
_Chalco_ vuol dire, Nelle bocche.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., p. 253. Buschmann believes Acosta's definition 'in
the mouths' to be more correct. _Ortsnamen_, p. 83. 'Chalca, Ce qui
est le calcaire; c'est l'examen de tous les vocables mexicains,
commençant en _chal_, qui m'a fait découvrir le sens exact de ce mot;
il se trouve surtout dan _chal-chi-huitl_, le jade, littéralement ce
qui est sorti du fond du calcaire.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Quatre
Lettres_, pp. 403, 406.

CHELES;--'Le _Chel_ dans la langue maya est une espèce d'oiseaux
particuliers à cette contrée.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. ii., p. 19.

CHIAPANECS;--_Chiapan_, 'locality of the chia' (oil-seed).
_Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 187. '_Chiapanèque_, du nahuatl
_chiapanecatl_, c'est-à-dire homme de la rivière Chiapan (eau douce),
n'est pas le nom véritable de ce peuple; c'est celui que lui donnèrent
les Mexicains.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii.,
p. 87.

CHICHIMECS;--'_Chichi_, perro, o perra.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_.
_Chichi_, 'dog'; perhaps as inhabitants of _Chichimecan_, 'place of
dogs.' _Mecatl_ may mean 'line,' 'row,' 'race,' and _Chichimecatl_,
therefore 'one of the race of dogs.' _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, pp. 79,
81. 'Chichimèque veut dire, à proprement parler, homme sauvage.... Ce
mot désigne des hommes qui mangent de la viande crue et sucent le sang
des animaux; car _chichiliztli_ veut dire, en mexicain, sucer;
_chichinaliztli_, la chose que l'on suce, et _Chichihualli_,
mamelle.... Toutes les autres nations les redoutaient et leur
donnaient le nom de Suceurs, en mexicain, _Chichimecatechinani_. ...
Les Mexicains nomment aussi les chiens chichime, parce qu'ils lèchent
le sang des animaux et le sucent.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlaxcallan_, in
_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 140.
'_Teuchichimecas_, que quiere decir _del todo barbados_, que por otro
nombre se decian Cacachimecas, ó sea hombres silvestres.' _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 116. '_Chichimec_ ou _chichimetl_, suceur
de maguey, et de là les Chichimèques.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 171, 56. Other derivations are from
_Chichen_, a city of Yucatan, and from _chichiltic_ 'red,' referring
to the color of all Indians. _Id._, _Popol Vuh_, p. lxiii. '_Chi_ ...
selon Vetancourt, c'est une préposition, exprimant ce qui est tout en
bas, au plus profond, comme _aco_ signifie ce qui est au plus haut....
_Chichi_ est un petit chien (_chi-en_), de ceux qu'on appelle de
Chihuahua, qui se creusent des tanières souterraines.... _Chichi_
énonce tout ce qui est amer, aigre ou âcre, tout ce qui fait tache: il
a le sens de sucer, d'absorber; c'est la salive, c'est le poumon et la
mamelle. Si maintenant ... j'ajoute _me_, primitif de _metl_, aloès,
chose courbée, vous aurez _Chichime_, choses courbes, tortueuses,
suçantes, absorbantes, amères, âcres ou acides, se cachant, comme les
petits chiens terriers, sous le sol où elles se concentrent, commes
des poumons ou des mamelles.... Or, puisqu'il est acquis, d'après ces
peintures et ces explications, que tout cela doit s'appliquer à une
puissance tellurique, errante, d'ordinaire, comme les populations
nomades, auxquelles on attacha le nom de _Chichimeca_.' _Id._, _Quatre
Lettres_, pp. 111-12.

CHOLULTECS;--From _choloa_, meaning 'to spring,' 'to run,' 'to flee,'
or 'place where water springs up,' 'place of flight,' or 'fugitives.'
_Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 100. 'C'est du lieu d'où ils étaient
sortis primitivement, ou plutôt à cause de leur qualité actuelle
d'exilés, qu'ils prirent ensuite le nom de _Cholutecas_.'
'_Cholutecas_, mieux _Cholultecas_, c'est-à-dire, Exilés, et aussi,
Habitants de Cholullan.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
tom. ii., p. 79.

CHONTALES;--'_Chontalli_, estrangero o forastero.' _Molina_,
_Vocabulario_; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 21; _Buschmann_,
_Ortsnamen_, p. 133; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.
iii., p. 47.

COCOMES;--'_Cocom_ signifie écouteur, croyant.' _Landa_, _Rel. de las
Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 39. 'Cocom est un nom d'origine nahuatl; il est
le pluriel de cohuatl, serpent.... Dans la langue maya, le mot cocom a
la signification d'écouteur, celui qui entend; cette étymologie nous
paraît plus rationnelle que la première.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 78.

COHUIXCAS;--Ayala translates the name of their province Cuixca,
'tierra de lagartijas.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 48.

CUITLAHUACS;--'_Cuitlatl_, excremento, y genéricamente cosa sucia.'
_Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 47. '_Cuitlahuac_, Dans celui qui a
les Excréments, de cuitlatl, excrément, déjection de l'homme ou de
l'animal, mais que le chroniste mexicain applique ici aux déjections
du volcan voisin de la Grande-Base ... de là le nom de _teo-cuitlatl_,
excréments divins, donné aux métaux précieux, l'or avec l'adjectif
jaune, l'argent avec l'adjectif blanc.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Quatre Lettres_, p. 407. Cuitlatlan, 'locality of dirt.' _Buschmann_,
_Ortsnamen_, p. 15. '_Cuitlatl_, mierda.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. The
name of the Cuitlatecs seems to have no separate etymological meaning.

CULHUAS;--See Acolhuas. The two people are not supposed to have been
the same, but it is probable that they are identical in the derivation
of their names.

HUASTECS;--'_Huaxtlan_ es una palabra mexicana que significa, "donde
hay, ó abunda el _huaxi_," fruto muy conocido en México con el nombre
castellanizado de _guaje_. Compónese aquella palabra de _huaxin_,
perdiendo _in_ por contraccion, muy usada en mexicano al componerse
las palabras, y de _tlan_, partícula que significa "donde hay, ó
abunda algo," y que sirve para formar colectivos. De _huaxtlan_ es de
donde, segun parece, viene el nombre gentilicio _huaxtecatl_, que los
españoles convirtieron en _huaxteca_ ó _huaxteco_.' _Pimentel_,
_Cuadro_, tom. i., pp. 5-6; _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, pp. 12-13. 'El
que es inhábil ó tosco, le llaman ... _cuextecatl_.' From the name of
their ruler, who took too much wine. 'Así por injuria, y como alocado,
le llamaban de Cuextecatl.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib.
x., pp. 134-5, 143-4.

HUEXOTZINCAS;--Diminutive of _huexotla_, 'willow-forest.' _Buschmann_,
_Ortsnamen_, p. 100.

ITZAS;--From the name of Zamná, the first Yucatan civilizer. 'Le
llamaban tambien Ytzamná, y le adoraban por Dios.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist.
de Yucathan_, p. 196. '_Itzmat-ul_, que quiere dezir el que recibe y
posee la gracia, ó rozio, ó sustancia del cielo.' '_Ytzen caan, ytzen
muyal_, que era dezir yo soy el rozio ó sustancia del cielo y nubes.'
_Lizana_, in _Landa_, _Rel. de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 356. 'Suivant
Ordoñez, le mot itza est composé de itz, doux, et de hà, eau.'
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 15.

MALINALCAS;--'_Malina_, nitla, torcer cordel encima del muslo.'
'_Malinqui_, cosa torcida.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. '_Malinal_ est
le nom commun de la liane, ou des cordes tordues.' '_Malina_, tordre,
qui fait _malinal_, liane ou corde. Ou bien plus littéralement de
choses tournées, percée à jour, de _mal_, primitif de _mamali_, percer,
tarauder, et de _nal_, de part en part, tout autour.' _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Quatre Lettres_, pp. 407-8.

MAMES;--'El verdadero nombre de la lengua y de la tribu es mem, que
quiere decir tartamudos porque los pueblos que primero les oyeron
hablar, encontraron semejanza entre los tardos para pronunciar, y la
manera con que aquellos decian su lengua.' _Orozco y Berra_,
_Geografía_, p. 24. 'A esta lengua llaman _Mame_, é indios _mames_ á los
de esta sierra, porque ordinariamente hablan y responden con esta
palabra _man_, que quiere decir _padre_.' _Reynoso_, in _Pimentel_,
_Cuadro_, tom. i., pp. 83-4. '_Mem_ veut dire bègue et muet.' '"Mem",
mal à propos défiguré dans Mame par les Espagnols, servit depuis
généralement à désigner les nations qui conservèrent leur ancienne
langue et demeurèrent plus ou moins indépendantes des envahisseurs
étrangers.' Mam 'veut dire ancien, vieillard.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 119. Mam sometimes means grand-son.
_Id._, _Popol Vuh_, p. 41.

MATLALTZINCAS;--'El nombre _Matlalcincatl_, tomóse de _Matlatl_ que es
la red con la cual desgranaban el maiz, y hacian otras cosas....
Tambien se llaman _Matlatzincas_ de hondas que se dicen _tlematlate_,
y así _Matlatzincas_ por otra interpretacion quiere decir, honderos ó
fondibularios; porque los dichos _Matlatzincas_ cuando muchachos,
usaban mucho traer las hondas, y de ordinario las traían consigo, como
los _Chichimecas_ sus arcos, y siempre andaban tirando con ellas.
Tambien les llamaban del nombre de red por otra razon que és la mas
principal, porque cuando à su idolo sacrificaban alguna persona, le
echaban dentro en una red, y allí le retorcian y estrujaban con la
dicha red, hasta que le hacian echar los intestinos. La causa de
llamarse _coatl_ (Ramirez) dice que "debe leerse _cuaitl_ (cabeza).
Coatl significa culebra," cuando es uno, y _qüaqüatas_ cuando son
muchos és, porque siempre traían la cabeza ceñida con la honda; por lo
cual el vocablo se decia _qüa_ por abreviatura, que quiere decir
_quaitl_ que es la cabeza, _yta_ que quiere decir _tamatlatl_ (Molina
says 'Honda para tirar es _tematlatl, tlatematlauiloni_') ques es la
honda, y así quiere decir _quatlatl_ hombre que trae la honda en la
cabeza por guirnalda: tambien se interpreta de otra manera, que quiere
decir hombre de cabeza de piedra.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii.,
lib. x., p. 128, and _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 29-30.
'_Matlatzinia_, dar palmadas.' '_Matlatepito_, red pequeña.' _Molina_,
_Vocabulario_. From _matlatl_, 'net', meaning therefore 'small place
of nets'. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 13. 'De _Matlatl_, le filet,
les mailles.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Quatre Lettres_, p. 408.
'_Matlatzinco_ es una palabra mexicana que significa "lugarcito de las
redes", pues se compone de _matlat_, red, y la partícula _tzinco_ que
expresa diminucion. Fácilmente se comprende, pues, que _matlatzinca_
viene de _matlatzinco_, y que la etimología exige que estas palabras
se escriban con _c_ (mejor _k_) y no con _g_ como hacen algunos
autores', _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 500.

MAYAS;--'"_Mai_", une divinité ou un personnage des temps antiques,
sans doute celui à l'occasion duquel le pays fut appelé _Maya_.'
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Rel. de las Cosas de Yucatan_,
p. 42. '_Maya_ ou _Maïa_, nom antique d'une partie du Yucatan, paraît
signifier aussi la terre.' _Id._, p. lxx. 'Maayhà, non adest aqua,
suivant Ordoñez, c'est-à-dire, Terre sans eau.' _Id._, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. i., p. 76. The terminations _a_ and _o_ of this name are
Spanish. _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 35.

MIZQUICAS;--'_Mizquitl_, arbol de goma para tinta.' _Molina_,
_Vocabulario_. _Mizquitl_, a tree yielding the pure gum arabic, a
species of acacia. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 104.

MIZTECS;--'La palabra mexicana _Mixtecatl_, es nombre nacional,
derivado de _mixtlan_, lugar de nubes ó nebuloso, compuesto de
_mixtli_, nube, y de la terminacion _tlan_.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_,
tom. i., p. 39. _Mixtlan_, 'place of clouds.' _Buschmann_,
_Ortsnamen_, p. 18. '_Mixtecapan_ ... pays des brouillards.' _Brasseur
de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 146.

NAHUAS;--'Todos los que hablan claro la lengua mexicana que les llaman
_nahóas_, son descendientes de los Tultecas.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. iii., lib. x., p. 114. '_Nahoatl_ ó _nahuatl_, segun el diccionario
de Molina, significa _cosa que suena bien_, de modo que viene à ser un
adjetivo que aplicado al sustantivo _idioma_, creo que puede traducirse
por _armonioso_.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 158. Something of
fine, or clear, or loud sound; _nahuatlato_ means an interpreter;
_nahuati_, to speak loud; _nahuatia_, to command. The name has no
connection whatever with _Anáhuac_. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, pp. 7-8.
'Molina le traduit par Ladino, instruit, expert, civilisé, et lui
donne aussi un sens qui se rapporte aux sciences occultes. On n'en
trouve pas, toutefois, la racine dans le mexicain. La langue quichée
en donne une explication parfaite: il vient du verbe _Nao_ ou _Naw_,
connaître, sentir, savoir, penser; _Tin nao_, je sais; _Naoh_, sagesse,
intelligence. Il y a encore le verbe radical _Na_, sentir, soupçonner.
Le mot _Nahual_ dans son sens primitif et véritable, signifie donc
littéralement "qui sait tout"; c'est la même chose absolument que le
mot anglais _Know-all_, avec lequel il a tant d'identité. Le Quiché et
le Cakchiquel l'emploient fréquemment aussi dans le sens de
mystérieux, extraordinaire, merveilleux.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 101-2, 194.

NONOHUALCAS;--The Tutul-Xius, chiefs of a Nahuatl house in Tulan, seem
to have borne the name of _Nonoual_, which may have given rise to
_Nonohualco_ or _Onohualco_. '_Nonoual_ ne serait-il pas une
altération de _Nanaual_ ou _Nanahuatl_?' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in
_Landa_, _Rel. de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 420.

OLMECS;--Olmecatl was the name of their first traditionary leader.
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 152.
_Olmecatl_ may mean an inhabitant of the town of _Olman_; but as
_mecatl_ is also used for 'shoot', 'offspring', 'branch', the word
probably comes from _olli_, and means 'people of the gum'.
_Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 16.

OTOMÍS;--'El vocablo _Otomitl_, que es el nombre de los _Otomies_,
tomáronlo de su caudillo, el cual se llamaba _Oton_.' _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 122. Not a native word, but
Mexican, derived perhaps from _otli_, 'road', and _tomitl_, 'animal
hair', referring possibly to some peculiar mode of wearing the hair.
_Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, pp. 18-19. '_Otho_ en la misma lengua othomí
quiere decir _nada_, y _mi_, quieto, ó sentado, de manera que
traducida literalmente la palabra, significa nada-quieto, cuya idea
pudiéramos expresar diciendo _peregrino_ ó _errante_.' _Pimentel_,
_Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 118; _Náxera_, _Disertacion_, p. 4. 'Son
étymologie mexicaine, Otomitl, signifie la flèche d'Oton.' _Brasseur
de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 158.

PIPILES;--A reduplication of _pilli_, which has two meanings, 'noble'
and 'child', the latter being generally regarded as its meaning in the
tribal name. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, pp. 137-8. So called because
they spoke the Mexican language with a childish pronunciation.
_Juarros' Hist. Guat._, p. 224.

POKOMAMS;--'_Pokom_, dont la racine _pok_ désigne une sorte de tuf
blanc et sablonneux.... La termination _om_ est un participe présent.
De _Pokom_ vient le nom de Pokomam et de Pokomchi, qui fut donné à ces
tribus de la qualité du sol où ils bâtirent leur ville.' _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 122.

QUICHÉS;--'La palabra _quiché_, _kiché_, ó _quitze_, significa _muchos
árboles_.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 124. 'De _quï_ beaucoup,
plusieurs, et de _che_, arbre, ou de _queche_, _quechelah_,
_qechelah_, la forêt.' _Ximenez_, in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol
Vuh_, p. cclxv.

TARASCOS;--'Tarasco viene de _tarhascue_, que en la lengua de
Michoacan significa suegro, ó yerno segun dice el P. Lagunas en su
Gramática.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 273. '_Taras_ en la
lengua mexicana se dice _Mixcoatl_, que era el dios de los
_Chichimecas_.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 138.
'Á quienes dieron el nombre de tarascos, por el sonido que les hacian
las partes genitales en los muslos al andar.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant.
Mej._, tom. ii., p. 105; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. des Nat.
Civ._, tom. iii., p. 57.

TEPANECS;--_Tepan_, 'stony place', from _tetl_, or _tecpan_, 'royal
palace'. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 92. '_Tecpantlan_ signifie
auprès des palais.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. cx.
'Cailloux roulés sur la roche, _te-pa-ne-ca_, littéralement ce qui est
mêlé ensemble sur la pierre; ou bien _te-pan-e-ca_, c'est-à-dire avec
des petites pierres sur la roche ou le solide, _e_, pour _etl_, le
haricot, frijol, étant pris souvent dans le sens d'une petite pierre
sur une surface, etc.' _Id._, _Quatre Lettres_, p. 408.

TLAHUICAS;--From _tlahuitl_, 'cinnabar', from this mineral being
plentiful in their country. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 93.
_Tlahuilli_, 'poudres brillantes.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Quatre
Lettres_, p. 422. '_Tlauia_, alumbrar a otros con candela o hacha.'
_Molina_, _Vocabulario_.

TLAPANECS;--'Y llámanlos tambien tlapanecas que quiere decir _hombres
almagrados_, porque se embijaban con color.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. iii., lib. x., p. 135. From _tlalpantli_, 'ground'; may also come
from _tlalli_, 'land'. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 162. _Tlapallan_,
'terre colorée'. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. lxiii. Tla,
'feu'. _Id._, _Quatre Lettres_, p. 416. '_Tlapani_, quebrarse algo, o
el tintorero que tiñe paños.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. Probably a
synonym of Yoppi, q. v. _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 26-7.

TLASCALTECS;--'_Tlaxcalli_, tortillas de mayz, o pan generalmente.'
_Molina_, _Vocabulario_. _Tlaxcalli_, 'place of bread or tortillas',
the past participle of _ixca_, 'to bake or broil'. _Buschmann_,
_Ortsnamen_, p. 93.

TOLTECS;--'_Toltecayotl_, maestria de arte mecanica. _Toltecatl_,
official de arte mecanica. _Toltecauia_, fabricar o hazer algo el
maestro.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. 'Los _tultecas_ todos se nombraban
_chichimecas_, y no tenian otro nombre particular sino este que
tomaron de la curiosidad, y primor de las obras que hacian, que se
llamaron obras _tultecas_ ó sea como si digesemos, oficiales pulidos y
curiosos como ahora los de Flandes, y con razon, porque eran sutiles y
primorosos en cuanto ellos ponian la mano, que todo era muy bueno.'
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 107. Toltecs, 'people
of Tollan'. Tollan, 'place of willows or reeds', from _tolin_,
'willow, reed.' _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 76. '_Toltecatl_ était le
titre qu'on donnait à un artiste habile.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 194. Tollan: 'Elle est frappante ... par
l'identité qu'elle présente avec le nom de _Metztli_ ou le Croissant.
En effet, ce qu'elle exprime, d'ordinaire, c'est l'idée d'un "pays
recourbé" ou incliné. Sa première syllabe _tol_, primitif de _toloa_,
"abaxar, inclinar la cabeça," dit Molina, "entortar, encorvar," dit-il
ailleurs, signifie donc baisser, incliner la tête, se tortuer,
courber, ce qui, avec la particule locale _lan_ pour _tlan_ ou _tan_,
la terre, l'endroit, annonce une terre ou un pays recourbé, sens
exact du mot _tollan_. Du même verbe vient _tollin_, le jonc, le
roseau, dont la tête s'incline au moindre vent; de là, le sens de
Jonquière, de limné, que peut prendre _tollan_, dont le hiéroglyphe
représente précisément le son et la chose, et qui paraît exprimer
doublement l'idée de cette terre fameuse de la Courbe ou du Croissant,
basse et marécageuse en beaucoup d'endroits suivant la tradition....
Dans sa (the word _toloa_) signification active, Molina le traduit par
"tragar", avaler, engloutir, ce qui donne alors pour _tollan_, le sens
de terre engloutie, abîmée, qui, comme vous le voyez, convient on ne
peut mieux dans le cas présent. Mais si _tollan_ est la terre
engloutie, si c'est en même temps le pays de la Courbe, Metztli ou le
Croissant, ces deux noms, remarquez-le, peuvent s'appliquer aussi bien
au lieu où il a été englouti, à l'eau qui se courbait le long des
rivages du Croissant, soit à l'intérieur des grandes golfes du nord et
du midi, soit au rivage convexe, tourné comme le genou de la jambe,
vers l'Orient. C'est ainsi qu'on retrouve l'identification continuelle
de l'idée mâle avec l'idée femelle, du contenu et du contenant, de
_tollan_, le pays englouti, avec _tollan_, l'océan engloutisseur, de
l'eau qui est contenue et des continents qui l'enserrent dans leurs
limites. Ajoutons, pour compléter cette analyse, que _tol_, dans la
langue quichée, est un verbe, dont _tolan_ est le passé, et qu'ainsi
que _tulan_ il signifie l'abandon, la nudité, etc. De _tol_, faites
_tor_, dans la même langue, et vous aurez avec _toran_, ce qui est
tourné ou retourné, comme en mexicain, de même que dans _turn_
(touran) vous trouverez ce qui a été renversé, bouleversé de fond en
comble, noyé sous les eaux, etc. Dans la langue maya, _tul_ signifie
remplir, combler, et _an_, comme en quiché, est le passé du verbe:
mais si à _tul_ on ajoute _ha_ ou _a_, l'eau, nous avons _Tuhla_ ou
_Tula_, rempli, submergé d'eau. En dernière analyse, _tol_ ou _tul_
paraît avoir pour l'origine _ol_, _ul_, couler, venir, suivant le
quiché encore; primitif d'_olli_, ou bien d'_ulli_, en langue nahuatl,
la gomme élastique liquide, la boule noire du jeu de paume, qui
devient le hiéroglyphe de l'eau, remplissant les deux golfes. Le
préfixe _t_ pour _ti_ serait une préposition; faisant _to_, il
signifie l'orbite de l'oeil, en quiché, image de l'abîme que la boule
noire remplit comme sa prunelle, ce dont vous pouvez vous assurer
dans la figure de la page suivante; _to_ est, en outre, l'aide,
l'instrument, devenant _tool_; mais en mexicain, _to_, primitif de
_ton_, est la chaleur de l'eau bouillante. _Tol_, contracté de
_to-ol_, pourrait donc avoir signifié "le liquide bouillant", ou la
venue de la chaleur bouillante, de l'embrasement. Avec _teca_,
étendre, le mot entier _tolteca_, nous aurions donc, étendre le
courbé, etc., et _tol-tecatl_, le toltèque, serait ce qui étend le
courbé ou l'englouti, on bien l'eau bouillante, etc. Ces étymologies
rentrent donc toutes dans la même idée qui, sous bien des rapports,
fait des Toltèques, une des puissances telluriques, destructrices de
la terre du Croissant.' _Id._, _Quatre Lettres_, pp. 118-20.

TOTONACS;--From _tototl_ and _nacatl_, 'bird-flesh'; or from _tona_,
'to be warm'. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 13. '_Totonaco_ significa á
la letra, tres corazones en un sentido, y tres panales en otro,' from
_toto_, 'three', and _naco_, 'heart', in the Totonac language.
_Dominguez_, in _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., pp. 226-7. '_Totonal_,
el signo, en que alguno nasce, o el alma y espiritu.' _Molina_,
_Vocabulario_.

TUTUL-XIUS;--'Le nom des Tutul-Xiu paraît d'origine nahuatl; il serait
dérivé de _totol_, _tototl_, oiseau, et de _xíuitl_, ou _xíhuitl_,
herbe.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Rel. de las Cosas de
Yucatan_, p. 47.

XICALANCAS;--'_Xicalli_, vaso de calabaça.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_.
_Xicalli_, 'place of this species of calabash or drinking-shell.'
_Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 17. 'Xicalanco, la Ville des courges ou
des tasses faites de la courge et appelée Xicalli dans ces contrées,
et dont les Espagnols ont fait Xicara.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 110.

XOCHIMILCAS;--From _xochitl_, 'flower', and _milli_, 'piece of land',
meaning 'place of flower-fields.' _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 94.
'_Xochimicque_ captiuos en guerra.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_.
'_Xochimilca_, habitants de _Xochimilco_, lieu où l'on sème tout en
bas de la Base, nom de la terre végétale et fertile où l'on
ensemençait, _m'il_, qu'on retourne, d'où le mot _mil_ ou _milli_,
champ, terre ensemencée, et sans doute aussi le latin _milium_, notre
_míl_ et _millet_.' 'J'ajouterai seulement que ce nom signifie dans le
langage ordinaire, ceux qui cultivent de fleurs, de _xochitl_, fleur,
littéralement, ce qui vit sous la base.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Quatre Lettres_, pp. 406-8.

YOPPI;--'Llámanles _yopes_ porque su tierra se llama _Yopinzinco_.'
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 135. 'Inferimos ...
que yope, yopi, jope, segun se encuentra escrita la palabra en varios
lugares, es sinónimo de tlapaneca.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp.
26-7. _Yopaa_, 'Land of Tombs.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. iii., p. 9.

ZAPOTECS;--'_Tzapotl_, cierta fruta conocida.' _Molina_,
_Vocabulario_. _Tzapotlan_, 'place of the zapotes, trees or fruits.'
_Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 16. 'Derivado de la palabra mexicana
_tzapotlan_, que significa "lugar de los _zapotes_", nombre
castellanizado de una fruta muy conocida.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom.
i., p. 319. '_Zapotecapan_ est le nom que les Mexicains avaient donné
à cette contrée, à cause de la quantité et de la qualité supérieure de
ses fruits.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p.
38.

ZOTZILES;--'_Zotzil_, murciélago.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p.
245. Zotzilha 'signifie la ville des Chauves-Souris.' _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 88.

CHAPTER III.

GOVERNMENT OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.

SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT--THE AZTEC CONFEDERACY--ORDER OF
SUCCESSION--ELECTION OF KINGS AMONG THE MEXICANS--ROYAL
PREROGATIVES--GOVERNMENT AND LAWS OF SUCCESSION AMONG THE
TOLTECS AND IN MICHOACAN, TLASCALA, CHOLULA, HUEXOTZINCO,
AND OAJACA--MAGNIFICENCE OF THE NAHUA MONARCHS--CEREMONY OF
ANOINTMENT--ASCENT TO THE TEMPLE--THE HOLY UNCTION--ADDRESS
OF THE HIGH-PRIEST TO THE KING--PENANCE AND FASTING IN THE
HOUSE CALLED TLACATECCO--HOMAGE OF THE NOBLES--GENERAL
REJOICING THROUGHOUT THE KINGDOM--CEREMONY OF
CORONATION--THE PROCURING OF SACRIFICES--DESCRIPTION OF THE
CROWN--CORONATIONS, FEASTS, AND ENTERTAINMENTS--HOSPITALITY
EXTENDED TO ENEMIES--CORONATION-SPEECH OF NEZAHUALPILLI,
KING OF TEZCUCO, TO MONTEZUMA II. OF MEXICO--ORATION OF A
NOBLE TO A NEWLY ELECTED KING.

The prevailing form of government among the civilized nations of
Mexico and Central America was monarchical and nearly absolute,
although some of the smaller and less powerful states, as for
instance, Tlascala, affected an aristocratic republican system. The
three great confederated states of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan were
each governed by a king, who had supreme authority in his own
dominion, and in matters touching it alone. Where, however, the
welfare of the whole allied community was involved, no one king could
act without the concurrence of the others; nevertheless, the judgment
of one who was held to be especially skilful and wise in any question
under consideration, was usually deferred to by his colleagues. Thus
in matters of war, or foreign relations, the opinion of the king of
Mexico had most weight, while in the administration of home
government, and in decisions respecting the rights of persons, it was
customary during the reigns of the two royal sages of Tezcuco,
Nezahualcoyotl and Nezahualpilli, to respect their counsel above all
other.[1] The relative importance of these three kingdoms must,
however, have shown greater disparity as fresh conquests were made,
since in the division of territory acquired by force of arms, Tlacopan
received only one fifth, and of the remainder, judging by the relative
power and extent of the states when the Spaniards arrived, it is
probable that Mexico took the larger share.[2]

[Sidenote: ELECTION OF KINGS.]

[Sidenote: ORDER OF SUCCESSION.]

In Tezcuco and Tlacopan the order of succession was lineal and
hereditary, in Mexico it was collateral and elective. In the two
former kingdoms, however, although the sons succeeded their fathers,
it was not according to birth, but according to rank; the sons of the
queen, or principal wife, who was generally a daughter of the royal
house of Mexico, being always preferred to the rest.[3] In Mexico, the
eldest surviving brother of the deceased monarch was generally elected
to the throne, and when there were no more brothers, then the nephews,
commencing with the eldest son of the first brother that had died; but
this order was not necessarily observed, since the electors, though
restricted in their choice to one family, could set aside the claims
of those whom they considered incompetent to reign; and, indeed, it
was their particular duty to select from among the relatives of the
deceased king the one best fitted to bear the dignity and
responsibility of supreme lord.[4] During the early days of the
Mexican monarchy the king was elected by vote of the whole people,
who were guided in their choice by their leaders; even the women
appear to have had a voice in the matter at this period.[5]
Afterwards, the duty of electing the king of Mexico devolved upon four
or five of the chief men of the empire. The kings of Tezcuco and
Tlacopan were also electors, but with merely an honorary rank; they
ratified the decision of the others, but probably took no direct part
in the election, although their influence and wishes doubtless carried
great weight with the council. As soon as the new king had been chosen
the body of electors was dissolved, and others were appointed in their
place, whose duties also terminated with their first electoral
vote.[6]

This plan of election was not without its advantages. As the persons
to whom the choice was entrusted were great ministers or lords who
lived at court, they had better opportunities of observing the true
character of the future candidates for the throne than the common
people, who are ever too apt to judge, by pleasing exterior rather
than by real merit, those with whose private life they can have no
acquaintance. In the next place, the high private rank of the Mexican
electors placed them beyond the ordinary influence of bribery or
threats; and thus the state was in a measure free from that system of
corruption which makes the voice of the people a mockery in more
democratic communities, and which would have prevailed to a far
greater extent in a country where feudal relations existed between
lord and vassal. Then again, the freedom of choice accorded to
electors enabled them to prevent imbeciles from assuming the
responsibilities of kingship, and thus the most conspicuous evil of an
hereditary monarchy was avoided.

[Sidenote: POWER OF THE MEXICAN KINGS.]

The almost absolute authority vested in the person of the sovereign
rendered great discrimination necessary in his selection. It was
essential that the ruler of a people surrounded by enemies and
continually bent upon conquest, should be an approved and valiant
warrior; having the personal direction of state affairs, it was
necessary that he should be a deep and subtle politician; the gross
superstition and theocratic tendencies of the governed required the
governor to be versed in religion, holding the gods in reverence; and
the records of the nation prove that he was generally a man of
culture, and a patron of art and science.

In its first stages the Mexican monarchy partook rather of an
aristocratic than of an absolute nature. Though the king was
ostensibly the supreme head of the state, he was expected to confer
with his council, which was composed of the royal electors, and other
exalted personages, before deciding upon any important step;[7] and
though the legislative power rested entirely in his hands, the
executive government was entrusted to regularly appointed officials
and courts of justice. As the empire, owing to the able administration
of a succession of conquering princes, increased in greatness, the
royal power gradually increased, although I find nothing of
constitutional amendments or reconstructions until the time of
Montezuma II., when the authority of all tribunals was reduced almost
to a dead letter, if opposed to the desires or commands of the king.

The neighboring independent and powerful kingdom of Michoacan was
governed by an absolute monarch, who usually resided at his capital,
on Lake Patzcuaro. Over each province was placed a governor, chosen
from the first ranks of the nobility, who ruled with great if not
absolute authority, in the name of the king, and maintained a court
that was in almost every respect a miniature of that of his sovereign.
The order of succession was hereditary and lineal, the eldest son
generally succeeding to the throne. The selection of a successor,
however, was left to the reigning king, who, when he felt himself to
be near his end, was at liberty to choose from among his sons the one
whom he thought best fitted to govern. In order to test his capability
and accustom him to handling the reigns of government, and that he
might have the old monarch's advice, the chosen heir immediately began
to exercise the functions of king. A custom similar to this existed
among the ancient Toltecs. Their kings were only permitted to reign
for a _xiuhmolpilli_, that is to say an 'age,' which was fifty-two
years, after which time the eldest son was invested with royal
authority and commenced to reign.[8] When the old Michoacan monarch
fell sick, the son who had been nominated as his successor immediately
dispatched messengers to all the grandees of the kingdom, with orders
to repair immediately to the capital. None was exempt from being
present, and a failure to comply with the summons was held to be
lèse-majesté. Having assembled at the palace, if the invalid is able
to receive them, the nobles pass one by one through his chamber and
with words of condolence and encouragement seek to comfort him. Before
leaving the palace each mourner deposits in the throne-room certain
presents, brought for the occasion as a more substantial testimonial
of his sorrow. If, however, the physicians pronounce the royal patient
beyond hope of recovery, no one is allowed to see him.[9]

[Sidenote: GOVERNMENT IN TLASCALA.]

[Sidenote: THE PONTIFF OF YOPAA.]

He who reads the romantic story of the conquest, feels his heart warm
towards that staunch little nation of warriors, the Tlascaltecs. There
is that about the men who ate their meat saltless for fifty years
rather than humble themselves before the mighty despots of Mexico,
that savors of the same material that defied the Persian host at
Thermopylæ. Had the Tlascaltecs steadily opposed the Spaniards, Cortés
never could have gone forward to look upon the face of King Montezuma,
nor backward to King Charles as the conqueror of New Spain; the
warriors who routed their allied enemies on the bloody plains of
Poyauhtlan, assuredly could have offered the hearts of the invaders an
acceptable sacrifice to the gods of Tlascala. The state of Tlascala,
though invariably spoken of as a republic, was certainly not so in the
modern acceptation of the term. At the time of the conquest it was
governed by four supreme lords, each independent in his own territory,
and possessed of equal authority with the others in matters concerning
the welfare of all.[10] A parliament or senate, composed of these four
lords and the rest of the nobility, settled the affairs of government,
especially those relating to peace and war. The law of succession was
much the same as in Michoacan. The chief before his death named the
son whom he wished to succeed him, who, however, did not, as in
Michoacan, commence to govern until after his father's death. The old
chief's choice was restricted in two ways: in the first place the
approval of his three colleagues was necessary; and secondly,
legitimate sons, that is the sons of a wife to whom he had been united
according to certain forms, must take precedence of his other
children. In default of sons, the brothers of the deceased chief
succeeded.[11] In any event the property of the late ruler was
inherited by his brothers, who also, according to a custom which we
shall find to be almost universal among the civilized peoples of the
New World, married his widows.[12] Such information as I find upon the
subject ascribes the same form of government to Cholula and
Huexotzinco, that was found in Tlascala.[13] The Miztecs and Zapotecs
acknowledged one supreme chief or king; the law of inheritance with
them was similar to that of Tlascala, except that in default of sons a
daughter could inherit.[14] The Zapotecs appear, at least in the more
ancient times, to have been, if possible, even more priest-ridden than
their neighbors; the orders of priests existing among them were, as
will be seen elsewhere, numerous, and seem to have possessed great
power, secular as well as sacerdotal. Yopaa, one of their principal
cities, was ruled absolutely by a pontiff, in whom the Zapotec
monarchs had a powerful rival. It is impossible to overrate the
reverence in which this spiritual king was held. He was looked upon as
a god, whom the earth was not worthy to hold, nor the sun to shine
upon. He profaned his sanctity if he so much as touched the ground
with his foot. The officers who bore his palanquin upon their
shoulders were members of the first Zapotec families; he scarcely
deigned to look upon anything about him. He never appeared in public,
except with the most extraordinary pomp, and all who met him fell
with their faces to the ground, fearing that death would overtake them
were they to look upon the face of the holy Wiyatao, as he was called.
The most powerful lords never entered his presence except with eyes
lowered and feet bared, and even the Zapotec princes of the blood must
occupy a seat before him lower than his own. Continence was strictly
imposed upon the Zapotec priests, and especially was it incumbent upon
the pontiff of Yopaa, from the eminence of his position, to be a
shining light of chastity for the guidance of those who looked up to
him; yet was the pontifical dignity hereditary in the family of the
Wiyatao. The way in which this paradox is explained is as follows: on
certain days in each year, which were generally celebrated with feasts
and dances, it was customary for the high-priest to become drunk.
While in this state, seeming to belong neither to heaven nor to earth,
one of the most beautiful of the virgins consecrated to the service of
the gods was brought to him. If the result of this holy debauch proved
to be a male infant, the child was brought up with great care as a
prince of the royal family. The eldest son of the reigning pontiff
inherited the throne of Yopaa, or in default of children, the
high-priest's nearest relative succeeded. The younger children devoted
themselves to the service of the gods, or married and remained laymen,
according to their inclination or the paternal wish; in either case
the most honorable and important positions usually fell to their
lot.[15]

* * * * *

The pomp and circumstance which surrounded the Aztec monarchs, and the
magnificence of their every-day life was most impressive. From the
moment of his coronation the Aztec sovereign lived in an atmosphere of
adulation unknown to the mightiest potentate of the old world.
Reverenced as a god, the haughtiest nobles, sovereigns in their own
land, humbled themselves before him; absolute in power, the fate of
thousands depended upon a gesture of his hand.

[Sidenote: CEREMONY OF ANOINTMENT.]

The ceremony of anointment, which preceded and was entirely distinct
from that of coronation, was an occasion of much display. In Mexico,
as soon as the new king was elected, which was immediately after the
funeral of his predecessor, the kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan were
sent for to be present at the ceremony of anointment; all the great
feudatory lords, who had been present at the funeral of the late king,
were also invited to attend. When all are assembled the procession
sets out for the temple of Huitzilopochtli, the god of war. The kings
of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, surrounded by all the most powerful nobles of
the realm, bearing their ensigns and insignia of rank, lead the van.
Next comes the king elect, naked, excepting only the maxtli, or cloth
about the loins; following these are the lesser nobles, and after them
the common people. Silently the procession wends its way along the
streets; no beat of drum nor shout of people is heard above the
tramping. The road in advance is as free from obstruction as a
corridor in the royal palace; no one moves among the multitude that
string along its edges, but all stand with bended head and eyes
downcast until the solemn pageant has passed, when they close in with
the jostling and whispering crowd that follows. Arrived at the temple
the king and that part of the procession which precedes him ascend to
the summit. During the ascent he is supported on either side by a
great lord, and such aid is not superfluous, for the staircases,
having in all one hundred and fourteen steps, each a foot high, are so
arranged that it is necessary to go completely round the building
several times before reaching the top. On the summit the king is met
by the high-priest and his colleagues, the people meanwhile waiting
below. His first action upon reaching the summit is to pay reverence
to the image of the god of battles by touching the earth with his hand
and then carrying it to his mouth. The high-priest now anoints the
king throughout his entire body with a certain black ointment, and
sprinkles him with water which has been blessed at the grand feast of
Huitzilopochtli, using for this purpose branches of cedar and willow
and leaves of maize;[16] at the same time he addresses a few words of
counsel to him. The newly anointed monarch is next clothed with a
mantle, on which are represented skulls and bones, to remind him, we
are told, that even kings are mortal; his head is covered with two
cloths, or veils, one blue and the other black, and decorated in a
similar manner; about his neck is tied a small gourd, containing a
certain powder, which is esteemed a strong preservative against disease,
sorcery, and treason. A censer containing live coals is put into his
right hand, and into his left a bag of copal, and thus accoutred and
provided he proceeds to incense the god Huitzilopochtli.[17] This act
of worship he performs on his knees, amid the cheers of the people
below, and the playing of musical instruments. He has concluded now,
and the high-priest again addresses a short speech to him. Consider
well, Sire, he says, the great honor which your subjects have
conferred upon you, and remember now that you are king, that it is
your duty to watch over your people with great care, to look upon them
as your children, to preserve them from suffering, and to protect the
weak from the oppression of the strong. Behold before you the chiefs
of your kingdom together with all your subjects, to whom you are both
father and mother, for it is to you they turn for protection. It is
now your place to command and to govern, and most especially is it
your duty to bestow great attention upon all matters relating to war,
to search out and punish criminals without regard to rank, to put down
rebellion, and to chastise the seditious. Let not the strength of
religion decline during your reign, see that the temples are well
cared for, let there be ever an abundance of victims for sacrifice,
and so will you prosper in all your undertakings and be beloved of the
gods. Gomara affirms that the high-priest imposed an oath upon the
king that during his reign he would maintain the religion of his
ancestors, and observe their laws; that he would give offence to none,
and be valiant in war; that he would make the sun to shine, the clouds
to give rain, the rivers to flow, and the earth to bring forth fruits
in abundance.[18] The allied kings and the nobles next address him to
the same purpose; to which the king answers with thanks and promises
to exert himself to the utmost of his power for the happiness of the
state.

The speeches being ended the procession again winds round the temple
until, following terrace after terrace, it finally reaches the ground
in the same order that it went up. The king now receives homage and
gifts from the rest of the nobility, amidst the loud acclaims of the
people. He is next conducted to a temple called Tlacatecco, where
during four days he remains alone, doing penance and eating but once a
day, with the liberty, however, of choosing his own food. Twice in
each twenty-four hours he bathes, once at noon and once at midnight,
and after each bath he draws blood from his ears and offers it,
together with some burnt copal, to Huitzilopochtli. The remainder of
his time during these four days he occupies in praying the gods to
endow him with the wisdom and prudence necessary to the ruler of a
mighty kingdom. On the fifth day he is conducted in state to the royal
palace, where the feudatory lords come to renew the investiture of
their feifs. Then follow great public rejoicings, with games, feasts,
dances, and illuminations.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: CORONATION CEREMONY.]

The coronation was, as I have stated, a ceremony distinct from the
anointment. To prepare for it, it was necessary that the newly elected
king should go out to war, to procure victims for the sacrifices
necessary on such an occasion. They were never without enemies upon
whom war might be made; either some province of the kingdom had
rebelled, or Mexican merchants had been unjustly put to death, or
insult had been offered to the royal ambassadors, or, if none of these
excuses was at hand, the importance of the occasion alone rendered war
justifiable. Of the manner in which war was waged, and of the
triumphal return of the victorious army, I shall speak in another
place. It appears that when a king of Mexico was crowned, the diadem
was placed upon his head by the king of Tezcuco. The crown, which was
called by the Mexicans _copilli_, was in shape like a small mitre, the
fore part of which stood erect and terminated in a point, while the
hinder part hung down over the neck. It was composed of different
materials, according to the pleasure of the wearer; sometimes it was
of thin plates of gold, sometimes it was woven of golden thread and
adorned with beautiful feathers.[19] Accounts of the particular
ceremonies used at the coronation are wanting, but all agree that they
were of unparalleled splendor. The new king entertained most
sumptuously at his own palace all the great nobles of his realm;
honors were conferred with a lavish hand, and gifts were made in
profusion both by and to the king. Splendid banquets were given in
which all the nobility of the kingdom participated, and the lower
classes were feasted and entertained with the greatest liberality. The
fondness of the Aztecs for all kinds of public games and festivals is
evidenced in the frequency of their feasts, and in no way could a
newly elected monarch better secure a place in the affections of his
subjects than by inaugurating his reign with a series of splendid
entertainments. The strange fascination which this species of
enjoyment possessed for them is shown by the fact that strangers and
foreigners came from afar to witness the coronation feasts, and it is
related that members of hostile nations were frequently discovered
disguised among the crowd, and were not only allowed by the clemency
of the king to pass unmolested, but were provided with seats, from
which they could obtain a good view of the proceedings and where they
would be secure from insult.[20] One of the principal features of the
day was the congratulatory speech of one monarch to another, which was
courteous and flattering and filled with good advice; the following
address of Nezahualpilli, king of Tezcuco, to Montezuma II., on the
occasion of the accession of the latter to the throne of Mexico, will
illustrate.

[Sidenote: ADDRESS TO THE KING.]

The great good fortune, most mighty lord, which has befallen this
kingdom in deserving thee for its monarch, is plainly shown by the
unanimity with which thou wast elected, and by the general rejoicing
of thy people thereat. And they have reason to rejoice; for so great
is the Mexican empire that none possessed of less wisdom, prudence,
and courage, than thou, were fit to govern it. Truly is this people
beloved of the gods, in that they have given it light to choose that
which is best; for who can doubt that a prince who, before he came to
the throne, made the nine heavens his study,[21] will, now that he is
king, obtain the good things of the earth for his people? Who can
doubt that his well-tried courage will be even greater now that it is
so much needed? Who can believe that so mighty and powerful a prince
will be found wanting in charity toward the orphan and the widow? Who
can doubt that the Mexican people are favored of the gods, in having
for a king one to whom the great Creator has imparted so much of his
own glory that by simply looking upon his face we are made to partake
of that glory? Rejoice, O happy land! for the gods have given thee a
prince who will be a firm pillar for thy support, a father and a
refuge for thy succor, a more than brother in pity and mercy toward
his people. Verily thou hast a king who will not avail himself of his
high place to give himself up to sloth and pleasure, but who, rather,
will lie sleepless through the night, pondering thy welfare. Tell me,
then, most fortunate land, have I not reason for saying, Rejoice and
be happy! And thou most noble and puissant lord, be of good heart, for
as the high gods have appointed thee to this office, so will they
grant thee strength to fill it; and be well assured that the gods who
have been so gracious to thee during these many years, will not now
fail in their goodness; by them hast thou been raised to thy present
exalted position; we pray that with their help thou mayest continue to
hold it during many happy years to come.[22]

It is probable that the orations used upon those occasions by the
Aztecs were, like their prayers, not spoken ex tempore, nor even
prepared beforehand by the speaker; most likely they were in the form
of a fixed ritual, each being prepared to suit a special occasion,
such as the coronation or burial of a monarch, and repeated as often
as such an occasion occurred. Some orations must be delivered by
particular persons; others needed only an eloquent speaker. Sahagun
gives us a speech which was addressed to a newly elected king. It
could be delivered, he says, by one of the high-priests, or by a
noble noted for his eloquence, or by some delegate from the provinces
who was an eloquent speaker, or possibly by some learned senator, or
other person well versed in the art of speech-making. The language is
constrained and quaint, and possibly tiresome, but as a specimen of
Aztec oratory I give it in full, adhering to the sense, and as clearly
as possible to the words of the original:

O king, most pitiful, most devout, and best beloved, more worthy to be
esteemed than precious stones or choice feathers, thou art here by the
will of the Lord our God, who has appointed thee to rule over us in
the place of the kings thy ancestors, who, dying, have let fall from
their shoulders the burden of government under which they labored,
even as one who toils up a hill heavy-laden. Perchance these dead ones
still remember and care for the land which they governed, now, by the
will of God, a desert, in darkness, and desolate without a king;
peradventure they look with pity upon their country, which is become a
place of briars and barren, and upon their poor people who are
orphans, fatherless and motherless, knowing not nor understanding
those things which are best; who are unable to speak for dumbness, who
are as a body without a head. He who has lately left us was strong and
valorous: for a few short days he was lent to us, then like a vision
he slipped from our midst, and his passing was as a dream, for the
Lord our God hath called him to rest with the dead kings, his
ancestors, who are to-day in a manner shut from our sight in a coffer.
Thus was he gathered to his people, and is even now with our father
and mother, the God of Hell, who is called Mictlantecutli. Will he,
peradventure, return from the place to which he is gone? May it not be
that he will come back to us? Gone is he forever, and his kingdom has
lost him. Never again, through all coming time, may we see his face,
nor those who come after us. He is gone from our sight forever. Our
light is put out; we, whom he illumined, whom he carried, as it were,
upon his shoulders, are abandoned, and in darkness, and in great peril
of destruction. Behold he has left his people and the throne and seat
whereon our Lord God placed him, and which he made it his constant aim
to hold in peace and quietness. He did not cover his hands and feet
with his mantle for laziness, but with diligence did he work for the
good of his people. In thee, O most compassionate king, we have a
great solace and joy; in thee hath the Lord God given us a sun-like
glory and splendor. God points at thee with his finger, he hath
written down thy name in red letters. It is fixed above and below, in
heaven and in hell, that thou shalt be king and possess the throne and
seat and dignity of this kingdom, the root of which was deep planted
long ago by thine ancestors, they themselves being its first branches.
To thee, Sire, is entrusted the care of the seignory. Thou art the
successor of the lords, thy predecessors, and must bear the burden
they bore; upon thy back must thou place the load of this kingdom; to
the strength of thy thighs and thine arms does the Lord God entrust
the government of the common people, who are capricious and hard to
please. For many years must thou support and amuse them as though they
were young children; during all thy life must thou dandle them in
thine arms, nurse them on thy lap and soothe them to sleep with a
lullaby. O, our lord, most serene and estimable, this thing was
determined in heaven and in hell; this matter was considered and thou
wast signaled out, upon thee fell the choice of the Lord our God. Was
it possible that thou couldst hide thyself or escape this decision? In
what esteem dost thou hold the Lord God? With what respect dost thou
consider the kings and great nobles who have been inspired by God to
choose thee for our father and mother, whose election is divine and
irrevocable?

This being so, O our lord, see that thou girdest thyself for thy task,
that thou puttest thy shoulder to the burden which has been imposed
upon thee. Let the will of God be obeyed. Perchance thou wilt carry
this load for a space, or it may be that death will cut thee off, and
thy election be as a dream. Take heed, therefore, that thou art not
ungrateful, setting small store by the benefits of God. Be assured
that he sees all secret things, and that he will afflict thee in such
manner as may seem good to him. Peradventure he will send thee into
the mountains and waste places, or he will cast thee upon dirt and
filthiness, or some fearful and ugly thing will happen to thee;
perchance thou shalt be defamed and covered with shame, or discord and
revolt shall arise in thy kingdom, so that thou shalt fall into
contempt and be cast down; perhaps other kings, thine enemies, may
rise up against thee and conquer thee; or possibly the Lord may suffer
famine and want to desolate thy kingdom. What wilt thou do if in thy
time thy kingdom should be destroyed, and the wrath of our God should
visit thee in a pestilence? Or if the light of thy splendor should be
turned into utter darkness, and thy dominions laid waste? Or if death
should come upon thee while thou art yet young, or the Lord God should
set his foot upon thee before thou hast fully gathered up the reins of
government? What wilt thou do if God on a sudden should send forth
armies of enemies against thee, from the wilderness or from the sea,
from the waste and barren places where men wage war and shed blood
that the thirst of the sun and the earth may be slaked? Manifold are
the punishments of God for those that offend him. Wherefore, O our
king, it behoves thee with all thy strength to do that which is right
in the fulfilment of thine office, taking care that this be done with
tears and sighs, and continual prayer to the Lord our God, the
invisible, the impalpable. Draw near to him, Sire, weeping, and in all
sincerity, that he may help thee to govern in peace. Beware that thou
receivest with kindness and humility those that approach thee in
grief and despair. Neither speak nor act rashly, but hear calmly and
to the end all complaints brought before thee; do not harshly
interrupt the words of the speaker, for thou art the image of the Lord
God, in thee is represented his person, thou art his reliance, with
thy mouth he speaks, with thine ear he listens. Be no respecter of
persons, Sire, but punish all alike, and justly, for thou hast thy
power of God, thy right hand to punish is as the claws and teeth of
God, for thou art his judge and executioner. Do justice, therefore,
heeding the wrath of none; this is the command of God, who hath given
the doing of these things into thine hand. Take care that in the high
places of the lords and judges there be nothing done snatchingly nor
in haste, that there be no hot words nor deeds done in anger. Say not
now in thine heart, I am the lord, my will is law, but rather let this
be an occasion for the humbling of thy valor and the lowering of thy
self-esteem. Look to it that thy new dignities be not the means of
puffing thee up with pride and haughtiness, but in place thereof
ponder often on thy former lowly estate, from which, without desert,
thou wast taken and placed where thou now art. Say to thine heart, Who
was I? Who am I? Not by mine own deserts did I attain this high place,
but by the will of God; verily all this is a dream, and not sober
truth. Be watchful, Sire, that thou dost not rest free from care, that
thou dost not grow heedless with pleasure, and become a glutton and
wine-bibber, spending in feasting and drunkenness that which is earned
by the sweat of thy subjects; let not the graciousness which God has
shown in electing thee king, be repaid with profanity, folly, and
disturbances.

O King and grandchild of ours, God watches over those that govern his
kingdoms, and when they do wrong he laughs at them; he mocks and is
silent; for he is the Lord our God, he does what he pleases, he scoffs
at whom he pleases; we are the work of his hand, in the hollow of his
palm he tosses us to and fro even as balls and playthings, he makes a
mockery of us as we stumble and fall, he uses us for his ends as we
roll from side to side. Strive hard, O king, to do what thou hast to
do little by little. Perchance the number of our sins has rendered us
unworthy, and thy election will be to us a vision that passes; or
perchance it may be the will of the Lord that thou possess the royal
dignity for a time; perchance he will prove thee, and put thee to the
test, and, if thou art found wanting will set up another in thy place.
Are not the friends of the Lord great in number? Art thou the only one
whom he holds dear? Many are the friends of the Lord; many are those
that call upon him; many are those that lift up their voices before
him; many are those that weep before him; many are those that
tearfully pray to him; many are those that sigh in his presence;
verily all these are uncountable. There are many generous and prudent
men of great ability and power, who pray to the Lord and cry aloud to
him; behold, therefore, there are not lacking others beside thyself on
whom to confer the dignity of king. Peradventure as a thing that
endures not, as a thing seen in sleep, the Lord gives thee this great
honor and glory; peradventure he gives thee to smell of his tender
sweetness, and passes it quickly over thy lips. O king, most
fortunate, bow down and humble thyself; weep with sadness and sigh;
pray fervently and do the will of the Lord by night as well as by day,
during the time he sees fit to spare thee. Act thy part with calmness,
continually praying on thy throne with kindness and softness. Take
heed that thou givest none cause for pain or weariness or sorrow, that
thou settest thy foot upon none, that thou frightest none with angry
words or fierce looks. Refrain also, O our king, from all lewd jests
and converse, lest thou bring thy person into contempt; levity and
buffoonery are not fit for one of thy dignity. Incline not thine ear
to ribaldry, even though it come from a near relative, for though as a
man thou art mortal, yet in respect to thine office thou art as God.
Though thou art our fellow-creature and friend, our son and our
brother, yet are we not thine equals, nor do we look upon thee as a
man, in that thou now art the image of the Lord God; he it is that
speaks within thee, instructing us and making himself heard through
thy lips; thy mouth is his mouth, thy tongue is his tongue, thy face
is his face. Already he has graced thee with his authority, he has
given thee teeth and claws that thou mayest be feared and respected.
See to it, Sire, that thy former levity be now laid aside, that thou
take to thyself the heart of an old man, of one who is austere and
grave. Look closely to thine honor, to the decency of thy person, and
the majesty of thine office; let thy words be few and serious, for
thou art now another being. Behold the place on which thou standest is
exceeding high, and the fall therefrom is perilous. Consider that thou
goest on a lofty ridge and upon a narrow path having a fearful depth
sheer down on either side, so that it is impossible to swerve to the
right or to the left without falling headlong into the abyss. It also
behoves thee, Sire, to guard thyself against being cross-grained and
fierce and dreaded as a wild beast by all. Combine moderation with
rigor, inclining rather to mercy than to pitilessness. Never show all
thy teeth nor put forth the full length of thy claws. Never appear
startled or in fear, harsh or dangerous; conceal thy teeth and claws;
assemble thy chief men together, make thyself acceptable to them with
gifts and kind words. Provide also for the entertainment of the common
people according to their quality and rank; adapt thyself to the
different classes of the people and ingratiate thyself with them. Have
a care and concern thyself about the dances, and about the ornaments
and instruments used at them, for they are the means of infusing a
warlike spirit into men. Gladden the hearts of the common people with
games and amusements, for thus wilt thou become famous and be beloved,
and even after death thy fame will live and the old men and women who
knew thee will shed tears of sorrow for thine absence. O most
fortunate and happy king, most precious treasure, bear in mind that
thou goest by a craggy and dangerous road, whereon thou must step with
firmness, for in the path of kings and princes there are many yawning
gulfs, and slippery places, and steep, pathless slopes, where the
matted thorn-bushes and long grass hide pitfalls having pointed stakes
set upright in them. Wherefore it behoves thee to call upon thy God
with moanings and lamentations, to watch constantly, and to shun the
harlot, who is a curse and a sickness to man. Sleep not lightly in thy
bed, Sire, but rather lie and ponder the affairs of thy kingdom; even
in thy slumbers let thy dreams be of the good things in thy charge,
that thou mayest know how best to distribute them among thy lords and
courtiers, for there are many who envy the king, and would fain eat as
he eats and drink as he drinks, wherefore is it said that kings 'eat
the bread of grief.' Think not, Sire, that the royal throne is a soft
and pleasant seat, for there is nothing but trouble and penitence. O
blessed and most precious king, it is not my wish to cause pain to
thine heart nor to excite thy wrath and indignation; it is sufficient
for me that I have many times stumbled and slipped, aye, and have even
fallen, during this discourse of mine; enough for me are the faults of
the speech which I have spoken, going, in a manner, with jumps like a
frog before our Lord God, the invisible, the impalpable, who is here
and listening to us, who has heard distinctly the slightest of the
words which I have spoken stammeringly and with hesitation, in bad
order and with unapt gestures; but in doing this I have complied with
the custom which obliges the aged men of the state to address a newly
elected king. In like manner have I done my duty to our God who hears
me, to whom I make an offering of this my speech. Long mayest thou
live and reign, O lord and king. I have spoken.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxi.; _Zurita_,
_Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 95;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 354.

[2] Ixtlilxochitl, for whose patriotism due allowance must be made,
writes: 'Es verdad, que el de Mexico y Tezcuco fueron iguales en
dignidad señorío y rentas; y el de Tlacopan solo tenia cierta parte
como la quinta, en lo que era rentas y despues en los otros dos.'
_Hist. Chichimeca_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 238.
Zurita also affirms this: 'Dans certaines, les tributs étaient
répartis en portions égales, et dans d'autres on en faisait cinq
parts: le souverain de Mexico et celui de Tezcuco en prélevaient
chacun deux, celui de Tacuba une seule.' _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_,
_Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 12. 'Quedó pues determinado que á los
estados de Tlacopan se agregase la quinta parte de las tierras
nuevamente conquistadas, y el resto se dividiese igualmente entre el
príncipe y el rey de Méjico.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii.,
p. 164. Brasseur de Bourbourg agrees with and takes his information
from Ixtlilxochitl. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 191. Torquemada
makes a far different division: 'Concurriendo los tres, se diese la
quinta parte al Rei de Tlacupa, y el Tercio de lo que quedase, à
Neçalhualcoiotl; y los demas, à Itzcohuatzin, como à Cabeça Maior, y
Suprema.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 146. As also does Clavigero: 'Si
diede quella Corona (Tlacopan) a Totoquihuatzin sotto la condizione di
servir con tutte le sue truppe al Re di Messico, ogni volta che il
richiedesse, assegnando a lui medesimo per ciò la quinta parte delle
spoglie, che si avessero dai nemici. Similmente Nezahualcojotl fu
messo in possesso del trono d'Acolhuacan sotto la condizione di dover
soccorrere i Messicani nella guerra, e perció gli fu assegnata la
terza parte della preda, cavatane prima quella del Re di Tacuba,
restando l'altre due terze parti pel Re Messicano.' _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. i., p. 224. Prescott says it was agreed that 'one fifth
should be assigned to Tlacopan, and the remainder be divided, in what
proportion is uncertain, between the other powers.' _Mex._, vol. i.,
p. 18.

[3] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 356; _Zurita_,
_Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp.
12-13; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 116;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 577.

[4] Torquemada writes: 'esta fue costumbre de estos Mexicanos, en las
Elecciones, que hacian, que fuesen Reinando sucesivamente, los
Hermanos, vnos despues de otros, y acabando de Reinar el vltimo,
entraba en su lugar, el Hijo de Hermano Maior, que primero avia
Reinado, que era Sobrino de los otros Reies, qui à su Padre avian
sucedido.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 107. 'Los Reies (of Mexico) no
heredaban, sino que eran elegidos, y como vimos en el Libro de los
Reies, quando el Rei moria, si tenia hermano, entraba heredando; y
muerto este, otro, si lo avia; y quando faltaba, le sucedia el
sobrino, Hijo de su hermano maior, à quien, por su muerte, avia
sucedido, y luego el hermano de este, y así discurrian por los demas.'
_Id._, tom. ii., p. 177. Zurita states that in Tezcuco and Tlacopan,
and their dependent provinces, 'le droit de succession le plus
ordinaire était celui du sang en ligne directe de père en fils; mais
tous les fils n'héritaient point, il n'y avait que le fils aîné de
l'épouse principale que le souverain avait choisie dans cette
intention. Elle jouissait d'une plus grande considération que les
autres, et les sujets la respectaient davantage. Lorsque le souverain
prenaient une de ses femmes dans la famille de Mexico, elle occupait
le premier rang, et son fils succédait, s'il était capable.' Then,
without definitely stating whether he is speaking of all or part of
the three kingdoms in question, the author goes on to say, that in
default of direct heirs the succession became collateral; and finally,
speaking in this instance of Mexico alone, he says, that in the event
of the king dying without heirs, his successor was elected by the
principal nobles. In a previous paragraph he writes: 'L'ordre de
succession variait suivant les provinces; les mêmes usages, à peu de
différence prés, étaient reçus à Mexico, à Tezcuco et à Tacuba.'
Afterward we read: 'Dans quelques provinces, comme par exemple à
Mexico, les frères étaient admis à la succession, quoiqu'il y eût des
fils, et ils gouvernaient successivement.' _Rapport_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 12-18. M. l'Abbé
Brasseur de Bourbourg, taking his information from Zurita, and,
indeed, almost quoting literally from the French translation of that
author, agrees that the direct line of succession obtained in Tlacopan
and Tezcuco, but asserts, regarding Mexico, that the sovereign was
elected by the five principal ministers of the state, who were,
however, restricted in their choice to the brothers, nephews, or sons
of the deceased monarch. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 576-7.
Pimentel also follows Zurita. _Memoria_, p. 26. Prescott affirms that
'the sovereign was selected from the brothers of the deceased prince,
or, in default of them, from his nephews.' _Mex._, vol. i., p. 23.
Sahagun merely says: 'Escogian uno de los mas nobles de la linea de
los señores antepasados,' who should be a valiant, wise, and
accomplished man. _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 318. 'Per non
lasciar troppa libertà agli Elettori, e per impedire, quanto fosse
possibile, gl'inconvenienti de' partiti, o fazioni, fissarono la
corona nella casa d'Acamapitzin; e poi stabilirono per legge, che al
Re morto dovesse succedere uno de'suoi fratelli, e mancando i
fratelli, uno de'suoi nipoti, e se mai non ve ne fossero neppur di
questi, uno de'suoi cugini restando in balìa degli Elettori lo
scegliere tra i fratelli, o tra i nipoti del Re morto colui, che
riconoscessero più idoneo pel governo, schivando con sí fatta legge
parecchj inconvenienti da noi altrove accennati.' _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 112. Leon Carbajal quotes this almost
literally. _Discurso_, pp. 54-5. That the eldest son could put forward
no claim to the crown by right of primogeniture, is evident from the
following: 'Quando algun Señor moria y dexava muchos hijos, si alguno
se alzava en palacio y se queria preferir á los otros, aunque fuese el
mayor, no lo consentia el Señor á quien pertenecia la confirmacion, y
menos el pueblo. Antes dexavan pasar un año, ó mas de otro, en el qual
consideravan bien que era mejor para regir ó governar el estado, y
aquel permanecia por señor.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS.,
cap. ccxiii. Señor Carbajal Espinosa says that from the election of
Chimalpopoca, who succeeded his brother Huitzilihuitl, and was the
third king of Mexico, 'quedó establecida la ley de elegir uno de los
hermanos del rey difunto, y á falta de éstos un sobrino, cuya práctica
se observó constantemente, como lo harémos ver, hasta la ruina del
imperio mexicano.' _Hist. de Mex._, tom. i., p. 334. 'El Imperio era
monárquico, pero no hereditario. Muriendo el Emperador los gefes del
Imperio antiguamente se juntaban y elegian entre sí mismos al que
creian mas digno, y por el cual la intriga, el manejo, la
supersticion, eran mas felizmente reconocidas.' _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt
i., p. 114. 'Tambien auia sucession por sangre, sucedia el hijo mayor,
siendo para ello, y sino el otro: en defeto de los hijos sucedian
nietos, y en defeto dellos yua por elecion.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._,
dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xv. As the order in which the Mexican kings
actually did follow each other should be stronger proof of what was
the law than any other evidence, I take from the Codex Mendoza the
following list: Acamapichtli, who is usually spoken of as the first
king, succeeded Tenuch, although it is not stated that he was related
to him in any way; then came Huicilyhuitl, son of Acamapichtli;
Chimalpupuca, son of Huicilyhuitl, Yzcoaci, son of Acamapichtli;
Huehuemoteccuma, son of Huicilyhuitl; Axayacaci, son of Tecocomochtli,
and grandson of Yzcoaci; Tiçoçicatzi, son of Axayacaci; Ahuiçoçin,
brother of Tiçoçicatzi; Motecçuma, son of Axayacaci; thus, according
to this author, we see, out of nine monarchs, three succeeded directly
by their sons, and three by their brothers. _Esplicacion_, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 42-53. See further,
_Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, and _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._ These writers differ slightly from the collection above quoted,
but in no important respect.

[5] After the death of Acamapichtli, the first king of Mexico, a
general council was held, and the people were addressed as follows:
'Ya es fallido nuestro rey Acamapichtli, á quien pondremos en su
lugar, que rija y gobierne este pueblo Mexicano? Pobres de los viejos,
niños y mugeres viejas que hay: que será de nosotros á donde irémos á
demandar rey que sea de nuestra patria y nacion Mexicana? hablen todos
para de cual parte elegirémos rey, é ninguno puede dejar de hablar,
pues á todos nos importa para el reparo, y cabeza de nuestra patria
Mexicana esté.' Upon Huitzilihuitl being proposed, 'todos juntos,
mancebos, viejos y viejas respondieron á una: que sea mucho de
enhorabuena, que á él quieren por señor y rey.' _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica
Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 10. Sahagun's
description of their manner of electing kings, appears also to be more
appropriate to this early period than to a later date: 'Cuando moria
el señor ó rey para elegir otro, juntábanse los senadores que llamaban
_tecutlatoque_, y tambien los viejos del pueblo que llamaban
_achcacauhti_, y tambien los capitanes soldados viejos de la guerra
que llamaban _Iauiequioaque_, y otros capitanes que eran principales
en las cosas de la guerra, y tambien los Sátrapas que llamaban
_Tlenamacazque ó papaoaque_: todos estos se juntaban en las casas
reales, y allí deliberaban y determinaban quien habia de ser señor.'
_Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 318; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las
Ynd._, p. 439.

[6] The exact number and rank of these electors is hard to determine.
'Si le souverain de Mexico mourait sans héritier, les principaux chefs
lui choisissaient un successeur dont l'élection était confirmée par
les chefs supérieurs de Tezcuco et Tacuba.' _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 15-16. Pimentel
follows this, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 26: 'Tutti e due i Re
(of Tezcuco and Tlacopan) furono creati Elettori onorarj del Re di
Messico, il qual onore soltanto riducevasi a ratificare l'elezion
fatta da quattro Nobili Messicani, ch'erano i veri Elettori.'
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 224. 'Despues en
tiempo de Izcoatl quarto Rey, por consejo y orden de vn sabio y
valeroso hombre, que tuuieron a llamado Tlacaellèl se señalaron quatro
electores, y a estos juntamente con dos señores, o Reyes sujetos al
Mexicano, que eran el de Tezcùco, y el de Tacuba, tocaua hazer la
elecion.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 439. These four electors
'de ordinario eran hermanos, o parientes muy cercanos del Rey.
Llamauan a estos Tlacohecalcàtl, que significa el Príncipe de los
lanças arrojadizas, que era vn genero de armas que ellos mucho
vsauan.' _Id._, p. 441. 'Seis electores elegian el Emperador, dos de
cuales eran siempre los príncipes de Tescuco á de Acolhuacan y de
Tacuba, y un príncipe de la sangre real.' _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i.,
p. 114. 'Four of the principal nobles, who had been chosen by their
own body in the preceding reign, filled the office of electors, to
whom were added, with merely an honorary rank however, the two royal
allies of Tezcuco and Tlacopan.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 23.
Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the style and title of each elector, and
says they were five in number, but does not state his authority: 'Les
principaux dignitaires du royaume, le Cihuacohuatl ou Ministre suprême
de la justice et de la maison du roi, le Tlacochcalcatl, Généralissime
ou Maître de la maison des Armes, l'Atempanecatl, ou Grand-Maître des
Eaux, l'Ezhuahuacatl, ou le Maître du Sang, et le Tlillancalqui, ou
chef de la Maison-Noire, composant entre eux le conseil de la
monarchie, élisaient celui qui leur paraissait le plus apte aux
affaires publiques, et lui donnaient la couronne.... Il est douteux
que les rois de Tetzcuco et de Tlacopan aient jamais pris une part
directe à ce choix.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 577-8. At the
foot of the same page is the following note: 'Si havia duda ó
diferencia quien debia de ser rey, averiguase lo mas aina que podian,
y sino poco tenian que hacer (los señores de Tetzcuco y Tlacapan).'
_Gomara_, _Crónica de Nueva-España, ap. Barcia_, cap. 99. This
quotation is not to be found, however in the place indicated. 'Crearon
cuatro electores, en cuya opinion se comprometian todos los votos del
reino. Eran aquellos funcionarios, magnates y señores de la primera
nobleza, comunmente de sangre real, y de tanta prudencia y probidad,
cuanta se necesitaba para un cargo tan importante.' _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 578. 'Fue el quinto Rey, Motezuma
primero deste nombre; y porque, para la elecion auia quatro eletores,
con los quales interuenian los Reyes Tezcuco y de Tacuba. Se juntò con
ellos Tlacaellel como Capitan general, y saliò elegido su sobrino
Motezuma.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xiii.
After the king in rank, 'eran los quatro electores del Rey, que
tambien sucedian por elecion, y de ordinario eran hermanos, o
parientes cercanos del Rey, y a estos llamauan en su lengua, principes
de las lanças arrojadizas, armas que ellos vsauan.' _Id._, cap. xix.

[7] Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 441, gives the names of three
military orders, of which the four royal electors formed one; and of a
fourth, which was of a sacerdotal character. All these were of the
royal council, and without their advice the king could do nothing of
importance. Herrera helps himself to this from Acosta almost word for
word: dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix. Sahagun implies that this supreme
council was composed of only four members: 'Elegido el señor, luego
elegian otros cuatro que eran como senadores que siempre habian de
estar al lado de él, y entender en todos los negocios graves de reino,
(estos cuatro tenian en diversos lugares diversos nombres).' _Hist.
Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 318. According to Ixtlilxochitl the
council whose duties corresponded to this in Tezcuco, was composed of
fourteen members. _Hist. Chichimeca_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., p. 243; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 183.

[8] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 37.

[9] _Beaumont_, _Crón. de Mechoacan_, pp. 52, 54-5; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 338, 523; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.
iii., lib. x., p. 138; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_,
_Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 17; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol.
310-11; _Pimentel_, _Mem. Raza Indígena_, p. 27; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 82. In the _West-Indische
Spieghel_, pp. 265-6, we read: 'Dese Stadt ende Provincie wierden voor
de comste der Spaenjaerden soo treffelick gheregeert, als eenighe van
die Landen, daer was een Cacique die absolutelick regeerde, staende
onder de ghehoorsaemheydt van de groote Heere van Tenoxtitlan.' The
old chronicler is mistaken here, however, as the kingdom of Michoacan
was never in any way subject to Mexico.

[10] Clavigero says that the city of Tlascala was divided into four
parts, each division having its lord, to whom all places dependent on
such division were likewise subject. _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom.
i., p. 155.

[11] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 200, 276, tom. ii.,
pp. 347-9; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii.; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_,
p. 252; _Pimentel_, _Mem. Raza Indígena_, p. 27; _Prescott's Mex._,
vol. i., p. 411.

[12] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843,
tom. xcviii., p. 197.

[13] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 350-1.

[14] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii. Brasseur
de Bourbourg writes: 'Dans les divers états du Mixtecapan, les
héritages passaient de mâle en mâle, sans que les femmes pussent y
avoir droit.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 39; this may, however,
refer merely to private property.

[15] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, cap. 53; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 29-30.

[16] Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 474, writes: 'Pusieronle Corona
Real, y vngieronle, como fue costumbre hazerlo con todos sus Reyes,
con vna vncion que llamauan diuina, porque era la misma con que vngian
su ydolo.' Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 360, says that
Acosta is mistaken, for, he observes that 'la Corona que llamaba
Copilli, no se daba en esta ocasión, sino que en lugar de ella, le
ponían las mantas dichas sobre la Cabeça, ni tampoco era la vncion la
misma que la de los Idolos; porque la Divina, que èl [Acosta] nombra,
era de Ulli, y Sangre de Niños, con que tambien vngian al Sumo
Sacerdote;' but Torquemada here directly contradicts a previous
statement of his own, tom. i., p. 102, where he says that immediately
after the election, having seated the king elect upon a throne, 'le
pusieron la Corona Real en su Cabeça, y le vntaron todo el Cuerpo, con
la Vncion, que despues acostumbraron, que era la misma con que vngian
à su Dios,' thus using almost the same words as Acosta. Leon y Gama,
_Dos Piedras_, says that the water used at the anointing was drawn
from the fountain Tozpalatl, which was held in great veneration, and
that it was first used for this purpose at the anointment of
Huitzilihuitl, second king of Mexico.

[17] Sahagun states that the king was dressed upon this occasion in a
tunic of dark green cloth, with bones painted upon it; this tunic
resembled the huipil, or chemise of the women, and was usually worn by
the nobles when they offered incense to the gods. The veil was also of
green cloth ornamented with skulls and bones, and in addition to the
articles described by other writers, this author mentions that they
placed dark green sandals upon his feet. He also affirms that the four
royal electors were confirmed in their office at the same time as the
king, being similarly dressed, save that the color of their costume
was black, and going through the same performances after him, except,
of course, the anointment. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., p. 319.
Gomara says they hung upon the king's neck 'vnas correas coloradas
largas y de muchos ramales: de cuios cabos colgauan ciertas insignias
de rei, como pinjantes.' _Conq. Mex._, fol. 305.

[18] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 306.

[19] The crown used by the early Chichimec sovereigns was composed of
a herb called _pachxochitl_, which grew on the rocks, surmounted by
plumes of the royal eagle, and green fathers called _Tecpilotl_, the
whole being mounted with gold and precious stones, and bound to the
head with strips of deer-skin. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chichimeca_, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. xi., p. 213. In another place,
_Relaciones_, in _id._, p. 336, the same writer says that the crown
differed according to time and season. In time of war it was composed
of royal eagle feathers, placed at the back of the head, and held
together with clasps of gold and precious stones; in time of peace the
crown was made of laurel and green feathers of a very rare bird called
Quezaltotolc; in the dry season it was made of a whitish moss which
grew on the rocks, with a flower at the junction called _teoxuchitl_.

[20] Concerning anointment and coronation, see _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. i., p. 102; tom. ii., pp. 83, 359-69; _Zurita_, _Rapport_,
in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 20-9;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 113-15;
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 318-21; _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xv.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._,
fol. 305-6; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 356, 439-40, 474;
_Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 309;
_Tezozomoc_, _Crón. Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix.,
p. 142-3. In addition to the numerous works of acknowledged authority
on the subject of aboriginal American civilization there are a number
of others, chiefly of modern date, that treat more or less completely
of the matter. Many of these are mere compilations, put together
without regard to accuracy or consistency; others are works which deal
ostensibly with other Spanish American matters and only refer to the
ancient civilization in passing; their accounts are usually copied
bodily from one or two of the old writers; some few profess to exhaust
the subject; in these latter, however, the authors have failed to cite
their authorities, or at best have merely given a list of them. To
attempt to note all the points on which these writers have fallen into
error, or where they differ from my text, would prove as tiresome to
the reader as the result would lie useless. It will therefore be
sufficient to refer to this class of books at the conclusion of the
large divisions into which this work naturally falls. About the system
of government, laws of succession, ceremonies of election, anointment
and coronation, of the Aztecs and other nations included in this
division, see: _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 578-83,
596; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., pp. 8-14, 51-2; _Touron_,
_Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 6-7, 25-38; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp.
204-7; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mexicain_, pp. 119, 150-8, 229-30, 244;
_Lafond_, _Voyages_, tom. i., p. 119; _Poinsett's Notes Mex._, _app._,
pp. 22-3; _Macgregor's Progress of America_, p. 21; _Dillon_, _Hist.
Mex._, pp. 24-6, 41-3; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 247; _Dilworth_,
_Conq. Mex._, p. 45; _Pradt_, _Cartas_, pp. 106, 176; _Monglave_,
_Résumé_, pp. 9, 14-19, 22-3, 32-6, 68; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_,
tom. v., pp. 59-75, 186; _Cortés_, _Aventuras_, _pref._, pp. 7-13;
_Chamber's Jour._, vol. iv., p. 253; _West und Ost Indischer
Lustgart_, p. 97.

[21] 'Que antes de Reinar avia investigado los nueve dobleces de el
Cielo.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 194. Ortega, in
_Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 306, writes: 'Quel el que
siendo particular supo penetrar los secretos del cielo;' 'that he who,
being a private individual, could penetrate the secrets of heaven,'
which appears more intelligible.

[22] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 194-5.

CHAPTER IV.

PALACES AND HOUSEHOLDS OF THE NAHUA KINGS.

EXTENT AND INTERIOR OF THE GREAT PALACE IN MEXICO--THE
PALACE OF NEZAHUALCOYOTL, KING OF TEZCUCO--THE ZOÖLOGICAL
COLLECTIONS OF THE NAHUA MONARCHS--MONTEZUMA'S
ORATORY--ROYAL GARDENS AND PLEASURE-GROUNDS--THE HILL OF
CHAPULTEPEC--NEZAHUALCOYOTL'S COUNTRY RESIDENCE AT
TEZCOZINCO--TOLTEC PALACES--THE ROYAL GUARD--THE KING'S
MEALS--AN AZTEC CUISINE--THE AUDIENCE CHAMBER--AFTER-DINNER
AMUSEMENTS--THE ROYAL WARDROBE--THE KING AMONG HIS
PEOPLE--MEETING OF MONTEZUMA II. AND CORTÉS--THE KING'S
HAREM--REVENUES OF THE ROYAL HOUSEHOLD--POLICY OF AZTEC
KINGS.

[Sidenote: RELIABILITY OF AUTHORITIES.]

In the preceding chapter we have seen how the monarchs were chosen,
and anointed, and crowned, and feasted, and lectured; now let us
follow them to their homes. And here I must confess I am somewhat
staggered by the recitals. It is written that as soon as the new king
was formally invested with the right of sovereignty, he took
possession of the royal palaces and gardens, and that these abodes of
royalty were on a scale of magnificence almost unparalleled in the
annals of nations. How far we may rely on these accounts it is
difficult to say; how we are to determine disputed questions is yet
more difficult. In the testimony before us, there are two classes of
evidence: one having as its base selfishness, superstition, and
patriotism; the other disaffection, jealousy, and hatred. Between
these contending evils, fortunately, we may at least approximate to
the truth. To illustrate: there can be no doubt that much concerning
the Aztec civilization has been greatly exaggerated by the old Spanish
writers, and for obvious reasons. It was manifestly to the advantage
of some, both priests and adventurers, to magnify the power and
consequence of the people conquered, and the cities demolished by them,
knowing full well that tales of mighty realms, with countless man-eaters
and fabulous riches, would soonest rouse the zeal and cupidity of the
Spaniards, and best secure to them both honors and supplies. Gathered
from the lips of illiterate soldiers little prone to diminish the
glory of their achievements in the narration, or from the manuscripts
of native historians whose patriotic statements regarding rival states
no longer in existence could with difficulty be disproved, these
accounts passed into the hands of credulous writers of fertile
imagination, who drank in with avidity the marvels that were told
them, and wrote them down with superhuman discrimination--with a
discrimination which made every so-called fact tally with the writings
of the Fathers. These writers possessed in an eminent degree the
faculty called by latter-day scholars the imaginative in
history-writing. Whatever was told them that was contrary to tradition
was certainly erroneous, a snare of the devil; if any facts were
wanting in the direction pointed out by doctrines or dogmas, it was
their righteous duty to fill them in. Thus it was in certain
instances. But to the truth of the greater part of these relations,
testimony is borne by the unanimity of the authors, though this is
partly owing to their copying each from the writings of the others,
and, more conclusively, by the architectural remains which survived
the attacks of the iconoclastic conquerors, and the golden and
bejeweled ornaments of such exquisite workmanship as to equal if not
surpass anything of the kind in Europe, which ornaments were sent to
Spain as proofs of the richness of the country. At this distance of
time it is impossible to draw a definite line between the true and
the false; nor do I feel it my duty to dogmatize in these matters, but
rather to tell the tale as I find it, at the same time laying every
shade of evidence before the reader.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ROYAL PALACE AT MEXICO.]

The principal palace in the city of Mexico was an irregular pile of
low buildings, enormous in extent, constructed of huge blocks of
_tetzontli_, a kind of porous stone common to that country, cemented
with mortar. The arrangement of the buildings was such that they
enclosed three great plazas or public squares, in one of which a
beautiful fountain incessantly played. Twenty great doors opened on
the squares, and on the streets, and over these was sculptured in
stone the coat of arms of the kings of Mexico,--an eagle gripping in
his talons a jaguar.[23] In the interior were many halls, each of
immense size, and one in particular is said by a writer who
accompanied Cortés, known as the Anonymous Conqueror, to have been of
sufficient extent to contain three thousand men; while upon the
terrace that formed its roof thirty men on horseback could have gone
through the spear exercise.[24] In addition to these there were more
than one hundred smaller rooms, and the same number of marble baths,
which together with the fountains, ponds, and basins in the gardens,
were supplied with water from the neighboring hill of Chapultepec.
There were also splendid suites of apartments retained for the use of
the kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and their attendants, when they
visited Mexico, and for the ministers and counselors, and the great
lords and their suites, who constantly resided at the capital. Besides
these, the private attendants of the king--and their name was
legion--had to be provided for; so that when we consider the other
extensive buildings, such as the harem, in which, according to some
authorities, were nearly three thousand women; the armory, the
granaries, storehouses, menageries, and aviaries, which either formed
part or were in the immediate vicinity of the palace buildings, we are
prepared somewhat to credit the Anonymous Conqueror aforesaid when he
affirms that, although he four times wandered about the palace until
he was tired, with no other purpose than to view its interior, yet he
never succeeded in seeing the whole of it.[25] The walls and floors of
halls and apartments were many of them faced with polished slabs of
marble, porphyry, jasper, obsidian, and white tecali;[26] lofty
columns of the same fine stones supported marble balconies and
porticoes, every niche and corner of which was filled with wondrous
ornamental carving, or held a grinning grotesquely sculptured head.
The beams and casings were of cedar, cypress, and other valuable
woods, profusely carved and put together without nails. The roofs of
the palace buildings formed a suite of immense terraces, from which a
magnificent view of the whole city could be obtained. Superb mats of
most exquisite finish were spread upon the marble floors; the tapestry
that draped the walls and the curtains that hung before the windows
were made of a fabric most wonderful for its delicate texture, elegant
designs and brilliant colors; through the halls and corridors a
thousand golden censers, in which burned precious spices and
perfumes, diffused a subtle odor.[27]

The palace built by Nezahualcoyotl, king of Tezcuco, even surpassed
that of Montezuma in many respects. The Tezcucan historian,
Ixtlilxochitl, has given a full description of it, which I partially
translate. The collection of buildings, which composed not only the
royal residence, but also the public offices and courts of law,
extended from east to west twelve hundred and thirty-four and a half
yards, and from north to south, nine hundred and seventy-eight yards.
These were encompassed by a wall made of adobes strongly cemented
together, and standing on a foundation of very hard mortar, six feet
in width at the base. On its southern and eastern sides the wall was
three times a man's stature in height; on the western side, towards
the lake, and on the northern side it rose to the height of five times
a man's stature.[28] For one third of the distance from the base to
the top, the wall grew gradually thinner, while the remainder was of
one thickness.[29] Within this inclosure were the royal dwelling, the
council-chambers, and other halls and apartments. There were also two
large plazas, the outer one of which served as the public
market-place. The inner court-yard was surrounded by the various
courts of justice, and other halls where matters relative to science,
art, and the army were judicially and otherwise considered, all of
which will be described in their place, and also a hall where the
archives of the kingdom were preserved. In the centre of the
court-yard, which was also used as a market-place, was a tennis-court;
on the west side were the apartments of the king, more than three
hundred in number, all admirably arranged; here were also storehouses
for tribute, and splendid suites of apartments reserved for the use of
the kings of Mexico and Tlacopan when they visited Tezcuco. These
apartments led into the royal pleasure-gardens, which were
artistically laid out with labyrinthian walks winding through the dark
foliage, where often the uninitiated would lose themselves; then there
were sparkling fountains, and inviting baths, and shady groves of
cedar and cypress, and ponds well stocked with fish, and aviaries
filled with birds of every hue and species, besides extensive
menageries.[30] The city of Mexico, however, furnished the largest
collection of animals, or at all events it is more fully described by
the conquerors than others. The Aztec monarchs took special pleasure
in maintaining zoölogical collections on an immense scale, which fancy
was probably more fully indulged by Montezuma II. than by any other.
That prince caused to be erected in the city of Mexico an immense
edifice, surrounded by extensive gardens, which was used for no other
purpose than to keep and display all kinds of birds and beasts.

[Sidenote: MONTEZUMA'S MENAGERIE.]

One portion of this building consisted of a large open court, paved
with stones of different colors, and divided into several
compartments, in which were kept wild beasts, birds of prey, and
reptiles. The larger animals were confined in low wooden cages made of
massive beams. They were fed upon the intestines of human sacrifices,
and upon deer, rabbits, and other animals. The birds of prey were
distributed according to their species, in subterranean chambers,
which were more than seven feet deep, and upwards of seventeen feet in
length and breadth. Half of each chamber was roofed with slabs of
stone, under which perches were fixed in the wall, where the birds
might sleep and be protected from the rain; the other half was covered
only with a wooden grating, which admitted air and sunlight. Five
hundred turkeys were daily killed for food for these birds. Alligators
were kept in ponds walled round to prevent their escape, and serpents
in long cages or vessels, large enough to allow them to move about
freely. These reptiles were also fed on human blood and intestines. Mr
Prescott tells us that the whole of this menagerie "was placed under
the charge of numerous keepers, who acquainted themselves with the
habits of their prisoners, and provided for their comfort and
cleanliness."

Thomas Gage, the shrewd old English heretic, takes another view. In
his quaint though free and slashing style he writes: "But what was
wonderful to behold, horrid to see, hideous to hear in this house, was
the Officers' daily occupations about these beasts, the floor with
blood like a gelly, stinking like a slaughter-house, and the roaring
of the Lions, the fearful hissing of the Snakes and Adders, the
doleful howling and barking of the Wolves, the sorrowful yelling of
the Ownzes and Tigres, when they would have meat. And yet in this
place, which in the night season seemed a dungeon of hell, and a
dwelling place for the Devil, could a heathen Prince pray unto his
Gods and Idols; for near unto this Hall was another of a hundred and
fifty foot long and thirty foot broad, where was a chappel with a roof
of silver and gold in leaf, wainscotted and decked with great store of
pearl and stone, as Agats, Cornerines, Emeralds, Rubies, and divers
other sorts; and this was the Oratory where Montezuma prayed in the
night season, and in that chappel the Devil did appear unto him, and
gave him answer according to his prayers, which as they were uttered
among so many ugly and deformed beasts, and with the noise of them
which represented Hell it self, were fitted for a Devil's answer."[31]

[Sidenote: ZOÖLOGICAL COLLECTION OF MONTEZUMA.]

In another part of the building was an immense hall which served as an
aviary, in which were collected specimens of all the birds in the
empire, excepting those of prey. They were of infinite variety and
splendid plumage; many specimens were so difficult to obtain that
their feathers brought almost fabulous prices in the Mexican market;
while some few, either because of their extreme rarity or their
inability to live in confinement, did not appear even in the royal
aviary, except in imitation, for we are told that, both in Mexico and
Tezcuco, all kinds of birds and animals that could not be obtained
alive were represented in gold and silver so skillfully that they are
said to have served the naturalist Hernandez for models. But to attain
this honor, a bird must indeed have been a rara avis, a very
phoenix, for it is related by Torquemada and many others, on the
authority of a Spanish eye-witness, that the Emperor Montezuma II.
happening one day to see a sparrow-hawk soaring through the air, and
"taking a fancy to its beauty and mode of flight," ordered his
followers to catch it without delay and bring it alive to his hand;
and such were the efforts made and care used, that in an incredibly
short space of time "they captured that fierce and haughty hawk as
though it had been but a gentle domestic pigeon, and brought it to the
king."[32]

Marble galleries, supported upon jasper pillars, all of one piece,
surrounded this building, and looked out upon a large garden, wherein
were groves of rare trees, choice shrubbery and flowers, and fountains
filled with fish. But the prominent feature of the garden was ten
large ponds for the use of water-fowl, some of which were filled with
fresh and some with salt water, according to the nature of the birds
that frequented them. Each pond was surrounded with tessellated
marble pavement and shaded by clumps of trees. As often as the water
began to stagnate it was drained off and renewed. Montezuma is said to
have passed much of his time here, alone or with his women, seated in
the shade, amid the plashing of fountains and odor of flowers, musing
upon affairs of state or diverting his mind from such cares by
watching the motions of the strange birds upon the water.

No less than three hundred persons were employed in attending upon the
water-fowl and the birds in the aviary; feeding them and in the
moulting season carefully gathering the gorgeous plumes, which served
as material for the celebrated Aztec feather-work. The habits of the
birds were closely studied, and great care was taken that every
species should be supplied with the food best suited to its taste,
whether it consisted of worms, insects, or seeds. The fish with which
the water-fowl were supplied amounted to one hundred and fifty pounds
daily. In another hall a collection of human monstrosities was kept.
As we shall presently see, many of these unfortunate creatures were
trained to play the part of jesters at the royal table. Yet another
hall contained a number of albinos, or white Indians, who were
considered a great curiosity.

In addition to these city palaces the Aztec monarchs had numerous
equally splendid country residences, besides whole tracts of country
set apart as royal hunting-grounds. In these parts timber was not
allowed to be cut nor game disturbed, which regulations were enforced
with great rigor.

[Sidenote: THE HILL OF CHAPULTEPEC.]

The principal country villa of Montezuma II., and the only one of
which any signs are yet visible, was situated upon the hill of
Chapultepec, which stood in a westerly direction from the city of
Mexico. In the days of the Aztec kings, the lake of Tezcuco washed the
base of the hill, round which the royal grounds stretched for miles in
every direction. The gardens were laid out in terraces, that wound
down the hillside amid dense groves of pepper-trees, myrtles, and
cypresses, innumerable fountains and artificial cascades. Little of
the ancient glory of either palace or gardens is now left, except the
natural beauty of the foliage that clothes the hill, and the
magnificent view to be obtained from the summit. Two statues of
Montezuma II. and his father, cut in bas relief on the porphyry rock,
were still to be seen, Gama tells us, in the middle of the last
century, but these are now gone, swept away by the same ruthless hands
that laid waste the hanging gardens and tore down halls and monuments
until the groves of gigantic cypresses are all that is left standing
in the gardens of Chapultepec that ministered to the pleasure of the
ancient owners. Peter Martyr, describing the palace at Iztapalapan,
writes, in the language of an early translator: "That house also hath
orchardes, finely planted with diuers trees, and herbes, and
flourishing flowers, of a sweete smell. There are also in the same,
great standing pooles of water with many kindes of fish, in the which
diuers kindes of all sortes of waterfoule are swimminge. To the
bottome of these lakes, a man may descend by marble steppes brought
farr of. They report strange thinges of a walke inclosed with
nettinges of Canes, least any one should freely come within the voyde
plattes of grounde, or to the fruite of the trees. Those hedges are
made with a thousande pleasant deuises, as it falleth out in those
delicate purple crosse alleyes, of mirtle, rosemary, or boxe, al very
delightfull to behold."[33]

Nezahualcoyotl, the Tezcucan Solomon, was no whit behind his royal
brother of Mexico in the matter of splendid country residences and
gardens. Not content with the royal pleasure-grounds called
Huectecpan, writes the Chichimec historian,[34] this great king made
others, such as the forest so famous in Tezcotzincan history, and
those called Cauchiacac, Tzinacamoztoc, Cozcaquauhco, Cuetlachatitlan,
or Tlateitec, and those of the lake Acatelelco, and Tepetzinco; he
likewise marked out a large tract, where he might pass his leisure
moments in hunting. These gardens were adorned with fountains, drains,
sewers, ponds, and labyrinths, and were planted with all kinds of
flowers and trees, both indigenous and foreign.

But Nezahualcoyotl was not one to overlook utility in laying out his
grounds. Five large patches of the most fertile lands lying near the
capital were brought under cultivation and the products appropriated
exclusively to the use of the royal household.

Certain towns and provinces in the vicinity of the court furnished
attendants and laborers for the palaces, gardens, and plantations. In
return for such service said towns and provinces were exempt from
taxation and enjoyed certain privileges. The manner of service was
divided; thus twenty-eight towns supplied those who attended to the
cleanliness and order of the royal buildings and waited upon the king
and his suite; fourteen of these towns[35] did service during one half
of the year and the remainder[36] during the other half. Five towns
provided attendants for the king's chamber,[37] and eight
provinces,[38] with their dependent towns, furnished, each in its
turn, foresters, gardeners, and agricultural laborers for the woods
and gardens, ornamental or otherwise.

[Sidenote: SUMMER PALACE AT TEZCOZINCO.]

King Nezahualcoyotl's favorite country residence, some remains of
which are still visible, was at Tezcozinco, on a conical hill lying
about two leagues from Tezcuco. A broad road, running between high
hedges, and probably winding spirally round the hill, appears to have
led up to the summit,[39] which, however, could be reached in a
shorter time by means of a flight of steps, many of which were cut
into the living rock, and the remainder made of pieces of stone firmly
cemented together. Dávila Padilla, who wrote in the latter part of the
sixteenth century, says that he counted five hundred and twenty of
these steps, without reckoning those that had already crumbled to
pieces.[40] He furthermore adds that for the last twelve steps in the
ascent the staircase was tunneled through the solid rock, and became
so narrow that only one person could pass at a time. Dávila Padilla
inquired the reason of this of the natives, and was told by them, as
they had heard it from their fathers, that this narrow passage enabled
the Tezcucan monarch to assert his rank by taking precedence of his
royal visitors when they went in a body to worship the idol that stood
upon the summit; not a very polite proceeding certainly.[41] Water was
brought over hill and dale to the top of the mountain by means of a
solid stone aqueduct. Here it was received in a large basin, having in
its centre a great rock, upon which were inscribed in a circle the
hieroglyphics representing the years that had elapsed since
Nezahualcoyotl's birth, with a list of his most noteworthy
achievements in each.[42] Within this circle the royal coat of arms
was sculptured, the elaborate device of which it is almost impossible
to imagine from the clumsy description of it given by Ixtlilxochitl.
As nearly as I can make it out, certain figures representing a deer's
foot adorned with feathers and having a precious stone tied to it, a
hind supporting an arm which grasps a bow and arrows, and a corseleted
warrior, wearing a helmet with its ear-pieces, formed the centre;
these were flanked by two houses, one in flames and falling to pieces,
the other whole and highly ornamented; two tigers of the country,
vomiting fire and water, served as supporters; the whole was
surrounded by a border composed of twelve heads of kings and great
nobles. From this basin the water was distributed through the gardens
in two streams, one of which meandered down the northern side of the
hill, and the other down the southern side. Dávila Padilla relates
that there also stood upon the summit an image of a coyote, hewn from
the living rock, which represented a celebrated fasting Indian.[43]
There were likewise several towers or columns of stone, having their
capitals made in the shape of a pot, from which protruded plumes of
feathers, which signified the name of the place. Lower down was the
colossal figure of a winged beast, called by Ixtlilxochitl a lion,[44]
lying down, with its face toward the east, and bearing in its mouth a
sculptured portrait of the king; this statue was generally covered
with a canopy adorned with gold and feather-work.[45]

[Sidenote: ORNAMENTAL GARDENS AT TEZCOZINCO.]

A little lower yet were three basins of water, emblematic of the great
lake, and on the borders of the middle one three female figures were
sculptured on the solid rock, representing the heads of the
confederated states of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan.[46] Upon the
northern side of the hill was another pond; and here upon the rock was
carved the coat of arms of the city of Tollan, which was formerly the
chief town of the Toltecs; upon the southern slope of the hill was yet
another pond, bearing the coat of arms and the name of the city of
Tenayuca, which was formerly the head town of the Chichimecs. From
this basin a stream of water flowed continually over the precipice,
and being dashed into spray upon the rocks, was scattered like rain
over a garden of odorous tropical plants.[47] In the garden were two
baths, dug out of one large piece of porphyry,[48] and a flight of
steps also cut from the solid rock, worked and polished so smooth that
they looked like mirrors, and on the front of the stairs were carved
the year, month, day, and hour in which information was brought to
King Nezahualcoyotl of the death of a certain lord of Huexotzinco,
whom he esteemed very highly, and who died while the said staircase
was being built.[49] The garden is said to have been a perfect little
paradise. The gorgeous flowers were all transplanted from the distant
tierra caliente; marble pavilions, supported on slender columns, with
tesselated pavements and sparkling fountains, nestled among the shady
groves and afforded a cool retreat during the long summer days. At the
end of the garden, almost hidden by the groups of gigantic cedars and
cypresses that surrounded it, was the royal palace,[50] so situated
that while its spacious halls were filled with the sensuous odors of
the tropics, blown in from the gardens, it remained sheltered from the
heat.[51]

[Sidenote: TOLTEC PALACES.]

If the ancient traditions may be believed, the Toltec monarchs built
as magnificent palaces as their Aztec successors. The sacred palace of
that mysterious Toltec priest-king, Quetzalcoatl, had four principal
halls, facing the four cardinal points. That on the east was called
the Hall of Gold, because its halls were ornamented with plates of
that metal, delicately chased and finished; the apartment lying toward
the west was named the Hall of Emeralds and Turquoises, and its walls
were profusely adorned with all kinds of precious stones; the hall
facing the south was decorated with plates of silver and with
brilliant-colored sea-shells, which were fitted together with great
skill. The walls of the fourth hall, which was on the north, were red
jasper, covered with carving and ornamented with shells. Another of
these palaces or temples, for it is not clear which they were, had
also four principal halls decorated entirely with feather-work
tapestry. In the eastern division the feathers were yellow; in the
western they were blue, taken from a bird called Xiuhtototl; in the
southern hall the feathers were white, and in that on the north they
were red.[52]

The number of attendants attached to the royal houses was very great.
Every day from sunrise until sunset the antechambers of Montezuma's
palace in Mexico were occupied by six hundred noblemen and gentlemen,
who passed the time lounging about and discussing the gossip of the
day in low tones, for it was considered disrespectful to speak loudly
or make any noise within the palace limits. They were provided with
apartments in the palace,[53] and took their meals from what remained
of the superabundance of the royal table, as did, after them, their
own servants, of whom each person of quality was entitled to from one
to thirty, according to his rank. These retainers, numbering two or
three thousand, filled several outer courts during the day.

[Sidenote: MONTEZUMA AT TABLE.]

[Sidenote: THE ROYAL WARDROBE.]

The king took his meals alone, in one of the largest halls of the
palace. If the weather was cold, a fire was kindled with a kind of
charcoal made of the bark of trees, which emitted no smoke, but threw
out a delicious perfume; and that his majesty might suffer no
inconvenience from the heat, a screen ornamented with gold and carved
with figures of the idols[54] was placed between his person and the
fire. He was seated upon a low leather cushion, upon which were thrown
various soft skins, and his table was of a similar description, except
that it was larger and rather higher, and was covered with white
cotton cloths of the finest texture. The dinner-service was of the
finest ware of Cholula, and many of the goblets were of gold and
silver, or fashioned of beautiful shells. He is said to have possessed
a complete service of solid gold, but as it was considered below a
king's dignity to use anything at table twice, Montezuma with all his
extravagance, was obliged to keep this costly dinner-set in the
temple. The bill of fare comprised everything edible of fish, flesh,
and fowl, that could be procured in the empire or imported from beyond
it. Relays of couriers were employed in bringing delicacies from afar,
and as the royal table was every day supplied with fresh fish brought,
without the modern aids of ice and air-tight packing, from a sea-coast
more than two hundred miles distant, by a road passing chiefly through
a tropical climate, we can form some idea of the speed with which
these couriers traveled. There were cunning cooks among the Aztecs,
and at these extravagant meals there was almost as much variety in the
cooking as in the matter cooked. Sahagun[55] gives a most formidable
list of roast, stewed, and boiled dishes of meat, fish, and poultry,
seasoned with many kinds of herbs, of which, however, the most
frequently mentioned is chile.[56] He further describes many kinds of
bread, all bearing a more or less close resemblance to the modern Mexican
tortilla,[57] and all most tremendously named; imagine, for instance,
when one wished for a piece of bread, having to ask one's neighbor to
be good enough to pass the totanquitlaxcallitlaquelpacholli; then
there were tamales of all kinds,[58] and many other curious messes,
such as frog-spawn, and stewed ants cooked with chile, but more
loathsome to us than even such as these, and strangest of all the
strange compounds that went to make up the royal carte, was one highly
seasoned, and probably savory-smelling dish, so exquisitely prepared
that its principal ingredient was completely disguised, yet that
ingredient was nothing else than human flesh.[59] Each dish was kept
warm by a chafing-dish placed under it. Writers do not agree as to the
exact quantity of food served up at each meal, but it must have been
immense, since the lowest number of dishes given is three hundred,[60]
and the highest three thousand.[61] They were brought into the hall by
four hundred pages of noble birth, who placed their burdens upon the
matted floor and retired noiselessly. The king then pointed out such
viands as he wished to partake of, or left the selection to his
steward, who doubtless took pains to study the likes and dislikes of
the royal palate. This steward was a functionary of the highest rank
and importance; he alone was privileged to place the designated
delicacies before the king upon the table; he appears to have done
duty both as royal carver and cup-bearer, and, according to
Torquemada, to have done it barefooted and on his knees.[62]
Everything being in readiness, a number of the most beautiful of the
king's women[63] entered, bearing water in round vessels called
xicales, for the king to wash his hands in, and towels that he might
dry them, other vessels being placed upon the ground to catch the
drippings. Two other women at the same time brought him some small
loaves of a very delicate kind of bread made of the finest
maize-flour, beaten up with eggs. This done, a wooden screen, carved
and gilt, was placed before him, that no one might see him while
eating.[64] There were always present five or six aged lords, who
stood near the royal chair barefooted, and with bowed heads. To these,
as a special mark of favor, the king occasionally sent a choice morsel
from his own plate. During the meal the monarch sometimes amused
himself by watching the performances of his jugglers and tumblers,
whose marvelous feats of strength and dexterity I shall describe in
another place; at other times there was dancing, accompanied by
singing and music; there were also present dwarfs, and professional
jesters, who were allowed to speak, a privilege denied all others
under penalty of death, and, after the manner of their kind, to tell
sharp truths in the shape of jests. The more solid food was followed
by pastry, sweetmeats, and a magnificent dessert of fruit. The only
beverage drank at the meal was chocolate,[65] of which about fifty
jars were provided;[66] it was taken with a spoon, finely wrought of
gold or shell, from a goblet of the same material. Having finished his
dinner, the king again washed his hands in water brought to him, as
before, by the women. After this, several painted and gilt pipes were
brought, from which he inhaled, through his mouth or nose, as suited
him best, the smoke of a mixture of liquid-amber, and an herb called
tobacco.[67] His siesta over, he devoted himself to business, and
proceeded to give audience to foreign ambassadors, deputations from
cities in the empire, and to such of his lords and ministers as had
business to transact with him. Before entering the presence-chamber,
all, no matter what their rank might be, unless they were of the
blood-royal, were obliged to leave their sandals at the door, to cover
their rich dresses with a large coarse mantle, and to approach the
monarch, barefooted and with downcast eyes, for it was death to the
subject who should dare to look his sovereign in the face.[68] The
king usually answered through his secretaries,[69] or when he deigned
to speak directly to the person who addressed him, it was in such a
low tone as scarcely to be heard;[70] at the same time he listened
very attentively to all that was communicated to him, and encouraged
those who, from embarrassment, found difficulty in speaking. Each
applicant, when dismissed, retired backward, keeping his face always
toward the royal seat. The time set apart for business having elapsed,
he again gave himself up to pleasure, and usually passed the time in
familiar badinage with his jesters, or in listening to ballad-singers
who sang of war and the glorious deeds of his ancestors, or he amused
himself by looking on at the feats of strength and legerdemain of his
jugglers and acrobats; or, sometimes, at this hour, he would retire to
the softer pleasures of the harem. He changed his dress four times
each day, and a dress once worn could never be used again. Concerning
this custom, Peter Martyr, translated into the quaintest of English,
writes: "Arising from his bed, he is cloathed after one maner, as he
commeth forth to bee seene, and returning backe into his chamber after
he hath dined, he changeth his garments: and when he commeth forthe
againe to supper, hee taketh another, and returning backe againe the
fourth which he weareth vntill he goe to bed. But concerning 3.
garments, which he changeth euery day, many of them that returned haue
reported the same vnto me, with their owne mouth: but howsoeuer it be,
all agree in the changing of garmentes, that being once taken into the
wardrope, they are there piled vp on heaps, not likely to see the face
of Muteczuma any more: but what manner of garmentes they be, we will
elswhere declare, for they are very light. These things being
obserued, it wil not be wondred at, that we made mention before
concerning so many garments presented. For accounting the yeares, and
the dayes of the yeares, especially, wherein Muteczuma hath inioyed
peace & howe often he changeth his garments euery daye, all admiration
will cease. But the readers will demand, why he heapeth vp so great a
pile of garments, & that iustly. Let them knowe that Muteczuma vsed to
giue a certeine portion of garments to his familiar friends, or well
deseruing soldiers, in steed of a beneuolence, or stipend, when they
go to the wars, or returne from ye victory, as Augustus Cæsar lord of
the world, a mightier Prince than Muteczuma, commanded only a poore
reward of bread to be giuen ouer & aboue to such as performed any
notable exployt, while being by Maro admonished, that so smal a larges
of bread was an argument yet he was a bakers son: then although it be
recorded in writing that Cæsar liked ye mery conceit, yet it is to be
beleued yet he blushed at that diuination, because he promised Virgil
to alter his disposition & that hereafter he would bestow gifts worthy
a great king, & not a bakers son."[71]

[Sidenote: THE KING OUT OF DOORS.]

The kings did not often appear among their people,[72] though we are
told that they would sometimes go forth in disguise to see that no
part of the religious feasts and ceremonies was omitted, to make sure
that the laws were observed, and probably, as is usual in such cases,
to ascertain the true state of public opinion with regard to
themselves.[73] Whenever they did appear abroad, however, it was with
a parade that corresponded with their other observances. Upon these
occasions the king was seated in a magnificent litter, overshadowed by
a canopy of feather-work, the whole being adorned with gold and
precious stones, and carried upon the shoulders of four noblemen. He
was attended by a vast multitude of courtiers of all ranks, who
walked without speaking, and with their eyes bent upon the ground. The
procession was headed by an official carrying three wands, whose duty
it was to give warning of the king's approach, and by others who
cleared the road of all obstructions.[74] All who chanced to meet the
royal party, instantly stopped, and remained motionless with heads
bent down, like friars chanting the Gloria Patri, says Father
Motolinia, until the procession had passed. When the monarch alighted,
a carpet was spread upon the ground for him to step on. The meeting of
Montezuma II. and Cortés, as described by Bernal Diaz, will show the
manner in which the Aztec kings were attended when out of doors:

"When we arrived at a spot where another narrow causeway led towards
Cuyoacan, we were met by a number of caciques and distinguished
personages, all splendidly dressed. They had been sent by Montezuma to
meet us and welcome us in his name; and as a sign of peace each
touched the earth with his hand and then kissed it.[75] While we were
thus detained, the lords of Tezcuco, Iztapalapa, Tacuba, and Cuyoacan,
advanced to meet the mighty Montezuma, who was approaching seated on a
splendid litter, and escorted by a number of powerful nobles. When we
arrived at a place not far from the capital, where were certain
fortifications, Montezuma, descending from his litter, came forward
leaning on the arms of some of the attendant lords, while others held
over him a canopy of rich feather-work ornamented with silver and
gold, having an embroidered border from which hung pearls and
chalchihuis stones.[76] Montezuma was very sumptuously dressed,
according to his custom, and had on his feet a kind of sandals, with
soles of gold, the upper part being studded with precious stones. The
four grandees[77] who supported him were also very richly attired, and
it seemed to us that the clothes they now wore must have been held in
readiness for them somewhere upon the road, for they were not thus
dressed when they first came out to meet us. And besides these great
lords there were many others, some of whom held the canopy over the
king's head, while others went in advance, sweeping the ground over
which he was to walk, and spreading down cotton cloths that his feet
might not touch the earth. Excepting only the four nobles upon whose
arms he leaned, and who were his near relatives, none of all his
followers presumed to look in the king's face, but all kept their eyes
lowered to the ground in token of respect."[78]

[Sidenote: THE ROYAL HAREM.]

Besides the host of retainers already mentioned there were innumerable
other officers attached to the royal household, such as butlers,
stewards, and cooks of all grades, treasurers, secretaries, scribes,
military officers, superintendents of the royal granaries and
arsenals, and those employed under them. A great number of artisans
were constantly kept busy repairing old buildings and erecting new
ones, and a little army of jewelers and workers in precious metals
resided permanently at the palace for the purpose of supplying the
king and court with the costly ornaments that were eventually such a
windfall for the conquerors, and over the description of which they
one and all so lovingly linger. Nor was the softer sex unrepresented
at court. The Aztec sovereigns were notorious for their uxoriousness.
Montezuma II. had in his harem at least one thousand women, and this
number is increased by most of the historians to three thousand,
including the female attendants and slaves. Of these we are told on
good authority that he had one hundred and fifty pregnant at one time,
all of whom killed their offspring in the womb;[79] yet
notwithstanding this wholesale abortion, he had more than fifty sons
and daughters. His father had one hundred and fifty children, of whom
Montezuma II. killed all his brothers and forced his sisters to marry
whom he pleased;--at least such is the import of Oviedo's
statement.[80] Nezahualpilli, of Tezcuco, had between seventy and one
hundred children.[81] Camargo tells us that Xicotencatl, one of the
chiefs of Tlascala had a great number of sons by more than fifty wives
or concubines.[82] These women were the daughters of the nobles, who
thought themselves honored by having a child in the royal harem.
Occasionally the monarch presented one of his concubines to some great
lord or renowned warrior, a mark of favor which thenceforth
distinguished the recipient as a man whom the king delighted to honor.
The seraglio was presided over by a number of noble matrons, who kept
close watch and ward over the conduct of their charges and made daily
reports to the king, who invariably caused the slightest indiscretion
to be severely punished. Whether eunuchs were employed in the Aztec
harems is uncertain; this, however, we read in Motolinia:
"Moteuczomatzin had in his palace dwarfs and little hunchbacks, who
when children were with great ingenuity made crook-backed,
ruptured,[83] and disjointed, because the lords in this country made
the same use of them as at the present day the Grand Turk does of
eunuchs."[84]

The enormous expenditure incurred in the maintenance of such a
household as this, was defrayed by the people, who, as we shall see in
a future chapter, were sorely oppressed by over-taxation. The
management of the whole was entrusted to a head steward or majordomo,
who, with the help of his secretaries, kept minute hieroglyphic
accounts of the royal revenue. Bernal Diaz tells us that a whole
apartment was filled with these account-books.[85] In Tezcuco, writes
Ixtlilxochitl, the food consumed by the court was supplied by certain
districts of the kingdom, in each of which was a gatherer of taxes,
who besides collecting the regular tributes, was obliged to furnish
the royal household, in his turn, with a certain quantity of specified
articles, for a greater or less number of days, according to the
wealth and extent of his department. The daily supply amounted to
thirty-one and a quarter bushels of grain; nearly three bushels and
three quarters of beans;[86] four hundred thousand ready-made
tortillas; four xiquipiles[87] of cocoa, making in all thirty-two
thousand cocoa-beans;[88] one hundred cocks of the country;[89] twenty
loaves of salt; twenty great baskets of large chiles, and twenty of
small chiles; ten baskets of tomatoes; and ten of seed.[90] All this
was furnished daily for seventy days by the city of Tezcuco and its
suburbs, and by the districts of Atenco, and Tepepulco; for sixty-five
days by the district of Quauhtlatzinco; and for forty-five days by the
districts of Azapocho and Ahuatepec.[91]

[Sidenote: AZTEC KINGS AND THEIR SUBJECTS.]

Such, as full in detail as it is handed down to us, was the manner in
which the Aztec monarchs lived. The policy they pursued toward their
subjects was to enforce obedience and submission by enacting laws that
were calculated rather to excite awe and dread than to inspire love
and reverence. To this end they kept the people at a distance by
surrounding themselves with an impassable barrier of pomp and courtly
etiquette, and enforced obedience by enacting laws that made death the
penalty of the most trivial offenses. There was little in common
between king and people; as is ever the case between a despot and his
subjects. The good that the kings did by their liberality and love of
justice, and the success they nearly all achieved by their courage and
generalship, merited the admiration of their subjects. On the other
hand, the oppression which they made their vassals feel, the heavy
burdens they imposed upon them, their own pride and arrogance, and
their excessive severity in punishments, engendered what we should now
call a debasing fear, but which is none the less an essential element
of progress at certain stages.[92]

FOOTNOTES:

[23] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ix. Though it
is more than probable that Gomara means the same thing, yet the manner
in which he expresses it leaves us in some doubt whether the tiger
might not have been standing over the eagle. 'El escudo de armas, que
estaua por las puertas de palacio y que traen las vanderas de
Motecçuma, y las de sus antecessores, es vna aguila abatida a vn
tigre, las manos y vñas puestas como para hazer presa.' _Conq. Mex._,
fol. 108. 'Het Wapen dat boven de Poorte stont, was een Arent die op
een Griffioen nederdaelde, met open Clauwen hem ghereet maeckende, om
syn Roof te vatten.' _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 246.

[24] _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando
Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309.

[25] _Ib._

[26] 'Le tecali paraît être la pierre transparente semblable à
l'albâtre oriental, dont on faisait un grand usage à Mexico, et dont
les réligieux se servirent même pour faire une espèce de vitres à
leurs fenêtres. On en trouve encore de ce genre dans plusieurs
couvents de la Puebla de los Angeles.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 8.

[27] Incense-offering among the Mexicans, and other nations of
Anáhuac, was not only an act of religion towards their gods, but also
a piece of civil courtesy to lords and ambassadors. _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 51. Cortés during his march to
the capital was on more than one occasion met by a deputation of
nobles, bearing censers which they swung before him as a mark of
courtesy.

[28] Prescott, _Mex._, vol. i., p. 177, makes in both cases the
'estado' the same measure as the 'vara,' that is three feet, a clumsy
error certainly, when translating such a sentence as this: 'que tenia
de grueso dos varas, y de alto tres estados.'

[29] 'Á manera de estribo,' writes Ixtlilxochitl.

[30] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
tom. ix., pp. 242-3.

[31] _Gage's New Survey_, p. 99. Concerning this oratory, see _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., tom. i., cap. l. Torquemada,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 296, asserts that the gold and silver
plates with which the walls and roof were coated, were almost as thick
as a finger, and that the first conquerors did not see this chapel or
oratory, because Montezuma always went to the temple to pray, and
probably, as the natives declared, knowing the covetousness of the
Spaniards, he purposely concealed all this wealth from them; it is
also said that when Mexico was taken the natives destroyed this
chapel, and threw its treasures into the lake.

[32] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 297.

[33] _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii.

[34] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., pp. 251-2.

[35] Their names, as given by Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist. Chich._, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 251, were: Huexotla,
Coatlichan, Coatapec, Chimalhuacan, Ytztapalocan, Tepetlaoztoc,
Acolman, Tepechpan, Chiuhnauhtlan, Teioiocan, Chiauhtla, Papalotlan,
Xaltocan, and Chalco.

[36] Otompan, Teotihuacan, Tepepolco, Cempoalon, Aztaquemecan,
Ahuatepec, Axapochoc, Oztoticpac, Tizayocan, Tlalanapan, Coioac,
Quatlatlauhcan, Quauhtlacca, and Quatlatzinco. _Ib._

[37] 'Para la recámara del rey,' namely: Calpolalpan, Mazaapan,
Yahualiuhcan, Atenco, and Tzihuinquilocan. _Ib._ It is unreasonable to
suppose that these so-called 'towns' were really more than mere
villages, since the kingdoms proper of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan,
of which they formed only a fraction, were all contained in a valley
not two hundred miles in circumference.

[38] Tolantzinco, Quauhchinanco, Xicotepec, Pauhatla, Yauhtepec,
Tepechco, Ahuacaiocan, and Quauhahuac. _Ib._; see also _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 167.

[39] 'La cerca tan grande que tenia para subir á la cumbre de él y
andarlo todo.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 251.

[40] 'Para subir hasta esta cumbre se passan quinientos y veynte
escalones, sin algunos que estan ya deshechos, por auer sido de
piedras sueltas y puestas à mano: que otros muchos escalones ay,
labrados en la propia peña con mucha curiosidad. El año pasado los
anduue todos, y los contè, para deponer de vista.' _Dávila Padilla_,
_Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 619. Prescott, _Mex._, vol. i., p. 186, citing
the above author, gives five hundred and twenty as the whole number of
steps, without further remark.

[41] Torquemada also mentions this staircase. _Monarq. Ind._, tom.
ii., p. 436.

[42] 'Esculpida en ella en circunferencia los años desde que habia
nacido el rey Nezahualcoiotzin, hasta la edad de aquel tiempo.'
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., p. 252. Prescott says that the hieroglyphics represented the
'years of Nezahualcoyotl's reign.' _Mex._, vol. i., p. 182.

[43] _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 619. 'This figure was, no doubt, the
emblem of Nezahualcoyotl himself, whose name ... signified "hungry
fox."' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 183, note 42.

[44] 'Un leon de mas de dos brazas de largo con sus alas y plumas.'
_Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 252.

[45] These figures were destroyed by order of Fr Juan de Zumárraga,
first Bishop of Mexico. _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 619;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., p. 252. The injury wrought by this holy iconoclast is
incalculable. Blinded by the mad fanaticism of the age, he saw a devil
in every Aztec image and hieroglyph; his hammers did more in a few
years to efface all vestiges of Aztec art and greatness than time and
decay could have done in as many centuries. It is a few such men as
this that the world has to thank for the utter extinction in a few
short years of a mighty civilization. In a letter to the Franciscan
Chapter at Tolosa, dated June 12, 1531, we find the old bigot exulting
over his vandalism. 'Very reverend Fathers,' he writes: 'be it known
to you that we are very busy in the work of converting the heathen; of
whom, by the grace of God, upwards of one million have been baptized
at the hands of the brethren of the order of our seraphic Father Saint
Francis; five hundred temples have been leveled to the ground, and
more than twenty thousand figures of the devils they worshiped have
been broken to pieces and burned.' And it appears that the worthy
zealot had even succeeded in bringing the natives themselves to his
way of thinking, for further on he writes: 'They watch with great care
to see where their fathers hide the idols, and then with great
fidelity they bring them to the religious of our order that they may
be destroyed; and for this many of them have been brutally murdered by
their parents, or, to speak more properly, have been crowned in glory
with Christ.' _Dicc. Univ._, App., tom. iii., p. 1131.

[46] There is a singular confusion about this passage. In
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 252, Ixtlilxochitl is made
to write: 'Un poquito mas abajo estaban tres albercas de agua, y en la
del medio estaban en sus bordos tres damas esculpidas y labradas en la
misma peña, que significaban la gran laguna; y las _ranas_ los cabezas
del imperio.' In _Prescott's Mex._, App., vol. iii., pp. 430-2,
Ixtlilxochitl's description of Tezcozinco is given in full; the
above-quoted passage is exactly the same here except that for _ranas_,
frogs, we read _ramas_, branches. Either of these words would render
the description incomprehensible, and in my description I have assumed
that they are both misprints for _damas_. Mr Prescott, _Mex._, vol.
i., pp. 182-3, surmounts the difficulty as follows: 'On a lower level
were three other reservoirs, _in each of which stood a marble statue
of a woman_, emblematic of the three states of the empire.' This is
inaccurate as well as incomplete, inasmuch as the figures were not
statues, each standing in a basin, but were all three cut upon the
face of the rock-border of the middle basin.

[47] I have no doubt that this is the basin known to modern travelers
as the 'Baths of Montezuma,' of which Ward says that it is neither of
the proper shape, nor large enough for a bath, but that it more
probably 'served to receive the waters of a spring, since dried up, as
its depth is considerable, while the edge on one side is formed into a
spout.' _Mexico_, vol. ii., p. 297. Of late years this excavation has
been repeatedly described by men who claim to have visited it, but
whose statements it is hard to reconcile. Bullock mentions having seen
on this spot 'a beautiful basin about twelve feet long by eight wide,
having a well about five feet by four deep in the centre, surrounded
by a parapet or rim two feet six inches high, with a throne or chair,
such as is represented in ancient pictures to have been used by the
kings. There are steps to descend into the basin or bath; the whole
cut out of the living porphyry rock with the most mathematical
precision, and polished in the most beautiful manner.' _Mexico_, vol.
ii., pp. 125-6. Latrobe says there were 'two singular basins, of
perhaps two feet and a half in diameter, not big enough for any
monarch bigger than Oberon to take a duck in.' _Rambler_, p. 187;
_Vigne's Travels_, vol. i., p. 27, mentions 'the remains of a circular
stone bath ... about a foot deep and five in diameter, with a small
surrounding and smoothed space cut out of the solid rock.' Brantz
Mayer, who both saw it and gives a sketch of it, writes: 'The rock is
smoothed to a perfect level for several yards, around which, seats and
grooves are carved from the adjacent masses. In the centre there is a
circular sink, about a yard and a half in diameter, and a yard in
depth, and a square pipe, with a small aperture, led the water from an
aqueduct, which appears to terminate in this basin.' _Mex. as it Was_,
p. 234. Beaufoy says that two-thirds up the southern side of the hill
was a mass of fine red porphyry, in which was an excavation six feet
square, with steps leading down three feet, having in the centre a
circular basin four and a half feet in diameter and five deep also
with steps. _Mex. Illustr._, p. 195. 'On the side of the hill are two
little circular baths, cut in the solid rock. The lower of the two has
a flight of steps down to it; the seat for the bather, and the stone
pipe which brought the water, are still quite perfect.' _Tylor's
Anahuac_, p. 152.

[48] 'Tras este jardin se seguian los baños hechos y labrados de peña
viva, que con dividirse en dos baños era de una pieza.'
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., p. 252.

[49] _Ib._

[50] Dávila Padilla says that some of the gateways of this palace were
formed of one piece of stone, and he saw one beam of cedar there which
was almost ninety feet in length and four in breadth. _Hist. Fvnd.
Mex._, p. 620.

[51] Concerning the royal buildings, gardens, &c., of the Aztecs,
compare _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., tom. i., cap. l.;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 167, 296-8; _Ixtlilxochitl_,
_Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 243-4,
251-2; _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, pp. 619-20; _Relatione
fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii.,
lib. viii., pp. 302-9; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales
des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196; _Acosta's Hist. Nat. Ind._, p.
484; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 271-4;
_Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 305-7, 504; _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Conq._, fol. 69; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_,
_Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 181-5; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol.
107-11; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp.
315-19; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 110-11; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec.
ii., lib. vii., cap. ix.-xi.; _West-Indische Spieghel_, pp. 245-6,
343; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 97-9; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib.
iii., iv., x.; _Chevalier_, _Mexique_, pp. 30-2; _Prescott's Mex._,
vol. i., pp. 177-84, vol. ii., pp. 65, 115-21; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 8-11; _Pimentel_, _Raza
Indígena_, p. 57; _Tápia_, _Relacion_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de
Doc._, tom. ii., pp. 581-3. Other works of no original value, which
touch on this subject, are: _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp.
15, 244, 65-6, 234-7; _Ranking's Hist. Researches_, pp. 347-51;
_Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mexicain_, pp. 90-4, 109; _Macgregor's Progress
of America_, p. 22; _Dilworth's Conq. Mex._, pp. 66, 70; _West und Ost
Indischer Lustgart_, pt i., p. 125.

[52] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 107-8.

[53] Close to the great audience hall was a very large court-yard, 'en
que avia çient aposentos de veynte é çinco ó treynta piés de largo
cada uno sobre sí en torno de dicho patio, é allí estaban los señores
prinçipales apossentados, como guardas del palacio ordinarias.'
_Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 501.

[54] 'Vna como tabla labrada con oro, y otras figuras de idolos.'
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68.

[55] _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 297-302.

[56] This pungent condiment is at the present day as omnipresent in
Spanish American dishes as it was at the time of the conquest; and I
am seriously informed by a Spanish gentleman who resided for many
years in Mexico, and was an officer in Maximilian's army, that while
the wolves would feed upon the dead bodies of the French that lay all
night upon the battle-field, they never touched the bodies of the
Mexicans, because the flesh of the latter was completely impregnated
with chile. Which, if true, may be thought to show that wolves do not
object to a diet seasoned with garlic.

[57] Described too frequently in vol. i., of this series, to need
repetition.

[58] The tamale is another very favorite modern Mexican dish. The
natives generally make them with pork; the bones are crushed almost to
powder; the meat is cut up in small pieces, and the whole washed; a
small quantity of maize paste, seasoned with cinnamon, saffron,
cloves, pimento, tomatoes, coarse pepper, salt, red coloring matter,
and some lard added to it, is placed on the fire in a pan; as soon as
it has acquired the consistency of a thick gruel it is removed, mixed
with the meat, some more lard and salt added, and the mass kneaded for
a few moments; it is then divided into small portions, which are
enveloped in a thin paste of maize. The tamales thus prepared are
covered with a banana-leaf or a corn-husk, and placed in a pot or pan
over which large leaves are laid. They are allowed to boil from one
hour and a half to two hours. Game, poultry, vegetables, or sweetmeats
are often used instead of pork.

[59] Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 229, regrets that certain
persons, out of the ill-will they bore the Mexicans, have falsely
imputed to Montezuma the crime of eating human flesh without its
being well seasoned, but he admits that when properly cooked and
disguised, the flesh of those sacrificed to the gods appeared at the
royal board. Some modern writers seem to doubt even this; it is,
however, certain that cannibalism existed among the people, not as a
means of allaying appetite, but from partly religious motives, and
there seems no reason to doubt that the king shared the superstitions
of the people. I do not, however, base the opinion upon Oviedo's
assertion, which smacks strongly of the 'giant stories' of the
nursery, that certain 'dishes of tender children' graced the monarch's
table. _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 501. Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Conq._,
fol. 68, also cannot withstand the temptation to deal in the
marvelous, and mentions 'carnes de muchachos de poca edad;' though it
is true the soldier-like bluntness the veteran so prided himself upon,
comes to his aid, and he admits that perhaps after all Montezuma was
not an ogre.

[60] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68.

[61] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 501.

[62] _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 229.

[63] Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68, says there were four of
these women; Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 229, says there
were twenty.

[64] 'E ya que començaua á comer, echauanle delante vna como puerta de
madera muy pintada de oro, porque no le viessen comer.' _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Conq._, fol. 68. 'Luego que se sentaba à la Mesa, cerraba el
Maestre-Sala vna Varanda de Madera, que dividia la Sala, para que la
Nobleça de los Caballeros, _que acudia à verle comer_, no embaraçase
la Mesa.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 229. 'Tosto che il
Re si metteva a tavola, chiudeva lo Scalco la porta della Sala,
acciocchè nessuno degli altri Nobili lo vedesse mangiare.'
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 270.

[65] 'A potation of chocolate, flavored with vanilla and other spices,
and so prepared as to be reduced to a froth of the consistency of
honey, which gradually dissolved in the mouth.' _Prescott's Mex._,
vol. ii., p. 125. 'This was something like our chocolate, and prepared
in the same way, but with this difference, that it was mixed with the
boiled dough of maise, and was drunk cold.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Conq._, [Lockhart's translation Lond., 1814, vol. i., note, p. 393].
'La bebida es agua mezclada con cierta harina de unas almendras que
llaman _cacao_. Esta es de mucha sustancia, muy fresca, y sabrosa y
agradable, y no embriaga.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap.
ccxi.

[66] 'Entonces no mirauamos en ello; mas lo que yo vi, que traian
sobre cincuenta jarros grandes hechos de buen cacao con su espuma, y
de lo que bebia.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68. Oviedo, as
usual, is content with no number less than three thousand: 'É luego
venian tres mill _xícalos_ (cántaros ó ánforas) de brevage.' _Hist.
Gen._, tom. iii., p. 501. Las Casas makes it three hundred: 'A su
tiempo, en medio ò en fin de los manjares segun la costumbre que
tenian, entravan otros trescientos pajes, cada uno con un vaso grande
que cabia medio azumbre, (about a quart), y aun tres quartillos de la
bebida en el mismo, y servia el un vaso al rey el maestresala, de que
bebia lo que le agradava.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap.
ccxi.

[67] 'Vnas yervas que se dize tabaco.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._,
fol. 68.

[68] Only five persons enjoyed the privilege of looking Montezuma II.
in the face: the kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and the lords of
Quauhtitlan, Coyouacan, and Azcapuzalco. _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxi. Bernal Diaz says that all who approached
the royal seat made three reverences, saying in succession, 'Lord,'
'my lord,' 'sublime lord.' _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68.

[69] This custom of speaking through a secretary was adopted by the
other Aztec monarchs as well as Montezuma, and was also imitated by
many of the great tributary lords and governors of provinces who
wished to make as much display of their rank and dignity as possible.
See _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,
tom. i., p. 184; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxi.;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 205.

[70] 'Lo que los señores hablaban y la palabra que mas ordinariamente
decian al fin de las pláticas y negocios que se les comunicaban, eran
decir con muy baja voz _tlaa_, que quiere decir "sí, ó bien, bien."'
_Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom.
i., p. 184.

[71] _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv.

[72] Torquemada writes of Montezuma II.: 'Su trato con los Suios era
poco: raras veces se dejaba vèr, y estabase encerrado mucho tiempo,
pensando en el Govierno de su Reino.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 205.

[73] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 205.

[74] Picking up straws, says Las Casas: 'É iban estos oficiales
delante quitando las pajas del suelo por finas que fuesen.' _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxi.

[75] This was the Aztec manner of salutation, and is doubtless what
Bernal Diaz means where he writes: 'Y en señal de paz tocauan con la
mano en el suelo, y besauan la tierra con la mesma mano.' _Hist.
Conq._, fol. 65.

[76] Green stones, more valued than any other among the Aztecs.

[77] Cortés himself says that the king was supported by two grandees
only; one of whom was his nephew, the king of Tezcuco, and the other
his brother, the lord of Iztapalapa. _Cartas_, p. 85.

[78] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 65.

[79] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 230; _Gomara_, _Conq.
Mex._, fol. 107; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap.
ix.; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 67; _West-Indische Spieghel_,
p. 246. Clavigero disbelieves the report that Montezuma had one
hundred and fifty women pregnant at once. _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. i., p. 268. Oviedo makes the number of women four thousand.
_Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 505.

[80] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 505.

[81] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 435.

[82] _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.
xcviii., p. 169.

[83] 'Quebraban,' which probably here means 'castrated.'

[84] 'Tenia Moteuczomatzin en su palacio enanos y corcobadillos, que
de industria siendo niños los hacian jibosos, y los quebraban y
descoyuntaban, porque de estos se servian los señores en esta tierra
como ahora hace el Gran Turco de eunucos.' _Hist. Indios_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 184-5. Torquemada,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 298, uses nearly the same words.

[85] _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68.

[86] 'Otros tres Tlacopintlix de frisoles.' The Tlacopintlix was one
'fanega,' and three 'almudes,' or, one bushel and a quarter.

[87] 'Xiquipilli, costal, talega, alforja, o bolsa.' _Molina_,
_Vocabulario_.

[88] 'Treinta y dos mil cacaos,' possibly cocoa-pods instead of
cocoa-beans.

[89] 'Cien gallos.' Probably turkeys.

[90] Probably pumpkin or melon seed.

[91] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., p. 241.

[92] Concerning the king's manner of living and the domestic economy
of the royal household, see: _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 84-5, 109-13;
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 66-8; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.
ii., lib. viii., pp. 286-322; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS.,
cap. ccxi.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 167-8, 205-6,
228-31, 298, tom. ii., p. 435; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 184-5; _Peter Martyr_,
dec. v., lib. iii., iv.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 103-4, 107-8;
_Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 507; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.
iii., pp. 307, 501, 505; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom.
i., pp. 268-71; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v.,
vii., ix., xii-xiii., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xiv.; _Veytia_, _Hist.
Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 189-91; _Ortega_, in _Id._, pp. 310-17;
_West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 246; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 97, 100-1;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 284, tom. iv.,
pp. 9-13; _Prescott's Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 121-9; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 362; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt
i., pp. 117-18. Other works of more or less value bearing on this
subject are: _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 25-38, 355-7, 359;
_Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 109, 119-22, 254-5; _Baril_,
_Mexique_, pp. 204-7; _Dufey_, _Résumé_, tom. i., pp. 136-7;
_Brownell's Ind. Races_, pp. 83, 93-5; _Ranking's Hist. Researches_,
pp. 315-16, 321-3, 342-7, 350; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, p. 136;
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 582-4; _Lafond_,
_Voyages_, tom. i., pp. 104-5; _Cooper's Hist. N. Amer._, pp. 112-13;
_Dilworth's Conq. Mex._, pp. 65-6, 70-1; _Hawks_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._,
vol. iii., p. 469; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, pp. 19, 82-3; _Incidents and
Sketches_, p. 60; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 63-6,
209-11, 234, 242; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, p. 52; _West und Ost
Indischer Lustgart_, pp. 123-5.

CHAPTER V.

THE PRIVILEGED CLASSES AMONG THE NAHUAS.

TITLES OF THE NOBILITY AND GENTRY--THE POWER OF THE
NOBLES--THE ARISTOCRACY OF TEZCUCO--THE POLICY OF KING
TECHOTLALATZIN--PRIVILEGES OF THE NOBLES--MONTEZUMA'S
POLICY--RIVALRY BETWEEN NOBLES AND COMMONS--THE KNIGHTLY
ORDER OF TECUHTLI--CEREMONY OF INITIATION--ORIGIN OF THE
ORDER--THE NAHUA PRIESTHOOD--THE PRIESTS OF
MEXICO--DEDICATION OF CHILDREN--PRIESTESSES--PRIESTHOOD OF
MIZTECAPAN--THE PONTIFF OF YOPAA--TRADITION OF
WIXIPECOCHA--THE CAVE OF YOPAA--THE ZAPOTEC PRIESTS--TOLTEC
PRIESTS--TOTONAC PRIESTS--PRIESTS OF MICHOACAN, PUEBLA, AND
TLASCALA.

[Sidenote: THE AZTEC ARISTOCRACY.]

Descending in due order the social scale of the Aztecs, we now come to
the nobility, or, more properly speaking, the privileged classes. The
nobles of Mexico, and of the other Nahua nations, were divided into
several classes, each having its own peculiar privileges and badges of
rank. The distinctions that existed between the various grades, and
their titles, are not, however, clearly defined. The title of Tlatoani
was the highest and most respected; it signified an absolute and
sovereign power, an hereditary and divine right to govern. The kings,
and the great feudatory lords who were governors of provinces, and
could prove their princely descent and the ancient independence of
their families, belonged to this order. The title of Tlatopilzintli
was given to the eldest son of the king, and that of Tlatoque to all
the princes in general. Tlacahua signified a lord without
sovereignty, but who had vassals under his orders, and was, to a
certain extent, master of his people. The appellation of Pilli was
given to all who were noble, without regard to rank. Axcahua, was a
rich man, a proprietor of wealth in general, and Tlaquihua, a landed
proprietor, or almost the same thing as an English country gentleman.

The title of Tlatoani was invariably hereditary, but many of the
others were conferred only for life, as a reward for important
military or other services to the state. Of the tenure by which they
held their lands I shall have occasion to speak hereafter.

The power of the nobles, as a body, was very great; according to some
accounts there were, in Montezuma's realms, thirty great lords who
each controlled one hundred thousand vassals, and three thousand other
lords also very powerful. A number of nobles possessing such
formidable power as this, would, if permitted to live on their
estates, some of which were a long distance from the capital, have
been a constantly threatening source of danger to the crown; at any
moment an Aztec Runnimede might have been expected. To guard against
any such catastrophe, the more powerful nobles were required to reside
in the capital, at least during the greater part of each year; and
permission to return to their homes for a short time, could only be
obtained on condition that they left a son or brother as a guarantee
of good faith during their absence.[93]

In the kingdom of Tezcuco were twenty-six great fiefs,[94] each
independent of the rest and having several fiefs of less importance
subjected to it. The greater part of these great chiefs bore the
sovereign title of Tlatoani, or a similar one. They recognized no
prerogative of the king except his right to preside at their grand
assemblies, to receive their homage upon his accession to the throne,
to levy certain tributes in their provinces, and to call upon them to
appear in the field with a contingent of troops in case of war. For
the rest, each Tlatoani was perfectly independent in his own domain,
which he governed with the same omnipotence as the king of Tezcuco
himself. Notwithstanding the precautions taken, it frequently happened
that one of these great feudatories would feel himself strong enough
to set the authority of the king at defiance, but as their private
feuds generally prevented any number of the Tlatoanis from uniting
their forces against the crown, the rebels were in most instances
speedily reduced to subjection; in which event the leaders either
suffered death or were degraded from their rank.

They were an unruly family, these overgrown vassals, and the Aztec
monarchs were often at their wit's end in endeavors to conciliate and
keep them within bounds. Torquemada tells us that Techotlalatzin, king
of Tezcuco, was sorely harassed by the powerful nobles of his realm.
He accordingly set about remedying the evil with great prudence and
perseverance. His first step was to unite, by strong bonds of
interest, the less important nobles to the crown. To this end he
heaped favors upon all. The vanity of some he flattered by conferring
the dignity and title of Tlatoani upon them, to others he gave wealth
and lands. By this means he weakened the individual power of the great
vassals by increasing their number, a policy the efficiency of which
has been frequently proved in the old world as well as in the new.
Techotlalatzin next proceeded to summon them one after another to
court, and then under pretense of being in constant need of their
advice, he formed twenty-six of their number into a council of state,
obliging them by this means to reside constantly in the capital. With
this council he conferred upon all grave and difficult questions,
whatever might be their nature. It was the duty of its members to
draw up and issue ordinances, both for the general government and for
the administration of affairs in particular provinces; and to enact
laws for enforcing good order in towns and villages, as well as those
relating to agriculture, science and art, military discipline, and the
tribunals of justice.

[Sidenote: ORDERS OF NOBILITY.]

At the same time Techotlalatzin created a large number of new offices
and honorary trusts, which were dependent on the crown. Four of the
most powerful nobles were invested with the highest dignities. The
first, with the title Tetlahto, was made commander-in-chief of the
army, and president of the military council. The second was entitled
Yolqui; his office was that of grand master of ceremonies; it was his
duty to receive and introduce the ambassadors and ministers of foreign
princes, to conduct them to court, to lodge them and provide for their
comfort, and to offer them the presents appointed by the king. The
third lord received the title of Tlami or Calpixcontli; he was master
of the royal household, and minister of finance, and was assisted in
his functions by a council of other nobles. It was the duty of this
body to keep strict account of all taxes paid by the people; its
members were required to be well informed as to the exact condition of
each town and province, with the nature of its produce, and the
fertility of its soil; they had also to distribute the taxes with
equality and justice, and in proportion to the resources of the
people. The care and management of the interior of the palace was also
intrusted to them, and it was their place to provide all the food for
the consumption of the royal household. The fourth great officer was
styled Amechichi; he acted as grand chamberlain, and attended to the
king's private apartments. Like the Tlami, he was assisted by other
nobles. A fifth officer was afterward appointed, who bore the title of
Cohuatl, and superintended the workers in precious metals, jewels, and
feathers, who were employed by the court. At first sight it may
appear that such duties as these would be below the dignity of a
haughty Aztec grandee, yet we find the nobles of Europe during the
middle ages not only filling the same positions, but jealous of their
right to do so, and complaining loudly if deprived of them. Sismondi
tells us that the count of Anjou, under Louis VI., claimed the office
of grand seneschal of France; that is, to carry dishes to the king's
table on state days. The court of Charlemagne was crowded with
officers of every rank, some of the most eminent of whom exercised
functions about the royal person which would have been thought fit
only for slaves in the palace of Augustus or Antonine. The free-born
Franks saw nothing menial in the titles of cup-bearer, steward,
marshal, and master of the horse, which are still borne by some of the
noblest families in many parts of Europe.

As soon as habits of submission and an appreciation of the honors
showered upon them had taken root among his great vassals,
Techotlalatzin subdivided the twenty-six provinces of his kingdom into
sixty-five departments. The ancient lords were not by this measure
despoiled of all their authority, nor of those estates which were
their private property; but the jurisdiction they exercised in person
or through their officials was greatly diminished by the nomination of
thirty-five new governors, chosen by the king, and of whose fidelity
he was well assured. This was a mortal blow to the great aristocrats,
and a preliminary step toward the total abolition of feudal power. But
the master-stroke was yet to come. The inhabitants of each province
were carefully counted and divided into sections. They were then
changed about from place to place, in numbers proportioned to the size
and population of the territory. For example, from a division
containing six thousand people, two thousand were taken and
transported into the territory of another lord, from the number of
whose vassals two thousand were also taken and placed upon the
vacated land in the first lord's possessions; each noble, however,
retained his authority over that portion of his vassals which had been
removed. By this means, although the number of each lord's subjects
remained the same, yet as a large portion of each territory was
occupied by the vassals of another, a revolt would be difficult. Nor
could two nobles unite their forces against the crown, as care was
taken that the interchange of dependents should not be effected
between two estates adjoining each other.

These measures, despotic as they were, were nevertheless executed
without opposition from either nobles or people,--such was the awe in
which the sovereign was held and his complete ascendancy over his
subjects.[95]

[Sidenote: PRIVILEGES OF THE NOBLES.]

The privileges of the nobles were numerous. They alone were allowed to
wear ornaments of gold and gems upon their clothes, and, indeed, in
their entire dress, as we shall presently see, they were distinguished
from the lower classes. The exact limits of the power they possessed
over their vassals is not known, but it was doubtless nearly absolute.
Fuenleal, bishop of Santo Domingo, writes to Charles V. of the lower
orders, that "they were, and still are, so submissive that they allow
themselves to be killed or sold into slavery without complaining."[96]
In Mexico their power and privileges were greatly augmented by
Montezuma II., who we are told ousted every plebeian that held a
position of high rank, and would allow none who were not of noble
birth to be employed in his palace or about his person. At the time of
this monarch's accession there were many members of the royal council
who were men of low extraction; all these he dismissed and supplied
their places with creatures of his own.

It is related that an old man who had formerly been his guardian or
tutor had the boldness to remonstrate with him against such a course;
telling him with firmness that he acted contrary to his own interests,
and advising him to weigh well the consequences of the measures he was
adopting. To banish the plebeians from the palace, added the old man,
was to estrange them forever from the king; and the time would come
when the common people would no longer either wish or dare to look
upon him. Montezuma haughtily made answer, that this was precisely
what he wished; it was a burning shame, he said, that the low and
common people should be allowed to mix with the nobles in the royal
service; he was astonished and indignant that his royal predecessors
had so long suffered such a state of things to be.[97]

By these measures the services of many brave soldiers, promoted, as a
reward for their gallantry, from the ranks of the people, were lost to
the crown; nor were such men likely to be slow to show their
discontent. The new policy, incited by a proud aristocracy, struck
exactly those men who had the best right to a share in the government.
It was the officers promoted for their merits from the ranks who had
contributed most to the success of the Mexican arms; it was the great
merchants who, by their extended commerce, had made the wealth of the
country. A spirit of rivalry had long existed between the poor
well-born nobles, and the wealthy base-born merchants. During many
successive reigns the importance of the latter class had been steadily
increasing, owing to the valuable services they had rendered the
state. From the earliest times they were permitted a certain degree of
familiarity with the kings, who took great delight in hearing them
recount the wonderful adventures they had met with while on their
long expeditions into strange parts. Doubtless the royal ear did not
always meet the truth unembellished, any more than did that of Haroun
Alraschid upon similar occasions, but probably the monarchs learned
many little secrets in this way that they could never know by other
means. Afterward these merchants were admitted to the royal councils,
and during the latter years of the reign of Ahuitzotl we find them
enjoying many of the exclusive privileges hitherto reserved to the
warrior aristocracy.

[Sidenote: CLASS CONFLICTS.]

The merchants appear to have partly brought upon themselves the
misfortunes which subsequently overtook them, by aggravating the
envious feelings with which they were already regarded. Not content
with being admitted to equal privileges with the nobles, and vexed at
not being able to vie with them in brilliant titles and long lines of
illustrious ancestry, they did their utmost to surpass them in the
magnificence of their houses, and in the pomp which they displayed
upon every occasion. At the public feasts and ceremonies these
parvenus outshone the proudest nobles by the profuseness of their
expenditure; they strove for and obtained honors and exalted positions
which the aristocracy could not accept for lack of wealth; they were
sparing of money in no place where it could be used for their own
advancement. It is easy to conceive the effect such a state of things
had on the proud and overbearing nobles of Mexico. On several
occasions they complained to their kings that their order was losing
its prestige by being obliged to mix on equal terms with the
plebeians; but the services that the great commercial body rendered
every day to the crown were too material to allow the kings to listen
patiently to such complaints. During the reign of Ahuitzotl, the pride
of the merchants had reached its zenith; it is not therefore
surprising that the leaders of the aristocratic party, when that
monarch was dead, elected as his successor Montezuma II., a prince
well known for his partiality for the higher classes. His policy, as
events proved, was a far less wise one than that of Techotlalatzin of
Tezcuco, of which we have already spoken. By not restraining his
overweening pride he prepared the way for disaffection and revolt; he
furnished his enemies with weapons which they were not slow to use; he
alienated the affections of his subjects, so that when aid was most
needed there was none to help him, and when, fettered and a prisoner
in the hand of the Spaniards, he called upon his people, the only
replies were hoots and missiles.

The generals of the army and military officers of the higher ranks,
must of course be included among the privileged classes; usually,
indeed, they were noble by birth as well as influential by position,
and in Mexico, from the time of Montezuma's innovations this was
always the case. There were several military orders and titles which
were bestowed upon distinguished soldiers for services in the field or
the council. Of those which were purely the reward of merit, and such
as could be attained by a plebeian, I shall speak in a future chapter.
There was one, however, the membership of which was confined to the
nobility; this was the celebrated and knightly order of the Tecuhtli.

To obtain this rank it was necessary to be of noble birth, to have
given proof in several battles of the utmost courage, to have arrived
at a certain age, and to have sufficient wealth to support the
enormous expenses incurred by members of the order.

[Sidenote: CEREMONY OF INITIATING A TECUHTLI.]

For three years before he was admitted, the candidate and his parents
busied themselves about making ready for the grand ceremony, and
collecting rich garments, jewels, and golden ornaments, for presents
to the guests. When the time approached, the auguries were consulted,
and a lucky day having been fixed upon, the relations and friends of
the candidate, as well as all the great nobles and Tecuhtlis that
could be brought together, were invited to a sumptuous banquet. On the
morning of the all-important day the company set out in a body for
the temple of Camaxtli,[98] followed by a multitude of curious
spectators, chiefly of the lower orders, intent upon seeing all there
is to see. Arrived at the summit of the pyramid consecrated to
Camaxtli, the aspirant to knightly honors bows down reverently before
the altar of the god. The high-priest now approaches him, and with a
pointed tiger's bone or an eagle's claw perforates the cartilage of
his nose in two places, inserting into the holes thus made small
pieces of jet or obsidian,[99] which remain there until the year of
probation is passed, when they are exchanged for beads of gold and
precious stones. This piercing the nose with an eagle's claw or a
tiger's bone, signifies, says Torquemada, that he who aspires to the
dignity of Tecuhtli must be as swift to overtake an enemy as the
eagle, as strong in fight as the tiger. The high-priest, speaking in a
loud voice, now begins to heap insults and injurious epithets upon the
man standing meekly before him. His voice grows louder and louder; he
brandishes his arms aloft, he waxes furious. The assistant priests are
catching his mood; they gather closer about the object of the
pontiff's wrath; they jostle him, they point their fingers sneeringly
at him, and call him coward. For a moment the dark eyes of the victim
gleam savagely, his hands close involuntarily, he seems about to
spring upon his tormentors; then with an effort he calms himself and
is passive as ever. That look made the taunters draw back, but it was
only for a moment; they are upon him again; they know now that he is
strong to endure, and they will prove him to the uttermost. Screaming
insults in his ears, they tear his garments piece by piece from his
body until nothing but the maxtli is left, and the man stands bruised
and naked in their midst. But all is useless, their victim is
immovable, so at length they leave him in peace. He has passed safely
through one of the severest ordeals of the day, but that fierce look a
while ago was a narrow escape; had he lifted a finger in resistance,
he must have gone down from the temple to be scorned and jeered at by
the crowd below as one who had aspired to the dignity of Tecuhtli, yet
who could restrain his temper no better than a woman. The long months
of careful preparation would have been all in vain, his parents would
have spat upon him for vexation and shame, perchance he would have
been punished for sacrilege. But he is by no means a member of the
coveted order yet. He is next conducted to another hall of the
temple,[100] where he commences his noviciate, which is to last from
one to two years, by four days of penance, prayer, and fasting. As
soon as he is conducted to this hall the banquet which has been
prepared for the guests commences, and after a few hours of
conviviality each returns to his home.

During these first four days the candidate's powers of endurance are
sorely taxed. The only articles of furniture allowed him are a coarse
mat and a low stool; his garments are of the coarsest description.
When night comes, the priests bring him a black preparation, with
which to besmear his face, some spines of the maguey-plant to draw
blood from his body with, a censer and some incense. His only
companions are three veteran warriors, who instruct him in his duties
and keep him awake, for during the four days he is only allowed to
sleep for a few minutes at a time, and then it must be sitting upon
his stool. If, overcome by drowsiness, he exceed this time, his
guardians thrust the maguey-thorns into his flesh, crying: Awake,
awake! learn to be vigilant and watchful; keep your eyes open that you
may look to the interests of your vassals. At midnight he goes to burn
incense before the idol, and to draw blood from different parts of his
body as a sacrifice. He then walks round the temple, and as he goes he
burns paper and copal in four holes in the ground, which he makes at
the four sides of the building, facing the cardinal points; upon each
of these fires he lets fall a few drops of blood drawn from his body.
These ceremonies he repeats at dawn and sunset. He breaks his fast
only once in twenty-four hours, at midnight: and then his repast
consists merely of four little dumplings of maize-meal, each about the
size of a nut, and a small quantity of water; but even this he leaves
untasted if he wishes to evince extraordinary powers of endurance. The
four days having elapsed, he obtains permission from the high-priest
to complete his time of probation in some temple of his own district
or parish; but he is not allowed to go home, nor, if married, to see
his wife during this period.

[Sidenote: FINAL CEREMONIES.]

For two or three months preceding his formal admission into the order,
the home of the postulant is in a bustle of preparation for the coming
ceremony. A grand display is made of rich stuffs and dresses, and
costly jewels, for the use of the new knight when he shall cast off
his present chrysalis-husk of coarse nequen and emerge a full-blown
Tecuhtli. A great number of presents are provided for the guests; a
sumptuous banquet is prepared, and the whole house is decorated for
the occasion. The oracles are again consulted, and upon the lucky day
appointed the company assemble once more at the house of the
candidate, in the same manner as at the commencement of his noviciate.
In the morning the new knight is conducted to a bath, and after having
undergone a good scrubbing, he is again carried, in the midst of music
and dancing, to the temple of Camaxtli. Accompanied by his brother
Tecuhtlis he ascends the steps of the teocalli. After he has
respectfully saluted the idol, the mean garments he has worn so long
are taken off, and his hair is bound up in a knot on the top of his
head with a red cord, from the ends of which hang some fine feathers;
he is next clad in garments of rich and fine materials, the principal
of which is a kind of tunic, ornamented with a delicately embroidered
device, which is the insignia of his new rank; in his right hand he
receives some arrows and in his left a bow. The high-priest completes
the ceremony with a discourse, in which he instructs the new knight in
his duties, tells him the names which he is to add to his own, as a
member of the order; describes to him the signs and devices which he
must emblazon on his escutcheon, and impresses upon his memory the
advantages of being liberal and just, of loving his country and his
gods. As soon as the newly made Tecuhtli has descended into the court
of the temple, the music and dancing recommence, and are kept up until
it is time to begin the banquet. This is served with great
magnificence and liberality, and, to the guests at least, is probably
the most interesting feature of the day. In front of each person at
table are placed the presents intended for him, consisting of costly
stuffs and ornaments in such quantity that each bundle was carried
with difficulty by two slaves; each guest is also given a new garment,
which he wears at table.

The value of the gifts was proportioned to the rank of the receiver,
and such distinctions must be made with great care, for the Aztec
nobility were very jealous of their rights of precedence. The places
of such nobles as had been invited to the feast but were from illness
or other cause unable to attend were left vacant, and their share of
presents and food was placed upon the table exactly as if they had
been present; Torquemada tells us, moreover, that the same courtesy
was extended to the empty seat as to the actual guest.[101] Upon
these occasions the absent noble generally sent a substitute, whose
seat was placed next to that of the person he represented. On the
following day the servants and followers of the guests were feasted
and presented with gifts, according to the means and liberality of the
donor.

The privileges of the Tecuhtlis were important and numerous. In
council they took the first places, and their votes outweighed all
others; in the same manner at all feasts and ceremonies, in peace or
in war, they were always granted preëminence. As before remarked, the
vast expenses entailed upon a Tecuhtli debarred the honor from many
who were really worthy of it. In some instances, however, when a noble
had greatly distinguished himself in war, but was too poor to bear the
expenses of initiation, these were defrayed by the governor of his
province, or by the other Tecuhtlis.[102]

[Sidenote: ORIGIN OF THE ORDER.]

The origin of the order of Tecuhtli is not known. Both the Toltecs and
the Tlascaltecs claim to have established it. Veytia, however, asserts
that this was not the case, but that it was first instituted by
Xolotl, king of the Chichimecs.[103] M. l'Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg
infers from ancient Toltec history that the ceremony of initiation and
the probation of the candidate derive their origin from the mysterious
rites of which traces are still found among the nations of Mexico and
Central America. The traditions relating to Votan and Quetzalcoatl, or
Gucumatz, evidently allude to it. The birth of Ceacatl-Quetzalcoatl is
celebrated by his father, Mixcohua-Camaxtli, at Culhuacan, with great
rejoicings and the creation of a great number of knights; it is these
same knights who are afterwards sent to avenge his death upon his
assassins at Cuitlahuac, a town which appears, since that time, to
have been always the principal place of residence of the order. After
the separation of Cholula from the rest of the Toltec empire by
Ceacatl-Quetzalcoatl, that town, together with Huexotzinco and
Tlascala, appears to have had special privileges in this particular.
It is in these places that after the conquest of the Aztec plateau by
the Teo-Chichimecs, we find most of their chiefs bearing the title of
Tecuhtli; it may be that the priests were forced into confirming their
warlike conquerors in the honor, or it may be that they did so
voluntarily, hoping by this means to submit the warriors to their
spiritual power. This, however, is certain, that the rank of Tecuhtli
remained to the last the highest honor that a prince or soldier could
acquire in the states of Tlascala, Cholula, and Huexotzinco.[104]

[Sidenote: THE MEXICAN PRIESTHOOD.]

The priesthood filled a very important place among the privileged
classes, but as a succeeding volume has been set apart for all matters
relating to religion, I will confine myself here to such an outline of
the sacerdotal system as is necessary to make our view of Aztec social
distinctions complete. The learned Abbé, M. Brasseur de Bourbourg,
gives us a very correct and concise account of the Mexican priesthood,
a partial translation of which will answer the present purpose.

Among the nations of Mexico and Central America, whose civilization is
identical, the priesthood always occupied a high rank in the state,
and up to the last moment its members continued to exercise a powerful
influence in both public and private affairs. In Anáhuac the priestly
offices do not appear to have been appropriated exclusively by an
hereditary caste; all had an equal right to fill them, with the
exception of the offices about the temple of Huitzilopochtli, at
Mexico, which were granted to some families dwelling in certain
quarters of that city.[105] The ministers of the various temples, to
be fitted for an ecclesiastical career, must be graduates of the
Calmecac, colleges or seminaries to which they had been sent by their
parents in their infancy. The dignities of their order were conferred
by vote; but it is evident that the priests of noble birth obtained
almost invariably the highest honors. The quarrels between the priest
and warrior classes, which, in former times, had brought so much harm
to the Mexican nation, had taught the kings to do their best to effect
a balance of power between the rival bodies; to this end they
appropriated to themselves the privilege of electing priests, and
placed at the head of the clergy a priest or a warrior of high rank,
as they saw fit; this could be all the more easily done, as both
classes received the same education in the same schools.

The august title of Topiltzin, which in ancient times expressed the
supreme military and priestly power, came to mean, in after years, a
purely ecclesiastical authority. In Tezcuco and Tlacopan, where the
crown was inherited in a direct line by one of the sons of the
deceased monarch, the supreme pontiff was usually selected from among
the members of the royal family; but in Mexico, where it involved,
almost always, the duties of Tlacochcalcatl, or commander-in-chief of
the army, and, eventually, succession to the throne, the office of
high-priest, like that of king, was elective. The election of the
spiritual king, for so we may call him, generally followed close upon
that of the temporal monarch, and such was the honor in which the
former was held, that he was consecrated with the same sacred unguent
with which the king was anointed. In this manner Axayacatl, Montezuma
II., and Quauhtemoc, were each made pontiff before the royal crown was
placed upon their head. The title of him who held this dignity was
Mexicatl-Teohuatzin, that is to say, the 'Mexican lord of sacred
things;' he added also, besides a great number of other titles, that
of Teotecuhtli, or 'divine master,' and he was, by right, high-priest
of Huitzilopochtli; he was the 'head of the church,' and of all its
branches, not only at Mexico, but in all the provinces of the Mexican
empire; he had absolute authority over all priests, of whatever rank,
and the colleges and monasteries of every class were under his
control. He was elected by the two dignitaries ranking next to himself
in the aboriginal hierarchy. The Mexicatl-Teohuatzin was looked upon
as the right arm of the king, particularly in all matters of war and
religion, and it rarely happened that any important enterprise was set
on foot without his advice. At the same time it is evident that the
high-priest was, after all, only the vicar and lieutenant of the king,
for on certain solemn occasions the monarch himself performed the
functions of grand sacrificer.

The Quetzalcoatl, that is, the high-priest of the god of that name,
was almost equal in rank to the Mexicatl-Teohuatzin; but his political
influence was far inferior. The ordinary title of the priests was
Teopixqui, or 'sacred guardian;' those who were clothed with a higher
dignity were called Huey-Teopixqui, or 'great sacred guardian.' The
Huitznahuac-Teohuatzin and the Tepan-Teohuatzin followed, in priestly
rank, the high-priest of Huitzilopochtli; they were his vicars, and
superintended the colleges and monasteries in every part of his
kingdom. The Tlaquimilol-Tecuhtli, or 'grand master of relics,'[106]
took charge of the ornaments, furniture, and other articles specially
relating to worship. The Tlillancalcatl, or 'chief of the house of
Tlillan,' exercised the functions of principal sacristan; he took care
of the robes and utensils used by the high-priest. The choristers were
under the orders of the Ometochtli, the high-priest of the god so
named, who had, as director of the singing-schools, an assistant
styled Tlapitzcatzin; it was this latter officer's duty to instruct
his pupils in the hymns which were chanted at the principal
solemnities. The Tlamacazcatlotl, or 'divine minister' overlooked the
studies in the schools; another priest discharged the duties of grand
master of the pontifical ceremonies; another was archdeacon and judge
of the ecclesiastical courts; the latter had power to employ and
discharge the attendants in the temples; besides these there was a
crowd of other dignitaries, following each other rank below rank in
perfect order.

[Sidenote: SACERDOTAL OFFICES.]

In Mexico and the other towns of the empire, there were as many
complete sets of priests as there were temples. Besides the
seventy-eight sanctuaries dedicated to Huitzilopochtli, which were in
part directed by the priests we have already enumerated, the capital
contained many others. Each had jurisdiction in its own section, which
corresponded to our parish; the priests and their pupils dwelling in a
school or college which adjoined the temple.

It was the province of the priests to attend to all matters relating
to religion and the instruction of youth. Some took charge of the
sacrifices, others were skilled in the art of divination; certain of
them were entrusted with the arrangement of the festivals and the care
of the temple and sacred vessels, others applied themselves to the
composition of hymns and attended to the singing and music. The
priests who were learned in science superintended the schools and
colleges, made the calculations for the annual calendar, and fixed the
feast-days; those who possessed literary talent compiled the
historical works, and collected material for the libraries. To each
temple was attached a monastery, or we might call it a chapter, the
members of which enjoyed privileges similar to those of our canons.

The Tlamacazqui, 'deacons' or 'ministers' and the Quaquacuiltin,
'herb-eaters,' were those who dedicated themselves to the service of
the gods for life. They led a very ascetic life; continence was
strictly imposed upon them, and they mortified the flesh by deeds of
penance in imitation of Quetzalcoatl, who was their patron deity. The
name of Tlamacazcayotl, signifying 'government of the religious,' was
given to these orders, and they had monasteries for the reception of
both sexes. The high-priest of the god Quetzalcoatl was their supreme
lord; he was a man of great authority, and never deigned to put his
foot out of doors unless it was to confer with the king. When a father
of a family wished to dedicate one of his children to the service of
Quetzalcoatl, he with great humility advised the high-priest of his
intention. That dignitary deputed a Tlamacazqui to represent him at
the feast which was given in his honor, and to bring away the child.
If at this time the infant was under four years of age, a slight
incision was made on his chest, and a few drops of blood were drawn as
a token of his future position. Four years was the age requisite for
admission into the monastery. Some remained there until they were of
an age to enter the world, some dedicated their whole lives to the
service of the gods; others vowed themselves to perpetual continence.
All were poorly clothed, wore their hair long, lived upon coarse and
scanty fare, and did all kinds of work. At midnight they arose and
went to the bath; after washing, they drew blood from their bodies
with spines of the maguey-plant; then they watched and chanted praises
of the gods until two in the morning. Notwithstanding this austerity,
however, these monks could betake themselves alone to the woods, or
wander through the mountains and deserts, there in solitude to spend
the time in holy contemplation.

[Sidenote: MEXICAN PRIESTESSES.]

Females were consecrated to the service of the gods in several ways.
When a girl was forty days old, the father carried her to the
neighboring temple; he placed in her little hands a broom and a
censer, and thus presented her to the Teopixqui, or priest; who by
accepting these symbols of his future state, bound himself to perform
his part of the engagement. As soon as the little one was able to do
so in person, she carried a broom and a censer to the temple, with
some presents for the priest; at the required age she entered the
monastery. Some of the girls took an oath of perpetual continence;
others, on account of some vow which they had made during sickness, or
that the gods might send them a good husband, entered the monastery
for one, two, three, or four years. They were called Cihuatlamacasque,
'deaconesses,' or Cihuaquaquilli, 'eaters of vegetables.' They were
under the surveillance of a number of staid matrons of good character;
upon entering the monastery each girl had her hair cut short.[107]
They all slept in one dormitory, and were not allowed to disrobe
before retiring to rest, in order that they might always be ready when
the signal was given to rise. They occupied themselves with the usual
labors of their sex; weaving and embroidering the tapestry and
ornamental work for the temple. Three times during the night they rose
to renew the incense in the braziers, at ten o'clock, at midnight, and
at dawn.[108] On these occasions a matron led the procession; with
eyes modestly bent upon the ground, and without daring to cast a
glance to one side or the other, the maidens filed up one side of the
temple, while the priests did the same on the other, so that all met
before the altar. In returning to the dormitory the same order was
observed. They spent part of the morning in preparing bread and
confectionery, which they placed, while warm, in the temple, where the
priests partook of it after sacrifice.[109] The young women, for
their part, fasted strictly; they first broke their fast at noon, and
with the exception of a scanty meal in the evening, this was all they
ate during the twenty-four hours. On feast-days they were permitted to
taste meat, but at all other times their diet was extremely meagre.
While sweeping the temple they took great care never to turn their
back to the idol, lest the god should be insulted.

If one of these young women unhappily violated her vows of chastity
she redoubled her fasting and severity, in the fear that her flesh
would rot, and in order to appease the gods and induce them to conceal
her crime, for death was the punishment inflicted on the Mexican
vestal who was convicted of such a trespass. The maiden who entered
the service of the gods for a certain period only, and not for life,
did not usually leave the monastery until she was about to be married.
At that time the parents, having chosen a husband for the girl, and
gotten everything in readiness, repaired to the monastery, taking care
first to provide themselves with quails, copal, hollow canes filled
with perfume, which Torquemada says they called _poquietl_, a brassier
for incense, and some flowers. The girl was then clothed in a new
dress, and the party went up to the temple; the altar was covered with
a cloth, upon which were placed the presents they had brought with
them, accompanied by sundry dishes of meats and pastry. A
complimentary speech was next made by the parents to the Tequaquilli,
or chief priest of the temple, and when this was concluded the girl
was taken away to her father's house. But of those young men and
maidens who stayed in the temple-schools for a time only, and received
a regular course of instruction at the hands of the priests, it is my
intention to speak further when treating of the education of the
Mexican youth. The original accounts are rather confused on this
point, so that it is difficult to separate with accuracy those who
entered with the intention of becoming permanent priests from those
who were merely temporary scholars.

[Sidenote: DRESS OF THE MEXICAN PRIESTS.]

The ordinary dress of the Mexican priests differed little from that of
other citizens; the only distinctive feature being a black cotton
mantle, which they wore in the manner of a veil thrown back upon the
head. Those, however, who professed a more austere life, such as the
Quaquaquiltin and Tlamacazqui before mentioned, wore long black robes;
many among them never cut their hair, but allowed it to grow as long
as it would; it was twisted with thick cotton cords, and bedaubed with
unctuous matter, the whole forming a weighty mass, as inconvenient to
carry as it was disgusting to look at. The high-priest usually wore,
as a badge of his rank, a kind of fringe which hung down over his
breast, called Xicolli; on feast-days he was clothed in a long robe,
over which he wore a sort of chasuble or cope, which varied in color,
shape, and ornamentation, according to the sacrifices he made and the
divinity to which he offered them.[110]

Among the Miztecs and Zapotecs the priests had as much or even more
influence than among the Mexicans. In briefly reviewing the sacerdotal
system of these nations, let us once more take M. Brasseur de
Bourbourg for our guide.

The kingdom of Tilantongo, which comprised upper Miztecapan, was
spiritually governed by the high-priest of Achiuhtla; he had the title
of Taysacaa,[111] and his power equalled, if it did not surpass, that
of the sovereign. This office, it appears, was reserved for the royal
family, and was transmitted from male to male; a member of any free
family could, however, become a sacaa, or simple priest. All, even to
the successor of the Taysacaa, had to submit to a vigorous noviciate
of one year's duration, and to this rule no exceptions were made. Up
to the time of commencing his noviciate, and for four years after it
was ended, the candidate for the priesthood was supposed to have led a
perfectly chaste life, otherwise he was judged unworthy to be admitted
into the order. His only food during the year of probation was herbs,
wild honey, and roasted maize; his life was passed in silence and
retirement, and the monotony of his existence was only relieved by
waiting on the priests, taking care of the altars, sweeping the
temple, and gathering wood for the fires.

When four years after his admission to the priesthood had elapsed,
during which time he seems to have served a sort of apprenticeship, he
was permitted to marry if he saw fit, and at the same time to perform
his priestly functions. If he did not marry he entered one of the
monasteries which were dependent on the temples, and while performing
his regular duties, increased the austerity of his life. Those priests
who were entrusted with the higher and more important offices, such as
the instruction of youth or a seat in the royal council, were selected
from the latter class. The king, or the nobles, each in his own state,
provided for their wants, and certain women, sworn to chastity,
prepared their food. They never left the monastery except on special
occasions, to assist at some feast, to play at ball in the court of
their sovereign lord, to go on a pilgrimage for the accomplishment of
a vow made by the king or by themselves, or to take their place at the
head of the army, which, on certain occasions, they commanded. If one
of these monks fell sick, he was well cared for in the monastery; if
he died he was interred in the court of the building. If one of them
violated his vow of chastity, he was bastinadoed to death.

[Sidenote: THE PONTIFF OF YOPAA.]

[Sidenote: THE CAVE OF YOPAA.]

In Zapotecapan the supreme pontiff was called the Wiyatao;[112] his
residence was in the city of Yopaa,[113] and there he was from time
immemorial spiritual and temporal lord, though, indeed, he made his
temporal power felt more or less throughout the whole kingdom; and he
appears in the earliest history of this country as master and lord of
both the princes and the people of those nations who acknowledged him
as the supreme head of their religion. The origin of the city of Yopaa
is not known; it was situated on the slope of Mount Teutitlan,[114]
which in this place formed a valley, shut in by overshadowing rocks,
and watered by a stream which lower down flowed into the river
Xalatlaco. The original inhabitants of this region were the disciples
and followers of a mysterious, white-skinned personage named
Wixipecocha. What race he belonged to, or from what land he came when
he presented himself to the Zapotecs, is not known; a certain vague
tradition relates that he came by sea from the south, bearing a cross
in his hand, and debarked in the neighborhood of Tehuantepec;[115] a
statue representing him is still to be seen, on a high rock near the
village of Magdalena. He is described as a man of a venerable aspect,
having a bushy, white beard, dressed in a long robe and a cloak, and
wearing a covering upon his head resembling a monk's cowl. The statue
represents him seated in a pensive attitude, apparently occupied in
hearing the confession of a woman who kneels by his side.[116] His
voice, to accord with his appearance, must have been of remarkable
sweetness. Wixipecocha taught his disciples to deny themselves the
vanities of this world, to mortify the flesh with penance and fasting,
and to abstain from all sensual pleasures. Adding example to precept,
he utterly abjured female society, and suffered no woman to approach
him except in the act of auricular confession, which formed part of
his doctrine.[117] This extraordinary conduct caused him to be much
respected; especially as it was an unheard-of thing among these people
for a man to devote his life to celibacy. Nevertheless, he was
frequently persecuted by those whose vices and superstitions he
attacked. Passing through one province after another he at length
arrived in the Zapotec valley, a large portion of which was at that
time occupied by a lake named Rualo. Afterwards, being entered into
the country of the Miztecs, to labor for their conversion, the people
sought to take his life. Those who were sent to take him prisoner,
overtook him at the foot of Cempoaltepec, the most lofty peak in the
country; but at the moment they thought to lay hands upon him, he
disappeared suddenly from their sight, and soon afterwards, adds the
tradition, his figure was seen standing on the summit of the highest
peak of the mountain. Filled with astonishment, his persecutors
hastened to scale the rocky height. When after great labor they
arrived at the point where they had seen the figure, Wixipecocha
appeared to them again for a few instants, then as suddenly vanished,
leaving no traces of his presence save the imprints of his feet deeply
impressed upon the rock where he had stood.[118] Since then we do not
know that Wixipecocha reappeared in the ordinary world, though
tradition relates that he afterwards showed himself in the enchanted
island of Monapostiac, near Tehuantepec, whither he probably went for
the purpose of obtaining new proselytes. In spite of the silence which
history maintains concerning the time of his advent and the disciples
which he left behind him, there can be no doubt that the priests of
Yopaa did not continue to promulgate his doctrines, or that the
Wiyatao, the supreme pontiff in Zapotecapan, was not there as the
vicar and successor of the prophet of Monapostiac. Like the ancient
Brahmans of Hindustan, the first disciples of Wixipecocha celebrated
the rites of their religion in a deep cave, which M. de Bourbourg
thinks was most probably hollowed out in the side of the mountain by
the waters of the flood. This was afterwards used as a place of
worship by the Wiyataos, who, as the number of their proselytes
increased, brought art to the aid of nature, and under the hands of
able architects the cave of Yopaa was soon turned into a temple,
having halls, galleries, and numerous apartments all cut in the solid
rock. It was into the gloomy recesses of this temple that the priests
descended on solemn feast-days to assist at those mysterious
sacrifices which were sacred from the profane gaze of the vulgar, or
to take part in the burial rites at the death of a king.[119]

The classes of religious men were as numerous and their names and
duties as varied among the Zapotecs as elsewhere. A certain order of
priests who made the interpreting of dreams their special province
were called Colanii Cobee Pécala. Each form of divination was made a
special study. Some professed to foretell the future by the aid of
stars, earth, wind, fire, or water; others, by the flight of birds,
the entrails of sacrificial victims, or by magic signs and circles.
Among other divinities a species of parroquet, with flaming plumage,
called the _ara_,[120] was worshiped in some districts. In this bird a
god was incarnate, who was said to have descended from the sky like a
meteor. There were among the Zapotecs hermits or fakirs, who passed
their entire lives in religious Ecstasy and meditation, shut up in
dark caves, or rude huts, with no other companion but an ara, which
they fed respectfully upon a species of altar; in honor of the bird
they lacerated their flesh and drew blood from their bodies; upon
their knees they kissed it morning and evening, and offered it with
their prayers sacrifices of flowers and copal.

[Sidenote: ZAPOTEC PRIESTS.]

Priests of a lower order were styled Wiyana and Wizaechi, and the
monks Copapitas. The influence which they were supposed to have with
the gods, and the care which they took to keep their number constantly
recruited with scions of the most illustrious families, gained them
great authority among the people. No noble was so great but he would
be honored by having a son in the temple. They added, also, to the
credit of their profession by the strict propriety of their manners,
and the excessive rigor with which they guarded their chastity.
Parents who wished to consecrate one of their children to the service
of the gods, led him, while still an infant, to the chief priest of
the district, who after carefully catechizing the little one,
delivered him over to the charge of the master of the novices. Besides
the care of the sanctuary, which fell to their lot, these children
were taught singing, the history of their country, and such sciences
as were within their comprehension.

These religious bodies were looked upon with much respect. Their
members were taught to bear themselves properly at home and in the
street, and to preserve a modest and humble demeanor. The least
infraction of the rules was severely punished; a glance or a sign
which might be construed into a carnal desire, was punished as
criminal, and those who showed by their actions a strong disposition
to violate their vow of chastity were relentlessly castrated.

The Wiyanas were divided into several orders, but all were ruled in
the most absolute manner by the pontiff of Yopaa. I have already
spoken of the veneration in which this spiritual monarch was held, and
of the manner in which he surmounted the difficulty of having children
to inherit the pontifical chair, when continence was strictly imposed
upon him.[121]

The ordinary dress of the Zapotec priests was a full white robe, with
openings to pass the arms through, but no sleeves; this was girt at
the waist with a colored cord. During the ceremony of sacrifice, and
on feast-days, the Wiyatao wore, over all, a kind of tunic, with full
sleeves, adorned with tassels and embroidered in various colors with
representations of birds and animals. On his head he wore a mitre of
feather-work, ornamented with a very rich crown of gold; his neck,
arms, and wrists were laden with costly necklaces and bracelets; upon
his feet were golden sandals, bound to his legs with cords of gold and
bright-colored thread.[122]

[Sidenote: PRIESTS OF MICHOACAN.]

The Toltec sacerdotal system so closely resembled the Mexican already
described that it needs no further description in this volume. Their
priests wore a long black robe reaching to the ground; their heads
were covered with a hood, and their hair fell down over their
shoulders and was braided. They rarely put sandals on their feet,
except when about to start on a long journey.[123] Among the Totonacs
six great ecclesiastics were elected, one as high-priest, one next to
him in rank, and so on with the other four. When the high-priest died,
the second priest succeeded him. He was anointed and consecrated with
great ceremony; the unction used upon the occasion was a mixture of a
fluid called in the Totonac tongue _ole_, and blood drawn at the
circumcision of children.[124] There existed also among these people
an order of monks devoted to their goddess Centeotl. They lived a very
austere and retired life, and their character, according to the
Totonac standard, was irreproachable. None but men above sixty years
of age, who were widowers of virtuous life and estranged from the
society of women, were admitted into this order. Their number was
fixed, and when one of them died another was received in his stead.
They were so much respected that they were not only consulted by the
common people, but likewise by the great nobles and the high-priest.
They listened to those who consulted them, sitting upon their heels,
with their eyes fixed upon the ground, and their answers were received
as oracles even by the kings of Mexico. They were employed in making
historical paintings, which they gave to the high-priest that he might
exhibit them to the people. The common Totonac priests wore long black
cotton robes with hoods; their hair was braided like the other common
priests of Mexico, and anointed with the blood of human sacrifices,
but those who served the goddess Centeotl were always dressed in the
skins of foxes or coyotes.[125] At Izacapu, in Michoacan, there was a
pontiff named Curinacanery, who was looked upon with such deep
veneration that the king himself visited him once a year to offer him
the first-fruits of the season, which he did upon his knees, having
first respectfully kissed his hand. The common priests of Michoacan
wore their hair loose and disheveled; a leathern band encircled their
foreheads; their robes were white, embroidered with black, and in
their hands they carried feather fans.[126] In Puebla they also wore
white robes, with sleeves, and fringed on the edges.[127] The papas,
or sacrificing priests of Tlascala, allowed their hair to grow long
and anointed it with the blood of their victims.[128] Much more might
be written concerning the priests of these countries, but as it does
not strictly come within the province of this volume, it is omitted
here.[129]

FOOTNOTES:

[93] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 231; _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xii.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.
iii., p. 502.

[94] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 88; _Veytia_, _Hist.
Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 182, makes the number twenty-seven.

[95] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 88, _et seq._; see also
_Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 182, _et seq._; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 428, _et seq._;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., p. 353, _et seq._; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 502;
_Herrera_, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xii.

[96] _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p.
251.

[97] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 196.

[98] Camaxtli was the Tlascaltec god of war, corresponding with and
probably the same as the Mexican Huitzilopochtli. The order of
Tecuhtli being held in higher esteem in Tlascala than elsewhere, the
ceremony of initiation is generally described as it took place in that
state.

[99] 'Unas piedras chequitas de piedra negra, y creo eran de la piedra
de que hacen las navajas.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap.
lxvii.

[100] 'Se iba à vna de las Salas, ò Aposentos de los Ministros que
servian al Demonio, que se llamaba Tlamacazcalco.' _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 362. It seems unlikely, however, that the
candidate would be taken to another temple at this juncture. Brasseur
explains the name of the hall to which he was taken as 'le Lieu des
habitations des Ministres, prêtres de Camaxtli.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
tom. iii., p. 587.

[101] 'Y à las Sillas solas que representaban las Personas ausentes,
hacian tanta cortesia, y le captaban Benevolencia, como si realmente
estuvieran presentes los Señores que faltaban.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. ii., p. 364.

[102] Concerning the ceremony of initiation see: _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 361-6; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_,
MS., cap. lxvii.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 306-8; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 120-1; _Camargo_, _Hist.
Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp.
147-9.

[103] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 58-60.

[104] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 586.

[105] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv.

[106] The Tlaquimilloli, from whence the title is derived, was a
sacred package or bundle, containing relics of gods and heroes.

[107] Clavigero asserts that the hair of such only as entered the
service on account of some private vow, was cut.

[108] Clavigero says that only a part of them rose upon each occasion.
'S'alzavano alcune due ore incirca innanzi alla mezza notte, altre
alla mezza notte, ed altre allo spuntar del di per attizzar, e
mantener vivo il fuoco, e per incensare gl'Idoli.' _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., p. 42.

[109] 'Elles passaient une partie de la matinée à preparer le pain en
galette et les pâtisseries qu'elles présentaient, toutes chaudes, dans
le temple, où les prêtres allaient les prendre après l'oblation.'
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 556.
Clavigero says they prepared the offering of provisions which was
presented to the idols: 'Tutte le mattine preparavano l'obblazioni di
commestibili da presentarsi agl'Idoli.' _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., p. 42.

[110] Clavigero writes: 'L'insegna de' Sommi Sacerdoti di Messico era
un fiocco, o nappa di cotone pendente dal petto, e nelle feste
principali vestivansi abiti sfarzosi, ne' quali vedevansi figurate le
insegne di quel Dio, la cui festa celebravano.' _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., p. 38. The most important works that can be
consulted concerning the Mexican priesthood are: _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 549-59; from which I
have principally taken my account; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom.
ii., pp. 163-5, 175-91; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, caps.
cxxxiii., cxxxix., cxl.; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii.,
pp. 112 et seq., 218-23, tom. iii., pp. 276-7; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._,
fol. 323-5; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 335-42; _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv-xvii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 36 et seq.

[111] This is the title given by the Spanish authors; it is probably
derived from _tay_, a man, and _sacaa_, a priest. _Vocabul. en lengua
Mixteca, etc._, according to _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. iii., p. 17, note.

[112] Wiyatao, Burgoa writes _huijatoo_, and translates, 'great
watchman;' the Zapotec vocabulary translates it by the word _papa_, or
priest.

[113] Yopaa, Burgoa also writes Lyobaa and Yobaa; it signifies the
Place of Tombs, from _Yo_, place, or ground, and _paa_, tomb, in the
Zapotec tongue, 'the centre of rest.'

[114] Teutitlan was its name in the Nahuatl language. Its Zapotecan
name was Xaquiya.

[115] _Rasgos y señales de la primera predicacion en el Nuevo-Mundo_,
MS. de Don Isidro Gondra; _Carriedo_, _Estudios históricos y
estadísticos del Estado Oaxaqueño_, _Mexico_, 1850, tom. i., cap. i.;
quoted in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 9.

[116] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., cap. lxxii.

[117] _Rasgos y señales de la primera predicacion en el Nuevo-Mundo_,
MS. de Don Isidro Gondra; quoted in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 10.

[118] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., cap. lxxii.

[119] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., cap. liii.

[120] So called from the cry of _ara_, _ara_, which it constantly
repeats.

[121] See this vol., pp. 142-3.

[122] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., cap. liii. Of the Miztec
high-priest Torquemada writes: 'Se vestia, para celebrar sus Fiestas,
de Pontifical, de esta manera. Unas mantas mui variadas de colores,
matiçadas, y pintadas de Historias acaecidas à algunos de sus Dioses:
poniase vnas como Camisas, ò Roquetes, sin mangas (à diferencia de los
Mexicanos) que llegaban mas abajo de la rodilla, y en las piernas vnas
como antiparas, que le cubrian la pantorrilla; y era esto casi comun à
todos los Sacerdotes Sumos, y calçado, con que adornaban las Estatuas
de los Dioses; y en el braço izquierdo, vn pedaço de manta labrada, à
manera de liston, como suelen atarse algunos al braço, quando salen à
Fiestas, ò Cañas, con vna borla asida de ella, que parecia manipulo.
Vestia encima de todo vna Capa, como la nuestra de Coro, con vna borla
colgando à las espaldas, y vna gran Mitra en la cabeça, hecha de
plumas verdes, con mucho artificio, y toda sembrada, y labrada de los
mas principales Dioses, que tenian. Quando bailaban, en otras
ocasiones, y patios de los Templos (que era el modo ordinario de
cantar sus Horas, y reçar su Oficio) se vestian de ropa blanca
pintada, y vnas ropetas, como camisetas de Galeote.' _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. ii., p. 217.

[123] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
tom. ix., p. 327.

[124] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxiii.

[125] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxi.; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 181; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., p. 44; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v.,
cap. xiv.

[126] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 52-3; Herrera says of
the priests of Mechoacan: 'Trahian los cabellos largos, y coronas
abiertas en la cabeça, como los de la Yglesia Catolica, y guirnaldas
de fluecos colorados.' _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.

[127] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 438.

[128] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843,
tom. xcviii., p. 201.

[129] Less important, or more modern, authorities that treat of the
privileged classes among the Aztecs, are: _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la
Raza Indígena_, pp. 19-22; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i.,
pp. 495-504; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., pp. 114-15; _Carbajal_,
_Discurso_, pp. 108-14; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_,
_Voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. 303-6, 337; _Dilworth's Conq. Mex._,
p. 36; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, pp. 14-19, 32-5; _Hazart_,
_Kirchen-Geschichte_, tom. ii., pp. 503-5; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe
Weereld_, pp. 74, 235-6, 264-5; _West und Ost Indischer Lustgart_, pt
i., pp. 73-7, 98-100; _Cortés_, _Aventuras_, pref., p. 6; _Baril_,
_Mexique_, pp. 201-2; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp.
59-70, 88-98, 209-10; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., pp. 12-13,
19; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, pp. 116-120.

CHAPTER VI.

PLEBEIANS, SLAVES, TENURE OF LANDS, AND TAXATION.

INFLUENCE OF THE COMMONERS--OPPRESSION BY NOBLES--DEPRIVED
OF OFFICE BY MONTEZUMA II.--CLASSES OF SLAVES--PENAL
SLAVES--VOLUNTARY SLAVERY--SLAVE MARKET AT
AZCAPUZALCO--PUNISHMENT AND PRIVILEGES OF SLAVES--DIVISION
OF LANDS--CROWN LANDS--LANDS OF THE NOBLES--MUNICIPAL
PROPERTY--PROPERTY OF THE TEMPLES--TENURE OF LANDS IN
ZAPOTECAPAN, MIZTECAPAN, MICHOACAN, TLASCALA, CHOLULA, AND
HUEXOTZINCO--SIMILARITY TO FEUDAL SYSTEM OF EUROPE--SYSTEM
OF TAXATION--MUNICIPAL TAXES--LICE TRIBUTE--TRIBUTE FROM
CONQUERED PROVINCES--REVENUE OFFICERS--INJUSTICE OF
MONTEZUMA II.

[Sidenote: PLEBEIANS AND SLAVES.]

No writer seems to have thought it worth while to define the exact
condition of the lower orders of free citizens among the Aztecs. In
Mexico, under the earlier kings, they appear to have enjoyed
considerable privileges. They were represented in the royal councils,
they held high offices at court and about the king's person, their
wishes were consulted in all affairs of moment, and they were
generally recognized as an important part of the community. Gradually,
however, their power lessened as that of the nobles increased, until,
in the time of Montezuma II., they were, as we have seen, deprived of
all offices that were not absolutely menial, and driven from the
palace. Still, there is no doubt that from the earliest times the
plebeians were always much oppressed by the nobles, or that, as the
Bishop of Santo Domingo, before quoted,[130] remarks, "they were, and
still are, so submissive that they allow themselves to be killed or
sold into slavery without complaining." Father Acosta, also, writes
that "so great is the authority which the caciques have assumed over
their vassals that these latter dare not open their lips to complain
of any order given them, no matter how difficult or disagreeable it
may be to fulfill; indeed, they would rather die and perish than incur
the wrath of their lord; for this reason the nobles frequently abuse
their power, and are often guilty of extortion, robbery, and violence
towards their vassals."[131] Camargo tells us that the plebeians were
content to work without pay for the nobles, if they could only insure
their protection by so doing.[132]

Of those who stood below the macehuales, as the plebeians were called,
and lowest of all in the social scale, the slaves, we have more
definite information. Slavery was enforced and recognized by law and
usage throughout the entire country inhabited by the Nahua nations.
There were in ancient Mexico three classes of slaves; namely,
prisoners of war, persons condemned for crime to lose their freedom,
and those who sold themselves, or children sold by their parents. The
captor of a prisoner of war had an undisputed right to doom his prize
to be sacrificed to the gods; this power he almost invariably exerted,
and it was held a punishable crime for another to deprive him of it by
rescuing the prisoner or setting him free.[133] Sahagun tells us that
the captor could, if he chose, either sell or hold his prisoners as
slaves; and if among them any man or woman showed unusual ability in
music, embroidering, weaving, or other domestic occupation, he or she
was frequently purchased by the king or some noble or wealthy man, and
employed in his house, and thus saved from the sacrifice.[134] The
offences which the Aztecs punished with slavery were the following:
firstly, failure on the part of any relation of a person convicted of
high treason, to give timely information of the plot to the proper
authorities, provided he or she had knowledge of it, the wives and
children of the traitor being also enslaved; secondly, the
unauthorized sale of a free man or woman or of a free child kidnapped
or found astray, the kidnapper fraudulently asserting such person to
be a slave, or such child to be his own; thirdly, the sale or
disposal, by a tenant or depositary, of another's property, without
the permission of the owner or his representative, or of a proper
legal authority; fourthly, hindering a collared slave from reaching
the asylum of the sovereign's palace, provided it was the act of one
who was not the owner or the owner's son; fifthly, stealing things of
value, or being an inveterate thief; sixthly, stealing from a field a
certain number of ears of corn or of useful plants, exception being
made to this law when the act was committed by a child under ten years
of age, or when the stolen property was paid for; seventhly, the
impregnating, by a free man, of another's female slave, if the woman
died during her pregnancy, or in consequence of it. This latter
statement is contradicted by Torquemada, upon the strength of
information given him, as he alleges, by Aztecs well acquainted with
the laws of their country.[135] Gomara asserts, though he allows that
others deny it, that when a man died insolvent, his son or his wife
became the property of his creditors.[136] Torquemada affirms that it
was customary for a creditor to look for payment of his claim to the
estate, real or personal, if any there was, but no member of the
debtor's family was awarded to him to cancel the debt.[137] It
sometimes happened that persons too poor to pay their taxes were put
up for sale, but this mostly occurred in conquered provinces. Penal
slaves did not become the property of the king or the state, but were
publicly sold to private persons, or assigned to the parties whom they
had injured; nor were such offenders held to be slaves, or their
punishment considered to have commenced until they had been formally
delivered to the new owner.

[Sidenote: PENAL AND VOLUNTARY SLAVERY.]

Among those who voluntarily surrendered their freedom for a
consideration, besides such as were driven by extreme poverty to do
so, were the indolent who would not trust to their own exertions for a
livelihood, gamesters, to obtain the wherewithal to satisfy their
passion for gambling,[138] and harlots, to provide themselves with
showy clothing and finery. The two latter classes were not obliged to
go into service until after the expiration of a year from the time of
receiving the consideration for which they sold themselves.

Slaves were continually offered for sale in the public market-place of
every town, but the principal slave-mart in the Mexican empire seems
to have been the town of Azcapuzalco, which was situated about two
leagues from the city of Mexico; it occupied the site of the ancient
capital of the Tepanec kingdom, which was destroyed by King
Nezahualcoyotl of Tezcuco. Great numbers of slaves were brought to
Azcapuzalco from all the provinces; and it is said that the merchants
who traded in them had to adopt great precautions to prevent their
property from being stolen or rescued on the journey. With a view to
advantageous sales the slaves thus exposed in the public markets were
kept well clothed and fed, and were forced to dance and look cheerful.

Parents could pawn, or sell a son as a slave, but were allowed to take
him back on surrendering another son to serve in his stead; on such
occasions the master was wont to show his generosity by allowing an
extra compensation for the new servant. There was yet another kind of
slavery, called by the Mexicans _huehuetlatlacolli_, meaning 'ancient
servitude.' When one or more families were entirely destitute and
famine-stricken, they sold a son to some noble, and bound themselves
to always 'keep that slave alive,' that is to say, to supply another
to fill his place if he died or became incapacitated. This obligation
was binding upon each member of the families making the contract, but
was null and void if the man who was actually serving died in his
master's house, or if his employer took from him anything that he had
lawfully acquired; therefore, to prevent this forfeiture of ownership,
the master neither took from his slave anything but personal service,
nor allowed him to dwell in his house. It frequently happened that as
many as four or five families were bound in this manner to supply a
noble and his heirs with a slave. But in 1505 or 1506, a year of
famine in the country, Nezahualpilli of Tezcuco, foreseeing the evils
that this system of perpetual contract would entail upon his subjects
if the scarcity of food continued long, repealed the law, and declared
all families exempt from its obligations; it is recorded that
Montezuma II. soon after followed his example.[139]

[Sidenote: CONDITION AND TREATMENT OF SLAVES.]

Slavery in Mexico was, according to all accounts, a moderate
subjection, consisting merely of an obligation to render personal
service, nor could that be exacted without allowing the slave a
certain amount of time to labor for his own advantage. Slaves were
kindly treated and were allowed far greater privileges than any in the
old world; they could marry and bring up families, hold property,
including other slaves to serve them, and their children were
invariably born free. There is, however, some obscurity on this point,
as Sahagun tells us that in the year Ce Tochtli, which came round
every fifty-two years, there was generally a great famine in the land,
and at that time many persons, driven to it by hunger, sold not only
themselves as slaves, but also their children and descendants for
countless generations.[140] Very young or poor slaves lived at the
home of their master, and were treated almost as members of the
family; the other slaves lived independently, either on their owner's
land, or upon their own. It frequently happened that a master
succumbed to the charms of one of his female slaves and made her his
wife, or that a comely bondman found favor in the sight of his
mistress, and became her lord; nor was this so strange as it may at
first appear, there being no difference of race or color to make such
alliances repugnant or shameful. Feelings of affection and respect
existed, as a rule, between master and servant. A slave who had served
long and faithfully was often entrusted with the stewardship of his
owner's household and property, and, on the other hand, if the master
through misfortune should become poor, his bondmen would cheerfully
labor for his support. No well-behaved slave could be sold without
his consent unless his owner could prove that poverty or debt made
such sale unavoidable; nor could such faults as laziness,
disobedience, or running away, be punished without due warning, which
the master for his own justification usually gave in the presence of
respectable witnesses. If after this had occurred two or three times
the slave continued refractory, a wooden collar was placed on his
neck, and then his master was authorized to transfer him against his
will. Purchasers of a collared slave always inquired how many times he
had been so disposed of before, and if after two or three such sales
he continued incorrigible, he could be sold for the sacrifice. But
even yet he has one chance left; if he can escape from his master's
premises and gain the courtyard of the royal palace, he not only
avoids punishment, but he is from that day forth a free man; moreover,
no person, save his owner or his owner's sons, is allowed in any
manner to prevent him from reaching the asylum, under penalty of being
made the slave of him whom he attempts to deprive of his chance for
freedom.

The sale of a slave was conducted with much formality, and must be
made in the presence of at least four respectable witnesses; in cases
of self-sale the witnesses acted as conscientious arbitrators to
secure the highest price and most favorable conditions for him who
sold himself. The usual price for an average slave was twenty mantles,
equivalent to one load of cotton cloth; some were worth less, while
others brought as many as forty mantles.

Slavery among the Nahua nations appears, then, to have been only a
partial deprivation of a freeman's rights. As a slave was permitted to
possess property and even other slaves of his own, and as his children
were born free and he had complete control of his own family, we can
scarcely say he lost his citizenship, although it is true he was not
eligible for public office. It was a common practice for a master
during his lifetime, or on his death-bed, to emancipate his slaves,
but if no such provision were made they went to the heirs with the
rest of the property. Murder of a slave, even by his master, was a
capital offence.

Yet in spite of all this testimony in favor of the mildness of slavery
among the Nahua nations, there is still room for some reasonable doubt
concerning the patriarchal character of the system; inasmuch as we are
told that many slaves, not mentioned as being prisoners of war or
criminals, as well as servants, dwarfs, or deformed persons, and
purchased children, were put to death at religious feasts and royal
funerals.[141]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: TENURE OF LANDS.]

The lands were divided between the crown, the nobility, the various
tribes or clans of the people, and the temples. The division, however,
was by no means equal, by far the greater portion being appropriated
by the king and the aristocracy.[142] All landed property was duly
surveyed, and each estate was accurately marked out on maps, or
paintings, kept on file by a competent officer in the district where
they were situated. The crown lands were painted in purple, those of
the nobility in scarlet, and those of the _calpullis_, or wards, in
light yellow. Certain portions of the crown property called
_tecpantlalli_, or 'lands of the palace,' were granted to nobles of
the rank of Tecuhtli, who were called _tecpanpouhque_ or
_tecpantlaca_, 'people of the palace.' They had the free use and
enjoyment of such lands, and in return certain services were expected
of them. It was their duty to attend to the repairs and proper
arrangement of the royal residences, and to cultivate and keep in
order the royal gardens, for all of which they had to provide the
necessary number of workmen; besides this they were obliged to wait on
the king and accompany him whenever he appeared in public. Although in
consideration of these services the 'people of the palace' paid no
rent, yet the eminent domain of their lands was vested in the
sovereign. When one of them died his eldest son inherited his
privileges, subject to the same obligations, but if he changed his
residence to another part of the country, or died without male issue,
the usufruct was forfeited and the land reverted to the sovereign, who
transferred it to another usufructuary, or left the choice of one to
the community in whose district the property was situated.[143] The
produce of other lands belonging to the crown was set apart for the
support of the royal household, and for benevolent purposes.

[Sidenote: LANDED PROPERTY OF THE NOBLES.]

In conquered provinces, the habits and customs and established form of
government of the vanquished were usually respected. The sovereigns of
Anáhuac retained the native princes in power, and allowed the people
to keep their property; but they invariably set apart a certain part
of the territory, proportioned to the conquest, which became the
property of the conquering monarch. These lands, called _yaotlalli_,
which means 'war lands,' were cultivated by the conquered people for
the benefit of their conqueror. If they belonged to Mexico their name
was _mexica-tlalli_; if to Acolhuacan, _acolhua-tlalli_, and so
on.[144]

[Sidenote: INHERITANCE OF ESTATES.]

The lands of the nobility were called _pillalli_, and were either
ancient possessions of the nobles transmitted by inheritance from
father to son, or were rewards of valor granted by the king. They were
held by various tenures; some of them could be alienated at the will
of the owner, subject only to the restriction that they should not
pass into the hands of a plebeian; others were entailed upon the
eldest male issue and could not be otherwise disposed of. Many of the
Aztec estates were of very ancient origin. After the Chichimecs
obtained undisputed possession of the valley of Mexico, their chief or
sovereign Xolotl made grants of land to his own people, and to others
who acknowledged him as their supreme lord, under the condition that
the grantees should render service to the crown with their persons,
vassals, and estates, whenever he should require it of them, and the
same policy was adopted by his successors.[145] Sons generally
inherited their father's estates by right of primogeniture, but if the
eldest son was judged incapable of taking proper care of the property,
the father left it to whichever son he pleased, stipulating, however,
that the heir should insure a competency to him he had supplanted.[146]
In the republic of Tlascala daughters could not inherit an estate,
the object being to prevent landed property from going into the hands
of strangers. In the kingdoms of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan it is
probable that the law was the same in this respect, but the
authorities give us no information concerning the matter.[147] These
feudatories paid no rent for their lands, but were bound to assist
their suzerain, the king, with their persons, vassals, and fortunes in
all cases of foreign or civil war. Each king, on his accession,
confirmed the investiture of estates derived from the crown.[148] The
lands of the people were called _calpulli_, and every city was divided
into as many of these as there were wards in it, and the whole number
of calpulli being collectively named _altepatlalli_. The calpulli, as
well as the _tlaxicalli_, or streets, were all measured out and their
boundaries marked, so that the inhabitants of one ward or street could
not invade the possessions of another. Each of these divisions
belonged to its respective community, and was of greater or less
extent and importance according to the partition which had been made
by the first settlers in Anáhuac. The owners of a calpulli were all
members of the same clan or tribe, and their district bore their name.
The right of tenure was perpetual and inalienable, and was the common
property of the community and not of individuals. Any member of the
community not possessed of any land, had the right to ask for a
portion suitable to his position and requirements, which was granted
him. This portion he was entitled to hold as long as he cultivated and
improved it, and he could transmit it to his heirs; he had no
authority to sell his portion, but he could let it to another for a
number of years. If he neglected to cultivate it for two years the
head man of the calpulli remonstrated with him; if he paid no heed to
this warning he was ousted the following year in favor of some other
person; a reasonable excuse for such neglect was, however, always
accepted. If the land assigned to anyone proved unfruitful and barren,
he was at liberty to abandon it and another portion was granted him.
Under no pretext whatever could any person settle upon the land
lawfully occupied by another, nor could the authorities of the
calpulli deprive the latter of his right. If a land-owner died without
heirs, his portion was considered vacant and assigned to the first
applicant for it. If a calpulli was in great need the authorities were
allowed to lease its lands, but under no circumstances were the
inhabitants permitted to work on the lands of another district. The
elders of the tribe formed the council of the calpulli; this body
elected a principal, called _calpullec_, whose duty it was to watch
over the interests of the community; he acted only with the advice and
consent of the council. Each city set apart a piece of land in the
suburbs wherefrom to supply the needs of the army in time of war.
These portions were called _milchimalli_, or _cacalomilli_, according
to the kind of grain they produced, and were cultivated jointly by all
the calpullis. It was not unusual for the kings to make a life-grant
of a portion of the people's property to some favorite noble, for
though there is no doubt that the calpulli lands of right belonged to
the people, yet in this respect as in others, the kings were wont to
usurp a power not their own.[149] Every temple, great and
insignificant, had its own lands and country estates, the produce of
which was applied to the support of the priests and of public worship;
the tenants who occupied these lands were looked upon as vassals of
the temples. The chief priests, who, on the temple lands, exercised a
power similar to that of the royal governors, frequently visited these
estates to inspect their condition and to administer justice to their
tenants. The temple of Huitzilopochtli was considered the wealthiest
in Mexico. Torquemada says that in Tezcuco fifteen large cities
furnished the temples of that kingdom with wood, provisions, and other
necessaries.[150] Clavigero makes the number of towns twenty-nine.[151]

Throughout Zapotecapan and Miztecapan landed property was invariably
transmitted from male to male, females being excluded from the
succession. No one had the right to sell his land in perpetuity; the
law forbade its transfer out of a family either by marriage or
otherwise; and if a proprietor was compelled by the force of necessity
to dispose of his real estate, it returned after the lapse of some
years to his son or his nearest relative, who paid to the holder the
consideration for which it had been pledged or its equivalent.[152] In
Miztecapan the first-born son, before taking possession of his
inheritance, had to do penance for a year; he was confined in a
religious house, clothed in rags, daubed with India-rubber juice, and
his face and body rubbed with fetid herbs; during that time he had to
draw blood repeatedly from his body and limbs, and was subjected to
hard labor and privation. At the expiration of the year he was washed
with odorous water by four girls, and then conducted by friends to his
house with great pomp and festivity.[153]

[Sidenote: ESTATES IN MICHOACAN.]

Early writers say nothing about the tenure of lands among the Tarascos
of Michoacan, but merely state in general terms that the sovereign's
power over the lives and property of his subjects was unlimited.[154]

The tenure of lands in the republic of Tlascala had its origin in the
division made at the time when the country was first settled; which
was as follows: Any Tecuhtli who established an entail, called
_teccalli_, or _pilcalli_, took for his own use the best and largest
part of the lands that fell to his lot or were awarded to him in the
partition, including woods, springs, rivers, and lakes; of the
remainder a fair division was made among his servitors and vassals,
or, in other words, his soldiers, friends, and kinsmen. All were bound
to keep the manor-house in repair and to supply their lord with game,
flowers, and other comforts, and he in his turn, was expected to
entertain, protect, and feed them in his house. To these kinsmen,
friends, and servitors, was given the name of _teixhuihuan_, meaning
the 'grand-children of the manor-house.' In this manner all the nobles
divided their land. All were greatly respected by their vassals. They
derived their income from the taxes that their tenants paid them out
of what they obtained from the chase, from the soil, and by raising
domestic animals.[155]

No information has reached us respecting the provisions under which
land was held in Cholula and Huexotzinco, or among the Totonacs. In
the province of Pánuco, the eldest son was the sole inheritor of land
and, therefore, the only one that paid tribute; the other sons had to
rent land from those who were in possession of it.[156]

There can be no doubt that in all this there is, as so many writers
have observed, a strong resemblance to the feudal systems of Europe.
The obligation of military service, and other relations of lord and
vassal smack strongly of the institutions of the Middle Ages, but, as
Mr Prescott says, the minor points of resemblance "fall far short of
that harmonious system of reciprocal service and protection, which
embraced, in nice gradation, every order of a feudal monarchy. The
kingdoms of Anáhuac were, in their nature, despotic, attended, indeed,
with many mitigating circumstances, unknown to the despotisms of the
East; but it is chimerical to look for much in common--beyond a few
accidental forms and ceremonies--with those aristocratic institutions
of the Middle Ages, which made the court of every petty baron the
precise image in miniature of that of his sovereign." I have no
inclination to draw analogies, believing them, at least in a work of
this kind, to be futile; and were I disposed to do so, space would not
permit it. Nations in their infancy are almost as much alike as are
human beings in their earlier years, and in studying these people I am
struck at every turn by the similarity between certain of their
customs and institutions and those of other nations; comparisons might
be happily drawn between the division of lands in Anáhuac and that
made by Lycurgus and Numa in Laconia and Rome, or between the
relations of Aztec master and slave and those of Roman patron and
client, for the former were nearly as mild as the latter; but the list
of such comparisons would never be complete, and I am fain to leave
them to the reader.

[Sidenote: SYSTEM OF TAXATION.]

The people of Anáhuac and of the surrounding countries paid taxes to
the crown and to the temples, either with personal service or with the
productions or results of their labor; in short, with everything
useful. We have seen that in the kingdom of Tezcuco twenty-nine cities
were appointed to provide the king's household with everything
requisite of food, furniture, and so forth, and were, consequently,
exempt from all other taxes. Fourteen of these cities served in this
manner during one half of the year, and fifteen during the other half.
They likewise furnished the workingmen and laborers, such as
water-carriers, sweepers, tillers of the palace lands, and gardeners.
Boys who were too young to do men's work were required to provide
annually four hundred armfuls of wood for the fires which were kept up
day and night in the principal rooms of the palace. The young men of
Tollantzinco, either themselves or through their servants supplied
fine rushes for mats, stools, or seats, called _icpalli_, pine-wood
splinters for lighting fires, other wood for torches, _acayetl_, or
pipes with tobacco, various kinds of dyes, liquid amber both in cakes
and in vessels, copal incense in their golden cylinders, and a large
quantity of other articles, which it is unnecessary to specify.[157]
Manufacturers paid their taxes with the objects produced by their
industry. Journeymen mechanics, such as carpenters, masons, workers in
feathers and precious metals, and musicians, were, according to
Oviedo, exempt from such tax, and in lieu thereof rendered personal
service to the sovereign without remuneration.[158] Merchants paid
their taxes with such articles as they traded in. The last class of
tribute-payers were the _tlamaitl_, tenants attached to a nobleman's
land, who tilled the same for their own benefit. They were obliged to
do a certain amount of work every year for the landlord, and to render
military service when it was required of them by the sovereign.
Brasseur says that these tenants paid no tribute to the king, but his
statement is contradicted by Clavigero.[159] Taxes paid in fruit and
grain were collected immediately after harvest; other tributes were
collected at different times through the year. In each town there was
a magazine for storing the revenues, from which supplies were drawn as
required. In the vicinity of Mexico it was customary to convey the
agricultural produce into the capital, in order that the inhabitants,
who, being surrounded with the waters of the lake, had no land of
their own to cultivate, might be regularly supplied with food. There
was no uniform system of collecting taxes from the merchants and
manufacturers. Payments were made by them in accordance with their
circumstances and the nature of the articles they contributed. There
were about three hundred and seventy tributary towns in the Mexican
empire, some of which paid their taxes every twenty days, and some
every four days, while others only did so once in six months, or even
only once a year. The people of Tlatelulco, says Purchas,[160] "were
charged for tribute, alwayes to repaire the Church called Huiznahuac.
Item, fortie great Baskets (of the bignesse of half a Bushell) of
cacao ground, with the Meale of Maiz (which they called
_Chianpinoli_,) and euery Basket had sixteene hundred Almonds of
Cacao. Item, other fortie Baskets of Chianpinoli. Item, eight hundred
burthens of great Mantels. Item, eightie pieces of Armour, of slight
Feathers, and as many Targets of the same Feathers, of the deuices &
colours as they are pictured. All the which tribute, except the said
armes and targets they gaue euery 24. dayes,[161] and the said armes
and targets they gaue for tribute but once in the whole yeere. The
said tribute had his beginning since the time of Quauhtlatoa and
Moquihuix, which were Lords of Tlatilulco. The Lords of Mexico, which
first enioyned to those of Tlatilulco, to pay tribute, and to
acknowledge their subiection, were Yzcoatçi and Axiacaçi." Sometimes
merchants' guilds or individuals did not pay their taxes at the
regular assessment of the town in which they lived, but did so
according to prior arrangement made with the revenue officers.

[Sidenote: TAXES PAID BY CITIES.]

[Sidenote: TAXES PAID IN VERMIN.]

In addition to the taxes levied upon private individuals, each town
contributed a large number of cotton garments, with a certain quantity
of breadstuffs and feathers and such other productions as were a
specialty of the province in which it was situated. Mazatlan,
Xoconocho, Huehuetlan, and other towns on the Pacific coast, paid,
besides the cotton garments, four thousand bundles of fine feathers of
divers colors, two hundred sacks of cocoa, forty tiger-skins, and one
hundred and sixty birds of a certain species. Coyolapan,
Atlacuechahuaxan, Huaxyacac, and other towns of the Zapotecs, forty
pieces of gold of a specified size, and twenty sacks of cochineal.
Tlachquiauhco, Ayotlan, and Teotzapotlan, twenty vessels of a fixed
size filled with gold dust. Tochtepec, Otlatitlan, Cozamalloapan,
Michapan and other places on the gulf of Mexico, besides cotton
garments, cocoa, and gold, paid twenty-four thousand bundles of
exquisite feathers of various qualities and colors, six necklaces, two
of which were of the finest emerald, and four of the commoner
description, twenty ear-rings of amber set in gold, and an equal
number made of crystal rock, one hundred pots of liquid amber, and
sixteen thousand loads of India-rubber. Tepeyacac, Quecholac,
Tecamachalco, Acatzinco and other towns of that region of country,
each contributed four thousand sacks of lime, four thousand loads of
solid reed for building purposes, with as many of smaller reed for
making darts, and eight thousand loads of reeds filled with aromatic
substances. Malinaltepec, Tlalcozauhtitlan, Olinallan, Ichcatlan,
Qualac, and other southern towns situated in the warm region, paid
each six hundred measures of honey, forty large jars of yellow ochre
for paint, one hundred and sixty copper shields, forty round plates of
gold of fixed dimensions, ten small measures of fine turquoises, and
one load of smaller turquoises. Quauhnahuac, Panchimalco,
Atlacholoayan, Xiuhtepec, Huitzilac, and other towns of the Tlahuicas,
paid each sixteen thousand large leaves of paper, and four thousand
_xicalli_, or gourds, of different sizes. Quauhtitlan, Tehuilloyocan,
and other neighboring towns, each gave eight thousand mats and eight
thousand _icpalli_, or stools. Some cities paid their taxes with
fire-wood, stone, and beams for building; others with copal-gum;
others sent to the royal houses and forests a certain number of birds
and animals, such as Xilotepec, Michmaloyan, and other cities of the
Otomís, which were each compelled to furnish yearly forty live eagles
to the king. After the Matlaltzincas were made subject to the Mexican
crown by King Axayacatl, they were required not only to pay a heavy
tax in kind, but also to keep under cultivation a field of seven
hundred _toesas_[162] by three hundred and fifty, for the benefit of
the army. As the Saxon king imposed a tax of wolves' heads upon his
subjects for the purpose of ridding his kingdom of those ravenous
animals, so did the Mexican monarchs exact from those who were too
poor to pay the regular taxes a certain quantity of snakes, scorpions,
centipedes and other obnoxious creatures. Lice, especially, were
contributed in large numbers in Mexico.[163] It is related that soon
after Cortés arrived in the city of Mexico, certain cavaliers of his
force, among whom were Alonso de Ojeda and Alonso de Mata, were
roaming through the royal palace, admiring its great extent and all
its wonders, doubtless with an eye to plunder, when they came across
some bags, filled with some soft, fine, and weighty material; never
doubting but that it must be valuable, they hastened to untie the
mouth of one of the sacks, when to their disgust and disappointment
they found its contents to consist of nothing but lice, which, as they
afterwards ascertained, had been paid as tribute by the poor.[164]
Duties were levied upon property, manufactures, and articles exposed
for sale in the market-places, in proportion to the wealth of the
person taxed or the value of the merchandise sold. Produce and
merchandise of every description, carried into the city of Mexico, was
subject to toll duties, which were paid into the royal treasury.

The proportion in which taxes were paid is stated at from thirty to
thirty-three per cent., or about one third of everything made and
produced. Oviedo affirms that each taxpayer, in addition to one third
of his property, delivered one out of every three of his children, or
in lieu thereof a slave, for the sacrifice; if he failed to do this he
forfeited his own life.[165]

The government had in the head town of each province large warehouses
for the storage of breadstuffs and merchandise received by the
tax-gatherers; also auditing offices to which the _calpixques_, or
stewards of the revenue, were required to render a very strict account
of their collections, and such as were convicted of embezzlement, were
immediately put to death and their property confiscated.[166] In the
royal treasury were paintings by which were recorded the tributary
towns, and the quantity and kind of tribute paid by each. In the Codex
Mendoza may be seen thirty-six such paintings, each one of which
represents the principal towns of one or of several provinces of the
empire, together with the quantity and quality of the taxes and the
time when they were paid.[167]

The personal and ordinary service consisted in providing every day the
water and wood needed at the chiefs' houses; this was distributed from
day to day among the towns or wards, and thus each individual was
occupied in rendering such service once or twice in the year at the
utmost. Residents in the vicinity were the only ones so subjected, and
then, in consideration of such service, were exempted from paying a
portion of the imposts. Other labor was mostly done by slaves, of whom
there were large numbers. Foreign provinces subjected by the empire
without having made any resistance, were not required to pay a fixed
tribute, but sent several times in the year whatever they thought
proper, as a present to the king, who showed himself more or less
gracious according to the value of the presents. No calpixques or
tax-gatherers were placed in such provinces by the Mexican sovereign,
but they continued under the rule of their own chiefs. Such countries
as were reduced by war, had to submit to the rigorous conditions
imposed by the conqueror, and bore the name of _tequitin tlacotl_,
which means 'paying tribute like slaves.' Over them were stationed
stewards and calpixques, who had authority even over the lords of the
country, and who besides recovering the tributes forced men to
cultivate land, and women to spin, weave, and embroider for their
private benefit; indeed, so great was their tyranny, that whatever
they coveted they were sure to obtain by fair means or foul. The kings
of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and other sovereign lords, allies of the king
of Mexico, shared these tributes if they aided in the conquest.[168]

[Sidenote: TAXATION UNDER MONTEZUMA II.]

The sovereigns selected the calpixques from among the Aztec _pilli_,
or nobles of inferior rank. They were under the supervision of the
chief treasurers or _hueycalpixques_, who resided at the several
capitals, and it was their duty to gather the tributes or taxes, and
to see that the lands belonging to the municipalities or to private
persons were kept under cultivation. The duties of these calpixques
were not very arduous at first, as the people generally hastened to
pay their taxes before being called upon; but during the reign of
Montezuma II. the taxes increased so enormously, owing to the great
extravagance of the court, that this commendable zeal cooled down very
considerably. The bulk of the immense wealth which the conquerors saw
with so much admiration at Montezuma's court was the result of this
excessive taxation, and it was one of the main causes of that
alienation of the people from their sovereign which rendered the
conquest a possible achievement. Notwithstanding the easy disposition
of the taxpayers, they could not submit patiently to a yoke so
onerous. The merchants, whose trading expeditions had been so useful
to the state in former times, were no less overwhelmed by the taxes
than the inhabitants of conquered provinces by the tributes. It was
among that powerful class that the first symptoms of defection were
noticed. To the main grievance was added the tyranny and harshness
exhibited by the revenue officers in collecting the taxes. They
carried a small rod in one hand and a feather fan in the other, and,
accompanied by a large retinue of understrappers, went through cities
and fields, unmercifully maltreating the unfortunate beings who could
not promptly comply with their demands, and even selling them into
slavery; at least it is certain that such sales occurred in conquered
provinces.

[Sidenote: SELFISHNESS OF MONTEZUMA II.]

From the first years of his reign Montezuma II. began to oppress the
merchants with heavy taxation, even upon the most trifling things. The
greatest sufferers were the retail dealers, who had to pay excessive
duties upon the merchandise they introduced into the principal
_tianguez_, or market-place, from which such merchandise was taken to
the lesser market-places. But the king and his creatures finding that
this did not directly injure the wholesale traders, among whom were
the judges of the mercantile court,--that is to say, the consuls and
syndics, so to name them, of the company of Tlatelulco,--witnesses
were soon found to trump up charges of high treason against them,
which ended in their being put to death, and their goods and chattels
confiscated and distributed among the people of the royal household. A
very large portion of the taxes and tributes was expended in
supporting the army, the public employees, the poor and destitute,
such as widows, orphans, and the aged, and also in providing food for
the people in times of great scarcity, but almost as large a portion
was appropriated by the king to his own uses.[169] It was by such
acts as these that Montezuma II. undid the work of his fathers, and
spoiled the harmony of his realm by caring only for his own glory and
that of his court.

FOOTNOTES:

[130] See page 191 of this volume.

[131] _Acosta_, _De procuranda, indorum salute_; quoted in _Pimentel_,
_Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 81.

[132] _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.
xcix., p. 130.

[133] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 134-6;
_Cortés_, _Carta Inéd._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p.
474.

[134] _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., pp. 32-3; see also, tom. ii.,
lib. vii., pp. 258-9, lib. ix., pp. 353, 370. The Anonymous Conqueror
agrees with Sahagun: 'Tutti quei che si pigliauano nella guerra, ò
erano màgiati da loro, ò erano tenuti per schiaui.' _Relatione fatta
per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 304. Motolinia, however, asserts that
_all_ prisoners of war were sacrificed: 'por que ningun esclavo se
hacian en ellas, ni rescataban ninguno de los que en las guerras
prendian, mas todos los guardavan para sacrificar.' _Carta al
Emperador Cárlos V._, Jan. 2, 1555, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,
tom. i., p. 272. Gomara also confirms this with a grim joke: 'Los
catiuos en guerra no siruian de esclauos, sino de sacrificados: y no
hazian mas de comer para ser comidos.' _Conq. Mex._, fol. 320-1; see
also fol. 309.

[135] 'Algunos quisieron decir, que si vn libre tenia acceso à alguna
Esclava, y quedaba preñada de la copula, era Esclavo el Varon que
cometiò acto con Esclava, y servia al Señor de la Esclava; pero esto
no fue asi, segun confesion de los mismos Indios Sabios, que sabian
sus Leies, y las practicaban.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 566.

[136] _Conq. Mex._, fol. 320.

[137] _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 566.

[138] _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. xxii., xxiii.

[139] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 564-5; _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 303. Brasseur de Bourbourg
asserts that these contracts remained in force down to the time of the
Spanish conquest. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 611.

[140] 'Y cuando acontecia la dicha hambre, entónces se vendian por
esclavos muchos pobres hombres y mugeres, y comprábanlos los ricos que
tenian muchas provisiones allegadas, y no solamente los dichos pobres
se vendian a sí mismos, sino que tambien vendian á sus hijos, y á sus
descendientes, y á todo su linaje, y así eran esclavos perpetuamente,
porque decian que esta servidumbre que se cobraba en tal tiempo, no
tenia remedio para acabarse en algun tiempo, porque sus padres se
habian vendido por escapar de la muerte, ó por librar su vida de la
última necesidad.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 258-9.

[141] 'Vendian niños recien nacidos, y de dos años, para cumplir sus
promesas, y ofrecer en los templos, como nosotros las candelas, y
sacrificarlos para alcançar sus pretensiones.' _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi. 'Porque como andaban todos los
Reinos, con sus mercancias, traìan de todos ellos muchos esclavos, los
quales, si no eran todos, à lo menos, los mas, sacrificaban.'
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 272. 'Porque casi todos los
que sacrificaban á los idolos eran los que prendian en las guerras ...
mui poquitos eran los otros que sacrificavan.' _Motolinia_, _Carta al
Emperador Cárlos V._, Jan. 2, 1555, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,
tom. i., pp. 264, 272. 'Luego proponian un parlamento á los esclavos,
enanos y corcobados, diciendo: hijos mios, id á la buena ventura con
vuestro señor Axayaca á la otra vida.... Luego le abrieron el pecho,
teniendolo seis ó siete sacerdotes, y el mayoral le sacaba el corazon,
y todo el dia y toda la noche ardía el cuerpo del rey, con los
corazones de los miserables esclabos que morian sin culpa.'
_Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., pp. 90, 142. 'Sacrificando en sus honras doscientos esclavos, y
cien esclavas.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chichimeca_, in _Id._, pp.
282, 250. 'Quando moria algun principal, matavan juntamente con él un
esclavo, y enterravan con él para que le fuese á servir.' _Codex
Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Id._, vol. v., p. 130. 'Avec lui, de jeunes
filles, des esclaves et des bossus.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in
_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 202. 'Se quemaba
junto con sus cuerpos y con los corazones de los cautivos y esclavos
que mataban.' _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, p. 35; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 453, 573-4; _Veytia_,
_Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 6, 8; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la
Raza Indígena_, p. 65; Among those who in later times have treated of
slavery among the Nahua nations are the following: _Montanus_, _Nieuwe
Weereld_, p. 261; _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, p. 294; _Chevalier_, _Mex.,
Ancien et Mod._, p. 62; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 155-6;
_Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 541; _Klemm_,
_Cultur-Geschichte_, pp. 69-70; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii.,
pp. 14-15; _Simon's Ten Tribes_, p. 273.

[142] _Toribio and Olarte_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i.,
tom. x., p. 405.

[143] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 545-6; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 122.

[144] _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii.,
tom. i., p. 67; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii.,
p. 603; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 61; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., p. 40.

[145] _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 165; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 208, 216, 224-5, 241;
_Id._, _Relaciones_, in _Id._, pp. 339-43, 346, 353, 386-7, 395, 451,
453; _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, MS., pp. 51-2; _Veytia_, _Hist.
Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 189; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro, Mex._, pt ii.,
pp. 13-14.

[146] Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii., says that
brothers inherited estates and not sons; but this assertion is not
borne out by any other authority.

[147] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 348; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 123.

[148] _Fuenleal_, _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i.,
tom. x., pp. 252-4; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 68; _Witt_, _Lettre_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 287; _Carbajal_,
_Discurso_, p. 63; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 535;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 231; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 48-9, 65;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 122-4; _Gomara_,
_Conq. Mex._, fol. 304; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro, Mex._, pt ii., pp.
53-4.

[149] 'Ce n'est pas qu'ils eussent ces terres en propre; car, comme
les seigneurs exerçaient un pouvoir tyrannique, ils disposaient des
terrains et des vassaux suivant leur bon plaisir. Les Indiens
n'étaient donc, proprement dit, ni propriétaires ni maîtres de ces
villages; ils n'étaient que les laboureurs ou les amodiateurs des
seigneurs terriers, de telle façon que l'on pourrait dire que tout le
territoire, soit des plaines, soit des montagnes, dépendait du caprice
des seigneurs et qu'il leur appartenait, puisqu'ils y exerçaient un
pouvoir tyrannique, et que les Indiens vivaient au jour le jour; les
seigneurs partageant entre eux tous leurs produits.' _Simancas_, _De
l'Ordre de Succession_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom.
x., pp. 224-5; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Id._, série ii., tom. i., pp.
51-7; _Fuenleal_, _Lettre_, in _Id._, tom. v., p. 221; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 603-7; _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 590; _Variedades Civ._, tom. i.,
pp. 158-9; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 35-6;
_Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 153-5.

[150] _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 164.

[151] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 36. See
further: _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. 141; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 558-9; _Carbajal_,
_Discurso_, p. 36; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., p. 13;
_Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, p. 43; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._,
pp. 117-18.

[152] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. 188;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 39-40.

[153] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 54;
_Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 95-6.

[154] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 52.

[155] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843,
tom. xcviii., p. 176; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp.
276-7.

[156] _Witt_, _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom.
v., p. 289.

[157] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 241-2.

[158] _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 535, 305-6.

[159] 'Nè i Vasalli de' Feudatari erano esenti da' tributi, che
pagavano al Re gli altri Vassalli della Corona.' _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 122-7.

[160] _His Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1080.

[161] In the _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
v., p. 54, we read that it was paid every eighty days.

[162] The toesa is the same thing as the French toise, which is 6.3945
English feet, or seven Castilian feet.

[163] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
tom. ix., pp. 17-18; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 206;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 275; _Zuazo_,
_Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 366; _Cortés_,
_Hist. N. España_, p. 173.

[164] Torquemada adds: 'Ai quien diga, que no eran Piojos, sino
Gusanillos; pero Alonso de Ojeda en sus Memoriales, lo certifica de
vista, y lo mismo Alonso de Mata.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 461.

[165] 'Dábanle sus vassallos en tributo ordinario de tres hijos uno, y
el que no tenia hijos avia de dar un indio ó india para sacrificar á
sus dioses, é si no lo daban, avian de sacrificarle á él.' _Oviedo_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 502. Nowhere else do I find mention of
such a custom, although in Michoacan the despotic power of the king,
and his tyrannous abuse of it, led to almost the same results. In
Michoacan: 'Tributauan al Rey quanto tenian y el queria, hasta las
mugeres y hijos, si los queria; de manera que eran mas que esclauos, y
viuian en terrible seruidumbre.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii.,
lib. iii., cap. x., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii. 'Si bien todas las
atenciones dedicadas á los decorosos mugeriles privilegios destruian
la sujecion del tributo á sus Monarcas, sirviendolos en la ceguedad de
ofrecerles no solo la hacienda, y la vida, sino á sus proprias
mugeres, en caso de discurrir aceptable el vergonzoso obsequio.'
_Salazar y Olarte_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 69-70.

[166] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 307.

[167] _Codex Mendoza_, in _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp.
1080-1101; _Id._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 54-89,
vol. i., plates xix-lvii; _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_, p. 176;
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 110.

[168] _Tápia_, _Relacion_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. ii.,
p. 592.

[169] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 147, 206, 231, 461,
tom. ii., pp. 545-7, 560; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 111-13; _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxli.; _Toribio and Olarte_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 401-8; _Fuenleal_,
in _Id._, pp. 244-54; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Id._, série ii., tom.
v., p. 301; _Simancas_, in _Id._, série i., tom. x., pp. 229-31;
_Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.
xcviii., pp. 180, 198-9; _Witt_, _Lettre_ in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._,
série ii., tom. v., pp. 284-93; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp.
491-2; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant.
Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 189-90, 193-8; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp.
38-40; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 417-19; _Pimentel_,
_Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 36-7; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist.
Mex._, tom. i., pp. 99, 101, 437, 495, 589-93, 631, tom. ii., p. 203;
_Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 240; _Dicc. Univ._, tom. x., p. 637;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 606-9;
_Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 36, 45-6, 58; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, pp.
42-5; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, pp. 55, 59, 68-72, 211; _Baril_,
_Mexique_, pp. 206-8; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 153-8;
_Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., p. 13; _Lang's Polynesian Nat._,
p. 99; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 83; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom.
iii., pp. 25-9, 38; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, pp. 23, 65.

CHAPTER VII.

EDUCATION, MARRIAGE, CONCUBINAGE, CHILDBIRTH, AND BAPTISM.

EDUCATION OF THE NAHUA YOUTH--MANNER OF PUNISHMENT--MARRIAGE
PRELIMINARIES--NUPTIAL CEREMONY--OBSERVANCE AFTER
MARRIAGE--MAZATEC, OTOMÍ, CHICHIMEC, AND TOLTEC
MARRIAGES--DIVORCE--CONCUBINAGE--CEREMONIES PRELIMINARY TO
CHILDBIRTH--TREATMENT OF PREGNANT WOMAN--PROCEEDINGS OF
MIDWIFE--SUPERSTITIONS WITH REGARD TO WOMEN WHO DIED IN
CHILDBED--ABORTION--BAPTISM--SPEECHES OF MIDWIFE--NAMING OF
CHILDREN--BAPTISM AMONG THE TLASCALTECS, MIZTECS, AND
ZAPOTECS--CIRCUMCISION AND SCARIFICATION OF INFANTS.

In examining the domestic customs of the Nahua nations it will be as
well to first inquire how their children were reared and instructed.
The education of a child was commenced by its parents as soon as it
was able to walk, and was finished by the priests. Aside from the
superstitious and idolatrous flavor with which everything Aztec was
more or less tainted, the care taken to mold aright the minds of the
youth of both sexes is worthy of admiration. Both parents and priests
strenuously endeavored to inspire their pupils with a horror of vice
and a love of truth. Respect for their elders and modesty in their
actions was one of their first lessons, and lying was severely
punished.

[Sidenote: EDUCATION OF YOUTH.]

In a series of ancient Aztec paintings, which give a hieroglyphical
history of the Aztecs, are represented the manner in which children
were brought up, the portion of food allowed them, the labors they
were employed in, and the punishments resorted to by parents for
purposes of correction. Purchas relates that the book containing this
picture-history with interpretations made by natives, was obtained by
the Spanish governor, who intended it for a present to the emperor
Charles V. The ship on which it was carried was captured by a French
man-of-war, and the book fell into the hands of the French king's
geographer, Andrew Thevet. At his death it was purchased for twenty
French crowns by Richard Hakluyt, then chaplain to the English
ambassador at the French court, and was left by him in his last will
and testament to Samuel Purchas, who had woodcut copies made from the
original and published them, with explanatory text, for the benefit of
science and learning. In that part of the work which relates to the
bringing up and education of children,--a specimen page of which is
given in the chapter of this volume which treats of hieroglyphics,--a
boy and girl with their father and mother are depicted; three small
circles, each of which represents one year, show that the children are
three years of age, while the good counsel they are receiving issues
visibly from the father's lips; half an oval divided in its breadth
shows that at this age they were allowed half a cake of bread at each
meal. During their fourth and fifth years the boys are accustomed to
light bodily labor, such as carrying light burdens, while the girl is
shown a distaff by her mother, and instructed in its use. At this age
their ration of bread is a whole cake. During their sixth and seventh
years the pictures show how the parents begin to make their children
useful. The boy follows his father to the market-place, carrying a
light load, and while there occupies himself in gathering up grains of
corn or other trifles that happen to be spilt about the stalls. The
girl is represented as spinning, under the close surveillance of her
mother, who lectures and directs her at the same time. The allowance
of bread is now a cake and a half, and continues to be so until the
children have reached their thirteenth year. We are next shown the
various modes of punishing unruly children. When eight years old they
are merely shown the instruments of punishment as a warning. At ten,
boys who were disobedient or rebellious were bound hand and foot and
pricked in different parts of the body with thorns of the maguey;
girls were only pricked in the hands and wrists; if this did not
suffice they were beaten with sticks. If they were unruly when eleven
years old they were held over a pile of burning chile, and forced to
inhale the smoke, which caused great pain.[170] At twelve years of age
a bad boy was bound hand and foot and exposed naked in a damp place
during an entire day; the naughty girl of the same age was obliged to
rise in the night and sweep the whole house.[171] From the age of
thirteen years the allowance of bread was increased to two cakes.
Between the ages of thirteen and fifteen the boys were employed in
bringing wood from the mountains by land or in canoes, or in catching
fish; the girls spent their time in grinding corn, cooking, and
weaving. At fifteen, the boys were delivered to the priests to receive
religious instruction, or were educated as soldiers by an officer
called Achcauhtli.[172]

[Sidenote: SCHOOLS FOR YOUTH.]

The schools and seminaries were annexed to the temples, and the
instruction of the young of both sexes was a monopoly in the hands of
the priests. In general boys were sent to the colleges between the
ages of six and nine years; they were dressed in black, their hair was
left uncut,[173] and they were placed under the charge of priests
specially appointed for that purpose, who instructed them in the
branches most suitable to their future calling. All were instructed in
religion and particular attention was given to good behavior and
morals. No women were permitted to enter the college, nor could the
youths on any account have communication with the other sex. At
certain seasons they were required to abstain from various kinds of
food.

The schools, or colleges, were of two distinct classes. Those attended
by the common people were called _telpochcalli_, or 'houses of the
youths;' there was one of these in each quarter of the city, after the
manner of our public schools, and the parents of the district were
required to enter their children at the age of four or five years. The
telpochtlato, or 'chief of youth,' instructed them how to sweep the
sanctuary, to replenish the fire in the sacred censers, to clean the
schoolhouse, to do penance, more or less severe according to their
age, and to go in parties to the forest to gather wood for the temple.
Each pupil took his meals at the house of his parents, but all were
obliged to sleep in the seminary. At nightfall all assembled in the
_cuicacalco_, or 'house of song,' and were there taught the arts of
singing and dancing, which formed part of a Mexican education; they
were also exercised here in the use of arms.[174] At the age of
fifteen or sixteen, or sometimes earlier, it was customary for the
parents to withdraw their children from the telpochcalli that they
might follow a trade or profession, but this was never done without
first making a present to the telpochtlato. The schools at which the
sons of the nobility and those destined to be priests were educated,
were called _calmecac_, which means a college, or monastery. The
pupils did not do as much manual labor as those educated in the
telpochcalli, nor did they take their meals at home, but in the
building. They were under the supervision of priests of the
Tlamacazqui order, who instructed them in all that the plebeians
learned, besides many of the arts and sciences, such as the study of
heroic songs and sacred hymns, which they had to learn by heart,
history, religion, philosophy, law, astronomy, astrology, and the
writing and interpreting of hieroglyphics. If not quick and diligent,
they were given less food and more work; they were admonished to be
virtuous and chaste, and were not allowed to leave the temple, until
with their father's permission they went out from it to be married,
or, in the case of a youth of strength and courage, to go to the wars;
those who showed qualities fitted for a military life were exercised
in gymnastics and trained to the use of weapons, to shoot with the
bow, manage the shield, and to cast darts at a mark. Their courage,
strength, and endurance underwent severe tests; they were early
afforded opportunities of realizing the hardships of camp life, and,
while boys, were sent to carry provisions to the soldiers, upon which
occasions their behavior was closely watched, and a display of courage
met with suitable promotion and reward.[175]

[Sidenote: FEMALE SEMINARIES.]

Annexed to the temples were large buildings used as seminaries for
girls. The maidens who were educated in them were principally the
daughters of lords and princes. They were presided over by matrons or
vestal priestesses, brought up in the temple, who watched over those
committed to their care with great vigilance. Day and night the
exterior of the building was strictly guarded by old men, to prevent
any intercourse between the sexes from taking place; the maidens could
not even leave their apartments without a guard; if any one broke this
rule and went out alone, her feet were pricked with thorns till the
blood flowed. When they went out, it was together and accompanied by
the matrons; upon such occasions they were not allowed to raise their
eyes, or in any way take notice of anyone; any infringement of these
rules was visited with severe punishment. The maidens had to sweep
those precincts of the temple occupied by them, and attend to the
sacred fire; they were taught the tenets of their religion and shown
how to draw blood from their bodies when offering sacrifice to the
gods. They also learned how to make feather-work, and to spin, and
weave mantles; particular attention was given to their personal
cleanliness; they were obliged to bathe frequently, and to be skilful
and diligent in all household affairs. They were taught to speak with
reverence, and to humble themselves in the presence of their elders,
and to observe a modest and bashful demeanor at all times. They rose
at day-break, and whenever they showed themselves idle or rude,
punishment was inflicted. At night the pupils slept in large rooms in
sight of the matrons, who watched them closely. The daughters of
nobles, who entered the seminaries at an early age, remained there
until taken away by their parents to be married.[176]

Children brought up in the house of their parents were taught the
worship of the gods, and were frequently conducted to the temple in
order that they might witness the religious performances. Military men
instructed their sons in the use of weapons and the art of war, and
lost no opportunity of inuring them to danger, always endeavoring to
inspire courage and daring. Laborers and artisans usually taught their
children their own trade. The sons of the nobles who were placed in
the seminaries were never permitted to go out unless accompanied by
one of the superiors of the temple; their food was brought to them by
their parents. The punishments inflicted were excessively severe.
Liars had thorns thrust into their lips; and sometimes, if the fault
was frequent, their lips were slightly split. Those who were negligent
or disobedient were bound hand and foot, and pricked with thorns or
badly pinched. A girl who was detected looking at or speaking to a man
was severely punished; and if addicted to walking the streets, her
feet were tied together, and pricked with sharp thorns.[177]

There was in Tezcuco, during the reign of Nezahualcoyotl, a large
seminary, built upon the west side of the temple, which consisted of
several spacious halls and rooms, with a courtyard, and was called the
_tlacoteo_. Here the king's sons were brought up and instructed. The
guardians and tutors who had charge of them took much pains to
instruct them in everything becoming their high estate. Besides the
use of arms, they were taught all the arts and sciences as far as then
known, and were made fully acquainted with the practical working of
precious metals and stones. Separate rooms were devoted to the use of
the king's daughters, where they were given an education fitting their
station. In accordance with a law of the realm, the king, his children
and relatives, with their guardians and masters, and the grandees of
the kingdom, came together every eighty days, in a large hall of the
tlacoteo; all were seated according to rank; the males on one side,
and the females on the other. All the men, even those of royal blood,
were dressed in coarse garments of _nequen_, or maguey-fibre. An
orator ascended a sort of pulpit and commenced a discourse, in which
he censured those who had done badly during the last eighty days, and
praised those who had done well; this he did without favor, not even
hesitating to blame the king if he saw fit. The discourse was
delivered with such eloquence and feeling as generally to move the
audience to tears.[178]

[Sidenote: A PARENT'S DISCOURSE TO HIS SONS.]

Sahagun, Motolinia, Mendieta, and other early writers, who were well
acquainted with the Mexican language, give us specimens of the
exhortations delivered by parents to their children. I select one from
the first-mentioned author, as an example: "Give ear unto me and
hearken, O my sons," says the Mexican parent, "because I am your
father; and I, though unworthy, am chosen by the gods to rule and
govern this city. Thou who art my first-born and the eldest of thy
brothers; and thou the second, and thou the third, and thou the last
and least--know that I am anxious and concerned, lest some of you
should prove worthless in after life; lest, peradventure, not one
among you should prove worthy to bear my dignities and honors after
me; perhaps it is the will of the gods that the house which I have
with so great labor built up, shall fall to the ground and remain a
ruin and a dung-hill; that my name shall be no more remembered among
men; that after my death no man shall speak well of me. Hear now the
words that I shall speak unto you, that you may learn how to be of use
in the world, and how to draw near unto the gods that they may show
favor to you; for this I say unto you, that those who weep and are
grieved; those who sigh, pray and ponder; those who are watchful at
night, and wakeful in the morning; those who diligently keep the
temples cleanly and in order; those who are reverent and
prayerful--all these find favor with the gods; to all such the gods
give riches, honor, and prosperity, even as they give them to those
who are strong in battle. It is by such deeds the gods know their
friends, and to such they give high rank and military distinctions;
success in battle, and an honorable place in the hall of justice;
making them parents of the sun, that they may give meat and drink not
only to the gods of heaven, but also to the gods of hell; and such as
are thus honored are revered by all brave men and warriors: all men
look on them as their parents, because the gods have shown them favor;
and have rendered them fit to hold high offices and dignities and to
govern with justice; they are placed near the god of fire, the father
of all the gods, whose dwelling is in the water surrounded by turreted
walls of flowers, and who is called Ayamictlan and Xiuhtecutli; or
they are made lords of the rank of Tlacatecutli or Tlacochtecutli, or
they are given some lower post of honor. Perchance they are given some
such office as I now hold, not through any merit of my own, but
because the gods know not my unworthiness. I am not what I am by my
own asking; never did I say, I wish to be so and so, I desire this or
that honor; the gods have done me this honor of their own will, for
surely all is theirs, and all that is given comes from their hand; nor
shall any one say, I desire this or that honor, for the gods give as
they please and to whom they please, and stand in need of counsel
from none. Harken, my sons, to another sorrow that afflicts me when I
arise at midnight to pray and do penance. Then I ponder many things,
and my heart rises and sinks even as one who goes up and down
mountains, for I am satisfied with no one of you. Thou, my eldest son,
dost not give any sign of improvement, I see in thee nothing manly,
thou remainest ever a boy, thy conduct does not become an elder
brother. And thou, my second son, and thou, my third, I see in you no
discretion or manliness; peradventure it is because you are second and
third that you have become careless. What will become of you in the
world? Lo, now, are you not the children of noble parents? Your
parents are not tillers of the soil or wood-cutters. What, I say
again, will become of you? Do you wish to be nothing but merchants, to
carry a staff in your hands and a load on your backs? Will you become
laborers and work with your hands? Harken, my sons, and give heed unto
my words, and I will point out to you those things which you shall do.
See to the proper observance of the dances, and the music, and the
singing, for thus will you please both the people and the gods; for
with music and singing are favors and riches gained. Endeavor to learn
some honorable trade or profession, such as working in feathers or
precious metals; for by such means bread can be obtained in time of
necessity. Pay attention to every branch of agriculture, for the earth
desires not food or drink, but only to bring forth and produce. Your
fathers sought to understand these things, for though they were
gentlemen and nobles they took care that their estate should be
properly cultivated. If you think only of your high rank and are
unmindful of these things, how will you support your family, in no
part of the world does anyone support himself by his gentility only.
But above all study well to provide all those things which are
necessary for the sustenance of the body, for these are the very
foundation of our being, and rightly are they called _tonacaiutltomio_,
that is to say our flesh and bones, because it is by them that we
work, live, and are strong. There is no man in the world but what
eats, for each one has a stomach and intestines. The greatest lords
need food, the most valiant warrior must carry a bag of victuals. By
the sustenance of the body life is upheld, by it the world is peopled.
See, therefore, my sons, that you be careful to plant the corn and the
magueys, for do we not know that fruit is the delight of children;
truly it cools and quenches the thirst of the little ones. And you,
boys, do you not like fruit? But how will you get it if you do not
plant and grow it. Give heed, my sons, to the conclusion of my
discourse, and let it be written upon your hearts. Many more things
could I say, but my task would never be ended. A few more words only
will I add that have been handed down to us from our forefathers.
Firstly, I counsel you to propitiate the gods, who are invisible and
impalpable, giving them your whole soul and body. Look to it that you
are not puffed up with pride, that you are neither obstinate, nor of a
weak, vacillating mind, but take heed to be meek and humble and to put
your trust in the gods, lest they visit your transgressions upon you,
for from them nothing can be hidden, they punish how and whom they
please. Secondly, my sons, endeavor to live at peace with your
fellow-men. Treat all with deference and respect; if any speak ill of
you answer them not again; be kind and affable to all, yet converse
not too freely with any; slander no man; be patient, returning good
for evil, and the gods will amply avenge your wrongs. Lastly, my
children, be not wasteful of your goods nor of your time, for both are
precious; at all seasons pray to the gods and take counsel with them;
be diligent about those things which are useful. I have spoken enough,
my duty is done. Peradventure you will forget or take no heed of my
words. As you will. I have done my duty, let him profit by my
discourse who chooses."[179]

[Sidenote: MARRIAGE.]

The customary marrying-age for young men was from twenty to
twenty-two, and for girls from eleven to eighteen.[180] Marriages
between blood relations or those descended from a common ancestor were
not allowed. A brother could, and was enjoined to, marry his deceased
brother's wife, but this was only considered a duty if the widow had
offspring by the first marriage, in order that the children might not
be fatherless.[181] When a youth reached a marriageable age, he or his
parents asked permission of his teacher. He seldom was allowed any
choice of his own, but was expected to abide by the selection of his
parents. It rarely happened that a marriage took place without the
sanction of parents or relatives, and he who presumed to choose his
own wife, or married without such consent, had to undergo penance, and
was looked upon as ungrateful, ill-bred, and apostate. In some parts
the high priest commanded them to marry when they arrived at the
proper age, and he who refused to comply was obliged to remain
continent through life, and dedicate the remainder of his days to the
service of the gods. Should he afterward repent and desire to marry,
he was despised by all his friends and publicly denounced as infamous,
inasmuch as he had shown himself to be devoid of firmness, and unable
to keep the vow of chastity to which he had voluntarily bound himself;
nor would any respectable woman afterward accept him as a husband. In
Tlascala, if any one carelessly allowed the time to pass by without
taking a wife, or deciding upon a life of chastity, his hair was cut
short and he was driven out from the company of the youths with whom
he was educated.

Cutting the hair formed a part of the marriage ceremony, but the mode
of cutting was different from that of the penalty.[182] When the time
came for the parents to choose a wife for their son, all the relations
were called together and informed by the father that the youth had now
reached an age when he should be provided with a wife; for that he was
now a man, and must learn how to perform the duties of a man, and
refrain from boyish tricks and promiscuous intercourse with women. The
youth was then summoned before his parents, and his father addressed
him, saying: "My son, thou art now a man, and it seems to us proper to
search among the maidens for a wife for thee. Ask thy tutors for
permission to separate thyself from thy friends, the youths with whom
thou hast been educated. Make known our wishes to those called
Telpuchtlatoque, who have the charge of thee." The youth in answer
expressed his willingness and desire to enter into their plans. The
parents then set about preparing a quantity of food, such as tamales,
chocolate, and other dishes; and also provided a small axe, which was
to bear a part in the next proceeding. The repast being prepared, an
invitation was sent to the priests who were instructors of the youth,
accompanied with presents of food and pipes of tobacco; all the
relations were also invited. When the meal was finished, the
relations, and guardians of the ward in which the parents of the pair
lived, seated themselves. Then one of the youth's relations,
addressing the priestly instructors of the youth said: "Here, in the
presence of all, we beg of you not to be troubled because this lad,
our son, desires to withdraw from your company, and to take a wife;
behold this axe, it is a sign that he is anxious to separate from you;
according to our Mexican custom, take it, and leave us the youth."
Then the priest answered: "I, and the young men with whom your son has
been educated have heard how that you have determined to marry him and
that from henceforward, forever, he will be parted from us; let
everything be done as you wish." The tutor of the youth next addressed
him, entreating him to persevere in the paths of virtue, not to forget
the teachings he has received, and to continue to be a zealous servant
of the gods; he advised him that as he was now about to take a wife he
must be careful to provide for her support, and to bring up and
instruct his children in the same manner as he had been educated. He
adjured him to be courageous in battle, to honor and obey his parents,
to show respect to his seniors and all aged persons; and so the
speaker ambled morally along at some length, but I spare the reader
the remainder of the discourse.[183] The priests then took their
leave, bearing the axe with them, and the young man remained in his
father's house.

[Sidenote: PRELIMINARIES TO MARRIAGE CEREMONY.]

Soon after this the parents called the relations together once more to
consult upon the selection of a maiden suitable to be the wife of
their son. Their first act, and one that was of paramount importance,
was to ascertain the day and sign of his birth. If they were unable to
remember or calculate the sign they called in the aid of astrologers,
or soothsayers, who by certain reckonings and ceremonies interpreted
all they sought to know. The birthday and sign of the damsel were in
like manner ascertained. If the horoscope of both was favorable, the
astrologers predicted a happy union with prosperity and good fortune
to both, but if the signs did not agree they foretold adversity and
evil fortune, and it became necessary to choose another maiden. Once
assured of a favorable combination according to the auguries, steps
were taken to obtain the consent of the girl's parents. For this
purpose the parents and relatives of the youth commissioned two old
women, chosen from among the most discreet and virtuous of the
district, who were to act as negotiators in the affair; these were
called _cihuatlanque_. They went on the part of the bridegroom and
conveyed the message to the parents or nearest relatives of the young
girl. Their first visit was made shortly after midnight or upon the
following morning, upon which occasion they took with them some
presents to offer to the girl's parents. Upon their arrival they
commenced a suitable address, in which they formally solicited the
hand of the girl in marriage. The first overture was invariably
rejected and some frivolous excuse given, even though the girl's
relatives might be more desirous of the match than those who solicited
it. The embassy was told that the girl was not yet of an age to marry,
or that she was not worthy of the honor offered her. After some few
more such compliments had been paid, the matrons returned to those who
had sent them. A few days having elapsed, the old women were sent back
bearing more presents, and with instructions to again solicit the
alliance, and to define clearly the position of the suitor, his
qualifications and riches. Upon this second interview the negotiations
assumed a more business-like aspect; the conversation turned upon the
portion that each would bring to the other, and finally the relatives
of the girl consented to consider the affair; yet they still
maintained a semblance of reluctance, insisting that the girl was not
worthy to become the wife of so estimable a young man; but adding
that, as the matter was urged with so much importunity, they would on
the morrow assemble all the relations of the young woman, that they
might consult together about the affair; they then closed the
conference by inviting their visitors to be present on that occasion
and receive their final decision.

[Sidenote: MARRIAGE CEREMONIES.]

The next day the parents of the girl called a meeting of all her
relatives, at which the proposed alliance was discussed with due
deliberation; and the girl being called before them, much good advice
was given her; her duties as a wife were defined, she was charged to
serve and please her husband, and not bring disgrace upon her parents.
Information of their decision was then sent to the parents of the
young man, and preparations for a fitting celebration of the wedding
commenced. The augurs were consulted and requested to name a lucky day
for the ceremony; the signs _Acatl_, _Ozomatli_, _Cipactli_,
_Quauhtli_, or _Calli_, were deemed most favorable, and one or other
of them was generally selected for the celebration of the nuptials.
Several ensuing days were spent by both families in preparing for the
marriage celebration, and in issuing invitations to friends and
relations. The ceremony was always performed at the house of the
bridegroom's parents, where the best room was put in order for the
occasion; the roof and walls were festooned with green branches and
garlands of flowers, disposed with great taste, and the floor was
strewn with the same. In the centre stood a brazier containing fire.
When all the arrangements were completed, certain of the bridegroom's
friends and relatives went to the house of his intended to conduct her
to the room. If the distance was great, or the bride the daughter of a
lord or great personage, she was borne upon a litter, otherwise she
was carried on the back of the bride's-woman, or sponsor, accompanied
by a large concourse of people, disposed in two rows and bearing
torches. The bride occupied the centre of the procession, and
immediately about her walked her nearest relatives. As the procession
passed, many of the lookers-on profited by the occasion, to point her
out to their own daughters as an example worthy of emulation.

[Sidenote: CONSUMMATION OF MARRIAGE.]

[Sidenote: DANCING THE CHEMISE.]

The bridegroom met his betrothed at the entrance of his house,
preceded by four women bearing lighted torches; in his hands he
carried a censer with burning incense, and another was given to the
bride; with these they at once perfumed each other, and the groom,
taking her by the hand, led her into the room prepared for the
ceremony. They were then seated upon an ornamented and painted mat
spread close to the fireplace, the woman being placed on the left of
the man.[184] The bridegroom's mother then came forward with presents
for her daughter-in-law, and dressed her in a _huipil_, or short
chemise, at the same time laying at her feet a _cuatli_, or skirt,
richly embroidered and worked. Next the bride's mother gave presents
to the bridegroom; she covered him with a mantle, which she fastened
at the shoulder, and placed a maxtli or breech-clout at his feet. The
most important part in the ceremony was next performed by the priest,
who made a long address to the betrothed couple, in which he defined
the duties of the married state, and pointed out to them the obedience
a wife should observe towards her husband, and the care and attention
the latter should give to her, how that he was bound to maintain and
support her, and the children they might have. He was enjoined to
bring up and educate his children near him, teaching all according to
their abilities, to make them useful members of society, and to
instruct them in habits of industry. A wife's duties, he said, were to
labor and aid her husband in obtaining sustenance for their family.
Both were exhorted to be faithful to one another, to maintain peace
and harmony between themselves, to overlook each other's failings, and
to help one another, ever bearing in mind that they were united for
life by a tie which only death could sever. The rites of marriage were
always conducted with much solemnity, and during the ceremony nothing
was said or done contrary to the rules of modesty and decorum. At the
conclusion of the address the couple stood up, and the priest tied the
end of the man's mantle to the dress of the woman; they then walked
seven times round the fire, casting therein copal and incense, and
giving presents to each other, while their friends and relatives threw
chains of flowers about their necks and crowned them with
garlands.[185] The mother-in-law of the bride now brought some food,
and gave four mouthfuls to the bride to eat and afterwards gave the
same quantity to the bridegroom. They then received the
congratulations of their friends, while at the same time a dance was
performed to the sound of musical instruments. Accompanied by the
dancers and musicians, the newly wedded pair was conducted to the
temple, at the door of which the tlamacaxques, or priests, appeared to
receive them. While the company remained below, the wedded couple with
their sponsors and parents ascended the steps of the temple. The
priest wore his robes of ceremony, and carried in his hand an
incensory filled with incense, with which he proceeded to perfume
them. He then placed himself between the two, with the man on his
right and the woman on his left, and taking them by the hands led them
to the altar of the idol, muttering prayers as he went. The altar
reached, he placed upon each of the parties a very fine and showy
shawl woven and variegated with many colors, in the centre of which
was painted a skeleton, as a symbol that death only could now separate
them from each other. He then perfumed them again with the incensory,
and led them back to the door of the temple, where they were received
by the assemblage and accompanied to their home with dancing and
music. The marriage ceremonies being finished, the relatives and
friends partook of a banquet, and amidst much rejoicing congratulated
each other on the new relations they had acquired. In the feasting,
drinking, and dancing the bridal pair took no part; they had now to
enter upon a season of fasting and penance, which lasted four days, in
the strict retirement of their room, where they were closely guarded
by old women; on no account were they permitted to leave their room
except for the necessary calls of nature, or to offer sacrifice to the
gods; the time was to be passed in prayer, and on no account were they
to allow their passions to get the better of them or indulge in carnal
intercourse. Such weakness on their part would, they believed, bring
discord or death or some other dire misfortune between them. The close
confinement, the watchful guard and imposed penances were intended to
calm their passions and purify their minds, whereby they would be more
fitted to undertake the duties before them, and not be led astray by
unruly desires. What small supply of sustenance they received in the
four days of their retirement was carried to them by the old women who
had charge of them, and during this time they neither washed nor
bathed themselves; they were dressed in new garments and wore certain
charms and regalia pertaining to their patron idol. At midnight they
came forth to offer sacrifice and burn incense on the altar in their
house, in front of which they also left food offerings for their god;
this they did during the four days of abstinence, while their friends
and relatives continued their rejoicings, festivities, and
dancing.[186] Upon the fourth night, when the marriage was to be
consummated, two priests of the temple prepared a couch of two mats,
between which were placed some feathers and a stone somewhat the color
of an emerald, called _chalchiuite_; underneath they put a piece of
tiger-skin, and on top of all they spread some cotton cloths. At the
four corners of the bed were placed green reeds perfumed, and thorns
of the maguey with which the pair were to draw blood from their
tongues and ears when they sacrificed to the gods.[187] The following
morning the bridal pair took the bed on which they had lain, with the
cloths, reeds, and food they had offered to their god during the four
days of penance, to the temple and left them as a thanksgiving
offering.[188] If any charcoal or ashes were found in the bridal
chamber they considered it an evil omen, but if, on the other hand, a
grain of corn or other seed was found, they considered it a sign of a
long and prosperous life and a happy union. A baptismal ceremony was
next performed, the wedded pair being placed on green reed mats, while
the priests poured water over them. Nobles received four ablutions
with water in honor of _Chalchihuitlicue_, the goddess of waters, and
four of wine, in reverence to _Tezcatzoncatl_, the god of wine. After
the bath they were dressed in new vestments, the bride's head was
adorned with white feathers and her hands and feet with red. To her
husband was given a thurible, filled with incense wherewith to perfume
his household gods. At the conclusion of these ceremonies a further
distribution of dresses and presents was made, and the company partook
of food and wine, while the scene was enlivened with songs and dances.
Some more good advice, of which the Aztecs seem to have had a
never-failing store, was then given to the wedded pair by the
mothers-in-law or nearest relatives, and thus ended the nuptial
ceremonies, which were conducted in accordance with the means of the
principal parties concerned.[189] In some places, proof of the
maiden's virginity was required on the morning following the
consummation of the marriage. In such case the sponsors entered the
room where the wedded pair had passed the night and demanded the
bride's chemise; if they found it stained with blood they brought it
out, placed it on a stick, and exhibited it to all present as an
evidence that the bride was a virgin; then a dance was formed and the
procession went through all the place, carrying the chemise on a
stick, dancing and expressing their joy, and this was called 'dancing
the chemise.' If it happened that the chemise was unstained, tears and
lamentations took the place of rejoicing, abuse and insults were
heaped upon the bride, and her husband was at liberty to repudiate
her.[190] In the kingdom of Miztecapan, before the ceremony of tying
their mantles together was performed it was customary to cut a lock of
hair from the bridegroom's head and from the bride's, after which they
took each other by the hand and their dresses were tied by the ends.
The man then took the girl on his back and carried her a short
distance; which proceeding terminated the nuptials.

In Ixcatlan, he who desired to get married presented himself before
the priests, and they took him to the temple, where in presence of the
idols he worshiped they cut off some of his hair, and showing it to
the people, shouted "This man wishes to get married." From thence he
was obliged to descend and take the first unmarried woman he met, in
the belief that she was especially destined for him by the gods. They
were then married according to the customary Mexican rites. The
Mazatec bridegroom abstained for the first fifteen days of his wedded
life from carnal knowledge of his wife, and both spent the time in
fasting and penance. Among the Otomís it was not considered an offence
for an unmarried man to deflour a single woman. The husband was
permitted to repudiate the woman the day following his marriage if she
did not please him; but if he remained satisfied upon that occasion he
was not afterwards allowed to send her away. They had then to undergo
a period of penance and abstinence and remain secluded for twenty or
thirty days, during which time they were to abstain from all sexual
intercourse, to draw blood from themselves as a sacrifice, and to
bathe frequently. The Chichimecs, although they contracted marriage at
a very early age, could not have legitimate connection with their
wives until the woman was forty years old. After their intercourse
with the Toltecs this custom began to be abolished, although the
princes and nobles observed it rigorously for some time longer.
Marriage with near relatives was never permitted among them, and
polygamy was strictly prohibited.[191]

[Sidenote: DIVORCE AND DIVISION OF PROPERTY.]

Among the Mexicans divorce was permitted, but as a general rule was
discouraged. In the event of discord arising between man and wife so
that they could not live together peacefully, or where one or other of
the parties had just cause of complaint, they applied to a judge for
permission to separate. Such permission was not granted unless good
and sufficient cause was shown in support of the application. The
judge investigated the case with much care and attention, closely
examining the parties in reference to their marital relations; whether
they had been married with the consent of their parents, and if all
the ceremonies of marriage had been fully observed. If the answers
proved that the parties had not been married according to the usual
rites and ceremonies, or if they had been living together in a state
of fornication, the judge refused to interfere between them; but if he
found they had properly complied with the regulations governing
marriage, he used his best efforts to reconcile them; he reminded them
of the solemn obligations appertaining to the marriage contract, and
warned them not to bring disgrace upon themselves and their parents by
breaking the bonds by which they were united, thereby creating a
scandal in the community. If his endeavors to effect a reconciliation
were of no avail, and he found that one or other of the parties had
just cause of complaint, a license to separate could be issued, but
more frequently the judge refused to interfere in the matter, and
dismissed them with a stern reproval. Marriage was looked upon as a
solemn and binding tie only to be dissolved by death, and any attempt
or desire to annul the contract was deemed a disgrace and a bad
example. Under these circumstances divorce was always discouraged both
by the magistrates and the community. A judge was generally unwilling
to sanction with the authority of the law the annulment of so binding
an engagement; therefore only a tacit consent was given by the court,
by which the whole onus of the disgrace attending a separation was
thrown upon the parties themselves. When a dissolution took place
between man and wife, they could not again under any circumstances be
united; the divorce once effected, no subsequent condonation could
authorize their living together.[192]

We have no information how or on what terms a division of property was
made in the event of a dissolution of marriage, or to which of the
parties the custody of the children belonged. The ancient historians
throw no light upon the subject. As much deference and respect was
shown to old age, it is probable that the decision of such matters was
left to the influence and wisdom of the friends and relatives, and
that through their intervention equitable arrangements were made.

[Sidenote: CONCUBINES IN MEXICO.]

Concubinage, of which there were three classes, was permitted
throughout the Mexican empire. The first class was the union of young
men with unmarried women, before they arrived at the age when they
were expected to marry. All young men, with the exception of those who
were consecrated to a perpetual chastity, were allowed to have
concubines. The youth usually asked his parents to select a girl for
him, and the one upon whom their choice fell cohabited with him. Such
women were called _tlacacavili_. No contract was made nor any ceremony
performed; the connection was a simple private arrangement of the
relatives on both sides. When a girl lived with an unmarried man as
his concubine without the consent of her parents she was called
_temecauh_, which had a more general signification. It does not
appear, however, that concubinage among the unmarried men was common;
on the contrary, the manner in which parents are reputed to have
brought up their children, and the care taken by the priests in their
education would seem to show that such a practice was discouraged, or
rather tolerated than allowed, and it is probable the custom was
chiefly confined to the sons of nobles and wealthy men. When a young
man arrived at the age when he should marry, he was expected to
dispense with his concubine that he might marry the girl selected by
his parents to be his lawful wife. He could, however, legitimatize the
connection between his concubine and himself by notifying his parents
of his wishes and having the usual marriage ceremonies performed; she
then became his lawful wife and was called _ciuatlantli_. If while
they lived together in concubinage the woman had a child, her parents
then required that he should at once restore her to them, or make her
his wife, as they considered it proper that having a child she should
also have a husband as a legal protector. Young women were not
dishonored by living in a state of concubinage, nor were their chances
of contracting advantageous marriages in any degree lessened.

The second order of concubines might rather be termed, perhaps, the
less legitimate wives of married men; with them the tying of garments
constituted the entire marriage ceremony; the husband could not
repudiate them without just cause and the sanction of the courts, but
neither they nor their children could inherit property; in this
respect they were treated as concubines, but nevertheless they were
called _Ciuatlantli_, which corresponds with the latin word _uxor_,
and was the title borne by the first and legitimate wife.

The third class of concubines were merely kept mistresses; with them
no marriage rite of any kind was performed. They were kept usually by
the nobles and chief men who could afford to maintain large
establishments; they occupied a third rank in the domestic circle
after the principal wife and less legitimate ones, and were called
_ciuanemactli_, or _tlaciuantli_, if their master had obtained them
from their parents; those whom he took without such permission were
called _tlaciuaantin_.[193]

The Toltec kings could only marry one woman, and in case of her death
could not marry again or live in concubinage with any woman; the same
rule held good with their queens in the event of the king dying
first. Prostitution among the Mexicans was tolerated, but at the same
time was restrained within certain bounds; that is, the law took
cognizance of the practice as regarded the women engaged in such
traffic. It was looked upon as a necessary evil, and the law did not
interfere with men who consorted with prostitutes; but the latter, if
they plied their traffic too openly, or with too great frequency, so
as to create a public scandal and become a nuisance, were punished
according to the extent of the offence.[194]

* * * * *

We may suppose that, the marriage ceremonies being concluded, the
young couple were left in peace, and that for a time there was a truce
to the speech-making and ever-ready advice of anxious parents and
meddling relatives. But this respite was generally of brief duration.
As soon as the woman found herself to be pregnant, all her friends and
relations were immediately upon the tiptoe of expectation and interest
again. The parents were at once informed of the interesting event, and
a feast was prepared, of which all who had been present at the wedding
partook. After the repast the inevitable speeches commenced. An old
man, squatting on his hams, first spoke in behalf of the husband,
referring to the precious burden carried by the pregnant woman and to
the future prospects of the child; after a while another relieved the
speaker and pursued the subject in the same strain; the man and his
wife then responded, dwelling upon the pleasure in store for them, and
expressing their hopes that, with the favor of the gods, it might be
realized. The parents of the pair were next addressed directly by one
of the guests upon the same theme and made a reply. Certain elderly
relatives then seized the opportunity to admonish and instruct the
young woman, to which she made a suitable answer, thanking them for
their solicitude on her behalf.[195]

[Sidenote: PREGNANCY AND CHILDBIRTH.]

During the months of her pregnancy the mother was very careful to
insure the safety and health of the child, though many of the rules
observed for this purpose were of a partly superstitious nature. Thus,
sleeping in the day-time would contort the child's face; approaching
too near the fire or standing in the hot sun would parch the foetus;
hard and continued work, lifting weights, running, mental excitement,
such as grief, anger, or alarm, were particularly avoided; in case of
an earthquake all the pots in the house were covered up or broken to
stop the shaking; eating _tzictli_, or _chicle_, was thought to harden
the palate of the unborn child, and to make its gums thick so that it
would be unable to suck, and also to communicate to it a disease
called _netentzzoponiztli_; neither must the edible earth, of which,
as we shall see in a future chapter, the Mexicans were very fond, be
eaten by the mother, lest the child should prove weak and sickly; but
everything else the woman fancied was to be given her, because any
interference with her caprices might be hurtful to her offspring.[196]
Moderation in sexual connection with her husband was recommended to a
woman from one to three months advanced in pregnancy, but total
abstinence in this respect was thought to be injurious to the unborn
child; during the later stages of the woman's pregnancy, however, the
husband abstained entirely from having intercourse with her.[197] When
the time for the confinement drew near another feast was prepared and
the usual invitations were issued. When all were gathered an old man
was the first to speak, on behalf of the married couple. By virtue of
his long experience in these matters he recommended that the pregnant
woman be placed in the _xuchicalli_, or bath, under the protection of
Xuchicaltzin, the god of the bath, and of Yoalticitl, goddess of the
bath and of childbirth. He further advised the parents to select a
competent _ticitl_, or midwife. This functionary having been named, a
female relative of the husband addressed her, asking her to accept the
trust, praising her qualifications, and exhorting her to exert her
utmost skill and care. The mother and relatives of the wife also made
brief speeches to the same purpose. The midwife-elect then expressed
her wish and intention to do all in her power.[198] Wealthy people
frequently employed several midwives, who for some days prior to the
birth busied themselves in waiting on their patient and putting
everything in readiness for the important hour. Zuazo states that some
of these acted merely as witnesses to the fact of the birth.[199]

The 'hour of death,' as the time of confinement was named, having
arrived, the patient was carried to a room previously set in order for
the purpose; here her hair was soaped and she was placed in a bath to
be washed. Care was taken that the water should not be too hot, lest
the foetus should be scalded; in some cases the woman was beaten on
the back with maize leaves which had been boiled in the water used for
the bath. The midwife next proceeded to rub and press the abdomen of
the patient in order to set the child in place. If the pain grew
worse, soothing remedies were administered. A decoction of
_cihoapatli_ herbs was given to promote the delivery; should this not
prove effective, however, a small piece, about an inch and a half
long, of the tail of the _tlaquatzin_, or _tlaquatl_, was given, which
is a very powerful emetic. If after all the woman got no ease, it was
concluded that she would die. In cases of great danger prayers were
addressed to Cioacoatl, Quilaztli, Yoalticitl, and other deities.
Should the child die in the womb it was removed piecemeal, unless the
parents objected, in which case the mother was left to die.

[Sidenote: GHASTLY TALISMANS.]

Mocioaquezqui, 'brave woman,' was the name given to her who died in
childbed. After death the body was washed, dressed in good, new
clothes, and buried with great ceremony in the courtyard of the temple
dedicated to the 'celestial women.'[200] Talismanic virtues were
supposed to reside in the corpse; thus, the middle fingers of the left
hand, and the hair, were thought to make their possessor irresistible
in battle; soldiers, therefore, sought by every means, fair or foul,
to procure them. Thieves believed that the left hand and arm of the
corpse would strike terror into their victims, and they therefore
engaged sorcerers to procure it. The birth of twins was believed to
foretell the death of one of the parents at the hands of their child;
to prevent this, one of the infants was killed.[201] Abortion was not
unusual, and was procured by taking a decoction of certain herbs; the
crime was nevertheless punished with death.[202] If everything went
well, and the woman was easily delivered, the midwife gave a loud cry
of triumph. She next addressed some words of counsel to the child,
and then proceeded to wash it. Turning to the water, she addressed
the goddess of waters, Chalchihuitlicue, asking her favor and
protection for the child. Then taking some water, the midwife breathed
upon it, gave some to the infant to taste, and then touched its head
and chest therewith, saying: "Come, my son (or daughter) to
Chalchihuitlicue; it is for her to bear you on the back and in her
arms throughout this life!" Then, placing the infant in the water, she
continued: Enter thou into the water called _metlalac_ and _tuspalac_;
may it wash thee, and may the Omnipotent cleanse from thee all ill
that is inherent in thee from the beginning of the world and from
before the beginning. Begone, all evil imparted to thee by thy father
and thy mother.[203] Having washed the child, the midwife clothed it,
addressing it meanwhile in whispers of welcome and admonition. Then,
raising her voice, she complimented the mother on her bravery and
endurance.[204] A female relative next praised the fortitude of the
patient, who in her response dilated on the trouble and pain she had
gone through, and expressed her joy at the treasure vouchsafed her by
the gods. The midwife then closed the ceremony by congratulating the
grandparents and assembled friends. A few days after the confinement
the mother took a bath in the temazcalli, and indulged in rich food
and wine; on this occasion a feast was also tendered to invited
friends, who partook of it near the spot where the woman bathed.

All these elaborate preparations and midwife ceremonies at birth
could, however, only have been in vogue among the well-to-do classes,
for the Mexican women, were, as a rule, little affected by the
troubles of child-bearing; their training and manner of life were not
calculated to make them delicate. Motolinia, and many with him, say,
for instance, that the Tlascaltec women delivered themselves, the
mother applying to a neighbor only at the birth of her first
child.[205]

[Sidenote: CASTING THE NATIVITY OF INFANTS.]

It was now time to cast the nativity of the infant. For this purpose
the services of a _tonalpouhqui_, or horoscopist, were engaged. These
tonalpouhquis were a highly respected class, and were therefore
approached with much respect and liberally fed with mantles, food, and
other articles. Having been told the hour of birth, the horoscoper
consulted his book for the sign of the day on which the infant was
born.[206] If the birth had taken place exactly at midnight, the signs
for the closing and breaking day were combined. Comparing the birthday
sign with the other twelve signs, as well as with the principal sign
of the group, he deduced the required fortune, and, if the augury was
favorable, dwelt on the honors and happiness in store for the infant.
Should the augury prove unfavorable, as well as the sign for the fifth
day after birth, which was the occasion of the second bath, or
baptism, this ceremony was postponed to another day, generally the
most favorable of the thirteen, in order to moderate, if possible,
the threatened misfortune. The fortune-teller dilated upon the
troubles in store for the infant and the vices it would develop, but
'hedged' his oracle by adding that the adjoining signs contained
certain redeeming features which might have power to counterbalance
the evil import of the birthday sign.[207]

[Sidenote: BAPTISM OF INFANTS.]

Preparations are now made for the baptism. The portals of the dwelling
are decorated with green branches, flowers, and sweet-smelling herbs
are scattered over the floors and courtyard, and the approaches to the
house are carefully swept; tamales are cooked, maize and cacao ground,
and delicacies of every description prepared for the table, not
forgetting the liquors; for any shortcoming in this respect would
reflect severely on the hospitality of the host.[208] The relatives of
the family assemble before sunrise, and other friends drop in as the
day advances; each, as he congratulates the host, presents a gift of
clothing for the infant, and receives in his turn a present of
mantles, flowers, and choice food.[209] In the course of the morning
the midwife carries the infant to the courtyard, and places it upon a
heap of leaves, beside which are set a new _apaxtle_, or earthenware
vessel, filled with clear water, and several miniature implements,
insignia of the father's trade or profession. If he is a noble or a
warrior, the articles consist of a small shield, and a bow with arrows
of a corresponding size, placed with their heads directed toward the
four cardinal points. Another set of arms made from dough of
amaranth-seed, and bound together with the dried navel-string of the
child, is also prepared. If the child is a girl, there are placed
beside it, instead of the little weapons, a spindle and distaff, and
some articles of girl's clothing. When the sun rises the midwife sets
her face and the face of the child toward the west, and addressing the
infant, says: "O eagle, O tiger, O brave little man and grandson of
mine, thou hast been brought into the world by thy father and mother,
the great lord and the great lady. Thou wast created in that house
which is the abode of the supreme gods that are above the nine
heavens. Thou art a gift from our son Quetzalcoatl, the omnipresent;
be joined to thy mother, Chalchihuitlicue, the goddess of water." Then
placing her dripping fingers on the lips of the child, she continues:
"Take this, for upon it thou hast to live, to wax strong, and
flourish; by it we obtain all necessary things; take it!" Then
touching the child on the breast with her moistened fingers, she says:
"Take this holy and pure water that thine heart may be cleansed." Then
the midwife pours water on the child's head, saying: "Receive, O my
son, the water of the Lord of the World, which is our life, with which
we wash and are clean; may this celestial light-blue water enter into
thy body, and there remain; may it destroy and remove from thee all
evil and adverse things that were given thee before the beginning of
the world; behold, all of us are in the hands of Chalchihuitlicue, our
mother." She now washes the body of the child, exclaiming: "Evil,
wheresoever thou art, begone, avaunt; for the child liveth anew and is
born again; once more it is purified; a second time is it renewed of
our mother, Chalchihuitlicue." Then lifting up the little one toward
heaven, she addresses Ometochtli and Omecioatl:[210] "Behold, O Lord,
the creature which thou hast sent to this place of sorrow, affliction,
and anguish, to this world; give it, O Lord, of thy gifts and
inspiration, for thou art the great god and the great goddess." Then
stooping as if to set the child down, she raises it a second time,
crying upon the goddess of the waters:[211] "O lady goddess, mother of
the gods, inspire this child with thy virtue." A third time she stoops
and raising the child toward heaven, addresses the gods: "O lords
celestial, and gods who dwell in heaven, behold this creature whom ye
have sent among men, fill it with your spirit and mercy, that it may
live." A fourth time she sets down and raises the babe, and calling
now upon the sun and the earth she says:[212] "O our Lord, Sun, father
of all, and thou, O Earth, our mother, take ye this child for your
own, and, as it is born for war,[213] so let it die defending the
cause of the gods, and be permitted to enjoy the delights prepared in
heaven for the brave."

The midwife now takes the implements and prays to the patron deity of
the trade or profession they represent on behalf of the child; then
she places the mantle upon the shoulders of the infant, girds on the
little maxtli, and asks the boys present to give the child a name.
This was, however, merely a matter of form; the parents really had the
choosing of the name and told it to the boys. It was usually taken
either from the sign of the day, or from a bird or animal, in the case
of a boy; the girls were named from flowers, and this rule was
especially observed by the Toltecs and Miztecs. Sometimes a child took
its name from some important event which occurred at the time of its
birth; as when the Tlascaltec chief Citlalpopoca, 'smoking star,' was
so named because at his birth a flaming comet was seen in the sky.
Sometimes children were named after the feast held at the time of
their nativity; thus, boys born during the festival of the renewal of
the sacred fire, called _toxilmolpilia_, were named _molpilli_, 'a
tied object,' and girls _xiuhnenetl_, 'little doll of the year of
fire.' Occasionally a child was named after some renowned ancestor. A
second name could be acquired by valiant deeds in battle. Motolinia
adds that sons of prominent men took a surname from the dignity or
office held by the father, either in youth or manhood; or they
inherited it with the estate at the death of the parent. Children born
during the last five days of the year, called _nemontemi_, 'unlucky
days,' were considered unfortunate; boys born under such circumstances
were often named _nemoquichtli_, 'unlucky man,' and girls
_nencihuatl_, 'unlucky woman.'[214]

The midwife, having baptized the child, now calls upon it three times
by its new name; admonishing it to make good use of the implements or
weapons placed in its hands.[215] It is thereupon carried into the
house, preceded by torch-bearers, and placed in the cradle, before
which the midwife offers prayers to Yoalticitl, 'goddess of the
cradle,' commending the child to her care, and beseeching her to
nourish and protect it; then, turning to the cradle, she adds: "O
thou, the mother of the child, receive this babe with gentleness,
taking heed not to injure it." Then she places the child in the
cradle, the parents meanwhile calling upon Yoalticitl to protect it,
and upon Yoaltecutli, 'the god of night,' to lull it to sleep. During
this ceremony, which is termed _tlacoculaquilo_, or 'the act of
placing the child in the cradle,' the boys of the village, dressed to
imitate soldiers, enter the house, seize certain food previously
prepared for them, called the 'child's navel,' scatter the rest, and
rush forth, munching and shouting the child's name and future
destinies. The lights, called _ocote_, which have been used during the
ceremonies, must be left to burn out, and the fire that was lighted on
the birthday must be kept brightly burning until after the baptizing,
nor is any one allowed to borrow from its flame, for that would injure
the prospects of the child. The umbilical cord is buried with the
mimic weapons in a place where a battle may be expected to take place
on a future day. The girl's instruments and navel-string are buried
under a metate. The afterbirth is interred in a corner of the house.
After the cradling ceremony the guests proceed to the banqueting-room,
where they seat themselves according to age and rank.

The festivities lasted twenty days,[216] or even longer, if the father
was wealthy, during which time the house was kept open to all comers.
Each visitor presented his gifts and made a speech to the infant on
the duties, honors, and happiness in store for it, and adorning his
discourse according to the rank of the parents, or his own courtesy.
He next congratulated the mother, then the midwife, urging her further
care of the infant, and lastly the father, referring to his character
and services, and wishing him joy. If the father was a lord, the
neighboring princes sent an embassy, preceded by numerous presents,
and a chosen orator delivered a congratulatory address before the
father and those present, to which an old man responded on behalf of
all, commenting upon the good wishes of the neighboring nobles. The
orator of the embassy then begged that the shortcomings of his former
speech might be excused, and was answered by the oldest or most
respected person present, on the parent's behalf. The female friends
who came to inspect the infant, rubbed the joints of the body,
especially the knees, with ashes, thinking that this would strengthen
them and prevent the bones from becoming loose. The same was done to
the children who accompanied them.[217] In some parts the baptismal
ceremony consisted in putting some quicklime upon the child's knee,
and saying to it: "O thou little one, that hast come into the world to
suffer, suffer and be silent. Thou livest, but thou shalt die; much
pain and anguish shall come upon thee; thou shalt become dust, even as
this lime, which was once stone."[218] If a boy, an arrow or dart was
then placed in the child's left hand, to indicate that he must be
brave and defend his country; if a girl, she was given a distaff, as a
sign that she must become industrious in all womanly pursuits.[219] In
Tlascala and Miztecapan the infant was bathed in a sacred spring,
which, it was thought, would avert misfortune. Mendieta says that the
midwife merely sprinkled the child a certain number of times, first
with wine and then with water.[220] Among the Zapotecs both mother and
child were washed in a river, and invocations were addressed to all
land and aquatic animals, entreating their favor and deprecating their
anger;[221] it was also customary to assign some animal or bird to a
child, as its _nagual_, or tutelary genius, and with the fortune of
such creature its fate was supposed to be so intimately connected,
that the death of one involved the death of the other.[222] Burgoa
adds further that this was assigned by lot, but it is stated
elsewhere, and with greater probability if we may judge by similar
superstitions in the old world, that the first bird or beast that
appeared after the birth of the child was appointed its spiritual
protector.[223]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: CIRCUMCISION AND SCARIFICATION.]

Whether the custom of circumcision, which has been the great prop of
argument in favor of the Jewish origin of the Aztecs, really obtained
among these people, has been doubted by numerous authors. Although
circumcision was certainly not by any means general, yet sufficient
proof exists to show that it was in use in some form among certain
tribes. Las Casas and Mendieta state that the Aztecs and Totonacs
practiced it, and Brasseur de Bourbourg has discovered traces of it
among the Mijes. Las Casas affirms that the child was carried to the
temple on the twenty-eighth or twenty-ninth day after birth; there the
high-priest and his assistant placed it upon a stone, and cut off the
prepuce at the root; the part amputated they afterward burned to
ashes. Girls of the same age were defloured by the finger of the
priest, who ordered the mother to repeat the operation at the sixth
year. Zuazo adds that these rites were only performed upon the
children of great men, and that there was no compulsion in the matter,
the parents having the option of having their children defloured or
circumcised at any time within five years.[224]

In the fifth month, at Huitzilopochtli's festival, all children born
during the year were scarified on the breast, stomach, or arms, and by
this means received as followers of their god.[225] At the festival in
honor of Teteionan or Toci, 'mother of the gods,' in the eleventh
month, the women delivered during the year underwent purification and
presented their children. In the evening a signal was sounded from the
temple, and the mothers, dressed in their best, accompanied by
friends, and preceded by torch-bearers and servants carrying the
babes, made the tour of the town or quarter; a halt was made at every
temple to leave an offering and a lighted torch for the presiding
goddess. At the temple of Toci extra offerings were made, including
_tzocoyotl_, cakes of flour and honey; and here the priest performed
the ceremony of purification by pronouncing certain prayers over the
women.[226] In the eighteenth month of every fourth year, the
children born since the last corresponding feast, were taken to the
temple, where their ears were pierced with a sharp bone, and
macaw-feathers, _tlachcayotl_, inserted; the god-father and
god-mother, or, as they are termed, uncles and aunts, whose duty it
was to initiate the children into the service of the gods, holding
them during the operation.[227]

An offering of flour of the _chian_ seed was made, and the god-father
was presented with a red robe, the god-mother with a huipil. Each
child was then passed through the flames of a fire prepared for the
purpose; the priest next took its head between his hands, and in that
manner lifted it bodily from the ground. Everyone thereupon went home
to feast, but at noon the god-father and god-mother returned to the
temple and executed a dance, holding the children on their backs, and
giving them pulque to drink, in very small cups. This went on till
dusk, when they retired to their houses to continue the dancing and
drinking. This feast and month, Itzcalli, 'growth,' obtained its name
from the ceremony of squeezing the heads of children, which, it was
thought, would make them grow; but it was also called the 'feast of
the intoxication of boys and girls.'[228]

[Sidenote: HEAD-FLATTENING.]

Among the Miztecs, the mother took hot baths for twenty days after
delivery, at the end of which time a feast was held in honor of the
goddess of the bath, the child sharing in the honors of the
occasion.[229] They also gave the child a feast on its first
birthday. Great care was exercised to make children hardy and strong,
and no mother, however high in rank, allowed her child to be given to
a nurse, unless her own health demanded such a step. The test of a wet
nurse was to press out a drop of milk upon the nail, when if it did
not run the milk was considered good.[230] No food was given to the
child the first day, in order to create an appetite.[231] It was
suckled for three years, in some places much longer;[232] and, during
this time the mother adhered to a diet that would keep up the quality
of the milk; many abstained from intercourse with their husbands for
the same period, to prevent the possibility of another child
interfering with the proper nurture of the first one. Another feast
was given at the weaning of the child. Gomara mentions that a kind of
head-flattening was practiced; he says that the infants were so placed
in the cradle as not to allow the occiput to grow, for such a
development was considered ugly.[233] Humboldt, however, says that the
Aztecs never flattened the head. That it was practiced to a
considerable extent in remote times by people inhabiting the country,
seems to be shown by the deformed skulls found in their graves, and by
the sculptured figures upon the ruins. Klemm states that the cradle
consisted of a hard board to which the infant was bound in such a
manner as to cause the malformation. The cradle among the poor Aztecs
was generally of light cane, and could be tied to the back of the
mother.[234]

FOOTNOTES:

[170] Clavigero writes: 'Nella dipintura cinquantesimaseconda si
rappresentano due ragazzi d'undici anni, ai quali per non essersi
emendati con altri gastighi, fanno i lor Padri ricevere nel naso il
fumo del _Chilli_, o sia peverone.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., p. 103. But this is a mistake; in this picture we
see a girl being punished by her mother in the manner described, and a
boy by his father.

[171] Clavigero mentions this girl as 'una putta ... cui fa sua Madre
spazzar la notte tutta la casa, e parte della strada.' _Storia Ant.
del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 103.

[172] For these picture-writings and the interpretations of them, see:
_Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1103-7; _Codex Bodleian_, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. i., plates 59-62; _Codex Mendoza_,
in _Id._, vol. i., and vol. v., pp. 92-7; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist.
Mex._, tom. i., pp. 566-575; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., pp. 102-3.

[173] 'Tenian estas gentes tambien por ley que todos los niños
llegados à los seis años hasta los nueve habian de enviar los padres à
los Templos para ser instruidos en la doctrína y noticia de sus leyes
las cuales contenian casi todas las virtudes esplicadas la en ley
natural.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxv., ccxv.
'Todos estos religiosos visten de negro y nunca cortan el cabello ...
y todos los hijos de las personas principales, así señores como
ciudadanos honrados, estan en aquellas religiones y hábito desde edad
de siete ú ocho años fasta que los sacan para los casar.' _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, p. 105. 'Cuando el niño llegaba á diez ó doce años, metíanle
en la casa de educacion ó _Calmecac_.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.
ii., lib. viii., p. 326; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 302;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 187.

[174] A native author asserts that this 'house of song' was frequently
the scene of debauch and licentiousness. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 553.

[175] 'Los hijos de los nobles no se libraban tampoco de faenas
corporales, pues hacian zanjas, construian paredes y desempeñaban
otros trabajos semejantes, aunque tambien se les enseñaba á hablar
bien, saludar, hacer reverencias y, lo que es mas importante,
aprendian la astronomía, la historia y demas conocimientos que
aquellas gentes alcanzaban.' _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza
Indígena_, p. 66; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 444-6.

[176] 'Iban tan honestas que no alzaban los ojos del suelo, y si se
descuidaban, luego les hacian señal que recogiesen la vista ... las
mujeres estaban por si en piezas apartadas, no salian las doncellas de
sus aposentos á la huerta ó verjeles sin ir acompañadas con sus
guardas.... Siendo las niños de cinco años las comenzaban á enseñar á
hilar, tejer y labrar, y no las dejaban andar ociosas, y á la que se
levantaba de labor fuera de tiempo, atábanle los piés, porque asentase
y estuviese queda.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 121-2.

[177] See further, for information on the education of the Mexicans:
_Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 421-3; _Carbajal_,
_Discurso_, pp. 17-18; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
tom. iii., pp. 563-4; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 144-5;
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix.; _Montanus_,
_Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 267-8; _Fuenleal_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._,
série i., tom. x., p. 251; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv.; _Laet_,
_Novus Orbis_, p. 239; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp.
38-47; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, pp. 119-20.

[178] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 244-5.

[179] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 113-19. A
literal translation of Sahagun would be unintelligible to the reader.
I therefore have merely followed as closely as possible the spirit and
sense of this discourse. For further exhortations and advice to
children see _Id._, pp. 119-52; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 112;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 493-9; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 104-9.

[180] Although Gomara says 'casan ellos a los veinte años, y aun
antes: y ellas á diez.' _Conq. Mex._, fol. 314.

[181] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 330; _Carbajal_,
_Discurso_, p. 16.

[182] 'Por otro respecto no era pena trasquilar los tales mancebos,
sino ceremonia de sus casamientos: esto era, por que dejando la
cabellera significaba dejar la lozania y liviandad de mancebo; y asi
como desde adelante habia de criar nueva forma de cabellos, tuviese
nueva seso y cordura para regir su muger y casa. Bien creo que debia
de haber alguna diferencia en estos trasquilados cuando se
trasquilaban por ceremonia ó por pena.' _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxix.; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._,
tom. i. p. 577.

[183] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 152-3;
_Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 125; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_,
MS., cap. cxxxix.

[184] 'Venian los de la casa del mozo á llevar á la moza de parte de
noche: llevábanla con gran solemnidad _acuestas_ de una matrona, y con
muchas hachas de teas encendidas en dos rencles delante de ella.'
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 82, 157. 'Pronuba,
quam _Amantesam_ vocabant, sponsam tergo gestans, quatuor foeminis
comitantibus quæ pineis tædis, prælucerent, illam post Solis occasum,
ad limen domus in qua parentes sponsi manebant, sistebat.' _Laet_,
_Novus Orbis_, p. 239. 'La celebracion era que la desposada la llevaba
á cuestas á prima noche una amanteca, que es medica, é hiban con ellas
cuatro mujeres con sus achas de pino resinado encendidas, con que la
hiban alumbrando, y llegada á casa del desposado, los padres del
desposado la salian á recibir al patio de la casa, y la metian en una
sala donde el desposado la estava aguardando.' _Codex Mendoza_, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 99.

[185] 'Un sacerdote ataba una punta del _hueipilli_, ó camisa de la
doncella, con otra del _tilmatli_, ó capa del jóven.' _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 557. 'Al tiempo que los novios se
avian de acostar é dormir en uno, tomaban la halda delantera de la
camisa de la novia, é atábanla á la manta de algodon que tenia
cubierta el novio.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 548. 'Unas
viejas que se llaman titici, ataban la esquina de la manta del mozo,
con la falda del vipil de la moza.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i.,
lib. ii., p. 83. 'Hechos los tratados, comparecian ambos contrayentes
en el templo, y uno de los sacerdotes examinaba su voluntad con
preguntas rituales; y despues tomaba con una mano el velo de la muger,
y con otra el manto del marido, y los añudaba por los extremos,
significando el vínculo interior de las dos voluntades. Con este
género de yugo nupcial volvian á su casa, en compañia del mismo
sacerdote: donde ... entraban á visitar el fuego doméstico, que á su
parecer, mediaban en la paz de los casados, y daban siete vueltas á él
siguiendo al sacerdote.' _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp.
432-3.

[186] 'Quedando los esposos en aquella estancia durante los cuatro
dias siguientes, sin salir de ella, sino á media noche para incensar á
los ídolos y hacerles oblaciones de diversas especies de manjares.'
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 557. 'Á la media noche
y al medio dia salian de su aposento á poner encienso sobre un altar
que en su casa tenian.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 128. 'Los
padrinos llevaban á los novios á otra pieza separada, donde los
dejaban solos, encerrándolos por la parte de afuera, hasta la mañana
siguiente, que venian á abrirles, y todo el concurso repetia las
enhorabuenas, suponiendo ya consumado el matrimonio.' _Veytia_, _Hist.
Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 26.

[187] The position of the tiger-skin is doubtful: 'Ponian tambien vn
pedaço de cuero de Tigre, debajo de las esteras.' _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 415. 'Ponian un pedazo de cuero de tigre
encima de las esteras.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 128. 'La estera
sobre que habian dormido, que se llamaba _petatl_, la sacaban al medio
del patio, y allí la sacudian con cierta ceremonia, y despues tornaban
á ponerla en el lugar donde habian de dormir.' _Sahagun_, _Hist.
Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 158.

[188] 'Otra ceremonia, casi como esta, vsaban los del Pueblo de
Israèl, acerca del acostar los Novios, la primera noche de sus Bodas,
que les ponian vna sabana, ó lienço, para que en èl se estampase el
testimonio de la virginidad, que era la sangre, que del primer acto se
vertìa, la qual se quitaba de la cama delante de testigos, que
pudiesen afirmar haverla visto, con la señal de la sangre, que
comprobaba la corrupcion de la Doncella y embuelta, ó doblada, la
ponian en cierto lugar, diputado para esto, donde quedaba guardada, en
memoria de la limpieça, y puridad, con que la dicha Doncella venia á
poder de su Marido. Seria posible, que quisiese significar entre estos
Indios lo mismo, este cuidado de los viejos, de traer manta, ó sabana,
y tenderla sobre la cama de los desposados, para los primeros actos
matrimoniales; y es creible, que seria este el intento, pues la ropa,
y esteras, que sirvieron en este Sacrificio, se llevaban al Templo, y
no servian mas en casa, como ni mas, ni menos la ceremonia antigua de
guardar la sabana, con sangre, entre los Hebreos, en lugar particular,
y seguro.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 416.

[189] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 116-20, 127-8; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 416; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii.,
pp. 548-9; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 158-60;
_Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 19.

[190] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 26-7.

[191] For further information relating to marriage ceremonies and
customs see _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 125-8; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 83, 186, 412-20, 496-7; _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 81-3, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp.
152-62, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 116-17; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._,
tom. ii., pp. 23-7, 178; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap.
cxxxix., clxxv.; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 214; _Id._, _Relaciones_, in _Id._, pp.
327, 335, 340, 400; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 374-5;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 189, tom.
iii., pp. 79, 565-7; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 33-5;
_Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 298, 314-16; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._,
dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii.;
_Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v.,
pp. 308-9; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 265; _Gemelli Careri_, in
_Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 484; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp.
de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 279; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom.
i., pp. 555-9, 577; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 202-3; _Touron_, _Hist.
Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 11-12; _Simon's Ten Tribes_, pp. 274-5;
_Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 145-7; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp.
15-30; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 89-93,
111.

[192] 'Nunca sentenciaban en disfavor del Matrimonio, ni consentian,
que por autoridad de Justicia, ellos se apartasen; porque decian ser
cosa ilicita, y de mucho escandalo para el Pueblo, favorecer, con
autoridad publica, cosa contraria à la raçon; pero ellos se apartaban
de hecho, y este hecho se toleraba, aunque no en todos, segun el mas,
ò menos escandalo, que se engendraba en el Pueblo. Otros dicen, que
por Sentencia difinitiva, se hacia este Repudio, y Divorcio ... los
Jueces sentenciaban (si acaso concedemos, que havia sentencia) que se
apartasen, y quedasen libres, y sin obligacion el vno, al otro; pero
no de la murmuracion del Pueblo, que buelto contra ellos, decian ser
dignos de grandisima pena, por haver quebrado la Fè è integridad del
Matrimonio, y haver dado tan mal exemplo à la Republica.'
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 442; _Carbajal_,
_Discurso_, pp. 20-1; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, p. 31; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 131.

[193] 'Tengono molte moglie, & tante quante ne possono mantenere come
i mori, però come si è detto, vna è la principale & patrona & i
figliuoli di qsta hereditano, & quei dell'altre no, che non possono
anzi son tenuti per bastardi. Nelle nozze di questa patrona principale
fanno alcune cirimonie, il che non si osserua nelle nozze
dell'altre.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando
Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 310. See
further, _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 376; _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Apologética_, cap. ccxiii., ccxiv., in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 127-8; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 20-7;
_Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.
xcviii., pp. 169, 197; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 107; _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 430-1; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. iii., p. 260; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., dec. v., lib.
x.

[194] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, cap. ccxiii., ccxiv., in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 127; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 370; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 27-8;
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 37-8; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 132-3.

[195] I have thought it unnecessary to give these speeches in full,
but the reader can find them all together in _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 161-73.

[196] Sahagun adds: 'Mandaba que á la preñada la diesen de comer
suficientemente y buenos manjares, calientes y bien guisados, con
especialidad cuando á la preñada le viene su purgacion, ó como dicen
la regla, y esto llaman que la criatura se laba los pies, porque no se
halle ésta en vacio, ó haya alguna vaciedad ó falta de sangre ó humor
necesario, y así reciba algun daño.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi.,
p. 182.

[197] Sahagun's original MS. contains twenty-four additional lines on
this subject, but these his editor deems too indelicate to print.
_Id._, p. 181.

[198] For these addresses see _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib.
vi., pp. 174-83.

[199] 'Se llegan algunas mujeres como parteras, y otras como testigos
para ver si el parto es supuesto ó natural; y al tiempo del nacer no
permiten que la criatura llegue á la tierra con la vida; é antes que
se la cortenle hacen ciertas señales en el corpezuelo.' _Zuazo_,
_Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 363-4.

[200] _Cihuapipiltin_, or _Ciuapipilti_. A long description of the
burial rites upon these occasions in _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.
ii., lib. vi., pp. 186-91. These will, however, be described in a
future chapter.

[201] Motolinia, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,
tom. i., p. 130, and Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 84, who
seems to have copied from him, are the authorities for this, but the
custom could not have been very general, for it is said that in
Tlascala the mother assigned a breast to each of the twins.

[202] The principal authority on the matter of pregnancy and
childbirth, and the one whom I have thus far followed, is Sahagun,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 160-92.

[203] Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 86, differs
from Sahagun in these prayers or invocations; Torquemada, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. ii., p. 445, Klemm, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 36,
and Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 560,
follow Clavigero more or less closely.

[204] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 199-200;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 445-6.

[205] The Teochichimec husband undertook the office of midwife when
the birth took place on the road. He heated the back of his wife with
fire, threw water over her in lieu of a bath, and gave her two or
three kicks in the back after the delivery, in order to promote the
issue of superfluous blood. The new-born babe was placed in a wicker
basket, and thrown over the back of the mother, who proceeded on her
journey. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 191-203;
also _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 445-6; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 86; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 560; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist.
Mex._, tom. i., pp. 551-2, 673, etc. The utensils which served at the
birth of the child were, according to Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_,
MS., cap. clxxix., offered at the fountain or river where the mother
washed herself.

[206] By Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 282-328, and
Duran, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. ii., the signs of the
calendar and their subdivisions are described at length. Each sign had
thirteen sub-signs, representing the same number of days, by whom its
good or bad import was moderated to a certain extent. Under certain
signs the child was liable to become a drunkard, under another a
jester, under a third a warrior, and so on. Brasseur de Bourbourg,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 560, and Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom.
i., p. 552, state that the sign which had been most frequent at this
period during the past thirteen years was also considered by the
astrologer.

[207] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 215-7;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 449.

[208] A long description of this feast, the table, attendance, etc.,
is given by Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 332-6, and
by Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 457-8. I shall have
occasion to describe it in a future chapter of this volume, devoted to
such matters.

[209] The poorer classes contented themselves with an interchange of
flowers and food.

[210] A dual deity, uniting both sexes in one person.

[211] Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 220, makes the
midwife, in this instance, call upon Citlalatonac. This goddess was,
however, identical with Ometochtli and Omecioatl (see, more
especially, _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 472), to
whom the preceding prayer was directed. Clavigero and Torquemada
assert that the prayer was addressed to the water-goddess.

[212] Sahagun addresses the Sun-God only.

[213] We may presume that the midwife is here addressing the child of
a warrior.

[214] Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 84,
Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 287, and Brasseur de
Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 287, translate
Nemoquichtli and Nencihuatl 'useless man' and 'useless woman.'
Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 454-6, discusses names, why
and how they were applied, in Mexico and elsewhere. Motolinia, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 37, states that the name
given at baptism was discarded for one applied by the priest, when the
parents carried the child to the temple in the third month. See also
_Ritos Antiguos_, p. 22, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix.
Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 312, says that the name given by the priest
was the surname, nobles sometimes taking a third name. Brasseur de
Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 562, says that several
additional names could be taken under various circumstances. In _Codex
Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 90, it is
stated that the name was given by three boys who sat by eating
_yxcue_.

[215] Boturini states that the infant is thereupon passed four times
through the fire. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p.
88; but this ceremony is described elsewhere in this volume as taking
place in the temple.

[216] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 330-6.

[217] It was believed, says Torquemada, that this rubbing of their own
limbs had a strengthening effect upon the new-born. _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. ii., p. 457.

[218] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 312.

[219] _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 18.

[220] _Hist. Ecles._, p. 107.

[221] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 329.

[222] _Id._, fol. 395.

[223] The following are contradictory accounts of baptism. On the
fourth day the child and mother took a purification bath, and the
assembled guests were feasted on zamorra, a dish made from maize and
the flesh of hens, deer, etc. Three days after, the mother carried the
child to the adjoining ward, accompanied by six little boys, if it was
a male child, otherwise six girls went with her, to carry the
implements or insignia of the father's trade. Here she washed the
child in a stream, and then returned home. Two years after a feast was
served in the house of the most intimate neighbor, who was asked to
name the child, and with him it remained and was held as a member of
his family. _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série
ii., tom. v., pp. 306-8. The infant was carried to the temple, where
the priest made an oration on the miseries to be endured in this
world, and placed a sword in the right hand of the child and a buckler
in the left; or, if it was destined to be a mechanic, an artisan's
tool; if a girl it received a distaff. The priest then took the child
to the altar and drew a few drops of blood from its body with a
maguey-thorn or knife, after which he threw water over it, delivering
certain imprecations the while. _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp.
12-13. The implements were placed in the hands of the child by the
priest before the idol. _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 374. Also
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii. The child
underwent three baptisms or baths. _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_,
_Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 364. On the seventh day the baptism took
place, and a dart was placed in the hand of the child to signify that
he should become a defender of his country. _Motolinia_, _Hist.
Indios_, in _Id._, p. 37. In _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice
Mexicano_ (Vaticano), tav. xxxi., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
v., p. 181, it is stated that the child was sprinkled with a bunch of
ficitle dipped in water, and fumigated with incense before receiving
its name. Offerings were made at the temple which the priest divided
among the school children. Tylor, in his _Anahuac_, p. 279, and
_Primitive Culture_, vol. ii., pp. 429-36 gives short reviews of the
baptismal ceremony and its moral import.

[224] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxv.;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 83-4; _Mendieta_, _Hist.
Ecles._, pp. 107-8; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de
Doc._, tom. i., p. 364; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
tom. iii., p. 35. Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p.
73, reviews the subject of circumcision and denies that it was ever
practiced. Ternaux-Compans, _Voy._, série i., p. 45, tom. x.,
referring to Diaz' statement that all Indians of the Vera Cruz Islands
are circumcised, says that he must have confounded the custom of
drawing blood from the secret organs with circumcision. Cogolludo,
_Hist. Yuc._, p. 191, says circumcision was unknown to the Indians of
Yucatan. Duran and Brasseur evidently consider the slight incisions
made for the purpose of drawing blood from the prepuce or ear, in the
eleventh month, as the act. Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i.,
p. 538, following Clavigero, holds the scarification of breast,
stomach and arms to be the circumcision referred to by other authors.
Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., and especially
Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 374, consider the incision on the
prepuce and ear to have been mistaken for circumcision, and state that
it was chiefly performed upon sons of great men; they do not state
when the ceremony took place.

[225] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 266; _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 538.

[226] This rite was followed by another, which usually took place in
the temple of Huitzilopochtli. The priest made a slight incision on
the ear of the female child, and on the ear and prepuce of the male,
with a new obsidian knife handed to him by the mother, then, throwing
the knife at the feet of the idol, he gave a name to the infant, at
the request of the parent, after duly considering the horoscope and
signs of the time. _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. iii.,
quoted by _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp.
525-6. Duran really states that these ceremonies took place in the
fourth month, but as Toci's festival occurs in the eleventh month,
Brasseur alters the evident mistake. The naming of the infant may have
been a mere confirmation of the name given by the midwife.

[227] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii. p. 286.

[228] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 189-90. Sahagun
translates Itzcalli by 'growth,' but other authors differ from him, as
we shall see in a future chapter on the Calendar.

[229] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.

[230] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,
tom. i., p. 77; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 460-1.

[231] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 312.

[232] _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 553.

[233] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318.

[234] The authorities on childbirth, baptism, and circumcision are:
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 187-90, lib. iv., pp.
281-337, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 160-222, tom. iii., lib. x., pp.
119-20; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 2-73,
86-89; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 83-4, 266, 286,
445-61; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., lib.
iii., cap. xii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.; _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxv., clxxix.; _Codex Mendoza_, pp. 90-1, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v.; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 37-8, 77, 108; _Zuazo_,
_Carta_, in _Id._, pp. 363-4; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 107-8,
139; _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 329, 395;
_Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 18; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._,
in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 203; _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 538, 551-5, 673; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 240, tom. iii., pp. 35,
525-6, 560-3; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 374; _Gomara_, _Conq.
Mex._, fol. 312, 317-18; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 12-13;
_Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v.,
pp. 306-8; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 32, 265; _Klemm_,
_Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 36-9; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._,
pp. 140-1; _D'Avity_, _L'Amérique_, tom. ii., p. 73; _Baril_,
_Mexique_, pp. 199-200; _Ritos Antiguos_, pp. 22-3, in _Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix.; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 239; _Adair's Amer.
Ind._, p. 217; _Müller_, _Reisen_, tom. iii., pp. 118-20; _Purchas his
Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1102-3, 1140; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., p.
101; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. iii.; _Diaz_,
_Itinéraire_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 45;
_Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 90; _Morton's Crania Amer._, p.
147; _Delafield's Antiq. Amer._, p. 19.

CHAPTER VIII.

NAHUA FEASTS AND AMUSEMENTS.

EXCESSIVE FONDNESS FOR FEASTS--MANNER OF GIVING
FEASTS--SERVING THE MEAL--PROFESSIONAL JESTERS--PARTING
PRESENTS TO GUESTS--ROYAL BANQUETS--TOBACCO SMOKING--PUBLIC
DANCES--MANNER OF SINGING AND DANCING--THE NETETELIZTLI--THE
DRAMA AMONG THE NAHUAS--MUSIC AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS--NAHUA
POETRY--ACROBATIC FEATS--THE NETOLOLIZTLI, OR 'BIRD
DANCE'--PROFESSIONAL RUNNERS--THE GAME OF TLACTLI--GAMES OF
CHANCE--THE PATOLIZTLI, OR 'BEAN GAME'--TOTOLOQUE,
MONTEZUMA'S FAVORITE GAME.

[Sidenote: FEASTS AND ENTERTAINMENTS.]

The excessive fondness of the Aztecs for feasts and amusements of
every kind seems to have extended through all ranks of society. Every
man feasted his neighbor and was himself in turn feasted. Birthdays,
victories, house-warmings, successful voyages or speculations, and
other events too numerous to enumerate were celebrated with feasts.
Every man, from king to peasant, considered it incumbent upon him to
be second to none among his equals in the giving of banquets and
entertainments, and as these involved the distribution of costly
presents among his guests, it often happened that the host ruined
himself by his hospitality; indeed, it is said that many sold
themselves into slavery that they might be able to prepare at least
one feast that would immortalize their memory.[235] Moreover the
priests, with the subtle policy characteristic of their class, took
advantage of this disposition to ordain long and frequent celebrations
in honor of innumerable gods; in short, it is difficult to conceive
what part of the year could have been saved for business from what
seems to have been a continual round of merry-making.

The grandeur of the feast depended, of course, upon the wealth of the
host, the rank of the guests, and the importance of the event
celebrated. For many days before a noble or wealthy man entertained
his friends, an army of servants were employed in sweeping the
approaches to the house, decorating the halls and courts with branches
and garlands, erecting _chinamas_, or arbors, and strewing the floors
with flowers and sweet herbs; others prepared the table service,
killed and dressed dogs, plucked fowls, cooked tamales, baked bread,
ground cacao, brewed drinks, and manufactured perfumed cigarettes.
Invitations were in the meantime sent to the guests. These on their
arrival were presented with flowers as a token of welcome. Those of a
superior condition to the host were saluted after the Aztec fashion by
touching the hand to the earth and then carrying it to the lips. On
some occasions garlands were placed upon the heads of the guests and
strings of roses about their necks, while copal was burnt before those
whom the host delighted specially to honor. While waiting for the meal
the guests employed their time in walking freely about the place,
complimenting their host on the tasteful manner in which the house was
decorated, or admiring the fine shrubbery, green grass plats,
well-kept flower-beds, and sparkling fountains in the gardens.

Dinner being announced, all took their seats, according to rank and
age, upon mats or _icpalli_, stools, ranged close along the
walls.[236] Servants then entered with water and towels, with which
each guest washed his hands and mouth. Smoking-canes were next
presented on _molcaxetes_, or plates, to stimulate the appetite. The
viands, kept warm by chafing dishes, were then brought in upon
artistically worked plates of gold, silver, tortoise-shell, or
earthenware. Each person before beginning to eat threw a small piece
of food into a lighted brazier, in honor of Xiuhtecutli, the god of
fire,[237] probably by way of grace. The numerous highly seasoned
dishes of meat and fish having been duly discussed, the servants
cleared the tables and feasted upon the remains of the banquet in
company with the attendants of the guests.[238] Vessels called
_teutecomatls_, filled with chocolate, each provided with a spoon to
stir the fluid with, were then brought on, together with water for
washing the hands and rinsing the mouth. The women who were present on
these occasions, although they sat apart from the men, received a kind
of spiced gruel instead of cacao. The old people, however, were plied
with _octli_, a very potent beverage, until they became drunk, and
this was held to be an indispensable part of the ceremony.

The smoking-canes were now once more produced, and while the guests
reclined luxuriously upon their mats enjoying the grateful influence
of the fragrant leaf which we are told by Bernal Diaz they called
'tobacco,' and sipping their drinks, the music suddenly struck up, and
the young folks, or perhaps some professionals, executed a dance,
singing at the same time an ode prepared for the occasion, as well as
other songs. Dwarfs, deformed beings, and curious objects were also
introduced to vary the entertainment; but the professional jesters
were the favorites, and the jokes made by them raised many a laugh,
though this was rather forced perhaps by those at whose expense said
jokes were cracked, for these fools were fully as privileged as their
contemporary European brothers of motley, and sometimes spoke very
biting truths in the shape of a jest; in some cases they were
disguised in the costume of a foreign nation, whose dialect and
peculiarities they imitated; at other times they would mimic old
women, well-known eccentric individuals, and so forth.

The nobles kept a number of these jesters for their own amusement, and
often sent them to a neighboring brother-noble to propound riddles;
taking care to provide them with means to pay forfeit should the
riddle be solved.[239]

These private banquets generally lasted till midnight, when the party
broke up. Each guest received at parting presents of dresses, gourds,
cacao-beans, flowers, or articles of food. Should any accident or
shortcoming have marred the pleasure of the party, the host would
sooner repeat the entertainment than have any slur rest upon his great
social venture. In any case it was doubtless difficult for the good
man to escape censure either for extravagance or stinginess.

At the royal feasts given when the great vassals came to the capital
to render homage to their sovereign, the people flocked in from the
provinces in great numbers to see the sights, which consisted of
theatrical representations, gladiatorial combats, fights between wild
beasts, athletic sports, musical performances, and poetical
recitations in honor of kings, gods, and heroes. The nobles, in
addition to this, partook daily of banquets at the palace, and were
presented by the monarch with costly gifts.[240]

[Sidenote: TOBACCO IN THE NEW WORLD.]

To the tobacco-loving reader it will be interesting to learn how the
weed was smoked in the New World before it was introduced into the Old
by the immortal Jean Nicot, whose name be forever blessed. The habit
of smoking did not possess among the Nahuas the peculiar character
attached to it by the North American natives, as an indispensable
accessory to treaties, the cementing of friendship, and so forth, but
was indulged in chiefly by the sick, as a pastime and for its
stimulating effect. The origin of the custom among the Nahuas may be
traced to the use of reed-grass, filled with aromatic herbs, which was
lighted and given to guests that they might diffuse the perfume about
them; gradually they came to puff the reeds and swallow the smoke,
pretending to find therein a remedy against headache, fatigue, phlegm,
sleeplessness, etc. Three kinds of tobacco were used, the _yetl_,
signifying tobacco in general, obtained from a large leaved plant, the
_picyetl_, from a small but stronger species, and _quauyetl_, a less
esteemed kind known later on as wild tobacco. Clavigero asserts that
the _picyetl_ and _quauyetl_ were the only species known among the
Mexicans. It was generally smoked after dinner in the form of paper,
reed, or maize-leaf cigarettes, called _pocyetl_, 'smoking tobacco,'
or _acayetl_, 'tobacco-reed,' the leaf being mixed in a paste, says
Veytia, with _xochiocotzotl_, liquid amber, aromatic herbs, and
pulverized charcoal, so as to keep smouldering when once lighted, and
shed a perfume. The picyetl tobacco was smoked later in the day,
without admixture, and somewhat in the shape of cigars. The smoke was
inhaled, and the nose closed, in order that none of the grateful
qualities should be lost. Wooden, metal, or bamboo tubes were
sometimes used instead of cigarettes. Snuffing the pulverized leaf is
an ancient custom which we owe to them.[241]

Dancing was the favorite Aztec amusement, and the fanciful arrangement
of their dances, as well as the peculiar grace of their motions, is
highly praised by all the old chroniclers. Dancing, and especially
religious dances, formed an important part of an Aztec youth's
education, and much trouble was taken by the priests to instruct them
in it.

[Sidenote: THE MITOTE AND RIBBON DANCE.]

The preparations for the great public dances, when the performers
numbered thousands,[242] were on an immense scale. The choirs and
bands attached to the service of the various temples were placed under
the supervision of a leader, usually a priest, who composed the ode of
the day, set it to music, instructed the musicians, appointed the
leaders of the dance, perfected the arrangements generally, observed
that all did their duty, and caused every fault or negligence to be
severely punished.[243] The _Neteteliztli_ dance took place either in
the plaza or in the courtyard of the temple, in the centre of which
mats were spread for the musicians. The nobles and aged men formed a
circle nearest to the drums, the people of less importance formed
another circle a little distance behind, and the young people composed
the third ring. Two leading dancers directed the movements, and
whatever steps they made were imitated by the performers. When all was
ready, a whistle gave the signal and the drums were beaten lightly to
a well-known tune started by the leaders and taken up by the dancers,
who at the same time began to move their feet, arms, heads and bodies
in perfect accord. Each verse or couplet was repeated three or four
times, the dancers keeping time with their _ayacachtli_, or rattles.
Each must keep his relative position in the circle, and complete the
circuit at the same time; the inner circle, therefore, moved at a
slow, dignified pace, suited to the rank and age of the men composing
it; the second proceeded somewhat faster, while the dancers in the
outer circle approached a run as the dance became livelier. The
motions were varied; at one time the dancers held one another by the
hand, at another, round the waist; now they took the left hand
neighbor for partner, now the right, sometimes facing one way,
sometimes another. The first song ended, which referred to the event
of the day, a popular ode, treating of their gods, kings, or heroes,
was taken up and sung in a higher scale and to a livelier measure, the
dance meanwhile constantly increasing in animation. This was the case
with all the succeeding songs, each one becoming higher and shriller
as it proceeded; flutes, trumpets, and sharp whistles were sometimes
added to the band to increase the effect. When one set of dancers
became tired, another took its place, and so the dance continued
through the whole day, each song taking about an hour. Jesters and
clowns in various disguises circulated between the lines, cutting
capers, cracking jokes, and serving refreshments. Herrera states that
the solemn _mitote_ was danced by twos in the outer circle.[244] At
private dances, two parallel lines were usually formed, the dancers
turning in various directions, changing partners, and crossing from
line to line.[245] Sometimes one stepped from each line, and performed
a pas de deux while the others looked on. The 'ribbon dance,'
resembled the English may-pole dance to a certain extent. A pole,
fifteen to twenty feet high, was erected on a smooth piece of ground,
and twenty or more persons, each seizing the end of a colored ribbon
attached to its summit, began to dance about the mast, crossing each
other and winding in apparent confusion, until the pole was covered
with a motley texture of a certain design. When the band became too
short, the plaiting was unwound by reversing the order of the dance.
They had a number of other mitotes, or dances, varying chiefly in the
colors worn by the dancers, the finery, painting, and disguises, and
conforming to the text of the songs, such as the _huexotzincaiutl_,
_anaoacaiutl_, _cuextecaiutl_, _tocotin_, and others to be described
under religious festivals.[246] Children from four to eight years of
age, the sons of nobles, took part in some dances and sang the
soprano, and the priests joined in the solemn performances. Certain
dances, as the _netecuitotoli_,[247] could only be performed by the
king and nobles,[248] a space being always set apart for the sovereign
when he danced. Women joined the men in some dances, but generally
danced apart. Certain dancing-houses of bad repute termed _cuicoyan_,
'great joy of women,' were open to females at night, and were then
scenes of unmitigated debauch.[249] Great pains was taken to appear as
fine as possible at the dances; noted warriors appeared magnificently
dressed, and occasionally bearing shields set with feathers; nobles in
court dress of rich mantles knotted at the shoulders, fanciful maxtlis
round the loins, tassels of feathers and gold in the hair,
lip-ornaments of gold and precious stones, gold rings in the ears,
bracelets of the same metal set with plumes, or strings of
chalchiuites and turquoises round the wrists and other parts of the
arms, and some had gold bells attached to the ankles; the gaily
colored dresses of the lower class were decorated with feathers and
embroidery; garlands and flowers encircled the head, necklaces of
shells and beans hung about the neck, bracelets clasped the arms and
legs, and all carried nosegays. The women also shone in huipiles,
gaily colored, fancifully embroidered, and set with fringes.[250]

[Sidenote: THE ABORIGINAL DRAMA.]

The drama scarcely equaled in excellence the choral dance, yet in this
respect, as in others, the Nahuas showed considerable advancement.
Thalia presided more frequently than Melpomene over the play, which
generally took the character of a burlesque. The performers mostly
wore masks of wood, or were disguised as animals. No special building
was devoted to the drama, but the lower porch of a temple usually
served as the stage; some large towns, however, boasted of a permanent
stage, erected in the centre of the plaza. The principal of these was
at Tlatelulco, and consisted of a terrace of stone and lime, thirteen
feet high, by thirty in breadth. When in use it was decorated with
foliage, and mats of various colors, whereon was emblazoned the coat
of arms of the city, were hung all round it. At Cholula the porch of
the temple of Quetzalcoatl served as a stage; this was whitewashed and
adorned with arches of branches, feathers, and flowers, from which
hung birds, rabbits, and other curious objects. Here the people
congregated after dinner on gala-days to witness the performance, in
which deaf, lame, blind, deformed, or sick people, or, sometimes,
merchants, mechanics, or prominent citizens, were mimicked,
burlesqued, and made fun of. Each actor endeavored to represent his
rôle in the most grotesque manner possible. He who was for the moment
deaf gave nonsensical answers to questions put to him; the sick man
depicted the effects of pain, and so forth. When these had exhausted
their stock of jokes, others entered as beetles, frogs, or lizards,
croaking, whistling, and skipping about the stage after the manner of
the creatures they represented. The boys from the temples also
appeared as birds and butterflies, and flocked into the trees in the
courtyard. Each performer rehearsed his part before appearing in
public, and great care was taken that no blunder should mar the beauty
of the plot. The priests added to the fun by blowing mud-balls at the
actors through wooden tubes, and praising or censuring the performance
in a jocular manner. The entertainment concluded with a ball, which
was attended by all the actors.[251]

Some authors have spoken very favorably of the dramatic skill of the
Nahuas. Clavigero is not inclined to indorse this opinion, although he
thinks a great advance would have been made in this direction had the
Mexican Empire survived another century; a very natural conclusion,
certainly. The ceremonies at the religious festivals often partook of
a dramatic character, as will be seen presently.[252]

Music, a principal attraction at our theatrical entertainments, did
not play an important part on the Nahua stage, and, though we hear of
singers appearing, instrumental concert is not mentioned. Aside from
this, the high importance attached to music is evident from the myth
of its origin. According to this myth no less a personage than
Tezcatlipoca[253] brought, or sent for, music from the sun, and
constructed a bridge of whales and turtles, symbols of strength, by
which to convey it to the earth.

[Sidenote: MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS.]

Drums, horns, shells, trumpets, and shrill whistles made from cleft
bones were the instruments most used. The drum was the favorite, and
the beating of several in nice accord sufficed alone for an
accompaniment to the song and the dance. Two kinds of drum are
mentioned; of these, the _huehuetl_[254] was a hollow cylinder of
wood, about three feet high, and a foot and a half in diameter,
curiously carved and painted, and having its upper end covered with a
dressed deer-skin, tightened or loosened in tuning, and played upon
with the hands. The other kind of drum was called the _teponaztli_,
'wing of the stone-vapor;' this was entirely of wood, and had no
opening but two parallel slits in one side, the enclosed piece being
divided in the centre so as to form two tongues, each of which
increased in thickness towards its extremity; the drum was placed in a
horizontal position and the sound was produced by beating the tongues
with sticks tipped with rubber balls. This drum varied in length from
a toy of a few inches to five feet. Sometimes it was carved in the
shape of a man, woman, or animal, and lay lengthways on trestles. The
huehuetl gave forth a dull sound resembling that of the East Indian
tom-tom. These drums, when of the largest size, could be heard at a
distance of two miles.[255] The teponaztli produced a melancholy
sound, which is considered by Brasseur de Bourbourg to have been a
symbol of the hollow warning noise preceding the annihilation of
Earth, which was symbolized by the instrument itself.[256] The
_tetzilacatl_ was a kind of gong made of copper and struck with a
hammer of the same material. The _ayacachtli_ was a rattle of copper,
perforated and filled with pebbles, used by dancers.

The ancient writers unite in praising the perfect unison and good time
observed by the singers, both in solo and quartette, with chorus and
responses, and they mention particularly the little boys of from four
to eight years of age, who rendered the soprano in a manner that
reflected great credit on the training of their priestly tutors. Each
temple, and many noblemen kept choirs and bands of professional
musicians, usually led by a priest, who composed odes appropriate to
every occasion, and set them to music. Bass singers were rare, and
were prized in proportion to their rarity. They had a great number of
popular songs or ballads, which were well known in all classes. Young
people were obliged to learn by heart long epics, in which were
recounted the glorious deeds of heroes in battle and the chase; or
didactic pieces, pointing some moral and inculcating a useful lesson;
or hymns of praise and appeal for sacred festivals. Clavigero,
Pimentel, and other authors extol the aboriginal muse highly, and
describe the language used as pure, brilliant, figurative, and
interwoven with allusions to the beauties of nature; unmeaning
interjections scattered here and there to assist the metre, evince a
lack of finish, however, and the long, compound words, a single one of
which often formed a whole verse, certainly did not add to the
harmony, yet they observed good metre and cadence.[257]

The art of music was under royal protection, and singers as well as
musicians were exempt from taxation. Nezahualcoyotl, the great
Tezcucan patron of art, himself composed a number of odes and elegies,
and founded an academy of sciences and music, where the allied kings
of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan presided, and distributed prizes to
the successful competitors. Toltec songs are highly praised for their
beauty and variety. The Totonacs and Tepanecs are said to have been as
far advanced in music and singing as the Aztecs;[258] but concerning
these arts I shall speak more at length in a future chapter.

[Sidenote: GYMNASTIC PERFORMANCES.]

The acrobatic feats performed by the Nahuas excited the surprise and
admiration of the conquerors, and the court of Spain, before which
some of these athletes were introduced, was no less astounded at the
grace, daring, and strength displayed by them.

Some of these gymnastic performances have only of late become known to
us; thus, the so-called Chinese foot-balancing trick, in which a man
lying on his back spins a heavy pole on the soles of his raised feet,
throws it up, catches it, and twirls it in every direction, was a
common feat with the Nahua acrobat, who, indeed, excelled the
circus-man of to-day, in that he twirled the pole while a man sat at
each end of it. Another feat was performed by three. One having braced
himself firmly, another mounted on his shoulders, while the third
climbed up and stood upon the head of the second. In this position the
human column moved slowly about, the man on the top performing a kind
of dance at the same time. Again, a man would dance on the top of a
beam, the lower end of which was forked and rested upon the shoulders
of two other dancers. Some raised a stick from the ground while a man
balanced at the end of it; others leaped upon a stick set upright in
the ground, or danced upon the tight-rope. Another game involving an
equal display of grace and daring was the _netotoliztli_, or 'bird
dance,' known to the Spaniards as the 'flying-game,' and performed
especially during the laymen's feast. In the centre of an open place,
generally a public square, a lofty pole was erected. On the top of
this pole was placed a wooden, moveable cap, resembling an inverted
mortar; to this were fastened four stout ropes which supported a
wooden frame about twelve feet square. Four other, longer ropes were
carefully wound thirteen times about the pole just below the cap, and
were thence passed through holes made one in each of the four sides of
the frame. The ends of these ropes, while wound about the pole, hung
several feet below the frame. Four gymnasts, who had practiced some
time previously, and were disguised as birds of different form,
ascended by means of loops of cord tied about the pole, and each
having fastened one of the ropes round his waist, they started on
their circular flight with spread wings. The impulse of the start and
the weight of the men set the frame in motion, and the rope unwound
quicker and quicker, enabling the flyers to describe larger and larger
circles. A number of other men, all richly dressed, sat perched upon
the frame, whence they ascended in turn to the top of the revolving
cap, and there danced and beat a drum, or waved a flag, each man
endeavoring to surpass his predecessor in daring and skill.[259] As
the flyers neared the ground, and the ropes were almost untwisted, the
men on the frame glided down the ropes so as to gain the ground at the
same time, sometimes passing from one rope to the other in their
descent and performing other tricks. The thirteen turns of the rope,
with the four flyers, represented the cycle with its four divisions of
thirteen years.

Running was practiced, not only for exercise, but as a profession; as
the government employed a large number of couriers to run with
messages, who were trained for the purpose from early childhood. To
these I shall have occasion to refer again. Races were held at the
chief temple in Mexico under the auspices of the priests,[260] at
which prizes were awarded to the four competitors who succeeded in
first gaining the topmost of the one hundred and twenty steps. The
Nahuas must have been able swimmers, too, for it is said that
travelers usually took to the water when crossing rivers, leaving the
bridges to those who carried burdens. There were also sham fights and
public reviews, both for the exercise of the army and the delectation
of the masses. At these times the soldiers competed for prizes in
shooting with the arrow or throwing the dart.[261] On grand occasions,
such as the coronation of a king, soldiers fought with wild beasts, or
wrestled with one another, and animals were pitted against each other
in fenced enclosures.[262]

[Sidenote: THE TLACHTLI, OR NATIONAL GAME.]

[Illustration: H]

The national game of the Nahuas was the _tlachtli_, which strongly
resembled in many points our game of football, and was quite as lively
and full of scuffle. It was common among all the nations whose cult
was similar to the Toltec, and was under special divine protection,
though what original religious significance it had is not clear.
Indeed, for that matter, nearly every game enjoyed divine patronage,
and _Ometochtli_, 'two rabbits,' the god of games, according to Duran,
was generally invoked by athletes as well as gamblers, in conjunction
with some special god. Instruments of play, and natural objects were
also conjured to grant good luck to the applicant. As an instance of
the popularity of the game of tlachtli,[263] it may be mentioned that
a certain number of towns contributed annually sixteen thousand balls
in taxes, that each town of any size had a special play-ground devoted
to the game, and that kings kept professionals to play before them,
occasionally challenging each other to a game besides. The ground in
which it was played, called the _tlachco_,[264] was an alley whose
shape is shown in the cut; one hundred feet long[265] and half as
wide, except at each end where there were rectangular nooks, which
doubtless served as resting-places for the players. The whole was
enclosed by smooth whitewashed walls, from nine to twelve feet high on
the sides, and somewhat lower at the ends, with battlements and
turrets, and decreasing in thickness toward the top.[266] At midnight,
previous to the day fixed for the game, which was always fixed
favorably by the augurs, the priests with much ceremony placed two
idols--one representing the god of play, the other the god of the
tlachtli[267]--upon the side walls, blessed the edifice, and
consecrated the game by throwing the ball four times round the ground,
muttering the while a formula. The owner of the tlachco, usually the
lord of the place, also performed certain ceremonies and presented
offerings, before opening the game. The balls, called _ullamaloni_,
were of solid India-rubber, three to four inches in diameter. The
players were simply attired in the maxtli, or breech-clout, and
sometimes wore a skin to protect the parts coming in contact with the
ball, and gloves; they played in parties, usually two or three on each
side. The rule was to hit the ball only with knee, elbow, shoulder, or
buttock, as agreed upon, the latter was however the favorite way, and
to touch the wall of the opposite side with the ball, or to send it
over, either of which counted a point. He who struck the ball with his
hand or foot, or with any part of his body not previously agreed upon,
lost a point; to settle such matters without dispute a priest acted as
referee. On each side-wall, equidistant from the ends, was a large
stone, carved with images of idols, pierced through the centre with a
hole large enough to just admit the passage of the ball;[268] the
player who by chance or skill drove the ball through one of these
openings not only won the game for his side, but was entitled to the
cloaks of all present, and the haste with which the spectators
scrambled off in order to save their garments is said to have been the
most amusing part of the entertainment. A feat so difficult was, of
course, rarely accomplished, save by chance, and the successful player
was made as much of as a prize-winner at the Olympic games, nor did he
omit to present thank offerings to the god of the game for the good
fortune vouchsafed him.

The possession of much property depended upon the issue of the game;
the rich staked their gold and jewels, the poor their dresses, their
food, or even their liberty.[269]

[Sidenote: BALL-PLAYING AND GAMBLING.]

Gambling, the lowest yet most infatuating of amusements, was a passion
with the Nahuas, and property of all kinds, from ears of corn or
cacao-beans, to costly jewelry and personal liberty, were betted upon
the issue of the various games. Professional gamesters went from
house to house with dice and play-mats, seeking fresh victims. All
gambling tools were formally charmed, and this charm was renewed and
strengthened at intervals by presenting the instruments in the temple,
with prayers that the blessing of the idol might descend upon them.

[Sidenote: POPULAR AMUSEMENTS.]

_Patoliztli_, which somewhat resembled our backgammon, appears to have
been the most popular game of chance. _Patolli_, or large beans marked
with dots, like dice, were shaken in the hand and thrown upon a mat,
upon which was traced a square marked with certain transverse and
diagonal lines. The thrower of the beans marked his points on these
lines according to the number of spots which fell upward. He who first
gained a certain score won the game. The players were usually
surrounded by a crowd of interested spectators, who betted heavily on
the result, and called loudly for the favor of Macuilxochitl, the
patron deity of the game. Golden and jewelled dice were often used
instead of beans by the rich.[270] They had another game in which
reeds took the place of dice. Two players, each with ten pebbles by
his side, shot split reeds in turn towards small holes made in the
ground, by bending them between the fingers; if a reed fell over a
hole a marker was placed on a square; this continued until the markers
were all exhausted by the winner.[271] Montezuma's favorite game was
called _totoloque_, and consisted in throwing small golden balls at
pieces of the same metal set up as targets at a certain distance. Five
points won the stakes. Peter Martyr jumps at the conclusion that chess
must have been known to the Nahuas, because they possessed checkered
mats.[272]

FOOTNOTES:

[235] _Ritos Antiguos_, p. 20, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix.

[236] The highest in rank or consideration sat on the right side, and
those of inferior degree on the left; young men sat at the ends on
both sides, according to their rank. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.
ii., lib. ix., pp. 347-8.

[237] Speaking of this Xiuhtecutli, Torquemada says: 'Honrabanlo
como à Dios, porque los calentaba, cocia el Pan y guisaba la Carne, y
por esto en cada Casa le veneraban; y en el mismo Fogòn, ò Hogar,
quando querian comer, le daban el primer bocado de la vianda, para que
alli se quemase; y lo que avian de beber, lo avia de gustar primero,
hechando en el fuego parte de el licor.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p.
57. Sahagun says the morsel of food was thrown into the fire in honor
of the god Tlaltecutli: 'Antes que comenzasen á comer los convidados
la comida que les habian puesto, tomaban un bocado de la comida, y
arrojábanlo al fuego á honra del dios Tlaltecutli, y luego comenzaban
á comer.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., p. 333.

[238] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 457.

[239] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 292.

[240] For description of feasts see: _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. ii., pp. 457-8; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp.
332-6, tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 359-60, 364-5; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 615-6; _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales
des Voy._, 1858, tom. clix., pp. 74-6; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol.
318; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 152-7; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire
Mex._, p. 178; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 210-11; _Ritos Antiguos_, p.
20, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix.

[241] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 49-51; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 227. _Hernandez_, _Nova
Plant._, p. 173; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 525; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 646; _Carbajal Espinosa_,
_Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 684; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v.,
pp. 12-13.

[242] 'Iuntauanse a este bayle, no mil hombres, como dize Gomara, pero
mas de ocho mil.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap.
viii.

[243] Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 315, ever
prepared with capital punishment, states that 'el señor les mandaba
prender, y otro dia los mandaba matar.'

[244] _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix.

[245] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 180.

[246] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 308-9;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 181-2.

[247] Netecuhytotiliztli, according to _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. ii., p. 286.

[248] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 189.

[249] _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 87.

[250] 'I Plebei si travestivano in varie figure d'animali con abiti
fatti di carta, e di penne, o di pelli'--no doubt to distinguish them
from the gentry when they joined in the dance. _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 179-81, and others who follow him. In
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 130-3, is a long
description of feast-day dress. For description of dances see _Id._,
tom. ii., lib. viii. pp. 308-9, 314-15; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. ii., pp. 550-2; _D'Avity_, _L'Amérique_, tom. ii., p. 68;
_Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 267-8; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las
Ynd._, pp. 446-9; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1064-5;
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 643-5; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 669-71; _Mendieta_,
_Hist. Ecles._, pp. 140-3; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 61,
87; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 106-7; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_,
tom. v., pp. 56-8; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap.
viii., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix., and Translation, Lond. 1726,
vol. iii., p. 227, with cut.

[251] Klemm, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 144-5, has it that
the audience also attended this ball.

[252] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 391-2; _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 76-8; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza
Indígena_, pp. 59-60; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.
iii., pp. 674-6.

[253] For an account of Tezcatlipoca see Vol. III. of this work.

[254] Called _tlapanhuehuetl_ by Tezozomoc and Brasseur de Bourbourg.

[255] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 179, etc.

[256] _Quatre Lettres_, p. 94.

[257] Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 106, states, 'y esto va todo en
copla por sus consonantes,' but it is not likely that they were
anything else than blank verse, for such a thing as rhyme is not
mentioned by any other writer.

[258] Concerning music and singing see: _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 174-9; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i.,
p. 229, tom. ii., pp. 551-2; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 447;
_Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 140-1; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol.
106; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 57-9; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 282, tom. iii., pp. 279,
669, 672-74; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 641-2;
_Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1064-5; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist.
Mex._, tom. i., p. 61; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp.
145-50; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 545; _Ranking's
Hist. Researches_, p. 344; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 170-5, 194;
_Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, p. 64; _Dupaix_, _Rel., 2de Expéd._, pl. 62-3,
in _Antiq. Mex._, tom. iii.; _Fuenleal_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._,
série ii., tom. v., pp. 218-19; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 85-99.

[259] Espinosa seems to think that one man did all the dancing on the
summit, and Brasseur says that each of the flyers performed on the top
of the mast before taking their flight.

[260] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 387-8.

[261] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 292.

[262] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 53, 87; _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 238.

[263] Sahagun calls it _tlaxtli_, or _tlachtl_; and Tezozomoc
_tlachco_, but this is shown by others to be the name of the
play-ground.

[264] Gomara says _tlachtli_, or _tlachco_; Herrera, _Hist. Gen._,
dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. viii., _tlachtli_.

[265] Duran makes it one hundred to two hundred feet, Espinosa fifty
varas, Brasseur, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 667, sixty to eighty
feet.

[266] Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 647, says that the
side walls are lowest, 'de ménos altura los laterales que los dos de
los extremos,' but this agrees neither with other statements, nor with
the requirements of the play. Sahagun's description of the tlachco
gives two walls, forty to fifty feet long, twenty to thirty feet
apart, and about nine feet high.

[267] Carbajal Espinosa thinks that one of them was _Omeacatl_, 'the
god of joy.'

[268] Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 647, states that
the stones were in the centre of the ground, 'en el espacio que
mediaba entre los jugadores,' but no other author confirms this. It is
not unlikely that these stones are the idols placed upon the walls by
the priests, for they are described as being decorated with figures of
idols. For description and cuts of the ruins of what seem to have been
similar structures in Yucatan, see Vol. IV., pp. 172, 230-1, of this
work.

[269] Veytia, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 107, says that the ball
had to be kept up in the air a long time, and he who let it drop lost,
which is unlikely, since the point was to drive it against the
opponent's wall; it is possible, however, that this trial of skill
formed a part of the play, at times. He also states that in the centre
of the play-ground was a hole filled with water, and the player who
sent the ball into it lost his clothes and had opprobrious epithets
hurled at him, among which 'great adulterer' was the most frequent;
moreover, it was believed that he would die by the hand of an injured
husband. A hole filled with water does not, however, seem appropriate
to a nice play-ground; besides, the ball would be very likely to roll
into the pool, for the opponents would not prevent it. Camargo, _Hist.
Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196,
and Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 123, say
that nobles only were allowed to play the game, which can only refer
to certain play-grounds or occasions, for the number of the balls paid
in taxes proves the game too general to have been reserved for nobles.

[270] Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 105, is the authority for the names
of the game and beans. Torquemada affirms, however, 'y dicenle Juego
Patolli, porque estos dados, se llaman asi.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii.,
p. 554. Clavigero, on the other hand, says: 'Patolli è un nome
generico significante ogni sorta di giuoco.' Carbajal Espinosa
translates him. Referring to the dice, Sahagun says that they were
'cuatro frisoles grandes, y cada uno tiene un ahugero;' afterwards he
contradicts this by saying that they consisted of three large beans
with 'ciertos puntos en ellos.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii.,
pp. 292, 317. Brasseur de Bourbourg describes the playing process as
follows: 'Ils jetaient les dés en l'air avec les deux mains, marquant
les cases avec de petits signaux de diverses couleurs, et celui qui
retournait le premier dans les cases gagnait la partie,' which agrees
with Torquemada's account. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 671.

[271] 'Hacian encima de un encalado unos hoyos pequeñitos ... y con
unas cañuelas hendidas por medio daban en el suelo y saltaban en alto,
y tantas cuantas en las cañuelas caian lo hueco por arriba tantas
casas adelantaba sus piedras.' _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom.
iii., cap. xxii.

[272] For Nahua games and amusements, see: _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. i., pp. 53, 87, tom. ii., pp. 305-6, 552-4; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 182-6; _Sahagun_, _Hist.
Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 291-3, 316-17; _Gomara_, _Conq.
Mex._, fol. 104-6; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. 22-3;
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. vii-viii.; _Peter
Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x.; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp.
1065, 1127-8; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp.
123, 129, tom. iii., pp. 665-9; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._,
tom. i., pp. 645-9; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 54-6;
_Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 387-8; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._,
p. 407; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. 64; _West und Ost
Indischer Lustgart_, pt i., pp. 100-1; _Cortés_, _Aven. y Conq._, p.
306; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 107-8; _Dilworth's
Conq. Mex._, p. 80; _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 47-8, quoting _Picart_,
_Cérémonies Relig._, tom. ii., p. 81.

CHAPTER IX.

PUBLIC FESTIVALS.

FREQUENT OCCURRENCE OF RELIGIOUS FEASTS--HUMAN
SACRIFICES--FEASTS OF THE FOURTH YEAR--MONTHLY
FESTIVALS--SACRIFICE OF CHILDREN--FEAST OF XIPE--MANNER OF
SACRIFICE--FEASTS OF CAMAXTLI, OF THE FLOWER-DEALERS, OF
CENTEOTL, OF TEZCATLIPOCA, AND OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI--FESTIVAL
OF THE SALT-MAKERS--THE SACRIFICE BY FIRE--FEAST OF THE
DEAD--THE COMING OF THE GODS--THE FOOTPRINTS ON THE
MAT--HUNTING FEAST--THE MONTH OF LOVE--HARD TIMES--NAHUA
LUPERCALIA--FEASTS OF THE SUN, OF THE WINTER
SOLSTICE--HARVEST AND EIGHT-YEAR FESTIVALS--THE BINDING OF
THE SHEAF.

[Sidenote: RELIGIOUS FESTIVALS.]

The amusements described in the preceding chapter were chiefly
indulged in during the great religious festivals, when the people
flocked together from all quarters to propitiate or offer up thanks to
some particular god.

These festivals were of very frequent occurrence. The Nahuas were
close observers of nature; but like other nations in a similar or even
more advanced stage of culture, the Greeks and Northmen for example,
they entirely misunderstood the laws which govern the phenomena of
nature, and looked upon every natural occurrence as the direct act of
some particular divinity. The coming of the rains was held to be the
coming of the rain-gods, with their heralds the thunder and lightning;
the varying condition of the crops was ascribed to their Ceres;
drought, storms, eclipses, all were considered the acts of special
deities.

The religious machinery required to propitiate the anger, humor the
whims, and beseech the favor of such a vast number of capricious
divinities, was as intricate as it was ponderous. Besides the daily
services held in the various temples, prayers were offered several
times during each day in that of the sun, special rites attended every
undertaking, from the departure of a private traveler to the setting
forth of an army for war, and fixed as well as movable feasts were
held, the number of which was continually increased as opportunity
offered. The priests observed fasts among themselves, attended with
penance, scarifications, and mutilations sometimes so severe as to
result fatally. Thus, at the festival in honor of Camaxtli, the
priests fasted one hundred and sixty days, and passed several hundred
sticks, varying in thickness from half an inch to an inch and a half
through a hole freshly made in the tongue.[273] The people imitated
these penances in a less degree, and scarified the members of their
bodies that had been the means of committing a sin. Blood was drawn
from the ears for inattention, or for conveying evil utterances to the
mind; from the tongue for giving expression to bad words; the eyes,
the arms, the legs, all suffered for any reprehensible act or neglect.
The people of each province, says Las Casas, had a manner of drawing
blood peculiar to themselves.[274]

At the public festivals each private person brought such offering to
the god as his means allowed. The poor had often nothing to give but a
flower, a cake, or personal service, but the wealthy gave rich robes,
jewels, gold, and slaves. But no great feast seems to have been
complete without human sacrifice. This was always the great event of
the day, to which the people looked eagerly forward, and for which
victims were carefully preserved. Most of these miserable beings were
captives taken in war, and it was rarely that the supply failed to be
sufficient to the occasion, especially among the Mexicans, since, as I
have before said, there was nearly always trouble in some part of the
empire, if not, a lack of victims for sacrifice was held good cause
for picking a quarrel with a neighboring nation; besides, if the
number of war prisoners was not sufficient there were never wanting
refractory slaves to swell the number. We have it upon good authority
that upon almost every monthly feast, and upon numerous other grand
celebrations, several hundred human hearts were torn hot from living
breasts as an acceptable offering to the Nahua gods and a pleasant
sight to the people.[275]

The grandest festivals were celebrated during the fourth year, called
Teoxihuitl, or 'divine year,' and at the commencement of every
thirteenth year. On these occasions a greater number of victims bled
and the penances were more severe than at other times. The Nahuas also
observed a grand festival every month in the year; but, as these
feasts were closely connected with their religion, and therefore will
be necessarily described at length in the next volume, I will confine
myself here to such an outline description of them as will suffice to
give the reader an idea of what they were.[276]

[Sidenote: RELIGIOUS FEASTS.]

The Aztec feast that is mentioned first by the old writers, namely
that of the month Atlcahualco, 'the diminishing of the waters,' or, as
it was called in some parts, Quahuitlehua, 'burning of the trees or
mountains,' was celebrated in honor of the Tlalocs, gods of rains and
waters. At this feast a great number of sucking infants were
sacrificed, some upon certain high mountains, others in a whirlpool in
the lake of Mexico. The little ones were mostly bought from their
mothers, though sometimes they were voluntarily presented by parents
who wished to gain the particular favor of the god. Those only who had
two curls on the head, and who had been born under a lucky sign were
thought acceptable to the gods. The sacrifices were not all made in
one place, but upon six several mountains and in the lake. These were
visited one after another by a great procession of priests attended by
the music of flutes and trumpets, and followed by a vast multitude of
people thirsting for the sight of blood; nay, more, literally
hungering for the flesh of the babes, if we may credit the assertion
of some authors, that the bodies were actually brought back and the
flesh eaten as a choice delicacy by the priests and chief men. But of
cannibalism more anon.

The little ones were carried to their death upon gorgeous litters
adorned with plumes and jewels, and were themselves dressed in a
splendid manner in embroidered and jeweled mantles and sandals, and
colored paper wings. Their faces were stained with oil of
India-rubber, and upon each cheek was painted a round white spot. No
wonder that, as the old chroniclers say, the people wept as the doomed
babes passed by; surely there was good cause for weeping in such a
sight. Gladiatorial combats and sacrifice of prisoners of war at the
temple completed this feast.[277]

The next feast, that in the month of Tlacaxipehualiztli, 'the flaying
of men,' was held in honor of Xipe, who was especially the patron
deity of the goldsmiths.[278] This god was thought to inflict sore
eyes, itch, and other diseases upon those who offended him, and they
were therefore careful to observe his feast with all due regularity
and honor. On this occasion thieves convicted for the second time of
stealing gold or jewels[279] were sacrificed, besides the usual number
of prisoners of war. The vigil of the feast, on the last day of the
preceding month, began with solemn dances. At midnight the victims
were taken from the chapel, where they had been compelled to watch,
and brought before the sacred fire. Here the hair was shaven from the
top of their heads, the captors at the same time drawing blood from
their own ears in honor of the idol; the severed topknot of each war
prisoner was afterwards hung up at the house of his captor as a token
and memorial of the father's bravery. Towards daybreak some of the
prisoners were taken up to the great temple to be sacrificed. But
before we proceed farther it will be necessary to see how these human
offerings were made.

[Sidenote: SACRIFICIAL RITES.]

Sacrifices varied in number, place, and manner, according to the
circumstances of the festival. In general the victims suffered death
by having the breast opened, and the heart torn out; but others were
drowned, others were shut up in caves and starved to death, others
fell in the gladiatorial sacrifice, which will be described elsewhere.
The customary place was the temple, on the topmost platform of which
stood the altar used for ordinary sacrifices. The altar of the great
temple at Mexico, says Clavigero, was a green stone, probably jasper,
convex above, and about three feet high and as many broad, and more
than five feet long. The usual ministers of the sacrifice were six
priests, the chief of whom was the Topiltzin, whose dignity was
preëminent and hereditary; but at every sacrifice he assumed the name
of that god to whom it was made. When sacrificing he was clothed in a
red habit, similar in shape to a modern scapulary, fringed with
cotton; on his head he wore a crown of green and yellow feathers, from
his ears hung golden ear-ornaments and green jewels, and from his
under lip a pendant of turquoise. His five assistants were dressed in
white habits of the same make, but embroidered with black; their hair
was plaited and bound with leather thongs, upon their foreheads were
little patches of various-colored paper; their entire bodies were dyed
black. The victim was carried naked up to the temple, where the
assisting priests seized him and threw him prostrate on his back upon
the altar, two holding his legs, two his feet, and the fifth his head;
the high-priest then approached, and with a heavy knife of obsidian
cut open the miserable man's breast; then with a dexterity acquired by
long practice the sacrificer tore forth the yet palpitating heart,
which he first offered to the sun and then threw at the foot of the
idol; taking it up he again offered it to the god and afterwards
burned it, preserving the ashes with great care and veneration.
Sometimes the heart was placed in the mouth of the idol with a golden
spoon. It was customary also to anoint the lips of the image and the
cornices of the door with the victim's blood. If he was a prisoner of
war, as soon as he was sacrificed they cut off his head to preserve
the skull, and threw the body down the temple steps, whence it was
carried to the house of the warrior by whom the victim had been taken
captive, and cooked and eaten at a feast given by him to his friends;
the body of a slave purchased for sacrifice was carried off by the
former proprietor for the same purpose. This is Clavigero's account.
The same writer asserts that the Otomís having killed the victim, tore
the body in pieces, which they sold at market. The Zapotecs sacrificed
men to their gods, women to their goddesses, and children to some
other diminutive deities. At the festival of Teteionan the woman who
represented this goddess was beheaded on the shoulders of another
woman. At the feast celebrating the arrival of the gods, the victims
were burned to death. We have seen that they drowned children at one
feast in honor of Tlaloc; at another feast of the same god several
little boys were shut up in a cavern, and left to die of fear and
hunger.[280]

[Sidenote: SACRIFICES IN HONOR OF XIPE.]

Let us now proceed with the feast of Xipe. We left a part of the
doomed captives on their way to death. Arrived at the summit of the
temple each one is led in turn to the altar of sacrifice seized by the
grim, merciless priests, and thrown upon the stone; the high priest
draws near, the knife is lifted, there is one great cry of agony, a
shuffle of feet as the assistants are swayed to and fro by the death
struggles of their victim, then all is silent save the muttering of
the high-priest as high in air he holds the smoking heart, while from
far down beneath comes a low hum of admiration from the thousands of
upturned faces.

The still quivering bodies were cast down the temple steps, as at
other times, but on this occasion they were not taken away until they
had been flayed, for which reason these victims were called _xipeme_,
'flayed,' or _tototecti_, 'one who dies in honor of Totec.' The
remains were then delivered over to the captor by certain priests, at
the chapel where he had made his vow of offering, a vow which involved
a fast of twenty days previous to the festival. A thigh was sent to
the king's table, and the remainder was cooked with maize and served
up at the banquet given by the captors, to which their friends were
invited. This dish was called _tlacatlaolli_; the giver of the feast,
says Sahagun, did not taste the flesh of his own captive, who was
held, in a manner, to be his son, but ate of others.

[Sidenote: GHASTLY BEGGARS.]

[Sidenote: THE FEAST OF CAMAXTLI.]

The next day another batch of prisoners, called _oavanti_, whose top
hair had also been shaved, were brought out for sacrifice. In the
meantime a number of young men also termed _tototecti_, began a
gladiatorial game, a burlesque on the real combat to follow; dressing
themselves in the skins of the flayed victims, they were teased to
fight by a number of their comrades; these they pursued and put to
flight, and thereupon turned against one another, dragging the
vanquished to the guard-house, whence they were not discharged until a
fine had been paid. A number of priests, each representing a god, now
descended from the summit of the temple, and directed their steps to
the stone of sacrifice, which stood below and must not be confounded
with the altar, and seated themselves upon stools round about it, the
high-priest taking the place of honor. After them came four braves,
two disguised as eagles, and two as tigers, who performed fencing
tactics as they advanced, and were destined to fight the captives. A
band of singers and musicians, who were seated behind the priests, and
bore streamers of white feathers mounted on long poles which were
strapped to their shoulders, now began to sound flutes, shells, and
trumpets, to whistle and to sing, while others approached, each
dragging his own captive along by the hair. A cup of pulque was given
to each of these poor wretches, which he presented toward the four
quarters of the earth, and then sucked up the fluid by means of a
tube. A priest thereupon took a quail, cut off its head before the
captive, and taking the shield which he carried from him he raised it
upwards, at the same time throwing the quail behind him--a symbol,
perhaps, of his fate. Another priest arrayed in a bear-skin, who stood
as god-father to the doomed men, now proceeded to tie one of the
captives to a ring fixed in the elevated flat stone upon which the
combat took place; he then handed him a sword edged with feathers
instead of flint, and four pine sticks wherewith to defend himself
against the four braves who were appointed to fight with him, one by
one. These advanced against him with shield and sword raised toward
the sky, and executing all manner of capers; if the captive proved too
strong for them, a fifth man who fought both with the right and left
hand was called in.[281] Those who were too faint-hearted to attempt
this hopeless combat, had their hearts torn out at once, whilst the
others were sacrificed only after having been subdued by the braves.
The bleeding and quivering heart was held up to the sun and then
thrown into a bowl, prepared for its reception. An assistant priest
sucked the blood from the gash in the chest through a hollow cane, the
end of which he elevated towards the sun, and then discharged its
contents into a plume-bordered cup held by the captor of the prisoner
just slain. This cup was carried round to all the idols in the temples
and chapels, before whom another blood-filled tube was held up as if
to give them a taste of the contents; this ceremony performed, the cup
was left at the palace. The corpse was taken to the chapel where the
captive had watched, and there flayed, the flesh being consumed at a
banquet as before.[282] The skin was given to certain priests, or
college youths, who went from house to house dressed in the ghastly
garb, with the arms swinging, singing, dancing, and asking for
contributions; those who refused to give anything received a stroke in
the face from the dangling arm. The money collected was at the
disposal of the captor, who gave it to the performers, and, no doubt,
it eventually found its way to the temple or school treasury.[283]
After the sacrifice, the priests, chiefs, and owners of the captives
commenced to dance the _motzontecomaitotia_, circling round the stone
of combat, weeping and lamenting as if going to their death, the
captors holding the heads of the dead men by the hair in their right
hands, and the priests swinging the cords which had held them toward
the four quarters of the compass, amid many ceremonies. The next
morning solemn dances were held everywhere, beginning at the royal
palaces, at which everybody appeared in his best finery, holding
tamales or cakes in his hands in lieu of flowers, and wearing dry
maize, instead of garlands, as appropriate to the season. They also
carried imitations of amaranths made of feathers and maize-stalks with
the ears. At noon the priests retired from the dance, whereupon the
lords and nobles arranged themselves in front of the palace by
threes, with the king at their head, holding the lord of Tezcuco by
the right hand and the lord of Tlacopan by the left, and danced
solemnly till sunset. Other dances by warriors, and women, chiefly
prostitutes, followed at the temple and lasted till midnight, the
motions consisting of swinging of arms and interwinding. The
festivities were varied by military reviews, sports, and concerts, and
extended over the whole month. It was held incumbent upon everyone at
this time to eat a kind of uncooked cake called _huilocpalli_. The
Tlascaltecs called this month Cohuailhuitl, 'feast of the snake,' a
name which truly indicates rejoicings, such as carnivals, sports, and
banquets, participated in by all classes. Celebrations in honor of
Camaxtli were also held at this time here as well as in Huexotzinco
and many other places, for which the priests prepared themselves by a
severe fast. The ceremonies when they took place in the fourth year,
called 'God's year,' were especially imposing. When the time came for
the long fast which preceded the feast to begin, those of the priests
who had sufficient courage to undergo the severe penance then exacted
from the devout were called upon to assemble at the temple. Here the
eldest arose and exhorted them to be faithful to their vows, giving
notice to those who were faint-hearted to leave the company of
penance-doers within five days, for, if they failed, after that time
by the rules of the fast they would be disgraced and deprived of their
estates. On the fifth day they again met to the number of two or three
hundred, although many had already deserted, fearing the severity of
the rules, and repaired to Mount Matlalcueje, stopping half-way up to
pray, while the high-priest ascended alone to the top, where stood a
temple devoted to the divinity of this name. Here he offered
chalchiuite-stones and quetzal-feathers, paper and incense, praying to
Matlalcueje and Camaxtli to give his servants strength and courage to
keep the fast. Other priests belonging to various temples in the
meantime gathered loads of sticks, two feet long and as thick as the
wrist, which they piled up in the chief temple of Camaxtli. These were
fashioned to the required form and size and polished by carpenters who
had undergone a five days' fast, and were, in return for their
services, fed outside the temple. Flint-cutters, who had also
undergone a fast to ensure the success of their work, were now
summoned to prepare knives, which were placed upon clean cloths,
exposed to the sun and perfumed; a broken blade was held as a sign of
bad fasting, and the one who broke it was reprimanded. At sunset, on
the day of the great penance, the _achcauhtli_, 'eldest brothers,'
began chanting in a solemn tone and playing upon their drums.[284] On
the termination of the last hymn, which was of a very lugubrious
character and delivered without accompaniment, the self-torture
commenced. Certain penance-doers seized each a knife and cut a hole in
the tongue of each man, through which the prepared sticks were
inserted, the smaller first and then the stouter, the number varying
according to the piety and endurance of the penitent. The chief set
the example by passing four hundred and fifty through his tongue,[285]
singing a hymn at the same time in spite of all. This was repeated
every twenty days during the fast, the sticks decreasing in size and
number as the time for the feast drew near. The sticks which had been
used were thrown as an offering to the idol within a circle formed in
the courtyard of the temple with a number of poles, six fathoms in
height, and were afterwards burnt. After the lapse of eighty days, a
branch was placed in the temple-yard, as a sign that all the people
had to join in the fast for the remaining eighty days, during which
nothing but maize-cakes, without chile--a severe infliction, indeed,
for this people--were to be eaten, no baths taken and no communion
with women indulged in.[286] Fires were to be kept alight the whole
time, and so strict was this rule that the life of the slaves in great
houses depended upon the proper attention paid to it. The chief
achcauhtli went once more to the Matlalcueje mountain[287] escorted by
four others, where, alone and at night, he offered copal, paper, and
quails; he also made a tour round the province, carrying a green
branch in his hand, and exhorting all to observe the fast. The devout
seized this opportunity to make him presents of clothes and other
valuables. Shortly before the end of the fast all the temples were
repaired and adorned, and three days previous to the festival the
achcauhtlis painted themselves with figures of animals in various
colors, and danced solemnly the whole day in the temple-yard.
Afterwards they adorned the image of Camaxtli, which stood about
seventeen feet high, and dressed the small idol by his side in the
raiments of the god Quetzalcoatl, who was held to be the son of
Camaxtli. This idol was said to have been brought to the country by
the first settlers. The raiment was borrowed from the Cholultecs, who
asked the same favor when they celebrated Camaxtli's feast. Camaxtli
was adorned with a mask of turquoise mosaic,[288] green and red plumes
waved upon his head, a shield of gold and rich feathers was fastened
to his left arm, and in his right hand he held a dart of fine
workmanship pointed with flint. He was dressed in several robes and a
_tecucxicolli_, like a priest's vestment, open in front and finely
bordered with cotton and rabbit-hair, which was spun and dyed like
silk. A number of birds, reptiles, and insects were killed before him,
and flowers offered. At midnight, a priest dressed in the vestments of
the idol lighted a new fire, which was consecrated with the blood of
the principal captive, called the Son of the Sun. All the other
temples were supplied from this flame. A great number of captives were
thereupon sacrificed to Camaxtli as well as to other gods, and the
bodies consumed at the banquets that followed. The number killed in
the various towns of the province amounted to over one thousand, a
number greatly increased by the numerous sacrifices offered at the
same time in other places where Camaxtli was worshiped.[289]

[Sidenote: FEAST OF THE FLOWER-DEALERS.]

The next feast, which was that of the month called Tozoztontli, or
'short vigil,' was characterized by a constant night watch observed by
the priests in the various temples, where they kept fires burning and
sounded the gongs to prevent napping. More of the children bought in
the first month were now sacrificed, and offerings of fruit and
flowers were made to induce the Tlalocs to send rain.[290] The chief
event, however, of this month, was a fast given in honor of
Cohuatlicue, or Coatlantona, by the _xochimanques_, or flower-dealers,
of Mexico. The celebration took place in the temple of Yopico, which
was under the special care and protection of the people of Xochimilco
and Quauhnahuac, whose lands were renowned for the beauty and
abundance of their flowers. Here were offered the first flowers of the
season, of which hitherto none might inhale the perfume, and here the
people sat down and chanted hymns of praise to the goddess. Cakes made
of wild amaranth or savory, called _tzatzapaltamale_, were also
offered. In this temple of Yopico was a grotto in which the skins of
the victims sacrificed at the feast of the preceding month were now
deposited by the priests who had worn them continuously until this
time. These marched in solemn procession to the grotto, accompanied by
a number of people whom the angered Xipe had smitten with itch, or eye
diseases; this act of devotion would, it was thought, induce the god
to relent and remove the curse. The owners of the captives to whom the
skins had belonged, and their families, of whom none was permitted to
wash his head during the month, in token of sorrow for the slain,
followed the procession. The priests doffed their strange and filthy
attire and deposited it in the grotto; they were then washed in water
mixed with flour, their bodies at the same time being belabored and
slapped with the moist hands of their assistants, to bring out the
unhealthy matter left by the rotting skins. This was followed by a
lustration in pure water. The diseased underwent the same washing and
slapping. On returning home feasting and amusements broke out anew.
Among other sports the owners of the late prisoners gave the paper
ornaments which had been worn by them to certain young men, who,
having put them on, took each a shield in one hand and a bludgeon in
the other; thus armed they ran about threatening to maltreat those
whom they met. Everybody fled before them, calling out "here comes the
_tetzonpac_." Those who were caught forfeited their mantles, which
were taken to the house of the warrior, to be redeemed, perhaps, after
the conclusion of the game. The paper ornaments were afterwards
wrapped in a mat and placed upon a tripod in front of the wearer's
house. By the side of the tripod a wooden pillar was erected, to which
the thigh-bone of a victim, adorned with gaudy papers, was attached
amid many ceremonies, and in the presence of the captor's friends.
Both these trophies commemorated the bravery of the owner. This
lasted six days. About this time, says Duran, certain old diviners
went about provided with talismans, generally small idols, which they
hung round the necks of boys by means of colored thread, as a security
against evil, and for this service received presents from the
parents.[291]

[Sidenote: FEAST OF CENTEOTL.]

The following month, which was called Huey-Tozoztli, 'great
vigil,'[292] a feast was celebrated in honor of Centeotl, the god of
cereals, and Chicomecoatl, goddess of provisions. At this time both
people and priest fasted four days. Offerings of various kinds were
made to the gods of the feast, and afterwards a procession of virgins
strangely and gaudily attired carried ears of corn to be used as seed,
to the temple to be blessed.[293]

The first half of the succeeding month, called Toxcatl, was, among the
Mexicans, taken up with a continuous series of festivals in honor of
Tezcatlipoca; the latter half of the month was devoted to the worship
of his brother-god Huitzilopochtli. Ten days before the feast began, a
priest, arrayed in the vestments of Tezcatlipoca, and holding a
nosegay in one hand and a clay flute in the other, came out from the
temple, and turning first to the east and then to the other three
quarters, blew a shrill note on his instrument; then, stooping, he
gathered some dust on his finger and swallowed it, in token of
humility and submission. On hearing the whistle all the people knelt,
ate dust, and implored the clemency and favor of the god. On the eve
of the festival the nobles brought to the temple a present of a new
set of robes, in which the priests clothed the idol, adorning it
besides with its proper ornaments of gold and feathers; the old dress
was deposited in the temple coffers as a relic. The sanctuary was then
thrown open to the multitude. In the evening certain fancifully
attired priests carried the idol on a litter round the courtyard of
the temple, which was strewn with flowers for the occasion. Here the
young men and maidens devoted to the service of the temple formed a
circle round the procession, bearing between them a long string of
withered maize as a symbol of drought. Some decked the idol with
garlands, others strewed the ground with maguey-thorns, that the
devout might step upon them and draw blood in honor of the god. The
girls wore rich dresses, and their arms and cheeks were dyed; the boys
were clothed in a kind of net-work, and all were adorned with strings
of withered maize. Two priests marched beside the idol, swinging their
lighted censers now towards the image, now towards the sun, and
praying that their appeals might rise to heaven, even as the smoke of
the burning copal; and as the people heard and saw they knelt and beat
their backs with knotted cords.

As soon as the idol was replaced, offerings poured in of gold, jewels,
flowers, and feathers, as well as toasted quails, corn, and other
articles of food prepared by women who had solicited and obtained the
privilege. This food was afterwards divided among the priests, who, in
fact, seem to have really reaped the benefit on most religious
occasions. It was carried to them by a procession of virgins who
served in the temple. At the head of the procession marched a priest
strangely attired in a white-bordered surplice, reaching to the knee,
and a sleeveless jacket of red skin, with a pair of wings attached,
to which hung a number of ribbons, suspending a gourd filled with
charms. The food was set down at the temple stairway, whence it was
carried to the priests by attendant boys. After a fast of five days
these divine viands were doubtless doubly welcome.

[Sidenote: FEAST OF TEZCATLIPOCA.]

Among the captives brought out for sacrifice at the same festival a
year before, the one who possessed the finest form, the most agreeable
disposition, and the highest culture, had been selected to be the
mortal representative of the god till this day. It was absolutely
necessary, however, that he should be of spotless physique, and, to
render him still more worthy of the divine one whom he personated, the
calpixques, under whose care he was placed, taught him all the
accomplishments that distinguished the higher class. He was regaled
upon the fat of the land, but was obliged to take doses of salted
water to counteract any tendency toward obesity; he was allowed to go
out into the town day and night, escorted by eight pages of rank
dressed in the royal livery, and received the adoration of the people
as he passed along. His dress corresponded with his high position; a
rich and curiously bordered mantle, like a fine net, and a maxtli with
wide, embroidered margin, covered his body; white cock-feathers,
fastened with gum, and a garland of _izquixuchitl_ flowers, encircled
the helmet of sea-shells which covered his head; strings of flowers
crossed his breast; gold rings hung from his ears, and from a necklace
of precious stones about his neck dangled a valuable stone; upon his
shoulders were pouch-like ornaments of white linen with fringes and
tassels; golden bracelets encircled the upper part of his arms, while
the lower part was almost covered with others of precious stones,
called _macuextli_; upon his ankles golden bells jingled as he walked,
and prettily painted slippers covered his feet.

Twenty days before the feast he was bathed, and his dress changed; the
hair being cut in the style used by captains, and tied with a curious
fringe which formed a tassel falling from the top of the head, from
which two other tassels, made of feathers, gold, and _tochomitl_, and
called _aztaxelli_, were suspended. He was then married to four
accomplished damsels, to whom the names of four goddesses,
Xochiquetzal, Xilonen, Atlatonan, and Huixtocioatl were given, and
these remained with him until his death, endeavoring to render him as
happy as possible. The last five days the divine honors paid to him
became still more imposing, and celebrations were held in his honor,
the first day in the Tecanman district, the second in the ward where
the image of Tezcatlipoca stood, the third in the woods of the ward of
Tepetzinco, and the fourth in the woods of Tepepulco; the lords and
nobles gave, besides, solemn banquets followed by recreations of all
kinds. At the end of the fourth feast, the victim was placed with his
wives in one of the finest awning-covered canoes belonging to the
king, and sent from Tepepulco to Tlapitzaoayan, where he was left
alone with the eight pages who attended him during the year. These
conducted him to the Tlacochcalco, a small and plain temple standing
near the road, about a league from Mexico,[294] which he ascended,
breaking a flute against every step of the staircase. At the summit he
was received by the sacrificing ministers, who served him after their
manner, and held up his heart exultingly to the sun; the body was
carried down to the courtyard on the arms of priests, and the head
having been cut off was spitted at the Tzompantli, or 'place of
skulls;' the legs and arms were set apart as sacred food for the lords
and people of the temple. This end, so terrible, signified that
riches and pleasures may turn into poverty and sorrow; a pretty moral,
truly, to adorn so gentle a tale.

After the sacrifice, the college youths, nobles, and priests commenced
a grand ball for which the older priests supplied the music; and at
sunset the virgins brought another offering of bread made with honey.
This was placed upon clay plates, covered with skulls and dead men's
bones, carried in procession to the altar of Tezcatlipoca, and
destined for the winners in the race up the temple steps, who were
dressed in robes of honor, and, after undergoing a lustration, were
invited to a banquet by the temple dignitaries. The feast was closed
by giving an opportunity to boys and girls in the college, of a
suitable age, to marry. Their remaining comrades took advantage of
this to joke and make sport of them, pelting them with soft balls and
reproving them for leaving the service of the god for the pleasures of
matrimony.[295] Tezcatlipoca's representative was the only victim
sacrificed at this festival, but every leap-year the blood flowed in
torrents.

[Sidenote: FEAST OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.]

[Sidenote: INCENSING OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.]

After this celebration commenced the festival in honor of the younger
brother of Tezcatlipoca, Huitzilopochtli, the Mexican god of war. The
priests of the god prepared a life-size statue like his original
image, the bones of which were composed of mezquite-wood, the flesh of
_tzoalli_, a dough made from amaranth and other seeds. This they
dressed in the raiments of the idol, viz: a coat decorated with human
bones, and a net-like mantle of cotton and nequen, covered by another
mantle, the _tlaquaquallo_, adorned with feather-work, and bearing a
gold plate upon its front; its wide folds were painted with the bones
and members of a human being, and fell over a number of men's bones
made of dough, which represented his power over death. A paper crown,
very wide at the top and set with plumes, covered this head, and
attached to its feather-covered summit was a bloody flint-knife,
signifying his fury in battle. The image was placed upon a stage of
logs, formed to resemble four snakes whose heads and tails protruded
at the four corners, and borne by four of the principal warriors[296]
to the temple of Huitznahuac, attended by a vast number of people, who
sang and danced along the road. A sheet of maguey-paper, twenty
fathoms in length, one in breadth, and one finger in thickness, upon
which were depicted the glorious deeds of the god, was carried before
the procession on the points of darts ornamented with feathers, the
bearers singing the praises of the deity to the sound of music.[297]
At sunset the stage was raised to the summit of the temple by means of
ropes attached to the four corners, and placed in position. The paper
painting was then rolled up in front of it, and the darts made into a
bundle. After a presentation of offerings consisting of tamales and
other food, the idol was left in charge of its priests. At dawn the
next morning similar offerings, accompanied with incense, were made to
the family image of the god at every house. That day the king himself
appeared in the sacerdotal character. Taking four quails, he wrenched
their heads off one after another, and threw the quivering bodies
before the idol; the priests did the same, and then the people. Some
of the birds were prepared and eaten by the king, priest, and
principal men at the feast, the rest were preserved for another
occasion. Each minister then placed coals and _chapopotli_
incense[298] in his _tlemaitl_,[299] and wafted the disagreeable odor
towards the idol. The ashes were then emptied from the censers into an
immense brazier, called the _tlexictli_, or 'fire-navel.' This
ceremony gave the name to the festival, which was known as the
'incensing of Huitzilopochtli.' The girls devoted to the service of
the temple now appeared, having their arms and legs decorated with red
feathers, their faces painted, and garlands of toasted maize on their
heads; in their hands they held split canes, upon which were flags of
paper or cloth painted with vertical black bars. Linking hands they
joined the priests in the grand dance called _toxcachocholoa_. Upon
the large brazier, round which the dancers whirled, stood two
shield-bearers with blackened faces, who directed the motions. These
men had cages of candlewood tied to their backs after the manner of
women. The priests who joined in the dance wore paper rosettes upon
their foreheads, yellow and white plumes on their heads, and had their
lips and their blackened faces smeared with honey. They also wore
undergarments of paper, called _amasmaxtli_, and each held a palm wand
in his hand, the upper part of which was adorned with flowers, while
the lower end was tipped with a ball, both balls and flowers being
made of black feathers; the part of the wand grasped in the hand was
rolled in strips of black-striped paper. When dancing, they touched
the ground with their wands as if to support themselves. The musicians
were hidden from view in the temple. The courtiers and warriors danced
in another part of the courtyard, apart from the priests, with girls
attired somewhat like those already described.

At the same time that the representative of Tezcatlipoca was chosen,
the year before, another youth was appointed to represent
Huitzilopochtli, to whom was given the name of Ixteocale, that is,
'eyes of the lord of the divine house.'[300] He always associated with
the other doomed one of Tezcatlipoca, and shared his enjoyments; but,
as the representative of a less esteemed god, he was paid no divine
honors. His dress was characteristic of the deity for whom he was
fated to die. Papers painted with black circles covered his body, a
mitre of eagle-feathers, with waving plumes and a flint knife in the
centre adorned his head, and a fine piece of cloth, a hand square,
with a bag called _patoxin_ above it, was tied to his breast; on one
of his arms he had an ornament made of the hair of wild beasts, like a
maniple, called _imatacax_, and golden bells jingled about his ankles.
Thus arrayed he led the dance of the plebeians,[301] like the god
conducting his warriors to battle. This youth had the privilege of
choosing the hour of his death, but any delay involved the loss to him
of a proportionate amount of glory and happiness in the other world.
When he delivered himself up to the sacrificers, they raised him on
their arms, tore out his heart, beheaded him, and spitted the head at
the place of skulls. After him several other captives were immolated,
and then the priests started another dance, the _atepocaxixilihua_,
which lasted the remainder of the day, certain intervals being devoted
to incensing the idol. On this day the male and female children born
during the year were taken to the temple and scarified on the chest,
stomach, and arms, to mark them as followers of the god.

The feast in honor of Quetzalcoatl, as it was celebrated during this
month in Cholula, and the feast of the following month, called
Etzalqualiztli, dedicated to the Tlalocs, or rain gods, the reader
will find fully described in the next volume.[302]

[Sidenote: SMALL FEAST OF THE LORDS.]

The next month was one of general rejoicing among the Nahuas, and was
for this reason called Tecuilhuitzintli, or Tecuilhuitontli, 'small
feast of the lords.' The nobles and warriors exercised with arms to
prepare for coming wars; hunting parties, open-air sports, and
theatricals divided the time with banquets and indoor parties; and
there was much interchanging of roses out of compliment. Yet the
amusements this month were mostly confined to the lower classes, the
more imposing celebrations of the nobility taking place in the
following month. The religious celebrations were in honor of
Huixtocihuatl, the goddess of salt, said to have been a sister to the
rain gods, who quarreled with her, and drove her into the salt water,
where she invented the art of making salt. Her chief devotees were, of
course, the salt-makers, mostly females, who held a ten-days' festival
in her temple, singing and dancing every evening from dusk till
midnight in company with the doomed captives. They were all adorned
with garlands of a sweet-smelling herb called _iztauhiatl_, and danced
in a ring formed by cords of flowers, led by some of their own sex;
the music was furnished by two old men. The female who represented the
goddess and was to die in her honor danced with them, generally in the
centre of the circle, and accompanied by an old man holding a
beautiful plume, called _huixtopetlacotl_; if very nervous she was
supported by old women.[303] She was dressed in the yellow robes of
the goddess, and wore on her head a mitre surmounted by a number of
green plumes; her huipil and skirt with net covering were worked in
wavy outlines, and bordered with chalchiuites; ear-rings of gold in
imitation of flowers hung from her ears; golden bells and white shells
held by straps of tiger-skin, jingled and clattered about her ankles;
her sandals were fastened with buttons and cords of cotton. On her arm
she bore a shield painted with broad leaves, from which hung bits of
parrot-feathers, tipped with flowers formed of eagle-plumage; it was
also fringed with bright quetzal-feathers. In her hand she held a
round bludgeon, one or two hands broad at the end, adorned with
rubber-stained paper, and three flowers, at equal distances apart,
filled with incense and set with quetzal-feathers; this shield she
flourished as she danced. The priests who performed the sacrifice were
dressed in an appropriate costume; on the great day, the priests
performed another and solemn dance, devoting intervals to the
sacrifice of captives, who were called Huixtoti in honor of the deity.
Finally, towards evening, the female victim was thrown upon the stone
by five young men, who held her while the priests cut open her breast,
pressing a stick or a swordfish-bone against her throat to prevent her
from screaming. The heart was held up to the sun and then thrown into
a bowl. The music struck up and the people went home to feast.[304]

[Sidenote: GREAT FEAST OF THE LORDS.]

The feast of the following month, Hueytecuilhuitl, or 'great feast of
the lords,' occurred at the time of the year when food was most
scarce, the grain from the preceding harvest being nearly exhausted
and the new crop not yet ripe for cutting. The nobles at this time
gave great and solemn banquets among themselves, and provided at their
personal expense feasts for the poor and needy. On the eleventh day a
religious celebration took place in honor of Centeotl, under the name
of Xilonen, derived from _xilotl_, which means a tender maize-ear, for
this goddess changed her name according to the state of the grain. On
this occasion, a woman who represented the goddess and was dressed in
a similar manner, was sacrificed. The day before her death a number of
women took her with them to offer incense in four places, which were
sacred to the four characters of the divisions of the cycle, the reed,
the flint, the house, and the rabbit. The night was spent in singing,
dancing, and praying before the temple of the goddess.[305] On the day
of sacrifice certain priestesses and lay women whirled in a ring about
the victim, and a number of priests and principal men who danced
before her. The priests blew their shells and horns, shook their
rattles and scattered incense as they danced, the nobles held stalks
of maize in their hands which they extended toward the woman. The
priest who acted as executioner wore a bunch of feathers on his
shoulders, held by the claws of an eagle inserted in an artificial
leg. Towards the close of the dance this priest stopped at the foot of
the temple, shook the rattle-board before the victim, scattered more
incense, and turned to lead the way to the summit. This reached,
another priest seized the woman, twisted her shoulders against his,
and stooped over, so that her breast lay exposed. On this living altar
she was beheaded and her heart torn out. After the sacrifice there was
more dancing, in which the women, old and young, took part by
themselves, their arms and legs decorated with red macaw-feathers, and
their faces painted yellow and dusted with marcasite. The whole
pleasantly finished with a feast. Offerings were also presented to the
household gods. This festival inaugurated the eating of corn.[306]

During the next month, which was called Tlaxochimaco, or 'the
distribution of flowers,'[307] gifts of flowers were presented to the
gods and mutually interchanged among friends. At noon on the day of
the great feast, the signal sounded and a pompous dance was begun in
the courtyard of the temple of Huitzilopochtli, to whom the honors of
the day were paid, in which the performers consisted of various orders
of warriors led by the bravest among them. Public women joined these
dances, one woman going hand in hand with two men, and the contrary,
or with their hands resting on each other's shoulders, or thrown round
the waist.[308] The musicians were stationed at a round altar, called
_momuztli_. The motions consisted of a mere interwinding walk, to the
time of a slow song. At sunset, after the usual sacrifices, the people
went home to perform the same dance before their household idol; the
old indulging in liquor as usual. The festival in honor of
Iyacacoliuhqui, the god of commerce, was, however, the event of the
month, owing to the number and solemnity of the sacrifices of slaves,
brought from all quarters by the wealthy merchants for the purpose,
and the splendor of the attendant banquets. The Tlascaltecs called
this month Miccailhuitzintli, 'the small festival of the dead,' and
gathered in the temples to sing sorrowful odes to the dead, the
priests, dressed in black mantles, making offerings of food to the
spirit of the departed. This seems to have been a commemoration of the
ordinary class only, for the departed heroes and great men were
honored in the following month. Duran and others assert, however, that
the festival was devoted to the memory of the little ones who had
died, and adds that the mothers performed thousands of superstitious
ceremonies with their children, placing talismans upon them and the
like, to prevent their death.[309]

[Sidenote: FEAST OF THE FALL OF FRUIT.]

The feast of the next month, called Xocotlhuetzin, 'fall, or maturity
of fruit,' was dedicated to Xiuhtecutli, the god of fire. At the
beginning of the month certain priests went out into the mountains and
selected the tallest and straightest tree they could find. This was
cut down and trimmed of all except its top branches.[310] It was then
moved carefully into the town upon rollers, and set up firmly in the
courtyard of the temple, where it stood for twenty days. On the eve of
the feast-day the tree was gently lowered to the ground; early the
next morning carpenters dressed it perfectly smooth, and fastened a
cross-yard five fathoms long, near the top, where the branches had
been left. The priests now adorned the pole with colored papers, and
placed upon the summit a statue of the god of fire, made of dough of
amaranth-seeds, and curiously dressed in a maxtli, sashes, and strips
of paper. Three rods were stuck into its head, upon each of which was
spitted a tamale, or native pie. The pole was then again hoisted into
an erect position.

Those who had captives to offer now appeared, dancing side by side
with the victims, and most grotesquely dressed and painted. At sunset
the dance ceased, and the doomed men were shut up in the temple, while
their captors kept guard outside, and sang hymns to the god. About
midnight every owner brought out his captive and shaved off his top
hair, which he carefully kept as a token of his valor. At dawn the
human offerings were taken to the Tzompantli, where the skulls of the
sacrificed were spitted, and there stripped by the priests of their
dress and ornaments. At a certain signal each owner seized his captive
by the hair and dragged or led him to the foot of the temple-steps.
Thereupon those priests who were appointed to execute the fearful
sacrifice descended from the temple, each bearing in his hand a bag
filled with certain stupefying powder extracted from the _yiauhtli_
plant, which they threw into the faces of the victims to deaden
somewhat the agony before them. Each naked and bound captive was then
borne upon the shoulders of a priest up to the summit of the temple,
where smoldered a great heap of glowing coal. Into this the bearers
cast their living burdens, and when the cloud of dust was blown off
the dull red mass could be seen to heave, human forms could be seen
writhing and twisting in agony, the crackling of flesh could be
distinctly heard.[311] But the victims were not to die by fire; in a
few moments, and before life was extinct, the blackened and blistered
wretches were raked out by the watching priests, cast one after
another upon the stone of sacrifice, and in a few moments all that
remained upon the summit of the temple was a heap of human hearts
smoking at the feet of the god of fire.

These bloody rites over, the people came together and danced and sang
in the courtyard of the temple. Presently all adjourned to the place
where the pole before mentioned stood. At a given signal the youths
made a grand scramble for the pole, and he who first reached the
summit and scattered the image and its accoutrements among the
applauding crowd below, was reckoned the hero of the day. With this
the festival ended, and the pole was dragged down by the multitude
amid much rejoicing.

[Sidenote: FEASTS OF TEPANECS AND TLASCALTECS.]

The Tepanecs, according to Duran, had a very similar ceremony. A huge
tree was carried to the entrance of the town, and to it offerings and
incense were presented every day during the month preceding the
festival. Then it was raised with many ceremonies, and a bird of dough
placed at the top. Food and wine were offered, and then the warriors
and women, dressed in the finest garments and holding small dough
idols in their hands, danced round the pole, while the youths
struggled wildly to reach and knock down the bird image. Lastly, the
pole was overthrown.[312]

The Tlascaltecs called the same month Hueymiccailhuitl, 'the great
festival of the dead,' and commemorated the event with much solemnity,
painting their bodies black and making much lamentation. Both here and
in other parts of Mexico the priests and nobles passed several days in
the temple, weeping for their ancestors and singing their heroic
deeds. The families of lately deceased persons assembled upon the
terraces of their houses, and prayed with their faces turned towards
the north, where the dead were supposed to sojourn. Heroes who had
fallen in battle, or died in captivity, defunct princes, and other
persons of merit were, in a manner, canonized, and their statues
placed among the images of the gods, whom, it was believed, they had
joined to live in eternal bliss.[313]

The festival of the next month, called Ochpaniztli, was held in honor
of Centeotl, the mother-goddess. Fifteen days before the festival
began those who were to take part in it commenced a dance, which they
repeated every afternoon for eight days. At the expiration of this
time the medical women and midwives brought forth the woman who was to
die on this occasion, and dividing themselves into two parties, fought
a sham battle by pelting each other with leaves. The doomed woman, who
was called 'the image of the mother of the gods,' placed herself at
the head of one party of the combatants, supported by three old women
who guarded and attended upon her continually. This was repeated
during four successive days. On the fifth day the unfortunate creature
was conducted by her guardians and the medical women through the
market-place. As she walked she scattered maize, and at the end of her
journey she was received by the priests, who delivered her again to
the women that they might console her (for it was necessary that she
should be in a good humor, say the old chroniclers) and adorn her with
the ornaments of the mother-goddess. At midnight she was carried to
the summit of the temple, caught up upon the shoulders of a priest,
and in this position beheaded. The body while yet warm was flayed, and
the skin used in certain religious ceremonies which will be described
at length elsewhere.[314] In this month the temples and idols
underwent a thorough cleansing and repairing, a sacred work in which
everyone was eager to share according to his means and ability,
believing that divine blessings would ensue. To this commendable
custom is no doubt to be attributed the good condition in which the
religious edifices were found by the Conquerors. Roads, public
buildings, and private houses also shared in this renovation, and
special prayers were offered up to the gods for the preservation of
health and property.

The festival of the succeeding month, called Teotleco, 'coming of the
gods,' was sacred to all the deities, though the principal honors were
paid to Tezcatlipoca as the supreme head. Fifteen days of the month
being passed, the college-boys prepared for the great event by
decorating the altars in the temples, oratories, and public buildings,
with green branches tied in bunches of three. In the same manner they
decked the idols in private houses, receiving from the inmates, as
their reward, baskets containing from two to four ears of maize; this
gift was called _cacalotl_.

[Sidenote: FOOTSTEPS OF THE GODS.]

Tezcatlipoca, being younger and stronger than the other gods, and
therefore able to travel faster, was expected to arrive during the
night of the eighteenth. A mat, sprinkled with flour, was therefore
placed on the threshold of his temple, and a priest set to watch for
the footprints which would indicate the august arrival.[315] He did
not, however, remain constantly close to the mat; had he done so he
would probably never have seen the longed-for marks, but he approached
the spot from time to time, and immediately on perceiving the tracks
he shouted: "His majesty has arrived;" whereupon the other priests
arose in haste, and soon their shells and trumpets resounded through
all the temples, proclaiming the joyful tidings to the expectant
people. These now flocked in with their offerings, each person
bringing four balls made of roasted and ground amaranth-seed kneaded
with water; they then returned to their homes to feast and drink
pulque. Others beside the old people appear to have been permitted to
indulge in libations on this occasion, which they euphoniously called
'washing the feet of the god' after his long journey. On the following
day other deities arrived, and so they kept coming until the last
divine laggard had left his footprints on the mat. Every evening the
people danced, feasted, 'washed the feet of the gods,' and made a
sacrifice of slaves, who were thrown alive upon a great bed of live
coal which glowed on the _tecalco_.[316] At the head of the steps
leading up to the place of sacrifice stood two young men, one of whom
wore long, false hair, and a crown adorned with rich plumes; his face
was painted black, with white curved stripes drawn from ear to
forehead, and from the inner corner of the eye to the cheek; down his
back hung a long feather, with a dried rabbit attached to it. The
other man was dressed to resemble an immense bat, and held rattles
like poppy-heads in his hands. Whenever a victim was cast into the
fire these weird figures danced and leaped, the one whistling with his
fingers and mouth, the other shaking his rattles.[317]

After the sacrificing was ended, the priests placed themselves in
order, dressed in paper stoles which crossed the chest from shoulder
to armpit, and ascended the steps of the small edifice devoted to fire
sacrifices; hand in hand they walked round, and then rushed suddenly
down the steps, releasing each other in such a manner as to cause many
to tumble. This game, which certainly was not very dignified for
priests to play at, was called _mamatlavicoa_, and gave rise to much
merriment, especially if any of the reverend players should lose his
temper, or limp, or make a wry face after a fall. The festival closed
with a general dance, which lasted from noon till night. At this
season all males, young and old, wore feathers of various colors
gummed to the arms and body, as talismans to avert evil.[318]

The festival of the next month, called Tepeilhuitl, was sacred to the
Tlalocs, and is fully described elsewhere.[319] The Mexican Bacchus,
Centzontotochtin, was also especially honored during this month,
according to Torquemada, and slaves were sacrificed to him. A captive
was also sacrificed by night to a deity named Nappatecutli.[320]

[Sidenote: FESTIVAL OF THE MONTH QUECHOLLI.]

The festivals of the ensuing month, which was called Quecholli,[321]
were devoted to various deities, though Mixcoatl, god of the chase,
seems to have carried the honors in most parts of Mexico. The first
five days of the month were passed in repose, so far as religious
celebrations were concerned, but on the sixth day the authorities of
the city wards ordered canes to be gathered and carried to the temple
of Huitzilopochtli; there young and old assembled during the four days
following, to share in the sacred work of making arrows. The arrows,
which were all of uniform length, were then formed into bundles of
twenty, carried in procession to the temple of Huitzilopochtli, and
piled up in front of the idol. The four days were, moreover, devoted
to fasting and penance, involving abstinence from strong liquors, and
separation of husbands from wives. On the second day of the fast, the
boys were summoned to the temple, where, having first blown upon
shells and trumpets, their faces were smeared with blood drawn from
their ears. This sacrifice, called _momacaico_, was made to the deer
which they proposed to hunt. The rest of the people drew blood from
their own ears, and if any one omitted this act he was deprived of his
mantle by the overseers.

On the second day following, darts were made to be used in games and
exercises, and shooting matches were held at which maguey-leaves
served for targets. The next day was devoted to ceremonies in honor of
the dead by rich and poor. The day after, a great quantity of hay was
brought from the hills to the temple of Mixcoatl. Upon this certain
old priestesses seated themselves, while mothers brought their
children before them, accompanied by five sweet tamales. On this day
were also ceremonies in honor of the god of wine, to whom sacrifices
of male and female slaves were made by the pulque-dealers.

On the tenth day of the month a number of hunters set out for mount
Cacatepec, near Tacubaya, to celebrate the hunting festival of
Mixcoatl, god of the chase. On the first day they erected straw huts,
in which they passed the night. The next morning, having broken their
fast, they formed themselves into a great circle, and all advancing
toward a common centre, the game was hemmed in and killed with ease.
The spirits of the children sacrificed to the rain-gods, whose
dwelling was upon the high mountains, were supposed to descend upon
the hunters and make them strong and fortunate. Having secured their
game, the hunters started for home in grand procession, singing songs
of triumph, and hymns to the mighty Mixcoatl. After a solemn sacrifice
of a portion of the game to the god, each took his share home and
feasted upon it.[322] The Tlascaltecs sacrificed to the god at the
place where the hunt took place, which was upon a neighboring hill.
The way leading to the spot was strewn with leaves, over which the
idol was carried with great pomp and ceremony.[323] Towards the close
of the month male and female slaves were sacrificed before
Mixcoatl.[324]

In Tlascala and the neighboring republics this was the 'month of
love,' and great numbers of young girls were sacrificed to
Xochiquetzal, Xochitecatl, and Tlazolteotl, goddesses of sensual
delights. Among the victims were many courtesans, who voluntarily
offered themselves, some to die in the temple, others on the
battle-field, where they rushed in recklessly among the enemy. As no
particular disgrace attended a life of prostitution, it seems
improbable that remorse or repentance could have prompted this
self-sacrifice; it must therefore be attributed to pure religious
fervor. As a recompense for their devotion, these women before they
went to their death had the privilege of insulting with impunity their
chaster sisters. It is further said that a certain class of young men
addicted to unnatural lusts, were allowed at this period to solicit
custom on the public streets. At Quauhtitlan, every fourth year,
during this month, a festival was celebrated in honor of Mitl, when a
slave was bound to a cross and shot to death with arrows.[325]

The feast of the next month, called Panquetzaliztli, was dedicated to
Huitzilopochtli, god of war; that of the following month, called
Atemoztli, was sacred to the Tlalocs. Both these festivals will be
described elsewhere.[326]

[Sidenote: FEAST OF THE MONTH OF HARD TIMES.]

The ensuing month was named Tititl, or the month of 'hard times,'
owing to the inclement weather. The celebrations of this period were
chiefly in honor of an aged goddess, named Ilamatecutli, to whom a
female slave was sacrificed. This woman represented the goddess and
was dressed in white garments decorated with dangling shells and
sandals of the same color; upon her head was a crown of feathers; the
lower part of her face was painted black, the upper, yellow; in one
hand she carried a white shield ornamented with feathers of the eagle
and the night-heron, in the other she held a knitting stick. Before
going to her death she performed a dance, and was permitted, contrary
to usual custom, to express her grief and fear in loud lamentations.
In the afternoon she was conducted to the temple of Huitzilopochtli,
accompanied by a procession of priests, among whom was one dressed
after the manner of the goddess Ilamatecutli. After the heart of the
victim had been torn from her breast, her head was cut off and given
to this personage, who immediately placed himself at the head of the
other priests and led them in a dance round the temple, brandishing
the head by the hair the while. As soon as the performers of the
_vecula_, as this dance was named, had left the summit of the temple,
a priest curiously attired descended, and, proceeding to a spot where
stood a cage made of candlewood adorned with papers, set fire to it.
Immediately upon seeing the flames the other priests, who stood
waiting, rushed one and all up again to the temple-top; here lay a
flower, which was secured by the first who could put hands upon it,
carried back to the fire, and there burned. On the following day a
game was played which resembled in some respects the Roman Lupercalia.
The players were armed with little bags filled with paper, leaves, or
flour, and attached to cords three feet long. With these they struck
each other, and any girl or woman who chanced to come in their way was
attacked by the boys, who, approaching quietly with their bags hidden,
fell suddenly upon her, crying out: "This is the sack of the game." It
sometimes happened, however, that the woman had provided herself with
a stick, and used it freely, to the great discomfiture and utter rout
of the urchins.[327] A captive was sacrificed during this month to
Mictlantecutli, the Mexican Pluto, and the traders celebrated a grand
feast in honor of Yacatecutli.[328] During the last Aztec month, which
was called Itzcalli, imposing rites were observed throughout Mexico in
honor of Xiuhtecutli, god of fire;[329] in the surrounding states,
such as Tlacopan, Coyuhuacan, Azcapuzalco,[330] Quauhtitlan,[331] and
Tlascala,[332] ceremonies more or less similar were gone through,
accompanied by much roasting and flaying of men and women.

[Sidenote: MISCELLANEOUS FEASTS.]

Besides these monthly festivals there were many others devoted to the
patron deities of particular trades, to whom the priests and people
interested in their worship made offerings, and, in some cases, human
sacrifices. There were also many movable feasts, held in honor of the
celestial bodies, at harvest time, and on other like occasions. These
sometimes happened to fall on the same day as a fixed festival, in
which case the less important was either set aside or postponed. It is
related of the Culhuas that on one occasion when a movable feast in
honor of Tezcatlipoca chanced to fall upon the day fixed for the
celebration of Huitzilopochtli, they postponed the former, and thereby
so offended the god that he predicted the destruction of the monarchy
and the subjugation of the people by a strange nation who would
introduce a monotheistic worship.[333]

One of the most solemn of the movable feasts was that given to the
sun, which took place at intervals of two or three hundred days, and
was called Netonatiuhqualo, or 'the sun eclipsed.' Another festival
took place when the sun appeared in the sign called Nahui Ollin
Tonatiuh,[334] a sign much respected by kings and princes, and
regarded as concerning them especially.

At the great festival of the winter solstice, which took place either
in the month of Atemoztli or in that of Tititl, all the people watched
and fasted four days, and a number of captives were sacrificed, two of
whom represented the sun and moon.[335] About the same time a series
of celebrations were held in honor of Iztacacenteotl, goddess of white
maize; the victims sacrificed on this occasion were lepers and others
suffering from contagious diseases.[336] Whenever the sign of Ce
Miquiztli, or One Death, occurred, Mictlantecutli, god of hades, was
fêted, and honors were paid to the dead.[337] Of the heavenly bodies,
they esteemed next to the sun a certain star, into which Quetzalcoatl
was supposed to have converted himself on leaving the earth. It was
visible during about two hundred and sixty days of the year, and on
the day of its first appearance above the horizon, the king gave a
slave to be sacrificed, and many other ceremonies were performed. The
priests, also, offered incense to this star every day, and drew blood
from their bodies in its honor, acts which many of the devout
imitated.[338]

At harvest-time the first-fruits of the season were offered to the
sun. The sacrifice on this occasion was called Tetlimonamiquian, 'the
meeting of the stones.' The victim, who was the most atrocious
criminal to be found in the jails, was placed between two immense
stones, balanced opposite each other; these were then allowed to fall
together. After the remains had been buried, the principal men took
part in a dance; the people also danced and feasted during the day and
night.[339]

Every eight years a grand festival took place, called
Atamalqualiztli, 'the fast of bread and water,' the principal feature
of which was a mask ball, at which people appeared disguised as
various animals whose actions and cries they imitated with great
skill.[340]

[Sidenote: THE BINDING OF THE YEARS.]

The most solemn of all the Mexican festivals was that called
Xiuhmolpilli, that is to say, 'the binding-up of the years.' Every
fifty-two years was called a 'sheaf of years,' and it was universally
believed that at the end of some 'sheaf' the world would be destroyed.
The renewal of the cycle was therefore hailed with great rejoicing and
many ceremonies.[341]

FOOTNOTES:

[273] See the Totonac daily temple service, in _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxv. 'Luego aquel viejo mas principal metia
y sacaba por su lengua en aquel dia cuatro cientos y cincuenta palos
de aquellos ... otros no tan viejos sacaban trescientos.... Estos
palos que metian y sacaban por las lenguas eran tan gordos como el
dedo pulgar de la mano ... y otros tanto gruezos como las dos dedos de
la mano pulgar y él con que señalamos podian abrazar.' _Id._, cap.
clxxii.

[274] 'En cada provincia tenian diferente costumbre porque unos de los
brazos y otros de los pechos y otros de los muslos, &c. Y en esto se
cognoscian tambien de que Provincia eran.' _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. clxx.

[275] 'En esta Fiesta, y en todas las demàs, donde no se hiciere
mencion de particulares Sacrificios de Hombres, los avia, por ser cosa
general hacerlos en todas las Festividades, y no era la que carecia de
ello.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 255.

[276] 'Le feste, che annualmente si celebravano, erano più solenni nel
_Teoxihuitl_, o Anno divino, quali erano tutti gli anni, che aveano
per carattere il Coniglio.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., p. 84; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 549.
'En cada principio del mes en el dia que nombramos cabeza de sierpe
celebraban una fiesta solemnisima ... la cual era tan guardada y
festejada que ni aun barrer la casa ni hacer de comer no se permitia.'
_Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. ii.

[277] Sahagun in his short résumé of the festival states that some
hold this celebration to have been in honor of Chalchihuitlicue, the
water-goddess, and others in honor of Quetzalcoatl; but thinks that it
might have been in honor of all these deities, namely, the Tlalocs,
Chalchihuitlicue, and Quetzalcoatl. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i.,
lib. ii., pp. 49-50, 83-7. See also _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom.
ii., pp. 250-2, 295.

[278] Although Sahagun states that Huitzilopochtli also received
honors this month, yet no direct ceremonies were observed before his
image. The large number of captives sacrificed, however, the
universality and length of the festivities, the royal dance, etc.,
would certainly point to a celebration in honor of a greater deity
than Xipe. He also says: 'En esta fiesta mataban todos los cautivos,
hombres, mugeres, y niños,' which is not very probable. _Hist. Gen._,
tom. i., lib. ii., p. 88.

[279] Thieves convicted the second time of stealing gold articles were
sacrificed. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p.
503.

[280] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 45-9. The
same author says with regard to the number of sacrifices made annually
in the Mexican Empire, that he can affirm nothing, as the reports vary
greatly. 'Zumárraga, the first bishop of Mexico, says, in a letter of
the 12th of June, 1531, addressed to the general chapter of his order,
that in that capital alone twenty thousand human victims were annually
sacrificed. Some authors quoted by Gomara, affirm that the number of
the sacrificed amounted to fifty thousand. Acosta writes that there
was a certain day of the year on which five thousand were sacrificed
in different places of the empire; and another day on which they
sacrificed twenty thousand. Some authors believe, that on the mountain
Tepeyacac alone, twenty thousand were sacrificed to the goddess
Tonantzin. Torquemada, in quoting, though unfaithfully, the letter of
Zumárraga, says, that there were twenty thousand infants annually
sacrificed. But, on the contrary, Las Casas, in his refutation of the
bloody book, wrote by Dr. Sepulveda, reduces the sacrifices to so
small a number, that we are left to believe, they amounted not to
fifty, or at most not to a hundred. We are strongly of opinion that
all these authors have erred in the number, Las Casas by diminution,
the rest by exaggeration of the truth.' _Id._, Translation, Lond.
1807, vol. i., p. 281.

[281] This farce differed from the regular gladiatorial combat which
will be described elsewhere.

[282] 'Quedauan las cabeças coraçones para los sacerdotes.' _Gomara_,
_Conq. Mex._, fol. 327.

[283] 'Guardaban alguno que fuese principal señor para este dia; el
cual dessolaban para que se vestiese Montezuma gran Rey de la tierra y
con él baylaba con sus reales contenencias.' _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. clxx. 'Embutian los cueros de algodon o paja,
y, o los colgauan en el templo, o en palacio,' in the case of a
prisoner of rank. _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 327. It is not stated
that the persons who wore the skins and made the collection were
connected with the temple, but this was no doubt the case, especially
as many authors mention that priests had to dress themselves in the
ghastly garb for a certain time. For representation of priest dressed
in a flayed skin see _Nebel_, _Viaje_, pl. xxxiv.

[284] 'Cuatro de ellos cantaban á las navajas.' _Motolinia_, _Hist.
Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 57.

[285] 'Estos palos que metian y sacaban por las lenguas eran tan
gordos como el dedo pulgar de la mano, y otros como el dedo pulgar del
pie: y otros tanto gruezos como los dos dedos de la mano pulgar y él
con que señalamos podian abrazar.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_,
MS., cap. clxxii.

[286] Motolinia conveys the idea that the people also performed the
infliction on the tongue: 'aquella devota gente ... sacaban por sus
lenguas otros palillos de á jeme y del gordor de un cañon de pato.'
_Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 58.

[287] 'Cada dia de estos iba el viejo de noche á la sierra ya dicha y
ofrecia al demonio mucho papel, y copalli, y cordonices.' _Motolinia_,
_Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 58.

[288] 'La cual decian que habia venido con el ídolo pequeño, de un
pueblo que se dice Tollan, y de otro que se dice Poyauhtlan, de donde
se afirma que fué natural el mismo ídolo.' _Motolinia_, _Hist.
Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 58-9.

[289] See also _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 288-90,
252-3, 296.

[290] 'Echaban por el pueblo cierto pecho ó derrama recogiendo tanto
haber que pudiesen comprar cuatro niños esclavos de cinco á seis años.
Estos comprados ponianlos en una cueva y cerrabanla hasta otro año que
hacian otro tanto.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxx.

[291] Duran adds that all male children under twelve years of age were
punctured in the ears, tongue, and leg, and kept on short allowance on
the day of festival, but this is not very probable, for other authors
name the fifth month for the scarification of infants. _Hist. Indias_,
MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii. For particulars of the feast see
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 52-4, 95-7;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 253-5, 296; _Boturini_,
_Idea_, pp. 51-2.

[292] Boturini, _Idea_, p. 52, translates this name as 'the great
bleeding,' referring to the scarifications in expiation of sins.

[293] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 255-6; _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 97-100. According to Duran,
_Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii., the Tlalocs were
worshiped this month also, and this involved bloody rites.
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 43-4. Motolinia states
that food was offered to the stalks: 'delante de aquellas cañas
ofrecian comida y atolli.' _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de
Doc._, tom. i., p. 46. For a more detailed description of this feast
see Vol. III. of this work, pp. 360-2.

[294] 'Le Tlacochcalco, ou maison d'armes, était un arsenal, consacré
à Huitzilopochtli, dans l'enceinte du grand temple. Il se trouvait à
côté un teocalli où l'on offrait des sacrifices spéciaux à ce dieu et
à Tetzcatlipoca.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.
iii., p. 510. This sanctuary outside the town was also dependent on
the great temple, and, as the fate of the youth was to illustrate the
miserable end to which riches and pleasures may come, it is, perhaps,
more likely that this poor and lonely edifice was the place of
sacrifice. Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 70, says
'conducevanlo ... al tempio di Tezcatlipoca.'

[295] Brasseur de Bourbourg indicates that the race in the temple, and
the liberation of the marriageable took place in leap-years only, but
he evidently misunderstands his authority. Prescott, _Mex._, vol. i.,
pp. 75-7, gives an account of this festival.

[296] Contrary to the statement of others, Brasseur de Bourbourg says
that the stage was borne by temple officers; surely, warriors were the
fit persons to attend the god of war.

[297] 'Llevábanle entablado con unas saetas que ellos llamaban
_teumitl_, las cuales tenían plumas en tres partes junto el casquillo,
y en el medio, y el cabo, iban estas saetas una debajo, y otra encima
del papel; tomábanlas dos, uno de una parte, y otro de otra,
llevándolas asidas ambas juntas con las manos, y con ellas apretaban
el papelon una por encima, y otra por debajo.' _Sahagun_, _Hist.
Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 105-6.

[298] 'El Incienso no era del ordinario, que llaman Copal blanco, ni
de el Incienso comun ... sino de vna Goma, ò Betun negro, à manera de
Pez, el qual licor se engendra en la Mar, y sus Aguas, y olas, lo
hechan en algunas partes à sus riberas, y orillas, y le llaman
Chapopotli, el qual hecha de sì mal olor, para quien no le acostumbra
à oler, y es intenso, y fuerte.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom.
ii., p. 266.

[299] A kind of perforated and ornamented censer, shaped like a large
spoon.

[300] Clavigero writes: '_Ixteocale_, che vale, Savio Signor del
Cielo.' _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 72. Several other
names are also applied to him.

[301] 'Mischiavasi nel ballo de'Cortigiani.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant.
del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 72.

[302] Pp. 286-7, 334-43.

[303] 'Se juntauan todos los caualleros y principales personas de cada
prouincia ... vestian vna muger de la ropa y insignias de la diosa de
la sal, y baylauan con ella todos.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 327.

[304] 'Era esta fiesta de muy poca solemnidad y sin ceremonias, ni
comidas, y sin muertes de hombres; en fin no era mas de una
preparacion para la fiesta venidera del mes que viene.' _Duran_,
_Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; _Sahagun_, _Hist.
Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 124-8; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 74-5.

[305] Duran says that the women took the victim to mount Chapultepec,
to the very summit, and said, 'My daughter, let us hasten back to the
place whence we came,' whereupon all started back to the temple,
chasing the doomed woman before them. _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii.,
appendix, cap. iii.

[306] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 128-39;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 269-71, 297-8; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 518, says: 'Les rois
eux-mêmes prenaient alors part à la danse, qui avait lieu dans les
endroits où ils pouvait s'assembler le plus de spectateurs.'

[307] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 271.

[308] 'Salian los Hombres Nobles, y muchas Mugeres Principales, y
asianse de las manos los vnos, de los otros, mezclados Hombres, y
Mugeres mui por orden, y luego se hechaban los braços al cuello, y asi
abraçados, començaban à moverse mui paso à paso.' _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 271.

[309] _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.;
_Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 65; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 271-3, 298; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i.,
lib. ii., pp. 61-2, 139-41.

[310] 'Cortaban un gran árbol en el monte, de veinte y cinco brazas de
largo.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 141.
'L'emportaient (the tree) processionnellement au temple de
Huitzilopochtli, sans rien lui enlever de ses rameaux ni de son
feuillage.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p.
521.

[311] Clavigero says that the captors sprinkled the victims and threw
them into the fire. _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 77.

[312] _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., appendix, tom. iii., cap. iii.

[313] 'C'était l'époque où la noblesse célébrait la commémoration des
princes et des guerriers qui les avaient précédés.' _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 522; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 298, 273-5; _Codex Telleriano-Remensis_,
in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. v., pp. 130-1.

[314] See volume iii., of this work, pp. 354-9, where a detailed
description of this festival is given.

[315] Sahagun writes: 'Á la media noche de este mismo dia, molian un
poco de harina de maíz, y hacian un montoncillo de ella bien tupida: y
lo fabricaban de harina, redondo como un queso, sobre un petate. En el
mismo veían cuando habian llegado todos los dioses, porque aparecia
una pisada de un pie pequeño sobre la harina.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. i.,
lib. ii., p. 157.

[316] These sacrifices by fire appear to have been made upon the
summit of a small temple which stood within the courtyard of the
larger one.

[317] 'Ballavano attorno ad un gran fuoco molti giovani travestiti in
parecchie forme di mostri, e frattanto andavano gettando
de'prigionieri nel fuoco.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., p. 78; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.
iii., p. 527.

[318] The burning and dancing took place on the first two days of the
following month, according to Sahagun. 'Estos dos dias postreros eran
del mes que se sigue.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 159;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 278-9.

[319] See vol. iii., p. 343-6.

[320] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 152-3.

[321] The name of a bird with red and blue plumage.

[322] 'Al undécimo dia de este mes, iban á hacer una casa á aquella
sierra que estaba encima de _Atlacuioayan_, y esta era fiesta por sí,
de manera que en este mes habia dos fiestas.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. i., lib. ii., p. 165. 'No sacrificaban este dia hombres sino
caza, y asi la caza servia de victimas á los Dioses.' _Duran_, _Hist.
Indias_, MS., appendix, tom. iii., cap. iii.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 148-9.

[323] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 327-8; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe
Weereld_, p. 221; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap.
xv.

[324] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 167.

[325] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 299, 280-1;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 530, tom.
ii., pp. 462-3.

[326] See vol. iii. of this work, pp. 297-300, 323-4, 346-8.

[327] Gomara says men and women danced two nights with the gods and
drank until they were all drunk. _Conq. Mex._, fol. 328. According to
Duran, Camaxtli was fêted in this month, and a bread called
_yocotamally_ was eaten exclusively on the day of the festival. _Hist.
Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 179-82.

[328] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 83;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 153.

[329] See vol. iii. of this work, pp. 390-3.

[330] See _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 286; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 539; _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxi.

[331] See _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 329; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 286-7; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS.,
cap. clxxi.; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de
Doc._, tom. i., pp. 43-4.

[332] See _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxi.;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 291.

[333] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 538.

[334] '_Nahui Ollin Tonatiuh_, esto es, el sol en sus cuatro
movientos, acompañado de la _Via lactea_.' _Leon y Gama_, _Dos
Piedras_, pt i., p. 91.

[335] 'Mataban quatro Cautivos de los que se llamaban Chachame, que
quiere decir: Tontos; y mataban tambien la imagen del Sol, y de la
Luna, que eran dos Hombres.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii.,
p. 148. 'On immolait ensuite un grand nombre de captifs, dont les
principaux, appelés Chachamé, figuraient le soleil et la lune.'
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 535.

[336] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 150-2; _Leon y
Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., p. 91.

[337] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 538.

[338] 'Creen que Topilcin su rey primero se conuertio en aquella
estrella.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 331; _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxiv.

[339] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 249-50.
'Papahua-tlamacazqui, ou Ministres aux longs cheveux. C'est par leurs
mains que passaient les prémices des fruits de la terre qu'on offrait
aux astres du jour et de la nuit.... On immolait un grand nombre de
captifs et, à leur défaut, les criminels.... Sur leur sépulture on
exécutait un ballet.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.
i., pp. 274-5. For description of Zapotec harvest-feast see _Burgoa_,
_Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 332-3; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 40-2.

[340] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 195-7.

[341] For description of this feast see vol. iii. of this work, pp.
393-6. The authorities on Aztec festivals are: _Sahagun_, _Hist.
Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 49-218, lib. i., pp. 1-40;
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 1-98; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 147-56, 246-300; _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 66-86; _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. clxix-clxxvii.; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_,
in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 38-62; _Gomara_, _Conq.
Mex._, fol. 326-36; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix,
cap. iii.,; _Leon_, _Camino del Cielo_, pp. 96-100; _Camargo_, _Hist.
Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., pp. 130-7;
_Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 99-107; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._,
pp. 327-9, 354-6, 360-4, 382-93; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pt i., pp. 50-3,
90-3; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 161-6; _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv-xvii.; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_,
tom. iv., pp. 1040-8; _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_,
vol. iv., pp. 490-1; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 221, 248,
265-7; _West und Ost Indischer Lustgart_, pt i., pp. 71-2; _Codex
Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp.
129-34; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp.
234-5, 274-5, tom. ii., pp. 462-3, tom. iii., pp. 40-2, 498-547;
_Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 104-14; _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 515-17, 531-51; _Bussierre_,
_L'Empire Mex._, pp. 128-38; _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 9-11.

CHAPTER X.

FOOD OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.

ORIGIN OF AGRICULTURE--FLOATING GARDENS--AGRICULTURAL
PRODUCTS--MANNER OF PREPARING THE SOIL--DESCRIPTION OF
AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS--IRRIGATION--GRANARIES--GARDENS--THE
HARVEST FEAST--MANNER OF HUNTING--FISHING--METHODS OF
PROCURING SALT--NAHUA COOKERY--VARIOUS KINDS OF
BREAD--BEANS--PEPPER--FRUIT--TAMALES--MISCELLANEOUS ARTICLES
OF FOOD--EATING OF HUMAN FLESH--MANUFACTURE OF
PULQUE--PREPARATION OF CHOCOLATL--OTHER
BEVERAGES--INTOXICATING DRINKS--DRUNKENNESS--TIME AND MANNER
OF TAKING MEALS.

[Sidenote: AGRICULTURE AND CIVILIZATION.]

Hunting, fishing, and agriculture furnished the Nahua nations with
means of subsistence, besides which they had, in common with their
uncivilized brethren of the sierras and forests, the uncultivated
edible products of the soil. Among the coast nations, the dwellers on
the banks of large streams, and the inhabitants of the lake regions of
Anáhuac and Michoacan, fish constituted an important article of food.
But agriculture, here as elsewhere, distinguished savagism from
civilization, and of the lands of the so-called civilized nations few
fertile tracts were found uncultivated at the coming of the Spaniards.
Cultivation of the soil was doubtless the first tangible step in the
progressive development of these nations, and this is indicated in
their traditionary annals, which point, more or less vaguely, to a
remote period when the Quinames, or giants, occupied the land as yet
untilled; which means that the inhabitants were savages, whose
progress had not yet exhibited any change sufficiently marked to leave
its imprint on tradition. At a time still more remote, however, the
invention of bows and arrows is traditionally referred to.[342]

The gradual discovery and introduction of agricultural arts according
to the laws of development, were of course unintelligible to the
aboriginal mind; consequently their traditions tell us wondrous tales
of divine intervention and instruction. Nevertheless, the introduction
of agriculture was doubtless of very ancient date. The Olmecs and
Xicalancas, traditionally the oldest civilized peoples in Mexico, were
farmers back to the limit of traditional history, as were the lineal
ancestors of all the nations which form the subject of this volume.
Indeed, as the Nahua nations were living when the Spaniards found
them, so had they probably been living for at least ten centuries, and
not improbably for a much longer period.

It was, however, according to tradition, during the Toltec period of
Nahua culture that husbandry and all the arts pertaining to the
production and preparation of food, were brought to the highest degree
of perfection. Many traditions even attribute to the Toltecs the
invention or first introduction of agriculture.[343]

But even during this Toltec period hunting tribes, both of Nahua and
other blood, were pursuing their game in the forests and mountains,
especially in the northern region. Despised by their more civilized,
corn-eating brethren, they were known as barbarians, dogs, Chichimecs,
'suckers of blood,' from the custom attributed to them of drinking
blood and eating raw flesh. Many tribes, indeed, although very far
from being savages, were known to the aristocratic Toltecs as
Chichimecs, by reason of some real or imaginary inferiority. By the
revolutions of the tenth century, some of these Chichimec nations,
probably of the Nahua blood and tillers of the soil, although at the
same time bold hunters and valiant warriors, gained the ascendancy in
Anáhuac. Hence the absurd versions of native traditions which
represent the Valley of Mexico as occupied during the Chichimec period
by a people who, until taught better by the Acolhuas, lived in caverns
and subsisted on wild fruits and raw meat, while at the same time they
were ruled by emperors, and possessed a most complicated and advanced
system of government and laws. Their barbarism probably consisted for
the most part in resisting for a time the enervating influences of
Toltec luxury, especially in the pleasures of the table.[344]

[Sidenote: CHINAMPAS, OR FLOATING GARDENS.]

The Aztecs were traditionally corn-eaters from the first, but while
shut up for long years on an island in the lake, they had little
opportunity for agricultural pursuits. During this period of their
history, the fish, birds, insects, plants, and mud of the lake
supplied them with food, until floating gardens were invented and
subsequent conquests on the main land afforded them broad fields for
tillage. As a rule no details are preserved concerning the pre-Aztec
peoples; where such details are known they will be introduced in their
proper place as illustrative of later Nahua food-customs.

The _chinampas_, or floating gardens, cultivated by the Aztecs on the
surface of the lakes in Anáhuac, were a most extraordinary source of
food. Driven in the days of their national weakness to the lake
islands, too small for the tillage which on the main had supported
them, these ingenious people devised the chinampa. They observed small
portions of the shore, detached by the high water and held together by
fibrous roots, floating about on the surface of the water. Acting on
the suggestion, they constructed rafts of light wood, covered with
smaller sticks, rushes, and reeds, bound together with fibrous aquatic
plants, and on this foundation they heaped two or three feet of black
mud from the bottom of the lake. Thus the broad surface around their
island home was dotted with fertile gardens, self-irrigating and
independent of rains, easily moved from place to place according to
the fancy of the proprietor. They usually took the form of
parallelograms and were often over a hundred feet long. All the
agricultural products of the country, particularly maize, chile, and
beans were soon produced in abundance on the chinampas, while the
larger ones even bore fruit and shade trees of considerable size, and
a hut for the convenience of the owner, or gardener. The floating
gardens have remained in use down to modern times, but since the
waters of the lakes receded so much from their former limits, they
have been generally attached to the shore, being separated by narrow
canals navigated by the canoes which bear their produce to the
markets. In later times, however, only flowers and garden vegetables
have been raised in this manner.[345]

On the mainland throughout the Nahua territory few fertile spots were
left uncultivated. The land was densely populated, and agriculture was
an honorable profession in which all, except the king, the nobility,
and soldiers in time of actual war, were more or less engaged.[346]

[Sidenote: ABORIGINAL AGRICULTURE.]

Agricultural products in the shape of food were not a prominent
feature among articles of export and import, excepting, of course,
luxuries for the tables of the kings and nobles. Each province, as a
rule, raised only sufficient supplies for its own ordinary
necessities; consequently, when by reason of drought or other cause,
a famine desolated one province, it was with the greatest difficulty
that food could be obtained from abroad. The Mexicans were an
improvident people, and want was no stranger to them.[347]

The chief products of Nahua tillage were maize, beans, magueyes,
cacao, chian, chile, and various native fruits.[348] The maize, or
Indian corn, the dried ears of which were called by the Aztecs
_centli_, and the dried kernels separated from the cob,
_tlaolli_,[349] was the standard and universal Nahua food. Indigenous
to America, in the development of whose civilization, traditionally at
least, it played an important part, it has since been introduced to
the world. It is the subject of the New World traditions respecting
the introduction of agriculture among men. Tortillas, of maize,
accompanied by the inevitable frijoles, or beans, seasoned with chile,
or pepper, and washed down with drinks prepared from the maguey and
cacao, were then, as now, the all-sustaining diet, and we are told
that corn grew so strong and high in the fields that covered the
surface of the country in some parts, as to seriously embarrass the
conqueror Cortés in his movements against the natives hidden in these
natural labyrinths.[350]

[Sidenote: CORNFIELDS AND GRANARIES.]

Respecting the particular methods of cultivation practiced by the
Nahuas, except in the raising of corn, early observers have left no
definite information.[351] The valleys were of course the favorite
localities for cornfields, but the highlands were also cultivated. In
the latter case the trees and bushes were cut down, the land burned
over, and the seed put in among the ashes. Such lands were allowed to
rest several years--Torquemada says five or six--after each crop,
until the surface was covered with grass and bushes for a new burning.
No other fertilizer than ashes, so far as known, was ever employed.
Fields were enclosed by stone walls and hedges of maguey, which were
carefully repaired each year in the month of Panquetzaliztli. They had
no laboring animals, and their farming implements were exceedingly few
and rude. Three of these only are mentioned. The _huictli_ was a kind
of oaken shovel or spade, in handling which both hands and feet were
used. The _coatl_, or _coa_ (serpent), so called probably from its
shape, was a copper implement with a wooden handle, used somewhat as a
hoe is used by modern farmers in breaking the surface of the soil.
Another copper instrument, shaped like a sickle, with a wooden handle,
was used for pruning fruit-trees. A simple sharp stick, the point of
which was hardened in the fire, or more rarely tipped with copper, was
the implement in most common use. To plant corn, the farmer dropped a
few kernels into a hole made with this stick, and covered them with
his foot, taking the greatest pains to make the rows perfectly
straight and parallel; the intervals between the hills were always
uniform, though the space was regulated according to the nature and
fertility of the soil. The field was kept carefully weeded, and at a
certain age the stalks were supported by heaping up the soil round
them. At maturity the stalks were often broken two thirds up, that the
husks might protect the hanging ear from rain. During the growth and
ripening of the maize, a watchman or boy was kept constantly on guard
in a sheltered station commanding the field, whose duty it was to
drive away, with stones and shouts, the flocks of feathered robbers
which abounded in the country. Women and children aided the men in the
lighter farm labors, such as dropping the seeds, weeding the plants,
and husking and cleaning the grain. To irrigate the fields the water
of rivers and of mountain streams was utilized by means of canals,
dams, and ditches. The network of canals by which the cacao
plantations of the tierra caliente in Tabasco were watered, offered to
Cortés' army even more serious obstructions than the dense growth of
the maizales, or cornfields.

Granaries for storing maize were built of _oyametl_, or _oxametl_, a
tree whose long branches were regular, tough, and flexible. The sticks
were laid in log-house fashion, one above another, and close together,
so as to form a tight square room, which was covered with a
water-tight roof, and had only two openings or windows, one at the top
and another at the bottom. Many of these granaries had a capacity of
several thousand bushels, and in them corn was preserved for several,
or, as Brasseur says, for fifteen or twenty, years. Besides the
regular and extensive plantations of staple products, gardens were
common, tastefully laid out and devoted to the cultivation of fruits,
vegetables, medicinal herbs, and particularly flowers, of which the
Mexicans were very fond, and which were in demand for temple
decorations and bouquets. The gardens connected with the palaces of
kings and nobles, particularly those of Tezcuco, Iztapalapan, and
Huaxtepec, excited great wonder and admiration in the minds of the
first European visitors, but these have been already mentioned in a
preceding chapter.[352]

We shall find the planting and growth of maize not without influence
in the development of the Nahua calendars, and that it was closely
connected with the worship of the gods and with religious ideas and
ceremonies. Father Burgoa relates that in Oajaca, the cultivation of
this grain, the people's chief support, was attended by some peculiar
ceremonies. At harvest-time the priests of the maize god in Quegolani,
ceremonially visited the cornfields followed by a procession of the
people, and sought diligently the fairest and best-filled ear. This
they bore to the village, placed it on an altar decked for the
occasion with flowers and precious chalchiuites, sang and danced
before it, and wrapped it with care in a white cotton cloth, in which
it was preserved until the next seed-time. Then with renewed
processions and solemn rites the magic ear with its white covering was
wrapped in a deer-skin and buried in the midst of the cornfields in a
small hole lined with stones. When another harvest came, if it were a
fruitful one, the precious offering to the earth was dug up and its
decayed remains distributed in small parcels to the happy populace as
talismans against all kinds of evil.[353]

[Sidenote: THE CHASE IN ANÁHUAC.]

The game most abundant was deer, hare, rabbits, wild hogs, wolves,
foxes, jaguars, or tigers, Mexican lions, coyotes, pigeons,
partridges, quails, and many aquatic birds. The usual weapon was the
bow and arrow, to the invention of which tradition ascribes the
origin of the chase; but spears, snares, and nets were also employed,
and the sarbacan, a tube through which pellets or darts were blown,
was an effective bird-killer. Game in the royal forests was protected
by law, and many hunters were employed in taking animals and birds
alive for the king's collections. Among the peculiar devices employed
for taking water-birds was that already mentioned in connection with
the Wild Tribes; the hunter floating in the water, with only his head,
covered with a gourd, above the surface, and thus approaching his prey
unsuspected. Young monkeys were caught by putting in a concealed fire
a peculiar black stone which exploded when heated. Corn was scattered
about as a bait, and when the old monkeys brought their young to feed
they were frightened by the explosion and ran away, leaving the young
ones an easy prey. The native hunters are represented as particularly
skillful in following an indistinct trail. According to Sahagun, a
superstition prevailed that only four arrows might be shot at a tiger,
but to secure success a leaf was attached to one of the arrows, which,
making a peculiar whizzing sound, fell short and attracted the beast's
attention while the hunter took deliberate aim. Crocodiles were taken
with a noose round the neck and also, by the boldest hunters, by
inserting a stick sharpened and barbed at both ends in the animal's
open mouth. It is probable that, while a small portion of the common
people in certain parts of the country sought game for food alone, the
chase among the Nahuas was for the most part a diversion of the nobles
and soldiers. There were also certain hunts established by law or
custom at certain periods of the year, the products of which were
devoted to sacrificial purposes, although most likely eaten
eventually.

In the month Quecholli a day's hunt was celebrated by the warriors in
honor of Mixcoatl. A large forest--that of Zacatepec, near Mexico,
being a favorite resort--was surrounded by a line of hunters many
miles in extent. In the centre of the forest various snares and traps
were set. When all was ready, the living circle began to contract, and
the hunters with shouts pressed forward toward the centre. To aid in
the work, the grass was sometimes fired. The various animals were
driven from their retreats into the snares prepared for them, or fell
victims to the huntsmen's arrows. Immense quantities of game were thus
secured and borne to the city and to the neighboring towns, the
inhabitants of which had assisted in the hunt, as an offering to the
god. Each hunter carried to his own home the heads of such animals as
he had killed, and a prize was awarded to the most successful. In the
month Tecuilhuitontli also, while the warriors practiced in sham
fights for actual war, the common people gave their attention to the
chase. Large numbers of birds were taken in nets spread on poles like
spear-shafts. In earlier times, when the chase was more depended on
for food, the first game taken was offered to the gods; or, by the
Chichimecs and Xochimilcas, to the sun, as Ixtlilxochitl informs
us.[354]

[Sidenote: FISHERIES AND SALT.]

Fish was much more universally used for food than game. Torquemada
tells us that the Aztecs first invented the art of fishing prompted by
the mother of invention when forced by their enemies to live on the
lake islands; and it was the smell of roasted fish, wafted to the
shore, that revealed their presence. This tradition is somewhat
absurd, and it is difficult to believe that the art was entirely
unknown during the preceding Toltec and Olmec periods of Nahua
civilization. Besides the supply in lake and river, artificial ponds
in the royal gardens were also stocked with fish, and we have seen
that fresh fish from the ocean were brought to Mexico for the king's
table. Respecting the particular methods employed by the Nahua
fishermen, save that they used both nets and hooks, the authorities
say nothing. The Tarascos had such an abundance of food in their lakes
that their country was named Michoacan, 'land of fish'; and the rivers
of Huastecapan are also mentioned as richly stocked with finny
food.[355]

The Nahuas had, as I have said, no herds or flocks, but besides the
royal collections of animals, which included nearly every known
variety of quadrupeds, birds, and reptiles, the common people kept and
bred _techichi_ (a native animal resembling a dog), turkeys, quails,
geese, ducks, and many other birds. The nobles also kept deer, hares,
and rabbits.[356]

Next to chile, salt, or _iztatl_, was the condiment most used, and
most of the supply came from the Valley of Mexico. The best was made
by boiling the water from the salt lake in large pots, and was
preserved in white cakes or balls. It was oftener, however, led by
trenches into shallow pools and evaporated by the sun. The work would
seem to have been done by women, since Sahagun speaks of the women and
girls employed in this industry as dancing at the feast in honor of
the goddess of salt in the month Tecuilhuitontli. A poor quality of
salt, _tequizquitl_, brick-colored and strongly impregnated with
saltpetre, was scraped up on the flats around the lakes, and largely
used in salting meats. Las Casas mentions salt springs in the bed of
fresh-water streams, the water of which was pumped out through hollow
canes, and yielded on evaporation a fine white salt; but it is not
certain what part of the country he refers to. The Aztec kings
practically monopolized the salt market and refused to sell it to any
except tributary nations. In consequence of this disposition,
republican Tlascala, one of the few nations that maintained its
independence, was forced for many years to eat its food unsalted; and
so habituated did the people become to this diet, that in later times,
if we may credit Camargo, very little salt was consumed.[357]

[Sidenote: THE NAHUA CUISINE.]

We now come to the methods adopted by the Nahuas in preparing and
cooking food. Maize, when in the milk, was eaten boiled, and called
_elotl_; when dry it was often prepared for food by simply parching or
roasting, and then named _mumuehitl_. But it usually came to the Aztec
table in the shape of _tlaxcalli_, the Spanish tortillas, the standard
bread, then as now, in all Spanish America. It would be difficult to
name a book in any way treating of Mexico in which tortillas are not
fully described. The aborigines boiled the corn in water, to which
lime, or sometimes nitre, was added. When sufficiently soft and free
from hulls it was crushed on the _metlatl_, or metate, with a stone
roller, and the dough, after being kneaded also on the metate, was
formed by the hands of the women into very thin round cakes which were
quickly baked on earthen pans, or _comalli_, and piled up one on
another that they might retain their warmth, for when cold they lost
their savor. Peter Martyr speaks of these tortillas as "bread made of
Maizium." They were sometimes, but rarely, flavored with different
native plants and flowers. There was, however, some variety in their
preparation, according to which they bore different names. For example
_totanquitlaxcallitlaquelpacholli_ were very white, being folded and
covered with napkins; _huietlaxcalli_ were large, thin, and soft;
_quauhtlaqualli_ were thick and rough; _tlaxcalpacholli_, grayish; and
_tlacepoallitlaxcalli_ presented a blistered surface. There were many
other kinds. In addition to the tlaxcalli, thicker corn-bread in the
form of long cakes and balls were made. _Atolli_ varied in consistency
from porridge, or gruel, to mush, and may consequently be classed
either as a drink or as food. To make it, the hulled corn was mashed,
mixed with water, and boiled down to the required consistency; it was
variously sweetened and seasoned, and eaten both hot and cold.
According to its condition and seasoning it received about seventeen
names; thus _totonquiatolli_ was eaten hot, _nequatolli_ was sweetened
with honey, _chilnequatolli_ was seasoned with chile, and
_quauhnexatolli_ with saltpetre.

Beans, the _etl_ of the Aztecs, the frijoles of the Spaniards, were
while yet green boiled in the pod, and were then called _exotl_; when
dry they were also generally boiled; but Ixtlilxochitl mentions flour
made from beans.

_Chilli_, chile, or pepper, was eaten both green and dry, whole and
ground. A sauce was also made from it into which hot tortillas were
dipped, and which formed a part of the seasoning in nearly every Nahua
dish. "It is the principal sauce and the only spice of the Indias," as
Acosta tells us.

Flesh, fowl, and fish, both fresh and salted, were stewed, boiled,
and roasted, with the fat of the techichi, and seasoned with chile,
_tomatl_ (since called tomatoes), etc. The larger roasted game
preserved for eating from the sacrifices in the month of Itzcalli is
termed _calpuleque_ by Sahagun. _Pipian_ was a stew of fowl with
chile, tomatoes, and ground pumpkin-seeds. Deer and rabbits were
barbecued. Peter Martyr speaks of "rost and sodden meates of foule."

Fruits, for the most part, were eaten as with us, raw, but some, as
the plantain and banana, were roasted and stewed.

So much for the plain Nahua cookery. Into the labyrinthine mysteries
of the mixed dishes I shall not penetrate far. It is easier for the
writer, and not less satisfactory to the reader, to dismiss the
subject with the remark that all the articles of food that have been
mentioned, fish, flesh, and fowl, were mixed and cooked in every
conceivable proportion, the product taking a different name with each
change in the ingredients. The two principal classes of these mixed
dishes were the pot-stews, or cazuelas, of various meats with
multitudinous seasonings; and the _tamalli_, or tamales, meat pies, to
make which meats were boiled, chopped fine, and seasoned, then mixed
with maize-dough, coated with the same, wrapped in a corn-husk, and
boiled again. These also took different names according to the
ingredients and seasoning. The tamale is still a favorite dish, like
tortillas and frijoles.

Miscellaneous articles of food, not already spoken of, were
_axayacatl_, flies of the Mexican lakes, dried, ground, boiled, and
eaten in the form of cakes; _ahuauhtli_, the eggs of the same fly, a
kind of native caviar; many kinds of insects, ants, maguey-worms, and
even lice; _tecuitlatl_, 'excrement of stone,' a slime that was
gathered on the surface of the lakes, and dried till it resembled
cheese; eggs of turkeys, iguanas, and turtles, roasted, boiled, and in
omelettes; various reptiles, frogs, and frog-spawn; shrimps, sardines,
and crabs; corn-silk, wild-amaranth seeds, cherry-stones, tule-roots,
and very many other articles inexpressible; yucca flour, potoyucca,
tunas; honey from maize, from bees, and from the maguey; and roasted
portions of the maguey stalks and leaves.

The women did all the work in preparing and cooking food; in Tlascala,
however, the men felt that an apology was due for allowing this work
to be done by women, and claimed, as Sahagun says, that the smoke of
cooking would impair their eye-sight and make them less successful in
the hunt. All these articles of food, both cooked and uncooked, were
offered for sale in the market-places of each large town, of which I
shall speak further when I come to treat of commerce. Eating-houses
were also generally found near the markets, where all the substantials
and delicacies of the Nahua cuisine might be obtained.[358]

[Sidenote: EATING OF HUMAN FLESH.]

One article of Nahua food demands special mention--human flesh. That
they ate the arms and legs of the victims sacrificed to their gods,
there is no room for doubt. This religious cannibalism--perhaps human
sacrifice itself--was probably not practiced before the cruel-minded
Aztec devotees of Huitzilopochtli came into power, or at least was of
rare occurrence; but during the Aztec dominion, the custom of eating
the flesh of sacrificed enemies became almost universal. That
cannibalism, as a source of food, unconnected with religious rites,
was ever practiced, there is little evidence. The Anonymous Conqueror
tells us that they esteemed the flesh of men above all other food, and
risked their lives in battle solely to obtain it. Bernal Diaz says
that they sold it at retail in the markets; and Veytia also states
that this was true of the Otomís. Father Gand assures us that there
were many priests that ate and drank nothing but the flesh and blood
of children. But these ogreish tales are probably exaggerations, since
those who knew most of the natives, Sahagun, Motolinia, and Las Casas,
regard the cannibalism of the Nahuas rather as an abhorrent feature of
their religion than as the result of an unnatural appetite. That by
long usage they became fond of this food, may well be believed; but
that their prejudice was strong against eating the flesh of any but
their sacrificed foes, is proven, as Gomara says, by the fact that
multitudes died of starvation during the siege of Mexico by Cortés.
Even the victims of sacrifice seem only to have been eaten in
banquets, more or less public, accompanied with ceremonial rites. A
number of infants sacrificed to the Tlalocs were eaten each year, and
the blood of these and of other victims was employed in mixing certain
cakes, some of which were at one time sent as a propitiatory offering
to Cortés.[359]

[Sidenote: DRINKS AND DRUNKENNESS.]

The most popular Nahua beverages were those since known as pulque and
chocolate. The former, called by the natives _octli_--pulque, or
pulcre, being a South American aboriginal term applied to the liquor
in some unaccountable way by the Spaniards--was the fermented juice of
the maguey. One plant is said to yield about one hundred pounds in a
month. A cavity is cut at the base of the larger leaves, and allowed
to fill with juice, which is removed to a vessel of earthen ware or of
skin, where it ferments rapidly and is ready for use. In a pure state
it is of a light color, wholesome, and somewhat less intoxicating than
grape wine; but the aborigines mixed with it various herbs, some to
merely change its color or flavor, and others to increase its
intoxicating properties. This national drink was honored with a
special divinity, Ometochtli, one of the numerous Nahua gods of wine.
According to some traditions the Quinames, or giants, knew how to
prepare it, but its invention is oftener attributed to the Toltecs,
its first recorded use having been to aid in the seduction of a mighty
monarch from his royal duties.[360]

_Chocolatl_--the foundation of our chocolate--was made by pounding
cacao to a powder, adding an equal quantity of a seed called
_pochotl_, also powdered, and stirring or beating the mixture briskly
in a dish of water. The oily foam which rose to the surface was then
separated, a small quantity of maize flour was added, and the liquid
which was set before the fire. The oily portion was finally restored
and the beverage was drunk lukewarm, sweetened with honey and often
seasoned with vanilla. This drink was nutritious, refreshing, and
cooling, and was especially a favorite with those called upon to
perform fatiguing labor with scant food.[361]

Miscellaneous drinks were water, plantain-juice, the various kinds of
porridge known as _atolli_, already mentioned, the juice of
maize-stalks, those prepared from chian and other seeds by boiling,
and fermented water in which corn had been boiled--a favorite Tarasco
drink. Among the ingredients used to make their drinks more
intoxicating the most powerful was the _teonanacatl_, 'flesh of god,'
a kind of mushroom which excited the passions and caused the partaker
to see snakes and divers other visions.[362]

The Aztec laws against drunkenness were very severe, yet nearly all
the authors represent the people as delighting in all manner of
intoxication, and as giving way on every opportunity to the vice when
the power of their rulers over them was destroyed by the coming of the
Spaniards. Drinking to excess seems to have been with them a social
vice, confined mostly to public feasts and private banquets. It may
have been chiefly against intemperance among the working classes, and
officials when on duty, that the stringent laws were directed.
Mendieta speaks of the people as very temperate, using pulque only
under the direction of the chiefs and judges for medicinal purposes
chiefly. The nobles made it a point of honor not to drink to excess,
and all feared punishment. But Motolinia and other good authorities
take an opposite view of the native character in this respect.[363]

[Sidenote: MEALS OF THE COMMON PEOPLE.]

Concerning the manner of serving the king's meals, as well as the
banquets and feasts of nobles and the richer classes, enough has been
already said. Of the daily meals among the masses little is known. The
Nahuas seem to have confined their indulgence in rich and varied
viands to the oft-recurring feasts, while at their homes they were
content with plain fare. This is a peculiarity that is still
observable in the country, both among the descendants of the Nahuas
and of their conquerors. The poorer people had in each house a metate
for grinding maize, and a few earthen dishes for cooking tortillas and
frijoles. They ate three meals a day, morning, noon, and night, using
the ground for table, table-cloth, napkins, and chairs, conveying
their tlaxcalli and chile to the mouth with the fingers, and washing
down their simple food with water or atole. The richer Nahuas were
served with a greater variety on palm-mats often richly decorated,
around which low seats were placed for their convenience; napkins were
also furnished.[364]

FOOTNOTES:

[342] 'Dicen que en aquellos principios del mundo se mantenian los
hombres solamente con frutas y yerbas, hasta que uno á quien llaman
Tlaominqui, que quiere decir, _el que mató con flecha_ halló la
invencion del arco y la flecha, y que desde entónces comenzaron á
ejercitarse en la caza y mantenerse de carnes de los animales que
mataban en ella.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 10. The
giants lived 'mas como brutos que como racionales: su alimento eran
las carnes crudas de las aves y fieras que cazavan sin distincion
alguna, las frutas y yerbas silvestres porque nada cultivaban;' yet
they knew how to make pulque to get drunk with. _Id._, p. 151.

[343] The Olmecs raised at least maize, chile, and beans before the
time of the Toltecs. _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 154. The
Toltec 'comida era el mismo mantenimiento que ahora se usa del maíz
que sembraban y beneficiaban así el blanco como el de mas colores.'
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 112. To the Toltec
agriculture 'debitrici si riconobbero le posteriori Nazioni del
frumentone, del cotone, del peverone, e d'altri utilissimi frutti.'
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 127. The Toltecs
'truxeron mays, algodon, y demas semillas.' _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro
Mex._, pt ii., p. 11. 'Tenian el maiz, algodon, chile, frijoles y las
demas semillas de la tierra que hay.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_,
in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 327, 393-4.

[344] 'Su comida era toda especie de caza, tanto cuadrúpeda como
volátil, sin distincion ni otro condimento que asada, y las frutas ...
pero nada sembraban, ni cultivaban.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom.
ii., p. 6. 'No sembraban, ni cocian, ni asaban las Carnes de la caza.'
Their kings and nobles kept forests of deer and hare to supply the
people with food, until in Nopaltzin's reign they were taught to plant
by a descendant of the Toltecs. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i.,
pp. 32, 38-9, 67, 279. They were the first inhabitants of the country
and 'solo se mantenian de caça.' 'Caçauan venados, liebres, conejos,
comadrejas, topos, gatos monteses, paxaros, y aun inmundicias como
culebras, lagartos, ratones, langostas, y gusanos, y desto y de yeruas
rayzes se sustentauan.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 453-5. And
to the same effect _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i.,
pp. 132-3; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p.
203; _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, p. 74; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._,
in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 140, 151;
_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 12. They began to till the
ground in Hotzin's reign, but before that they roasted their meat and
did not, as many claim, eat it raw. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._,
in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 213-14; _Id._,
_Relaciones_, p. 335. Agriculture introduced in Nopaltzin's reign.
_Id._, p. 344. But Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 115,
says some of the Chichimecs 'hacian tambien alguna sementerilla de
maíz.'

[345] 'Sobre juncia y espadaña se echa tierra en tal forma, que no la
deshaga el agua, y allí se siembra, y cultiua, y crece, y madura, y se
lleua de vna parte á otra.' The products are maize, chile, wild
amaranth, tomatoes, beans, chian, pumpkins, etc. _Acosta_, _Hist. de
las Ynd._, p. 472. 'La lor figura regolare è quadrilunga: la
lunghessa, e la larghezza son varie; ma per lo più hanno, secondo che
mi pare, otto pertiche in circa di lunghezza, non più di tre di
larghezza, e meno d'un piede d'elevazione sulla superficie
dell'acqua.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp.
152-3. Produce not only plants useful for food, dress, and medicine,
but flowers and plants that serve only for decoration and luxury.
_Id._, tom. iv., p. 227. Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p.
620, translates Clavigero's description. 'Fairy islands of flowers,
overshadowed occasionally by trees of considerable size.' 'That
archipelago of wandering islands.' 200 or 300 feet long, 3 or 4 feet
deep. _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., pp. 70, 107-8. The black mud of the
chinampas is impregnated with muriate of soda, which is gradually
washed out as the surface is watered. _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom.
i., pp. 200-2. Mention by Gayangos in _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 79;
_Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, pp. 95-6. 'Camellones, que ellos
llaman Chinampas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 483;
_Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., pp. 38-9.

[346] 'Es esta provincia (Tlascala) de muchos valles llanos y
hermosos, y todos labrados y sembrados.' In Cholula 'ni un palmo de
tierra hay que no esté labrado.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 68, 75. 'Tout
le monde, plus ou moins, s'adonnait à la culture, et se faisait
honneur de travailler à la campagne.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 634; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii.,
p. 481. 'Hasta los montes y sierras fragosas las tenian ocupadas con
sembrados y otros aprovechamientos.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._,
in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 250.

[347] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 75; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 250; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant.
Mej._, tom. iii., p. 331.

[348] A full list and description of the many edible Mexican plants
which were cultivated by the Nahuas in the sixteenth and earlier
centuries, as they have been ever since by their descendants, is given
by the botanist, Hernandez, in his _Nova Plantarum_; see also
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 45-68; repeated
in _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 102-19; _Acosta_,
_Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 236, et seq. Maize, maguey, cacao, bananas,
and vanilla. _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 134-6. The Totonacs
raised fruits, but no cacao or _veinacaztli_. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. iii., lib. x., p. 131. The people of Michoacan raised 'maíz,
frisoles, pepitas y fruta, y las semillas de mantenimientos, llamados
_oauhtli, y chian_.' _Id._, p. 137. The Matlaltzincas also raised the
_hoauhtli_. _Id._, p. 130. Besides corn, the most important products
were cotton, cacao, maguey (metl), frijoles, chia, and chile.
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 158; _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 624. 'Les Mexicains cultivaient
non-seulement toutes les fleurs et toutes les plantes que produit leur
pays, mais encore une infinité d'autres qu'ils y avaient transplantées
des contrées les plus éloignées.' _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i.,
p. 44. _Id._, _Crónica_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p.
18. 'Hay frutas de muchas maneras, en que hay cerezas, y ciruelas que
son semejables á las de España.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 104. Fruit was
more abundant among the Huastecs than elsewhere. _Tezozomoc_, _Hist.
Mex._, tom. i., p. 147. 'They haue also many kindes of pot herbes, as
lettice, raddish, cresses, garlicke, onyons, and many other herbes
besides.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii. Edible fruits. _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 300.

[349] _Molina_, _Diccionario_. 'Centli, o Tlaulli, que otros dizen
mayz.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, p. 343.

[350] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 64; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom.
i., p. 515. In Tlascala 'no tienen otra riqueza ni granjeria, sino
centli que es su pan.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 87.

[351] Peter Martyr and the Anonymous Conqueror say, however, that
cacao-trees were planted under larger trees, which were cut down when
the plant gained sufficient strength. Dec. v., lib. iv.;
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 380.

[352] On the culture of maize and other points mentioned above see
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 481-2, 564, tom. i., p.
166; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 153-6;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 633-7, tom.
iv., p. 61; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 621-4;
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 75; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, p. 128;
_Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.
xcviii., p. 196; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii.; _Gagern_, in _Soc.
Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. i., pp. 815-16.

[353] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., pp. 332-3;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 40-2.

[354] On hunting see _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_,
_Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 48; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib.
ii., p. 165, tom. iii., lib. xi., pp. 149-229, including a full list
and description of Mexican animals; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom.
i., p. 298, tom. ii., pp. 281, 297; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib.
iii.; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 22; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in
_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., pp. 335, 346, 458; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom.
ii., pp. 160-2. List of Mexican animals in _Id._, tom. i., pp. 68-99;
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 626-7, 120-44, with
same list; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p.
235.

[355] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 99-105,
tom. ii., p. 162, with list and description of Mexican fishes, of
which over 100 varieties fit for food are mentioned; repeated in
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 145-50, 628; _Peter
Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii., iii.; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i.,
pp. 60, 147; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 93; _Camargo_,
_Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p.
132; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 460. List of fishes in
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. xi., pp. 199-207.

[356] 'Crian muchas gallinas ... que son tan grandes como pavos.'
'Conejos, liebres, venados y perros pequeños, que crian para comer
castrados.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 23, 94, 104, 222. 'Young whelpes
flesh is vsuall there ... which they geld and fatte for foode.' _Peter
Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii. The same author, dec. v., lib. iii., gives
some queer information respecting the turkeys. 'The femalles sometimes
lay 20. or 30. egges, so that it is a multiplying company. The males,
are alwayes in loue, and therefore they say, they are very light meate
of digestion.' A certain priest reports that 'the male is troubled
with certayne impedimentes in the legges, that he can scarse allure
the henne to treade her, vnlesse some knowne person take her in his
hand, and hold her.... As soone as hee perceiueth the henne which he
loueth, is held, hee presently commeth vnto her, and performes his
businesse in the hand of the holder,' See _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant.
del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 158-9, tom. iv., p. 228; _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 624-6; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. iii., pp. 291-2.

[357] _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. i., p. 450; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii.,
cap. v.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 284; _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, p. 66; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp.
124-8, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 130; _Albornoz_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col.
de Doc._, tom. i., p. 507; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles
Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 180; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._,
fol. 100; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 390-1.

[358] On the preparation of food, and for mention more or less
extensive of miscellaneous articles of food, see _Sahagun_, _Hist.
Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 129-30, 184-6, tom. ii., lib. vii., p.
258, tom. viii., pp. 297, 302-5, tom. iii, lib. x., pp. 118-19, 130,
132; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 237-38, 250-1, 254, 257-8;
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68-9; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 23,
68, 103-5; _Relacion de Algunas Cosas_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de
Doc._, tom. i., pp. 378-9; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii., iii.;
_Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. 43, 175; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 93, 353, 373, tom. ii., p. 297; _Gomara_,
_Conq. Mex._, fol. 39, 318-19; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., pp. 158, 217, etc., tom. iv., p. 228; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq.
Mex._, tom. i., p. 394; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 44,
48-9, 60, 88, 133, 141-3; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice
Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p.
191; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 624, 628-30,
674-9; _Diaz_, _Itinerario_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom.
i., pp. 298-9; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Id._, pp. 359-61; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 234, tom. iii., pp. 631,
641-4; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._,
1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 142, 151-2.

[359] 'Oi dezir, que le (for Montezuma) solian guisar carnes de
muchachos de poca edad.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68, 35,
37. A slave 'elaborately dressed' was a prominent feature of the
banquet. _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 155. They ate the arms and
legs of the Spaniards captured. _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col.
Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 527. 'They draw so much blood, as in stead of
luke warme water may suffice to temper the lumpe, which by the hellish
butchers of that art, without any perturbation of the stomacke being
sufficiently kneaded, while it is moyst, and soft euen as a potter of
the clay, or a wax chandler of wax, so doth this image maker, admitted
and chosen to be maister of this damned and cursed worke.' _Peter
Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv., i. 'Cocian aquella carne con maíz, y daban
á cada uno un pedazo de ella en una escudilla ó cajete con su caldo, y
su maíz cocida, y llamaban aquella comida _tlacatlaolli_.' _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 89, 14, 84, 93, 97. 'La tenian
por cosa, como sagrada, y mas se movian à esto por Religion, que por
vicio.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 584-5. See also
_Albornoz_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 488;
_Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Id._, pp. 363, 365; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_,
in _Id._, pp. 40-1, 59; _Relacion de Algunas Cosas_, in _Id._, p. 398;
_Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 282-3; _Gand_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 197; _Bologne_, in
_Id._, p. 215; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap.
iii.; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 60; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., p. 47; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
tom. iii., pp. 502-3, tom. iv., p. 90; _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. 175-6.

[360] _Texcalcevia_, _texcalcevilo_, and _mataluhtli_ are some of the
names given to pulque according to its hue and condition. _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 175, 179, 186. Pulque from
Chilian language. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii.,
pp. 221-2. See _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 679-80;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 643-4, tom.
i., pp. 340-5; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. xxii.;
_Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 151. 'Antes que á su vino lo
cuezan con unas raices que le echan, es claro y dulce como aguamiel.
Despues de cocido, hácese algo espeso y tiene mal olor, y los que con
él se embeodan, mucho peor.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 22-3; and _Ritos
Antiguos_, pp. 16-17, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix. 'No
hay perros muertos, ni bomba, que assi hiedan como el haliento del
borracho deste vino.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 319.

[361] 'Esta bebida es el mas sano y mas sustancioso alimento de
cuantos se conocen en el mundo, pues el que bebe una taza de ella,
aunque haga una jornada, puede pasarse todo el dia sin tomar otra
cosa; y siendo frio por su naturaleza, es mejor en tiempo caliente que
frio.' _Relacion de Algunas Cosas_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,
tom. i., p. 381. 'La mejor, mas delicada y cara beuida que tienen es
de harina de cacao y agua. Algunas vezes le mezclan miel, y harina de
otras legumbres. Esto no emborracha, antes refresca mucho.' _Gomara_,
_Conq. Mex._, fol. 319. 'Of certaine almondes ... they make wonderfull
drinke.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii., iv. 'Cierta bebida hecha
del mismo cacao, que dezian era para tener acceso con mugeres.'
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68. Red, vermilion, orange, black,
and white. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 301-2.
See _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 251; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant.
del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 219-20; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 642-3.

[362] _Chicha_ and _sendechó_, fermented drinks. _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 221. Sendechó, an Otomí drink, for a
full description see _Mendoza_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da
época, tom. ii., pp. 25-8. 'Ale, and syder.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v.,
lib. iv. 'Panicap que es cierto brebaje que ellos beben.' _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, p. 76. See besides references in note 19; _Motolinia_,
_Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 23;
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 118, 130; _Mendieta_,
_Hist. Ecles._, p. 139; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i.,
pp. 676, 678-9.

[363] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 138-40. 'Comunmente comenzaban á
beber despues de vísperas, y dábanse tanta prisa á beber de diez en
diez, ó quince en quince, y los escanciadores que no cesaban, y la
comida que no era mucha, á prima noche ya van perdiendo el sentido, ya
cayendo ya asentado, cantando y dando voces llamando al demonio.'
_Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom.
i., pp. 23, 32. 'Beben con tanto exceso, que no paran hasta caer como
muertos de puro ebrios, y tienen á grande honra beber mucho y
embriagarse.' _Relacion de Algunas Cosas_, in _Id._, pp. 582, 587.
Drinkers and drunkards had several special divinities. _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 493. Drank less before
the conquest. _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. xxii.;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 119.

[364] 'Comen en el suelo, y suziamente ... parten los hueuos en vn
cabello que se arrancan,' whatever that operation may be. _Gomara_,
_Conq. Mex._, fol. 319. 'Es gente que con muy poco mantenimiento vive,
y la que menos come de cuantas hay en el mundo.' _Relacion de Algunas
Cosas_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 379-80. 'Molto
sobrj nel mangiare.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i.,
p. 119. 'It is not lawfull for any that is vnmaried to sit at table
with such as are maried, or to eate of the same dish, or drinke of the
same cup, and make themselues equall with such as are married.' _Peter
Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv. The nobles gave feasts at certain periods
of the year for the relief of the poor. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. ii., p. 270. See also _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib.
x., p. 138; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 535; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 644-5. Additional
references for the whole subject of Nahua food are:--_Montanus_,
_Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 74, 80, 247, 251; _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, pp. 83,
91, 278-9, 283; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 10-13,
20-6, 102, 104, 180-3, 189, 196; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, pp.
44-9; _Tylor's Anahuac_, pp. 62, 103, 145-6, 173-4; _Fossey_,
_Mexique_, pp. 44, 215, 485-6; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._,
tom. vi., p. 456; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, pp. 37-8, 261; _Delaporte_
_Reisen_, tom. x., pp. 257, 268-9; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, p. 45;
_Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien y Mod._, pp. 15-27; _Müller_,
_Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 538; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., pp.
278-9; _Macgregor's Progress of Amer._, vol. i., p. 22; _Gibbs_, in
_Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 99; _Hazart_, _Kirchen-Geschichte_, tom.
ii., p. 502; _Helps' Span. Conq._, tom. ii., p. 455; _Lafond_,
_Voyages_, tom. i., p. 107; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 208-9;
_Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 164-6, 178, 230; _Lenoir_,
_Parallèle_, p. 39; _Long, Porter, and Tucker's America_, p. 162;
_Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., pp. 16-17.

CHAPTER XI.

DRESS OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.

PROGRESS IN DRESS--DRESS OF THE PRE-AZTEC NATIONS--GARMENTS
OF THE CHICHIMECS AND TOLTECS--INTRODUCTION OF COTTON--THE
MAXTLI--THE TILMATLI--DRESS OF THE ACOLHUAS--ORIGIN OF THE
TARASCAN COSTUME--DRESS OF THE ZAPOTECS AND TABASCANS--DRESS
OF WOMEN--THE HUIPIL AND CUEITL--SANDALS--MANNER OF WEARING
THE HAIR--PAINTING AND TATTOOING--ORNAMENTS USED BY THE
NAHUAS--GORGEOUS DRESS OF THE NOBLES--DRESS OF THE ROYAL
ATTENDANTS--NAMES OF THE VARIOUS MANTLES--THE ROYAL
DIADEM--THE ROYAL WARDROBE--COSTLY DECORATIONS.

With but few exceptions the dress of all the civilized nations of
Mexico appears to have been the same. The earliest people, the
historians inform us, went entirely naked or covered only the lower
portion of the body with the skins of wild animals. Afterwards, as by
degrees civilization advanced, this scanty covering grew into a
regular costume, though still, at first, made only of skins. From this
we can note a farther advance to garments manufactured first out of
tanned and prepared skins, later of maguey and palm-tree fibres, and
lastly of cotton. From the latter no further progress was made,
excepting in the various modes of ornamenting and enriching the
garments with feather-work, painting, embroidery, gold-work, and
jewelry. The common people were obliged to content themselves with
plain clothing, but the dress of the richer classes, nobles, princes,
and sovereigns, was of finer texture and richer ornamentation.[365]

The descriptions of the dresses of the nations which occupied the
Valley of Mexico before the Aztecs vary according to different
authors. While some describe them as gorgeously decked out in painted
and embroidered garments of cotton and nequen, others say, that they
went either wholly naked or were only partially covered with skins.
Thus Sahagun and Brasseur de Bourbourg describe the Toltecs as dressed
in undergarments and mantles on which blue scorpions were
painted,[366] while the latter author in another place says that they
went entirely naked.[367] Veytia goes even farther than Sahagun,
affirming that they knew well how to manufacture clothing of cotton,
that a great difference existed between the dress of the nobles and
that of the plebeians, and that they even varied their clothing with
the seasons. He describes them as wearing in summer a kind of
breech-cloth or drawers and a square mantle tied across the breast and
descending to the ankles, while in winter in addition to the above
they clothed themselves in a kind of sack, which reached down as far
as the thighs, without sleeves but with a hole for the head and two
others for the arms.[368]

[Sidenote: DRESS OF THE AZTECS, TARASCOS, AND HUASTECS.]

The Chichimecs, generally mentioned as the successors of the Toltecs,
are mostly described as going naked, or only partly dressed in
skins.[369] This appears, however, only to relate to the people
spoken of as wild Chichimecs; those who inhabited Tezcuco and others
in that neighborhood as civilized as the Aztecs, dressed probably in a
similar fashion to theirs; at least, as we shall presently see, this
was the case with their sovereigns and nobles. All the Nahuas, with
the exception of the Tarascos and Huastecs, made use of the
breech-cloth, or maxtli.[370] This with the Mexicans in very early
times is said to have been a kind of mat, woven of the roots of a
plant which grew in the Lake of Mexico, and was called _amoxtli_.[371]
Later, the fibre of the palm-tree and the maguey furnished the
material for their clothing, and it was only during the reign of King
Huitzilihuitl that cotton was introduced.[372]

The maxtli was about twenty-four feet long and nine inches wide, and
was generally more or less ornamented at the ends with colored fringes
and tassels, the latter sometimes nine inches long. The manner of
wearing it was to pass the middle between the legs and to wind it
about the hips, leaving the ends hanging one in front and the other at
the back, as is done at this day by the Malays and other East Indian
natives. It was at the ends usually that the greatest display of
embroidery, fancy fringes, and tassels was made.[373]

[Sidenote: GARMENTS OF THE TARASCOS.]

As a further covering the men wore the _tilmatli_, or _ayatl_, a
mantle, which was nothing more than a square piece of cloth about four
feet long. If worn over both shoulders, the two upper ends were tied
in a knot across the breast, but more frequently it was only thrown
over one shoulder and knotted under one of the arms. Sometimes two or
three of these mantles were worn at one time. This, however, was only
done by the better classes. The older Spanish writers generally
compare this mantle to the Moorish albornoz. It was usually colored or
painted, frequently richly embroidered or ornamented with feathers and
furs. The edges were scalloped or fringed with tufts of cotton and
sometimes with gold. Rich people had, besides these, mantles made of
rabbit or other skins, or of beautiful feathers, and others of fine
cotton into which was woven rabbit-hair, which latter were used in
cold weather.[374]

In only one instance garments with sleeves are mentioned.
Ixtlilxochitl, in describing the dress of the Acolhuas, says that they
wore a kind of long coat reaching to the heels with long sleeves.[375]

The dress of the Tarascos differed considerably from that of the other
Nahua nations. This difference is said to have originated in ancient
times, when they together with other tribes, as the legend relates,
immigrated into Mexico. While on their wanderings being obliged to
cross a river, and having no ropes with which to construct rafts, they
used for this purpose their maxtlis and mantles. Not being able to
procure other clothing immediately, they were under the necessity of
putting on the _huipiles_, or chemises, of the women, leaving to the
latter only their _naguas_, or petticoats. In commemoration of this
event, they later adopted this as their national costume, discarding
the maxtli and wearing the huipil and a mantle.[376] The tilmatli, or
ayatl, was by the Tarascos called _tlanatzi_. It was worn over one
shoulder and was knotted under the other arm. They frequently trimmed
it with hare-skins and painted it gaudily. The young wore it
considerably shorter than old people. The manufacture of feather
garments seems to have been a specialty of the Tarascos.[377]

The Zapotecs chiefly dressed in skins, while others in Oajaca are said
to have worn small jackets, and Cortés reports these people to have
been better dressed than any he had previously seen.[378] In Tabasco
but little covering was used, the greater part of the population going
almost naked.[379]

[Sidenote: DRESS OF WOMEN.]

There was no difference in the dress of the women throughout Anáhuac.
The huipil and _cueitl_ were the chief articles, and were
universally used. Besides these, mantles of various shapes and
materials were worn. The huipil was a kind of chemise, with either
no sleeves at all or very short ones; it covered the upper part of the
body to a little below the thighs. The lower part of the body was
covered by the cueitl, a petticoat, reaching to about half-way between
the knees and ankles, and often nicely embroidered and ornamented.
Skins, _ixcotl_, or palm-fibre, nequen, and cotton were the materials
used for these garments. Out of doors they frequently put on another
over-dress similar to the huipil, only longer and with more ornamental
fringes and tassels. Sometimes they wore two or three of these at the
same time, one over the other, but in that case they were of different
lengths, the longest one being worn underneath. A mantle similar in
size and shape to that used by the men, white and painted in various
designs on the outside, was also used by the females. To the upper
edge of this, on that portion which was at the back of the neck, a
capuchin, like that worn by the Dominican and other monks, was
fastened, with which they covered their head.[380]

To protect their feet they used sandals, by the Aztecs called
_cactli_, which were made of deer or other skins, and frequently also
of nequen and cotton. The strings or straps used to fasten them were
of the same material.[381] I do not find any description of the manner
in which they were fastened, but in an old Mexican manuscript on
maguey paper, in which some of the natives are painted in various
colors, I find that the sandals were fastened in three places; first
by a strap running across the foot immediately behind the toes, then
another over the instep and running toward the heel, and lastly by a
strap from the heel round the ankle.

[Sidenote: HAIR-DRESSING AND PAINTING.]

As a general thing Mexicans wore the hair long, and in many parts of
the empire it was considered a disgrace to cut the hair of a free man
or woman.[382] Unlike most of the American natives they wore
moustaches, but in other parts of the body they eradicated all hair
very carefully.[383] There were public barber-shops and baths in all
the principal cities.[384] The Aztecs had various ways of dressing the
hair, differing according to rank and office. Generally it was left
hanging loose down the back. The women also frequently wore it in this
way, but oftener had it done up or trimmed after various fashions;
thus some wore it long on the temples and had the rest of the head
shaved, others twisted it with dark cotton thread, others again had
almost the whole head shaved. Among them it was also fashionable to
dye the hair with a species of black clay, or with an herb called
_xiuhquilitl_, the latter giving it a violet shade. Unmarried girls
wore the hair always loose; they considered it as especially graceful
to wear the hair low[385] on the forehead. The virgins who served in
the temples had their hair cut short.[386]

The Otomís shaved the fore part of the heads of children, leaving only
a tuft behind, which they called _piochtli_, while the men wore the
hair cut short as far as the middle of the back of the head, but left
it to grow long behind; and these long locks they called _piocheque_.
Girls did not have their hair cut until after marriage, when it was
worn in the same style as by the men.[387] The Tarascos, or as they
were also called Quaochpanme, derived this last name from an old
fashion of having their heads shaved, both men and women.[388] Later
they wore the hair long, the common people simply letting it hang down
the back, while the rich braided it with cotton threads of various
colors.[389] The Miztecs wore the hair braided, and ornamented with
many feathers.[390]

The Nahua women used paint freely to beautify their person, and among
some nations they also tattooed. Among the Aztecs they painted their
faces with a red, yellow, or black color, made, as Sahagun tells us,
of burnt incense mixed with dye. They also dyed their feet black with
the same mixture. Their teeth they cleaned and painted with cochineal;
hands, neck, and breast were also painted.[391] Among the Tlascaltecs
the men painted their faces with a dye made of the _xagua_ and
_bixa_.[392] The Otomís tattooed their breasts and arms by making
incisions with a knife and rubbing a blue powder therein. They also
covered the body with a species of pitch called _teocahuitl_, and
over this again they applied some other color. Their teeth they dyed
black.[393]

The Nahuas, like all semi-barbarous people, had a passion for loading
themselves with ornaments. Those worn by the kings, nobles, and rich
persons, were of gold or silver, set with precious stones; those of
the poorer classes were of copper, stone, or bone, set with imitations
in crystal of the rarer jewels. These ornaments took the shape of
bracelets, armlets, anklets, and rings for the nose, ears, and
fingers. The lower lip was also pierced, and precious stones, or
crystals, inserted. The richer classes used principally for this
purpose the chalchiuite, which is generally designated as an emerald.
There existed very stringent laws regarding the class of ornaments
which the different classes of people were allowed to wear, and it was
prohibited, on pain of death, for a subject to use the same dress or
ornaments as the king. Duran relates that to certain very brave but
low-born warriors permission was accorded to wear a cheap garland or
crown on the head, but on no account might it be made of gold.[394]
Gomara tells us that the claws and beaks of the eagle and also
fish-bones were worn as ornaments in the ears, nose, and lips.[395]

The Otomís used ear-ornaments made of burned clay, nicely browned, and
others of cane.[396] The Tarascos chiefly relied on feathers for their
personal adornment.[397] Of the natives encountered by Cortés when he
landed at Vera Cruz, Peter Martyr tells us that in the "hole of the
lippes, they weare a broad plate within fastened to another on the
outside of the lippe, and the iewell they hang thereat is as great as
a siluer Caroline doller and as thicke as a mans finger."[398]

In Oajaca more ornaments were worn than in any other part of the
country, owing, perhaps, as the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg remarks, to
the plentiful supply of precious metals in that state.[399]

[Sidenote: DRESS OF THE NOBLES.]

The dress of the nobles and members of the royal household differed
from that of the lower classes only in fineness of material and
profusion of ornaments. The kings appear to have worn garments of the
same shape as those of their subjects, but, in other respects, a
particular style of dress was reserved for royalty, and he who
presumed to imitate it was put to death. On occasions, however, when
the monarch wished to bestow a special mark of favor upon a brave
soldier or distinguished statesman, he would graciously bestow upon
him one of his garments, which, even though the recipient were a great
noble, was received with joy, and the wearer respected as a man whom
the king delighted to honor.[400] In Tlascala differences of rank
among the nobles were easily recognized by the style of dress. The
common people were strictly forbidden to wear cotton clothes with
fringes or other trimmings, unless with special permission, granted in
consideration of services rendered.[401]

The court laws of etiquette prescribed the dress to be worn by the
royal attendants, who could only appear without sandals, barefooted,
and in coarse mantles before the king, and even the apparel of the
sovereign was in like manner fixed by custom, if not by law. The
different kinds of tilmatlis, or mantles, had each its appropriate
name, and varied in material as well as in ornament and color. The
cotton mantles are described as being of exceeding fineness of
texture, so much so that it required an expert to determine whether
they were cotton or silk.[402] The mantle worn as every-day dress in
the palace was white and blue and called the _xiuhtilmatli_.[403]
There were many other kinds of mantles, of which the following are the
principal: A yellowish, heavily fringed mantle, on which monstrous
heads were painted, was called _coazayacaiotilmatli_; another, blue,
ornamented with red shells, with three borders, one light, another
dark blue, and a third of white feather-work, and fringed with the
same kind of shells, was named _tecuciciotilmatli_; another, dark
yellow, with alternate black and white circles painted on it, and a
border representing eyes, was the _temalcacaiotilmatlitenisio_; a
similar one, differing only in the figures and shape of the ornaments,
was the _itzcayotilmatli_; a very gaudy one, worked in many colors,
was the _umetechtecomaiotilmatli_; another, with a yellow ground, on
which were butterflies made of feathers, and with scalloped edges, was
called _papaloiotilmatlitenisio_; the _xaoalquauhiotilmatlitenisio_,
was embroidered with designs representing the flower called
_ecacazcatl_, and further ornamented with white feather-work and
feather edges; the _ocelotentlapalliyiticycacocelotl_ was an imitation
of a tiger-skin, also ornamented with an edge of white feathers; the
_ixnextlacuilolli_ was worked in many colors, and had a sun painted on
it.[404] Other mantles, differing mainly in their style of
ornamentation, were the _coaxacayo_ and _tlacalhuaztilmatli_, the
latter worn when the king went into his gardens or to the chase. In
the same manner there are also various kinds of maxtlis mentioned,
such as the _ynyaomaxaliuhqui_, _ytzahuazalmaxtlatl_ and
_yacahualiuqui_.[405] In fact there appears to have been a different
dress for every occasion. We are told, for instance, that when going
to the temple the king wore a white mantle, another when going to
preside at the court of justice, and here he again changed his dress,
according as the case before the court was a civil or criminal
suit.[406] The sandals of the kings were always richly ornamented with
precious stones, and had golden soles.[407]

[Sidenote: DRESS OF THE KINGS.]

Whenever the sovereign appeared in public he wore the royal crown,
called _copilli_, which was of solid gold, and is described by most
writers as having been shaped like a bishop's mitre; but in the
hieroglyphical paintings, in which the Mexican kings are represented,
it is simply a golden band, wider in front than at the back, the front
running up to a point; on some occasions it was ornamented with long
feathers.[408] The following description of ornaments, worn by the
Mexican kings and nobles, I extract from Sahagun:--

[Sidenote: ABORIGINAL DRESS.]

The _quetzalalpitoai_ consisted of two tassels of fine feathers
garnished with gold, which they wore bound to the hair on the crown of
the head, and hanging down to the temples. The _tlauhquecholtzontli_
was a handsome garment of feathers worn on the shoulders. On the arms
they placed gold rings; on the wrists a thick black strap made soft
with balsam, and upon it a large chalchiuite or other precious stone.
They also had a _barbote_, or chin-piece, of chalchiuite or other
precious stone, set in gold, inserted in the chin. These
chin-ornaments were made long, of crystal, with some blue feathers in
the centre, which made them look like sapphire. The lip had a hole
bored in it, from which precious stones or gold crescents were
suspended. The great lords likewise had holes in their nose, and
placed therein very fine turquoises or other precious stones, one on
each side of the nose. On their necks they wore strings of precious
stones, or a medal suspended by a gold chain, with pearl pendants
hanging from its edge, and a flat jewel in the centre of it. They used
bracelets of mosaic work made with turquoises. On their legs they
wore, from the knee down, greaves of very thin gold. They carried in
the right hand a little golden flag with a tuft of gaudy feathers on
the top. Upon their heads they wore a bird made of rich feathers, with
its head and beak resting on the forehead, its tail toward the back of
the head, its wings falling over the temples.[409]

FOOTNOTES:

[365] 'La gente pobre vestia de nequen, que es la tela que se haze del
maguey, y los ricos vestian de algodon, con orlas labradas de pluma, y
pelo de conejos.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap.
ii.

[366] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 112; _Brasseur
de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 283. 'Maxtli enrichi de
broderies, et ... tunique d'une grande finesse.' _Id._, p. 350. 'En
tiempo de calor con sus mantas y pañetes de algodon, y en tiempo de
frio se ponian unos jaquetones sin mangas que los llevaban hasta las
rodillas con sus mantas y pañetes.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 327.

[367] 'Nu suivant la coutume des indigènes qui travaillaient aux
champs.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 348.

[368] 'Algodon, que sabian beneficiar y fabricar de él las ropas de
que se vestian.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 43; _Id._,
tom. i., p. 253.

[369] 'Su vestuario eran las pieles ... que las ablandaban y curaban
para el efecto, trayendo en tiempo de frios el pelo adentro, y en
tiempo de calores ... el pelo por la parte afuera.' _Ixtlilxochitl_,
_Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 214;
_Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom.
i., p. 4; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 298; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant.
del Messico_, tom. i., p. 133; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i.,
p. 38. 'Por lo frio de su clima vestian todos pieles de animales
adobadas y curtidas, sin que perdiesen el pelo, las que acomodaban á
manera de un sayo, que por detras les llegaba hasta las corvas, y por
delante á medio muslo.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 5,
tom. i., p. 25. 'S'habillaient ... de peaux de bêtes fauves, le poil
en dehors durant l'été, vieillard en hiver.... Chez les classes
aisées ... ces peaux étaient tannées ou maroquinées avec art; on y
usait aussi des toiles de nequen, et quelquefois des cotonnades d'une
grande finesse.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii.,
p. 186.

[370] 'Maxtlatl, bragas, o cosa semejante.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_.
The Tarascos 'n'adoptèrent jamais l'usage des caleçons.' _Camargo_,
_Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p.
132. The maxtli is frequently spoken of as drawers or pantaloons. The
Huastecs 'no traen maxtles con que cubrir sus vergüenzas.' _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 134.

[371] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 84.

[372] 'Cominciarono in questo tempo a vestirsi di cotone, del quale
erano innanzi affatto privi per la loro miseria, nè d'altro
vestivansi, se non delle tele grosse di filo di maguei, o di palma
salvatica.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 181.
'Les Mexicains, les Tecpanèques et les autres tribus qui restèrent en
arrière, conservèrent l'usage des étoffes de coton, de fil de palmier,
de maguey ixchele, de poil de lapin et de lièvre, ainsi que des peaux
d'animaux.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._,
1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132. 'Non aveano lana, nè seta comune, nè lino,
nè canapa; ma supplivano alla lana col cotone, alla seta colla piuma,
e col pelo del coniglio, e della lepre, ed al lino, ed alla canapa
coll' _Icxotl_, o palma montana, col _Quetzalichtli_, col _Pati_, e
con altre spezie di Maguei.... Il modo, che avevano di preparar questi
materiali, era quello stesso, che hanno gli Europei nel lino, e nella
canapa. Maceravano in acqua le foglie, e poi le nettavano, le
mettevano al Sole, e le ammaccavano, finattantochè le mettevano in
istato di poterle filare.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., pp. 207-8. Ycçotl, Palma Montana. 'Non videtur filendum, è
folijs huius arboris fila parari, linteis, storisq. intexendis perquam
accommoda, politiora, firmioraq. eis quæ ex Metl passim fieri
consueuere, madentibus in primis aqua, mox protritis, ac lotis,
iterumq. et iterum maceratis, et insolatis, donec apta reddantur, vt
neri possint, et in usus accommodari materies est leuis, aclenta.'
_Hernandez_, _Nova Plant._, p. 76.

[373] '_Maxtles_, c'est ainsi qu'on nomme en langue mexicaine des
espèces _d'almaysales_ qui sont longues de quatre brasses, larges
d'une palme et demie et terminées par des broderies de diverses
couleurs, qui ont plus d'une palme et demie de haut.' _Camargo_,
_Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p.
132. 'Cuoprono le loro parti vergogno se cosi di dietro come dinanzi,
con certi sciugatoi molto galanti, che sono come gran fazzuoli che si
legano il capo per viaggio, di diuersi colori, e orlati di varie
foggie, e di colori similmente diuersi, con i suoi fiocchi, che nel
cingersegli, viene l'un capo dauanti e l'altro di dietro.' _Relatione
fatta par vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305. In Meztitlan, 'les uns et les
autres couvraient leur nudités d'une longue bande d'étoffe, semblable
à un almaizar, qui leur faisait plusieurs fois le tour du corps et
passait ensuite entre les jambes, les extrémités retombant par-devant
jusqu'aux genoux.' _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._,
série ii., tom. v., p. 316. 'Los vestidos que traen (Totonacs) es como
de almaizales muy pintados, y los hombres traen tapadas sus
verguenzas.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 23. In Oajaca, 'Maxtles conque se
cubrian sus vergüenzas.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x.,
pp. 136, 123, 131. The Miztecs 'por çaraguelles trahian matzles; que
los Castellanos dizen mastiles.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii.,
lib. iii., cap. xii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom.
ii., p. 223.

[374] 'Il Tilmatli era un mantello quadro, lungo quattro piedi in
circa; due estremità d'esso annodavano sul petto, o sopra una
spalla.... Gli Uomini solevano portar due, o tre mantelli.'
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 223, and plate,
p. 224. 'I vestimenti loro son certi manti di bambagia come lenzuola,
ma non cosi grande, lauoratori di gentili lauori di diuerse maniere, e
con le lor franze e orletti, e di questi ciascun n 'ha duoi ò tre e se
gli liga per dauanti al petto.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo
del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii.,
fol. 305; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._,
1843, tom. xcviii., p. 131. 'Todos traen albornoces encima de la otra
ropa, aunque son diferenciados de los de Africa, porque tienen
maneras; pero en la hechura y tela y los rapacejos son muy
semejables.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 75, 23. 'Leur vêtement consistait
anciennement dans deux ou trois manteaux d'une vare et demi en carré,
noués, par en haut, le noeud se mettant pour les uns sur la
poitrine, pour les autres à l'épaule gauche, et souvent par derrière.'
_Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v.,
pp. 315-16. 'Ningun plebeyo vestia de algodon, con franja, ni
guarnicion, ni ropa rozagante, sino senzilla, llana, corta, y sin
ribete, y assi era conocido cada vno en el trage.' _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 174. 'Otras hacian de pelo de Conejo,
entretexido de hilo de Algodon ... con que se defendian del frio.'
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 488; _Diaz_, _Itinerario_,
in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 298. The Totonacs;
'algunos con ropas de algodon, ricas a su costumbre. Los otros casi
desnudos.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 39, 95; _Sahagun_, _Hist.
Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 131. Huastecs 'andan bien vestidos: y
sus ropas y mantas son muy pulidas y curiosas con lindas labores,
porque en su tierra hacen las mantas que llaman _centzontilmatli,
cenzonquaehtli_, que quiere dezir, mantas _de mil colores_: de allá se
traen las mantas que tienen unas cabezas de monstruos pintadas, y las
de remolinos de agua engeridas unas con otras, en las cuales y en
otras muchas, se esmeraban las tejedoras.' _Id._, p. 134. 'Una manta
cuadrada anudada sobre el pecho, hácia el hombro siniestro, que
descendia hasta los tobillos; pero en tiempo de invierno cubrian mas
el cuerpo con un sayo cerrado sin mangas, y con una sola abertura en
la sumida para entrar la cabeza, y dos á los lados para los brazos, y
con él se cubrian hasta los muslos.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom.
i., p. 253; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom.
i., p. 360.

[375] 'Vestíanse, unas túnicas largas de pellejos curtidos hasta los
carcañales, abiertas por delante y atadas con unas á manera de
agugetas, y sus manos que llegaban hasta las muñecas, y las manos.'
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., p. 341.

[376] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843,
tom. xcviii., p. 132; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.
iii., p. 57.

[377] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843,
tom. xcviii., pp. 130-1; _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp.
49-50; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix.

[378] 'El trage de ellos era de diversas maneras, unos traían mantas,
otros como unas xaquetillas.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib.
x., p. 136. 'Era mas vestida que estotra que habemos visto.' _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, p. 93. 'La mayor parte andauan en cueros.' _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv. The Miztecs 'vestian mantas
blancas de algodon, texidas, pintadas, y matizadas con flores, rosas,
y aves de diferentes colores: no trahian camisas.' _Id._, cap. xii.

[379] 'Andan casi desnudos.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 36.

[380] 'Traen camisas de medias mangas.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol.
317; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando
Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., p. 327; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 23. In Jalisco they had
'vn Huipilillo corto, que llaman Ixquemitl, ò teapxoloton.'
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 339. 'Una sopravvesta ...
con maniche più lunghe.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom.
ii., p. 223; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 6, tom. i., pp.
253-4; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 283. In
Michoacan 'no traían vipiles.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii.,
lib. x., pp. 138, 123; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_
(Vaticano), in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 203-4;
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.

[381] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 112, 123;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., pp. 336, 341; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap.
xvii.; _Id._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix., xii.; _Beaumont_, _Crón.
Mechoacan_, MS., p. 50; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 259;
_Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 317; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 316; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 223.

[382] 'Aveano a disonore l'esser tosati.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant.
del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 224.

[383] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 350.
'Ni bien baruados, porque se arrancan y vntan los pelos para que
no nazcan.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 317. The Mistecs 'las barbas
se arrancauan con tenazillas de oro.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec.
iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.

[384] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 68, 104; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.
iii., p. 300.

[385] 'Hazen lo negro con tierra por gentileza y porque les mate los
piojos. Las casadas se lo rodean a la cabeça con vn ñudo a la frente.
Las virgines y por casar, lo traen suelto, y echado atras y adelante.
Pelan se y vntan se todas para no tener pelo sino en la cabeça y
cejas, y assi tienen por hermosura tener chica frente, y llena de
cabello, y no tener colodrillo.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 317;
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 309-10, tom. iii.,
lib. x., pp. 113, 120, tom. xi., p. 309; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., p. 224; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_,
_Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 316. The Chichimecs wore it, 'largo
hasta las espaldas, y por delante se lo cortan.' _Ixtlilxochitl_,
_Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 335.

[386] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 224.

[387] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 124.

[388] 'Llámase tambien Quaochpanme, que quiere decir hombres de cabeza
rapada ó raida, porque antiguamente estos tales no traían cabellos
largos, antes se rapaban la cabeza así los hombres, como las mugeres.'
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 137; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 57.

[389] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 50.

[390] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv.

[391] 'Se raiaban las Caras.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i.,
p. 255; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 310.

[392] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 75.

[393] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 124-6.

[394] _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxvi.

[395] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 317; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec.
iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.; Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom.
ii., p. 224, describes the ornaments, but in his accompanying plate
fails to show any of them. _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix. pp. 79-80; _Purchas his
Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1119.

[396] 'De barro cocido bien bruñidas, ó de caña.' _Sahagun_, _Hist.
Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 124.

[397] _Id._, p. 137. The Totonacs 'traian vnos grandes agujeros en los
beços de abaxo, y en ellos vnas rodajas de piedras pintadillas de
azul, y otros con vnas hojas de oro delgadas, y en las orejas muy
grandes agujeros, y en ellos puestas otras rodajas de oro, y piedras.'
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 28; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 23.

[398] _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. vii.

[399] The Miztecs 'traen imán, axorcas muy anchas de oro, y sartales
de piedra á las muñecas, y joyeles de éstas y de oro al cuello.'
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 136; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 30.

[400] 'Ninguna Persona (aunque fuesen sus propios Hijos) podia
vestirlo, so pena de la vida.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii.,
p. 542; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxvi.

[401] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843,
tom. xcviii., p. 198.

[402] 'Tan delgadas y bien texidas que necesitaban del tacto para
diferenciarse de la seda.' _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., p.
132; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 507.

[403] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 115-16;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 542.

[404] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp 286-8.

[405] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., p. 57.

[406] 'Para salir de Palacio los Reies à visitar los Templos, se
vestian de blanco; pero para entrar en los Consejos, y asistir en
otros Actos publicos, se vestian de diferentes colores, conforme la
ocasion.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 543. 'Les rois
s'habillaient tantôt de blanc, tantôt d'étoffes d'un jaune obscur
ornées de franges de mille couleurs.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 284, tom. iv., pp. 210-11. 'Mantas de á dos
haces, labradas de plumas de papos de aves, tan suaves, que trayendo
la mano por encima á pelo y á pospelo, no era mas que una marta
cebellina muy bien adobada: hice pesar una dellas, no pesó mas de seis
onzas.' _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i.,
p. 360. 'Vestidos de pelo de conejo y de algodon de mucha curiosidad,
y estas eran vestiduras de Caciques y de gente muy principal' in
Michoacan. _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 49-50;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., pp. 336, 240, 265; _Id._, _Relaciones_, in _Id._, p. 336;
_Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 298. Description of Montezuma's
dress when meeting Cortés, in _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., p.
369; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iii., p. 77;
_Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 386; _Prescott's Mex._,
vol. ii., p. 317. Representations of the dresses of the Mexican kings
and nobles are also in the _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. i.

[407] 'Traia calçados vnos como cotaras, que assi se dize lo que se
calçan, las suelas de oro, y muy preciada pedreria encima en ellas.'
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 65. 'Portoit une chaussure de peau
de chevreuil.' _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1824, tom. xxiv., p. 137.
'Çapatos de oro, que ellos llaman zagles, y son a la manera antigua de
los Romanos, tenian gran pedreria de mucho valor, las suelas estauan
prendidas con correas.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii.,
cap. v. 'Cotaras de cuero de tigres.' _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 79; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq.
Mex._, tom. i., p. 369; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 525;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 210-11;
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 85; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p.
386; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., p. 327; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., pp. 73-4, 317.

[408] 'La corona de Rey, que tiene semejança a la corona de la Señoria
de Venecia.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 471. 'Unas tiaras de
oro y pedrería.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 295. 'En la Cabeça vnos Plumajes ricos, que
ataban tantos cabellos de la Corona, quanto toma el espacio de la
Corona Clerical: estos Plumajes prendian y ataban con vna correa
colorada, y de ella colgaban con sus pinjantes de Oro, que pendian à
manera de chias de Mitra de Obispo.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. ii., pp. 542-3. 'Era di varie materie giusta il piacere dei Re,
or di lame sottili d'oro or tessuta di filo d'oro, e figurata con
vaghe penne.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p.
115, tom. iii., p. 77. 'Before like a Myter, and behinde it was cut,
so as it was not round, for the forepart was higher, and did rise like
a point.' _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, tom. iv., p. 1062; _Veytia_, _Hist.
Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 386; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 317;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 210.

[409] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. vii., lib. ii., pp. 288-90;
_Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., pp. 57, 79; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Id._, p. 327;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 525; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant.
Mej._, tom. i., p. 259, tom. iii., p. 392; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._,
in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., p. 178. Further
mention of ornaments in the enumeration of presents given by Montezuma
to Cortés in _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iii., pp.
65, 80; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v.; _Oviedo_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 279, 283, 285, 292, 298; _Solis_, _Hist.
Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 125, 132-3; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol.
iv., pp. 1118-9, 1124; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 69, 85; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 76, 84, 214, 263-4;
_Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 83. Among the modern authors who have
written upon the subject of dress may be mentioned: _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 326, 680-2, tom. ii., pp. 91,
224-5, with numerous cuts; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 145;
_Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, pp. 57-8; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._,
p. 47; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 13-14, 22, 28, 189;
_Monglave_, _Résumé_, p. 36; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, pp. 65, 79;
_Baril_, _Mexique_, p. 209; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_,
p. 61.

CHAPTER XII.

COMMERCE OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.

THE MAIN FEATURES OF NAHUA COMMERCE--COMMERCE IN PRE-AZTEC
TIMES--OUTRAGES COMMITTED BY AZTEC MERCHANTS--PRIVILEGES OF
THE MERCHANTS OF TLATELULCO--JEALOUSY BETWEEN MERCHANTS AND
NOBLES--ARTICLES USED AS CURRENCY--THE MARKETS OF
ANÁHUAC--ARRANGEMENT AND REGULATIONS OF THE
MARKET-PLACES--NUMBER OF BUYERS AND SELLERS--TRANSPORTATION
OF WARES--TRAVELING MERCHANTS--COMMERCIAL ROUTES--SETTING
OUT ON A JOURNEY--CARAVANS OF TRADERS--THE RETURN--CUSTOMS
AND FEASTS OF THE MERCHANTS--NAHUA BOATS AND NAVIGATION.

[Sidenote: COMMERCE IN PRE-AZTEC TIMES.]

Traditional history tells us but little respecting American commerce
previous to the formation of the great Aztec alliance, or empire, but
the faint light thrown on the subject would indicate little or no
change in the system within the limits of Nahua history. The main
features of the commercial system in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, were: markets in one or more of the public squares of every
town, where eatables and other articles of immediate necessity were
daily sold--shops proper being unknown; frequently recurring fairs in
each of the large towns, where the products of agriculture,
manufacture, and art in the surrounding country were displayed before
consumers and merchants from home and from abroad; similar fairs but
on a grander scale in the great commercial centres, where home
products were exchanged for foreign merchandise, or sold for export
to merchants from distant nations who attended these fairs in large
numbers; itinerant traders continually traversing the country in
companies, or caravans; and the existence of a separate class
exclusively devoted to commerce.

From the earliest times the two southern Anáhuacs of Ayotlan and
Xicalanco, corresponding to what are now the southern coast of Oajaca
and the tierra caliente of Tabasco and southern Vera Cruz, were
inhabited by commercial peoples, and were noted for their fairs and
the rich wares therein exposed for sale. These nations, the
Xicalancas, Mijes, Huaves, and Zapotecs even engaged to some extent in
a maritime coasting trade, mostly confined, however, as it would
appear, to the coasts of their own territories and those immediately
adjacent; and in this branch of commerce little or no advance had been
made at the time when the Spaniards came.[410]

The Toltecs are reported to have excelled in commerce as in all other
respects, and the markets of Tollan and Cholula are pictured in
glowing colors; but all traditions on this subject are exceedingly
vague.[411] In the new era of prosperity that followed the Toltec
disasters Cholula seems to have held the first place as a commercial
centre, her fairs were the most famous, and her merchants controlled
the trade of the southern coasts on either ocean. After the coming of
the Teo-Chichimec hordes to the eastern plateau, Tlascala became in
her turn the commercial metropolis of the north, a position which she
retained until forced to yield it to the merchants of the Mexican
valley, who were supported by the warlike hordes of the Aztec
confederacy. Before the Aztec supremacy, trade seems to have been
conducted with some show of fairness, and commerce and politics were
kept to a great extent separate. But the Aztecs introduced a new
order of things. Their merchants, instead of peaceful, industrious,
unassuming travelers, became insolent and overbearing, meddling
without scruple in the public affairs of the nations through whose
territory they had to pass, and trusting to the dread of the armies of
Mexico for their own safety; caravans became little less than armed
bodies of robbers. The confederate kings were ever ready to extend by
war the field of their commerce, and to avenge by the hands of their
warriors any insult, real or imaginary, offered to their merchants.
The traveling bands of traders were instructed to prepare maps of
countries traversed, to observe carefully their condition for defence,
and their resources. If any province was reported rich and desirable,
its people were easily aggravated to commit some act of insolence
which served as a pretext to lay waste their lands, and make them
tributary to the kings of Anáhuac. Within the provinces that were
permanently and submissively tributary to Mexico, Tezcuco, and
Tlacopan, traffic may be supposed to have been as a rule fairly
conducted. The merchants had in turn to pay into the royal treasury a
large percentage of their gains, but this, under the circumstances,
they could well afford.

Tlatelulco while an independent city was noted for her commerce, as
was Tenochtitlan for the prowess of her warriors, and when mercantile
enterprise was forced to yield to the power of arms, Tlatelulco, as a
part of Mexico, retained her former preëminence in trade, and became
the commercial centre of Anáhuac. Her merchants, who were a separate
class of the population, were highly honored, and, so far as the
higher grades were concerned, the merchant princes, the _pochtecas_,
dwellers in the aristocratic quarter of Pochtlan, had privileges fully
equal to those of the nobles. They had tribunals of their own, to
which alone they were responsible, for the regulation of all matters
of trade. They formed indeed, to all intents and purposes, a
commercial corporation controlling the whole trade of the country, of
which all the leading merchants of other cities were in a sense
subordinate members. Jealousy between this honored class of merchants
and the nobility proper, brought about the many complications during
the last years of the Aztec empire, to which I have referred in a
preceding chapter. Throughout the Nahua dominion commerce was in the
hands of a distinct class, educated for their calling, and everywhere
honored both by people and by kings; in many regions the highest
nobles thought it no disgrace to engage in commercial pursuits.

[Sidenote: THE TLATELULCAN COMPANY.]

Besides the pochtecas, two other classes of merchants are mentioned in
Tlatelulco, the _nahualoztomecas_, those who made a specialty of
visiting the lands of enemies in disguise, and the _teyaohualohuani_
or traders in slaves.[412] The merchants were exempt from military and
other public service, and had the right not only to make laws for the
regulation of trade, but to punish even those who were not of their
class for offenses against such laws. Sahagun gives an account of the
gradual development and history of the Tlatelulcan company, stating
the names of the leading merchants under the successive kings, with
details respecting the various articles dealt in at different periods,
all of which is not deemed of sufficient interest to be reproduced in
these pages.

Nahua trade was as a rule carried on by means of barter, one article
of merchandise being exchanged for another of equivalent value. Still,
regular purchase and sale were not uncommon, particularly in the
business of retailing the various commodities to consumers. Although
no regular coined money was used, yet several more or less convenient
substitutes furnished a medium of circulation. Chief among these were
nibs, or grains, of the cacao, of a species somewhat different from
that employed in making the favorite drink, chocolate. This money,
known as _patlachté_, passed current anywhere, and payments of it
were made by count up to eight thousand, which constituted a
_xiquipilli_. In large transactions sacks containing three xiquipilli
were used to save labor in counting. _Patolquachtli_ were small pieces
of cotton cloth used as money in the purchase of articles of immediate
necessity or of little value. Another circulating medium was gold-dust
kept in translucent quills, that the quantity might be readily seen.
Copper was also cut into small pieces shaped like a T, which
constituted perhaps the nearest approach to coined money. Cortés, in
search of materials for the manufacture of artillery, found that in
several provinces pieces of tin circulated as money, and that a mine
of that metal was worked in Taxco. Sahagun says the Mexican king gave
to the merchant-soldiers, dispatched on one of their politico-commercial
expeditions, sixteen hundred _quauhtli_, or eagles, to trade with.
Bustamante, Sahagun's editor, supposes these to have been the copper
pieces already mentioned, but Brasseur believes, from the small value
of the copper and the large amount of rich fabrics purchased with the
eagles, that they were of gold. The same authority believes that the
golden quoits with which Montezuma paid his losses at gambling also
served as money.[413]

[Sidenote: THE MARKETS OF ANÁHUAC.]

The Nahuas bought and sold their merchandise by count and by measures
both of length and capacity, but not by weight; at least, such is the
general opinion of the authorities. Sahagun, however, says of the
skillful merchant that he knows "the value of gold and silver,
according to the weight and fineness, is diligent and solicitous in
his duty, and defrauds not in weighing, but rather gives overweight,"
and this too in the "time of their infidelity." Native words also
appear in several vocabularies for weights and scales. Brasseur de
Bourbourg regards this as ample proof that scales were used. Clavigero
thinks weights may have been employed and mention of the fact omitted
in the narratives.[414] The market, _tianquiztli_, of Tlatelulco was
the grandest in the country and may be taken as a representative of
all. Its grandeur consisted, however, in the abundance and variety of
the merchandise offered for sale and in the crowd of buyers and
sellers, not in the magnificence of the buildings connected with it;
for the market-place was simply an open plaza, surrounded as all the
authorities say with 'porticoes' where merchandise was exhibited. What
these porticoes were we are left to conjecture. Probably they were
nothing more than simple booths arranged in streets and covering the
whole plaza, where merchants and their wares were sheltered from the
rays of a tropical sun. Whatever may have been the nature and
arrangement of these shelters, we know that the space was
systematically apportioned among the different industries represented.
Fishermen, hunters, farmers, and artists, each had their allotted
space for the transaction of business. Hither, as Torquemada tells us,
came the potters and jewelers from Cholula, the workers in gold from
Azcapuzalco, the painters from Tezcuco, the shoe-makers from
Tenayocan, the huntsmen from Xilotepec, the fishermen from Cuitlahuac,
the fruit-growers of the tierra caliente, the mat-makers of
Quauhtitlan, the flower-dealers of Xochimilco, and yet so great was
the market that to each of these was afforded an opportunity to
display his wares.

All kinds of food, animal and vegetable, cooked and uncooked, were
arranged in the most attractive manner; eating-houses were also
attached to the tianquiztli and much patronized by the poorer classes.
Here were to be found all the native cloths and fabrics, in the piece
and made up into garments coarse and fine, plain and elaborately
embroidered, to suit the taste and means of purchasers; precious
stones, and ornaments of metal, feathers, or shells; implements and
weapons of metal, stone, and wood; building material, lime, stone,
wood, and brick; articles of household furniture; matting of various
degrees of fineness; medicinal herbs and prepared medicines; wood and
coal; incense and censers; cotton and cochineal; tanned skins;
numerous beverages; and an infinite variety of pottery; but to
enumerate all the articles noticed in the market-place by the
conquerors would make a very long list, and would involve, beside, the
repetition of many names which have been or will be mentioned
elsewhere.

Cortés speaks of this market as being twice as large as that of
Salamanca, and all the conquistadores are enthusiastic in their
expressions of wonder not only at the variety of products offered for
sale, but at the perfect order and system which prevailed,
notwithstanding the crowd of buyers and sellers. The judges of the
commercial tribunal, twelve in number according to Torquemada, four,
according to Zuazo, held their court in connection with the market
buildings, where they regulated prices and measures, and settled
disputes. Watchmen acting under their authority, constantly patrolled
the tianquiztli to prevent disorder. Any attempt at extortionate
charges, or at passing off injured or inferior goods, or any
infringement on another's rights was immediately reported and severely
punished. The judges had even the right to enforce the death penalty.
Other markets in the Nahua regions were on a similar plan, those of
Tlascala and Tezcuco coming next to that of Tlatelulco in
importance.[415]

[Sidenote: BUYERS AND SELLERS.]

Trade was carried on daily in the tianquiztli, chiefly for the
convenience of the inhabitants of the city, but every fifth day was
set apart as a special market-day, on which a fair was held, crowded
not only by local customers, but by buyers and sellers from all the
country round, and from foreign lands. In Tlatelulco these special
market-days were those that fell under the signs calli, tochtli,
acatl, and tecpatl. In other large cities, days with other signs were
chosen, in order that the fairs might not occur on the same day in
neighboring towns. Las Casas says that each of the two market-places
in the city of Mexico would contain 200,000 persons, 100,000 being
present each fifth day; and Cortés tells us that more than 60,000
persons assembled daily in the Tlatelulco market. According to the
same authority 30,000 was the number of daily visitors to the market
of Tlascala. Perhaps, however, he refers to the fair-days, on which
occasion at Tlatelulco, the Anonymous Conqueror puts the number at
50,000, limiting the daily concourse to about 25,000.[416] Considering
the population of the cities and surrounding country, together with
the limited facilities for transportation, these accounts of the daily
attendance at the markets, as also of the abundance and variety of the
merchandise, need not be regarded as exaggerations.

On the lakes about the city of Mexico merchandise of all kinds was
transported to and from the markets by boats, 50,000 of which, as
Zuazo tells us, were employed daily in bringing provisions to the
city.[417] The heavier or more bulky articles of trade, such as
building material, were often offered for sale in the boats to save
the labor of repeated handling. Boats were also used for
transportation on the southern coasts, to some extent on navigable
rivers, and also by traveling merchants in crossing such streams as
could not conveniently be bridged. The only other means of
transportation known in the country was that afforded by the carriers.
Large numbers of these carriers, or porters, were in attendance at the
markets to move goods to and from the boats, or to carry parcels to
the houses of consumers. For transportation from town to town, or to
distant lands, merchandise was packed in bales, wrapped in skins and
mats, or in bamboo cases covered with skin, known as _petlacalli_.
Cases, or cages, for the transportation of the more fragile wares were
called _cacaxtli_. The _tlamama_, or regular carriers, were trained to
their work of carrying burdens from childhood, seventy or eighty
pounds was the usual burden carried, placed on the back and supported
by the _mecapalli_, a strap passing round the forehead; twelve or
fifteen miles was the ordinary day's journey. The tlamama, clad in a
maxtli, carried on long trips, besides his bale of merchandise, a sort
of palm-leaf umbrella, a bag of provisions, and a blanket.

[Sidenote: TRAVELING MERCHANTS.]

Expeditions to distant provinces were undertaken by the company of
Tlatelulco for purposes of commercial gain; or by order of the king,
when political gains were the object in view, and the traders in
reality armed soldiers; or more rarely by individual merchants on
their own private account. For protection large numbers usually
traveled in company, choosing some one of the company to act as
leader. Previous to departure they gave a banquet to the old merchants
of the town, who by reason of their age had ceased to travel; at this
feast they made known their plans, and spoke of the places they
intended to visit and roads by which they would travel. The old
merchants applauded the spirit and enterprise of those who were going
on the expedition, and, if they were young and inexperienced,
encouraged them and spoke of the fame they would gain for having left
their homes to undertake a dangerous journey and suffer privations and
hardships. They reminded them of the wealth and honored name acquired
by their fathers in similar expeditions, and gave them advice as to
the best manner of conducting themselves on the road.[418]

On the route the carriers marched in single file, and at every
camping-place the strictest watch was kept against enemies, and
especially against robbers, who then as now infested the dangerous
passes to lie in wait for the richly laden caravans. Rulers of the
different friendly provinces, mindful of the benefits resulting from
such expeditions, constructed roads and kept them in repair; furnished
bridges or boats for crossing unfordable streams; and at certain
points, remote from towns, placed houses for the travelers'
accommodation. Expeditions in hostile provinces were undertaken by the
nahualoztomecas, who disguised themselves in the dress of the province
visited, and endeavored to imitate the manners and to speak the
language of its people, with which it was a qualification of their
profession to make themselves acquainted. Extraordinary pains was
taken to guard against robbers on the return to Mexico, and it is also
said to have been customary for the merchants on nearing the city, to
dress in rags, affecting poverty, and an unsuccessful trip. The
motive for this latter proceeding is not very apparent, nor for the
invariable introduction of goods into the city by night; they had not
even the hope of evading the payment of taxes which in later times
prompts men to similar conduct, since merchandise could only be sold
in the public market, where it could not be offered without paying the
royal percentage of duties.

The usual route of commercial expeditions was south-eastward to
Tochtepec near the banks of the Rio Alvarado, whence the caravans took
separate roads according as their destination was the coast region of
Goazacoalco, the Miztec and Zapotec towns on the Pacific, or the still
more distant regions across the isthmus of Tehuantepec. The southern
limit reached by the traders of the Aztec empire, it is impossible
accurately to determine. The merchants of Xicalanco furnished Cortés,
when about to undertake the conquest of Honduras, tolerably correct
maps of the whole region as far south as the isthmus of Panamá;[419]
the raiders from Anáhuac are known to have penetrated to Chiapa,
Soconusco, and Guatemala; it is by no means improbable that her
merchants reached on more than one occasion the Isthmus.[420]

The preceding pages contain all that has been preserved concerning
Nahua trade and traders except what may be termed the mythology of
commerce, a branch of the subject not without importance, embracing
the ceremonies, sacrifices, and superstitions connected with the
setting-out, journey, and return of the Tlatelulcan caravans.
Commerce, like every other feature of Nahua civilization, was under
the care of a special deity, and no merchant dared to set out on an
expedition in quest of gain, without fully complying with all the
requirements of the god as interpreted by the priesthood. The
particular divinity of the traders was Iyacatecutli, or
Iyacacoliuhqui, 'lord with the aquiline nose'--that nasal type being,
as the Abbé Brasseur thinks, symbolic of mercantile cunning and skill.
Services in his honor were held regularly in the month of
Tlaxochimaco; but the ceremonies performed by traveling merchants,
seem to have been mostly devoted to the god of fire and the god of the
roads.

[Sidenote: SETTING-OUT OF THE MERCHANTS.]

First a day was selected for the start whose sign was deemed
favorable--Ce Cohuatl, 'one serpent,' was a favorite. The day before
they departed the hair was cropped close, and the head soaped; during
all their absence, even should it last for years, these operations
must not be repeated, nor might they wash more than the neck, face,
and hands, bathing the body being strictly prohibited. At midnight
they cut flag-shaped papers for Xiuhtecutli, the god of fire, fastened
them to sticks painted with vermilion, and marked on them the face of
the god with drops of melted _ulli_, or India-rubber. Other papers
also marked with ulli, were cut in honor of Tlaltecutli, to be worn on
the breast. Others, for the god of the merchants, were used to cover a
bamboo stick, which they worshiped and carried with them. The gods of
the roads, Zacatzontli and Tlacotzontli, also had their papers
ornamented with ulli-drops and painted butterflies; while the papers
for Cecoatlutlimelaoatl, one of the signs of the divining art, were
decorated with snake-like figures. When all the papers were ready,
those of the fire-god were placed before the fire in the house, the
others being arranged in systematic order in the courtyard. Then the
merchants, standing before the fire, offered to it some quails which
they first beheaded, and forthwith, drawing blood from their own ears
and tongue, they repeated some mystic word and sprinkled the blood
four times on the fire. Blood was then sprinkled in turn on the papers
in the house, towards the heavens and cardinal points, and finally on
the papers in the courtyard. The fire-god's papers, after a few
appropriate words to the deity, were burned in a brazier with pure
white copal. If they burned with a clear flame, it was a good omen;
otherwise ill fortune and disaster were betokened. The papers left
outside were burned together--save those of the merchants' god--in a
fire which was kindled in the court, and the ashes were carefully
buried there.

All this at midnight. At early dawn the principal merchants of the
city or of the neighborhood, or simply friends and relatives of the
party about to set out on the journey, according to the wealth of the
party, with youths and old women, were invited to assemble and, after
a washing of mouths and hands, to partake of food. After the repast,
concluded by another washing and by smoking of pipes and drinking of
chocolate, the host spoke a few words of welcome to the guests, and
explained his plans. To this some one of the chief merchants briefly
responded with wishes for the success of the expedition, advice
respecting the route to be followed and behavior while abroad,
applause for the spirit and enterprise shown, and words of
encouragement to those about to undertake their first commercial
journey, picturing to them in vivid colors both the hardships and the
honors that were before them. Then the merchandise and provisions for
the trip were made ready in bales and placed in the canoes, if the
start was to be made by water, under the direction of the leader who,
after attending to this matter, made a farewell address of thanks for
advice and good wishes, recommending to the care of those that
remained behind their wives and children. The friends again replied
briefly and all was ready for the departure. A fire was built in the
courtyard and a vase of copal was placed near it. As a final parting
ceremony each of the departing merchants took a portion of the copal
and threw it on the fire, stepping at once toward his canoe. Not
another word of farewell must be spoken, nor a parting glance be
directed backward to friends behind. To look back or speak would be a
most unpropitious augury.

[Sidenote: CARAVANS OF TRADERS.]

Thus they set out, generally at night, as Sahagun implies. On the
journey each merchant carried continually in his hand a smooth black
stick representing his god Iyacatecutli--probably the same sticks that
have been mentioned as being covered with papers in honor of this god
the night before the departure from home. When they halted for the
night the sticks of the company were bound together in a bundle,
forming a kind of combination divinity to whose protecting care the
encampment was piously entrusted. To this god offerings of ulli and
paper were made by the leaders, and to the gods of the roads as well.
Blood must also be drawn and mingled with the offering, else it were
of no avail; and, a most inconvenient rule for poor weak humanity, the
sacrificial offering had to be repeated twice again each night, so
that one or another of the chiefs must be continually on the watch.
The caravans, when their destination was a friendly province, usually
bore some presents from the sovereigns of Mexico as tokens of their
good will, and they were received by the authorities of such provinces
with some public ceremonies not definitely described.

When the merchants returned home, after consultation with a
_tonalpouhqui_, they awaited a favorable sign, such as Ce Calli, or
Chicome Calli, 'one, or seven house,' and then entered the city under
shade of night. They repaired immediately to the house of the leading
merchant of the corporation, or to that of the merchant under whose
direction their trip had been made, formally announcing their safe
arrival, and also their intention to invite all the merchants on the
following day to partake of "a little chocolate in their poor house,"
that is, to be present at a most sumptuous banquet. Papers were then
cut and at midnight offered with ulli, much after the manner already
described, to the gods as a thank-offering for their protection. The
feast that took place next day, when all the guests were assembled,
was accompanied by additional offerings to the gods of fire and trade,
and, of course, by speeches of the returned travelers and their
guests, but presented no particularly noticeable contrasts with the
many feasts that have been described.

Not only was the traveler obliged, according to the Nahua
superstition, to abstain from baths during his absence, but even his
family during the same period, while allowed to bathe the body, must
not wash the head or face oftener than once in eighty days; thus were
the gods propitiated to watch kindly over their absent relative
wandering in distant lands. If a merchant died while on a journey, his
body, at least if he belonged to the highest rank, was neither buried
nor burned, but, clad in fine apparel, and decorated with certain
mystical papers and painted devices, it was put in a wooden cage, or
cacaxtli, and secured to a tree on the top of a high mountain. Advice
of the death was forwarded to the old merchants, who in turn informed
the family of the deceased, and regular funeral ceremonies were
performed either immediately or on the return of the caravan. If the
deceased met his death at the hands of an enemy, a wooden image was
prepared, dressed in the clothing of the dead merchant, and made the
subject of the usual funeral rites.

[Sidenote: FEASTS OF THE MERCHANTS.]

Besides the regular feasts attending the departure and return of
caravans, many others took place under the auspices of the mercantile
class. We have noticed the fondness of the Nahua people for
entertainments of this kind, and it is natural that the merchants, as
the richest class in the community, should have been foremost in
contributing to this popular taste. Each merchant, when he had
acquired great wealth by good fortune in his trading ventures, deemed
it, as Sahagun tells us, a most disgraceful thing "to die without
having made some splendid expenditure" by entertaining his friends and
fellow-merchants in a banquet, which should be remembered as _the_
event of his career. A long time was devoted to making ready for the
feast, to the purchase of provisions and decorations, and to engaging
dancers and singers, that no item might be neglected, nor any
oversight be allowed to mar the perfect enjoyment of the invited
guests. All being ready, a propitious sign was selected, and
invitations issued. The object of the display of hospitality being not
only the entertainment of friends, but a thanksgiving to the gods for
favors shown to the host, the first ceremonies were naturally in honor
of the deities. These began in the night preceding the feast-day, with
offerings of flowers in the shrine of Huitzilopochtli, in the chapels
of other gods, and finally in the courtyard of the host, where were
placed drums and two plates, on which perfumed canes were burning.
Those officiating whistled in a peculiar manner, and all, stooping,
put some earth in their mouth, crying "our lord has sounded." Then all
burned perfumed copal, and a priest beheaded a quail before the drum,
throwing it on the ground and watching in what direction it might
flutter. If northward, it was a bad omen, foretelling sickness, or
perhaps death. But the west and south were fortunate directions,
indicating a peaceful and friendly disposition on the part of the
gods. Incense was burned toward the cardinal points, the burning coals
were thrown from the censer into the fire, and then the performers
engaged for the _areito_, including, it would seem, soldiers of
several classes, led by the _tlacatecatl_, began to dance and sing.
Neither the host nor merchant guests joined in the dance, but remained
in the house to receive the company and present them with bouquets of
flowers. At midnight ulli-marked paper was offered to the gods, and
its ashes buried to promote the prosperity of future generations.
Before the light of day chocolate was drunk and the _nanacatl_, or
intoxicating mushroom, was eaten, which caused some to dance, others
to sing, and yet others to sit pensive in their rooms dreaming dreams
and seeing visions of horrid import, whose narration at a later hour,
when the effects of the drug had passed away, formed a prominent
feature of the entertainment. At the appearance of the morning star
all the ashes of the sacrifices, the flowers, the burning canes, and
all the implements used in the foregoing ceremonies, were buried, that
they might not be seen by any visitor polluted by any kind of vice or
uncleanness. The rising sun was greeted with songs, dancing, and
beating of the teponaztli. The day was passed in feasting and music,
and at the close of the day's banquet food was distributed to the
common people. The banquet was often continued more than one day, and
if after the first day's feast the provision of food was exhausted, it
was regarded by the guests as a bad sign--a very sensible superstition
truly.

[Sidenote: SACRIFICE OF SLAVES.]

There was another merchant's feast in the month of Panquetzaliztli, in
which a number of slaves were killed and eaten. The victims were
purchased sometime beforehand at the slave mart in Azcapuzalco, kept
clean,--being therefore called _tlaaltilzin_, 'washed'--and fattened
for the occasion. The male slaves meantime had no work but to dance
daily on the housetop, but the women had to spin. The articles
collected for this feast embraced large numbers of rich mantles,
maxtlis, and huipiles, which were to be presented to guests. Not only
the residents of Mexico were invited but members of the Tlatelulcan
company who lived in other towns. The giver of the feast went
personally to many towns, especially to Tochtepec, to issue
invitations and distribute gifts. On his arrival he went first to the
shrine of Iyacatecutli, before whose image he performed certain
ceremonies and left some offerings. Then he went to the house of the
Tlatelulcan company, prepared a feast and summoned the rich traders,
who came at midnight. Washing of the hands and mouth preceded and
followed the eating, presents were made, chocolate drunk, pipes
smoked, quails offered in the courtyard, and incense burned. One of
the best speakers then announced the purpose of their visitor to kill
a few slaves in honor of Huitzilopochtli, and in his name invited the
company to be present at the pleasing spectacle, and partake of the
human flesh and other choice viands. Another speaker responded in a
speech of acceptance, and the feast-giver directed his steps homeward
to Mexico. After resting awhile the merchant ceremonially invited
those of his own city to be present at the feast, and the latter,
after many precautions, including an inspection by the older merchants
to satisfy themselves that food enough had been provided and that the
affair could not be a failure, deigned to accept, although they warned
the would-be host of the fearful responsibility he would incur should
the feast be in any respect improperly managed, through his
unwillingness to spend money enough. Ce Calli, Ome Xochitl, and Ome
Ozomatli, were good signs for this feast.

On the first day the male slaves, richly attired and decorated, were
made to dance and perform the areito, carrying garlands of flowers and
also pipes from which they were continually puffing smoke. The
females, in equally rich attire were stationed with plenty of food in
one of the rooms where all could readily see them. The eating,
drinking, and distribution of gifts were kept up all night. The
following day's feast was a repetition of the first, and was called
_tlaixnexia_; that of the third day was called _tetevaltia_, and on
this day they made many changes in the dress of the slaves, putting on
wigs of many-colored feathers, painted ear-flaps, stone nose-ornaments
like butterflies, jackets with fringed borders and death's heads for
decoration, hawks' wings, _tlomaitl_, on the shoulders, rings,
_matacaxtli_, on the arms, stained sandals, and girdles called
_xiuhtlalpilli_. From this time forward strict guard was kept over
them day and night until their death.

On yet a fourth occasion, apparently some days, or perhaps weeks,
later, the merchant assembled his guests, and then just before sunset
the victims were made drunk with _teuvetli_, and carried to
Huitzilopochtli's temple, where they were made to dance and sing, and
kept awake all night. At midnight they were placed on a mat before the
fire, and the master of the banquet, dressed much like the slaves
themselves, put out the fire, and in the darkness gave to each four
mouthfuls of a dough moistened with honey, called _tzoalli_. Then a
man dancing before them played upon an instrument called _chichtli_,
hairs were pulled out of the top of each slave's head and put in a
plate, _quacaxitl_, held by the dancer, and the master threw incense
toward the east, west, north, and south. The slaves were offered food,
but could not be induced to eat, expecting each moment the messenger
of death. They were first taken to the ward of Coatlan, and in the
courtyard of the temple of Huitzcalco were forced to fight against
certain persons, the most valiant of whom were called _tlaamaviques_.
If by force of arms these persons captured any of the slaves, they
were entitled to receive their full value from the owner, or in
default of such payment to take the bodies after the sacrifice and eat
the same. After the contest the victims were sacrificed on the shrine
of Huitzilopochtli, the complicated details of the ceremonies which
followed differing only very slightly from those of similar sacrifices
already several times described. The bodies were thrown down the steps
as usual, carried home by the owner, cooked with maize, seasoned with
salt without chile, and were finally eaten by the guests. With this
horrible repast the great feast of the month of Panquetzaliztli ended;
but he who had given it carefully preserved the clothing, and other
relics of the slaughtered slaves, guarding them in a basket as most
precious and pleasant souvenirs all the days of his life; and after
his death the basket and its contents were burned at his obsequies.

Acosta tells us that in Cholula the merchants, especially those that
dealt in slaves, furnished each year a slave of fine physique to
represent their god Quetzalcoatl, in whose honor he was sacrificed,
with appropriate and complicated ceremonies, his flesh being
afterwards eaten in a banquet.[421]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: BOATS AND NAVIGATION.]

The little to be said of Nahua watercraft may be as appropriately
inserted here as elsewhere. I have already referred to the important
use made of canoes in the transportation of merchandise upon the lakes
of Anáhuac. In the art of navigation, however, no progress was made by
the Nahuas at all in proportion to their advancement in other
respects. As navigators they were altogether inferior to their savage
brethren of the Columbian and Hyperborean groups on the north-west
coasts, whose skill in the manufacture and management of boats has
been described in a preceding volume of this work. The reason is
obvious: their progress in agriculture enabled them to obtain a food
supply without risking their lives habitually on the sea; their sunny
clime obviated the necessity of whale-blubber and seal-skins. In the
earlier stages of civilization men make progress only when impelled by
some actual necessity; consequently among the Nahuas, when means were
supplied of crossing streams, and of transporting goods on the lakes
and for short distances along the coast at the mouth of large rivers,
progress in this direction ceased.

Clavigero's investigations led him to believe that the use of sails
was unknown, and although Brasseur de Bourbourg in one place speaks
of such aids to navigation, yet he gives no authority for his
statement.[422]

Rafts and 'dug-out' canoes were the vessels employed; the former were
used for the most part in crossing streams and were of various
material and construction. Those of the ruder kind were simply a
number of poles tied together with strings.[423] Those called by the
Spaniards _balsas_ were of superior construction, made of _otlatl_
reeds, or _tules_, and rushes of different kinds in bundles. The best
balsas were about five feet square, made of bamboos and supported by
hollow gourds closed by a water and air tight covering. The rafts were
propelled by swimmers, one in front and another behind.[424]

The canoes--_acalli_, 'water-houses' among the Aztecs, called also
_tahucup_ in Tabasco--were hollowed out from the trunk of a single
tree, were generally flat-bottomed and without keel, somewhat narrower
at the bow than at the stern as Las Casas says, and would carry from
two to sixty persons. As to the instruments employed in hollowing out
and finishing the acalli we have no information, neither do we know
whether fire was one of the agents made use of.[425]

[Sidenote: BOATS USED IN WAR.]

The use of boats was not altogether confined to traffic, but extended
to war and the transportation of troops. Fierce conflicts on the
waters of the lakes are recorded in the ancient annals of Anáhuac;
canoe fleets of armed natives came out to meet the Spaniards at
various points along the coast; and we read of the vain efforts to
defend the approaches to the Aztec capital, by thousands of boats
which could offer little resistance to the advance of Cortés'
brigantines.[426]

These fleets, so inefficient against Spanish vessels and arms, must
have been of great service to the Aztecs in maintaining their
domination over the many towns on the lake shores. To increase the
efficiency of boats and boatmen, races and sham fights were
established, which, besides affording useful training to paddlers and
warriors, furnished an additional means of entertainment to the people
who gathered in crowds to watch the struggles of the competitors,
applaud the ducking of each vanquished boat's crew, and to reward the
victors with honors and prizes.[427]

FOOTNOTES:

[410] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. 181;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 42-3.

[411] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 271-3;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., p. 332.

[412] 'Teyaoyaualoani, el que cerca a los enemigos.' _Molina_,
_Vocabulario_.

[413] The Toltecs 'usaban de una cierta moneda de cobre de largo de
dos dedos y de ancho uno á manera de achitas pequeñas, y de grueso,
como un real de á ocho. Esta moneda no ha mucho tiempo que la han
dejado los de Tutupec del mar del sur.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_,
in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 332. 'No saben que cosas
es moneda batida de metal ninguno.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 87,
342. The cacao nibs 'val ciascuno come vn mezzo marchetto (about three
cents) fra noi.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor
Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 306.
See _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 311; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii.,
lib. ix., p. 342; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.
iii., pp. 627-9; _Id._, _Quatre Lettres_, p. 276; _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 666. Salt used as money. _Chaves_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 328. I omit a long
list of references to authors who merely mention cacao and the other
articles as used for money.

[414] 'No tenian peso (que yo sepa) los Mexicanos, falta grandissima
para la contratacion. Quien dize que no lo vsauan por escusar los
engaños, quien por que no lo auian menester, quien por ignorancia, que
es lo cierto. Por donde parece que no auian oido como hizo Dios todos
las cosas en cuento, peso, y medida.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol.
342; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 166;
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 42, 40; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 629-30.

[415] On the Nahua markets and the articles offered for sale, see:
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 68, 103-5; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol.
70; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_,
in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; _Sahagun_, _Hist.
Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 323-5, tom. ix., p. 357; _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxx.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. ii., pp. 554-60; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 272,
299-301; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 87-8, 116-18; _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv., xvi.; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v.,
lib. iii., iv.; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,
tom. i., pp. 359-61.

[416] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 103, 68; _Relatione fatta per vn
gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309. 'Es tanta la gente que concurre á
vender y comprar, que no puede facilmente declararse.' _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxx.

[417] _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 359.
'Sobre cincuenta mill canoas y cient mill segun se cree.' _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxx. 'The lake day and night is plyed
with boates going and returning.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii.

[418] For specimens of the exhortations of old merchants to young men
see _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 310-314;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 585-6.

[419] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. vi., cap. xii.; _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 197.

[420] A very full account of the Nahua commerce is given in
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 163-70, and the
same is translated with slight changes, in _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist.
Mex._, tom. i., pp. 628-35, in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 612-32, and in _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales des
Voy._, 1858, tom. clix., pp. 45-58. See also _Helps' Span. Conq._,
vol. ii., pp. 329-31; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 109-12; _Müller_,
_Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 541; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_,
tom. v., pp. 25-8; _West-Indische Spieghel_, pp. 247-8; _Bussierre_,
_L'Empire Mex._, pp. 166-71; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp.
43-6. See also Note 12.

[421] On merchants' feasts, ceremonies, and superstitions, see
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 335-86, tom. i., lib.
iv., pp. 310-15; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 388-92;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 585-7. See also account of
a feast of flower-dealers in this volume, p. 315, and account of the
Cholultec feast in honor of Quetzalcoatl in vol. iii., pp. 286-7 of
this work.

[422] Clavigero's description of Nahua boats and navigation is in his
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 168-9. 'Leurs barques, dont
les plus grandes mesuraient jusqu'à soixante pieds de longueur,
couvertes et abritées contre le mauvais temps, marchaient à la voile
et à la rame,' probably referring to a boat met by Columbus some
distance out at sea. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.
iii., p. 632.

[423] Invented, according to tradition, by the Tarascos of Michoacan
during their early migrations. _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles
Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 131-2.

[424] 'Mettevansi a sedere in questa macchina quattro, o sei
passaggieri alla volta.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom.
ii., p. 168. 'Ces radeaux sont fort légers et très-solides; ils sont
encore en usage dans l'Amérique, et nous avons passé ainsi plus d'une
rivière.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p.
295.

[425] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxx: 'En cada vna
cabian sesenta Hombres.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p.
460, and _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. viii., cap. iv. 'The
Canowes are litle barkes, made of one tree.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv.,
lib. iii. Called _Acates_. _Id._, dec. v., lib. ii. 'Estas acallis ó
barcas cada una es de una sola pieza, de un arbol tan grande y tan
grueso como lo demanda la longitud, y conforme al ancho que le pueden
dar, que es de lo grueso del árbol de que se hacen, y para esto hay
sus maestros como en Vizcaya los hay de navíos.' _Motolinia_, _Hist.
Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 200.

[426] 'The sides of the Indian boats were fortified with bulwarks.'
_Prescott's Mex._, vol. iii., p. 100; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._,
fol. 140; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 211.

[427] 'Spesso s'esercitavano in questo genere di combattimenti.'
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 151;
_West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 251. 200,000 canoes on the lake about
Mexico. _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 115. See also note 8 of this
chapter. Additional notes on Nahua boats. 'Habia en México muchas
acallis ó barcas para servicio de las casas, y otras muchas de
tratantes que venian con bastimentos á la ciudad, y todos los pueblos
de la redonda, que están llenos de barcas que nunca cesan de entrar y
salir á la ciudad, las cuales eran innumerables.' 'Con estas salen á
la mar, y con las grandes de estas acallis navegan de una isla á otra,
y se atreven á atravesar algun golfo pequeño.' _Motolinia_, _Hist.
Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 187, 200. 'Lo
mas del trato, y camino de los Indios, en aquella Tierra, es por Agua,
en Acales, ò Canoas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 613;
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. viii., cap. iv.; _Montanus_,
_Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 247; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i.,
p. 633, tom. ii., p. 591; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp.
75-6.

CHAPTER XIII.

WAR CUSTOMS OF THE NAHUAS.

IMPORTANCE OF THE MILITARY PROFESSION--INDICATIONS OF
RANK--EDUCATION OF WARRIORS--REWARDS FOR VALOR--MILITARY
ORDERS AND THEIR DRESS--GORGEOUS WAR-DRESSES OF MONTEZUMA
AND THE AZTEC NOBILITY--DRESS OF THE COMMON SOLDIERS--ARMOR
AND DEFENSIVE WEAPONS--OFFENSIVE WEAPONS--STANDARDS--AMBASSADORS
AND COURIERS--FORTIFICATIONS--THE MILITARY COUNCIL--ARTICLES OF
WAR--DECLARATION OF WAR--SPIES--ORDER OF MARCH AND
BATTLE--WAR CUSTOMS OF THE TLASCALTECS AND TARASCOS--RETURN
OF THE CONQUERING ARMY--CELEBRATION OF FEATS OF ARMS.

[Sidenote: THE MILITARY PROFESSION.]

As might be expected from a people so warlike and ambitious as the
Nahuas, the profession of arms ranked high above all other callings,
save that of the priests. This was especially the case in the later
days, under the Aztec kings, whose unscrupulous ambition and passion
for conquest could only be gratified by their warriors.
Huitzilopochtli, god of war, protector of the empire, was glorified
and honored above all other gods; his altars must be red with blood,
for blood alone could extort his favor, and wars were frequently waged
solely for his propitiation; valor was the loftiest virtue, the
highest honors were paid to those who distinguished themselves in
battle; no dignities, positions, or decorations, under the government,
were given to any but approved soldiers. Children were taught by
parent and priest the chivalrous deeds of their ancestors, whom they
were urged to emulate in daring; titles, rewards, and posts of honor
were offered to stimulate the ambition of the young men. The king
might not receive his crown until with his own hand he had taken
captives to be sacrificed at the feast of his coronation. The priests
were the foremost inciters to war and carnage. All wars were religious
crusades. The highest earthly rewards were in store for the victor,
while the soul of him that fell in battle took immediate flight to
heaven. Only defeat and cowardice were to be dreaded.

The Nahua warrior's services were rewarded only by promotion, since no
paid troops were employed. But promotion was sure to follow brilliant
exploits performed by even the humblest soldier, while without such
daring deeds the sons of the highest nobles could hope for no
advancement. Dress and ornaments were the indications of rank, and
were changed in some detail for every new achievement. To escape from
the coarse nequen garments of the common soldier, and to put on
successively the decorative mantles of the higher grades, was deemed a
sufficient reward and incentive. The costume of each warrior indicated
the exact number of prisoners captured by the wearer.

Especial care was taken, however, with the sons of lords intended for
the profession of arms. At an early age their heads were shaved,
except a tuft on the back of the head called _mocuexpaltia_, a
designation changed to _cuexpatchicuepul_ when the boy was fifteen
years old. At this age he was sent to war in charge of veteran
warriors, and if with their aid he took a prisoner, the tuft was cut
off and another given to be worn over the ear with feather plumes; on
his return he was addressed after the following manner by his
grandparents or uncles: "My child, the Sun and the Earth have washed
and renewed thy face, because thou didst dare to attempt the capture
of an enemy in company with others. Lo, now it were better to abandon
thee to the mercies of the enemy than that thou shouldst again take a
prisoner with the aid of others, because, should it so happen, they
will place another tuft over thine other ear and thou wilt appear like
a girl; truly, it were better thou shouldst die than that this should
happen to thee." If after a fair trial the youth failed to take a
captive, he was disgraced, and ceased to be a warrior in the eyes of
his comrades: but if, unaided, he was successful, he was called a
warlike youth, _telpuchtlitaquitlamani_, and was presented to the
king, whose stewards dyed his face red, his temples and body yellow,
and bestowed upon him mantles and maxtlis of the colors and designs
which his achievements gave him the right to wear. If he took two
captives, the honors were of course greater; three entitled him to a
command over others; four made him a captain who might wear long
lip-ornaments, leathern ear-rings, and gaudy tassels. With five
prisoners the young man became a _quauhiacatl_, 'eagle that guides,'
with corresponding insignia, a head-plume with silver threads, the
mantle called _cuechintli_, another called _chicoapalnacazminqui_ of
two colors, and still another decorated with straps. The prisoners
must, however, be from nations of acknowledged prowess, such as those
of Atlixco, the Huexotzincas, or Tlascaltecs; double or triple the
number of Cuextecas or Tenimes must be captured, and no number of
these could entitle a youth to the highest honors.[428]

In the Mexican picture-writings are delineated the successive grades
by which a graduate from the temple school advanced, with the costumes
and defensive armor he was permitted to wear. First we see him leaving
for the war, carrying the _impedimenta_ of the chief priest, who goes
into the field to embolden the troops, enforce orders, and perform
other duties. The pictures that follow portray the devices on the
shields, manner of painting, armor, head-dresses, and ornaments they
were allowed to assume, according to the number of captives each had
taken. The warrior-priests were rewarded, in like manner, with
accoutrements and insignia of peculiar designs, and with important
commands in the army.[429]

[Sidenote: THREE MILITARY ORDERS.]

Three military orders were established by the Aztec monarchs, the
members of which were granted certain privileges, and entitled to wear
badges of distinction; they also had apartments allotted to them in
the royal palace and formed the royal guard. Promotion to the order
was open to all, but could only be won by some notable feat of arms.
The members of the first of these three orders were called Achcauhtin,
or Princes, of the second, Quauhtin, or Eagles, of the third, Ocelome,
or Tigers. The distinctive mark of the Princes was their manner of
dressing the hair, which was tied on the crown of the head with a red
thong, and worked into as many braids, each terminating in a cotton
tassel, as were the deeds of valor performed by the wearer; the Eagles
wore a kind of casque, in the form of an eagle's head; the Tigers wore
a particular armor, spotted like the skin of the animal whose name
they bore. These insignia were only used in war; at court all military
officers wore the _tlachquauhyo_, a dress of many colors. The members
of these three military orders had the privilege of wearing garments
of much finer texture than the common people, as well as such feathers
and jewels as they could afford to buy. An inferior order of
knighthood appears also to have existed, the members of which had
their hair cropped close about their ears, and wore skull-caps and
split collars; these were only armed for defence from the girdle
upwards, whereas their superiors fought in complete armor. All these
privileged warriors were permitted to use painted and gilt vessels,
but the common soldiers might use none but plain earthen ones.[430]

Montezuma, who was a member of the order of Princes, when he went in
person against the enemy, wore upon his legs greaves of gold, and upon
his arms thin plates of the same metal, as well as bracelets; about
his neck were a collar and chains of gold and precious stones; from
his ears and lower lip hung ornaments of gold set with precious
chalchiuites; and from the back of his head to his waist was suspended
the glittering decoration of royalty, only worn by kings, the
_quachictli_. This was an ornament of exquisite workmanship, wrought
with great labor of costly feathers and jewels, and shaped somewhat
like a butterfly. In addition to this he was distinguished from his
retinue by a shield upon which was displayed the royal coat of arms in
feather-work; and he carried also a small drum, upon which he beat the
signal for battle.[431]

[Sidenote: MILITARY DRESS AND ORNAMENTS.]

On the occasion when the sovereigns and nobility of Mexico, Tezcuco,
and Tlacopan came out to receive Cortés, there was little, so far as
dress was concerned, by which king might be distinguished from
subject; the only difference was that the monarchs wore crowns of
gold and precious stones, bejeweled sandals with golden soles, and
tassels at the end of the ribbon with which their hair was bound.[432]
A prince of the blood-royal, on his début upon the battle-field, was
clad in plain white; his behavior was closely watched, and after the
action such insignia and colors as he had merited by his conduct were
bestowed upon him.

Sahagun gives an extended description of the gorgeous war-costumes of
the noble Aztec warriors, with the native name for each fraction of
the equipments. Here are described head-dresses composed of rich
feathers, prominent among which were the quetzal; corselets of red and
green feathers, worked with gold thread; head-dresses of green
feathers set in gold bands, or of tiger-skin; helmets of silver; a
garment called _tocivitl_ reaching to the knees, made of yellow
macaw-feathers, embroidered with gold, and worn with a golden casque
plumed with quetzal-feathers; and other equally gorgeous attire. As a
means of directing their men some officers bore small drums, painted
and ornamented with feathers so as to correspond with their dress, in
a net at their backs; others carried little flags made of feathers
held together with bands of gold or silver. Many noble warriors had
their armorial bearings, devils, monsters, and what not, painted or
embroidered upon their backs. Truly such _spolia opima_ were worthy of
a hero's toil.[433]

The rank and file of the Aztec army wore no clothing but the maxtli in
battle, but by painting their faces and bodies in grotesque patterns
with brilliant colors, and covering their heads with raw cotton, they
presented a sufficiently fierce and gaudy appearance.[434]

The Tlascaltec leaders wore a quilted cotton tunic two fingers in
thickness that fitted closely to the body and also protected the
shoulders and thighs; the wealthier class wore over the tunic a
cuirass of thin gold or silver plates, and over all they threw a rich
mantle of feather-work elegantly embroidered; to protect their legs
they put on leathern boots or wooden greaves ornamented with gold. On
their heads they wore a morion made of hide or wood representing the
head of some animal, bird, or serpent. From the crown waved a
magnificent tuft of richly variegated plumes, a conspicuous mark, that
served to denote the warrior's rank.

[Sidenote: ARMOR AND DEFENSIVE WEAPONS.]

The armor and defensive weapons of the Nahua knights, though of little
service against the firearms and swordsmanship of the Spaniards, yet
were admirably suited for protection from the weapons in use among
themselves. The _chimalli_, or Mexican shield, was made of various
materials and in divers forms; sometimes it was round, sometimes oval,
sometimes rounded only on the lower side; it was commonly constructed
of flexible bamboo canes, bound firmly together, and covered with
hide. The face of the shield was ornamented according to the rank and
taste of the bearer; that of a noble was generally covered with thin
plates of gold, with a heavy boss in the centre. In Tabasco, and along
the coast, tortoise-shells, inlaid with gold, silver, or copper, were
commonly used as shields. Reed-grass, hides, or nequen-cloth, coated
with India-rubber, served to protect an Aztec common soldier. Some
shields were of an ordinary size, others were intended to cover the
entire body, and were so constructed that when not in use they could
be folded up and carried under the arm. The body-armor of the nobles
and higher grades of warriors consisted of a breast-piece made of
quilted cotton, one or two fingers in thickness, called
_ichcahuepilli_; over this was a thick cotton coat, which covered part
of the arms and thighs, made in one piece, fastened behind, and
decorated with feathers of whatever colors the uniform of the company
to which the wearer belonged might be. This cotton armor was
completely arrow-proof, and was of great service to the Spanish
Conquerors, who lost no time in adopting it in place of their heavy
steel armor. Arm and leg guards made of wood covered with leather or
gold plates and trimmed with feathers, and morions of the same
material shaped and painted to represent the head of a tiger, serpent,
or monster, with mouth open and teeth bared, complete the defensive
equipment. Over a cuirass of gold and silver plates some lords wore a
garment of feathers which is said to have been proof against arrows
and javelins. Nobles and officers also wore lofty plumes so as to
present the appearance of increased stature.[435]

The shields used by the Toltecs were made of skins ornamented with
feathers of various colors; on their heads they wore helmets of gold,
silver, or skins. The body-armor worn by the principal warriors was
made of double cloth padded with cotton; it differed from that of the
Aztecs inasmuch as it reached down to the ankles and was worn over a
thin white tunic. The private soldiers, like those of the Aztec army,
also painted the upper part of the body to represent armor, but from
the waist to the thighs they wore short drawers and over them,
fastened round the waist, a kind of kilt that reached to the knees and
availed them somewhat for defence. Across the body was a sash made of
feathers that passed from the right shoulder to the left side of the
waist. They wore sandals on their feet and had feather-ornaments upon
their heads, more or less rich according to the quality of the
warrior. When going to battle they adorned their necks, breasts, arms,
and legs with their most valuable trinkets of gold or precious
stones.[436] Tezozomoc mentions that the Tarascos wore steel helmets,
but, as I have already stated, none of these nations were acquainted
with the use of iron in any shape.[437] Some of the armor in use among
the Tabascans must have been exceedingly rich, judging by that which
was presented to Juan de Grijalva by the cacique of that province. It
consisted of greaves for the knees and legs made of wood and covered
with sheets of gold, head-pieces covered with gold plates and precious
stones, among which was a visor, of which the upper half was of jewels
linked together, and the lower half of gold plates; then there were
cuirasses of solid gold, besides a quantity of armor-plates sufficient
to cover the whole body.[438]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: OFFENSIVE WEAPONS.]

The offensive weapons of the Aztecs consisted of bows and arrows,
slings, clubs, spears, light javelins, and swords; and in the use of
all of these the soldiers were well skilled. The bows were made of
tough, elastic wood, and were about five feet in length; for strings
they used the sinews of animals or stags' hair twisted. The arrows
were light canes, with about six inches of oak or other hard wood
inserted in the end; at the extremity a piece of iztli was fastened
with twisted nequen-fibre, and further secured by a paste of resin or
other adhesive substance. Sometimes instead of iztli they used the
bones of animals or fish; the bone of a fish called _libisa_ is said
to have caused by its venomous properties[439] a wound very difficult
to heal. It is well known that none of the Nahua nations used poisoned
arrows; such weapons would have defeated the object for which they
often engaged in war, namely that of taking their enemies alive for
the purpose of immolating them upon the altars of their gods. It is
reasonable to believe that many of them attained to great accuracy in
shooting with the bow, but there is room to doubt the assertion that
some of them were able to shoot with three or four arrows at a time;
or to throw an ear of corn into the air and pierce every kernel before
it reached the ground; or to throw up a coin of the size of half a
dollar, and keep it in the air as long as they pleased with their
arrows.[440] The sling was a braid of pita-thread or other fibre,
broader in the middle than at the ends, with which stones were thrown
with much force and accuracy; the missiles were carried in a pouch
filled with stones and suspended from the waist in front. The _maza_
was a club similar to the Roman _clava_, tapering from the handle
towards the end and terminating in a knotty head, filled with points
of iztli or tempered copper.[441] The _macana_, or _macuahuitl_,
called by the Spaniards _espada_, a sword, was made of tough wood,
about three and a half feet long, with a flat blade four fingers in
width armed upon both sides with sharp pieces of iztli about three
fingers long by three wide, which were inserted into the grooved edge
at intervals, and cemented with some adhesive compound.[442] This
weapon, when not in immediate use, was carried slung to the arm with
a cord. Many of these swords were two-handed and very heavy, and it is
asserted that with them the Aztec warrior could at one blow cut a man
in two or sever a horse's head. The one with which the famous
Tlascaltec commander Tlahuicol fought was so weighty that a man of
ordinary strength could hardly raise it from the ground.[443] The
Mexican spears were very strong, and were pointed with iztli or
copper. Spears were the principal weapon used by the Zapotecs and
other tribes of Oajaca. The _tlacochtli_, or Mexican javelin, was like
a long arrow made of otlatl or bamboo; the point was usually hardened
in the fire or armed with iztli, copper, or bone; many had three
points, thus inflicting a very severe wound; they were hurled with
great force, and had a cord attached, so that when thrown they could
be recovered for another cast. Some writers mention a ballista as
being used with which to launch the javelin, but I do not find any
description of its form or of the manner of using it;[444] certainly
the javelin was projected with great velocity, if it be true, as
asserted, that they would pass through a man's body; they were much
dreaded by the Spanish Conquerors.

[Sidenote: THE BLOW-PIPE AND STANDARDS.]

When the Chichimecs first settled in the valley of Anáhuac the only
weapons were the bow and arrow and blow-pipe, in the use of which they
were very expert. The blow-pipe was a long hollow tube through which
clay pellets were projected, and it is affirmed that with them the
Chichimecs could kill a man or wild beast at a moderate distance;
afterwards this weapon came to be generally used by other nations, but
was only employed for shooting small birds. Among other things, Cortés
was presented by Montezuma with a dozen blow-pipes beautifully
ornamented and painted with figures of birds and animals; the
mouth-piece of each was made of gold, five or six inches long; they
were also ornamented in the centre with gold, and accompanying them
were gold net-work pouches to carry the pellets.[445] The
Matlaltzincas and Tabascans used weapons similar to those of the
nations of the Anáhuac valley; the former were especially dexterous in
their practice with the sling, which, when not in actual use, was
carried wound about the head.[446] The fighting men among the
Jaliscans were similarly armed, but the lords and captains carried
only long staves with which to urge their men to fight and punish any
who were disorderly or showed symptoms of cowardice.[447]

Each nation had its own particular standard on which were painted or
embroidered the armorial bearings of the state. That of the Mexican
empire, as we have seen, bore an eagle in the act of seizing a tiger,
or jaguar. That of the republic of Tlascala, a bird with its wings
spread as in the act of flying, which some authors call an eagle,
others a white bird or crane. Each of the four lordships of the
republic had also its appropriate ensign; Tizatlan had a crane upon a
rock, Tepeticpac a wolf with a bunch of arrows in his paws, Ocotelulco
a green bird upon a rock, and Quiahuiztlan a parasol made of green
feathers.[448] Each company or command had also a distinct standard,
the colors of which corresponded to that of the armor and plumes of
the chief. The great standard of the Tlascaltec army was carried by
the general commanding, and the smaller banners of the companies by
their respective captains; they were carried on the back and were so
firmly tied there that they could not be detached without great
difficulty.[449] When upon a march and not in presence of the enemy
the standard of the Tlascaltecs was carried in the van, but in action
it was always placed in the rear. The Mexican standard was borne in
the centre of the army. Instruments of music, consisting of drums,
horns, and large sea-shells, were sounded while fighting to encourage
and animate the men.

[Sidenote: AMBASSADORS AND COURIERS.]

The office of ambassador was one of much consequence, and persons of
the highest rank, selected for their courteous manners and oratorical
powers, were appointed to the position. Their persons were held sacred
and they were usually received by those to whom they were sent with
honor and respect, perfumed with incense, presented with flowers, and
well lodged and entertained; in case any insult or indignity was
offered them, it constituted a sufficient cause of war. Such an
instance occurred when the Tepanecs, during the reign of their king
Maxtlaton, invited the Mexican monarch Itzcoatl and his chiefs to
visit their province and partake of their hospitality. Itzcoatl
declined at the advice of his chiefs, but the latter went, carrying
presents. They were accepted by the Tepanecs and the chiefs sent back
in women's apparel, which they were compelled to wear; the indignity
brought about a war between the two nations. The proper courtesy and
protection due to their position was, however, only accorded them when
on the high road that led to their destination; if they deviated from
it they lost their rights and privileges as ambassadors. When on duty
they wore a special garb that denoted their office; it consisted of a
green habit resembling a scapulary, or small cloak; handsome feathers
were twisted in the hair with tufts of divers colors; in the right
hand they carried an arrow with the point towards the ground, and in
the left a shield; a small net containing provisions hung from the
left arm.

A complete courier-system was established throughout the empire; these
couriers were employed to carry messages in peace and war, and fresh
provisions for the king's table; as we have seen in a former chapter,
it is asserted that Montezuma had fresh fish brought to his palace
daily from the gulf coast. They were exceedingly swift runners, being
exercised from childhood and encouraged by rewards to excel in speed.
Stations were fixed at distances of about six miles apart, where small
towers were built, in which dwelt one or more couriers ready at all
times to set out with dispatches. As soon as a courier arrived at one
of these towers, one of those waiting received from him the message he
bore, usually expressed in paintings, and at once started for the
next stage, and thus the tidings were conveyed to the capital in an
incredibly short time. When the dispatches were of an important
nature, the courier wore some badge or was dressed in a manner
indicative of the intelligence entrusted to him. For instance, if it
related to a defeat in battle, he traveled with hair dishevelled,
preserving a strict silence until the message was delivered to the
person to whom it was directed; on the other hand, if he brought news
of a victory, his hair was neatly tied with a colored string, about
his body was wrapped a white cotton cloth, on his left arm he carried
a shield and in his right hand a sword which he brandished as if in
combat, singing at the same time the glorious deeds of the
victors.[450]

[Sidenote: NAHUA FORTIFICATIONS.]

The Mexicans and other Nahua nations, favored by the general features
of the country, adopted a system of fortifications and entrenchments
admirably adapted to secure them from the attacks of internal enemies,
though insufficient as a defense against the superior tactics and
indomitable perseverance of Cortés. The position of the city of
Tenochtitlan, or Mexico, gave it all the advantages of a fortified
town. There was no avenue of approach to it but the causeways, which
were defended by towers and ditches spanned by draw-bridges; it was
the untimely raising of one of these draw-bridges that caused such
destruction to the Spaniards and their allies on the 'noche triste.'
Besides this, the inhabitants prepared themselves to defend their city
by means of boats, and were frequently exercised in sham naval
engagements. The temples of Mexico served all the purposes of
citadels, especially the great temple built by the Emperor Tizoc. It
occupied the centre of the city and was surrounded by a stone wall
eight feet high and very thick, having turrets and stone figures upon
it; the wall was pierced by four principal entrances, over each of
which were fortified apartments, well stocked with weapons, offensive
and defensive, ready for immediate service; here, in case of a revolt
or sudden alarm, the garrison went and armed themselves.[451] One of
the royal palaces also contained a large armory where great quantities
of arms were kept and armorers employed in their manufacture. The
peculiar architecture of the temple rendered the ascent to its top
very slow and difficult; during the battles of the Mexicans with
Cortés' troops after Montezuma's death, five hundred Mexican nobles
took possession of this summit, whence they hurled darts, arrows, and
stones against the Spaniards, many of whom lost their lives during the
assault before the position was taken by Cortés in person. In his
dispatch to the Emperor Charles the Fifth he says: "so arduous was the
attempt to take this tower that if God had not broken their spirits,
twenty of them would have been sufficient to resist the ascent of a
thousand men, although they fought with the greatest valor even unto
death."[452]

Besides the arsenal and general rendezvous there were many turreted
towers and strong buildings throughout the city, from the top of which
men could shoot their arrows and hurl darts and stones with great
effect. The lofty teocalli served as watch-towers, whence the
movements of the enemy could be observed. Naturally impregnable
localities, such as the vicinity of impassable rivers or ravines were
selected as sites for cities, which they further strengthened with
forts or surrounded with stone walls. The city of Guacachula, taken by
Cortés shortly after his retreat from Mexico on the 'noche triste,' is
thus described by him in his letter to Charles the Fifth: "This city
of Guacachula is situated upon a plain bounded upon one side by some
very lofty and craggy hills; encircling the plain, on the other sides,
about two cross-bow shots apart, are two rivers that run through large
and deep ravines. There are but few means of entrance to the city, and
those extremely difficult both in the ascent and descent so that they
can hardly be passed on horseback. The whole city is surrounded by a
very strong wall of stone and lime about twenty-two feet high on the
outside and almost level with the ground upon the inside. Around the
whole wall runs a battlement, half the height of a man, as a
protection when fighting; it has four entrances of sufficient width to
admit a man on horseback, and in each entrance are three or four
curves in the wall that lap one over the other and in the course of
the curves, on the top of the wall are parapets for fighting. In the
whole circuit of the wall is a large quantity of stones large and
small and of different shapes for use in action." Four leagues distant
from Guacachula was another city called Izucan, also strongly
fortified with breastworks, towers, and a deep river that encircled a
great part of the city.[453]

One of the most celebrated structures built for defence was the stone
wall erected by the Tlascaltecs to secure themselves from the
incursions of the Mexicans. This wall was six miles long, extending
across a valley from one mountain to another; it was nearly nine feet
high and twenty feet thick, surmounted along its whole length by a
breastwork that enabled its defenders to fight in comparative security
from the top. There was only one entrance, about ten paces wide, where
one part of the wall overlapped the other in curvilinear form in the
manner of a ravelin for a distance of forty paces. Bernal Diaz and
Cortés differ as to the materials of which the wall was built. The
former affirms that it was built of stones cemented together with lime
and a bitumen so strongly that it was necessary to use pick-axes to
separate them, while the latter says it was built of dry stone.

Cortés, describing the residence of the cacique of Iztacmaxtitlan, a
garrison of the Mexicans, says it was situated on a lofty eminence,
with a better fortress than there was in half Spain, defended by a
wall, barbican, and moats.[454] In many other parts of the country
were stone fortifications, wooden stockades and intrenchments. A short
distance from the village of Molcaxac stood a strong fortress built on
the top of a mountain; it was surrounded by four walls, erected at
certain intervals between the base of the mountain and the top.
Twenty-five miles from Córdova was the fortress of Quauhtochco, now
Guatusco, encircled by high stone walls in which were no entrance
gates; the interior could only be gained by means of steep narrow
steps, a method commonly adopted in the country.[455] The nations of
Michoacan and Jalisco employed heavy tree-trunks in fortifying their
positions against the Spanish invaders, or cut deep intrenchments in
which they fixed sharpened stakes. Previous to an attack led by Pedro
Alvarado against the inhabitants of Jalisco, the latter took up a
strong position on a hill which they fortified by placing large stones
in such a manner, that upon cutting the cords that held them they
would be precipitated upon the assailants; in the assault many
Spaniards were killed and Alvarado was thrown from his horse with
such violence that he died two days afterwards.[456]

* * * * *

Under the tripartite treaty made by the kingdoms of Mexico, Tezcuco,
and Tlacopan, a military council was established consisting of a
president and twenty-one members. During the reign of the emperor
Nezahualcoyotl their deliberations were held in a hall of his palace
in Tezcuco. The president belonged to the highest rank of the nobility
and commanders of the army, the other members were composed of six of
the principal men of Tezcuco, three nobles and three commoners, and
fifteen selected from the other chief provinces. All were veteran
officers of recognized courage and good conduct. To this court were
referred all matters relating to war. The council assembled when
required, to discuss and decide all affairs of the service, whether
for the punishment of offenses subversive of military discipline, or
to transact the business relative to a declaration of war against
other powers. In the latter case the consultation always took place in
presence of the sovereign, or of the three heads of the empire. All
ambassadors and soldiers were subject to this tribunal, which meted
out reward as well as punishment. The following were the articles of
war:

[Sidenote: ARTICLES OF WAR.]

First: any general or other military officer who, accompanying the
king on a campaign, should forsake him, or leave him in the power of
the enemy, thereby failing in his duty, which was to bring back his
sovereign dead or alive, suffered death by decapitation.

Second: any officer who formed the prince's guard and deserted his
trust, suffered death by decapitation.

Third: any soldier who disobeyed his superior officer, or abandoned
his post, or turned his back upon the enemy, or showed them favor,
suffered death by decapitation.

Fourth: any officer or soldier who usurped the captive or spoil of
another, or who ceded to another the prisoner he himself had taken,
suffered death by hanging.

Fifth: any soldier who in war caused injury to the enemy without
permission of his officer, or who attacked before the signal was
given, or who abandoned the standard or headquarters, or broke or
violated any order issued by his captain, suffered death by
decapitation.

Sixth: the traitor who revealed to the enemy the secrets of the army
or orders communicated for the success thereof, suffered death by
being torn to pieces; his property was forfeited to the crown and all
his children and relations were made slaves in perpetuity.

Seventh: any person who protected or concealed an enemy in time of
war, whether noble or plebeian, suffered death by being torn to pieces
in the middle of the public square, and his limbs were given to the
populace to be treated as objects of derision and contempt.

Eighth: any noble or person of distinction who, in action, or at any
dance or festival, exhibited the insignia or badges of the kings of
Mexico, Tezcuco, or Tlacopan, suffered death and forfeiture of
property.

Ninth: any nobleman who, being captured by the enemy fled from prison
and returned to his country suffered death by decapitation; but, if he
fought and vanquished seven soldiers in gladiatorial combat previous
to return, he was free and was rewarded as a brave man. The private
soldier who fled from an enemy's prison and returned to his country
was well received.

Tenth: any ambassador who failed to discharge his trust in accordance
with the orders and instructions given to him or who returned without
an answer, suffered death by decapitation.[457]

As I have already stated, the primary object of most wars was to
procure victims for sacrifices to Huitzilopochtli and other gods, and
the Mexicans were never at a loss for an excuse to pick a quarrel. The
refusal of a neighboring power to receive in its temple one of the
Mexican gods, neglect to pay tribute demanded, insults offered to
ambassadors or traveling merchants, or symptoms of rebellion in a city
or a province, furnished sufficient pretext to take up arms. The
rulers of Mexico, however, always endeavored to justify their conduct
before they made war, and never commenced hostilities without sending
due notice of their intention to the adversary. Before an actual
challenge was sent or war declared against any nation, the council met
in presence of the three heads of the empire, and gravely discussed
the equity of the case. If the difficulty lay with a province subject
to the empire, secret emissaries were sent to inquire whether the
fault originated solely with the governor or if he was sustained by
his subjects. If it appeared that the whole blame rested with the
governor, a force was sent to arrest him, and he was publicly
punished, together with all others implicated; but if the rising was
with the consent of the people, they were summoned to submit and place
themselves in obedience to the king whose vassals they were, and a
fine, proportionate to the magnitude of the case, was imposed. It was
customary for the rulers of Mexico or Tezcuco to send messengers to
distant provinces with a demand that they should receive one or more
of their gods and worship them in their temples. If the messenger was
killed or the proposed god rejected, a war ensued.

[Sidenote: DECLARATION OF WAR.]

As I have said, it was a breach of international etiquette to proceed
to war without giving due notice to the enemy, and military law
prescribed that three embassies should be despatched before
commencing hostilities. The number of ambassadors varied according to
the circumstances and rank of the princes against whom war was to be
made, for the higher his rank the fewer in number were the envoys. If
he was a great king only one was sent, and he was generally of the
blood-royal or a famous general. Sometimes the ambassadors were
instructed to deliver their message directly to the hostile prince, at
other times to the people of the province. In the first case upon
entering into the prince's presence they paid their respects with
reverence, and having seated themselves in the centre of the
audience-hall, waited till permission was given them to speak. The
signal made, the principal among them delivered his message in a low
tone of voice and with a studied address, the audience preserving a
decorous silence, and listening attentively. As a general thing, in
all embassies an interchange of presents was made, and if the message
was from one friendly power to another, a refusal of such gifts was a
serious affront. If, however, it was to an enemy, the ambassador could
not receive a present without express orders from his master. When the
three powers of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan acted in unison, in the
event of a difficulty with another nation, the first ambassadors sent
were of the Mexican nation and were called _quaquauhnochtzin_. Upon
arriving at the capital of the kingdom or province they proceeded at
once to the public square and summoned before them the ministers and
aged men, to whom they made known the several circumstances of the
case, warning them that, in case their lord refused to accede to their
propositions, upon them and their families would fall the evils and
hardships produced by war, and exhorting them to counsel and persuade
their lord to maintain the good will and protection of the empire; for
this purpose they granted twenty days, within which time they would
expect an answer, and in order that there might be no complaint of
being surprised and taken unprepared they left a supply of weapons
and then retired outside the town to await the answer. If within the
twenty days it was decided to accept the terms of the ambassadors, the
ministers went to the place where they were in waiting and conducted
them into the city, where they were received with every mark of
respect, and in a short time were sent back to their own country,
accompanied by other ambassadors, bearing costly presents in token of
friendship and esteem. If, however, twenty days passed without a
satisfactory adjustment of the difficulty, a second set of
ambassadors, held in readiness for the occasion, who had to be of the
kingdom of Tezcuco and were called _achcacauhtzin_, were sent into the
city. These carried with them a quantity of arms, some feathers of a
bird called _tecpilotl_, and a small earthenware jar containing a
certain balsamic and aromatic ointment, compounded of various herbs
and gums. They went directly to the palace of the prince and in
presence of the gentlemen of his court delivered their message. They
then represented to him the miseries of war, and warned him, that if
within the space of twenty days he did not agree to their terms, in
the event of his being taken captive during the war which would ensue
he would be put to death under the penalty of the law, which sentenced
him to have his head smashed with a club, and that his vassals would
be chastised in proportion to the offence each had committed. If the
refractory prince or noble refused immediate compliance, the
ambassadors anointed his right arm and his head with the ointment
brought with them, telling him to be strong and of good courage and to
fight bravely against the troops of the empire, whose valor in war
they greatly extolled. They then tied the tecpilotl-plumes at the back
of his head with red strings, handed him the weapons they had brought
with them, and retired to the place where the first ambassadors were,
to await the expiration of the twenty days. If he surrendered within
the time, he was required to pay a stipulated annual tribute of small
amount, but if he refused to surrender, there came a third set of
ambassadors, who were of the kingdom of Tlacopan; they appeared before
the lord in the presence of his ministers and court, and delivered
their message with stronger threats and warnings, to the effect that
if he did not surrender at the expiration of a further twenty days,
the army of the empire would march against his territory and punish
the inhabitants regardless of age or sex, and that although they might
implore its clemency they would not be heard; they then gave them a
larger supply of arms than on the preceding occasions, telling them to
avail themselves of them and not to say at a future time that they had
been assailed unprepared. If the lord of the province surrendered
within the last twenty days, he was punished according to the pleasure
of the three powers, but not with death nor with the confiscation of
his rank or property; he was usually condemned to pay an extraordinary
tribute out of his own revenues; should he continue rebellious, war
broke out, and the army of the empire, already prepared on the
frontiers, commenced its operations.[458]

It was usual to send a formal challenge or declaration of war,
accompanied by some presents, either of arms, clothing, or food, as it
was held to be a discreditable act to attack any unarmed or
defenseless people. A notable instance of this spirit was shown by the
Tlascaltecs when they confronted the army of Cortés; their general is
reported to have exclaimed: "Who are these presumptuous men, so few in
number that they attempt to enter our country in spite of us? Lest
they think we want to take them by hunger rather than by force of
arms, let us send them food, that we may find them savory after the
sacrifice, for they come starved and worn out." Before the battle they
sent three hundred turkeys and two hundred baskets of centli or
tamales, each basket weighing about twenty-five pounds, a gift most
acceptable to the Castilians.[459]

When war against another nation was decided upon, the first care of
the Mexicans was to investigate the character and resources of the
region they were about to invade. Certain spies called _quimichtin_,
who were selected for their knowledge of the language and customs of
the enemy's country, were sent thither, dressed after the manner of
the inhabitants. These spies were directed to prepare maps of the
districts they passed through, showing the plains, rivers, mountains,
and dangerous passes as well as the most practicable routes, and were
to take notice of all means of defense possessed by the enemy. The
sketches and information thus obtained were given to the chiefs of the
army to guide them in their march and enable them to make the best
disposition of their forces. Such spies as brought valuable news were
rewarded with the grant of a piece of land, and if one came over from
the enemy's side and gave advice of their preparations and force, he
was well paid and given presents of mantles.[460] When a war was to be
conducted jointly by the three allied powers, proclamation was made by
heralds in the public thoroughfares of the capital cities.
Commissariat officers called _calpixques_ collected the necessary
stores and provisions for the campaign, and distributed weapons and
coarse mantles of nequen to the army. The troops then went to the
temple and performed the ceremony of scarifying their bodies, while
the customary sacrifices were offered by the priests to
Huitzilopochtli.

[Sidenote: ORDER OF MARCH AND BATTLE.]

If the expedition was an important one and the army large, it was
composed of several divisions, called _xiquipilli_, each consisting of
eight thousand men under their respective commanders. When all was in
readiness the order of march was thus formed: the priests with their
idols started one day's march in advance; next came the captains and
flower of the army, followed by the soldiers of Mexico; after them the
Tezcucans, and then those of Tlacopan, the rear being closed by the
troops of other provinces; one day's march separated each division.
Perfect order was maintained on the route, and when near the enemy's
country the chiefs traced out the camping-ground each division should
occupy, and directed all to entrench and fortify their positions.[461]

The battle was sometimes fought on a piece of neutral ground lying
between the confines of two territories. Such a place was known by the
name _yauhtlalli_, and was especially reserved for the purpose, and
always left uncultivated.[462] Before the action commenced each
soldier received from the royal magazine a handful of pinole and a
kind of cake called _tlaxcaltotopochtli_; afterwards the high-priest
or chief addressed the troops, reminding them of the glory to be
gained by victory, and the eternal bliss in store for those who fell,
and concluded by counseling them to place their trust in
Huitzilopochtli and fight valiantly. If the king was present on the
field the signal for attack was given by him. The Mexican monarch
issued his orders to commence the action by sounding on a large shell
making a noise like a trumpet; the lords of Tezcuco beat upon a small
drum, and lords of other provinces struck two bones together. The
signals for retreat were given upon similar instruments. When the
battle commenced, the shrieking of musical instruments, the clashing
of swords against bucklers, and shouting of the combatants made a
noise so great as to strike terror into those unused to it. While
fighting the warriors shouted the names of their respective towns or
districts to enable them to recognize each other and prevent
confusion.[463]

In fighting there appears to have been no special tactics; the
commanders of divisions and the captains used every effort to keep
their men together, and were very careful to protect the standard, as,
if that was taken, the battle was considered lost and all fled. They
observed the wise policy of keeping a number of men in reserve to
replace any who were wearied or had exhausted their weapons. The
archers, slingers, and javelin men commenced the action at a distance
and gradually drew nearer, until they came to close quarters, when
they took to their swords and spears. All movements, both in advance
and retreat, were rapidly executed; sometimes a retreat was feigned in
order to draw the enemy into an ambuscade which had been prepared
beforehand. The chief object was to take prisoners and not to slay;
when an enemy refused to surrender, they endeavored to wound them in
the foot or leg so as to prevent escape, but they never accepted a
ransom for a prisoner. Certain men were attached to the army whose
duty it was to remove the killed and wounded during the action, so
that the enemy might not know the losses and take fresh heart.[464]

[Sidenote: TLASCALTECS AND TARASCOS.]

The Tlascaltecs formed their army into battalions, each having its
appointed chief, the whole being under the command of a
general-in-chief, who was elected from among those of the four
seigniories into which the republic was divided. Their mode of
fighting differed little from that of the Mexicans, with the exception
of a certain practice which they observed upon first coming in contact
with the enemy. This consisted in carrying with them two darts which
they believed would presage victory or defeat according to the result
of their delivery into the hostile ranks. According to Motolinia the
tradition among them in regard to this belief was, that their
ancestors came from the north-west, and that in order to reach the
land they navigated eight or ten days; from the oldest among them they
then received two darts which they guarded as precious relics, and
regarded as an infallible augury by which to know whether they would
gain a victory or ought to retreat in time.[465] When a victory was
won the great standard was brought to the front and placed upon a
rising ground or in some conspicuous position, and all were obliged to
assemble around it; he who neglected to do so was punished.

The Tarascos fought with great courage to the sound of numerous horns
and sea-shells, and carried to battle banners made of feathers of many
colors. Their skill and valor is best proven by the fact that the
Mexicans were never able to subdue them. They showed especial strategy
in luring the foe into ambush. Like the Mexicans their chief object in
battle was to take prisoners to sacrifice to their gods.[466]

Among the Mexicans, when the battle was over, the first prisoners
taken were given to the priests to be sacrificed before the idols they
carried with them. An account was taken of the losses sustained and of
the number of prisoners and other booty gained. Rewards were
distributed to all who had distinguished themselves and punishment
inflicted on any who had misbehaved. All disputes relative to the
capture of prisoners were inquired into and adjusted. If a case arose
where neither of the disputants could prove their title, the prisoner
was taken from them and given to the priests to be sacrificed. Those
inhabitants of the conquered province who could prove that they had
taken no active part in the war were punished at the discretion of
their conqueror; usually they were condemned to pay a certain annual
tribute, or to construct public works; meantime, the vanquished
province was supplied with a governor and officers, appointed from
among the conquerors.[467]

When the king or a feudatory lord captured a prisoner for the first
time, his success was made the occasion of much rejoicing. The
captive, dressed in showy apparel and mounted on a litter, was borne
to the town in great triumph, accompanied by a host of warriors
shouting and singing; at the outskirts of the city the procession was
met by the inhabitants, some playing on musical instruments, others
dancing and singing songs composed for the occasion. The prisoner was
saluted with mimic honors, and his captor greatly extolled and
congratulated. Numbers of people arrived from the adjoining towns and
villages to assist in the general hilarity, bringing with them
presents of gold, jewels, and rich dresses. Upon the day appointed for
the sacrifice a grand festival was held, previous to and after which
the lord fasted and performed certain prescribed ceremonies. The
victim was usually dressed for the occasion in the robes of the god
of the sun, and sacrificed in the usual manner. With some of the blood
that flowed, the priest sprinkled the four sides of the temple; the
remainder was collected in a vessel and sent to the noble captor, who
with it sprinkled all the gods in the court yard of the temple as a
thank-offering for the victory he had gained. After the heart was
taken out the body was rolled down the steps and received below; the
head was then cut off and placed upon a high pole, afterwards the body
was flayed, and the skin stuffed with cotton and hung up in the
captor's house as a memento of his prowess.[468]

[Sidenote: GLADIATORIAL COMBAT.]

When a renowned captain or noble was made prisoner, the right of
fighting for his liberty was granted him--an honor not permitted to
warriors of an inferior rank. Near the temple was an open space
capable of containing a large multitude; in the middle was a circular
mound built of stone and mortar, about eight feet high, with steps
leading to the top, where was fixed a large round stone, three feet
high, smooth, and adorned with figures. This stone was called the
_temalacatl_; upon it the prisoner was placed, tied at the ankle with
a cord, which passed through a hole in the centre of the stone. His
weapons consisted of a shield and macana.[469] He who had taken him
prisoner then mounted the stone, better armed, to combat with him.
Both the combatants were animated with the strongest motives to fight
desperately. The prisoner fought for his life and liberty, and his
adversary to sustain his reputation. If the former was conquered, a
priest, called _chalchiuhtepehua_, immediately seized him, hurried him
dead or alive to the sacrificial stone and tore out his heart. The
victor was then publicly congratulated and rewarded with military
honors. If, however, the prisoner vanquished his first opponent and
six others, by whom, in succession, he was attacked, he was granted
his freedom, all spoil taken from him in battle was restored to him,
and he returned to his country covered with glory. A notable violation
of this law is recorded of the Huexotzincas. In a battle between them
and the Cholultecs, the leader of the latter nation became separated
from his own people during the heat of battle, and was, after a
gallant resistance, made prisoner and conducted to the capital. Being
placed on the gladiatorial stone he conquered the seven adversaries
that were brought against him, but the Huexotzincas, dreading to
liberate so famous a warrior, contrary to their universal law, put him
to death, and thereby covered themselves with ignominy.[470]

[Sidenote: PRISONERS OF WAR.]

If the prisoner was a person of very high rank, he was taken before
the king, who ordered that he should be sumptuously fed and lodged for
forty days. At the end of that time he was accorded the right of
combat, and if conquered, after the usual sacrificial ceremonies the
body was cut into small pieces; these were sent to the relations and
friends of the deceased, who received them as relics of great value
and acknowledged the favor by returning gold, jewels, and rich
plumes.[471] If we are to believe Gomara and others, the number of
victims, chiefly prisoners of war, sacrificed at some of the
festivals, was enormous. The historians relate that in front of the
principal gate of the temple there was a mound built of stone and lime
with innumerable skulls of prisoners inserted between the stones. At
the head and foot of the mound were two towers built entirely of
skulls and lime; on the top of the mound were seventy or more upright
poles, each with many other sticks fastened crossways to it, at
intervals, from top to bottom; on the points of each cross stick were
five skulls. They go on to say that two soldiers of Cortés counted
these skulls and found them to amount to one hundred and thirty-six
thousand. Those that composed the towers they could not count.[472]

The nations contiguous to the Mexicans imitated to a great extent
their manner of disposing of prisoners of war, and kept them to be
sacrificed at their festivals. The first prisoner taken in battle by
the Tlascaltecs was flayed alive and he who captured him dressed
himself in the horrid trophy, and so covered served the god of battles
during a certain number of days. He paraded from one temple to another
followed by a crowd that shrieked for joy; but had, however, to run
from his pursuers, for if they caught him they beat him till he was
nearly dead. This ceremony was called _exquinan_, and was sometimes
observed by two or three at the same time.[473] At one of their
festivals they bound their prisoners to high crosses and shot them to
death with arrows; at other times they killed them with the bastinado.
They had also solemn banquets, at which they ate the flesh of their
prisoners. At the taking of Mexico, the Tlascaltec soldiery feasted
upon the bodies of the slain Mexicans, and Cortés, although shocked at
the revolting practice, was unable to prevent it.[474]

The Mexicans, Tlascaltecs, and neighboring nations always made the
return of a successful army the occasion of great festivity and
rejoicing; the loud sound of drums and musical instruments greeted the
entry of the victorious troops into the capital; triumphal arches were
erected in the streets and the houses decorated with flowers; an
abundance of copal was burned and sumptuous banquets were prepared;
all were dressed in their gayest attire, and the warriors put on all
the insignia of their rank; gifts were distributed to those who had
performed any deed of gallantry, and minstrels sung or recited poems
in their praise. Many went to the temples to observe especial acts of
devotion to the gods, and numbers of the prisoners were then
sacrificed. All these ceremonies tended to inspire the youths with
courage and make them ambitious to gain distinction in war.[475]

FOOTNOTES:

[428] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 329-32.

[429] _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. i., pl.
lxiv-lxvi. In explanation of plate lxv., No. 19, it is stated that the
warrior was called Quachic by reason of having taken five prisoners in
war. 'Haber cautivado en la guerra cinco, demas de que en otras
guerras a cautivado otros muchos de sus enemigos.' Explanation of
_Id._, vol. v., p. 104; while Purchas says such a one was 'called
Quagchil ... shewing that hee had taken fiue at the Wars of Guexo,
besides that in other Wars he tooke many of his enemies.' _Purchas his
Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1110-11.

[430] Torquemada and Brasseur speak of a yet higher rank among the
princes. 'Vna de las maiores grandeças, à que llegaba, era atarse el
cabello, que era demonstracion de Gran Capitan, y estos se llamaban
Quachictin, que era el mas honroso nombre, que à los Capitanes se los
daba, y pocos lo alcançaban.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii.,
p. 543. 'Dont les membres se nommaient "Quachictin," c'est-à-dire,
Couronnés. Leurs insignes consistaient dans la courroie écarlate dont
nous avons parlé plus haut, mais dont le bout, avec sa houppe de
plumes, pendait alors jusqu'à la ceinture.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 590-1. Herrera and Acosta both
mention a fourth order: 'Auia otros como caualleros Pardos, que no
eran de tanta cuenta, como estos, los quales tenian vnas coletas
cortadas por encima de la oreja en redondo.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las
Ynd._, pp. 443-4; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap.
xix.; _West und Ost Indischer Lustgart_, pt i., p. 99; _Montanus_,
_Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 267-8; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., p. 140.

[431] The greaves were called _cozehuatl_, the brachials _matemecatl_,
the bracelets _matzopetztli_, the lip ornament _tentetl_, the
ear-rings _nacochtli_, and the collar or necklace _cozcapetlatl_.
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 543; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 595; _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 141.

[432] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 295-6.

[433] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 293-7.

[434] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvi.; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 593; _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 143; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. ii., p. 543.

[435] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 141-3;
_Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in
_Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305.

[436] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 289-90.

[437] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., p. 83.

[438] _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., pp. 17-21; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. i., p. 354; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii.,
cap. ii.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 37; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. i., p. 519; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 14. For further
reference to defensive weapons and armor, see: _Carbajal Espinosa_,
_Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 608-19; _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 246;
_Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 267; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_,
tom. v., pp. 81-3; _Mexique_, _Études Hist._, p. 8; _Leon y Gama_,
_Dos Piedras_, pt ii., p. 28; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 161;
_Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.
xcviii., p. 133; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 542.

[439] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xi.; _Gage's
New Survey_, pp. 99-100.

[440] 'I Tehuacanesi erano singolarmente rinomati per la lor destrezza
nel tirar tre, o quatro frecce insieme.... La destrezza di quei Popoli
nel tirar le frecce non sarebbe credibile, se non fosse accertata per
la deposizione di centinaja di testimonj oculati. Radunatisi parecchj
frecciatori gettano in sù una pannocchia di frumentone, e si mettono a
saettarla con una tal prontezza, e con una tal desterità, che non la
lasciano venite a terra, finattantochè non le hanno levati tutti i
grani. Gettano similmente una moneta d'argento non più grande d'un
giulio, e saettandola la trattengono in aria, quanto voglioni.'
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 143.

[441] Ixtlilxochitl mentions clubs studded with iron, but it is well
known that the Aztec nations had no knowledge of that mineral,
although it is said they possessed the art of being able to temper
copper to the hardness of steel, 'porras claveteadas de hierro, cobre
y oro.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 332.

[442] According to Gomara it was made of 'cierta rayz que llaman
çacotl, y de teuxalli, que es vna arena rezia, y como de vena de
diamantes, que mezclan y amassan con sangre de morcielagos, y no se
que otras aues.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 110.

[443] In reference to the macana, which all assert to have been a most
formidable weapon, I quote only a few authorities. 'Sus espadas de
palo largas, de un palo muy fuerte, engeridas de pedernales
agudísimos, que de una cuchillada cortaban á cercen el pescuezo de un
caballo.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de
Doc._, tom. i., p. 188. Bernal Diaz describing a battle with the
Tlascaltecs where Pedro de Moron was wounded and had his horse killed,
says 'dieron vna cuchillada â la yegua, que le cortaron el pescueço
redondo, y alli quedó muerta.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 44.
'Taglia come vn rasoio di Tolosa. Io viddi che combattendosi vn di,
diede vn Indiano vna cortellata a vn cauallo sopra il qual era vn
caualliero con chi combatteua, nel petto, che glielo aperse fin alle
interiora, et cadde incontanente morto, & il medesimo giorno viddi che
vn'altro cortellata a vn'altro cauallo su il collo che se lo gettò
morto a i piedi.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor
Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305.
The Anonymous Conqueror does not say the head was cut off, but that
one horse was killed with a cut on the breast that opened it to the
entrails, and the other from a cut on the neck was laid dead at his
feet. 'Lo que podrán efectuar con aquella espada en el pescuezo del
caballo sera de la herida cuanto entraren los filos en la carne, que
no pasarán de un canto de real de plata, porque todo lo otro es
grueso, por tener el lomo que arriba referimos las navajas.' _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvi.; _Hernandez_, _Nova
Plant._, p. 340; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1129.

[444] It may be that this ballesta was a somewhat similar implement to
that used by the Aleuts and Isthmians. See vol. i., pp. 90, 761.
'Dardi che essi tirano con vn manga no fatto di vn'altro bastone.'
_Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in
_Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 594-5.

[445] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 101; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom.
ii., p. 5; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 299; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 460.

[446] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 128-9.

[447] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 339.

[448] In regard to the armorial ensign of the Tlascaltecs, authors
differ. It is admitted that the general-in-chief carried the standard
of the republic, and important authorities say that the one borne by
Xicotencatl in his battle with Cortés had emblazoned upon it a white
bird resembling an ostrich or heron, but Clavigero and Prescott
incline to the opinion that the emblem was an eagle. In regard to this
we have the following accounts. Bernal Diaz, an actor in the battle,
says the Tlascaltec army was ranged under the banner of Xicotencatl,
'qua era vn aue blanca tendidas las alas, como que queria bolar, que
parece como auestruz.' _Hist. Conq._, fol. 45. 'Lleuaua el estandarte
de la ciudad, que es vna grua de oro con las alas tendidas.' _Gomara_,
_Conq. Mex._, fol. 75. 'Esta bandera de Tascaltecle es una grua que
trae por divisa, ó armas al natural, de oro, é tendidas las alas.'
_Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 499. 'Xicotencatl ... llevaba el
Estandarte de la Republica, que era vn Aguila de Oro, con las Alas
estendidas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 423;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 145; _Prescott's
Mex._, vol. i., p. 439; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 234.

[449] 'Ha ogni compagnia il suo Alfiere con la sua insegna inhastata,
& in tal modo ligata sopra le spalle, che non gli da alcun disturbo di
poter combattere ne far ciò che vuole, & la porta cosi ligata bene al
corpo, che se non fanno del suo corpo pezzi, non se gli puo sligare,
ne torgliela mai.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor
Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305.

[450] 'Respetaban à los Embaxadores de sus mortales enemigos, como à
Dioses, teniendo por mejor violar qualquier rito de su Religion, que
pecar contra la fee dada à los Embaxadores.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 535-6. 'Los Correos, ò Mensageros, que se
despachaban de las Guerras, tambien pasaban seguros, por todas
partes.' _Ib._; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp.
118-20.

[451] 'A cada parte y puerta de las cuatro del patio del templo grande
ya dicho habia una gran sala con muy buenos aposentos altos y bajos en
rededor. En estos tenian muchas armas, porque como los Templos tengan
por fortalezas de los pueblos tienen en ellos toda su municion.' _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li.

[452] 'Si Dios no les quebrara las alas.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 132.
See also _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 151-2;
_Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 319.

[453] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 150, 152.

[454] 'Una gran cerca de piedra seca.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 59-60.
'Una fuerça bien fuerte hecha de cal y canto, y de otro betun tan
rezio, que con picos de hierro era forçoso deshazerla.' _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Conq._, fol. 43; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp.
418-19; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 229, 232; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 134-5; _Gomara_, _Conq.
Mex._, fol. 70; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. i.; _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 150; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom.
i., p. 241.

[455] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 150.

[456] _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, p. 107; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. iii., p. 567; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des
Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133.

[457] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 203-4, 422-3;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 384-5, 540; _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv.; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._,
in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 243, 246; _Mendieta_,
_Hist. Ecles._, p. 132.

[458] Las Casas says that very old women were admitted to war
councils. 'Nunca movian guerra sin dar parte al pueblo, y sin mucho
consejo de los mas ancianos y caballeros ejercitados en la guerra, al
cual consejo se admitian las mujeres muy viejas como personas que
habian visto y oido muchas cosas y asi esperimentadas de lo pasado.'
_Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvi. According to the
Chevalier Boturini the first ambassadors were accredited to the king
or lord of the province, the second were dispatched to the nobility
requiring them to persuade their lord, and the third convoked the
people and advised them of the motives their monarch had for waging
war against them. _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 162-3. See also _Veytia_,
_Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 424-7; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist.
Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 246-7;
_Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Id._, pp. 40, 73; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 382-3, 534-5.

[459] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 423; _Gomara_, _Conq.
Mex._, fol. 75; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. vi.

[460] 'A estas Espias, que embiaban delante, llamaban Ratones, que
andan de noche, ò escondidos, y à hurtadillas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. ii., p. 538.

[461] Camargo says: 'L'armée était divisée par bataillons de cent
hommes.' _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.
xcviii., p. 134. 'Quando l'esercito era numeroso, si contava per
_Xiquipilli_: ed ogni _Xiquipilli_ si componeva d'otto mila uomini.'
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 147.

[462] Also spelt _quiahtlale_, _jaotlalli_, meaning a place for war.
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 147-3; _Gomara_,
_Conq. Mex._, fol. 322; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p.
538.

[463] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., pp. 31, 41, 50, 147.

[464] For further account of their manner of conducting a war, see:
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 147-9;
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 311-12; _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvii.; _Mendieta_, _Hist.
Ecles._, pp. 129-31; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 322-3; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 598-601; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 537-40; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. 313-14; _Klemm_,
_Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 86-8.

[465] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,
tom. i., p. 11; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap.
xvii.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 87; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. i., p. 34; _Gage's New Survey_, p. 77; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire
Mex._, p. 230.

[466] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 51, 60-1.

[467] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 313; _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvii.

[468] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 131-4; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 541-2; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., p. 149.

[469] Camargo says the prisoner was given his choice of every kind of
offensive and defensive weapons. _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales
des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 188-9, but all other authors state
that he was only given a short sword and shield. Boturini says a
servant who was under the stone drew the cord and so controlled the
prisoner that he could not move. _Idea_, p. 164. Duran says: 'El modo
que en celebrarlo tenian; que era atar á los Presos con una soga al
pie por un ahugero que aquella piedra tenia por medio, y desnudo en
cueros le daban una rodela y una espada de solo palo emplumado en las
manos, y unas pelotas de palo con que se defendian de los que salian á
combatir con él, que eran cuatro muy bien armados.' _Hist. Indias_,
MS., tom. i., cap. 36.

[470] _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando
Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 47-8.

[471] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 536.

[472] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 121-2; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las
Ynd._, pp. 333-5; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap.
xviii.; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 242.

[473] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843,
tom. xcix., p. 134.

[474] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 51;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 423. For further reference
to treatment of prisoners, see: _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 250-1; _Tezozomoc_,
_Crónica Mex._, in _Id._, p. 164; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom.
v., pp. 102-3; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 634;
_Fossey_, _Mexique_, pp. 215-16; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. viii.

[475] Instances of how the Mexicans received their victorious armies
are given in _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 39, 61, 177-8; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 321-2. See further, _Camargo_, _Hist.
Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., p. 136;
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 574; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp.
489-90.

CHAPTER XIV.

NAHUA LAWS AND LAW COURTS.

GENERAL REMARKS--THE CIHUACOATL, OR SUPREME JUDGE--THE COURT
OF THE TLACATECATL--JURISDICTION OF THE TECUHTLIS--THE
CENTECTLAPIXQUES AND TOPILLIS--LAW COURTS AND JUDGES OF
TEZCUCO--EIGHTY-DAY COUNCIL--TRIBUNAL OF THE KING--COURT
PROCEEDINGS--LAWYERS--WITNESSES--REMUNERATION OF
JUDGES--JUSTICE OF KING NEZAHUALPILLI--HE ORDERS HIS SON'S
EXECUTION--MONTEZUMA AND THE FARMER--JAILS--LAWS AGAINST
THEFT, MURDER, TREASON, KIDNAPPING, DRUNKENNESS, WITCHCRAFT,
ADULTERY, INCEST, SODOMY, FORNICATION, AND OTHER
CRIMES--STORY OF NEZAHUALCOYOTL AND THE BOY.

It has already been stated that among the Nahuas the supreme
legislative power belonged to the king; the lawful share that he took
in the administration of justice we shall see as we examine the system
of jurisprudence adopted by them.

When treating of the Nahua judiciary the majority of historians have
preferred to discuss almost exclusively the system in vogue at
Tezcuco, partly, perhaps, because it presents a nicer gradation of
legal tribunals, and consequently a closer resemblance to European
institutions than did the more simple routine of the Mexicans, but
mainly because the materials of information were more accessible and
abundant. Many writers, however, have not followed this rule, but
throwing all the information they could obtain into a general fund,
they have applied the whole indiscriminately to the 'Mexicans,' by
which term they mean all the inhabitants of the regions conquered by
Cortés. Las Casas, speaking of the allied kingdoms of Mexico, Tezcuco,
and Tlacopan, says that "their government and laws scarcely differed,
so that whatever may be said of those parts concerning which the most
information can be obtained, may be understood, and perhaps it is best
to say it, as applying to all."[476] Although the number and
jurisdiction of the law-courts of Mexico and Tezcuco differed, there
is reason to believe that the laws themselves and the penalties
inflicted were the same, or nearly so.

[Sidenote: THE CIHUACOATL, SUPREME JUDGE.]

In Mexico, and in each of the principal cities of the empire, there
was a supreme judge, called _cihuacoatl_,[477] who was considered
second only to the king in rank and authority. He heard appeals in
criminal cases from the court immediately below him, and from his
decision no appeal was allowed, not even to the king.[478] Whether or
not the cihuacoatl pronounced judgment in civil cases is uncertain.
According to Clavigero he did;[479] Prescott,[480] Brasseur de
Bourbourg,[481] and Carbajal Espinosa[482] agree with Clavigero, and
Leon Carbajal[483] cites Torquemada as an authority for this
statement, but the fact is Torquemada distinctly affirms the
contrary,[484] as does Las Casas,[485] from whom Torquemada takes his
information. It appears, however, reasonable to suppose that in some
exceptional cases, as, for instance, where the title to large
possessions was involved, or when the litigants were powerful nobles,
the supreme judge may have taken cognizance of civil affairs. Whether
the jurisdiction of the cihuacoatl was ever original, as well as
final, as Prescott[486] asserts it to have been, I do not find stated
by the earlier authorities, although this may have happened
exceptionally, but in that case there could have been but one hearing,
for the king, who was the only superior of the supreme judge, had no
authority to reverse the decisions of the latter. The cihuacoatl was
appointed by the king, and he in turn appointed the inferior judges.
He held his office for life, and in addition to his regular judicial
duties had charge of the most important affairs of government, and of
the royal revenues. He was without a colleague, and must administer
justice in person. Such was the respect paid to this exalted
personage, that whoever had the audacity to usurp his power or
insignia suffered death, his property was confiscated and his family
enslaved.[487]

The next court was supreme in civil matters and could only be appealed
from to the cihuacoatl in cases of a criminal nature. It was presided
over by three judges, the chief of whom was styled _tlacatecatl_, and
from him the court took its name; his colleagues were called
_quauhnochtli_ and _tlanotlac_.[488] Each of these had his deputies
and assistants. Affairs of importance were laid in the first instance
before this tribunal, but appeals from the inferior courts were also
heard. Sentence was pronounced by a crier entitled _tecpoyotl_ in the
name of the tlacatecatl, and was carried into execution by the
quauhnochtli with his own hands. The office of tecpoyotl was
considered one of high honor because he declared the will of the king
as represented by his judges.

[Sidenote: THE TECUHTLI AND CENTECTLAPIXQUE.]

In each ward of the city there was a magistrate called _tecuhtli_ who
was annually elected by the inhabitants of his district; he judged
minor cases in the first instance only, and probably the office
somewhat resembled that of our police judge. Appeal lay from him to
the tlacatecatl.[489] It was the duty of the tecuhtlis to give a daily
report of affairs that had been submitted to them, and of the
judgments they had rendered thereon, to the tlacatecatl, who reviewed
their proceedings. Whether the tlacatecatl could reverse the decision
of a tecuhtli when no appeal had been made, is uncertain, but it
appears improbable, inasmuch as a failure to exercise the right of
appeal would imply recognition of justice in the judgment passed by
the lower tribunal. In each ward, and elected in the same manner as
the tecuhtlis, were officers whose title was _centectlapixque_, whose
province it was to watch over the behavior and welfare of a certain
number of families committed to their charge, and to acquaint the
magistrates with everything that passed. Although the centectlapixques
could not exercise judicial authority, yet it is probable that petty
disputes were often submitted to them for arbitration, and that their
arbitrament was abided by. In case the parties could not be brought to
any friendly settlement, however, the centectlapixque immediately
reported the matter to the tecuhtli of his district, and a regular
trial ensued.

The tecuhtlis had their bailiffs, who carried their messages and
served summonses. In addition to these there were constables styled
_topilli_, who arrested prisoners and enforced order.[490]

[Sidenote: THE EIGHTY-DAY COUNCIL.]

In Tezcuco, although the kingdom was divided into many provinces,[491]
the higher courts of justice were placed in six of the principal
cities only.[492] Each of these tribunals was presided over by two
judges, who were very high magnates and usually relatives of the king,
and from these an appeal lay to two supreme judges who resided at the
capital.[493] These twelve judges were assisted by twelve
sheriffs,[494] whose duty it was to arrest prisoners of exalted rank
in their own district, or to go in search of offenders in other
provinces. The peculiar badge of these officers was a certain
ornamented mantle; wherever they went they were held in great awe and
respect, as representatives of the king, and seldom encountered
resistance in the exercise of their functions. There were also
constables in attendance on the courts, who acted with great diligence
in carrying messages or making arrests. Every ten or twelve days all
the judges met in council with the king,[495] when cases of
importance were discussed, and either finally settled, or laid over
for decision at a grand council which convened every four Mexican
months, making in all eighty days. On these occasions all the judges,
without exception, met together, the king presiding in person. All
being seated according to their order of precedence, an orator opened
the proceedings with a speech, in which he praised virtue and severely
reprimanded vice; he reviewed all the events of the past eighty days,
and commented very severely even upon the acts of the king himself. In
this council all suits were terminated, the sentences being carried
out on the spot,[496] and affairs of state and policy were discussed
and transacted; it generally sat during eight or ten days.[497] In
addition to these judges there were magistrates of a lower order in
all the provinces, who took cognizance of cases of minor importance,
and who also heard and considered those of greater consequence
preparatory to laying them before the Eighty-Day Council.[498] The
historian Ixtlilxochitl gives a somewhat different account of the
Tezcucan tribunals, which, as it contains the only description given
by the ancient writers of the halls in which the judges sat, I
translate in full.

In the palace were two principal courtyards, the larger of which
served as the market-place. The second courtyard was smaller than the
first, and was situated more in the interior of the palace; in the
centre of it a fire was kept continually burning. Here were the two
most important tribunals in the kingdom. To the right of this
courtyard, writes Ixtlilxochitl, was the supreme tribunal, which was
called _teohicpalpan_, meaning, Tribunal of God. Here was a throne of
gold, set with turquoises and other precious stones; before the throne
stood a stool, upon which were a shield, a macana, and a bow with its
quiver of arrows; upon these was placed a skull, surmounted by an
emerald of a pyramidal shape, in the apex of which was fixed a plume
of feathers and precious stones; at the sides, serving as carpets,
were the skins of tigers and lions (tigres y leones), and mats
(mantas) made of the feathers of the royal eagle, where a quantity of
bracelets and anklets (grevas) of gold were likewise placed in regular
order.[499] The walls were tapestried with cloth of all colors, made
of rabbits' hair, adorned with figures of divers birds, animals, and
flowers.[500] Attached to the throne was a canopy of rich plumage, in
the centre of which was a glittering ornament of gold and precious
stones.

[Sidenote: THE TRIBUNAL OF THE KING.]

The other tribunal was called that of the king; it also had a throne,
which was lower than that of the Tribunal of God, and a canopy adorned
with the royal coat of arms. Here the kings transacted ordinary
business and gave public audience; but when they rendered decisions
upon grave and important cases, or pronounced sentence of death, they
removed to the Tribunal of God, placing the right hand upon the skull,
and holding in the left the golden arrow which served as a sceptre,
and on these occasions they put on the tiara (tiara) which they used,
which resembled a half mitre. There were on the same stool three of
these tiaras; one was of precious stones set in gold, another of
feathers, and the third woven of cotton and rabbit-hair, of a blue
color. This tribunal was composed of fourteen grandees of the kingdom,
who sat in three divisions of the hall, according to their rank and
seniority. In the first division was the king; in the second division
were seated six grandees; the first of these six, on the right hand,
was the lord of Teotihuacan, the second the lord of Acolman, the third
the lord of Tepetlaoztoc; on the left side sat, first, the lord of
Huexotla, second, the lord of Coatlichan, third, he of Chimalhuacan.
In the third division of the hall, which was the exterior one, sat
eight other lords, according to their rank and seniority; on the right
side the first was the lord of Otompan, the second was the lord of
Tollantzinco, the third the lord of Quauhchinanco, the fourth the lord
of Xicotepec, and on the left side were, first, the lord of Tepechpan,
second, the lord of Chiauhtla, third, the lord of Chiuhnauhtla, and
fourth, he of Teiotocan.

There followed, also, another hall, which adjoined this on the eastern
side, and was divided into two parts; in the inner and principal
division, were eight judges, who were nobles and gentlemen, and four
others who were of the citizen class;[501] these were followed by
fifteen provincial judges, natives of all the cities and chief towns
of Tezcuco; the latter took cognizance of all suits, civil or
criminal, which were embraced in the eighty laws that Nezahualcoyotl
established; the duration of the most important of these cases was
never more than eighty days. In the other, or exterior, division of
the hall, was a tribunal composed of four supreme judges, who were
presidents of the councils; and there was a wicket, through which they
entered and went out to communicate with the king.[502]

[Sidenote: COURT PROCEEDINGS.]

Besides these various tribunals for the general administration of
justice, there were others that had jurisdiction in cases of a
peculiar nature only. There was a court of divorce, and another which
dealt only with military matters; by it military men were tried and
punished, and it had also the power to confer rewards and honors upon
the deserving; the especial jurisdiction of another tribunal extended
over matters pertaining to art and science, while a fourth court had
charge of the royal exchequer, of taxes and tributes, and of those
employed in collecting them. Of some of these institutions I have
already had occasion to speak. The mode of procedure, or daily
routine, in the law courts of Mexico and Tezcuco was strict and
formal. At sunrise, or as some say, at daybreak, the judges took
their places in court, squatting upon mats spread for the purpose,
usually upon an elevated platform. Here they administered justice
until noon, when they partook of a meal supplied from the royal
kitchen. When this was over and they had rested for a short space,
business was resumed, and carried on during the greater part of the
afternoon. Punctuality on the part of the judges was strictly
enforced, and he who absented himself from court without good cause,
such as illness, or royal permission, was severely punished. This
order was observed every day, except when the presence of the judges
was required at the public sacrifices or solemn festivities, at which
time the courts of justice remained closed.[503]

[Sidenote: EXAMINATION OF WITNESSES.]

Minor cases were conducted verbally, the parties producing their
witnesses, who testified under oath for the complaint or the defence.
The testimony, under oath, of the principals was also admitted as
evidence; and one writer even asserts that the defendant could clear
himself by his oath;[504] but it is plain that if such were the case
conviction would be very rare. In cases of greater importance,
especially in civil suits where the possession of real estate was
involved, paintings, in which the property in dispute was represented,
were produced as authentic documents, and the whole of the
proceedings, such as the object of the claim, the evidence, the names
of the parties and their respective witnesses, as well as the decision
or sentence, were recorded in court by notaries, or clerks, appointed
for that purpose.[505] A witness in an Aztec court of law occupied a
serious position. In the first place the judges are by all writers
said to have been particularly skillful in cross-examination. They
seem to have made it an especial study to harass witnesses with
pertinent questions and minute details; in the next place the
punishment for perjury was death, and perjury among these people
consisted in making a false statement when under oath, without the
possibility of being saved by a legal quibble; in addition to this,
superstition attached great weight to the oath which every witness was
obliged to take, and which consisted in touching the forefinger to the
earth and then to the tongue, as if to say, as Las Casas expresses it:
By the goddess Earth, who supports and affords me sustenance, I swear
to speak truth. This oath was considered to be very sacred and
binding, and is said to have been rarely violated. Whether counsel or
advocates were employed is a disputed point, some writers asserting
distinctly that they were, and others that they were not.[506] Veytia
states that the complainant and defendant were sometimes confronted
with each other, and compelled to argue the case before the court, no
other person being allowed to speak the while. The judges heard and
passed sentence by a majority of votes,[507] each giving his decision
aloud. If the trial took place in an inferior court, a disagreement
sent the matter on appeal to a higher court; if it took place in the
first instance before a superior tribunal, it was appealed to the
great council of the emperor. The same writer also says that where a
serious public offense had been committed, the witnesses were
examined, and sentence was immediately passed without giving the
accused time to defend himself.[508] We have already seen that the
duration of suits was limited to eighty days, and generally they
terminated much sooner than this, all possible expedition being always
used. The better to avoid bribery and corruption, it was expressly
forbidden for a judge to receive presents, no matter how trifling, and
he who violated this rule was deposed from office, and otherwise
punished with exceeding rigor.

The way in which the judges were paid for their services was peculiar.
A certain portion of land was set apart for their exclusive benefit,
which was cultivated and harvested by tenants, who doubtless were
allowed to retain a part of the produce in return for their labor.
These lands were not inherited by the son on the death of the father,
but passed to the judge appointed in the place of the latter.[509]
Veytia does not mention these lands; he says that the judges had no
fixed salary, but were paid according to the king's pleasure, more or
less, in proportion to the size of their families, besides which the
king made valuable presents when the Eighty-Day Council met, to those
who had performed their duty to his satisfaction.[510] The allowance
was in all cases made amply sufficient, that there might be no excuse
on the ground of poverty for a judge receiving presents or bribes.
They held their office for life, and were selected from the higher
classes, especially the superior judges, who were generally relatives
of the king, or even members of the royal family. None were eligible
for the office who were not sober, upright men, brought up in the
temples, and who were well acquainted with court life and manners. A
judge who became drunk, or received a bribe, was three times severely
reprimanded by his fellow-judges; if the offense was repeated, his
head was shaved publicly, a great disgrace among the Aztecs, and he
was deprived of his office with ignominy. A judge making a false
report to the king, or convicted of receiving a large bribe, or of
rendering a manifestly unjust decision, was punished with death.[511]
All this machinery of the law was dispensed with in Tlascala, where
all disputes and difficulties were promptly settled by certain old men
appointed for that purpose.[512]

[Sidenote: ANECDOTES OF NEZAHUALPILLI.]

A love of impartial justice seems to have characterized all the Aztec
monarchs, and, as we have seen, the laws they enacted to ensure this
to their subjects were severe in the extreme. No favoritism was
allowed; all, from the highest to the lowest were held amenable to the
law. A story, illustrating this, is repeated by nearly all the old
writers. In the reign of Nezahualpilli, the son of Nezahualcoyotl, who
were accounted the two wisest kings of Tezcuco, a suit sprang up
between a rich and powerful noble and a poor man of the people. The
judge decided against the poor man, who thereby lost what little he
had, and was in danger of having to sell himself as a slave to procure
subsistence for his family. But suspicion of foul play having been
aroused, the king ordered the matter to be thoroughly investigated,
when it transpired that the judge had been guilty of collusion with
the rich man; so the king commanded that the unjust judge should be
hanged at once, and that the poor man's property should be restored to
him.

Neither were the rulers themselves, nor their families, exempt from
observance of the law, and instances are not wanting where fathers
have, Brutus-like, condemned their children to death, rather than
allow the law to be violated, and the offender to go unpunished.
Nezahualcoyotl caused four of his own sons to be publicly executed
because they had sinned with their step-mothers, the wives of their
father.[513] A very touching incident is narrated by Torquemada,
showing to what an extent this love of impartial justice was carried
by a Tezcucan sovereign.

Nezahualpilli, king of Tezcuco, had married two sisters, whom he
dearly loved, and especially did he dote upon the younger, whose name
was Xocotzincatzin. By her he had several children, the eldest being a
son, named Huexotzincatzin, who was beloved by all who knew him, on
account of his amiable disposition and noble qualities, and who was
besides a very valiant young man and a great warrior. No wonder that
he was the king's pride, and beloved even more than his brothers and
sisters, for his own and his mother's sake. So much had
Huexotzincatzin distinguished himself, that, although he was but a
young man, his father determined to bestow upon him the office and
title of tlacatecatl, which was a post of the highest honor and
importance.[514] For this purpose the king one day ordered that the
prince be sent for and brought into his presence. With a light heart,
and much elated, Huexotzincatzin, accompanied by his suite, and the
nobles who were his tutors, set out for the royal palace. As he was
about to enter, the prince met one of his father's concubines,
attended by her ladies. This concubine was a very beautiful and proud
woman, yet withal of a free and easy carriage, that encouraged
Huexotzincatzin, who perhaps did not know who she was, to address her
in a familiar and disrespectful manner. The woman, who, the historian
remarks, could not have been possessed of much sense, either because
she felt offended at his conduct towards her, or because she dreaded
the consequence if the king should discover what had happened, turned
from the prince without a word, and entered the palace. The king's
concubines, as we have seen in a former chapter, were always
accompanied by certain elderly women, whose duty it was to instruct
them in discreet behavior and to watch continually over their actions.
One of these women, who had been with the concubine at the time of her
meeting with Huexotzincatzin, and had overheard the prince's remarks,
went straightway to the king, and informed him of all that had
happened. The king immediately sent for his concubine, and inquired of
her if the prince had spoken lewdly to her publicly and in the
presence of the ladies and courtiers, or if he had intended his words
to reach her ear alone; for Nezahualpilli would fain have discovered
some excuse for his son, the punishment for speaking lewdly in public
to the king's concubines being, according to law, death; but the
frightened woman replied that Huexotzincatzin had spoken openly to
her, before all that were present. Then the king dismissed the
concubine, and retired, mourning, into certain apartments which were
called the 'rooms of sorrow.'

[Sidenote: PUNISHMENT OF THE KING'S SON.]

When these things came to the ears of the friends and tutors of the
prince, they were much troubled on his account, because the severity
of the king, and his strict adherence to the law were as a proverb
among the people, and their apprehensions increased when, upon
arriving at the royal apartments, the prince was denied admission,
although his attendants were ordered to appear at once before the
king. There they were closely questioned by him, and although they
would willingly have saved the prince from the consequences of his
folly, yet they dared not speak anything but truth, for he who was
convicted of wilfully deceiving the king, suffered death. All they
could do was to make excuses for the prince, and ask pardon for his
crime, and this they did with many prayers and entreaties, advancing,
as extenuating circumstances, his youth, his previous good conduct,
and his possible ignorance of the fact that the lady was his father's
concubine. The king listened patiently to the end, answering nothing,
and then he commanded that Huexotzincatzin be forthwith arrested and
placed in confinement. Later in that same day he pronounced sentence
of death against his son. When it became known that Huexotzincatzin
was to die, all the powerful nobles who were at court went in a body
to the king and earnestly conjured him not to insist upon carrying out
his sentence, telling him that it was barbarous and unnatural, and
that future generations would hold in horror and hatred the memory of
the man who had condemned his own son to death. Their prayers and
arguments seemed, however, to render the old king only the more
implacable, and he dismissed them, saying that if the law forbade such
things, and if that law was inviolably observed throughout the
kingdom, how could he justify his conduct to his subjects, were he to
allow the same to be infringed upon in his own palace, and the
offender to remain unpunished merely because he was his son; that it
should never be said of him that he made laws for his subjects which
did not apply to his own family.

When Xocotzincatzin, the prince's mother, heard that he was condemned
to death, she gathered the rest of her sons about her, and coming
suddenly before her husband, she fell on her knees and besought him
with many tears, to spare the life of her darling son, the first
pledge of love that she, his favorite wife had given him. Finding all
her entreaties fruitless, she then implored him for the sake of the
love he had once borne her, to slay her and her other sons with
Huexotzincatzin, since life without her first-born was unbearable. But
the stern old king still sat to all appearance unmoved and immovable,
and coldly directed the attendant ladies to convey the wretched mother
to her apartments.

The execution of the prince was delayed in every possible manner by
those who had charge of it, in the hope that the king might even yet
relent; but Nezahualpilli having been informed of this, immediately
ordered that the sentence should be carried out without further delay.
So Huexotzincatzin died. As soon as the news of his son's death was
carried to the king, he shut himself up in certain apartments called
the 'rooms of sorrow,' and there remained forty days, mourning for his
first-born and seeing no one. The house of the late prince was then
walled up, and none were allowed to enter it, and so all tokens of the
unhappy young man were destroyed.[515]

[Sidenote: MONTEZUMA AND THE FARMER.]

Another anecdote, which is written in execrable Spanish by the native
historian, Tezozomoc, may not be out of place here. It is told of the
emperor Montezuma of Mexico, and the reader will at once recognize a
resemblance between this and many other anecdotes with which he is
familiar, where a bold and merited rebuke from a subject to his
sovereign is received with respect and even favor.

It happened one summer, that the king, being wearied with the cares of
government, went for rest and recreation to his country palace at
Tacubaya. One day, when out shooting birds, he came to an orchard, and
having told his attendants to remain outside, he entered alone. He
succeeded in killing a bird, and as he was returning, bearing his game
in his hand, he turned aside into a field where a remarkably fine crop
of corn was growing. Having plucked a few ears, he went towards the
house of the owner of the field, which stood hard by, for the purpose
of showing him the ears that he had plucked, and of praising his crop,
but as by law it was death to look upon the king's face, the occupants
of the house had fled, and there was no one therein. Now the owner of
the field had seen the king pluck the corn from afar off, and,
notwithstanding it was against the law, he ventured to approach the
monarch in such a way as to make the meeting appear accidental. Making
a deep obeisance, he thus addressed the king: "How is it, most high
and mighty prince, that thou hast thus stolen my corn? Didst thou not
thyself establish a law that he who should steal one ear of corn, or
its value, should suffer death?" And Montezuma answered: "Truly I did
make such a law." Then said the farmer: "How is it then, that thou
breakest thine own law?" And the king replied: "Here is thy corn, take
back that which I have stolen from thee." But the owner of the field
began to be alarmed at his own boldness, and tried to excuse himself,
saying that he had spoken merely in jest, for, said he: "Are not my
fields, and myself, and my wife, and my children, all thine, to do
with as thou wilt;" and he refused to take back the ears of corn. Then
the king took off his mantle of net-work and precious stones, which
was called _xiuhayatl_ and was worth a whole city, and offered it to
the farmer, who at first was afraid to accept so precious a gift, but
Montezuma insisted, so he took the mantle, promising to preserve it
with great care as a remembrance of the king. When Montezuma returned
to his attendants, the precious mantle was at once missed, and they
began to inquire what had become of it; which the king perceiving, he
told them that he had been set upon by robbers, when alone, who had
robbed him of his mantle, at the same time he ordered them, upon pain
of death, to say nothing more about the matter. The next day, having
arrived at his royal palace in Mexico, when all his great nobles were
about him, he ordered one of his captains to repair to Tacubaya, and
inquire for a certain Xochitlacotzin, whom they should at once bring
to his presence, but under penalty of death they should not injure or
abuse him in any way. When the king's messengers told Xochitlacotzin
their errand, he was greatly alarmed, and tried to escape, but they
caught him, and telling him to fear nothing, for that the king was
kindly disposed towards him, they brought him before Montezuma. The
king, having bidden him welcome, asked him what had become of his
mantle. At this the nobles who were present became much excited, but
Montezuma quieted them, saying: "This poor man has more courage and
boldness than any of you who are here, for he dared to speak the truth
and tell me that I had broken my laws. Of such men have I greater
need, than of those who speak only with honeyed words to me." Then
having inquired what principal offices were vacant, he ordered his
attendant lords to shelter and take care of Xochitlacotzin, who was
henceforth his relative and one of the chief men of the realm.
Afterwards he who had so lately been a poor farmer was given a
principal house of Olac for his own, and it was long the boast of his
descendants that they were relatives of Montezuma.[516]

[Sidenote: PUNISHMENT OF CRIMES.]

The Aztecs adopted numerous ways of punishing offenders against the
law, as we shall see presently, but I do not think that imprisonment
was largely resorted to. They had prisons, it is true, and very cruel
ones, according to all accounts, but it appears that they were more
for the purpose of confining prisoners previous to their trial, or
between their condemnation and execution, than permanently, for
punishment. These jails were of two classes, one called _teilpiloyan_
for those imprisoned on a civil charge, another called _quauhcalco_,[517]
for prisoners condemned to death. The cells were made like cages, and
the prison was so constructed as to admit very little light or
air;[518] the food was scanty and of a bad quality, so that, as Las
Casas expresses it, the prisoners soon became thin and yellow, and
commenced at the prison to suffer the death that was afterwards
adjudged them. Clavigero, however, asserts that those condemned to the
sacrificial stone were well fed in order that they might appear in
good flesh at the sacrifice.[519] A very close watch was kept upon the
captives, so much so, indeed, that if through the negligence of the
guard a prisoner of war escaped from the cage, the community of the
district, whose duty it was to supply the prisoners with guards, was
obliged to pay to the owner of the fugitive, a female slave, a load of
cotton garments, and a shield.[520] Mendieta says that these prisons
were only used for persons awaiting trial on very grave charges; for,
he writes, in the case of one held to answer on an ordinary charge,
"it was sufficient for the minister of justice to place the prisoner
in a corner with a few light sticks before him; indeed, I believe that
to have merely drawn a line and told him not to pass it would have
sufficed, even though he might have reason to believe that there was a
heavy punishment in store for him, because to flee from justice, and
escape, was an impossibility. At all events, I with my own eyes have
seen a prisoner standing entirely unguarded save for the
before-mentioned sticks."[521]

Like most semi-barbarous nations, the Aztecs were more prone to punish
crime than to recompense virtue, and even when merit was rewarded, it
was of the coarser and more material kind, such as valor in war or
successful statesmanship. The greater part of their code might, like
Dracon's, have been written in blood--so severe were the penalties
inflicted for crimes that were comparatively slight, and so brutal and
bloody were the ways of carrying those punishments into execution. In
the strongest sense of the phrase the Aztecs were ruled with a rod of
iron; but that such severity was necessary I have no doubt, inasmuch
as whatever form of government exists, be it good or bad, that form of
government is the necessary one, or it could have no existence. All
young states must adopt harsh laws to secure the peace and well-being
of the community, while as yet the laws of habit and usage are
unestablished; and as that community progresses and improves, it will
of itself mold its system of government to fit itself. The code of
Dracon was superseded by that of Solon when the improved state of the
Athenian community warranted a mitigation of the severity of the
former, and in like manner the laws of Montezuma and Nezahualcoyotl
would have given place to others less harsh had Aztec civilization
been allowed to progress.

[Sidenote: CODE OF LAWS.]

The laws of the several Aztec kingdoms were essentially the same; some
slight differences existed, however, and in these instances the code
of Tezcuco proves the most rigid and severe, while more of lenience is
exhibited in that of Mexico. I have before remarked that the majority
of writers treat of the legislation of Tezcuco, but, as in other
matters, many authorities who should be reliable surmount the
difficulty of distinguishing that which belongs to one system of
jurisprudence from that which belongs to another, by speaking
generally of the code that existed in Nueva España, or among 'these
people.' Most of the subjected provinces adopted the laws of the state
to which they became subject. But this was by no means obligatory,
because as conquered nations were not compelled to speak the language
of their conquerors, neither were they forced to make use of their
laws.[522] Let us now see what these laws were.

[Sidenote: PUNISHMENT OF THEFT.]

Theft was punished in various ways, and, it appears, not at all in
proportion to the magnitude of the crime. Thus he who stole a certain
number of ears of corn,[523] suffered death, while he who broke into
the temples and stole therefrom, was enslaved for the first offence
and hanged for the second, and it is distinctly stated[524] that in
order to merit either of these punishments the theft must be an
extensive one. In cases not specially provided for, it appears that a
petty thief became the slave of the person from whom he had stolen;
according to Ortega, however, the injured party had the privilege of
refusing to accept the thief as a slave, in which case the latter was
sold by the judges, and with the proceeds of the sale the complainant
was reimbursed. The same writer states that in some cases a compromise
could be effected by the offended party agreeing to be indemnified by
the thief, in which case the latter paid into the treasury a sum equal
to the amount stolen. This statement is somewhat obscure, inasmuch as
it would be but poor satisfaction to the party robbed to see the
equivalent of that robbery paid into the public treasury; but I
understand the writer to mean that the loser had his loss made good,
and that for the satisfaction of justice an equal amount was imposed
as a fine upon the prisoner.[525] Theft of a large amount was almost
invariably punished with death, which was inflicted in various ways.
Usually the culprit was dragged ignominiously through the streets and
then hanged;[526] sometimes he was stoned to death.[527] He who robbed
on the highway was killed by having his head smashed with a club;[528]
he who was caught in the act of pilfering in the market-place, no
matter how trivial the theft, was beaten to death with sticks on the
spot by the assembled multitude, for this was considered a most
heinous sin; but notwithstanding the fearful risk incurred, it is
asserted that many were so light-fingered that it was only necessary
for a market woman to turn her head away, and her stall would be
robbed in a trice. There was a regular judicial tribunal established
for the settling of disputes in the general government of the
market-place, of which I have had occasion to speak before; but this
tribunal does not appear to have troubled itself much with persons who
were caught in the act of stealing, as it seems to have been tacitly
allowed to the people assembled in the market-place to exercise lynch
law upon the culprit.[529]

Besides these general laws for the prevention of theft, there were
others which prescribed special penalties for those who stole certain
particular articles. For instance, Ortega tells us that the thief of
silver or gold was skinned alive and sacrificed to Xipe, the tutelary
divinity of the workers in precious metals, such a theft being
considered a direct insult to the god.[530] In some of these cases
fines were imposed. Among a collection of laws given by Las Casas, for
the authenticity of which he does not vouch, "because," he says, "they
were taken out of a little Indian book of no authority," we find the
following relating to theft: If any one stole the plants, called
maguey, from which they manufactured more than twenty articles, and
which were used for making syrup, he was compelled to pay as a fine as
many cotton cloths as the judges might decree, and if he was unable to
pay the fine imposed, or if he had stolen more than twenty plants, he
was enslaved. Whoever stole a fishing-net or a canoe was punished in
the same manner. Whoever stole corn to the amount of twenty ears or
upward, died for it, and if he took a less quantity, he paid that
which he was sentenced to pay. He that plucked the corn before it had
formed seed, suffered death. Whoever stole a tecomatl, "which is a
little gourd tied at the top with strips of red hide, and having
feather tassels at the end, used by the lords for carrying a green
powder, from which they take in smoke through the mouth, the powder
being called in the island of Española 'tabacos'--whoever stole one of
these died for it." He that stole precious stones, and more especially
the stone called chalchiuite, no matter from whence he took it, was
stoned to death in the market-place, because no man of the lower
orders was allowed to possess this stone.[531]

In Mexico, a distinction seems to have been made between the thief who
reaped the benefit of his crime and him who did not; in other words,
if the stolen property was recovered intact from the thief he was only
enslaved, but if he had already disposed of his plunder he suffered
death.[532] Whether the ultimate recovery of the property after it had
passed from the thief's hands, would answer the same end, we are not
told, but if not, then it would appear that according to Aztec
jurisprudence the culprit was punished not so much in proportion to
the actual injury he inflicted upon others, as in accordance with the
actual extent of the crime he committed. In Michoacan, the first theft
was not severely punished, but for the second offence the thief was
thrown down a precipice and his carcass left to the birds of
prey.[533]

The murderer suffered death even though he should be a noble and his
victim but a slave.[534] In Michoacan, we are told by Herrera,[535]
that there was no punishment for murder, since, through fear, the
crime was never committed. Beaumont allows that for a time there were
no murders, but says that afterwards they became frequent, and then
the criminal was dragged along the ground until he died.[536] He who
administered poison to another, thereby causing death, died for it,
and the same punishment was awarded to him who furnished the
poison.[537]

[Sidenote: THE FATE OF TRAITORS AND CONSPIRATORS.]

Traitors, conspirators, and those who stirred up sedition among the
people or created ill feeling between nations, were broken to pieces
at the joints, their houses razed to the ground, their property
confiscated, and their children and relations made slaves to the
fourth generation. The lord of vassals who rebelled, unless taken
captive in battle, was killed by having his head smashed with a club;
the common rebel was tied to an oaken spit and roasted alive.[538]

In Tezcuco, he who kidnapped a child and sold it into slavery, was
hanged; in Mexico, the kidnapper was himself sold as a slave, and of
the price he brought one half was given to the stolen child, or its
parents, and the other half became the property of the purchaser; if
several persons were implicated in the crime, they were all sold as
slaves.[539]

[Sidenote: LAWS AGAINST INTOXICATION.]

Drunkenness was punished with excessive rigor; indeed, intoxicating
liquor was not allowed to be drunk, except by express permission from
the judges, and this license was only granted to invalids and persons
over fifty years of age, who, it was considered, needed strong drink
in order to warm their blood; and even they were only permitted to
partake of a limited quantity, at each meal,[540] though according to
the explanation of Mendoza's collection old men of seventy years were
allowed to drink as much as they pleased.[541] Moderate conviviality
at weddings and public feasts, was not forbidden, and upon these
occasions the young people were allowed to partake of the wine-cup
sparingly;[542] the same license was granted to those whose daily
occupation necessitated great bodily exertion, such as masons,
carpenters, and the like.[543] Women in childbed were allowed to use
strong drink as a stimulant, but only during the first days of their
confinement. With these exceptions, the law against drinking was
strictly enforced. The young man who became drunk was conveyed to the
jail, and there beaten to death with clubs; the young woman was stoned
to death. In some parts, if the drunkard was a plebeian, he was sold
for a slave for the first offence, and suffered death for the second;
at other times the offender's hair was cut off in the public
market-place, he was then lashed through the principal streets, and
finally his house was razed to the ground, because, they said, one who
would give up his reason to the influence of strong drink, was
unworthy to possess a house, and be numbered among respectable
citizens. Cutting off the hair was, as we shall see, a mode of
punishment frequently resorted to by these people, and so deep was the
degradation supposed to be attached to it, that it was dreaded almost
equally with death itself. Should a military man, who had gained
distinction in the wars, become drunk, he was deprived of his rank and
honors, and considered thenceforth as infamous. Conviction of this
crime rendered the culprit ineligible for all future emoluments, and
especially was he debarred from holding any public office. A noble was
invariably hanged for the first offence, his body being afterwards
dragged without the limits of the town and cast into a stream used for
that purpose only. But a mightier influence than mere fear of the
penal law restrained the Aztec nobility and gentry from drinking to
excess; this influence was social law. It was considered degrading for
a person of quality to touch wine at all, even in seasons of festivity
when, as I have said, it was customary and lawful for the lower
classes to indulge to a certain extent. Wine-bibbing was looked upon
as a coarse pleasure, peculiar exclusively to the common people, and a
member of the higher orders, who was suspected of practicing the
habit, would have forfeited his social position, even though the law
had suffered him to remain unpunished.[544] These heathens, however,
seem to have recognized the natural incongruity existing between
precept and practice, fully as much as the most advanced
Christian.[545]

He who employed witchcraft, charms, or incantations for the purpose of
doing injury to the community or to individuals, was sacrificed to the
gods, by having his breast opened and his heart torn out.[546]

[Sidenote: MISCELLANEOUS LAWS.]

Whoever made use of the royal insignia or ensigns, suffered death, and
his property was confiscated.[547] The reader will recollect that the
same penalty was inflicted upon him who should usurp the insignia or
office of the Mexican cihuacoatl, or supreme judge. Whoever maltreated
an ambassador, minister, or courier, belonging to the king, suffered
death; but ambassadors and couriers were on their part forbidden to
leave the high road, under pain of losing their privileges.[548] He
who by force took possession of land not belonging to him, suffered
death.[549] He who sold the land of another, or that which he held in
trust, without judicial authority, or permission from such as had
power to grant it to him, was enslaved.[550] If a piece of land was
fraudulently sold twice over, the first purchaser held it, and the
vendor was punished.[551] He who squandered his patrimony suffered
death.[552] The son that raised his hand against his father or
mother, suffered death, and his children were prevented from
inheriting the property of their grand-parents. In the same manner a
father could disinherit a son who was cowardly or cruel.[553] He who
removed boundary-marks, died for it.[554] Those who disturbed the
peace by engaging in petty fights and squabbles, without using
weapons, were confined in jail for a few days, and obliged to make
good whatever damage they had done; for, says Las Casas, they
generally revenged themselves by breaking something. If any one was
wounded in a brawl, he who made the assault had to defray all the
expenses of curing the injured party. But those who fought in the
market-place, were dealt with far more severely.[555] Slanderers were
treated with great severity. In Mexico, he who wilfully calumniated
another, thereby seriously injuring his reputation, was condemned to
have his lips cut off, and sometimes his ears also. In Tezcuco, the
slanderer suffered death. The false witness had the same penalty
adjudged to him that would have been awarded to the accused, if
convicted. So great a lover of truth was king Nezahualcoyotl, that he
is said to have made a law prescribing the death penalty to historians
who should record fictitious events.[556] Whoever obtained goods on
credit and did not pay for them, was enslaved, and the delinquent
taxpayer met with the same punishment.[557]

[Sidenote: PENALTY FOR ADULTERY.]

Concerning the way in which adulterers were treated scarcely two of
the ancient writers agree,[558] and it is probable that the law on
this point differed more or less in various parts of the Aztec
kingdoms; indeed, we have Clavigero's testimony that in some parts of
the Mexican empire the crime of adultery was punished with greater
severity than in others, and Las Casas and Mendieta both speak of
several penalties attaching to the offence in different localities.
According to what can be gathered on this point, it appears that
adulterers taken in flagrante delicto, or under circumstances which
made their guilt a moral certainty, were stoned to death. A species of
trial was granted to the culprits, but if, as some writers assert,
confession of guilt was extorted by torture,[559] this trial must have
been as much a mockery of justice as were the proceedings of most
European courts of law at that period. The amount of evidence
necessary to convict is uncertain. Veytia says that accusation by the
husband was in itself sufficient proof.[560] Las Casas and Torquemada,
however, who are both far older authorities, tell us that no man or
woman was punished for adultery upon the unsupported testimony of the
husband, but that other witnesses, and the confession of the
defendants were necessary to procure their conviction.[561] Usually if
the condemned adulterers were of the lower orders, they were taken out
into a public place and there stoned to death by the assembled
multitude, and few of the old writers omit to remark that this manner
of death was almost painless, since no sooner was the first stone
thrown than the poor wretch was immediately covered with a pile of
missiles, so great was the number of his executioners, and so eager
was each to take a hand in the killing. Another common mode of
execution consisted in placing the head of the condemned upon a stone,
and smashing his skull by letting another stone fall upon it.[562] The
noble convicted of the same crime was not killed in this public
manner, but was strangled in jail; and as a mark of respect to his
rank, his head, after death, was adorned with plumes of green
feathers, and the body was then burned. Adulterers who were found
guilty merely upon circumstantial evidence also suffered death by
strangulation. It was strictly forbidden for a husband to take the law
into his own hands, and he who should seek to avenge his honor by
slaying his wife or her paramour, even though he took them in the act
of adultery, suffered death; in the same manner should the criminal
endeavor to save himself by killing the injured husband, his fate was
to be roasted alive before a slow fire, his body being basted with
salt and water that death might not come to his relief too soon.[563]
An adulterer could not escape the law on the plea of drunkenness,[564]
and, indeed, had such an excuse been held admissible, little would
have been gained by exchanging the fate of the adulterer for that of
the drunkard. The trespass of a married man with a free unmarried
woman was not considered to constitute adultery, nor punished as such,
so that the husband was not bound to so much fidelity as was exacted
from the wife. I have before remarked that although the crime of
adultery was punished in all parts of the Aztec empire, yet the
penalty inflicted differed in point of severity and in manner of
execution. Thus, in the province of Ixcatlan, if we may believe
Clavigero, a woman accused of this crime was summoned before the
judges, and if the proofs of her guilt were satisfactory, she was
there and then torn to pieces, and her limbs were divided among the
witnesses, while in Itztepec the guilty woman's husband cut off her
ears and nose, thus branding her as infamous for life.[565] In some
parts of the empire the husband who cohabited with his wife after it
had been proved that she had violated her fidelity, was severely
punished.[566]

[Sidenote: UNNATURAL CRIMES.]

Carnal connection with mother, sister, step-mother or step-sister, was
punished by hanging; Torquemada says the same penalty was incurred by
him who had connection with his mother-in-law, because they considered
it a sin for a man to have access to both mother and daughter.
Intercourse between brother-in-law and sister-in-law was, however, not
criminal, and, indeed, it was customary for a man to raise up seed to
his deceased brother by marrying his widow.[567] He who attempted to
ravish a maiden, whether in the field, or in her father's house,
suffered death.[568] In Michoacan, the ravisher's mouth was split from
ear to ear with a flint knife, and he was afterwards impaled.[569] In
Mexico, those who committed sodomy were hanged; in Tezcuco, the
punishment for unnatural crime was characteristically brutal. The
active agent was bound to a stake, completely covered with ashes and
so left to die; the entrails of the passive agent were drawn out
through his anus, he also was then covered with ashes, and, wood being
added, the pile was ignited.[570] In Tlascala, the sodomite was not
punished by law, but was scouted by society, and treated with scorn
and contempt by all who knew him.[571] From the extreme severity of
the laws enacted by the later sovereigns for the suppression of this
revolting vice, and from the fact that persons were especially
appointed by the judicial authorities to search the provinces for
offenders of this class, it is evident that unnatural love had
attained a frightful popularity among the Aztecs. Father Pierre de
Gand, or, as he is sometimes known, de Mura, bears terrible testimony
to this; he writes: "Un certain nombre de prêtres n'avaient point de
femmes, _sed eorum loco pueros quibus abutebantur_. Ce péché était si
commun dans ce pays, que, jeunes ou vieux, tous en étaient infectés;
ils y étaient si adonnés, que mêmes des enfants de six ans s'y
livraient."[572]

Las Casas relates that in several of the more remote provinces of
Mexico unnatural vice was tolerated, if not actually permitted,[573]
and it is not improbable that in earlier times this was the case in
the entire empire. Inexpressibly revolting as the sin must appear to a
modern mind, yet we know that pederasty has obtained among peoples
possessed of a more advanced civilization than the Aztecs. In ancient
Greece this unnatural passion prevailed to such an extent that it was
regarded as heroic to resist it. Plutarch, in his _Life of Agesilaus_,
cannot praise too highly the self-control manifested by that great man
in refraining from gratifying a passion he had conceived for a boy
named Megabates, which Maximus Tyrius says deserves greater praise
than the heroism of Leonidas; Diogenes Laertius, in his _Life of
Zeno_, the founder of stoicism, the most austere of all ancient sects,
praises that philosopher for being but little addicted to this vice;
Sophocles, the Tragic Homer, and the Attic Bee, is said by Athenæus to
have been especially addicted to it. Moralists were known to praise it
as the bond of friendship, and it was spoken of as inspiring the
enthusiasm of the heroic legion of Epaminondas. The defeat of the
Romans by Hannibal at Cannæ was said to be caused by the jealousy of
Juno, because a beautiful boy had been introduced into the temple of
Jupiter. Las Casas tells us that pederasty was tolerated because they
believed that their gods practiced it.[574] In precisely the same
manner did the ancient Greeks make the popular religion bend to the
new vice, and, by substituting Ganymede for Hebe as heavenly
cup-bearer, make the head of all Olympus set an example of unnatural
love.

[Sidenote: LAWS RESPECTING CHASTITY.]

The priest who violated his vow of chastity was banished; his house
was demolished and his property confiscated.[575] Pimps were publicly
disgraced in the market-place, by having their hair burnt off so close
to the head that the drops of resin falling from the burning
pitch-pine chips fell upon and seared the scalp; if the persons for
whom the panderage was committed were of high rank, a greater penalty
was inflicted upon the pander.[576] This was the law in Mexico; in
Tezcuco, according to the historian of the Chichimecs, the pimp
suffered death in all cases.[577]

Simple fornication was not punished, unless it was committed by a
noble lady, or with a maiden consecrated to the service of the gods,
in which cases it was death. Fornication with the concubine of another
also went unpunished, unless they had been living a long time
together, and were in consequence, according to custom, considered man
and wife. If any one had connection with a slave, and the woman died
during her pregnancy, or in giving birth to the child, then the
offender became a slave; but if she was safely delivered, the child
was free and was taken care of by the father.[578] The woman who took
any drug to procure an abortion, and she who furnished the drug, both
suffered death.[579] If one woman sinned carnally with another, both
died for it.[580] The man who went about the streets dressed as a
woman, or the woman who dressed as a man, was slain.[581]

In this account are comprised nearly all the special laws of the
Aztecs which have been preserved, with the exception of those relating
to military matters, marriage, divorce, and slavery, all of which I
have already had occasion to consider.

That the Aztec code was a severe and brutal one there can be no
denial, but that it was more severe and brutal than was necessary, is,
as I have before remarked, doubtful. We have already seen that a
horrible death was the inevitable fate of those detected stealing in
the market-place, yet we are told that did the owner of a stall but
turn away his head for a moment, his wares would be pilfered. A people
accustomed almost daily to see human blood poured out like water in
sacrifice to their gods, must of necessity have been hardened to the
sight of suffering, and upon such none but an execution of the most
revolting description could create an impression of awe or fear. It
appears remarkable that punishments involving only disgrace should
have been adopted by such a people, yet it is doubtful whether slavery
was not considered a lighter punishment than having the hair burned
off in the public market. Some of the Aztec monarchs evinced a desire
to be as lenient as the stubborn nature of their subjects would allow,
but the yoke upon the people, if it were in any degree to control
them, must at best be a heavy one; in short, despotism of the harshest
was necessary and indispensable to them in their stage of
civilization.

[Sidenote: NEZAHUALCOYOTL AND THE BOY.]

Nezahualcoyotl, king of Tezcuco, was especially merciful and
considerate towards his subjects. For instance, he ordered that corn
should be planted, at the expense of government, by the roadside, in
order that none who were guilty of stealing from the fields, might
excuse themselves on the ground of hunger.[582] It is related that
this monarch went frequently among his people in disguise, for the
purpose of discovering their grievances and general condition, and
some of the adventures he met with on these occasions are as
entertaining as any told by Sheherezade of the Good Caliph. I select
one, not because it is the best, but because it points more
particularly to Nezahualcoyotl's benevolence and love of justice.
During the reign of this monarch, owing to the immense consumption of
wood, the use of oil and tallow being then unknown, the forests began
to grow thin, and the king foreseeing that unless some precautions
were taken, there would soon be a scarcity of wood in the kingdom,
ordered that within certain limits no wood should be touched. Now it
happened one day, when the king was abroad in disguise, and
accompanied only by his brother Quauhtlehuanitzin, that they passed by
the skirts of a forest wherein it was prohibited to cut or gather
wood. Here they found a boy who was engaged in picking up the light
chips and twigs that had been carried by the wind outside of the
enclosure, because in this locality the inhabitants were very
numerous, and had exhausted all the timber that was not reserved by
law. Nezahualcoyotl, seeing that under the trees of the forest there
lay a great quantity of fallen wood, asked the boy why he contented
himself with dry leaves and scattered twigs when so great an abundance
of fuel lay close at hand. The boy answered that the king had
forbidden the people to gather wood in the forest, and therefore he
was obliged to take whatever he could get. The king told him to go,
nevertheless, into the forest and help himself to fuel, and none would
be the wiser, for that he and his companion would say nothing of the
matter. But the boy rebuked them, saying that they must be traitors to
the king who would persuade him to do this thing, or that they sought
to avenge themselves upon his parents by bringing misfortune upon
their son, and he refused to enter the forbidden ground. Then was the
king much pleased with the boy's loyalty, and seeing the distress to
which the people were reduced by the severity of the forest laws, he
afterwards had them altered.[583]

FOOTNOTES:

[476] 'El govierno y las leyes quasi no diferian, por manera que por
lo que de unas partes dijeremos, y adonde tuvimos mayor noticia, se
podra entender, y quiza sera mejor, decirlo en comun y generalmente.'
_Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii. It is also stated
that many Mexican cases, presenting more than ordinary difficulty,
were tried in the Tezcucan law-courts; see _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 95; _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. ii., p. 354. Speaking of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, Zurita
says: 'Les lois et la procédure étaient les mêmes dans ces trois
états, de sorte qu'en exposant les usages établis dans l'un d'eux, on
fera connaître ce qui se passait dans les autres.' _Rapport_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 93-4.

[477] The title cihuacoatl, meaning 'serpent-woman,' appears
incomprehensible as applied to a judge, but M. l'Abbé Brasseur de
Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 579-80, sees reason to
believe that the Mexicans, when they succeeded to the rights of the
Toltec kings of Culhuacan, adopted also the titles of the court, and
that the name cihuacoatl had been given to the prime minister in
memory of Cihuacoatl, the sister of Camaxtli, who cared for the
infancy of Quetzalcoatl. The learned Abbé translates cihuacoatl,
_serpent femelle_, which is literally a serpent of the female sex.
Molina, however, in his _Vocabulario_, gives 'ciua' as a substantive,
meaning 'women' (mugeres), and 'coatl' as another substantive, meaning
'serpent' (culebra), the two as a compound he does not give. I
translate the word 'serpent-woman,' because the sister of Camaxtli
would more probably be thus distinguished among women, than among
serpents as the 'woman-serpent.'

[478] Although all other historians agree that the judgment of the
cihuacoatl was final, the interpreter of Mendoza's collection states
that an appeal lay from the judges (he does not state which) to the
king. _Explicacion de la Coleccion de Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 109. _Prescott_, _Mex._, vol. i., p. 29,
attributes this to the changes made during Montezuma's reign, the
period which the Mendoza paintings represent, and Leon Carbajal,
_Discurso_, p. 98, totally denies the truth of the statement.

[479] 'Dalle sentenze da lui pronunziate o nel civile, o nel
criminale, non si poteva appellare ad un altro tribunale,' &c. _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 127.

[480] _Mex._, vol. i., p. 29.

[481] _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 580.

[482] _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 593.

[483] _Discurso_, p. 97.

[484] 'Oìa de causas, que se debolvian, y remitian à èl, por
apelacion; _y estas eran solas las criminales, porque de las civiles
no se apelaba de sus Justicias ordinarias_.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii.,
p. 352. It is possible that Señor Carbajal may have read only a
subsequent passage in the same chapter, where Torquemada, speaking of
the tribunal of the tlacatecatl, says: 'De este se apelaba, para el
Tribunal, y Audiencia del Cihuacohuatl, que era Juez Supremo, despues
del Rei.' From what has gone before, it is, however, evident that the
author here refers only to the criminal cases that were appealed from
the court of the tlacatecatl.

[485] _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii.

[486] _Mex._, vol. i., p. 29. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., pp. 127-8, also affirms, indirectly, that cases were
sometimes laid in the first instance before the supreme judge,
inasmuch as he first says that the cihuacoatl took cognizance of both
civil and criminal cases, and afterwards, when speaking of the court
of the tlacatecatl, he writes: 'Se la causa era puramente civile, non
v'era appellazione.' The same applies to Brasseur de Bourbourg. _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 580.

[487] Herein lies the only difference between Las Casas and Torquemada
on the subject of the Cihuacoatl. The former writes: 'Qualquiera que
este oficio para si usurpara, ó lo concediera á otro, avia de morir
por ello, _y sus padres y deudos eran desnaturados del pueblo donde
acaeciese hasta lo quarta generación_. Allende que todos los bienes
avian de ser confiscados, y aplicados para la republica.' _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii. Torquemada says: 'era tan autoriçado
este oficio, que el que lo vsurpara para si, ò lo comunicàra à otro en
alguna parte del Reino, muriera por ello, _y sus Hijos, y Muger fueran
vendidos, por perpetuos esclavos_, y confiscados sus bienes por Lei,
que para esto havia.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 352.
Notwithstanding all other historians distinctly affirm that the
cihuacoatl was, in the exercise of his functions perfectly independent
of the king, Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p.
580, makes the following extraordinary statement: 'Il jugeait en
dernier ressort et donnait des ordres _en lieu et place du souverain,
chaque fois que celui-ci ne le faisait pas directement et par
lui-même_.' This must be from one of the original manuscripts in the
possession of M. l'Abbé.

[488] Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii., spells these
names tacatecatl, acoahunotl, and tlaylotlat; Torquemada, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. ii., p. 352, tlacateccatl, quauhnuchtli, and tlaylotlac;
and Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 127,
tlacatecatl, quauhnochtli, and tlanótlac, or tlaiíotlac, a defect in
the impression makes it difficult to tell which. Scarcely two of the
old writers follow the same system of orthography, and in future I
shall follow the style which appears simplest, endeavoring only to be
consistent with myself.

[489] Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 128, writes
'Egiornalmente si portava al Cihuacoatl, od al Tlacatecatl per
avvertirlo di tutto ciò, che occorreva, e ricever gli ordini da lui;'
but it would probably be only in cases of great importance that the
reports of the tecuhtli would be carried to the cihuacoatl.

[490] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii.;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 355; _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 127-8.

[491] Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 354, says that there
were fifteen provinces subject to the king of Tezcuco.

[492] The English edition of Clavigero reads: 'the judicial power was
divided amongst _seven_ principal cities,' p. 354; but the original
agrees with the other authorities: 'nel Regno d'Acolhuacan era la
giurisdizione compartita tra _sei_ Città principali.' _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., p. 128.

[493] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii. Torquemada,
however, asserts that there were 'en la Ciudad de Tetzcuco (que era la
Corte) dentro de la Casa Real dos Salas de Consejo ... y en cada Sala
dos Jueces. Havia diferencia entre los dichos Jueces; porque los de la
vna Sala eran de mas autoridad, que los de la otra; estos se llamaban
Jueces maiores, y esotros menores; los maiores oìan de causas graves,
y que pertenecian à la determinacion del Rei; los segundos, de otras,
no tan graves, sino mas leves, y livianas.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii.,
p. 354. The lower of these two probably either formed one of the six
superior courts above mentioned, or corresponded with them in
jurisdiction. According to Zurita, 'chacune des nombreuses provinces
soumises à ces souverains entretenait à Mexico, à Tezcuco et à
Tlacopan, qui étaient les trois capitales, deux juges, personnes de
sens choisies à cet effet, et qui quelquefois étaient parents des
souverains,' and adds: 'les appels étaient portés devant _douze autres
juges supérieurs_ qui prononçaient d'après l'avis du souverain.'
_Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 95,
100.

[494] Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 355, writes: 'Tenia
cada Sala de estas dichas otro Ministro, que hacia oficio de Alguacil
Maior,' &c., while other writers assign one to each judge, of whom
there were two in each court.

[495] Clavigero differs on this point from other writers, in making
this meeting occur every Mexican month of twenty days. Zurita,
_Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 101,
writes: 'Tous les douze jours il y avait une assemblée générale des
juges présidée par le prince;' to this the editor attaches the
following note: 'il est évident, comme on le verra page 106, qu'il y a
ici une erreur, et que ces assemblées, dont les sessions duraient
douze jours, ne se tenaient que tous les quatre-vingts jours.' It is,
however, the learned editor who is mistaken, because, as we have seen
above, there were two distinct meetings of the judges; a lesser one
every ten or twelve days, and a greater every eighty days, and it is
of the latter that Zurita speaks on p. 106.

[496] 'Al que él sentenciava le arrojava una flecha de aquellas.'
_Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom.
ix., p. 57. 'A capital sentence was indicated by a line traced with an
arrow across the portrait of the accused.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i.,
p. 33.

[497] It is probable that as matters of government, as well as legal
affairs, were discussed at their Eighty-Day Council, it was not
exclusively composed of judges, but that nobles and statesmen were
admitted to membership. Torquemada is, however, the only writer who
distinctly states this: 'tenian Audiencia General, que la llamaban
Napualtlatolli, como decir, Palabra ochentena, que era Dia, en el qual
se juntaban todos los de la Ciudad, y los Asistentes de todas las
Provincias, con todo el Pueblo, asi nobles, como Comunes, y Plebeios,'
&c. _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 168; Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist. Chich._, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 244-5, says that the king
was accompanied by all his sons and relatives, with their tutors and
suites.

[498] Concerning this judicial system of Tezcuco, see: _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. i., p. 168, tom. ii., pp. 351-5; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 96, et seq.;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 128-9;
_Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 134-6; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.
ii., lib. viii., pp. 302-5; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_,
pp. 28-9; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 595.

[499] This sentence reads as follows in the original: 'Á los lados
serbian de alfombras unas pieles de tigres y leones, y mantas hechas
de plumas de águila real, en donde asimismo estaban por su orden
cantidad de braceletes, y grevas de oro.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist.
Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 243. It is
difficult to imagine why 'braceletes, y grevas de oro' should be
placed upon the floor, but certainly the historian gives us to
understand as much. Prescott, who affects to give Ixtlilxochitl's
description 'in his own words,' and who, furthermore, encloses the
extract in quotation marks, gets over this difficulty by omitting the
above-quoted sentence entirely. _Mex._, vol. i., p, 34; and Veytia,
_Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 205, adopts the same convenient but
somewhat unsatisfactory course. This latter author's version of the
whole matter is, however, like much other of his work, inextricably
confused, when compared with the original.

[500] 'Las paredes estaban entapizadas y adornadas de unos paños
hechos de pelo de conejo, de todos colores, con figuras de diversas
aves, animales y flores.' This is rendered by Prescott: 'The walls
were hung with tapestry, made of the hair of different wild animals,
of rich and various colors, _festooned by gold rings_, and embroidered
with figures of birds and flowers.' A few lines above, 'la silla y
espaldar era de oro,' is construed into 'a throne of pure gold.' It
seems scarcely fair to style the ancient Chichimec's description one
'of rather a poetical cast,' at the same time making such additions as
these.

[501] Ixtlilxochitl, _ubi supra_, writes: 'En los primeros puestos
ocho jueces que eran nobles y caballeros, y los otros cuatro eran de
los ciudadanos.' Veytia says: 'Los cuatro primeros eran caballeros de
la nobleza de primer órden, los cuatro siguientes ciudadanos de
Tezcuco.' _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 199.

[502] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. ix. p. 242-3. The whole of the above description is very
difficult to translate literally, owing to the confused style in which
it is written; and if in places it is somewhat unintelligible, the
reader will recollect that I translate merely what Ixtlilxochitl says,
and not what he may, or may not, have _meant_ to say.

[503] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 354; _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii.; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._,
tom. iii., p. 199; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii.,
p. 128; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii.,
tom. i., p. 100; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 134.

[504] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 129.

[505] Prescott, _Mex._, vol. i., p. 33, says: 'The paintings were
executed with so much accuracy, that, in all suits respecting real
property, they were allowed to be produced as good authority in the
Spanish tribunals, very long after the Conquest; and a chair for their
study and interpretation was established at Mexico in 1553, which has
long since shared the fate of most other provisions for learning in
that unfortunate country.' Boturini thus describes the paper used by
the Aztecs: 'El Papel Indiano se componìa de las pencas del _Maguèy_,
que en lengua Nacional se llama _Mètl_, y en Castellano _Pita_. Las
echaban à podrir, y lavaban el hilo de ellas, el que haviendose
ablandado estendian, para componer su papel gruesso, ò delgado, que
despues bruñian para pintar en èl. Tambien hacian papel de las hojas
de Palma, y Yo tengo algunos de estos delgados, y blandos tanto como
la seda.' _Catálogo_, in _Id._, _Idea_, pp. 95-6.

[506] Veytia writes very positively on this point: 'Habia tambien
abogados y procuradores; á los primeros llamaban tepantlatoani, que
quiere decir _el que habla por otro_, y á los segundos _tlanemiliani_,
que en lo sustancial ejercian sus ministerios casi del mismo modo que
en nuestros tribunales.... Daban términos á las partes para que sus
abogados hablasen por ellas, y estos lo hacian del mismo modo que en
nuestros tribunales.' _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 207-8. Sahagun
relates the qualities which were supposed by the Aztecs to constitute
a good or bad _procurador_ or _solicitador_, and describes their
duties: 'El procurador favorece à una banda de los pleyteantes, por
quien en su negocio vuelve mucho y apela, teniendo poder, y llevando
salario por ello. El buen procurador es vivo y solícito, osado,
diligente, constante, y perseverante en los negocios, en los cuales no
se deja vencer; sino que alega de su derecho, apela, tacha los
testigos, ni se cansa hasta vencer á la parte contraria y triunfar de
ella. El mal procurador es interesable, gran pedigüeño, y de malicia
suele dilatar los negocios: hace alharacas, es muy negligente y
descuidado en el pleito, y fraudulento de tal modo, que de entrambas
partes lleva salario. El solicitador nunca para, anda siempre solícito
y listo. El buen solicitador es muy cuidadoso, determinado, y solícito
en todo, y por hacer bien su oficio, muchas veces deja de comer y de
dormir, y anda de casa en casa solicitando los negocios, los cuales
trata de buena tinta, y con temor ó recelo, de que por su descuido no
tengan mal suceso los negocios. El mal solicitador es flojo y
descuidado, lerdo, y encandilador para sacar dineros, y facilmente se
deja cohechar, porque no hable mal el negocio ó que mienta, y así
suele echar á perder los pleitos.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x.,
pp. 23-4. Clavigero takes the opposite side of the question: 'Nei
giudizj dei Messicani facevano la parti da per se stesse le loro
allegazioni: almeno non sappiamo, che vi fossero Avvocati.' _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 129. 'No counsel was employed; the
parties stated their own case, and supported it by their witnesses.'
_Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 32. 'L'office d'avocat était inconnu;
les parties établissaient elles-mêmes leur cause, en se faisant
accompagner de leurs témoins.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. iii., p. 581.

[507] The reader will have remarked in a previous note that Veytia
assigns more judges to each court than any other writer.

[508] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 208.

[509] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 355-6; _Mendieta_,
_Hist. Ecles._, p. 135; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom.
ii., pp. 128-9.

[510] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 200.

[511] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv., ccxii.;
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 304, 313;
_Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 135; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom.
iii., p. 423; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série
ii., tom. i., pp. 101-2. Torquemada says the unjust judge was warned
twice, and shaved at the third offense. _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p.
356. See also _Id._, p. 385.

[512] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843,
tom. xcix., p. 136.

[513] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 165.

[514] Torquemada translates tlacatecatl, Captain General, (Capitan
General). We have already seen that it was the title of the presiding
judge of the second Mexican court of justice, but it was probably in
this case a military title, both because military promotion would be
more likely to be conferred upon a renowned warrior than a judgeship,
and because the prince is spoken of as a young man, while only men of
mature years and great experience were entrusted with the higher
judicial offices.

[515] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 189-90.

[516] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
tom. ix., p. 146.

[517] These names are spelled _tlelpiloia_ and _quahucalco_ by Las
Casas, and _teïlpiloyan_ and _quauhcalli_, by Brasseur de Bourbourg.

[518] Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii., says that the
jails called quahucalco resembled the stocks; the other writers do not
notice this difference.

[519] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 138.

[520] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 138-9;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 353; _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii.; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 138.

[521] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 138.

[522] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 137.

[523] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 166, tom. ii., p. 381;
_Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 225;
_Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 27. The number of ears of corn varies according
to the different writers from three or four to seven, except Las
Casas, who makes the number twenty-one or over, stating, however, that
this and some other laws that he gives are possibly not authentic.
_Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv. The Anonymous Conqueror writes:
'quando altri entrauano nelle possessioni altrui per rubbare frutti, ò
il grano che essi hanno, che per entrar in vn campo, e rubbare tre ò
quattro mazzocche ò spighe de quel loro grano, lo faceuano schiauo del
patrone di quel campo rubbato.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo
del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii.,
fol. 306. Clavigero agrees with the Anonymous Conqueror, that the
thief of corn became the slave of the owner of the field from which he
had stolen, and adds in a foot-note: 'Torquemada aggiunge, che avea
pena di morte; ma ciò fu nel Regno d'Acolhuacan, non già in quello di
Messico.' _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 133.

[524] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii.; _Mendieta_,
_Hist. Ecles._, p. 138.

[525] Ortega's statement reads: 'Casi siempre se castigaba con pena de
muerte, á ménos de que la parte ofendida conviniese en ser indemnizada
por el ladron, en cuyo caso pagaba este al fisco una cantidad igual á
la robada.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 225.

[526] _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 33; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 166.

[527] _Explicacion de la Coleccion de Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 112.

[528] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, tom. ix., p. 246.

[529] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 138; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_,
_Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 225; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. ii., p. 381. Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii.,
says that he who stole in the market-place was hanged there and then
by order of the judges of the place, and in cap. cxv., he writes: 'El
que en el mercado algo hurtava, era ley que luego publicamente alli en
el mismo mercado lo matasen á palos.' Again in the same chapter he
gives a law, for the authenticity of which he does not vouch, however,
which reads as follows: 'el que en el mercado hurtava algo, los mismos
del mercado tenian licencia para lo matar á pedradas.'

[530] _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 225.

[531] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv.

[532] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 381; _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv.

[533] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.;
_Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 51.

[534] 'L'omicida pagava colla propria vita il suo delitto, quantunque
l'ucciso fosse uno schiavo.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., p. 130. The manner of putting the murderer to death is
differently stated: 'El homicidio, bien fuese ejecutado por noble ó
plebeyo, bien por hombre ó muger, se castigaba con pena de muerte,
depedazando al homicida.' _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._,
tom. iii., p. 226. 'Al que mataba à otro, hacian degollar.'
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 166. 'Al matador lo
degollaban.' _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 33. Other writers
merely say that the murderer suffered death, without stating the
manner of execution. See, _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap.
ccxiii.; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 387; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 136. Diego
Duran, in his inedited 'History of New Spain,' asserts that the
murderer did not suffer death, but became the slave for life of the
wife or relatives of the deceased. _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
viii., pp. 240-1.

[535] _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.

[536] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 51-2.

[537] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 136; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_,
_Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 226; _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii. In cap. ccxv., among his
unauthenticated laws, we read that if the victim of poison was a
slave, the person who caused his death was made a slave, in the place
of suffering the extreme penalty, but the opposite to this is
expressly stated by Clavigero and implied by Ortega.

[538] _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando
Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 307; _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii.; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro
Mex._, pt ii., p. 33; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 106;
_Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 138; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom.
iii., p. 421. Ixtlilxochitl writes that the children and relations of
the traitor were enslaved till the _fifth_ generation, and that salt
was scattered upon his lands. _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, tom. ix., p. 245. 'Il traditore del Re, o dello Stato, era
sbranato, ed i suoi parenti, che consapevoli del tradimento non lo
aveano per tempo scoperto, erano privati della libertà.' _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 130.

[539] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., p. 387; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 382; Las
Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv., among the collection of
unauthenticated laws so frequently mentioned heretofore, gives the
following: 'Si algunos vendieron algun niño por esclavo, y despues se
sabe, todos los que entendieron en ello eran esclavos, y dellos davan
uno al que lo compró, y los otros repartian entre la madre del niño y
entre él que lo descubrió.' In the same chapter, among another list of
laws which, says Las Casas, 'son tenidas todas por autenticas y
verdaderas,' we read: 'Era ley, y con rigor guardada, que si alguno
vendia por esclavo algun niño perdido, que se hiciese esclavo al que
lo vendia, y su hacienda se partiese en dos partes, la una era para el
niño, y la otra al que lo havia comprado, y si quizas lo avian vendido
y eran muchos, á todos hacian esclavos.'

[540] Zurita writes: 'ils n'avaient droit d'en prendre que trois
petites tasses à chaque repas.' _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_,
_Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 110; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec.
iii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.

[541] _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. i., pl.
72; _Esplicacion_, in _Id._, vol. v., pp. 112-13; _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., p. 134.

[542] 'Dans les noces publiques et les fêtes, les hommes âgés de plus
de trente ans étaient ordinairement autorisés à en boire deux tasses.'
_Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i.,
p. 110; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 134;
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.

[543] Ortega says that the privilege was also extended to private
soldiers. _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 227. Zurita,
however, writes 'les guerriers regardaient comme un déshonneur d'en
boire.' _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i.,
p. 111.

[544] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii., ccxv.;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 166, tom. ii., p. 386;
_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii, p. 33; _Codex Mendoza_, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. i., pl. 72; _Esplicacion_, in
_Id._, vol. v., pp. 112-13; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Id._,
vol. ix., p. 246; _Id._, _Relaciones_, p. 387; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_,
_Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 226-7; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., p. 134; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_,
_Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 110-11; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec.
iii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.

[545] See this vol. pp. 360-1.

[546] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv.; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 386; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 387; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_,
_Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 226.

[547] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 246; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., p. 130.

[548] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 130.

[549] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., p. 387; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii.,
p. 226.

[550] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv.

[551] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., p. 388.

[552] Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv., gives two laws
on this point. To the first, which is among the collection of
unauthenticated laws, adds: 'Y si era plebeyo ó de baja suerte hacian
lo esclavo.' Ixtlilxochitl also gives two laws: 'A los hijos de los
señores si malbarataban sus riquezas, ó bien muebles que sus padres
tenian, les daban garrote.' _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 246. 'Si algun principal mayorazgo fuese
desbaratado, ó travieso, ó si entre dos de estos tales hubiese alguna
diferencia sobre tierras ú otras cosas, el que no quisiese estarse
quedo con la averiguacion que entre ellos se hiciese por ser soberbio
y mal mirado, le fuesen quitados sus bienes y mayorazgo, y fuese
puesto en depósito en alguna persona que diese cuenta de ello para el
tiempo que le fuese pedido, de cual mayorazgo estubiese desposeido
todo el tiempo que la voluntad del señor fuese.' _Relaciones_, in
_Id._, p. 387; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 385;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 134.

[553] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 423.

[554] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv.; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 386; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 387.

[555] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii.

[556] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., p. 387; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 604;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 134; _Ortega_, in
_Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 227-9; _Chaves_,
_Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 313;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 165.

[557] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 502; _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv.

[558] Concerning adultery see: _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS.,
cap. ccxiii., ccxv.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 166,
tom. ii., pp. 378, 380; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 246; _Relaciones_, in
_Id._, p. 387; _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
i., pl. 72; _Esplicacion_, in _Id._, vol. v., p. 112; _Veytia_, _Hist.
Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 423; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 136-7;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 130-1;
_Bologne_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 211;
_Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Id._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 107-10;
_Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 224;
_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 33; _Duran_, in _Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq._, tom. viii., pp. 242-3; _Valades_, _Rhetorica
Christiana_, in _Id._, p. 129, note.

[559] _Las Casas_ and _Mendieta_, as in preceding note.

[560] 'Para la justificacion fuese bastante la denuncia del marido.'
_Ibid._

[561] Las Casas writes: 'A ninguna muger ni hombre castigavan por
adulterio, si solo el marido della los acusaba, sino que havia de
haver testigos y confesion dellos.' _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap.
ccxv. Torquemada uses almost the same words.

[562] Father Francisco de Bologne says that this mode of punishment
was only resorted to in the case of the man, and that the female
adulterer was impaled. _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x.,
p. 211.

[563] This statement is made by Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia, _ubi sup._

[564] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii.; _Mendieta_,
_ubi sup._

[565] _Ibidem._ Among the Miztecs, when extenuating circumstances
could be proved, the punishment of death was commuted to mutilation of
ears, nose, and lips. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii.,
cap. xii.

[566] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 380; _Clavigero_, _ubi
sup._

[567] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii., ccxv.;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 377-8, 380; _Ortega_, in
_Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 224.

[568] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii.; _Mendieta_,
_Hist. Ecles._, p. 136.

[569] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.;
_Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 51.

[570] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 166, tom. ii., p. 380;
_Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv.; _Veytia_, _Hist.
Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 423; _Ortega_, in _Id._, p. 224;
_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 33; _Mendieta_, _Hist.
Ecles._, p. 137; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 245. Carbajal Espinosa differs from these
in saying: 'al pasivo le arrancaban las entrañas, se llenaba su
vientre de ceniza y el cadáver era quemado.' _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p.
603.

[571] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843,
tom. xcviii., p. 193. Carli is therefore mistaken in saying this crime
was punished with death. _Cartas_, p. 122.

[572] _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p.
197.

[573] _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii. Clavigero writes:
'Appresso tutte le Nazioni di Anahuac, fuorchè appresso i Panuchesi,
era in abbominazione sì fatto delitto, e da tutte si puniva con
rigore.' This writer is very bitter against M. de Pauw for stating
that this pederasty was common among the Mexicans, and adds: 'ma della
falsità di tal calunnia, che con troppa, ed assai biasimevole facilità
addottarono parecchj Autori Europei, ci consta per la testimonianza di
molti altri Autori imparziarli, e meglio informati.' Clavigero does
not, however, state who these 'more impartial and better informed
writers' are. That the crime of sodomy was prevalent in Tabasco, we
have the testimony of Oviedo, who writes that among the idols that the
Christians saw there 'dixeron que avian hallado entre aquellos çemís ó
yolos, dos personas hechas de copey (que es un árbol assi llamado), el
uno caballero ó cabalgando sobre el otro, en figura de aquel
abominable y nefando pecado de sodomia, é otro de barro que tenia la
natura asida con ambas manos, la qual tenia como çircunçiso ... y no
es este pecado entre aquellas mal aventuradas gentes despresçiado, ni
sumariamente averiguado: antes es mucha verdad quanto dellos se puede
deçir é culpar en tal caso.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 533. Zuazo,
speaking of the Mexicans, says: 'estas gentes tienen la _tria
peccatela_ que decia el Italiano: no creen en Dios; _son casi todos
sodomitas_: comen carne humana.' _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de
Doc._, tom. i., p. 365.

[574] _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii.

[575] Las Casas, among his unauthentic laws has one which prescribes
death in this case, but in another list, which he says is composed of
authentic laws, banishment and confiscation of property is given as
the penalty. _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv.; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 380; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom.
iii., p. 423.

[576] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 380; _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii.; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p.
137. Ortega adds that their heads were rubbed with ashes; 'se les
untaba con ceniza caliente.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii.,
p. 225.

[577] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 246; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, p. 224.

[578] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., p. 387; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 423;
_Duran_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 243-4;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 380; _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv.; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant.
Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 224-5.

[579] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii., ccxv.;
_Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 136.

[580] _Las Casas_, _Ibid._; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p.
380-1.

[581] _Las Casas_, _Ibid._; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p.
380; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 137-8; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant.
del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 133.

[582] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 381; _Ortega_, in
_Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 225-6; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 133.

[583] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 165. In the following
works more or less mention is made of the system of jurisprudence that
existed among the Nahua peoples. _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza
Indígena_, pp. 31-5; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp.
593-605; _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 153; _Klemm_,
_Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 35-6, 53-4, 69-75, 96-7, 105, 205;
_Cortés_, _Aven. y Conq._, pref., p. 13; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom.
x., pp. 264-7; _Incidents and Sketches_, pp. 60-1; _Simon's Ten
Tribes_, pp. 263-70; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 150-8;
_Chambers' Jour._, 1835, vol. iv., p. 253; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp.
205-7; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 29-31; _Soden_, _Spanier
in Peru_, tom. ii., p. 14.

CHAPTER XV.

NAHUA ARTS AND MANUFACTURES.

METALS USED AND MANNER OF OBTAINING THEM--WORKING OF GOLD
AND SILVER--WONDERFUL SKILL IN IMITATING--GILDING AND
PLATING--WORKING IN STONE--LAPIDARY WORK--WOOD
CARVING--MANUFACTURE OF POTTERY--VARIOUS KINDS OF
CLOTH--MANUFACTURE OF PAPER AND LEATHER--PREPARATION OF DYES
AND PAINTS--THE ART OF PAINTING--FEATHER MOSAIC
WORK--LEAF-MATS--MANNER OF KINDLING
FIRE--TORCHES--SOAP--COUNCIL OF ARTS IN TEZCUCO--ORATORY AND
POETRY--NEZAHUALCOYOTL'S ODES ON THE MUTABILITY OF LIFE AND
THE TYRANT TEZOZOMOC--AZTEC ARITHMETICAL SYSTEM.

Gold, silver, copper, tin, and lead were the metals known to and used
by the Nahuas. The latter, however, is merely mentioned, and nothing
is known about where it was obtained or for what purposes it was
employed. We have only very slight information respecting the
processes by which any of the metals were obtained. Gold came to the
cities of Anáhuac chiefly from the southern Nahua provinces, through
the agency of traders and tax-gatherers; silver and tin were taken
from the mines of Taxco and Tzompanco; copper was obtained from the
mountains of Zacatollan, the province of the Cohuixcas, and from
Michoacan. Nuggets of gold and masses of native copper were found on
the surface of the ground in certain regions; gold was chiefly
obtained, however, from the sand in the bed of rivers by divers. It
was kept, in the form of dust, in small tubes or quills, or was
melted in small pots, by the aid of hollow bamboo blow-pipes used
instead of bellows, and cast in small bars. Prescott tells us that
these metals were also mined from veins in the solid rock, extensive
galleries being opened for the purpose. Quicksilver, sulphur, alum,
ochre, and other minerals were collected to a certain extent and
employed by the natives in the preparation of colors and for other
purposes.[584] The use of iron, though that metal was abundant in the
country, was unknown. Such metals as they had they were most skillful
in working, chiefly by melting and casting, and by carving, but also
to some extent by the use of the hammer. We have no details of the
means employed to melt the harder metals, besides the rude blow-pipe
and furnace mentioned in connection with gold.

For cutting implements copper was the only metal used, but it was
hardened with an alloy of tin until it sufficed to cut the hardest
substances nearly as well as steel.[585] The pure and softer metal was
used to make kettles and other vessels. Copper tools were, however,
rare compared with those of stone, and seem to have been used chiefly
in working wood where a sharp and enduring edge was required. Such
tools usually took the form of axes and chisels. Sticks for working
the ground, the nearest Nahua approach to the plow, were also often
tipped with copper, as we have seen. Metal was not much used in making
weapons, not being found in swords or arrow-heads, but employed with
obsidian in spearheads and on the _maza_, or club. Both copper and tin
dishes and plates are mentioned but were not in common use. In the
manufacture of implements of copper and tin these metals were wrought
by means of stone hammers and not cast.[586]

[Sidenote: GOLD AND SILVER SMITHS.]

No branch of Nahua art was carried to a higher degree of perfection
than the ornamental working of gold and silver. The conquerors were
struck with admiration on beholding the work of the native goldsmiths;
they even in some cases frankly acknowledge that they admired the work
more than the material, and saved the most beautiful specimens from
the melting furnace, the greatest compliment these gold-greedy
adventurers could pay to native art. Many of the finer articles were
sent as presents and curiosities to European princes, who added their
testimony to that of the conquerors, pronouncing the jewelry in many
instances superior to the work of old-world artists. Azcapuzalco was
the headquarters of the workers in gold and silver.[587] The imitation
of natural objects, particularly animals, birds, and fishes, was a
favorite field for the display of this branch of Nahua talent. The
conqueror Cortés tells us that Montezuma had in his collection a
counterfeit in gold, silver, stones, or feathers, of every object
under heaven in his dominions, so skillfully made, so far as the work
in metal was concerned, that no smith in the world could excel them.
This statement is repeated by every writer on the subject. Dr
Hernandez, the naturalist, in preparing a treatise on Mexican zoology
for Philip II., is said to have supplied his want of real specimens of
certain rare species by a resort to these imitations.[588] The native
artists are said to have fashioned animals and birds with movable
heads, legs, wings, and tongues, an ape with a spindle in its hands in
the act of spinning and in certain comic attitudes; and what
particularly interested and surprised the Spaniards was the
art--spoken of by them as a lost art--of casting the parts of an
object of different metals each distinct from the rest but all forming
a complete whole, and this, as the authorities say, without soldering.
Thus a fish was molded with alternate scales of gold and silver,
plates were cast in sections of the same metal, and loose handles were
attached to different vessels.[589]

[Sidenote: GILDING AND PLATING.]

After the Spaniards came, the native artisans had a new and wide field
for the display of their skill, in imitating the numerous products of
European art. A slight examination, often obtained by stealthily
looking into the shop windows, enabled them to reproduce and not
unfrequently to improve upon the finest articles of jewelry and
plate.[590]

Clavigero says that vessels of copper or other inferior metal were
gilded, by employing an unknown process in which certain herbs were
used, and which would have made the fortune of a goldsmith in Spain
and Italy. Oviedo also tells us that various ornamental articles were
covered with thin gold plate.[591] To enumerate the articles
manufactured by the Nahua gold and silver smiths, and included in the
long lists of presents made by Montezuma and other chieftains to their
conquerors is impracticable; they included finely modeled goblets,
pitchers, and other vessels for the tables of the kings and nobility;
frames for stone mirrors and rich settings for various precious
stones; personal ornaments for the wealthy, and especially for
warriors, including rings, bracelets, eardrops, beads, helmets and
various other portions of armor; small figures in human form worn as
charms or venerated as idols; and finally the most gorgeous and
complicated decorations for the larger idols, and their temples and
altars.[592]

Little is known of the methods or implements by which the workers in
gold accomplished such marvelous results. The authors tell us that
they excelled particularly in working the precious metals by means of
fire; and the furnaces already mentioned are pictured in several of
the Aztec picture-writings as simple vessels, perhaps of earthen ware,
various in form, heaped with lumps of metal, and possibly with wood
and coal, from which the tongues of flame protrude, as the workman
sits by his furnace with his bamboo blow-pipe. How they cast or molded
the molten gold into numerous graceful and ornamental forms is
absolutely unknown. The process by which these patient workers carved
or engraved ornamental figures on gold and silver vessels by means of
their implements of stone and hardened copper, although not explained,
may in a general way be easily imagined. They worked also to some
extent with the hammer, but as gold-beaters they were regarded as
inferior workmen, using only stone implements. The art of working in
the precious metals was derived traditionally from the Toltecs, and
the gold and silversmiths formed in Mexico a kind of corporation under
the divine guidance of the god Xipe.[593]

[Sidenote: WORKING IN STONE.]

Stone was the material of most Nahua implements. For this purpose all
the harder kinds found in the country were worked, flint, porphyry,
basalt, but especially obsidian, the native _iztli_. Of this hard
material, extensively quarried some distance north of Mexico, nearly
all the sharp-edged tools were made. These tools, such as knives,
razors, lancets, spear and arrow heads, were simply flakes from an
obsidian block. The knives were double-edged and the best of them
slightly curved at the point. The maker held a round block of iztli
between his bare feet, pressed with his chest and hands on a long
wooden instrument, one end of which was applied near the edge of the
block, and thus split off knife after knife with great rapidity, which
required only to be fitted to a wooden handle to be ready for use. The
edge thus produced was at first as sharp as one of steel, but became
blunted by slight use, when the instrument must be thrown away. Thus
Las Casas tells us that ten or fifteen obsidian razors were required
to shave one man's beard. Stone knives seem rarely if ever to have
been sharpened by grinding.[594] Of obsidian were made the knives used
in the sacrifice of human victims, and the lancets used in bleeding
for medicinal purposes and in drawing blood in the service of the
gods. For bleeding, similar knives are said to be still used in
Mexico.[595] The use of stone in the manufacture of weapons has been
mentioned in another chapter. Masks and even rings and cups were
sometimes worked from obsidian and other kinds of stone. Axes were of
flint, jade, or basalt, and were bound with cords to a handle of hard
wood, the end of which was split to receive it.[596] Torquemada says
that agricultural implements were made of stone.[597] Mirrors were of
obsidian, or of _margajita_,--spoken of by some as a metal, by others
as a stone,--often double-faced, and richly set in gold.[598]

The quarrying of stone for building and sculpture was done by means of
wooden and stone implements, by methods unknown but adequate to the
working of the hardest material. Stone implements alone seem to have
been used for the sculpture of idols, statues, and architectural
decorations. A better idea of the excellence of the Nahuas in the art
of stone-carving may be formed from the consideration of antiquarian
relics in another volume than from the remarks of the early
chroniclers. Most of the sculptured designs were executed in soft
material, in working which flint instruments would be almost as
effective as those of steel; but some of the preserved specimens are
carved in the hardest stone, and must have taxed the sculptor's
patience to the utmost even with hard copper chisels. The idols and
hieroglyphics on which the native art was chiefly exercised, present
purposely distorted figures and are a poor test of the artists'
skill; according to traditional history portrait-statues of the kings
were made, and although none of these are known to have survived, yet
a few specimens in the various collections indicate that the human
face and form in true proportions were not beyond the scope of
American art; and the native sculptors were, moreover, extremely
successful in the modeling of animals in stone.[599]

[Sidenote: WORKING OF PRECIOUS STONES.]

The Nahuas were no less skillful in working precious stones than gold
and silver. Their Toltec ancestors possessed the same skill and used
to search for the stones at sunrise, being directed to the hidden
treasure by the vapor which rose from the place that concealed it. All
the stones found in the country were used for ornamental purposes, but
emeralds, amethysts, and turquoises were most abundant. The jewels
were cut with copper tools with the aid of a silicious sand. Single
stones were carved in various forms, often those of animals, and set
in gold, or sometimes formed into small cups or boxes. Pearls, mother
of pearl, and bright-colored shells were used with the precious stones
in the formation of necklaces, bracelets, ear-rings, and other
decorations for the nobles or for the idols. Various articles of dress
or armor were completely studded with gems tastefully arranged, and a
kind of mosaic, with which wooden masks for the idols were often
covered, attracted much attention among the Spaniards. Mirrors of rock
crystal, obsidian, and other stones, brightly polished and encased in
rich frames, were said to reflect the human face as clearly as the
best of European manufacture.[600]

Trees were felled with copper hatchets, hewn with the same instruments
into beams, and dragged by slaves over rollers to the place where they
were needed for building. Some of the chief idols, as for instance
that of Huitzilopochtli, according to Acosta, were of wood, but
wood-carving was not apparently carried to a high degree of
perfection. Some boxes, furnished with lids and hinges, also tables
and chairs, were made of wood, which was the chief material of weapons
and agricultural implements. The authorities devote but few words to
the workers in wood, who, however, after the conquest seem to have
become quite skillful under Spanish instruction, and with the aid of
European tools. Fire-wood was sold in the markets; and Las Casas also
tells us that charcoal was burned.[601]

[Sidenote: MANUFACTURE OF POTTERY.]

At Cholula the best pottery was made, but throughout the whole country
nearly all the dishes used were of clay. Pots, kettles, vases, plates
for domestic use, as well as censers and other utensils for the temple
service, also idols, beads, and various ornaments were modeled from
this material. The early Spaniards were enthusiastic in praising the
native potters' skill, but beyond the statement that vessels of
earthen ware were glazed and often tastefully decorated, they give no
definite information respecting this branch of manufactures. Many
small earthen trumpets, or flageolets, capable of producing various
sounds, and of imitating the cries of different birds, have been found
in different parts of the Mexican Republic. Fortunately relics of
pottery in every form are of frequent occurrence in the museums, and
from the description of such relics in another volume the excellence
of Aztec pottery may be estimated. Besides the earthen dishes, and
vessels of metal and carved wood, some baskets were made, and
drinking-cups or bowls of different sizes and shapes were formed from
the hollow shells of gourds. These were known as _xicalli_, later
jicaras, and _tecomatl_.[602] Seashells were also used as dishes to
some extent.[603]

The finer kinds of cloth were made of cotton, of rabbit-hair, of the
two mixed, or of cotton mixed with feathers. The rabbit-hair fabrics
were pronounced equal in finish and texture to silk, and cotton cloths
were also fine and white. Fabrics of this better class were used for
articles of dress by the rich, nobles, and priests; they were both
woven and dyed in variegated colors. The cloths in the manufacture of
which feathers were employed often served for carpets, tapestry, and
bed-coverings. Maguey-fibre, and that of the palm-leaves _icxotl_ and
_izhuatl_ were woven into coarse cloths, the maguey-cloth being known
as _nequen_. This nequen and the coarser kinds of cotton were the
materials with which the poorer classes clothed themselves. The palm
and maguey fibres were prepared for use in the same manner as flax in
other countries, being soaked in water, pounded, and dried. The same
material served also for cords, ropes, and mats. A coarser kind of
matting was, however, made of different varieties of reeds. All the
work of spinning and weaving was performed by the women, forming
indeed their chief employment. The spindle used in spinning, shown in
many of the Aztec manuscripts, was like a top, which was set whirling
in a shallow dish, the fibre being applied to its pointed upper
extremity until the impetus was exhausted. All we know of the native
process of weaving is derived from the native paintings, a sample of
which from the Mendoza Collection, showing a woman engaged in weaving,
may be seen in chapter xvii. of this volume.[604]

[Sidenote: MAKING OF CLOTH AND PAPER.]

Paper, in Aztec _amatl_, used chiefly as a material on which to paint
the hieroglyphic records to be described in a future chapter, was made
for the most part of maguey-fibre, although the other fibres used in
the manufacture of cloth were occasionally mixed with those of this
plant. The material must have been pressed together when wet, and the
product was generally very thick, more like a soft paste-board than
our paper. The surface was smooth and well adapted to the painting
which it was to bear. Certain gums are said to have been used for the
more perfect coherence of the fibre, and the amatl was made in long
narrow sheets suitable for rolling or folding. Humboldt describes
certain bags of oval form, the work of a species of caterpillars, on
the trees in Michoacan. They are white and may be separated into thin
layers, which, as the author states, were used by the ancient
inhabitants in the manufacture of a superior kind of paper.[605]

The skins of animals killed by the Nahua hunters were tanned both with
and without the hair, by a process of which the authorities say
nothing, although universally praising its results. The leather was
used in some cases as a sort of parchment for hieroglyphic writings,
but oftener for articles of dress, ornament, or armor.[606]

[Sidenote: DYEING AND PAINTING.]

In the preparation of dyes and paints, both mineral, animal, and
vegetable colors were employed, the latter extracted from woods,
barks, leaves, flowers, and fruits. In the art of dyeing they probably
excelled the Europeans, and many of their dyes have since the conquest
been introduced throughout the world. Chief among these was the
cochineal, _nochiztli_, an insect fed by the Nahuas on the leaves of
the nopal, from which they obtained beautiful and permanent red and
purple colors for their cotton fabrics. The flower of the
_matlalxihuitl_ supplied blue shades; indigo was the sediment of water
in which branches of the _xiuhquilipitzahuac_ had been soaked; seeds
of the _achiotl_ boiled in water yielded a red, the French _roucou_;
ochre, or _tecozahuitl_, furnished yellow, as did also the plant
_xochipalli_, the latter being changed to orange by the use of nitre;
other shades were produced by the use of alum; the stones
_chimaltizatl_ and _tizatlalli_ being calcined, produced something
like Spanish white; black was obtained from a stinking mineral,
_tlaliac_, or from the soot of a pine called _ocotl_. In mixing paints
they used chian-oil, or sometimes the glutinous juice of the
_tzauhtli_. The numerous dye-woods of the tierra caliente, now the
chief exports from that region, were all employed by the native dyers.
It is probable that many of the secrets of this branch of Nahua art
were never learned by the Spaniards.[607]

The Nahua paintings showed no great artistic merit, being chiefly
noticeable for the excellence of the colors. Very few specimens have
been preserved for modern examination, except the hieroglyphic
paintings in which most of the figures are hideously and, as it is
supposed, purposely distorted, and consequently no criterion of the
artist's skill. It is not known that the Nahuas ever attempted to
paint natural scenery, except that they prepared maps of sections of
their territory on which they rudely represented the mountains,
rivers, and forests, indicating the lands of different owners or lords
by the use of different colors. They sometimes made portraits of the
kings and nobles, but the Spanish chroniclers admit that they
exhibited much less skill in picturing the human form and face than in
drawing animals, birds, trees, and flowers. Some modern critics of
lively imagination have, however, detected indications of great
artistic genius in the awkward figures of the picture-writings.
Native painters, when Cortés arrived on the coast, painted his ships,
men, horses, cannon, in fact everything new and strange in the white
men's equipment, and hurried with the canvas to Montezuma at the
capital. Very little is known of ornamental painting on the walls of
private dwellings, but that on the temples naturally partook to a
great extent of a hieroglyphic character. The durability of the
paintings on cloth and paper, especially when rubbed occasionally with
oil, was remarked by many observers, as was also the skill displayed
by the natives later under Spanish instruction.[608]

[Sidenote: FEATHER-MOSAIC.]

The mixture of feathers with cotton and other fibres in the
manufacture of clothing, tapestry, carpets, and bed-coverings has
already been mentioned. For such fabrics plain colors from ducks and
other aquatic birds were generally employed, brighter hues being
occasionally introduced for ornamental purposes. Feathers also played
an important part in the decoration of warriors' armor, the
tail-feathers of the bright-hued quetzal being the favorites. These
were formed into brilliant plumes, often tipped with gold and set in
precious stones. Beautiful fans were made of the same material. But
the art which of all those practiced by the Nahuas most delighted and
astonished the Europeans, was the use of feathers in the making of
what has been called feather-mosaic. The myriads of tropical birds in
which the forests of the tierra caliente abounded, chief among which
were the quetzal, many varieties of the parrot kind, and the
_huitzilin_, or humming-bird, supplied feathers, fine and coarse, of
every desired color and shade. It was for this use chiefly that the
royal and other collections of birds, already described, were so
carefully kept. These captive birds were plucked each year at the
proper season, and their plumage sorted according to color and
quality. Some shades only to be obtained from the rarest birds, were
for ordinary feather-work artificially produced by dyeing the white
plumage of more common birds.

To prepare for work the _amanteca_, or artist, arranged his colors in
small earthen dishes within easy reach of his hand, stretched a piece
of cloth on a board before him, and provided himself with a pot of
glue--called by Clavigero tzauhtli,--and a pair of very delicate
pincers. The design he wished to execute was first sketched roughly on
the cloth, and then with the aid of the pincers feather after feather
was taken from its dish and glued to the canvas. The Spanish writers
marvel at the care with which this work was done; sometimes, they say,
a whole day was consumed in properly choosing and adjusting one
delicate feather, the artist patiently experimenting until the hue and
position of the feather, viewed from different points and under
different lights, became satisfactory to his eye. When a large piece
was to be done, many workmen assembled, a part of the work was given
to each, and so skillfully was the task performed that the parts
rarely failed at the end to blend into an harmonious whole; but if the
effect of any part was unsatisfactory it must be commenced anew. By
this method a great variety of graceful patterns were wrought, either
fanciful, or taken from natural objects, flowers, animals, and even
the human face, which latter the native artists are said to have
successfully portrayed. Las Casas tells us they made these
feather-fabrics so skillfully that they appeared of different colors
according to the direction from which they were viewed. The Spaniards
declare that the feather-pictures were fully equal to the best works
of European painters, and are at a loss for words to express their
admiration of this wonderful Nahua invention; specimens of great
beauty have also been preserved and are to be seen in the museums.
Besides mantles and other garments, tapestry, bed-coverings, and other
ornamental fabrics for the use of the noble and wealthy classes, to
which this art was applied, the feather-mosaic was a favorite covering
for the shields and armor of noted warriors. By the same process masks
were made representing in a manner true to nature the faces of fierce
animals; and even the whole bodies of such animals were sometimes
counterfeited, as Zuazo says, so faithfully as to deceive the ignorant
observer. The Tarascos of Michoacan were reputed to be the most
skillful in feather-work.[609]

The feather-workers were called amantecas from Amantla, the name of
the ward of Mexico in which they chiefly lived. This ward adjoined
that of Pochtlan, where lived the chief merchants called pochtecas,
and the shrine of the amantecas' god Ciotliahuatl, was also joined to
that of the merchants' god Iyacatecutli. The feather-workers and
merchants were closely united, there was great similarity in all their
idolatrous rites, and they often sat together at the same
banquet.[610]

Another art, similar in its nature to that of the feather-mosaics, was
that of pasting leaves and flowers upon mats so as to form attractive
designs for temporary use on the occasion of special festivals. The
natives made great use of these flower-pictures after the conquest in
the decoration of the churches for Catholic holidays.[611]

The Nahuas kindled a fire like their more savage brethren by friction
between two pieces of wood, achiotl being the kind of wood preferred
for this purpose. Boturini, followed by later writers, states that the
use of the flint was also known. Once kindled, the flames were fanned
by the use of a blow-pipe. For lights, torches of resinous wood were
employed, especially the _ocotl_, which emitted a pleasing odor. The
use of wicks with oil or wax was apparently unknown until after the
coming of Europeans. Substitutes for soap were found in the fruit of
the _copalxocotl_ and root of the _amolli_.

[Sidenote: THE COUNCIL OF ARTS IN TEZCUCO.]

All the branches of art among the Nahuas were placed under the control
of a council or academy which was instituted to favor the development
of poetry, oratory, history, painting, and also to some extent of
sculpture and work in gold, precious stones, and feathers. Tezcuco was
the centre of all high art and refinement during the palmy days of the
Chichimec empire, and retained its preëminence to a great extent down
to the coming of the Spaniards; consequently its school of arts is
better known than others that probably existed in other cities. It was
called the Council of Music, although taking cognizance of other arts
and sciences, chiefly by controlling the education of the young, since
no teacher of arts could exercise his profession without a certificate
of his qualifications from the council. Before the same body all
pupils must be brought for examination. The greatest care was taken
that no defective work of lapidary, goldsmith, or worker in feathers
should be exposed for sale in the markets, and that no imperfectly
instructed artists should be allowed to vitiate the public taste. But
it was above all with literary arts, poetry, oratory, and historical
paintings, that this tribunal, composed of the best talent and culture
of the kingdom, had to do, and every literary work was subject to its
revision. The members, nominated by the emperor of Tezcuco, held daily
meetings, and seats of honor were reserved for the kings of the three
allied kingdoms, although a presiding officer was elected from the
nobility with reference to his literary acquirements. At certain
sessions of the council, poems and historical essays were read by
their authors, and new inventions were exhibited for inspection, rich
prizes being awarded for excellence in any branch of learning.[612]

[Sidenote: ORATORY AND POESY.]

Speech-making is a prominent feature in the life of most aboriginal
tribes, and in their fondness for oratory the Nahuas were no
exceptions to the rule. Many and long addresses accompanied the
installation of kings and all public officers; all diplomatic
correspondence between different nations was carried on by orators;
prayers to the gods were in aboriginal as in modern times elaborate
elocutionary efforts; the departing and returning traveler was
dismissed and welcomed with a speech; condolence for misfortune and
congratulation for success were expressed in public and private by
the friends most skillful in the art of speaking; social intercourse
in feasts and banquets was but a succession of speeches; and parents
even employed long discourses to impart to their children instruction
and advice. Consequently children were instructed at an early age in
the art of public speaking; some were even specially educated as
orators. They were obliged to commit to memory, and taught to repeat
as declamations, the speeches of their most famous ancestors, handed
down from father to son for many generations. Specimens of the
orations delivered by Nahua speakers on different occasions are so
numerous in this and the following volume, that the reader may judge
for himself respecting their merit. It is impossible, however, to
decide how far these compositions have been modified in passing
through Spanish hands, although it is probable, according to the
judgment of the best critics, that they retain much of the original
spirit of their reputed authors.[613]

Poets, if somewhat less numerous, were no less honored than orators.
Their compositions were also recited, or sung, before the Council of
Music in Tezcuco, and the most talented bards were honored with
prizes. The heroic deeds of warlike ancestors, national annals and
traditions, praise of the gods, moral lessons drawn from actual
events, allegorical productions with illustrations drawn from the
beauties of nature, and even love and the charms of woman were the
common themes. The emperor Nezahualcoyotl, the protector and promoter
of all the arts and sciences, was himself a poet of great renown.
Several of his compositions, or fragments of such, have been
preserved; that is, the poems were written from memory in Aztec with
Roman letters after the conquest, and translated into Spanish by
Ixtlilxochitl, a lineal descendant of the royal poet. They have also
been translated into other languages by various authors. The following
will serve as specimens.[614]

[Sidenote: NEZAHUALCOYOTL'S ODES.]

SONG OF NEZAHUALCOYOTL, KING OF TEZCUCO; ON THE MUTABILITY OF
LIFE.

Now will I sing for a moment,
Since time and occasion offer,
And I trust to be heard with favor
If my effort proveth deserving;
Wherefore thus I begin my singing,
Or rather my lamentation.

O thou, my friend, and beloved,
Enjoy the sweet flowers I bring thee;
Let us be joyful together
And banish each care and each sorrow;
For although life's pleasures are fleeting,
Life's bitterness also must leave us.

I will strike, to help me in singing,
The instrument deep and sonorous;
Dance thou, while enjoying these flowers,
Before the great Lord who is mighty;
Let us grasp the sweet things of the present,
For the life of a man is soon over.

Fair Acolhuacán thou hast chosen
As thy dwelling-place and thy palace;
Thou hast set up thy royal throne there,
With thine own hand hast thou enriched it;
Wherefore it seems to be certain
That thy kingdom shall prosper and flourish.

And thou, O wise Prince Oyoyotzin,
Mighty monarch, and King without equal,
Rejoice in the beauty of spring-time,
Be happy while spring abides with thee,
For the day creepeth nearer and nearer
When thou shalt seek joy and not find it.

A day when dark Fate, the destroyer,
Shall tear from thine hand the proud sceptre,
When the moon of thy glory shall lessen,
Thy pride and thy strength be diminished,
The spoil from thy servants be taken,
Thy kingdom and honor go from thee.

Ah, then in this day of great sorrow
The lords of thy line will be mournful,
The princes of might will be downcast,
The pride of high birth will avail not;
When thou, their great Head, hast been smitten
The pains of grim Want will assail them.

Then with bitterness will they remember
The glory and fame of thy greatness,
Thy triumphs so worthy of envy,
Until, while comparing the present
With years that are gone now forever,
Their tears shall be more than the ocean.

The vassals that cluster about thee
And are as a crown to thy kingdom,
When thine arm doth no longer uphold them,
Will suffer the fate of the exile;
In strange lands their pride will be humbled,
Their rank and their name be forgotten.

The fame of the race that is mighty,
And worthy a thousand fair kingdoms,
Will not in the future be heeded;
The nations will only remember
The justice with which they were governed
In the years when the kingdom was threefold.

In Mexico, proudest of cities,
Reigned the mighty and brave Montezuma,
Nezahualcoyotl, the just one
Of blest Culhuacán was the monarch,
To strong Totoquíl fell the portion
Of Acatlapán, the third kingdom.

But yet thou shalt not be forgotten,
Nor the good thou hast ever accomplished;
For, is not the throne that thou fillest
The gift of the god without equal,
The mighty Creator of all things,
The maker of Kings and of Princes!

Nezahualcoyotl, be happy
With the pleasant things that thou knowest,
Rejoice in the beautiful garden,
Wreathe thy front with a garland of flowers,
Give heed to my song and my music,
For I care but to pleasure thy fancy.

The sweet things of life are but shadows;
The triumphs, the honors, what are they
But dreams that are idle and last not
Though clothed in a semblance of being?
And so great is the truth that I utter,
I pray thee to answer this question.

Cihuapán, the valiant, where is he,
And Quauhtzintecomtzin, the mighty,
The great Cohuahuatzin, where are they?
They are dead, and have left us no token,
Save their names, and the fame of their valor;
They are gone from this world to another.

I would that those living in friendship,
Whom the thread of strong love doth encircle,
Could see the sharp sword of the Death-god.
For, verily, pleasure is fleeting,
All sweetness must change in the future,
The good things of life are inconstant.

ODE ON THE TYRANT TEZOZOMOC BY NEZAHUALCOYOTL THE KING.

Give ear unto the lamentation which I, Nezahualcoyotl the
King, make within myself for the fate of the Empire, and set
forth for an example unto others.

O King, unstable and restless, when thou art dead then shall
thy people be overthrown and confounded; thy place shall be
no more; the Creator, the All-powerful shall reign.

Who could have thought, having seen the palaces and the
court, the glory and the power of the old King Tezozomoc,
that these things could have an end? Yet have they withered
and perished. Verily, life giveth naught but disappointment
and vexation; all that is, weareth out and passeth away.

Who will not be sorrowful at the remembrance of the ancient
splendor of this tyrant, this withered old man; who, like a
thirsty willow, nourished by the moisture of his ambition
and avarice, lorded it over the lowly meadows and flowery
fields while spring-time lasted, but at length, dried up and
decayed, the storms of winter tore him up by the roots and
scattered him in pieces upon the ground.

But now, with this mournful song, I bring to mind the things
that flourish for an hour, and present, in the fate of
Tezozomoc, an example of the brevity of human greatness.
Who, that listens to me, can refrain from weeping? Verily,
the enjoyments and pleasures of life are as a bouquet of
flowers, that is passed from hand to hand until it fades,
withers, and is dead.

Hearken unto me, ye sons of kings and of princes, take good
heed and ponder the theme of my mournful song, the things
that flourish for an hour, and the end of the King
Tezozomoc. Who is he, I say again, that can hear me and not
weep? Verily, the enjoyments and pleasures of life are as a
handful of flowers, blooming for a space, but soon withered
and dead.

Let the joyous birds sing on and rejoice in the beauty of
spring, and the butterflies enjoy the honey and perfume of
the flowers, for life is as a tender plant that is plucked
and withereth away.

Granados tells us that Nezahualcoyotl's poems were all in iambic
verse, resembling in style the works of Manilius, Seneca, Pomponius,
Euripides, and Lilius. In one of his songs he compared the shortness
of life and of its pleasures with the fleeting bloom of a flower, so
pathetically as to draw tears from the audience, as Clavigero relates.
Ixtlilxochitl narrates that a prisoner condemned to death obtained
pardon by reciting a poem before the king. There is not much evidence
that verses were ever written in rhyme, but the authors say that due
attention was paid to cadence and metre, and that some unmeaning
syllables were added to certain lines to accommodate the measure. By
their system of combination a single word often sufficed for a line in
the longest measure. Many of their poetical compositions were intended
for the dramatic representations which have been spoken of
elsewhere.[615]

[Sidenote: AZTEC ARITHMETICAL SYSTEM.]

The Nahua system of numeration was very simple and comprehensive,
there being no limit to the numbers that could be expressed by it. The
following table will give a clear idea of the method as employed by
the Aztecs:

One, _ce_, or _cen_.
Two, _ome_.
Three, _yey_, or _ei_.
Four, _nahui_.
Five, _macuilli_,--signifying the 'clenched hand,' one finger
having been originally doubled, as is supposed, for each unit in
counting from one to five.
Six, _chico a ce_.
Seven, _chic ome_.
Eight, _chico ey_.
Nine, _chico nahui_,--These names from six to nine are simply those
from one to four, with a prefix whose meaning is not
altogether clear, but which is said to be composed of
_chico_, 'at one side,' and _ihuan_ or _huan_, meaning
'near another,' 'with,' or simply 'and.' These names
may consequently be interpreted perhaps, 'one side
(or hand) with one,' 'one hand with two,' etc., or one
two, etc., 'with the other side.'
Ten, _matlactli_--that is the upper part of the body, or all the
fingers of the hands.
Eleven, _matlactli oc ce_, ten and one.
Twelve, _matlactli om ome_, ten and two.
Thirteen, _matlactli om ey_, ten and three.
Fourteen, _matlactli o nahui_, ten and four.
In these names _oc_, _om_, _o_, or _on_ as Molina gives it,
seems to be used as a connective particle, equivalent
to 'and,' but I am not acquainted with its derivation.
Fifteen, _caxtolli_, a word to which the authorities give no
derivative meaning.
Sixteen, _caxtolli oc ce_, fifteen and one, etc.
Twenty, _cem pohualli_, once twenty.
The word _pohualli_ means 'a count,' the number
twenty being in a sense the foundation of the whole
numerical system.
Twenty-one, _cem pohualli oc ce_, once twenty and one, etc.
Thirty, _cem pohualli, ihuan_ (or _om_ as Molina has it)
_matlactli_, once twenty and ten.
Thirty-five, _cem pohualli ihuan_ (or _on_) _caxtolli_, once
twenty and fifteen, etc.
Forty, _ome pohualli_, twice twenty, etc.
One hundred, _macuil pohualli_, five times twenty.
Two hundred, _matlactli pohualli_, ten times twenty.
Four hundred, _cen tzontli_, once four hundred, 'the hair of
the head.'
Eight hundred, _ome tzontli_, twice four hundred.
One thousand, _ome tzontli ihuan matlactli pohualli_, twice four
hundred and ten times twenty.
Eight thousand, _xiquipilli_, a purse or sack, already mentioned
as containing eight thousand cacao-nibs.
Sixteen thousand, _ome xiquipilli_, twice eight thousand.

It will be seen from the table that the only numbers having simple
names are one, two, three, four, five, ten, fifteen, twenty, four
hundred, and eight thousand; all the rest are compounds of these
constructed on the principle that when the smaller number follows the
larger the sum of the two is expressed, but when the smaller precedes
the larger, their product is indicated. Molina and Leon y Gama are the
chief authorities on the Nahua arithmetical system. All the writers
agree perfectly respecting its details, but differ considerably in
orthography. Molina writes each compound name together as a single
word, while Gama often separates a word into its parts as I have done
in every case, following his spelling.

[Sidenote: SYSTEM OF NUMERATION.]

The manner in which the numbers were written was as simple as the
system itself. A point or small circle indicated a unit, and these
points sufficed for the numbers from one to nineteen. Twenty was
indicated by a flag, four hundred by a feather, and eight thousand by
a purse. One character placed above another indicated that the product
was to be taken; for instance, 160,000 might be expressed either by
twenty purses, or by a flag over a purse. To avoid the excessive use
of the unit points in writing large and fractional numbers, each flag,
feather, and purse was divided into four quarters, and only those
quarters which were colored were to be counted. Thus five might be
expressed by five points or by a flag with but one quarter colored;
three hundred and fifty-six would be indicated by a feather with three
quarters colored, two complete flags, three quarters of another flag,
and one point.

We have seen that twenties were used, much as dozens are by us, as the
foundation of all numeration, but strangely enough these twenties took
different names in counting different classes of articles. The regular
name, as given in the table, is _pohualli_; in counting sheets of
paper, tortillas, small skins, and other thin objects capable of being
packed one above another in small parcels, each twenty was called
_pilli_; in counting cloths and other articles usually formed into
large rolls, _quimilli_ was the name applied to twenty; and in
counting persons, lines, walls, and other things ranged in order, the
term _tecpantli_ was sometimes employed. In reckoning birds, eggs,
fruits, seeds, and round or plump objects, generally _tetl_, 'a
stone,' was affixed to each one of the numerals in the table; _pantli_
was in the same way added for objects arranged in regular order, and
also for surface measurements; _tlamantli_ likewise was joined to the
numerals for articles sold in pairs or sets, as shoes, dishes, etc.;
while ears of corn, cacao in bunches, and other bulky articles
required the termination _olotl_.

Among all the Nahua nations, so far as known, the arithmetical system
was practically the same, and was essentially decimal. Nearly all gave
great prominence to the number twenty; the Huastec language had simple
names for the numbers from one to ten, twenty, and one thousand; the
Otomí approached still nearer our modern system by making one hundred
also one of its fundamental numbers with an uncompounded name as well
as a compounded one.[616]

Astrology, soothsaying, the interpretation of dreams, and of auguries
such as the flight or song of birds, the sudden meeting of wild
animals, or the occurrence of other unlooked-for events, were regarded
by the Nahuas as of the greatest importance, and the practice of such
arts was entrusted to the _tonalpouhqui_, 'those who count by the
sun,' a class of men held in high esteem, to whom was attributed a
perfect knowledge of future events. We have seen that no undertaking,
public or private, of any importance, could be engaged in except under
a suitable and propitious sign, and to determine this sign the
tonalpouhqui was appealed to. The science of astrology was written
down in books kept with great secrecy and mystery, altogether
unintelligible to the common crowd, whose good or bad fortune was
therein supposed to be painted. The details of the methods employed in
the mysterious rites of divination are nowhere recorded, and the
continual mention of the seer's services throughout the chapters of
this and the following volume render this paragraph on the subject
sufficient here.

[Sidenote: AUTHORITIES ON NAHUA ARTS.]

In addition to the miscellaneous arts described in the preceding
pages, separate chapters will be devoted to the Nahua calendar,
hieroglyphics, architecture, and medicine.[617]

FOOTNOTES:

[584] 'Tambien las minas de plata y oro, cobre, plomo, oropel natural,
estaño y otros metales, que todos los sacaron, labraron, y dejaron
señales y memoria.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp.
110-11. To obtain gold 'se metian al fondo del agua y sacaban las
manos llenas de arena, para buscar luego en ella los granos, los que
se guardaban en la boca.' _Diaz_, _Itinerario_, in _Icazbalceta_,
_Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 299. In Michoacan 'trabajaban minas de
cobre.' _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 48. 'The traces of
their labors furnished the best indications for the early Spanish
miners.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 138-9; _Carbajal Espinosa_,
_Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 99-100; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p.
198 et seq.

[585] 'Whether a man desire the rude mettall, or to haue it molten, or
beaten out, and cunningly made into any kinde of Iewell, hee shall
find them ready wrought.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv. Gomara and
Gama state that they mixed gold and silver, as well as tin, with
copper, for the manufacture of gimlets, axes, and chisels. _Conq.
Mex._, fol. 318; _Dos Piedras_, pt ii., p. 26. Clavigero states that
in Zacatollan two kinds of copper were found, hard and soft, so that
there was no need of any hardening process. _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. iv., pp. 210-11.

[586] 'Porras claveteadas de hierro, cobre y oro.' _Ixtlilxochitl_,
_Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 332. 'Nous
avons eu entre les mains de beaux outils de cuivre rosette.'
_Viollet-le-Duc_, in _Charnay_, _Ruines Amér._, pp. 86-7. 'Hazen
muchas cosas, como los mejores caldereros del mundo.' _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix. Some had plates and other
vessels of tin. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 465.
'Contuttociò si sa, che lavoravano bene il rame, e che piacquero assai
agli Spagnuoli lo loro scuri, e le loro picche.' _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 196. Peter Martyr speaks of large
copper stands or candlesticks which supported pine torches to light
the courts of the better houses. Dec. v., tom. x. 'Il existait de si
grands vases d'argent qu'un homme pouvait à peine les entourer de ses
bras.' _Baril_, _Mexique_, p. 209; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 94;
_Edinburgh Review_, July 1867.

[587] 'Todo variadizo, que en nuestra España los grandes Plateros
tienen que mirar en ello.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 69. 'Los
Plateros de Madrid, viendo algunas Piezas, Brazaletes de oro, con que
se armaban en guerra los Reyes, y Capitanes Indianos, confessaron que
eran inimitables en Europa.' _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 78. 'Non sarebbero
verisimili le maraviglie di cotal arte, se oltre alla testimonianza di
quanti le videro, non fossero state mandate in Europa in gran copia sì
fatte rarità.' 'Finalmente erano tali sì fatte opere, che anche que'
Soldati spagnuoli, che si sentivano travagliati dalla sacra fame
dell'oro, pregiavano in esse più l'arte, che la materia.' _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 195-6.

[588] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 109, 100-1. In the collection of
Nezahualcoyotzin 'no faltava alli ave, pez ni animal de toda esta
tierra, que no estuvìese vivo, ó hecho figura y talle, en piedras de
oro y pedrería.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 244. 'There is no fourefooted beast, no
foule, no fyshe, which their Artificers have once seene, but they are
able to drawe, and cutte in mettall the likenesse and proportion
thereof, euen to the lyfe.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x., iv.
Eight gold shrimps of much perfection. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.
iii., p. 285; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 56.

[589] 'Sacan un ave, como un papagayo que se le anda la lengua como si
vivo la menease y tambien la cabeza y las alas. Un rostro de aguila lo
mismo, una rana, y un pescado, señalada muchas escamas una de plata y
otra de oro, todo de vaciado, que espanta à todos nuestros oficiales.'
_Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxiii. 'Funden vna mona,
que juegue pies y cabeça, y tenga en las manos vn huso, que parezca
que hila, o vna mançana, que come. Esto tuuieron a mucho nuestros
Españoles, y los plateros de aca no alcançan el primor.' _Gomara_,
_Conq. Mex._, fol. 117. 'Y lo que mas es, que sacaban de la fundicion
vna pieça, la mitad de Oro, y la mitad de Plata.' _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 487; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii.,
p. 59; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 403-7. 'Sacauan al mercado los
oficiales deste arte, platos, ochauados de vn quarto de oro, y otro de
plata, no soldados, sino fundidos, y en la fundicion pegado, cosa
dificultosa de entender. Sacauan vna caldereta de plata, con
excelentes labores, y su assa de vna fundicion, y lo que era de
marauillar que la asa estaua suelta.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec.
ii., lib. vii., cap. xv.

[590] 'Acaeciales á los principios estar un indio envuelto en una
manta que no se le parecian si no los ojos, como ellos se ponen no muy
cerca de una tienda de algun platero de los nuestros disimuladamente,
como no pretendia mirar nada y el platero estar labrando de oro y de
plata alguna joya ó pieza de mucho artificio y muy delicada, y de solo
verle hacer alguna parte della irse á su casa y hacello tanto y mas
perfecto y traello desde á poco en la mano para lo vender.' _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxiii. Zuazo, however,
pronounces some of the native work inferior to the European. 'Yo vi
algunas piezas y no me parecieron tan primamente labradas como las
nuestras.' _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 362.

[591] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iv., p. 211;
_Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 520.

[592] 'Vna rueda de hechura de Sol, tan grande como de vna carreta,
con muchas labores, todo de oro muy fino, gran obra de mirar; ... otra
mayor rueda de plata, figurada la Luna, con muchos resplandores, y
otras figuras en ella.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 26-7.
'Espejos hechos de Margajita, que es vn metal hermosissimo, como plata
muy resplandeciente y estos grandes como vn puño redondos como vna
bola, engastados en oro.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v.,
cap. v. 'Doze zebratanas de fusta y plata, con que solia el tirar. Las
unas pintadas y matizadas de aves, animales, rosas, flores,
yarboles.... Las otras eran variadas, y sinzeladas con mas primor y
sotileza que la pintura.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 135-6, 42;
_Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 259; _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxii.

[593] 'Vnas fundidas, otras labradas de Piedra.' _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 557; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii.,
lib. vii., cap. xv. 'Y lo que mas las hace admirables, es que las
obran y labran con solo fuego y con una piedra ó pedernal.' _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxiii. Hammered work inferior
to that of European artisans. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., p. 196. 'Los oficiales que labran oro son de dos maneras,
unos de ellos se llaman martilladores ó amajadores, porque estos
labran oro de martillo majándolo con piedras ó con martillos, para
hacerlo delgado como papel: otros se llaman _tlatlaliani_, que quiere
decir, que asientan el oro ó alguna cosa en él, ó en la plata, estos
son verdaderos oficiales ó por otro nombre se llaman _tulteca_; pero
están divididos en dos partes, porque labran el oro cada uno de su
manera.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., p. 387, et seq.
For pictures of furnaces and of some manufactured articles from the
hieroglyphic MSS., see _Ewbank_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv.,
p. 448, et seq. 'They cast, also, vessels of gold and silver, carving
them with their metallic chisels in a very delicate manner.'
_Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 139-40.

[594] 'Siéntanse en el suelo y toman un pedazo de aquella piedra
negra.... Aquel pedazo que toman es de un palmo ó poco mas largo, y de
grueso como la pierna ó poco menos, y rollizo. Tienen un palo del
grueso de una lanza y largo como tres codos ó poco mas, y al principio
de este palo ponen pegado y bien atado un trozo de palo de un palmo,
grueso como el molledo del brazo, y algo mas, y este tiene su frente
llana y tajada, y sirve este trozo para que pese mas aquella parte.
Juntan ambos piés descalzos, y con ellos aprietan la piedra con el
pecho, y con ambas las manos toman el palo que dije era como vara de
lanza (que tambien es llano y tajado) y pónenlo á besar con el canto
de la frente de la piedra (que tambien es llana y tajada), y entonces
aprietan hácia el pecho, y luego salta de la piedra una navaja con su
punta y sus filos de ambas partes.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p.
406; repeated in nearly the same words in _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 489-90; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS.,
cap. lxii., lxvi; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 60.

[595] _Tylor's Researches_, p. 194. 'Tienen lancetas de azabache
negro, y vnas nauajas de axeme, hechas como puñal, mas gordas en medio
que á los filos, con que se jassan y sangran de la lengua, braços, y
piernas.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 324-5; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las
Ynd._, p. 491.

[596] _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 64-5. 'In the beginning of this so
rare inuention, I gotte one of them, which Christophorus Colonus,
Admirall of the Sea gaue mee. This stone was of a greene darkishe
colour, fastened in most firme and harde woode, which was the handle
or helue thereof. I stroke with all my force vpon Iron barres and
dented the Iron with my strokes without spoyling or hurting of the
stone in any part thereof. With these stones therefore they make their
instruments, for hewing of stone, or cutting of timber, or any
workemanship in gold or siluer.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv.

[597] _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 231.

[598] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxii. See note 9 of
this chapter.

[599] 'Sculptured images were so numerous, that the foundations of the
cathedral in the _plaza mayor_, the great square of Mexico, are said
to be entirely composed of them.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp.
140-1. Two statues in likeness of Montezuma and his brother cut in the
cliff at Chapultepec. _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. iii.
The idols destroyed by Cortés 'eran de manera de dragones espantables,
tan grandes como becerros, y otras figuras de manera de medio hombre,
y de perros grandes, y de malas semejanças.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Conq._, fol. 35. 'Sapevano esprimere nelle loro statue tutti gli
atteggiamenti, e positure, di cui è capace il corpo, osservavano
esattamente le proporzioni, e facevano, dove si richiedeva, i più
minuti, e dilicati intaglj.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., p. 195. 'Habia entre ellos grandes escultores de cantería,
que labraban cuanto querian en piedra, con guijarros ó pedernales, tan
prima y curiosamente como en nuestra Castilla los muy buenos oficiales
con escodas y picos de acero.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 403;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 486-8. Portrait-statues of
the Tezcucan kings. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 264; _Id._, _Relaciones_,
p. 440. Statues of Montezuma and brother. _Bustamante_, in _Cavo_,
_Tres Siglos_, tom. iii., p. 49.

[600] 'Gli smeraldi erano tanto comuni, che non v'era Signore, che non
ne avesse.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp.
206-7. 'Esmaltan assi mesmo, engastan y labran esmeraldas, turquesas,
y otras piedras, y agujeran perlas pero no tambien como por aca.'
_Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 117. 'Ambar, cristal, y las piedras
llamadas _amatista_ perlas, y todo género de ellas, y demas que traían
por joyas que ahora se usan.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib.
x., pp. 109-11, 117-18. 'Un encalado muy pulido, que era de ver, y
piedras de que estaban hechas, tambien labradas y pegadas, que parecia
ser cosa de musaico.' _Id._, p. 107. Shields adorned with 'perlas
menudas como aljofar, y no se puede dezir su artificio, lindeza, y
hermosura.' Sandals having 'por suelas vna piedra blanca y azul, cosa
preciosa y muy delgada.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v.,
cap. v. Guariques of blue stones set in gold; a stone face surrounded
with gold; a string of stone beads. 'Dos mascaras de piedras menudas,
como turquesas, sentadas sobre madera de otra musáyca.' _Oviedo_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 526-8, tom. iii., pp. 285, 305. Idol
covered with mosaic work of mother of pearl, turquoises, emeralds, and
chalcedonies. _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxii.
'Excellent glasses may bee made thereof by smoothing and polishing
them, so that we all confessed that none of ours did better shewe the
naturall and liuely face of a manne.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x.
'Ils avaient des masques garnis de pierres précieuses, représentant
des lions, des tigres, des ours, etc.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in
_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133. Emerald
altar to the Miztec god. _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt ii.,
fol. 156. 'Y lo de las piedras, que no basta juicio á comprehender con
qué instrumentos se hiciese tan perfecto.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 109.

[601] Huitzilopochtli's idol 'era vna estatua de madera entretallada
en semejança de vn hombre sentado en vn escaño azul.' _Acosta_, _Hist.
de las Ynd._, p. 324. Large chests 'hechas de madera con sus tapaderas
que se abren y cierran con unos colgadizos.' _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 361-2. 'I Falegnami
lavoravano bene parecchie spezie di legni co'loro strumenti di rame,
d' quali se ne vedono alcuni anche oggidì.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant.
del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 207, 194-5. 'Los carpinteros y
entalladores labraban la madera con instrumentos de cobre, pero no se
daban á labrar cosas curiosas como los canteros.' _Mendieta_, _Hist.
Ecles._, p. 403. 'Labravan lazos, y animales tan curiosos que causaron
admiracion à los primeros Españoles.' _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt
ii., p. 59. 'With their Copper Hatchets, and Axes, cunnyngly tempered,
they fell those trees, and hewe them smooth, taking away the chyppes,
that they may more easily be drawne. They haue also certayne hearbes,
with the which, in steed of broome, and hempe, they make ropes,
cordes, and cables: and boaring a hole in one of the edges of the
beame, they fasten the rope, then sette their slaues vnto it, like
yoakes of oxen, and lastly insteede of wheels, putting round blocks
vnder the timber, whether it be to be drawn steepe vp, or directly
downe the hill, the matter is performed by the neckes of the slaues,
the carpenters onely directing the carriage.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v.,
lib. x. 'Hazen caxas, escritorios, mesas, escriuanias, y otras cosas
de mucho primor.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap.
ix. 'They made cups and vases of a lackered or painted wood,
impervious to wet and gaudily colored.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p.
143.

[602] Molina, _Diccionario_, says, however that, the tecomatl was an
earthen vase. See also p. 458 of this volume.

[603] 'Siete sartas de quentas menudas de barro, redondas y doradas
muy bien.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 526, 533. 'I Pentolai
facevano d'argilla non solo gli stoviglj necessarj per l'uso delle
case, ma eziandío altri lavori di mera curiosità.' _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 207, tom. iv., pp. 211-2. 'La
loza tan hermosa, y delicada como la de Faenza en Italia.' _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ii., vii. 'Los incensarios con
que incensaban eran de barro, à manera de cuchara, cuio remate era
hueco, y dentro tenían metidas pelotillas del mismo barro, que sonaban
como cascaveles, à los golpes del Incienso, como suenan las cadenas de
nuestros incensarios.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 264.
The jicara was of gold, silver, gourd-shells, or fish-shells. 'Aunque
estèn cien Años en el Agua, nunca la pintura se les borra.' _Id._, p.
488. 'Para coger la sangre tienen escudillas de calabaça.' _Gomara_,
_Conq. Mex._, fol. 324-5. 'Many sorts also of earthen vessels are sold
there, as water pots, greate iuggs, chargers, gobblets, dishes,
colenders, basens, frying pans, porringers, pitchers.' _Peter Martyr_,
dec. v., lib. iv. 'Vasos que llaman xicalli, y tecomatl, que son de
vnos arboles, que se dan en tierras calientes.' 'À estas les dan vn
barniz con flores, y animales de diversos colores, hermoseadas, que no
se quita, ni se despinta aunque estè en el agua muchos días.'
_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 60.

[604] 'Non aveano lana, nè seta comune, nè lino, nè canapa; ma
supplivano alla lana col cotone, alla seta colla piuma, e col pelo del
coniglio, e della lepre, ed al lino, ed alla canapa coll' _Icxotl_, o
palma montana, col _Quetzalichtli_, col Pati, e con altre spezie di
Maguei.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 207-8,
210. 'En todo el mundo no se podia hacer ni tejer otra tal, ni de tantas
ni tan diversas y naturales colores ni labores.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_,
p. 101. 'Una Vestidura del Gran Sacerdote _Achcauhquitlinamacàni_ se
embiò à Roma en tiempo de la Conquista, que dexò pasmada aquella
Corte.' _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 77. The Olmecs used the hair of dogs
and other animals. _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 154,
252-3. 'Incredible matters of Cotton, housholde-stuffe, tapestry or
arras hangings, garments, and couerlets.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v.,
lib. iii. Humboldt states that silk made by a species of indigenous
worms was an article of commerce among the Miztecs, in the time of
Montezuma. _Essai Pol._, tom. ii., p. 454. 'Hilan teniendo el copo en
vna mano, y el huso en otra. Tuercen al reues que aca, estando el huso
en vna escudilla. No tiene hueca el huso, mas hilan a prissa y no
mal.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318.

[605] _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. ii., pp. 454-5. Maguey-paper
'resembling somewhat the Egyptian papyrus.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol.
i., pp. 99-100. Some paper of palm-leaf, as thin and soft as silk.
_Boturini_, _Catálogo_, in _Id._, _Idea_, pp. 95-6. Native paper
called _cauhamatl_. _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., p. 65. They made paper of a certain species of
aloe, steeped together like hemp, and afterwards washed, stretched,
and smoothed; also of the palm _icxotl_, and thin barks united and
prepared with a certain gum. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., p. 189, tom. iv., p. 239. Torquemada speaks of a sheet 20
fathoms long, one wide, and as thick as the finger. _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. ii., p. 263.

[606] 'Habia oficiales de curtir cueros y muchos de adovarlos
maravillosamente.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxii.
'Cueros de Venado, Tigres, y leones ... con pelo, y sin pelo, de todos
colores.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 488. 'Tan suaves
que de ellos se vestian, y sacaban correas.' _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro
Mex._, pt ii., p. 60; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p.
118. Cortés found the skins of some of his horses slain in battle 'tan
bien adobados como en todo el mundo lo pudieran hacer.' _Cartas_, p.
183. Red skins resembling parchment. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i.,
p. 526. 'No se puede bien dezir su hermosura, y hechura.' _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v. 'Los tarascos curtian
perfectamente las pieles de los animales.' _Payno_, in _Soc. Mex.
Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. i., p. 721. 'Des tapis de cuir
maroquinés avec la dernière perfection.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 271.

[607] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 189-90;
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 652-3. Method of
raising cochineal. _Id._, pp. 625-6. 'En parcourant le palais de
Montézuma les Castillans furent très-étonnés d'y voir des sacs de
punaises dont on se servait à teindre et même à badigeonner les murs.'
_Rosny_, in _Comité d'Arch. Amér._, 1866-7, pp. 15-16. See p. 235 of
this volume. They possessed the art of dyeing a fabric without
impairing its strength, an art unknown to Europeans of the 18th
century. _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt ii., pp. 95-7.

[608] 'Y pintores ha habido entre ellos tan señalados, que sobre
muchos de los señalados donde quiera que se hallasen se podian
señalar.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxii. The same
author speaks of their skill in reducing or enlarging drawings. 'Havia
Pintores buenos, que retrataban al natural, en especial Aves,
Animales, Arboles, Flores, y Verduras, y otras semejantes, que vsaban
pintar, en los aposentos de los Reies, y Señores; pero formas humanas,
asi como rostros, y cuerpos de Hombres, y Mugeres, no los pintaban al
natural.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 487, tom. i., p.
388; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 404. 'Dans leur grotesque et leur
raccourci, on trouve encore cependant une délicatesse de pinceau, fort
remarquable, une pureté et une finesse dans les esquisses, qu'on ne
saurait s'empêcher d'admirer; on voit, d'ailleurs, un grand nombre de
portraits de rois et de princes, qui sont évidemment faits d'après
nature.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp.
653-4. 'Wee sawe a Mappe of those countreyes 30. foote long, and
little lesse in breadth, made of white cotton, wouen: wherein the
whole playne was at large described.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib.
x., iii., v.

[609] 'La Natura ad essi somministrava quanti colori fa adoperar
l'Arte, e alcuni ancora, que essa non è capace d'imitare.' The
specimens made after the conquest were very inferior. _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 197-9. 'Hazense las mejores
ymagines de pluma en la prouincia de Mechoacan en el pueblo de
Pascaro.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 285. 'Vi ciertos follajes,
pájaros, mariposas, abejones sobre unas varas temblantes, negras é tan
delgadas, que apenas se veian, é de tal manera que realmente se hacian
vivas á los que las miraban un poquito de lejos: todo lo demas que
estaba cerca de las dichas mariposas, pájaros é abejones correspondia
naturalmente á boscajes de yerbas, ramos é flores de diversas colores
é formas.' _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom.
i., p. 360. 'Figuras, y imagenes de Principes, y de sus idolos, tan
vistosas, y tan acertadas, que hazian ventaja a las pinturas
Castellanas.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv.
'Muchas cosas de Pluma, como Aves, Animales, Hombres, y otras cosas
mui delicadas, Capas, y Mantas para cubrirse, y vestiduras para los
Sacerdotes de sus Templos, Coronas, Mitras, Rodelas, y Mosqueadores.'
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 488-9; _Vetancvrt_,
_Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 59; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 405-6;
_Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxii. 'Acontece les no
comer en todo vn dia, poniendo, quitando y assentando la pluma, y
mirando à una parte, y à otra, al sol, a la sombra,' etc. _Gomara_,
_Conq. Mex._, fol. 116-17. Mention of the birds which furnished
bright-colored feathers. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68-9. 'Ils
en faisaient des rondaches et d'autres insignes, compris sous le nom
d' "Apanecayotl," dont rien n'approchait pour la richesse et le fini.'
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 285;
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 109. Mention of some
specimens preserved in Europe. _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v.,
p. 30.

[610] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 392-6.

[611] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 489; _Vetancvrt_,
_Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 59; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 405;
_Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.

[612] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 201-3; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 147; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., p. 244.

[613] 'Avvegnachè i lor più celebri Aringatori non sieno da
paragonarsi cogli Oratori delle Nazioni culte dell'Europa, non può
peraltro negarsi, che i loro ragionamenti non fossero gravi, sodi, ed
eleganti, come si scorge dagli avanzi che ci restano della loro
eloquenza.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp.
174-5. 'Les raisonnements y sont graves, les arguments solides, et
pleins d'élégance.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.
iii, p. 672; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 172-3. Montezuma's speech
to Cortés, in _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 285-6. 'The
Spaniards have given us many fine polished Indian orations, but they
were certainly fabricated at Madrid.' _Adair_, _Amer. Ind._, p. 202.

[614] Four poems or fragments are given in Spanish, in _Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 110-15. No. 1 has for its subject the
tyrant Tezozomoc; No. 2 is an ode on the mutability of life; No. 3 is
an ode recited at a feast, comparing the great kings of Anáhuac to
precious stones; No. 4 was composed for the dedication of the author's
palace and treats of the unsatisfactory nature of earthly honors. Nos.
2 and 3 are also found in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp.
286-93. No. 2 is given in _Prescott's Mex._, vol. iii., pp. 425-30, in
Spanish and English verse. A French translation of No. 1 is given by
Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 672-4, who
also gives an additional specimen from Carochi's grammar, in Aztec and
Spanish. Nos. 1, 2, and 4 in French, in _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._,
pp. 411-17. No. 4 is to be found in _Granados y Galvez_, _Tardes
Amer._, pp. 90-4. Nos. 1 and 4, in German, in _Müller_, _Reisen_, tom.
iii., pp. 138-41, where are also two additional odes. No. 2 is also
given in German by Klemm, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 146-51.

[615] _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 90-7. The language of their poetry was
brilliant, pure, and agreeable, figurative, and embellished with
frequent comparisons to the most pleasing objects in nature.
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 174-6.
Nezahualcoyotl left sixty hymns composed in honor of the Creator of
Heaven. _Id._, tom. i., pp. 232, 245-7; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la
Raza Indígena_, pp. 57-9; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 108, 171-5;
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 639-40. 'Cantauan
lamentaciones, y endechas. Tenian pronosticos, especialmente que se
auia de acabar el mundo, y los cantauan lastimosamente: y tambien
tenian memoria de sus grandezas, en cantares y pinturas.' _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi.; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist.
Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 275.

[616] _Molina_, _Vocabulario_; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt ii.,
pp. 128-47; _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. iv., Sept.,
1872; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp.
49-57; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 45-7;
_Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 109-10.

[617] My authorities for the matter in this chapter are: _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 282-337, 387-96, tom. iii., lib.
x., pp. 107-12, 117-18, 122, 131, 137; _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. l., lxii-lxiii., lxv., cxxi., cxxxii.,
clxxii., ccxi.; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 403-7; _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, pp. 29-34, 94, 100-1, 109, 183, 192; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las
Ynd._, pp. 198, 285, 324; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., pp.
59-60; _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 48-50; _Boturini_,
_Idea_, pp. 77-8, 90-7; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., dec. v.,
tom. i.-v., x., dec. viii., lib. iv.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 39,
42, 60-2, 75, 116-18, 135-6, 318, 324-5, 342-3; _Duran_, _Hist.
Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. iii.; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt
ii., pp. 26, 128-47; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i.,
pp. 232, 245-7, tom. ii., pp. 174-8, 189-99, 205-10, 224-8, tom. iv.,
pp. 210-11, 232, 239; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 37,
72, 146-7, 168, 228-31, tom. ii., pp. 263, 486-90, 557-8;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., pp. 243-4, 264; _Id._, _Relaciones_, pp. 327, 332, 440-1, 455;
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. iv., v., lib. vi.,
cap. xi., xvi., lib. vii., cap. ii., vii., ix., xv., dec. iii., lib.
iii., cap. ix.; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des
Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 17, 41, 46, 49, 64, 171;
_Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 520-1, 526-8, 533, tom. iii., pp.
259, 272, 285-92, 298-300, 305, 464-5, 499; _Burgoa_, _Geog.
Descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. 156, 160-1; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Conq._, fol. 26-7, 68-9; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp.
154, 238, 252-3, tom. iii., pp. 201-3, 319; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 360-2; _Diaz_,
_Itinerario_, in _Id._, p. 299; _Relacion de Algunas Cosas_, in _Id._,
pp. 378-9; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Id._, pp. 204, 211;
_Hernandez_, _Nova Plant._, p. 339; _Granados y Galvez_, _Tardes
Amer._, pp. 90-4; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 99-100, 108-10,
138-45, 170-5, vol. iii., pp. 425-30; _Ewbank_, in _Schoolcraft's
Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 44-56; _Müller_, _Reisen_, tom. iii., pp. 125-8,
134; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 62, 99-102, 378,
431-2, 498, 588-9, 638-40, 652-3, 657-60, 666-7, 682-3, tom. ii., pp.
60, 69-70, 74, 103-4, 198, 230-1; _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da
época, tom. i., p. 721, tom. iv., Sept. 1872; _Rosny_, in _Comité
d'Arch. Amér._, 1866-7, pp. 15-16; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc.,
Transact._, vol. i., pp. 49-57; _Tylor's Researches_, pp. 165, 194,
201, 267; _Id._, _Anahuac_, pp. 95-101, 107-9; _Humboldt_, _Essai
Pol._, tom. ii., pp. 454, 485; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt ii., pp. 94-7;
_Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 48, 56, 62, 64-5; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 130, 271-2, 285-6, 288, tom. iii., pp.
648-54, 672-4; _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1858, tom.
clix., pp. 77-85; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 44-7,
54-9; _Cavo_, _Tres Siglos_, tom. iii., p. 49; _Viollet-le-Duc_, in
_Charnay_, _Ruines Amér._, pp. 86-7; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 94;
_Edinburgh Review_, July, 1867; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v.,
pp. 13-20, 24, 26-32, 144-51, 162-3, 181; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp.
209-10; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 168-72, 244, 270, 411-17;
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. viii., pp. 110-15; _West-Indische
Spieghel_, pp. 218, 220, 225-6, 238-9, 246, 250-1, 343; _Chevalier_,
_Mex., Ancien et Mod._, pp. 19, 28, 36-7; _Mill's Hist. Mex._, p. 150;
_Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, pp. 73, 83; _Gage's New Survey_, pp.
110-11; _Lafond_, _Voyages_, tom. i., pp. 161-2; _Touron_, _Hist.
Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 142, 146; _Fransham's World in Miniature_, vol.
ii., p. 9; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 221-2; _Dapper_, _Neue
Welt_, pp. 248-50; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., pp.
435, 456; _Dupaix_, _Rel., 2de Expéd._, pp. 25, 28; _Soden_, _Spanier
in Peru_, tom. ii., pp. 27-9; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 47;
_Monglave_, _Résumé_, pp. 43, 52, 57; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x.,
p. 268; _Gordon_, _Hist. and Geog. Mem._, p. 76; _Helps' Span. Conq._,
vol. ii., pp. 268-9, 450; _Alzate y Ramirez_, _Mem. sobre Grana._, MS.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE AZTEC CALENDAR.

ASTRONOMICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE AZTECS--CONTRADICTIONS OF
AUTHORS RESPECTING THE CALENDAR--VALUE OF THE RESEARCHES OF
VARIOUS WRITERS--THE FIRST REGULAR CALENDAR--THE MEXICAN
CYCLE--THE CIVIL YEAR--THE AZTEC MONTHS--NAMES OF THE DAYS
AND THEIR SIGNIFICATION--THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE AZTEC
YEAR--THE RITUAL CALENDAR--GAMA'S ARRANGEMENT OF THE
MONTHS--THE CALENDAR-STONE--THE FOUR DESTRUCTIONS OF THE
WORLD--THE CALENDAR OF MICHOACAN--RECKONING OF THE ZAPOTECS.

Perhaps the strongest proof of the advanced civilization of the Nahuas
was their method of computing time, which, for ingenuity and
correctness, equaled, if it did not surpass, the systems adopted by
contemporaneous European and Asiatic nations.

The Nahuas were well acquainted with the movements of the sun and
moon, and even of some of the planets, while celestial phenomena, such
as eclipses, although attributed to unnatural causes, were
nevertheless carefully observed and recorded. They had, moreover, an
accurate system of dividing the day into fixed periods, corresponding
somewhat to our hours; indeed, as the learned Sr Leon y Gama has
shown, the Aztec calendar-stone which was found in the plaza of the
city of Mexico, was used not only as a durable register, but also as a
sun-dial.

[Sidenote: THE AZTEC CALENDAR.]

Although the system of the Aztec calendar as a whole is clear and
easily understood, yet it is extremely difficult to describe with
certainty many of its details, owing to the contradictory statements
of nearly all the earlier writers, who visited Mexico and there in
different localities picked up scraps of what they afterwards
described as being the 'calendar of the Mexicans,' not taking into
consideration that the many and distinct kingdoms surrounding the
Aztec territory, although using essentially the same system, differed
on many important points, such as the names of years, months, days,
the season of beginning the year, etc. This difficulty increases when
we attempt to make Mexican dates agree with our own. Even Boturini,
who gathered his information in Mexico, makes many mistakes; and
Veytia, although we must accord him the credit of having thoroughly
studied the subject, and of having reduced it to a clear system, is at
fault in many points. Of the older writers, such as Sahagun, Las
Casas, Duran, Motolinia, and others, no one is explicit enough on all
points to enable us to follow him; and such details as they unite in
giving are mostly contradictory. Torquemada, who draws a great portion
of his material from Motolinia, contradicts himself too frequently to
be reliable. Leon y Gama, although he spent much labor in trying to
clearly expound the system, has also fallen into some errors,
attributable, perhaps, to his not having the valuable aid of Sahagun's
writings, and to his having placed too much trust in the writings of
Torquemada and the manuscript of the Indian Cristóbal del Castillo, as
is shown in the review of Gama's work by Sr José Antonio Alzate in the
_Gacetas de Literatura_. Baron von Humboldt's description, valuable as
it is on account of the extended comparisons which he draws between
the Mexican, Asiatic and Egyptian calendars, is on that account too
intricate to be easily understood. From all these descriptions
Gallatin, McCulloh, and Müller, with perhaps a few others, have each
given us a very good résumé, but without attempting to reconcile all
the contradictions.

The first notice we have of any regular calendar is given by
Ixtlilxochitl, who states that in the year 5097 from the creation of
the world, an assembly of learned men met at the city of
Huehuetlapallan, and determined the reckoning of the years, days, and
months, leap years and intercalary days, in the order in which they
were found at the time of the conquest.[618] Previous to this time it
is said that the only reckoning kept was regulated by the yearly
growth of the fresh grass and herbs from which the name of the Mexican
year _xihuitl_, 'new grass,' is derived. It is also said that a rough
computation of time was made by the moon, from its appearance to its
disappearance, and that this period called _metztli_, 'the moon,' was
divided into two equal parts, named respectively _mextozolitzli_, the
time when the moon was awake or visible, and _mecochiliztli_, the
sleep of the moon, or the time when it was invisible.[619] Of the
larger divisions of time, accounts are very conflicting. Two, three,
four, and five ages are said by various writers to have existed, at
the end of each of which the world was said to have been destroyed,
and recreated at the beginning of the age next following. The common
aboriginal belief was, however, that at the time of the conquest, the
world had passed through three ages, and was then in the fourth. The
first age, or 'sun,' as it is also called, was the Sun of Water,
_atonatiuh_; the second, the Sun of Earth, _tlalchitonatiuh_; the
third, the Sun of Air, _ehecatonatiuh_.[620] This is about all we
know of any division of time, before the assembly at Huehuetlapallan
which is said to have introduced the regular calendar.

[Illustration: The Aztec Cycle.]

[Sidenote: THE MEXICAN CYCLE.]

The Mexican calendar contains the following divisions of time: The
'age,' consisting of two periods of fifty-two years each, was called
_huehuetiliztli_; the 'cycle,' consisting of four periods of thirteen
years each, was named _xiuhmolpilli_, _xiuhmolpia_ or _xiuhtlalpilli_,
meaning the 'binding up of the years.' Each period of thirteen years
or, as it was called by the Spanish historians, 'indiccion,' was known
as a _tlalpilli_, or 'knot,' and, as stated above, each single year
was named _xihuitl_, or 'new grass,' The age was not used in the
regular reckoning, and is only rarely mentioned to designate a long
space of time. The numeral prefixed to the name of any year in the
cycle, or xiuhmolpilli, never exceeded four, and to carry out this
plan, four signs, respectively named _tochtli_, 'rabbit,' _calli_,
'house,' _tecpatl_, 'flint,' and _acatl_, 'cane,' were used. Thus the
Aztecs commenced to count the first year of their first cycle with the
name or hieroglyphic Ce Tochtli, meaning 'one (with the sign of)
rabbit;' and the second year was Ome Acatl, 'two, cane;' the third,
Yey Tecpatl, 'three, flint;' the fourth, Nahui Calli, 'four, house;'
the fifth, Macuilli Tochtli, 'five, rabbit;' the sixth, Chicoace
Acatl, 'six, cane;' the seventh, Chicome Tecpatl, 'seven, flint;' the
eighth, Chico ey Calli, 'eight, house;' the ninth, Chico nahui
Tochtli, 'nine, rabbit;' the tenth, Matlactli Acatl, 'ten, cane;' the
eleventh, Matlactli occe Tecpatl, 'eleven, flint;' the twelfth,
Matlactli omome Calli, 'twelve, house;' and the thirteenth, Matlactli
omey Tochtli, 'thirteen, rabbit.' This numeration continued in the same
manner, the second tlalpilli commencing again with 'one, cane,' the
third tlalpilli with 'one, flint,' the fourth with 'one, house,' and
so on to the end of the cycle of fifty-two years. It will easily be
seen that during the fifty-two years none of these four signs could be
accompanied by the same number twice, and therefore no confusion could
arise. Instead, therefore, of saying an event happened in the year
1850, as we do in our reckoning, they spoke of it as happening, for
instance, in the year of 'three, rabbit' in the twelfth cycle.[621]
Still, some confusion has been caused among different writers by the
fact that the different nations of Anáhuac did not all commence their
cycles with the same hieroglyphic sign. Thus the Toltecs commenced
with the sign tecpatl, 'flint;' and the Mexicans, or Aztecs, with
tochtli, 'rabbit;' while some again used acatl, 'cane;' and others
calli, 'house,' as their first name.[622] A cycle was represented in
their paintings by the figures of tochtli, acatl, tecpatl, and calli,
repeated each thirteen times and placed in a circle, round which was
painted a snake holding its tail in its mouth, and making at each of
the four cardinal points a kink with its own body, as shown in the
plate on the opposite page, which served to divide the cycle into
four tlalpillis.[623] These four signs, rabbit, cane, flint, and house
were also, according to Boturini, used to designate the four seasons
of the year, the four cardinal points, and lastly, the four elements.
Thus, for instance, tecpatl also signified south; calli, east;
tochtli, north; and acatl, west. In the same manner tecpatl was used
to designate fire; calli, earth; tochtli, air; and acatl, water.[624]

The civil year was again divided into eighteen months and five days.
Each month had its particular name, but the five extra days were only
designated as _nemontemi_ or 'unlucky days,' and children born at this
time, or enterprises undertaken, were considered unlucky. In
hieroglyphical paintings these months were also placed in a circle, in
the middle of which a face, representing either the sun or moon, was
painted. This circle was called a _xiuhtlapohualli_, or 'count of the
year.' Concerning the order in which these months followed one
another, and the name of the first month, hardly two authors agree; in
the same manner we find three or four various names given to many of
the months. It would appear reasonable to suppose that the month
immediately following the nemontemi, which were always added at the
end of the year, would be the first, and the only difficulty here is
to know which way the Aztecs wrote; whether from right to left or from
left to right. On the circle of the month given by Veytia, and
supposed to have been copied from an original, these five days are
inserted between the months Panquetzaliztli and Atemoztli, and
counting from left to right, this would make Atemoztli the first
month, which would agree with Veytia's statement. But Gama and others
decidedly dissent from this opinion, and name other months as the
first. I reserve further consideration of this subject for another
place in this chapter, where in connection with other matters it can
be more clearly discussed, and content myself with simply inserting
here a table of the names of the months as enumerated by the principal
authors, in order to show at a glance the many variations. I also
append to it the different dates given for the first day of the year,
in which there are as many contradictions as in the names and position
of the months.

NAMES OF MEXICAN MONTHS ACCORDING TO VARIOUS AUTHORS.

[Sidenote: NAMES OF THE AZTEC MONTH.]

Each month, as before stated, was represented by its proper
hieroglyph, having a certain meaning, and generally referring to some
feast or natural event, such as the ripening of fruit, or falling of
rain, happening during the month, although in this case also there are
many differences between authors regarding the meaning of the names.

[Illustration: The Aztec Year.]

Tititl, which according to Gama was the first month, is translated by
Boturini as 'our mother,' or 'mother of the gods,' while Cabrera calls
it 'fire.'[627] Itzcalli, according to Boturini, means 'regeneration;'
the Codex Vaticanus translates it 'skill;' and Veytia, 'the sprouting
of the grass.'[628] Atlcahualco means the 'abating of the waters.' The
Tlascaltec name of this month, Xilomanaliztli, signifies the 'offering
of green maize.' In other localities this month was also known by the
name of Quahuitlehua, the 'burning of the mountains,' or rather of the
trees on the mountains, previous to sowing.[629] Tlacaxipehualiztli
means the 'flaying of the people;' the other name of this month,
Cohuailhuitl, is the 'feast of the snake.' Tozoztontli, Tozcotzintli,
and Hueytozoztli are respectively the small and great fast or vigil;
while some translate these words by 'pricking of veins,' 'shedding of
blood,' or 'great and small penance.'[630] Toxcatl is a 'collar' or
'necklace.'[631] Etzalqualiztli is translated by Boturini 'bean stew,'
or 'the eating of beans,' while Veytia calls it 'the eating of maize
gruel.' Tecuilhuitzintli and Hueytecuilhuitl mean respectively the
small and great 'feast of the Lord.' Miccailhuitzintli is explained
both as 'the feast of dead children,' and 'the small feast of the
dead;' another name for this month is Tlaxochimaco, meaning
'distribution of flowers.' Hueymiccailhuitl is either 'the feast of
dead adults,' or 'the great feast of the dead.' Xocotlhuetzin, another
name for this month, means 'the ripening of the fruit.' Ochpaniztli is
'the cleaning of streets.' Teotleco, or 'the arrival of the gods,' was
the next month, and was also named Pachtli, or Pachtontli, the latter
being translated by 'humiliation,' and the former by 'moss hanging
from trees.' Hueypachtli was 'the great feast of humiliation,' also
called Tepeilhuitl, or 'feast of the mountains.' Quecholli means
'peacock,' but the interpreter of the _Codex Telleriano-Remensis_
calls it the 'serpent of the clouds.' Panquetzaliztli is 'the raising
of flags and banners.' Atemoztli, the last month, means the 'drying up
of the waters.'[632] The plate on the preceding page shows the order
of the months and the pictures by which they were represented.

[Illustration: The Aztec Month.]

[Sidenote: NAMES OF THE AZTEC DAYS.]

Each month contained twenty days, which were divided into four groups
or weeks, as we may for convenience call them; and at the end of each
group a public market or fair was held. There is no difference of
opinion as to the names of the days or the order in which they follow
one another, but it is very difficult, and in many cases impossible,
to reconcile one with another the different hieroglyphic signs
denoting these days given in the codices or in the various
representations of the calendar. The names of the days are: Cipactli,
a name of which it is almost impossible to give the correct meaning,
it being variously represented as an animal's head with open mouth
armed with long tusks, as a fish with a number of flint knives on its
back, as a kind of lizard with a very long tail curled up over its
back, and in many other monstrous shapes. It is called the
'sea-animal,' the 'sword-fish,' the 'serpent armed with harpoons,' and
other names. Ehecatl is 'wind;' Calli, 'house;' Cuetzpalin, 'lizard;'
Coatl, 'snake;' Miquiztli, 'death;' Mazatl, 'deer;' Tochtli, 'rabbit;'
Atl, 'water;' Itzcuintli, 'dog;' Ozomatli, 'monkey;' Malinalli,
'brushwood,' or 'tangled grass;' Acatl, 'cane;' Ocelotl, 'tiger;'
Quauhtli, 'eagle;' Cozcaquauhtli, a species of vulture, known in
Mexico as 'rey de los zopilotes;' Ollin, 'movement;' Tecpatl, 'flint;'
Quiahuitl, 'rain;' and Xochitl, 'flower.' It will be seen that the
days having the names or signs of the years,--namely: Tochtli, Calli,
Tecpatl, and Acatl--stand first in each week. The five nemontemi had
no particular name. The cut given above shows the method by which the
Aztecs represented their month, with the hieroglyphic names of each
day.[633]

[Sidenote: INTERCALARY DAYS.]

As three hundred and sixty-five days do not make the year complete,
the Mexicans added the missing thirteen days at the end of the cycle
of fifty-two years. But Gama asserts that they came still nearer to
our more correct calculations, and added only twelve days and a
half.[634] It has been frequently attempted to fix accurately the
time when the Mexican year commenced according to our dates, but there
is no agreement on this point between the old historians, as will be
seen from the table given, and although many elaborate calculations
have been made for the purpose of verifying the one or the other
statement, the result is in no two cases the same. Gama calculated,
and Humboldt and Gallatin confirmed his statement, that the first year
of a Mexican cycle commenced on the 31st day of December, old style,
or on the 9th day of January, new style, with the month Tititl and the
day Cipactli.[635]

[Sidenote: THE RITUAL CALENDAR.]

We come now to another mode of reckoning known as the ritual calendar,
which, as its name implies, was used for adjusting all religious
feasts and rites and everything pertaining thereto. The previously
described reckoning was solar, while that of the ritual calendar was
lunar. The periods into which it was divided were of thirteen days
each, thus representing about half the time that the moon was visible.
The year contained as many days as the solar calendar, but they were
divided into entirely different periods. Thus, in reality there were
no months at all, but only twenty weeks of thirteen days each; and
these not constituting a full year, the same kind of reckoning was
continued for one hundred and five days more, and at the end of a
tlalpilli thirteen days were intercalated to make up for the lost
days. The names of the days were the same as in the solar calendar but
they were counted as follows. To the first day the number one was
prefixed, to the second, two, to the third, three, and so on to
thirteen; when the fourteenth name was again called one, the
fifteenth, two, and so on to thirteen again, after which the same
count was continued to the end of the year. But as in this reckoning
it naturally happens that one name has the same number twice,
accompanying signs were added to the regular names, which were called
_quecholli_, 'lords or rulers of the night.' Of these there were
nine, _xiuhtecutli_, _tletl_, 'lord of the year, fire;' _tecpatl_,
'flint;' _xochitl_, 'flower;' _centeotl_, 'goddess of maize;'
_miquiztli_, 'death;' _atl_, 'water,' represented by the goddess
Chalchihuitlicue; _tlazolteotl_, 'goddess of love;' _tepeyollotli_, a
deity supposed to inhabit the centre of the mountains; _quiahuitl_,
'rain,' represented by the god Tlaloc.[636] As stated above, one of
these signs was understood to accompany the regular name of each day,
commencing with the first day of the year; but they were never written
or mentioned with the first two hundred and sixty days, but only with
the last one hundred and five days, to distinguish them from the
former.[637] For the purpose of making this system more
comprehensible, I insert a few months of the Mexican calendar, showing
the solar and lunar system together, as arranged by Gama.

+===========+===============+====================+===================+
| |Months and days| | |
|Months and | of the Mexican|Days and weeks of |Accompanying signs,|
|days of | civil or solar|the Mexican ritual, |or 'lords of the |
|our era | calendar. |or lunar, calendar. |night.' |
+-----------+---------------+--------------------+-------------------+
| January 9|Tititl 1|1 Cipactli |Tletl 1 |
| 10| 2|2 Ehecatl |Tecpatl 2 |
| 11| 3|3 Calli |Xochitl 3 |
| 12| 4|4 Cuetzpalin |Centeotl 4 |
| 13| 5|5 Coatl |Miquiztli 5 |
| 14| 6|6 Miquiztli |Atl 6 |
| 15| 7|7 Mazatl |Tlazolteotl 7 |
| 16| 8|8 Tochtli |Tepeyollotli 8 |
| 17| 9|9 Atl |Quiahuitl 9 |
| | | | -- |
| 18| 10|10 Itzcuintli |Tletl 1 |
| 19| 11|11 Ozomatli |Tecpatl 2 |
| 20| 12|12 Malinalli |Xochitl 3 |
| 21| 13|13 Acatl |Centeotl 4 |
| | |--------------------|-------------------|
| 22| 14|1 Ocelotl |Miquiztli 5 |
| 23| 15|2 Quauhtli |Atl 6 |
| 24| 16|3 Cozcaquauhtli |Tlazolteotl 7 |
| 25| 17|4 Ollin |Tepeyollotli 8 |
| 26| 18|5 Tecpatl |Quiahuitl 9 |
| | | | |
| 27| 19|6 Quiahuitl |Tletl 1 |
| 28| 0|7 Xochitl |Tecpatl 2 |
| |---------------| | |
| 29|Itzcalli 1|8 Cipactli |Xochitl 3 |
| 30| 2|9 Ehecatl |Centeotl 4 |
| 31| 3|10 Calli |Miquiztli 5 |
+===========+===============+====================+===================+

+===========+===============+====================+===================+
|Months and |Months and days|Days and weeks of |Accompanying signs,|
|days of |of the Mexican |the Mexican ritual |or 'lords of |
|our era |civil calendar.|calendar. |the night.' |
+-----------+---------------+--------------------+-------------------+
|February 1| 4|11 Cuetzpalin |Atl 6 |
| 2| 5|12 Coatl |Tlazolteotl 7 |
| 3| 6|13 Miquiztli |Tepeyollotli 8 |
| | |--------------------|-------------------|
| 4| 7|1 Mazatl |Quiahuitl 9 |
| | | | -- |
| 5| 8|2 Tochtli |Tletl 1 |
| 6| 9|3 Atl |Tecpatl 2 |
| 7| 10|4 Itzcuintli |Xochitl 3 |
| 8| 11|5 Ozomatli |Centeotl 4 |
| 9| 12|6 Malinalli |Miquiztli 5 |
| 10| 13|7 Acatl |Atl 6 |
| 11| 14|8 Ocelotl |Tlazolteotl 7 |
| 12| 15|9 Quauhtli |Tepeyollotli 8 |
| 13| 16|10 Cozcaquauhtli |Quiahuitl 9 |
| | | | -- |
| 14| 17|11 Ollin |Tletl 1 |
| 15| 18|12 Tecpatl |Tecpatl 2 |
| 16| 19|13 Quiahuitl |Xochitl 3 |
| | |--------------------|-------------------|
| 17| 20|1 Xochitl |Centeotl 4 |
| |---------------| | |
| 18|Atlcahualco 1|2 Cipactli |Miquiztli 5 |
| 19| 2|3 Ehecatl |Atl 6 |
| 20| 3|4 Calli |Tlazolteotl 7 |
| 21| 4|5 Cuetzpalin |Tepeyollotli 8 |
| 22| 5|6 Coatl |Quiahuitl 9 |
| | | -- |
| 23| 6|7 Miquiztli |Tletl 1 |
| 24| 7|8 Mazatl |Tecpatl 2 |
| 25| 8|9 Tochtli |Xochitl 3 |
| 26| 9|10 Atl |Centeotl 4 |
| 27| 10|11 Itzcuintli |Miquiztli 5 |
| 28| 11|12 Ozomatli |Atl 6 |
|-----------| | | |
|March 1| 12|13 Malinalli |Tlazolteotl 7 |
| | |--------------------|-------------------|
| 2| 13|1 Acatl |Tepeyollotli 8 |
| 3| 14|2 Ocelotl |Quiahuitl 9 |
| | | | -- |
| 4| 15|3 Quauhtli |Tletl 1 |
| 5| 16|4 Cozcaquauhtli |Tecpatl 2 |
| 6| 17|5 Ollin |Xochitl 3 |
| 7| 18|6 Tecpatl |Centeotl 4 |
| 8| 19|7 Quiahuitl |Miquiztli 5 |
| 9| 20|8 Xochitl |Atl 6 |
| |---------------| | |
| 10|Tlacaxipe 1|9 Cipactli |Tlazolteotl 7 |
| 11| -hualiztli 2|10 Ehecatl |Tepeyollotli 8 |
| 12| 3|11 Calli |Quiahuitl 9 |
| | | | -- |
| 13| 4|12 Cuetzpalin |Tletl 1 |
| 14| 5|13 Coatl |Tecpatl 2 |
| | |--------------------|-------------------|
| 15| 6|1 Miquiztli |Xochitl 3 |
| 16| 7|2 Mazatl |Centeotl 4 |
| 17| 8|3 Tochtli |Miquiztli 5 |
| 18| 9|4 Atl |Atl 6 |
| 19| 10|5 Itzcuintli |Tlazolteotl 7 |
| 20| 11|6 Ozomatli |Tepeyollotli 8 |
| 21| 12|7 Malinalli |Quiahuitl 9 |
| | | | -- |
| 22| 13|8 Acatl |Tletl 1 |
| 23| 14|9 Ocelotl |Tecpatl 2 |
| 24| 15|10 Quauhtli |Xochitl 3 |
| 25| 16|11 Cozcaquauhtli |Centeotl 4 |
| 26| 17|12 Ollin |Miquiztli 5 |
| 27| 18|13 Tecpatl |Atl 6 |
| | |--------------------|-------------------|
| 28| 19|1 Quiahuitl |Tlazolteotl 7 |
| 29| 20|2 Xochitl |Tepeyollotli 8 |
| |---------------| | |
| 30|Tozoztontli 1|3 Cipactli |Quiahuitl 9 |
| | | | -- |
| 31| 2|4 Ehecatl |Tletl 1 |
+===========+===============+====================+===================+

The five nemontemi were counted in this calendar as other days, that
is, they received the names which came in the regular order, but,
nevertheless, they were believed to be unlucky days and had no
accompanying signs.

[Illustration: The Calendar-Stone.]

[Sidenote: THE AZTEC CALENDAR-STONE.]

Besides the preceding cuts of the Mexican calendar systems, as they
were represented by Gemelli Careri, Veytia, and others, the
calendar-stone is the most reliable source by which the extent of the
astronomical science of the Aztecs can be shown. Gama, and after him
Gallatin, give very accurate descriptions of this stone; I insert here
a résumé from the latter author. On this stone there is engraved in
high-relief a circle, in which are represented by certain
hieroglyphics the sun and its several motions, the twenty days of the
month, some principal fast-days, and other matters. The central figure
represents the sun as it is usually painted by the Mexicans. Around
it, outside of a small circle, are four parallelograms with the signs
of the days, Nahui Ocelotl, Nahui Ehecatl, Nahui Quiahuitl, and Nahui
Atl. Between the two upper and lower parallelograms are two figures,
which Gama explains as being two claws, which are the hieroglyphics
representing two eminent astrologers, man and wife. Gama further
explains these four signs of the days in this place, as having
reference to the four epochs of nature, of which the Aztec traditions
speak. The first destruction of the sun is said to have taken place in
the year Ce Acatl and on the day Nahui Ocelotl. The second sun was
supposed to have died in the year Ce Tecpatl and on the day Nahui
Ehecatl; the third destruction occurred also in the year Ce Tecpatl
and on the day Nahui Quiahuitl; and lastly, the fourth destruction
took place in the year Ce Calli, on the day Nahui Atl. But Mr Gallatin
thinks that these four parallelograms had yet some other purpose; for
on the twenty-second of May and on the twenty-sixth of July, which
days are Nahui Ocelotl and Nahui Quiahuitl, if we accept the
thirty-first of December as the first day of the Mexican cycle, the
sun passed the meridian of the city of Mexico. But in this case the
other two days, Nahui Ehecatl and Nahui Atl cannot be explained in
connection with any other astronomical event. Between the lower
parallelograms are two small squares, in each of which are five oblong
marks, signifiying the number ten; and as the central figure is the
_ollin tonatiuh_, or sun, the number ten in these two squares is
supposed to mean the day Matlactli Ollin. Below this again are the
hieroglyphics Ce Quiahuitl, and Ome Ozomatli. The day Matlactli Ollin
in the first year of the cycle is the twenty-second of September; Ce
Quiahuitl in the year Matlactli omey Acatl, which year is inscribed at
the head of the stone, is our twenty-second of March; and Ome Ozomatli
in the same year would be our twenty-second of June. Here are
therefore designated three of the principal phenomena as they
happened in the first year of the cycle, viz: two transits of the sun
by the zenith and the autumnal equinox. In the year designated on the
stone Matlactli omey Acatl, there are given the spring equinox and
summer solstice. In a circle surrounding these figures are represented
the twenty days of the months. From the central figure of the sun
there runs upward, as far as the circle of days, a triangle, the upper
and smallest angle of which points between the days Cipactli and
Xochitl, thus confirming the idea that Cipactli was always the first
day of the month. Gama, Gallatin, Humboldt, Dupaix, and others have
given correct pictures of the stone as is proved by recent
photographs; but in my cut the figures are reversed. It is a copy from
Charnay, whose photographs were in 1875 the best authority accessible;
and I failed to notice that this, unlike Charnay's other plates, was a
photo-lithograph reversed in printing. Not only did I fall into this
error, but in my earlier editions charged other writers with having
made a similar one. The cut does not otherwise mislead, but it must be
noted that instead of running from left to right, the days really run
from right to left. From the circle of days, four triangles, or rays,
project, exactly dividing the stone into four quarters, each of which
has ten visible squares, and, as the rays cover twelve more, there
would be fifty-two in all. In each square are five oblong marks, which
multiplied by fifty-two, give two hundred and sixty, or the first
period of the Mexican ritual year. Outside of the circle of these
squares the four quarters are each again divided by a smaller ray,
and, as stated before, at the head of the stone, over the principal
triangle is the sign of the year Matlactli omey Acatl. Round the outer
edge are a number of other figures and hieroglyphics, which have not
yet been deciphered, or whose interpretations by different writers
present so many contradictions that they would have no value
here.[638]

[Sidenote: CALENDAR OF THE TARASCOS.]

The only information we have of the calendar used in Michoacan is
furnished by Veytia, and this is only fragmentary. Enough is known,
however, to show that their system was the same as that of the Aztecs.
Instead of the four principal signs of the Aztecs, tecpatl, calli,
tochtli, and acatl, in Mechoacan the names _inodon_, _inbani_,
_inchon_, and _intihui_ were used. Of the eighteen months only
fourteen are mentioned by name. These are: Intacaci, Indehuni,
Intecamoni, Interunihi, Intamohui, Inizcatolohui, Imatatohui,
Itzbachaa, Intoxihui, Intaxihui, Intechaqui, Intechotahui,
Inteyabchitzin, Intaxitohui. The five intercalary days were named
_intasiabire_.[639] The days of the month, divided into four equal
parts by the above-mentioned four principal signs, were called:
Inodon, Inicebi, Inettuni, Inbeari, Inethaati, Inbani, Inxichari,
Inchini, Inrini, Inpari, Inchon, Inthahui, Intzini, Intzoniabi,
Intzimbi, Inthihui, Inixotzini, Inichini, Iniabi, Intaniri.[640]

The Zapotecs in Oajaca, according to the description of Burgoa, used
the same calendar as the Aztecs, with this difference, that the year
always commenced on the twelfth day of March, and that the bissextile
year was corrected every fourth year, by adding, instead of five, six
intercalary days.[641]

FOOTNOTES:

[618] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
tom. ix., p. 322. 'En un año que fué señalado con el geroglifico de un
pedernal, que segun las tablas parece haber sido el de 3901 del mundo,
se convocó una gran junta de astrólogos ... para hacer la correcion de
su calendario y reformar sus cómputos, que conocian errados segun el
sistema que hasta entónces habian seguido.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant.
Mej._, tom. i., p. 32.

[619] _Id._, pp. 31-2.

[620] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 205; _Id._, _Relaciones_, in _Id._, pp. 331-2,
459; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843,
tom. xcix., p. 132; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Id._, 1840, tom. lxxxvi.,
pp. 5-6; _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 3; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., p. 57; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _S'il existe des
Sources de l'Hist. Prim._, pp. 26-7; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del
Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v.,
pp. 164-7; _Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Id._, pp.
134-6. 'Cinco Soles que son edades ... el primer Sol se perdio por
agua.... El segundo Sol perecio cayendo el cielo sobre la tierra....
El Sol tercero falto y se consumio por fuego.... El quarto Sol fenecio
con aire.... Del quinto Sol, que al presente tienen.' _Gomara_, _Conq.
Mex._, fol. 297. 'Le ciel et la terre s'étaient faits, quatre fois.'
_Codex Chimalpopoca_, in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
tom. i., p. 53. 'Creyeron que el Sol habia muerto cuatro veces, ó que
hubo cuatro soles, que habian acabado en otros tantos tiempos ó
edades; y que el quinto sol era el que actualmente les alumbraba.'
_Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., p. 94. 'Hubo cinco soles en los
tiempos pasados.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 81, repeated
literally by _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 79;
_Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. ii., pp. 118-29; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno.
Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 325; _Müller_, _Amerikanische
Urreligionen_, pp. 510-12.

[621] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 296-7; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 256-7; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp.
397-8; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., p. 16 et seq.; _Veytia_,
_Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 42 et seq.

[622] 'No todos comenzaban á contar el ciclo por un mismo año: los
tultecos lo empezaban desde _Tecpatl_: los de Teotihuacan desde
_Calli_; los mexicanos desde _Tochtli_; y los tezcocanos desde
_Acatl_.' _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., p. 16; _Veytia_,
_Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 58. 'So begannen die Aculhuas von
Texcoco ihre Umläufe mit dem Zeichen Ce Tecpatl, die Mexicaner dagegen
im Ce Tochtli.' _Müller_, _Reisen_, tom. iii., p. 65; _Boturini_,
_Idea_, p. 125.

[623] 'Esto circulo redondo se dividia en cuatro partes.... La primera
parte que pertenecia á Oriente llamabanle los trece años de las cañas,
y asi en cada casa de los trece tenian pintada una caña, y el número
del año corriente.... La segunda parte aplicaban al septentrion, que
era de otras trece casas, á las cuales llamaban las trece casas del
pedernal; y asi tenian pintado en cada casa un pedernal.... A la
tercera ... parte Occidental, llamabanle las trece casas, y asi
verémos en cada parte de las trece una casilla pintada.... A la cuarta
y última parte que era de otros trece años, llamabanla las trece casas
del conejo; y asi en cada casa de aquellas verémos pintada una cabeza
de conejo.' _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. i.

[624] Gemelli Careri gives these names in a different order, calling
tochtli south, acatl east, tecpatl north, and calli west; further,
tochtli earth, acatl water, tecpatl air, and calli fire. _Gemelli
Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., pp. 487-8;
_Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 54-8. The above are only figurative names, as
the words for the cardinal points and also for the elements are
entirely different in the Mexican language.

[625] Boturini repeats Martin de Leon and Gemelli Carreri.

[626] Humboldt and Gallatin repeat Leon y Gama.

[627] 'Itetl, Ititl, barriga o vientre.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_.
'Vientre, la madre, á excepcion del padre.' _Salva_, _Nuevo Dicc._
'Titl ... significa fuego. Tititl escrito en dos sílabas y seis letras
nada significa en el idioma mexicano' _Cabrera_, in _Ilustracion
Mex._, tom. iv., p. 468.

[628] 'Izcalia, abiuar, tornar en si, o resuscitar.' _Molina_,
_Vocabulario_.

[629] 'Quiahuitl-ehua ... significa _la lluvia levanta_.' _Cabrera_,
in _Ilustracion Mex._, tom. iv., p. 464.

[630] 'Toçoliztli vela, el acto de velar o de no dormir.' _Molina_,
_Vocabulario_.

[631] 'Garganta totuzcatlan, tuzquitl.' _Ib._

[632] For the various etymologies of the names of months, see:
_Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 190-97; _Explicacion del
Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Id._, pp. 129-34; _Leon_, _Camino del
Cielo_, fol. 96-100; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 50-52; _Veytia_, _Hist.
Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 64-5; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., pp. 66-83; _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp. 349-352;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 502-36;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 250-300.

[633] This order is varied by a few authors. Veytia gives the
following entirely different system: 'Si el año era del carácter
Tecpatl, con este se señalaba el primer dia de cada mes, y seguian
anotándose los demas con los geroglificos siguientes en el órden en
que los he puesto; de manera que el vigésimo dia de cada mes se
hallaba Ollin.... Si el año era del segundo geroglifico Calli, por
este se comenzaba á contar, y á todos los dias primeros de cada mes se
les daba este nombre.' The same method he contends is followed also in
those years of each tlalpilli which commence with Tochtli and Acatl.
For _cozcaquauhtli_ he uses the name _temeztlatl_, or metate. _Hist.
Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 76-80; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 294-5.
Gemelli Careri states that Cipactli was not always the first day of
the month. _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, tom. iv., p. 489; _Duran_,
_Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. ii.; _Ritos Antiguos_,
p. 22, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix.; _Motolinia_, _Hist.
Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 36. Boturini
adds to Ollin the word Tonatiuh, and translates it 'movement of the
sun.' _Idea_, p. 45. Gama places Ollin between Atl and Itzcuintli.
_Dos Piedras_, pt i., p. 26; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc.,
Transact._, tom. i., p. 59; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. iii., p. 463. See also hieroglyphics in _Codex
Telleriano-Remensis_, pl. ix., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
i., and _Codex Borgian_, in _Id._, vol. iii., pl. 24; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 304. In Nicaragua where the Aztec
language was spoken by a large portion of the population, the calendar
and the names of the days were the same as Aztec, with but some slight
differences in spelling. Oviedo gives the names of the days as
follows: '_Agat_, _oçelot_, _oate_, _coscagoate_, _olin_, _tapecat_,
_quiaüit_, _sochit_, _çipat_, _acat_, _cali_, _quespal_, _coat_,
_misiste_, _maçat_, _toste_, _at_, _izquindi_, _ocomate_, _malinal_,
_acato_.... Un año ... tiene diez çempuales, é cada çempual es veynte
dias.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 52.

[634] Sahagun, and after him several others, do not agree with this,
but pretend that one day was added every fourth year, on which occasion
a certain feast was celebrated, but Gama has clearly demonstrated that
this is a mistake. 'El año visiesto, que era de cuatro en cuatro
años.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 75. 'Otra fiesta hacian de
cuatro en cuatro años á honra del fuego, en la que ahugeraban las
orejas á todos los niños; y la llamaban _Pillabanaliztli_, y en esta
fiesta es verosimil, y hay congeturas que hacian su visiesto contando
seis dias de _nemontemi_.' _Id._, tom. iv., pp. 347-8. Boturini
expresses the same opinion. 'Determinaron cada quatro años añadir un
dia mas, que recogiesse las horas, que se desperdiciaban, lo que
supongo executaron contando dos veces uno de los Symbolos de el ultimo
mes de el año, á la manera de los Romanos.' _Idea_, p. 137. 'El año de
visiesto que era de quatro à quatro años.' _Leon_, _Camino del Cielo_,
fol. 100. 'They order'd the bissextile, or leap-year, after this
manner. The first year of the age began on the tenth of _April_, and
so did the second and third, but the fourth or leap-year, on the
ninth, the eighth on the eighth, the twelfth on the seventh, the
sixteenth on the sixth, till the end of the age, which was on the
twenty-eighth of _March_, when the thirteen days of the leap-years,
till the tenth of _April_, were spent in rejoicing.' _Gemelli Careri_,
in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 490. Veytia following
Boturini adds one day every fourth year by repeating the last day.
_Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 110-20. 'La correccion no se hacia
hasta el fin del ciclo, en que se intercalaban juntos los 13 dias.'
_Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., p. 24. 'Les Mexicains ont
évidemment suivi le système des Perses: ils conservoient l'année vague
jusqu'à ce que les heures excédantes formassent une demilunaison; ils
intercaloient, par conséquent, treize jours toutes les _ligatures_ ou
cycles de cinquante-deux ans ... à chaque année du signe _tochtli_,
les Mexicains perdoient un jour; et, par l'effet de cette
_rétrogradation_, l'année _calli_ de la quatriéme indiction commençoit
le 27 décembre, et finissoit au solstice d'hiver, le 21 décembre, en
ne faisant pas entrer en ligne de compte les cinq jours inutiles ou
complémentaires. Il en résulte que ... treize jours intercalaires
ramènent le commencement de l'année au 9 janvier.' _Humboldt_, _Vues_,
tom. ii., pp. 60-1. 'Non frammettevano un giorno ogni quattro anni, ma
tredici giorni ... ogni cinquanta due anni.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant.
del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 62. 'They waited till the expiration of
fifty-two vague years, when they interposed thirteen days, or rather
twelve and a half, this being the number which had fallen in arrear.'
_Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 112; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 469. In this connection I also give the
remarkable statement of Pedro de los Rios in his interpretation of the
Codex Vaticanus: '_Item_, si ha da notare, che il loro bisesto andava
solo in quattro lettere, anni, o segni che sono Canna, Pietra, Casa, e
Coniglio, perchè come hanno bisesto delli giorni a fare di quattro in
quattro anni un mese di quelli cinque giorni morti che avanzavano di
ciascun anno, cosi avevano bisesto di anni perchè di cinquantadue in
cinquantadue anni, che è una loro Età, aggiungevano un anno, il quale
sempre veniva in una di queste lettere o segni perchè come ogni
lettera o segno di questi vinti habbia tredici del suo genere che le
servano, _verbi gratiâ_.' _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp.
174-5. In the Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis we read: 'Á
19 de Fevrero los cinco dias muertos que no avia sacrificios; estos
eran los dias que sobravan de los de veynte en veynte del año: y
siempre en cumpliendose los 365 dias, dexavan pasar estos, y luego
tornavan a tomar el año en la letra que entrava.' _Id._, p. 134. To
this Lord Kingsborough adds in a note: 'The Mexicans reckoned 365 days
to their year; the last five of which had no sign or place
appropriated to them in the calendar; since, if they had been
admitted, the order of the signs would have been inverted, and the new
year would not always have commenced with Ce Cipactli. These days,
therefore, although included in the computation of the year, were
rejected from the calendar, until at the expiration of four years an
intercalation of twenty corresponding signs might be effected without
producing any confusion in it. It would appear, however, that this
intercalation did not actually take place till at the expiration of 52
years; for it is impossible, except on this supposition, to understand
the _intercalation of years_ mentioned in the Vatican MS. as occurring
at the expiration of every period of 52 years, when an entire year was
intercalated: but admitting the postponement of an intercalation of a
month every four years during a period of 52 years, such an
intercalation would then become quite intelligible; since thirteen
Mexican months, of 20 days each, exactly constitute a ritual year of
the Mexicans which contained 260 days, and was shorter than the civil
year by 105 days; and this is the precise number of months of which
the intercalation would have been postponed.' _Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi.,
pp. 103-4.

[635] _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., pp. 62-89; _Gallatin_, in
_Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 69-86. Veytia's reason
for commencing the year with Atemoztli is, that on the calendar
circle which he saw, and of which I insert a copy, this was the month
following the five nemontemi. This appears very reasonable, but
nevertheless Gama and Gallatin's calculations show it to be an error.
See _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 74-5.

[636] Boturini gives the rulers of the night as follows:
Xiuhteucyòhua, Señor de el Año; Ytzteucyòhua, Señor de el Fuego;
Piltzinteucyòhua, Señor de los Niños; Cinteucyòhua, Señor de el Maiz;
Mictlanteucyòhua, Señor de el Infierno; Chalchihuitlicueyòhua, Señor
de el Agua; Tlazolyòhua, Señor de el Amor deshonesto; Tepeyoloyòhua,
Señor de los Entrañas de los Montes; Quiauhteucyòhua, Señor de las
Lluvias. _Idea_, p. 58.

[637] _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., pp. 29-31, 52-3;
_Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 57-9; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc.,
Transact._, vol. i., p. 61.

[638] _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp.
94-103; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., pp. 89-114. Further
description, and mention of the astronomical system will be found in
_Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp. 332-92, and tom. ii., pp. 1-99,
356-80; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 295-305; _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxli.; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 49-76, tom. iv., pp. 282-309, 338-49, tom. ii.,
lib. vii., pp. 256-60, 264-5; _Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus_, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi., pp. 196, 200; _Boturini_,
_Idea_, pp. 42-59, 109-10, 122-4, 137-40, 153-5; _Id._, _Catálogo_,
pp. 57-72; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de
Doc._, tom. i., pp. 35-8; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp.
30-138; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 517-31;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 457-82;
_Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 294-97; _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's
Col. Voyages_, tom. iv., pp. 487-90; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_;
_Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 57-115;
_Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, pp. 241-2; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp.
110-27; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 41-3; _Nebel_,
_Viaje_, pl. l.; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap.
xviii.; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 322-4; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp.
397-9; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 56-65;
_Müller_, _Reisen_, tom. iii., pp. 63-90; _McCulloh's Researches in
Amer._, pp. 201-25; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 128-30;
_Tylor's Researches_, pp. 92-4; _Id._, _Anahuac_, p. 103;
_Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. i., pp. 44-5; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe
Weereld_, pp. 266-7; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. viii., pp. 537-8;
_Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 194-5, 211-15; _Morton's Crania Amer._, p.
150; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., pp. 445, 293;
_Macgregor's Progress of Amer._, vol. i., p. 22; _Chambers' Jour._,
1835, vol. iv., p. 254; _Lafond_, _Voyages_, tom. i., p. 118;
_Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 21-2, 24-5; _Poinsett's Notes
Mex._, pp. 111, 75-6; _Simon's Ten Tribes_, pp. 149-57; _Kendall's
Nar._, vol. ii., p. 328; _Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man_, tom. ii., p.
507; _Cabrera_, in _Ilustracion Mex._, tom. iv., pp. 461-70; _Müller_,
_Amerikanische Urreligionen_, pp. 93-4; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom.
i., p. 92; _Thompson's Mex._, p. 213; _Falliés_, _Études Hist. sur les
Civilisations_, Paris, (n. d.) pp. 57-62.

[639] 'Los cuatro meses que faltan son los que corresponden á nuestro
enero, febrero y marzo, porque al manuscrito le falta la primera hoja,
y solo comienza desde el dia 22 de marzo, y concluye en 31 diciembre,
confrontando sus meses con los nuestros.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._,
tom. i., p. 138. 'Il est dit que l'année commençait au 22 mars avec le
premier jour In Thacari.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
tom. iii., p. 467.

[640] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 137-8; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 463, 467; _Gallatin_, in
_Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 104-5.

[641] 'Dabanle diez y ocho meses de à 20. dias, y otro mas de cinco, y
este al cabo de quatro años como nuestro Bisiesto lo variaban à seis
dias, pos las seis horas que sobran cada año.' _Burgoa_, _Geog.
Descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. 136.

CHAPTER XVII.

THE AZTEC PICTURE-WRITING.

HIEROGLYPHIC RECORDS--THE NATIVE
BOOKS--AUTHORITIES--DESTRUCTION OF THE NATIVE ARCHIVES BY
ZUMÁRRAGA AND HIS CONFRÈRES--PICTURE-WRITINGS USED AFTER THE
CONQUEST FOR CONFESSION AND LAW-SUITS--VALUE OF THE
RECORDS--DOCUMENTS SENT TO SPAIN IN THE SIXTEENTH
CENTURY--EUROPEAN COLLECTIONS--LORD KINGSBOROUGH'S
WORK--PICTURE-WRITINGS RETAINED IN MEXICO--COLLECTIONS OF
IXTLILXOCHITL, SIGUËNZA, GEMELLI CARERI, BOTURINI, VEYTIA,
LEON Y GAMA, PICHARDO, AUBIN, AND THE NATIONAL MUSEUM OF
MEXICO--PROCESS OF HIEROGLYPHIC DEVELOPMENT--REPRESENTATIVE,
SYMBOLIC, AND PHONETIC PICTURE-WRITING--ORIGIN OF MODERN
ALPHABETS--THE AZTEC SYSTEM--SPECIMEN FROM THE CODEX
MENDOZA--SPECIMEN FROM GEMELLI CARERI--SPECIMEN FROM THE
BOTURINI COLLECTION--PROBABLE FUTURE SUCCESS OF
INTERPRETERS--THE NEPOHUALTZITZIN.

The Nahua nations possessed an original hieroglyphic system by which
they were able to record all that they deemed worthy of preservation.
The art of picture-writing was one of those most highly prized and
most zealously cultivated and protected, being entrusted to a class of
men educated for the purpose and much honored. The written records
included national, historic, and traditional annals, names and
genealogical tables of kings and nobles, lists and tribute-rolls of
provinces and cities, land-titles, law codes, court records, the
calendar and succession of feasts, religious ceremonies of the temple
service, names and attributes of the gods, the mysteries of augury and
soothsaying, with some description of social customs, mechanical
employments, and educational processes. The preparation and
guardianship of records of the higher class, such as historical annals
and ecclesiastical mysteries, were under the control of the highest
ranks of the priesthood, and such records, comparatively few in
number, were carefully guarded in the temple archives of a few of the
larger cities. These writings were a sealed book to the masses, and
even to the educated classes, who looked with superstitious reverence
on the priestly writers and their magic scrolls. It is probable that
the art as applied to names of persons and places or to ordinary
records was understood by all educated persons, although by no means a
popular art, and looked upon as a great mystery by the common people.
The hieroglyphics were painted in bright colors on long strips of
cotton cloth, prepared skins, or maguey-paper--generally the
latter--rolled up or, preferably, folded fan-like into convenient
books called _amatl_, and furnished often with thin wooden covers. The
same characters were also carved on the stones of public buildings,
and probably also in some cases on natural cliffs. The early
authorities are unanimous in crediting these people with the
possession of a hieroglyphic system sufficiently perfect to meet all
their requirements.[642]

[Sidenote: DESTRUCTION OF ABORIGINAL RECORDS.]

Unfortunately the picture-writings, particularly those in the hands of
priests--those most highly prized by the native scholar, those which
would, if preserved, have been of priceless value to the students of
later times--while in common with the products of other arts they
excited the admiration of the foreign invaders, at the same time they
aroused the pious fears of the European priesthood. The nature of the
writings was little understood. Their contents were deemed to be for
the most part religious mysteries, painted devices of the devil, the
strongest band that held the people to their aboriginal faith, and the
most formidable obstacle in the way of their conversion to the true
faith. The destruction of the pagan scrolls was deemed essential to
the progress of the Church, and was consequently ordered and most
successfully carried out under the direction of the bishops and their
subordinates, the most famous of these fanatical destroyers of a new
world's literature being Juan de Zumárraga, who made a public bonfire
of the native archives. The fact already noticed, that the national
annals were preserved together in a few of the larger cities, made the
task of Zumárraga and his confrères comparatively an easy one, and all
the more important records, with very few probable exceptions, were
blotted from existence. The priests, however, sent some specimens,
either originals or copies, home to Europe, where they attracted
momentary curiosity and were then lost and forgotten. Many of the
tribute-rolls and other paintings of the more ordinary class, with
perhaps a few of the historical writings, were hidden by the natives
and thus saved from destruction. Of these I shall speak
hereafter.[643]

After the zeal of the priests had somewhat abated, or rather when the
harmless nature of the paintings was better understood, the natives
were permitted to use their hieroglyphics again. Among other things
they wrote down in this way their sins when the priests were too busy
to hear their verbal confessions. The native writing was also
extensively employed in the many lawsuits between Aztecs and Spaniards
during the sixteenth century, as it had been employed in the courts
before the conquest. Thus the early part of the century produced many
hieroglyphic documents, not a few of which have been preserved, and
several of which I have in my library. During the same period some
fragments that had survived the general destruction were copied and
supplied with explanations written with European letters in Aztec, or
dictated to the priests who wrote in Spanish. The documents, copies,
and explanations of this time are of course strongly tinctured with
Catholic ideas wherever any question of religion is involved, but
otherwise there is no reason to doubt their authenticity.[644]

[Sidenote: VALUE OF THE NATIVE RECORDS.]

To discuss the historical value of such Aztec writings as have been
preserved, or even of those that were destroyed by the Spaniards, or
the accuracy of the various interpretations that have been given to
the former, forms no part of my purpose in this chapter. Here I shall
give a brief account of the preserved documents, with plates
representing a few of them as specimens, and as clear an idea as
possible of the system according to which they were painted.
Respecting the theory, supported by a few writers, that the Aztecs had
no system of writing except the habit common to all savage tribes of
drawing rude pictures on the rocks and trees, that the statements of
the conquerors on the subject are unfounded fabrications, the
specimens handed down to us mere inventions of the priests, and their
interpretations consequently purely imaginary, it is well to remark
that all this is a manifest absurdity. On the use of hieroglyphics the
authorities, as we have seen, all agree; on their destruction by the
bishops they are no less unanimous; even the destroyers themselves
mention the act in their correspondence, glorying in it as a most
meritorious deed. The burning was moreover perfectly consistent with
the policy of the Church at that time, and its success does not seem
extraordinary when we consider the success of the priests in
destroying monuments of solid stone. The use of the aboriginal records
in the Spanish courts for a long period is undeniable. The priests had
neither the motive nor the ability to invent and teach such a system.
Respecting the historical value of the destroyed documents, it is safe
to believe that they contained all that the Aztecs knew of their past.
Having once conceived the idea of recording their annals, and having a
system of writing adequate to the purpose, it is inconceivable that
they failed to record all they knew. The Aztecs derived their system
traditionally from the Toltecs, whose written annals they also
inherited; but none of the latter were ever seen by any European, and,
according to tradition, they were destroyed by a warlike Aztec king,
who wished the glory of his own kingdom to overshadow that of all
others, past, present, or future. If the hieroglyphics of the Nahua
nations beyond the limits of Anáhuac differed in any respect from
those of the Aztecs, such differences have not been recorded.[645]

[Sidenote: EUROPEAN COLLECTIONS.]

I have said that many hieroglyphic manuscripts, saved from the fires
kindled by Zumárraga's bigotry, or copied by ecclesiastical permission
before serving as food for their purifying flames, were sent to Spain
by the conquerors. After lying forgotten for a few centuries,
attention was again directed to these relics of an extinct
civilization, and their importance began to be appreciated; search was
made throughout Europe, and such scattered remnants as survived their
long neglect were gathered and deposited in public and private
libraries. Eight or ten such collections were formed and their
contents were for the most part published by Lord Kingsborough.

The _Codex Mendoza_ was sent by the viceroy Mendoza to Charles V., and
is now in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. It is a copy on European
paper, coarsely done with a pen, and rolled instead of folded. Another
manuscript in the Escurial Library is thought by Prescott to be the
original of this codex, but Humboldt calls it also a copy. An
explanation of the codex in Aztec and Spanish accompanies it, added by
natives at the order of Mendoza. It has been several times published,
and is divided in three parts, the first being historical, the second
composed of tribute-rolls, and the third illustrative of domestic life
and manners.[646]

The _Codex Vaticanus_ (No. 3738) is preserved at Rome in the Vatican
Library, and nothing is known of its origin further than that it was
copied by Pedro de los Rios, who was in Mexico in 1566. It is divided
into two parts, mythological and historical, and has a partial
explanation in Italian. Another manuscript, (No. 3776) preserved in
the same library, is written on skin, has been interpreted to some
extent by Humboldt, and is supposed to pertain to religious rites. The
_Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, formerly in the possession of M. Le
Tellier, and now in the Royal Library at Paris, is nearly identical
with the Codex Vaticanus (No. 3738), having only one figure not found
in that codex, but itself lacking many. It has, however, an
explanation in Aztec and Spanish.[647]

The _Codex Borgian_ was deposited in the College of the Propaganda at
Rome by Cardinal Borgia, who found it used as a plaything by the
children in the Gustiniani family. It is written on skin, and appears
to be a ritual and astrologic almanac very similar to the Vatican
manuscript (No. 3776). It is accompanied by an interpretation or
commentary by Fabrega. The _Codex Bologna_, preserved in the library
of the Scientific Institute, was presented in 1665 to the Marquis de
Caspi, by Count Valerio Zani. It is written on badly prepared skin,
and appears to treat of astrology. A copy exists in the Museum of
Cardinal Borgia at Veletri. Of the _Codex Vienna_ nothing is known
except that it was given in 1677 to the Emperor Leopold by the Duke of
Saxe-Eisenach, and that its resemblance to the manuscripts at Rome and
Veletri would indicate a common origin. Four additional manuscripts
from the Bodleian Library at Oxford, and one belonging to M. de
Fejérvary in Hungary, are published by Kingsborough. Nothing is known
of the origin of these, nor has any interpretation been attempted,
although the last-named seems to be historical or chronological in its
nature.[648]

[Sidenote: PICTURE-WRITINGS PRESERVED IN MEXICO.]

I have said that many manuscripts, mostly copies, but probably some
originals, were preserved from destruction, and retained in Mexico.
Material is not accessible for a complete detailed history of these
documents, nor does it seem desirable to attempt here to disentangle
the numerous contradictory statements on the subject. The surviving
remnants of the Tezcucan archives, with additions from various
sources, were inherited by Ixtlilxochitl, the lineal descendant of
Tezcuco's last king, who used them extensively if not always
judiciously in his voluminous historical writings. The collection of
which these documents formed a nucleus may be traced more or less
clearly to the successive possession of Sigüenza, the College of San
Pedro y San Pablo, Boturini Benaduci, the Vice-regal Palace, Veytia,
Ortega, Leon y Gama, Pichardo, Sanchez, and at last to the National
Museum of the University of Mexico, its present and appropriate
resting-place. Frequent interventions of government and private
law-suits interrupted this line of succession, and the collection by
no means passed down the line intact. Under the care of several of the
owners large portions of the accumulation were scattered; but on the
other hand, several by personal research greatly enlarged their store
of aboriginal literature. While in Sigüenza's possession the documents
were examined by the Italian traveler Gemelli Careri, through whose
published work one of the most important of the pictured records was
made known to the world. This latter has been often republished and
will be given as a specimen in this chapter.[649] Clavigero studied
the manuscripts in the Jesuit College of San Pedro y San Pablo in
1759.[650] Boturini was a most indefatigable collector, his
accumulation in eight years amounting to over five hundred specimens,
some of them probably antedating the Spanish conquest. He published a
catalogue of his treasures, which were for the most part confiscated
by the government and deposited in the palace of the viceroy, where
many of the documents are said to have been destroyed or damaged by
dampness and want of care. Those retained by the collector were even
more unfortunate, since the vessel on which they were sent to Europe
was taken by an English pirate, and the papers have never since been
heard of. Only a few fragments from the Boturini collection have ever
been published, the most important of which, a history of the Aztec
migration, has been often reproduced, and will be given in this
chapter. The original was seen by Humboldt in the palace of the
viceroy, and is now in the Mexican Museum.[651]

The confiscated documents passed by order of the Spanish government
into the hands of Veytia, or at least he was permitted to use them in
the preparation of his history,[652] and after his death and the
completion of his work by Ortega, they passed, not without a lawsuit,
into the possession of Leon y Gama, the astronomer.[653] On the death
of Gama a part of his manuscripts were sold to Humboldt to form the
Berlin collection published by Kingsborough;[654] the rest came into
the hands of Pichardo, Gama's executor, who spent his private fortune
in improving his collection, described by Humboldt as the richest in
Mexico. Many of Pichardo's papers were scattered during the
revolution, and the remainder descended through his executor Sanchez
to the Museum.[655] It is not unlikely either that the French
intervention in later years was also the means of sending some
picture-writings to Europe. Of the documents removed from the Mexican
collections on different occasions and under different pretexts, M.
Aubin claims to have secured the larger part, which are now in his
collection in Paris, with copies of such manuscripts as he has been
unable to obtain in the original form.[656]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: HIEROGLYPHIC DEVELOPMENT.]

In order to form a clear idea of the Aztec system of picture-writing,
it will be well to consider first the general principles of
hieroglyphic development, which are remarkably uniform and simple, and
which may best be illustrated by our own language, supposing it, for
convenience, to be only a spoken tongue.

It is evident that the first attempt at expressing ideas with the
brush, pencil, or knife, would be the representation of visible
objects by pictures as accurately drawn as possible; a house, man,
bird, or flower are drawn true to the life in all their details. But
very soon, if a frequent repetition of the pictures were needed, a
desire to save labor would prompt the artist to simplify his drawing,
making only the lines necessary to show that a house, man, etc., were
meant,--a retrograde movement artistically considered, but
intellectually the first step towards an alphabet. The representation
of actions and conditions, such as a house on fire, a dead man, a
flying bird, or a red flower would naturally follow.

The three grades of development mentioned belong to what may be termed
representative picture-writing. It is to be noted that this writing
has no relation to language; that is, the signs represent only visible
objects and actions without reference to the words by which the
objects are named or the actions expressed in our language. The
pictures would have the same meaning to a Frenchman or German as to
the painter.

The next higher phase of the art is known as symbolic picture-writing.
It springs from the need that would soon be experienced of some method
by which to express abstract qualities or invisible objects. The
symbolic system is closely analogous in its earlier stages to the
representative, as when the act of swimming is symbolized by a fish, a
journey by a succession of footprints, night by a black square, light
by an eye, power by a hand, the connection between the picture and the
idea to be expressed being more or less obvious. Such a connection,
real or imaginary, must always be supposed to have existed originally,
since it is not likely that purely arbitrary symbols would be adopted,
but nearly all the symbols would be practically arbitrary and
meaningless to a would-be interpreter ignorant of the circumstances
which originated their signification.

We have seen that the symbolic and representative stages of
development are in many respects very like one to the other, and there
are many hieroglyphic methods between the two, which it is very
difficult to assign altogether to either. For instance, when a large
painted heart expresses the name of a chief 'Big Heart;' or when a
peculiarly formed nose is painted to represent the man to whom it
belongs; or when the outlines of the house, man, bird, or flower
already mentioned are so very much simplified as to lose all their
apparent resemblance to the objects represented. It is also to be
noted that the symbolic writing, as well as the representative, is
entirely independent of language.

[Sidenote: REPRESENTATIVE AND SYMBOLIC WRITING.]

Picture-writing of the two classes described has been practiced more
or less, probably, by every savage tribe. By its aid records of
events, such as tribal migrations, and the warlike achievements of
noted chiefs, may be and doubtless have been made intelligible to
those for whose perusal they were intended. But the key to such
hieroglyphics is the actual acquaintance of the nation with each
character and symbol, and it cannot long survive the practice of the
art. In only two ways can the meaning of such records be
preserved,--the study of the art while actually in use by a people of
superior culture, or its development into a hieroglyphic system of a
higher grade. Neither of these conditions were fulfilled in the case
of our Wild Tribes, but both were so to some extent, as we shall see,
in the case of the Civilized Nations. Throughout the Pacific States
rock-carvings and painted devices will be noted in a subsequent volume
of this work; most of them doubtless had a meaning to their authors,
although many may be attributed to the characteristic common to
savages and children of whiling away time by tracing unmeaning
sketches from fancy. All are meaningless now and must ever remain so.
Full of meaning to the generation whose work they were, they served to
keep alive in the following generation the memory of some
distinguished warrior, or some element of aboriginal worship, but to
the third generation they became nothing but objects of superstitious
wonder. Even after coming into contact with Europeans the savage often
indicates by an arrow and other figures carved on a forest-tree the
number of an enemy and the direction they have taken, or leaves some
other equally simple representative record.

The next and most important step in hieroglyphic development is taken
when a phonetic element is introduced; when the pictures come into a
relation, not before attained, with sounds or spoken language; when a
picture of the human form signifies _man_, not _homme_ or _hombre_; a
painted house, _house_, not _casa_ or _maison_. Of this phonetic
picture-writing in its simplest form, the illustrated rebuses--children's
hieroglyphics--present a familiar example; as when charity is written
by drawing in succession a chair, an eye, and a chest of tea,
'chair-eye-tea.' In pronouncing the whole word thus written, the
sounds of the words represented by the pictures are used without the
slightest reference to their meaning. To the Frenchman the same
pictures 'chaise-oeil-thé' would have no meaning.

In the example given the whole name of each word pictured is
pronounced, but the number of words that could be produced by such
combinations is limited, and the first improvement of the system would
perhaps be to pronounce only the leading syllable or sound of the
pictured word, and then charity might be painted 'cha (pel)-ri
(ng)-tee (th).' By this system the same word might be written in a
great many ways, and the next natural improvement would be the
conventional adoption of certain easily pictured words to represent
certain sounds, as 'hat,' 'hand,' or 'ham,' for the sound _ha_, or
simply the aspirated _h_. The next development would be effected by
simplifying the outlines of the numerous pictures employed, which have
now become too complicated and bulky for rapid writing. For a time
this process of simplification would still leave a rude resemblance to
the original picture; but at last the resemblance would become very
faint, or only imaginary, and perhaps some arbitrary signs would be
added--in other words, a phonetic alphabet would be invented, the
highest degree of perfection yet achieved in this direction.

To recapitulate briefly: picture-writing may be divided, according to
the successive stages of its development, into three classes,
representative, symbolic, and phonetic, no one of which except the
last in its highest or alphabetic, and the first in its rudest, state,
would be used alone by any people, but rather all would be employed
together. In the representative stage a [Illustration: hand] might
express a human hand, or as the system is perfected, a large, small,
closed, black, or red hand; and finally 'Big Hand,' an Indian chief;
and all this would be equally intelligible to American or Asiatic,
savage or civilized, without respect to language.

[Sidenote: HIEROGLYPHIC WRITING.]

Symbolic picture-writing indicates invisible or abstract objects,
actions, or conditions, by the use of pictures supposed to be
suggestive of them; the symbols are originally in a manner
representative, and rarely, if ever, arbitrarily adopted. As a symbol
the [Illustration: hand] might express power, a blow, murder, the
number one or five. These symbols are also independent of language.

Phonetic picture-writing represents not objects, but sounds by the
picture of objects in whose names the sound occurs; first words, then
syllables, then elementary sounds, and last--by modification of the
pictures or the substitution of simpler ones--letters and an alphabet.
According to this system the [Illustration: hand] signifies
successively the word 'hand,' the syllable 'hand' in handsome, the
sound 'ha' in happy, the aspiration 'h' in head, and finally, by
simplifying its form or writing it rapidly, the [Illustration: hand]
becomes [Illustration: stylized hand], and then the 'h' of the
alphabet.

The process of development which I have attempted to explain by
imaginary examples and illustrations in our own language, is probably
applicable to a greater or less extent to all hieroglyphic systems;
yet such hieroglyphics as have been preserved are of a mixed class,
uniting in one word, or sentence, or document, all the forms,
representative, symbolic, and phonetic; the Egyptians first spelled a
word phonetically and then, to make the meaning clear, represented the
word by a picture or symbol; the Chinese characters were originally
pictures of visible objects, though they would not now be recognized
as such, if the originals were not in existence. What proportion of
the letters in modern alphabets are simplified pictures, or
representative characters, and what arbitrary, it is of course
impossible to determine; many of them, however, are known to be of the
former class.[657]

In the Aztec picture-writings all the grades or classes of pictures
are found, except the last and highest--the alphabet. A very large
part of the characters employed were representative; many conventional
symbols are known; and the Aztecs undoubtedly employed phonetic
paintings, though perhaps not very extensively in the higher grades of
development.

[Sidenote: SPECIMEN FROM CODEX MENDOZA.]

The plate on the opposite page is a reproduction of a part of the
_Codex Mendoza_ from Kingsborough's work. Its four groups describe the
education of the Aztec child under the care of its parents. In the
first group the father (fig. 3) is punishing his son by holding him
over the fumes of burning chile (fig. 5); while the mother threatens
her daughter with the same punishment. Figures 2 and 8 represent, like
11, 16, 20, 24, 30 and 34 in the other groups, the child's allowance
of tortillas at each meal. In the second group the son is punished by
being stretched naked on the wet ground, having his hands tied, while
the girl is forced to sweep, or, as she has no tear in her eye,
perhaps is merely being taught to sweep instead of being punished. In
the third group the father employs his boys in bringing wood (fig. 21)
or reeds either on the back or in a canoe; and the mother teaches her
daughter to make tortillas (fig. 27) and the use of the metate and
other household utensils (figs. 23, 25, 26, 28). In the last group the
son learns the art of fishing, and the daughter that of weaving.

[Illustration: Education of Aztec Children.]

Thus far all the pictures are purely representative; the remainder are
more or less symbolic. The small circles (fig. 1, 10, 19, 29) are
numerals, as explained in a preceding chapter, and indicate the age of
the children, eleven, twelve, thirteen, and fourteen years
respectively; the character issuing from the mouth of the parents is
the symbol of speech, and indicates that the person to whom it is
attached is speaking; the tears in the children's eyes, are symbols of
the weeping naturally caused by the punishment inflicted; and figure
14 is interpreted to be a symbol of night, indicating that the child
was forced to sweep at night.[658]

Many of the Aztec symbols are of clearly representative origin, as
foot-prints, symbols of traveling; tongues, of speech; a man sitting
on the ground, of an earthquake; painted drops, of water; and other
signs for day, night, air, movement, etc., which are more or less
clear. But of others, as the serpent, symbol of time, the origin is
not affirmed. To define the extent to which the symbolic writing
prevailed is very difficult, because many of the characters which
were, originally at least, representative, would appear to the
uninitiated purely arbitrary; and it is not improbable that many signs
may have had a double meaning according to the connection in which
they were employed. The system is capable of indefinite expansion in
the hands of the priesthood for purposes of religious mystification;
and the fact that the religious and astrologic documents seem to
contain but few of the representative and phonetic signs by which
other paintings are interpreted, lends some probability to the theory
that the priests had a partially distinct symbolic system of their
own. The Abbé Brasseur goes so far as to say that all the historical
documents had a double meaning, one for the initiated, another for the
masses. The use of symbols doubtless accounts for the difficulty
experienced in the interpretation of the picture-writings which have
been preserved, and for the variety of extravagant theories that have
been founded on them.

The intermediate method already mentioned as coming between the
purely representative and the symbolic, was very extensively employed
by the Aztecs in writing the names of places and persons, nearly all
of which were derived from natural objects. Examples of this method
are: Itzcoatl, 'stone (or obsidian) serpent;' Chapultepec, 'hill of
the grasshopper;' Tzompanco, 'place of skulls;' Chimalpopoca, 'smoking
shield;' Acamapitzin, 'hand holding reeds;' Macuilxochitl, 'five
flowers;' Quauhtinchan, 'house of the eagle;' all written by the
simple pictures of the objects named. The picture expressing a
person's name was attached by a fine line to his head.

[Sidenote: AZTEC PHONETIC WRITING.]

The use of the phonetic element by the Aztecs was first noticed by the
early missionaries in their efforts to teach Church forms. The
natives, eager or obliged to learn the words so essential to their
salvation but so new to their ear, aided their memory by writing
phonetically in a rude way the strange words. Amen was expressed by
the symbol of water, _atl_, joined to a maguey, _metl_, forming the
sounds _atl-metl_ or _a-m[)e]_, sufficiently accurate for their
purpose. Pater noster was likewise written with a flag, _pantli_, and
a prickly pear, _nochtli_; or sometimes a stone, _tetl_, was
introduced before and after the prickly pear, the whole reading
_pa(ntli)-te(tl)-noch(tli)-te(tl)_. Here it will be observed that the
sound only of the objects employed is considered, with no reference to
their meaning. The name is an excellent specimen of the
syllabic-phonetic writing. It is written in one of the manuscripts of
the Boturini collection by a pictured pair of lips, _tentli_, for the
syllable _te_; footsteps, symbolic of a road, _otli_, for _o_; a
house, _calli_, for _cal_; and teeth, _tlantli_, for _tlan_, _ti_
being a common connective syllable. The termination _coatl_ is a very
frequent one in Aztec words, and is often written phonetically by a
'pot,' _comitl_, surmounted by the symbol of water, _atl_, _co-atl_;
but _coatl_ means 'serpent' and is also written representatively by a
simple picture of that reptile. Matlatlan 'net-place,' is written by
pictured teeth, _tlantli_, phonetic, and a net, _matla_,
representative. Mixcoatl, 'cloudy serpent,' is expressed by the
representative sign of a cloud, _mixtli_, and by the word _coatl_
phonetically written as before explained. These examples suffice to
illustrate the system. There is no evidence that the Aztecs ever
reached the highest or alphabetic stage of hieroglyphics, and so far
as is known they only used the syllabic method in writing names, and
foreign words after the coming of the Spaniards. Still there is some
reason to suspect that the phonetic element was much more in use than
has been supposed, and that many characters which, hitherto considered
by students as representative and symbolic signs, have yielded no
meaning, may yet prove to be phonetic, and may throw much light on a
complex and mysterious subject.[659]

[Sidenote: RECORD OF AN AZTEC MIGRATION.]

On the two following pages is a copy of the painting already referred
to as having been published by Gemelli Careri, Humboldt, Kingsborough,
Prescott, and others, and which I take from the work of Ramirez as
being probably the most reliable source.[660] This painting, preserved
in the National Museum, is about twenty by twenty-seven inches, on
maguey paper of the finest quality, now mounted on linen. I do not
propose to attempt in this chapter any interpretation of the painting,
to discuss the interpretations of others, or to investigate its
historical importance. I simply present the document as an
illustration of the Aztec picture-writing, with interpretations of
some of the figures as given by Señor Ramirez, leaving to another
volume all consideration of the old absurd theory that a part of the
painting (fig. 1-6) pictures the flood, the preservation of Coxcox,
the Aztec Noah, and the confusion of tongues.

[Illustration: The Aztec Migration.]

[Sidenote: PICTURE-WRITING FROM GEMELLI CARERI.]

The winding parallel lines, with frequent foot-prints, by which the
different groups of figures are united, are symbols of a journey, and
there is little doubt that the whole painting describes the migrations
or wanderings of the Aztec people. The square at the right represents
the place from which they started. Fig. 1, 2, perhaps express
phonetically its name, but their interpretation is doubtful. It was
evidently a watery region, probably a lake island in the valley of
Mexico. Fig. 3 is a _xiuhmolpilli_, 'bundle of grass,' symbol of the
Aztec cycle of fifty-two years; fig. 4 is a 'curved mountain,' or the
city of Culhuacan, on the borders of the lake; fig. 5 is a bird
speaking to the people (fig. 6), the tongues issuing from its mouth
being, as I have said, the usual symbols of speech. It was a popular
tradition among the Aztecs that the voice of a bird started them on
their wanderings. The fifteen human forms (fig. 7, 12,) are the chiefs
of the migrating tribes, whose names are hieroglyphically expressed
by the figures connected with their heads. At their first
stopping-place they completed another 'sheaf' of fifty-two years (fig.
8), and perhaps built a temple (fig. 11). The stay at Cincotlan (fig.
15) was ten years as indicated by the ten circles; fig. 17 is
interpreted by Gemelli Careri Tocolco, 'humiliation,' and fig. 18,
Oztotlan, 'place of caves.' At the next stopping-place fig. 20
represents a body wrapped in the Mexican manner for burial; his name
as shown by the character over his head is that of the central figure
in the group shown in fig. 7. As this name does not appear again, the
meaning is perhaps that one of the tribes here became extinct. Fig. 25
is Tetzapotlan, 'place of the tree _tetzapotl_.' The generic name of
the tree is _tzapotl_ (modern _zapote_), but a particular species is
_tetzapotl_, and the prefix _te_ is phonetically expressed by the
stone, _tetl_, at the base of the tree. Fig. 28 is Tzompanco, 'place
of skulls,' representing supposably a skull impaled on a stick; fig.
29 is Apazco, 'earthen vase;' fig. 31, Quauhtitlan 'place of the
eagle,' and here one of the chiefs of tribes, the right hand figure of
group 7, separates from the rest to form a settlement at fig. 33. The
time of stopping at each place and the completion of each fifty-two
years are clearly indicated and need not be mentioned here. Fig. 34 is
Azcapuzalco, 'the anthill;' fig. 83 is Chalco, 'the chalchiuite-stone;'
fig. 36, Tlecohuatl, _tletl-cohuatl_, or 'fire-serpent;' fig. 39,
Chicomoztoc, _chicome-oztotl_, 'seven caves;' the lower part of fig.
47 is the symbol of water; fig. 48, Teozomaco, 'the monkey of stone.'
Fig. 50 is Chapultepec, 'hill of the locust or grasshopper.' After the
arrival at Chapultepec a great variety of events, most of which can be
identified with traditional occurrences in the early history of the
Aztecs, are pictured. I shall not attempt to follow them. The route
seems to continue towards fig. 80, Tlatelolco; but five tribes (fig.
53), all but one identical with those of the group in fig. 7, 12,
return as fugitives or prisoners (fig. 51) to Culhuacan (fig. 54),
the original starting-point. Fig. 61, and one of the characters of
fig. 65, are the symbols of combat or war. Fig. 67 is Inixiuhcan,
'birth-place,' the picture representing a woman who has just given
birth to a child. Fig. 74 is Tenochtitlan, 'place of _tenochtli_,' the
tenochtli being a species of nopal represented in the figure, and
being also the sign of the name of Tenoch, one of the original chiefs
of the group in fig. 12, and also seen in the group in fig. 81. Six of
the original tribes seem to have reached Tenochtitlan, afterwards
Mexico, with the tribe that joined them at Chapultepec; nine having
perished or been scattered on the way, which agrees with the
historical tradition. The preceding brief sketch will give an idea of
a document whose full description and interpretation, even if
possible, would require much space and would not be appropriately
included here.

[Sidenote: CHRONOLOGIC RECORD.]

The picture-writing shown on the following pages is the one already
mentioned as having formed part of the Boturini collection, is equally
important with the one already described, and is preserved like the
former in the National Museum. This painting, like the other,
describes a migration, indicated by the line of foot-prints. Starting
from an island, a passage by boat is indicated to Culhuacan, 'the
curved mountain,' on the mainland. In this painting we have not only
the number of years spent in the migration, and at each
stopping-place, but the years are named according to the system
described in the last chapter, and the migration began in the year Ce
Tecpatl. The character within that of Culhuacan is the name of
Huitzilopochtli, the great Aztec god. Next we have in a vertical line
the names of the eight tribes, hieroglyphically written, who started
on the migration, the Chalcas, Matlaltzincas, Tepanecs, etc., agreeing
with the tradition, except three which cannot be accurately
interpreted. The first stopping-place after Culhuacan was Coatlicamac,
the first figure in the lower column of the first page. Here they
remained twenty-eight years from Ome Calli to Yey Tecpatl as indicated
by the squares connected by a line. The last but one of these years
completed the cycle and is represented by a picture showing the
process of kindling fire by friction, instead of the bundle of grass
as before. Between the groups of small squares are the hieroglyphic
names of the stopping-places, which are in the following order,
beginning with the second column of the first page, Coatlicamac,
Tollan, Atlicalaquiam, Tlemaco, Atotonilco, Apazco, Tzompanco,
Xaltocan, Acolhuacan, Ehecatepec, Tolpetlac, Coatitlan (where they
first cultivated the maguey), Huixachtitlan (where they made pulque
from the maguey), Tecpayocan, Pantitlan, 'place of the flag,'
Amalinalpan, Azcapuzalco, Pantitlan, Acolnahuac, Popotla, ----,
Atlacuihuayan (Tacubaya), Chapultepec, Acocolco, and Culhuacan (as
prisoners). The migration is not brought down to the arrival in
Tenochtitlan, but the chronology is perfectly recorded. Several of the
names of places are indicated by the same hieroglyphic signs as in the
other painting. It will be observed that there is nothing to locate
the starting-place in the north-west. It was probably either on the
lakes of Anáhuac, or in the south beyond what is now the isthmus of
Tehuantepec. Both of these paintings will be noticed in the historical
investigations to be given in volume V. of this work.

[Sidenote: THE AZTEC MIGRATION.]

[Illustration: PICTURE-RECORD OF THE AZTEC MIGRATION.
FROM THE BOTURINI COLLECTION.]

The hieroglyphic paintings afford no test of the Aztec painter's
skill; in an artistic point of view the picture-writing had probably
been nearly stationary for a long time before the conquest. The
pictures were in most cases conventionally distorted; indeed, to
permit different painters to exercise their skill and fancy in
depicting the various objects required would have destroyed the value
of the paintings as records. The first progressional steps had taught
the native scribes to paint only so much of representative and
symbolic objects as was necessary to their being understood;
convenience and custom would naturally tend to fix the forms at an
early period. Bold outlines, and bright contrasted colors were the
desiderata; elegance was not aimed at. Hence no argument respecting
the Aztec civilization can be drawn from the rude mechanical execution
of these painted characters.

The American hieroglyphics contain no element to prove their foreign
origin, and there is no reason to look upon them as other than the
result of original native development. Whether enough of the painted
records have been preserved to throw much additional light on
aboriginal history, may well be doubted; but it is certain that great
progress will be made in the art of interpreting such as have been
saved, when able men shall devote their lives to a faithful study of
this indigenous American literature as they have to the study of
old-world hieroglyphics.[661]

[Sidenote: THE NEPOHUALTZITZIN.]

I will in conclusion call attention to Boturini's statement that
knotted cords, similar to the aboriginal Peruvian _quipus_, but called
in Aztec _nepohualtzitzin_, were also employed to record events in
early times, but had gone out of use probably before the Aztec
supremacy. This author even claims to have found one of these knotted
records in a very dilapidated condition in Tlascala. His statement is
repeated by many writers; if any information on the subject is
contained in the old authorities, it has escaped my notice.[662]

FOOTNOTES:

[642] 'Todas las cosas que conferimos me las dieron por pinturas, que
aquella era la escritura que ellos antiguamente usaban: los gramáticos
las declararon en su lengua, escribiendo la declaracion al pie de la
pintura. Tengo aun ahora estos originales.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. i., p. iv. 'Aunque no tenian escritura como nosotros tenian
empero sus figuras y caracteres que todas las cosas qui querian,
significaban; y destas sus libros grandes por tan agudo y sutil
artificio, que podriamos decir que nuestras letras en aquello no les
hicieron mucha ventaja.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap.
ccxxxv. 'Tenian sus figuras, y Hieroglyficas con que pintauan las
cosas en esta forma, que las cosas que tenian figuras, las ponian con
sus proprias ymagines, y para las cosas que no auia ymagen propria,
tenian otros caracteres significatiuos de aquello, y con este modo
figurauan quanto querian.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 408.
'Letras Reales de cosas pintadas, como eran las pinturas, en que leiò
Eneas la destruicion de Troya.' 'Y esto que afirmo, es tomado de las
mismas Historias Mexicanas, y Tetzcucanas, que son las que sigo en
este discurso, y las que tengo en mi poder.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. i., pp. 29, 149, also pp. 30-1, 36, 253, tom. ii., pp.
263, 544-6. 'I haue heeretofore sayde, that they haue books whereof
they brought many: but this Ribera saith, that they are not made for
the vse of readinge.... What I should thinke in this variety I knowe
not. I suppose them to bee bookes.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x.,
dec. iii., lib. viii. 'Y entre la barbaridad destas naciones (de
Oajaca) se hallaron muchos libros à su modo, en hojas, ò telas de
especiales cortesas de arboles.... Y destos mesmos instrumentos he
tenido en mis manos, y oydolos explicar à algunos viejos con bastante
admiracion.' _Burgoa_, _Palestra Hist._, pt i., p. 89. 'Pintaban en
vnos papeles de la tierra que dan los arboles pegados vnos con otros
con engrudos, que llamaban _Texamaltl_ sus historias, y batallas.'
_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 60. 'Lo dicho lo comprueban
claramente las Historias de las Naciones Tulteca y Chichimeca,
figuradas con pinturas, y Geroglíficos, especialmente en aquel Libro,
que en Tula hicieron de su origen, y le llamaron Teomaxtli, esto es,
Libro divino.' _Lorenzana_, in _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_, pp. 6,
8-9. 'It is now proven beyond cavil, that both Mexico and Yucatan had
for centuries before Columbus a phonetic system of writing, which
insured the perpetuation of their histories and legends.' _Brinton's
Myths._ See also _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 203-4, 235, 287; _Id._, _Relaciones_, in
_Id._, p. 325; _Ritos Antiguos_, p. 4, in _Id._; _Garcia_, in _Id._,
vol. viii., pp. 190-1; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 299; _Motolinia_,
_Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 186,
209; _Fuenleal_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p.
250; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 6-7, 251-2; _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p.
1135.

[643] 'Aunque por haverse quemado estos Libros, al principio de la
conversion ... no ha quedado, para aora, mui averiguado todo lo que
ellos hicieron.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 544, tom.
i., prólogo. Some of them burned by order of the monks, in the fear
that in the matter of religion these books might prove injurious. _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxxxv. Royal archives of
Tezcuco burned inadvertently by the first priests. _Ixtlilxochitl_,
_Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 203.
'Principalmente habiendo perecido lo mejor de sus historias entre las
llamas, por no tenerse conocimiento de lo que significaban sus
pinturas.' _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., pp. 2, 5. 'Por
desgracia los misioneros confundieron con los objetos del culto
idolátrico todos los geroglíficos cronológicos é históricos, y en una
misma hoguera se consumia el ídolo ... y el manuscrito.' _Alaman_,
_Disertaciones_, tom. ii., p. 154. See also _Prescott's Mex._, vol.
i., p. 101; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 139-41;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 188;
_Bustamante_, _Mañanas_, tom. ii., prólogo; _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom.
i., p. 226; _Wilson's Conq. Mex._, p. 24.

[644] 'It is to this transition-period that we owe many, perhaps most,
of the picture-documents still preserved.' _Tylor's Researches_, p.
97. 'There was ... until late in the last century, a professor in the
University of Mexico, especially devoted to the study of the national
picture-writing. But, as this was with a view to legal proceedings,
his information, probably, was limited to deciphering titles.'
_Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 106. 'L'usage de ces peintures, servant
de pièces de procès, c'est conservé dans les tribunaux espagnols
long-temps après la conquête.' _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp.
169-70. 'Escriben toda la doctrina ellos por sus figuras y caracteres
muy ingeniosamente, poniendo la figura que correspondia en la voz y
sonido á nuestro vocablo. Asi como si dijeremos Amen, ponian pintada
una como fuente y luego un maguey que en su lengua corresponde con
Amen, porque llamada _Ametl_, y así de todo lo demas.' _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxxxv. See also _Ritos Antiguos_, p.
53, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix.; _Ramirez_, _Proceso de
Resid._; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 115; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_,
in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 122.

[645] 'Au Mexique, l'usage des peintures et celui du papier de maguey
s'étendoient bien au delà des limites de l'empire de Montezuma,
jusqu'aux bords du lac de Nicaragua.' 'On voit que les peuples de
l'Amèrique étoient bien éloignés de cette perfection qu'avoient
atteinte les Égyptiens.' _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp. 208, 193-4.
'Clumsy as it was, however, the Aztec picture-writing seems to have
been adequate to the demands of the nation.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol.
i., pp. 97-8, 108. 'The Mexicans may have advanced, but, we believe,
not a great way, beyond the village children, the landlady (with her
ale-scores), or the Bosjesmans.' _Quarterly Review_, 1816, vol. xv.,
pp. 454, 449. 'The _picture writings_ copied into the monster volumes
of Lord Kingsborough, we have denounced as Spanish fabrications.'
_Wilson's Conq. Mex._, pp. 21-24. 'Until some evidence, or shadow of
evidence, can be found that these quasi records are of Aztec origin,
it would be useless to examine the contradictions, absurdities and
nonsense they present.... The whole story must be considered as one of
Zumárraga's pious frauds.' _Id._, pp. 91-2. 'Las pinturas, que se
quemaron en tiempo del señor de México, que se decia _Itzcóatl_, en
cuya época los señores, y los principales que habia entónces,
acordaron y mandaron que se quemasen todas, para que no viniesen á
manos del vulgo, y fuesen menospreciadas.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 140-1; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. iii., p. 209. See also _Waldeck_, _Voy. Pitt._, pp. 46-7;
_Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 144;
_Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 100; _Mayer's Mex. Aztec_, etc.,
vol. i., p. 93.

[646] See _Mexican MSS._, in the list of authorities in vol. i. of this
work, for the location of this and other codices in Kingsborough's
work. This codex was published also in _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol.
iv.; _Thevenot_, _Col. de Voy._, 1696, tom. ii.; and by _Lorenzana_,
in _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_. 'D'après les recherches que j'ai
faites, il paroît qu'il n'existe aujourd'hui en Europe que six
collections de peintures mexicaines: celles de l'Escurial, de Bologne,
de Veletri, de Rome, de Vienne et de Berlin.' _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom.
i., p. 215. See also on the Codex Mendoza: _Id._, tom. ii., pp.
306-22; _Robertson's Hist. Amer._, (Lond., 1777), vol. ii., p. 480;
_Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 40, 103-4; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant.
del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 22-3, 25; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno.
Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 116-29; _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. vi., p. 299.

[647] _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp. 173, 231-47; _Atlas_, pl. 13,
14, 26, 55-6. 60, tom. ii., p. 118; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. i., p. 23; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc.,
Transact._, vol. i., pp. 116, 125, 132-43; _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. vi., pp. 95, 155; _Wilson's Conq. Mex._, p. 91. 'The
fiction of some Spanish monk.' _Quarterly Review_, 1816, vol. xv., p.
448.

[648] _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp. 216-19, 248-56, with portions
of the Borgian Codex in plates 15, 27, 37. Some pages of the Vienna
Codex were published in _Robertson's Hist. Amer._, (Lond., 1777), vol.
ii., p. 482.

[649] _Careri_, _Giro del Mondo_, (Naples, 1699-1700), tom. vi.;
_Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. ii., pp. 168-85, _Atlas_, pl. xxxii.;
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. iv.; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol.
i., p. 20; _Prescott's Hist. Conq. Mex._, (Mex. 1846), tom. iii.;
_García y Cubas_, _Atlas_; _Simon's Ten Tribes_, frontispiece;
Gallatin, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 127,
pronounces it an imitation and not a copy of a Mexican painting, whose
authenticity may be doubted.

[650] _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 22-6.

[651] _Boturini_, _Catálogo_, in _Id._, _Idea_; _Aubin_, in _Brasseur
de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. xxxiii.; _Prescott's
Mex._, vol. i., pp. 159-60; _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp. 162-3,
226-8; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 16-17,
23-5; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp.
120-1; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. xxi., et seq., p. 116.
That portion of the Codex Mendoza given in _Cortés_, _Hist. N.
España_, was from a copy in the Boturini collection. The manuscript
describing the Aztec migration was published in Kingsborough,
Schoolcraft, Prescott, (Mex. 1846), Humboldt's _Atlas_, Delafield's
_Antiq. Amer._, García y Cubas' _Atlas_, and I have in my library two
copies on long strips of paper folded in the original form.

[652] Ortega, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. xxii-xxiv.,
says they were not given to Veytia as Boturini's executor, but simply
entrusted to him for use in his work, and afterwards returned to the
archives.

[653] Gondra, in _Prescott_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._ (Mex., 1846), tom.
iii., p. ii., says that Gama was Sigüenza's heir.

[654] _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp. 163, 230-1.

[655] _Bustamante_, in _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., pp.
ii-iii.

[656] See list of part of M. Aubin's manuscripts in _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. lxxvi-lxxviii.; also a
very complete account of the different collections of Aztec
picture-writings in the introductory chapter of _Domenech_, _Manuscrit
Pictographique_.

[657] In the Egyptian development, a pictured mouth first signified
the word _ro_, then the syllable _ro_, and finally the letter or sound
_r_, although it is doubtful if they made much use of the third stage,
except in writing some foreign words. Many of the Chinese pictures are
double, one being determinative of sound, the other of sense; as if in
English we should express the sound _pear_ by a picture of the fruit
of that name, the fruit _pear_ by the same picture accompanied by a
tree, the word _pare_ by the same picture and a knife, the word _pair_
by the picture and two points, etc. _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp.
177-9; _Tylor's Researches_, pp. 98-101.

[658] _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. i., pl.
lxi. Explanation, vol. v., pp. 96-7. See p. 241 of this volume.

[659] 'On trouve même chez les Mexicains des vestiges de ce genre
d'hiéroglyphes que l'on appelle phonétiques, et qui annonce des
rapports, non avec la chose, mais avec la langue parlée.' _Humboldt_,
_Vues_, tom. i., p. 191, also pp. 162-202. 'But, although the Aztecs
were instructed in all the varieties of hieroglyphical painting, they
chiefly resorted to the clumsy method of direct representation.'
_Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 97, also pp. 88-107. 'It is to M.
Aubin, of Paris, a most zealous student of Mexican antiquities, that
we owe our first clear knowledge of a phenomenon of great scientific
interest in the history of writing. This is a well-defined system of
phonetic characters, which Clavigero and Humboldt do not seem to have
been aware of.' _Tylor's Researches_, p. 95, also pp. 89-100. 'Dans
les compositions grossières, dont les auteurs se sont presque
exclusivement occupés jusqu'ici, elle (l'écriture Aztèque) est fort
semblable aux rébus que l'enfance mêle à ses jeux. Comme ces rébus
elle est généralement phonétique, mais souvent aussi confusément
idéographique et symbolique. Tels sont les noms de villes et de rois,
cités par Clavigero, d'après Purchas et Lorenzana et d'après
Clavigero, par une foule d'auteurs.' _Aubin_, in _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. xliv., xxx-lxxiv. See also
on Aztec hieroglyphics and their explanation: _Buschmann_,
_Ortsnamen_, tom. i., pp. 37-48; _Gondra_, in _Prescott_, _Hist. Conq.
Mex._, (Mex. 1846), tom. iii.; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt ii.,
pp. 29-45; _Ewbank_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 453-6;
_Mendoza_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. i., pp.
896-904; _Ramirez_, in _Id._, tom. iii., pp. 69-70; _Boturini_,
_Idea_, pp. 5, 77-87, 96, 112-13; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 187-94; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza
Indígena_, pp. 49-50; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 5; _Klemm_,
_Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 131-7; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien.
et Mod._, pp. 37-8, 58; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., pp. 77, 93;
_Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, p. 322; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc.,
Transact._, vol. i., pp. 126, 165-68; _Ramirez_, _Proceso de Resid._;
_Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 13-16; _Lubbock's Pre-Hist. Times_, p. 279;
_N. Amer. Review_, 1839, vol. xlviii., p. 289, 1831, vol. xxxii., pp.
98-107; _Amer. Quart. Review_, June 1827, vol. i., p. 438.

[660] In _García y Cubas_, _Atlas_, with an interpretation.

[661] 'On distingue dans les peintures mexicaines des têtes d'une
grandeur énorme, un corps excessivement court, et des pieds qui, par
la longueur des doigts, ressemblent à des griffes d'oiseau.... Tout
ceci indique l'enfance de l'art, mais il ne faut pas oublier que des
peuples qui expriment leurs idées par des peintures ... attachent
aussi peu d'importance à peindre correctement que les savans d'Europe
à employer une belle écriture dans leurs manuscrits.' _Humboldt_,
_Vues_, tom. i., pp. 198-200; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 653-4. Valades in 1579 gave an American phonetic
alphabet, representing each letter by an object of whose name it was
the initial in some language not the Aztec. Nothing is known of it.
_Id._, tom. i., p. lxx. Borunda gives a _Clave General de Geroglíficos
Americanos_, in _Voz de la Patria_, 1830, tom. iv., No. iii.--an
extract in _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt ii., p. 33. Sr Eufemio
Mendoza, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. i., p. 899,
attaches some importance to Borunda's efforts. On the difficulty of
interpretation see _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 116; _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. vi., p. 87; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p.
149; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., p. 201; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 107.

[662] _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 85-7; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom.
i., p. 6; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 194;
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 656. Some additional
references on hieroglyphics are: _Id._, pp. 244, 591-2, 650-6, tom.
ii., p. 86; _Norman's Rambles in Yuc._, pp. 293-5; _Domenech's
Deserts_, vol. i., pp. 407-8; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii.,
pp. 27-8; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 175-6; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe
Weereld_, pp. 266-7; _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, p. 300; _Delafield's
Antiq. Amer._, p. 42; _Bonnycastle's Span. Amer._, vol. i., p. 52.

CHAPTER XVIII.

ARCHITECTURE AND DWELLINGS OF THE NAHUAS.

ARCHITECTURE OF THE ANCIENT NATIONS--GENERAL FEATURES OF
NAHUA ARCHITECTURE--THE ARCH--EXTERIOR AND INTERIOR
DECORATIONS--METHOD OF BUILDING--INCLINED
PLANES--SCAFFOLDS--THE USE OF THE
PLUMMET--BUILDING-MATERIALS--POSITION AND FORTIFICATION OF
TOWNS--MEXICO TENOCHTITLAN--THE GREAT CAUSEWAYS--QUARTERS
AND WARDS OF MEXICO--THE MARKET-PLACE--FOUNTAINS AND
AQUEDUCTS--LIGHT-HOUSES AND STREET-WORK--CITY OF
TEZCUCO--DWELLINGS--AZTEC GARDENS--TEMPLE OF
HUITZILOPOCHTLI--TEMPLE OF MEXICO--OTHER TEMPLES--TEOCALLI
AT CHOLULA AND TEZCUCO.

I shall describe in this chapter the cities, towns, temples, palaces,
dwellings, roads, bridges, aqueducts, and other products of Nahua
architectural and constructive art, as they were found and described
by the Spaniards in the sixteenth century. Monuments of this branch of
Nahua art chiefly in the form of ruined temples, or _teocallis_, are
still standing and have been examined in detail by modern travelers.
The results of these later observations will be given in Volume IV. of
this work, and I have therefore thought it best to omit them
altogether here. In order to fully comprehend the subject the reader
will find it advantageous to study and compare the two views taken
from different standpoints. It is for a general and doubtless
exaggerated account of the grandeur and extent of the Nahua
structures, rather than any details of their construction that we
must look to the Spanish chronicles; and it is also to be noted that
the descriptions by the conquerors are confined almost entirely to the
lake region of Anáhuac, the buildings of other regions being dismissed
with a mere mention. In this connection, therefore, the supplementary
view in another volume will be of great value, since the grandest
relics of Nahua antiquity have been found outside of Anáhuac proper,
while the oft-mentioned magnificent temples and palaces of the lake
cities have left no traces of their original splendor.

The Olmecs, Totonacs, and others of the earlier Nahua nations are
credited by tradition with the erection of grand edifices, but the
Toltecs, in this as in all other arts, far surpassed their
predecessors, and even the nations that succeeded them. I have in a
preceding chapter sufficiently explained the process by which this
ancient people has been credited with all that is wonderful in the
past, and it will be readily understood how a magnifying veneration
for past glories, handed down from father to son with ever
accumulating exaggeration, has transformed the Toltec buildings into
the most exquisite fairy structures, incomparably superior to anything
that met the Spanish gaze. With architectural as with other
traditions, however, I have little or nothing to do in this chapter,
but pass on to a consideration of this branch of art in later times.

Respect for the gods made it necessary that the temples should be
raised above the ordinary buildings, besides which their height made
them more conspicuous to the immense multitudes which frequently
gathered about them on feast-days, rendering them also more secure
from desecration and easier of defence when used as citadels of
refuge, as they often were. But as the primitive ideas of engineering
possessed by the Aztecs and their insufficient tools did not permit
them to combine strength with slightness, the only way the required
elevation could be attained was by placing the building proper upon a
raised, solid, pyramidal substructure. The prevalence of earthquakes
may also have had something to do with this solid form of
construction. In the vicinity of the lake of Mexico, the swampy nature
of the soil called for a broad, secure foundation; here, then, the
substructure was not confined to the temples, but was used in building
public edifices, palaces, and private dwellings.

[Sidenote: NAHUA ARCHITECTURE.]

Another general feature of Nahua architecture was the small elevation
of the buildings proper, compared with their extent and solidity.
These rarely exceeded one story in height, except some of the chapels,
which had two or even three stories, but in these cases the upper
floors were invariably of wood.

Whether the Aztecs were acquainted with our arch, with a vertical
key-stone, is a mooted point. Clavigero gives plates of a
semi-spherical _estufa_ constructed in this manner, and asserts,
further, that an arch of this description was found among the Tezcucan
ruins, but I find no authority for either picture or assertion. The
relics that have been examined in modern times, moreover, seem to show
conclusively that key-stone arches were unknown in America before the
advent of the Europeans, though arches made of overlapping stones were
often cut in such a manner as to resemble them. The chaplain Diaz, who
accompanied Grijalva, mentions an 'arc antique' on the east coast, but
gives no description of it. Nevertheless, as the 'antique' would in
this connection imply a peculiar, if not a primitive, construction, it
is not probable that the arch he saw had a key-stone.[663]

As decorations, we find balconies and galleries supported by square or
round pillars, which were often monoliths; but as they were adorned
with neither capital nor base the effect must have been rather bare.
Battlements and turrets, doubtless first used as means of defense,
became later incorporated with decorative art. The bareness of the
walls was relieved by cornices and stucco-work of various designs, the
favorite figures being coiled snakes, executed in low relief, which
probably had a religious meaning. Sometimes they were placed in
groups, as upon the temple walls at Mexico, at other times one serpent
twined and twisted round every door and window of an apartment until
head and tail met. Carved lintels and door-posts were common, and
statues frequently adorned the court and approaches. Glossy surfaces
seem to have had a special attraction for the Nahuas, and they made
floors, walls, and even streets, extremely smooth. The walls and
floors were first coated with lime, gypsum, or ochre, and then
polished.

No clear accounts are given of the method of erecting houses. Brasseur
de Bourbourg thinks that because the natives of Vera Paz were seen by
him to use scaffolds like ours, that these were also employed in
Mexico in former times, and that stones were raised on inclined beams
passing from scaffold to scaffold, which is not very satisfactory
reasoning.[664]

However this may be, we are told by Torquemada that the Aztecs used
derricks to hoist heavy timbers with.[665] Others, again, say that
walls were erected by piling earth on both sides, which served both as
scaffolds and as inclined planes up which heavy masses might be drawn
or rolled,[666] but although this was undoubtedly the method adopted
by the Miztecs, it was too laborious and primitive to have been
general,[667] and certainly could not have been employed in building
the three-story chapels upon Huitzilopochtli's pyramid. The perfectly
straight walls built by the Nahuas would seem to indicate the use of
the plummet, and we are told that the line was used in making
roads.[668] Trees were felled with copper and flint axes, and drawn
upon rollers to their destination,[669] a mode of transport used, no
doubt, with other cumbrous material. The implements used to cut stone
blocks seem to have been entirely of flint.[670]

[Sidenote: BUILDING MATERIAL.]

The wood for roofs, turrets, and posts, was either white or yellow
cedar, palm, pine, cypress, or oyametl, of which beams and fine boards
were made. Nails they had none; the smaller pieces must therefore have
been secured by notches, lapping, or pressure.[671] The different
kinds of stone used in building were granite, alabaster, jasper,
porphyry, certain 'black, shining stones,' and a red, light, porous,
yet hard stone, of which rich quarries were discovered near Mexico in
Ahuitzotl's reign.[672] After the overflow of the lake, which happened
at this time, the king gave orders that this should be used ever after
for buildings in the city.[673] _Tecali_, a transparent stone
resembling alabaster, was sometimes used in the temples for
window-glass.[674] Adobes, or sun-dried bricks, were chiefly used in
the dwellings of the poorer classes, but burnt bricks and tiles are
mentioned as being sold in the markets.[675] Roofs were covered with
clay, straw, and palm-leaves. Lime was used for mortar, which was so
skillfully used, say the old writers, that the joints were scarcely
perceptible,[676] but probably this was partly owing to the fact that
the walls were almost always either whitewashed, or covered with
ochre, gypsum, or other substances.

Frequent wars and the generally unsettled state of the country, made
it desirable that the towns should be situated near enough each other
to afford mutual protection, which accounts for the great number of
towns scattered over the plateau. The same causes made a defensible
position the primary object in the choice of a site. Thus we find them
situated on rocks accessible only by a difficult and narrow pathway,
raised on piles over the water, or surrounded by strong walls,
palisades, earth-works and ditches.[677] Although they fully
understood the necessity of settling near lakes and rivers to
facilitate intercourse, yet the towns on the sea-coast were usually a
league or two from the shore, and, as they had no maritime trade,
harbors were not sought for.[678]

The towns extended over a comparatively large surface, owing to the
houses being low and detached, and each provided with a court and
garden. The larger cities seem to have been layed out on a regular
plan, especially in the centre, but the streets were narrow, indeed
there was no need of wider ones as all transportation was done by
carriers, and there were no vehicles. At intervals a market-place with
a fountain in the centre, a square filled with temples, or a line of
shady trees relieved the monotony of the long rows of low houses.

[Sidenote: MEXICO TENOCHTITLAN.]

The largest and most celebrated of the Nahua cities was Mexico
Tenochtitlan.[679] It seems that about the year 1325 the Aztecs, weary
of their unsettled condition and hard pressed by the Culhuas, sought
the marshy western shore of the lake of Mexico. Here, on the swamp of
Tlalcocomocco, they came upon a stone, upon which it was said a
Mexican priest had forty years before sacrificed a certain prince
Copil. From this stone had sprung a nopal, upon which, at the time it
was seen by the Mexican advance guard, sat an eagle, holding in his
beak a serpent. Impelled by a divine power, a priest dived into a pool
near the stone, and there had an interview with Tlaloc, god of
waters,[680] who gave his permission to the people to settle on the
spot.[681] Another legend relates that Huitzilopochtli appeared to a
priest in a dream, and told him to search for a nopal growing out of a
stone in the lake with an eagle and serpent upon it, and there found a
city.[682]

The temple, at first a mere hut, was the first building erected, and
by trading fish and fowl for stone, they were soon enabled to form a
considerable town about it. Piles were driven into the soft bottom of
the lake, and the intermediate spaces filled with stones, branches,
and earth, to serve as a foundation for houses.[683]

Each succeeding ruler took pains to extend and beautify the city.
Later on, Tlatelulco,[684] which had early separated from Mexico
Tenochtitlan, was reunited to it by king Axayacatl, which greatly
increased the size of the latter city. Tezcuco is said to have
exceeded it in size and in the culture of its people, but from its
important position, imposing architecture, and general renown, Mexico
Tenochtitlan stood preëminent. A number of surrounding towns and
villages formed the suburbs of the city, as Aztacalco, Acatlan,
Malcuitlapilco, Atenco, Iztacalco, Zancopinco, Huitznahuac, Xocotitlan
or Xocotlan, Coltonco, Necatitlan, Huitzitlan, etc.[685] The
circumference of the city has been estimated at about twelve miles,
and the number of houses at sixty thousand, which would give a
population of three hundred thousand.[686] It was situated in the
salty part of the lake of Mexico, fifteen miles west of its celebrated
rival Tezcuco, about one mile from the eastern shore, and close to the
channel through which the volumes of the sweet water lake pour into
the briny waters of the lake of Mexico, washing, in their outward
flow, the southern and western parts of the city. The waters have,
however, evaporated considerably since the time of the Aztecs, and
left the modern Mexico some distance from the beach.[687]

[Sidenote: CITIES OF ANÁHUAC.]

Fifty other towns, many of them consisting of over three thousand
dwellings, were scattered on and around the lake, the shallow waters
of which were skimmed by two hundred thousand canoes.[688] Four grand
avenues, paved with a smooth, hard crust of cement,[689] ran east,
west, north, and south, crosswise, forming the boundary lines of four
quarters; at the meeting-point of these was the grand temple-court.
Three of these roads connected in a straight line with large causeways
leading from the city to the lake shores; constructed by driving in
piles, filling up the intervening spaces with earth, branches, and
stones, and covering the surface with stone secured by mortar. They
were broad enough to allow ten horsemen to ride abreast with ease, and
were defended by drawbridges and breastworks.[690]

The southern road, two leagues in length, commenced half a league from
Iztapalapan, and was bordered on one side by Mexicaltzinco, a town of
about four thousand houses, and on the other, first by Coyuhuacan with
six thousand, and further on by Huitzilopochco with five thousand
dwellings. Half a league before reaching the city this causeway was
joined by the Xoloc road, coming from Xochimilco, the point of
junction being defended by a fort named Acachinanco, which consisted
of two turrets surrounded by a battlemented wall, eleven or twelve
feet high, and was provided with two gates, through which the road
passed.[691] The northern road led from Tepeyacac, about a league off;
the western, from Tlacopan, half a league distant; this road was
bordered with houses as far as the shore.[692] A fourth causeway from
Chapultepec served to support the aqueduct which supplied the city
with water.[693]

[Sidenote: QUARTERS AND WARDS OF MEXICO.]

The names of the four quarters of the city, which were thus disposed
according to divine command, were Tlaquechiuhcan, Cuecopan, or
Quepopan, now Santa María, lying between the northern and western
avenues; Atzacualco, now San Sebastian, between the eastern and
northern; Teopan, now San Pablo, between the eastern and southern; and
Moyotlan, or Mayotla, now San Juan, between the western and southern;
these, again, were divided into a number of wards.[694] Owing to the
position of the city in the midst of the lake, traffic was chiefly
conducted by means of canals, which led into almost every ward, and
had on one or both sides quays for the reception and landing of goods
and passengers. Many of these were provided with basins and locks to
retain the water within them;[695] while at the mouth were small
buildings which served as offices for the custom-house officials.
Bridges, many of which were upwards of thirty feet wide, and could be
drawn up so as to cut off communication between the different parts,
connected the numerous cross-streets and lanes, some of which were
mere dry and paved canals.[696]

The chief resort of the people was the levee which stretched in a
semi-circle round the southern part of the city, forming a harbor from
half to three quarters of a league in breadth. Here during the day the
merchants bustled about the cargoes and the custom-houses, while at
night the promenaders resorted there to enjoy the fresh breezes from
the lake. The construction of this embankment was owing to an
inundation which did serious harm during the reign of Montezuma I.
This energetic monarch at once took steps to prevent a recurrence of
the catastrophe, and called upon the neighboring towns to assist with
people and material in the construction of an outer wall, to check and
turn aside the waters of the fresh lake, which, after the heavy rains
of winter, rushed in volumes upon the city as they sought the lower
salt lake. The length of the levee was about three leagues, and its
breadth thirty feet. In 1498, fifty-two years after its construction,
it was further strengthened and enlarged.[697]

Although the Spaniards met with no very imposing edifices as they
passed along to the central part of the city where the temple stood,
yet they must have found enough to admire in the fine smooth streets,
the neat though low stone buildings surmounted by parapets which but
half concealed the flowers behind them, the elegantly arranged
gardens, gorgeous with the flora of the tropics, the broad squares,
the lofty temples, and the canals teeming with canoes.

Among the public edifices, the markets are especially worthy of note.
The largest, in Mexico Tenochtitlan, was twice as large as the square
of Salamanca, says Cortés, and was surrounded by porticoes, in and
about which from sixty thousand to one hundred thousand buyers and
sellers found room.[698] The market-place at Tlatelulco was still
larger, and in the midst of it was a square stone terrace, fifteen
feet high and thirty feet long, which served as a theatre.[699]

[Sidenote: FOUNTAINS AND AQUEDUCTS.]

The numerous fountains which adorned the city were fed by the aqueduct
which brought water from the hill of Chapultepec, about two miles off,
and was constructed upon a causeway of solid masonry five feet high
and five feet broad, running parallel to the Tlacopan road.[700] This
aqueduct consisted of two pipes of masonry, each carrying a volume of
water equal in bulk to a man's body,[701] which was conducted by
branch pipes to different parts of the town to supply fountains,
tanks, ponds, and baths. At the different canal-bridges there were
reservoirs, into which the pipes emptied on their course, and here the
boatmen who made it a business to supply the inhabitants with water
received their cargoes on the payment of a fixed price. A vigilant
police watched over the distribution of the water and the care of the
pipes, only one of which was in use at a time, while the other was
cleansed.[702] The supply was obtained from a fine spring on the
summit of Mount Chapultepec, which was guarded by two figures cut in
the solid stone, representing Montezuma and his father, armed with
lances and shields.[703] The present aqueduct was partly reconstructed
by Montezuma II. on the old one erected by the first king of that
name. Its inauguration was attended by imposing ceremonies, offerings
of quails, and burning of incense.[704]

During Ahuitzotl's reign, an attempt was made to bring water into the
city from an immense spring at Coyuhuacan. The lord of that place
consented, as became a loyal vassal, to let the water go, but
predicted disastrous consequences to the city from the overflow which
would be sure to follow if the water were taken there. This warning,
however, so enraged the king that he ordered the execution of the
noble, and immediately levied men and material from the neighboring
towns to build the aqueduct. The masons and laborers swarmed like ants
and soon finished the work. When everything was ready, a grand
procession of priests, princes, nobles, and plebeians marched forth to
open the gates of the aqueduct and receive the waters into the city.
Speeches were made, slaves and children were sacrificed, the wealthy
cast precious articles into the rolling waters with words of thanks
and welcome. But the hour of sorrow was at hand. The prediction of the
dead lord was fulfilled; the waters, once loosed, could not be
fettered again; a great part of the city was inundated and much damage
was done. Then the distracted king called once more upon the
neighboring towns to furnish men, but this time to tear down instead
of to build up.[705]

[Sidenote: LIGHTHOUSES AND STREET-WORK.]

Among the arrangements for the convenience of the public may be
mentioned lighthouses to guide the canoes which brought supplies to
the great metropolis. These were erected at different points upon
towers and heights; the principal one seems to have been on Mount
Tocitlan, where a wooden turret was erected to hold the flaming
beacon.[706] The streets were also lighted by burning braziers placed
at convenient intervals, which were tended by the night patrol. A
force of over a thousand men kept the canals in order, swept the
streets and sprinkled them several times a day.[707] Public closets
were placed at distances along the canals.[708] The care of buildings
also received the attention of the government, and every eleventh
month was devoted to repairing and cleaning the temples, public
edifices, and roads generally.[709] A number of towns on the lake were
built on piles, in imitation of Mexico, chiefly for the sake of
security. Thus, Iztapalapan stood half on land, half over the water,
and Ayotzinco was founded entirely on piles, and had canals instead
of streets.[710]

Other towns had recourse to strong walls and deep ditches to secure
their protection. Tlascala especially was well defended from its
ancient Aztec enemy, by a wall of stone and mortar[711] which
stretched for six miles across a valley, from mountain to mountain,
and formed the boundary line of the republic. This wall was nine feet
high, twenty feet broad,[712] and surmounted by a breastwork a foot
and a half in thickness, behind which the defenders could stand while
fighting. The only entrance was in the centre, where the walls did not
meet, but described a semi-circle, one overlapping the other, with a
space ten paces wide and forty long between them.[713] The other side
also was defended by breastworks and ditches.[714] The city itself
stood upon four hills, and was crossed by narrow streets,[715] the
houses being scattered in irregular groups. In size it was even larger
than Granada, says Cortés, which is not unlikely, for the market had
accommodation for thirty thousand people, and in one of the temples
four hundred Spaniards with their attendants found ample room.[716] At
Huejutla there was a curious wall of masonry, the outside of which was
faced with small blocks of tetzontli, each about nine inches in
diameter on the face, which was rounded; the end of each block was
pointed, and inserted in the wall.[717]

[Sidenote: THE CITY OF TEZCUCO.]

The city next in fame and rank to Mexico Tenochtitlan was
Tezcuco,[718] which Torquemada affirms contained one hundred and forty
thousand houses within a circumference of from three to four
leagues.[719] It was divided into six divisions, and crossed by a
series of fine straight streets lined with elegant buildings. The old
palace stood on the border of the lake upon a triple terrace, guarding
the town, as it were; the newer structure, in the construction of
which two hundred thousand men had been employed, stood at the
northern end; it was a magnificent building and contained three
hundred rooms. This city was the seat of refinement and elegance, and
occupied relatively the same position in Mexico as Paris does in
Europe.[720]

[Sidenote: DWELLINGS OF THE RICHER CLASSES.]

The style of architecture for houses did not exhibit much variety; the
difference between one house and another being chiefly in extent and
material.[721] The dwellings of the nobles were situated upon
terraces of various heights, which in swampy places like Mexico,
rested upon tiers of heavy piles.[722] They were usually a group of
buildings in the form of a parallelogram, built of stone or in Mexico
of tetzontli, joined with fine cement, and finely polished and
whitewashed.[723] Every house stood by itself, separated from its
neighbor by narrow lanes, and enclosed one or more courts which
extended over a large space of ground.[724] One story was the most
common form, and there are no accounts of any palaces or private
houses exceeding two stories.[725] Broad steps led up the terrace to
two gates which gave entrance to the courts; one opening upon the main
street, the other upon the back lane, or canal, that often lay beneath
it. The terrace platform of the houses of chiefs often had a wide walk
round it and was especially spacious in front, where there was
occasionally a small oratorio facing the entrance. This style was
particularly noticed on the east coast.[726] The court was surrounded
by numerous porticoes decorated with porphyry, jasper, and alabaster
ornaments, which, again, led to various chambers, and halls, lighted
by large windows. Two great halls and several reception-rooms were
situated in front; the sleeping-chambers, kitchen, baths, and
store-rooms were in the rear, forming at times quite a complicated
labyrinth.[727] The court was paved with flags of stone, tessellated
marble, or hard cement, polished with ochre or gypsum,[728] and
usually contained a sparkling fountain; occasionally there was a
flower-garden, in which a pyramidal altar gave an air of sanctity to
the place.[729] The stairway which led to the second story or to the
roof, was often on the outside of the house, and by its grand
proportions and graceful form contributed not a little to the good
appearance of the house.[730] The roof was a flat terrace of beams,
with a slight slope towards the back,[731] covered with a coat of
cement or clay,[732] and surrounded by a battlemented parapet,
surmounted at times by small turrets.[733] There were generally
flowers in pots upon the roofs, or even a small garden; and here the
members of the household assembled in the cool of the evening to
enjoy the fresh air and charming prospect.[734] Some houses had
galleries, which, like most work added to the main structure, were of
wood,[735] though supported upon columns of marble, porphyry, or
alabaster. These pillars were either round or square, and were
generally monoliths; they were without base or capital, though
ornamented with figures cut in low relief. Buildings were further
adorned with elegant cornices and stucco designs of flowers and
animals, which were often painted with brilliant colors. Prominent
among these figures was the coiling serpent before mentioned. Lintels
and door-posts were also elaborately carved.[736]

The interior displayed the same rude magnificence. The floors were
covered with hard, smooth cement like the courtyard and streets,
rubbed with ochre or gypsum, and polished.[737] The glossy walls were
painted and hung with cotton or feather tapestry, to which Las Casas
adds silver plating and jewels. The furniture was scanty. It consisted
chiefly of soft mats and cushions of palm-leaves or fur, low tables,
and small stools with palm-leaf backs. The beds were mats piled one
upon another, with a block or a palm-leaf or cotton cushion for a
pillow; occasionally they were furnished with coverlets and canopies
of cotton or feather-work.[738] Vases filled with smoldering incense
diffused their perfume through the chambers. The rooms which were used
in winter were provided with hearths and fire-screens, and were
lighted by torches.[739] There were no doors, properly called such, to
the houses, but where privacy was required, a bamboo or wicker-work
screen was suspended across the entrance, and secured at night with a
bar. To this was attached a string of shells, which the visitor
rattled to call the host or his attendants to the entrance. The
interior rooms were separated by hangings, which probably also served
to cover the windows of ordinary dwellings,[740] although the
transparent _tecali_ stone, as before stated, answered the purpose of
window-glass in certain parts of some of the temples.[741]

[Sidenote: HOUSES OF THE LOWER CLASSES.]

The houses of the poorer classes were built of adobe, wood, cane, or
reeds and stones, mixed with mud, well plastered and polished,[742]
and, in Mexico, raised on stone foundations, to prevent dampness,[743]
though the elevation was less than that of the houses of the richer
people. They were generally of an oblong shape, were divided into
several apartments, and occasionally had a gallery in front. They
could not afford a central court, but had instead a flower or
vegetable garden wherever space permitted. Terrace roofs were not
uncommon in the towns, but more generally the houses of the poorer
people were thatched with a kind of long thick grass, or with
overlapping maguey-leaves.[744]

Besides the oratory and storehouse with which most houses were
provided, a _temazcalli_, or bath, was generally added to the
dwelling. This, according to Clavigero, consisted of a hemisphere of
adobe, having a slightly convex paved floor sunk a little below the
level of the surrounding ground. The entrance was a small hole just
large enough to admit a man. On the outside of the bath-house, and on
the opposite side to the entrance, was a furnace made of stone or
brick, separated from the interior by a thin slab of _tetzontli_, or
other porous stone, through which the heat was communicated. On
entering, the door was closed, and the suffocating vapors were allowed
to escape slowly through a small opening in the top. The largest
bath-houses were eight feet in diameter, and six feet in height. Some
were mere square chambers without a furnace, and were doubtless heated
and the fire raked out before the bather entered.[745]

The storehouses and granaries which were attached to farms, temples,
and palaces, were usually square buildings of oxametl-wood, with
thatched roofs. The logs had notches near the ends to give them a
secure hold. Two windows, or doors, one above the other, gave access
to the interior, which was often large enough to contain many thousand
bushels of grain.[746]

[Sidenote: AZTEC GARDENS.]

Love of flowers was a passion with the Aztecs, and they bestowed great
care upon the cultivation of gardens. The finest and largest of these
were at Iztapalapan and Huastepec. The garden at Iztapalapan was
divided into four squares, each traversed by shaded walks, meandering
among fruit-trees, blossoming hedges, and borders of sweet herbs.[747]
In the centre of the garden was an immense reservoir of hewn stone,
four hundred paces square, and fed by navigable canals. A tiled
pavement,[748] wide enough for four persons walking abreast,
surrounded the reservoir, and at intervals steps led down to the
water, upon the surface of which innumerable water-fowl sported. A
large pavilion, with halls and corridors, overlooked the grounds.[749]

The Huastepec garden was two leagues in circuit, and was situated on a
stream; it contained an immense variety of plants and trees, to which
additions were continually made.[750] The _chinampas_, or floating
gardens, have been described elsewhere.[751]

The Mexicans required no solid roads for heavy traffic, since goods
were carried upon the shoulders of slaves, but a number of pathways
crossed the country in various directions, which underwent repair
every year on the cessation of the rains. Here and there country
roads crossed streams by means of suspension-bridges, or fixed
structures mostly of wood, but sometimes of stone, with small spans.
The suspension-bridges were made of ropes, twisted canes, or tough
branches, attached to trees and connected by a netting. The Spaniards
were rather fearful of crossing them, on account of their swinging
motion when stepped upon and the gaping rents in them.[752]

Almost the only specimen of Nahua architecture which has withstood the
ravages of time until our day is the temple structure, _teocalli_,
'house of God,' or _teopan_, 'place of God,' of which Torquemada
asserts there were at least forty thousand in Mexico. Clavigero
regards this as a good deal below the real number, and if we consider
the extremely religious character of the people, and accept the
statements of the early chroniclers, who say that at distances of from
a quarter to half a league, in every town and village, were open
places containing one or more temples,[753] and on every isolated rock
or hill, along the country roads, even in the fields, were substantial
structures devoted to some idol, then Clavigero's assertion may be
correct.[754]

The larger temples were usually built upon pyramidal parallelograms,
square, or oblong, and consisted of a series of superimposed terraces
with perpendicular or sloping sides.[755] The celebrated temple at
Mexico forms a fair type of the latter kind and its detailed
description will give the best idea of this class of edifices.

[Sidenote: TEMPLE OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.]

[Sidenote: THE GREAT TEMPLE OF MEXICO.]

[Sidenote: THE SACRIFICIAL STONE.]

When the Aztecs halted on the site of Mexico after their long
wanderings, the first care was to erect an abode for their chief
divinity Huitzilopochtli. The spot chosen for the humble structure,
which at first consisted of a mere hut, was over the stone whereon the
sacred nochtli grew that had been pointed out by the oracle. A
building more worthy of the god was soon erected, and, later on,
Ahuitzotl constructed the edifice from whose summit Cortés looked down
upon the scenes of his conquest. The labor bestowed upon it was
immense, and notwithstanding that the material had to be brought from
a distance of three or four leagues--a serious matter to a people who
were supplied with no adequate means of transport--the temple was
completed in two years.[756] The inauguration took place in 1486, in
the presence of the chief princes and an immense concourse of people
from all quarters, and 72,344 captives, arranged in two long files,
were sacrificed during the four days of its duration.[757] The site of
the building was indeed worthy of its character, standing as it did in
an immense square forming the centre of the town, from which radiated
the four chief thoroughfares.[758] The idea of thus keeping the god
before the people at all times had, doubtless, as much to do with this
arrangement as that of giving him the place of honor. A square
wall[759] about four thousand eight hundred feet in circumference,
from eight to nine feet in height and of great thickness, with its
sides facing the cardinal points, formed the courtyard of the
temple.[760] It was built of stone and lime, plastered and
polished,[761] crowned with battlements in the form of snails, and
turreted and adorned with many stone serpents,--a very common ornament
on edifices in Egypt as well as Anáhuac--for which reason it was
called _coatepantli_, 'wall of snakes.'[762] At the centre of each
wall stood a large two-story building, divided into a number of rooms,
in which the military stores and weapons were kept. These faced the
four chief thoroughfares of the town, and their lower stories formed
the portals of the gateways which gave entrance to the courtyard.[763]
This was partly paved with large smooth flag-stones, partly with
cement, plastered and polished, and so slippery that the horses of the
Spaniards could scarcely keep their footing.[764] In the centre stood
the great temple, an oblong, parallelogramic pyramid, about three
hundred and seventy-five feet long and three hundred feet broad at the
base, three hundred and twenty-five by two hundred and fifty at the
summit, and rising in five superimposed, perpendicular terraces to the
height of eighty-six feet.[765] The terraces were of equal
height,[766] the lowest, according to Tezozomoc, having a foundation a
fathom or more in depth, and each receded about six feet from the edge
of the one beneath it, leaving a flat ledge round its base.[767] At
the north-west corner the ledges were graded to form a series of
steps, one hundred and fourteen in all, and each about nine inches
high, which led from terrace to terrace, so that it was necessary to
walk completely round the edifice to gain the succeeding flight.[768]
This style of building was probably devised for show as well as for
defence, for by this means the gorgeously dressed procession of
priests was obliged to pass in sight of the entire multitude gathered
on all sides of the temple, winding at a solemn pace round each
terrace. The structure was composed of well-rammed earth, stones, and
clay, covered with a layer of large square pieces of tetzontli, all
of equal size, hewn smooth and joined with a fine cement, which
scarcely left a mark to be seen; it was besides covered with a
polished coating of lime, or gypsum.[769] The steps were of solid
stone and the platform of the same slippery character as the
court.[770] At its eastern end stood two three-story towers, fifty-six
feet in height,[771] separated from the edge by a walk barely wide
enough for one person. The lower story was of masonry with the floor
raised a few feet above the platform and an entrance on the west; the
two upper stories were of wood, with windows, to which access was had
by movable ladders.[772] A wooden cupola well painted and adorned
formed the roof.[773] The sanctuaries were in the lower story, the one
on the right hand dedicated to Huitzilopochtli with his partner and
lieutenant, the other to Tezcatlipoca.[774] The gigantic images of
these gods rested upon large stone altars three to four feet
high,[775] their monstrous grandeur shielded from the vulgar gaze of
the multitude by rich curtains hung with tassels and golden pellets
like bells, which rattled as the hangings moved. Before the altar
stood the terrible stone of sacrifice, a green block about five feet
in length, and three in breadth and height, rising in a ridge on the
top so as to bend the body of the victim upwards and allow the easy
extraction of the heart.[776] The walls and ceilings were painted with
monstrous figures, and ornamented with stucco and carved wood-work,
and, according to Las Casas, the gold and jewel-decked interior
exceeded even Thebe's famed temple in beauty,[777] but the venerable
bishop was evidently led away by his well-known enthusiasm for
whatever concerned the natives, for Bernal Diaz and others state that
the floors and walls were steeped with blood, diffusing a fetid odor
which made the visitors glad to escape to the fresh air.[778] The
upper stories were used as receptacles for the ashes of deceased kings
and lords,[779] and for the instruments connected with the service of
the temple, but Diaz also noticed idols, half human, half monstrous in
form, and found the rooms blood-stained like the lower apartment.[780]
Before each chapel stood a stone hearth of a man's height, and of the
same shape as the piscina in Catholic churches, upon which a fire was
continually kept burning by the virgins and priests, and great
misfortunes were apprehended if it became extinguished.[781] Here was
also the large drum covered with snake-skins,[782] whose sombre notes
resounded over a distance of two miles on feast-days and other
extraordinary occasions--many a death-knell it struck for the
Spaniards before they became masters of it. From this height the
Spaniards gazed down upon between seventy and eighty other edifices
within the enclosure, with their six hundred braziers of stone, some
round, some square, and from two to five feet high,[783] whose bright
fires flared in perpetual adoration of their idols, and turned the
night into day. About forty of these were temples, each with its
idols, scattered round the court and facing the great pyramid as if in
adoration.[784] They were considerably smaller than the central
temple, and differed chiefly in the form of the roof which was round,
square, or pyramidal, according to the character of the idol.[785] The
largest was that of Tlaloc, which stood nearest the pyramid, and was
ascended by fifty steps.[786] Quetzalcoatl's was the most singular in
form, being circular and surmounted by a dome, symbolic of the abode
of the god of air; a snake's jaws with exposed fangs formed the low
entrance, and made the stranger shudder as he stooped to pass in.[787]
Among other notable edifices were the _tezcacalli_, or 'house of
mirrors,' so called from the mirrors which covered its walls, and the
_teccizcalli_, 'house of shells,' to which the king retired at certain
times to perform penance. The high-priest also had a house of
retirement called _poiauhtla_, and there were several others for the
use of certain other priests. Among these was a splendid building,
provided with baths, fountains, and every comfort, in which notable
strangers who visited the temple or the court were entertained. The
Ilhuicatitlan temple, dedicated to the planet Venus, contained a large
column painted or sculptured with the image of the star, before which
captives were sacrificed on the appearance of the planet. Another
temple took the form of a cage, in which the idols of conquered
nations were confined, to prevent them from assisting their worshipers
in regaining their liberty.[788] The _quauhxicalco_ was used as a
receptacle for the bones of victims sacrificed at various sanctuaries.
The skulls of those killed at the great temple were deposited in the
_tzompantli_,[789] which stood just outside the court, near the
western or main gate. This consisted of an oblong sloping
parallelogram of earth and masonry, one hundred and fifty-four feet at
the base, ascended by thirty steps, on each of which were skulls.[790]
Round the summit were upwards of seventy raised poles about four feet
apart, connected by numerous rows of cross-poles passed through holes
in the masts, on each of which five skulls were filed, the sticks
being passed through the temples.[791] In the centre[792] stood two
towers, or columns, made of skulls and lime, the face of each skull
being turned outwards, and giving a horrible appearance to the whole.
This effect was heightened by leaving the heads of distinguished
captives in their natural state, with hair and skin on. As the skulls
decayed, or fell from the towers or poles, they were replaced by
others, so that no vacant place was left. The Spaniards are said to
have counted one hundred and thirty-six thousand skulls on the steps
and poles alone, but this number is, no doubt, greatly exaggerated.[793]
In the court was a large open space, which stretched to the foot of
the stairway of the great temple. Here the great dances were held in
which thousands took part,[794] and here, in full view of the
multitude gathered to join in the festive ring, stood the gladiatorial
stone, the _temalacatl_, upon which the captives were placed to fight
with Aztec warriors, for their liberty as it was termed, but rather
for the delectation of the masses, for their chance of victory, as we
have seen, was very small. It consisted of an immense flat circular
stone, three feet in height, very smooth, with sculptured edge, placed
upon a small pyramid eight feet in height.[795] In another part of the
court were three large halls with flat roofs and plastered walls,
painted on the inside, which contained a number of low, dark chambers,
each the abode of an idol; the walls were covered with blood, two
fingers in thickness, and the floors to the depth of a foot
almost.[796] The court also contained a grove in which birds were
raised for sacrifices, and whence the procession started on the day
devoted to the great hunt in honor of Mixcoatl; there were also a
number of gardens, where flowers and herbs for offerings were grown.
There were several bathing-places, one of which, the _tetzaapan_,
'cleansing water,'[797] was set apart for those who had made vows of
penance, and another, at Mixcoatl's temple, filled with black water,
for the priests. The _toxpalatl_ was a fine fountain, the waters of
which were only drunk at solemn festivals. It was supposed to have
been the identical spring in which the Aztec priest had the interview
with Tlaloc and obtained permission for the nation to settle. The care
of all the temple buildings devolved upon a perfect army of priests,
monks, nuns, school children, and other people, estimated at from five
to ten thousand, who all slept within the sacred precincts.[798] The
passing and repassing of such numbers must have made the place teem
with life, yet everything was in such perfect order and kept so
scrupulously clean, says Diaz, that not a speck or a straw could he
discover.[799]

Besides this there were several other temples and public oratories in
the city, situated either in groups within a square, or scattered
throughout the wards, and attended to by their special priests and
servants. Torquemada thinks that their number equaled the days in the
Aztec year, namely, three hundred and sixty, and Clavigero believes
that there were two thousand chapels besides.[800]

The temples in other towns were pretty much like the foregoing, three
being usually grouped around a central pyramid in a square, each with
its idol and one or two braziers. Others were mounds of earth cased
with stone, with one broad stairway in the centre of the western side,
or with steps on three sides, sometimes at each corner.[801] The
chapels on the platform were usually two or three stories in height,
often provided with balconies, the whole edifice being plastered and
polished.[802]

[Sidenote: TEOCALLI AT CHOLULA AND TEZCUCO.]

The pyramid at Mexico, large as it was, did not equal that at Cholula,
which Humboldt estimates at five thousand seven hundred and sixty feet
in circumference and one hundred and seventy-seven feet in height. It
consisted of four square terraces facing the cardinal points, which
seem to have been composed of alternate layers of adobe and clay, and
was surrounded by a double wall, according to Diaz. On the top stood
the semi-spherical chapel of Quetzalcoatl, with its door made low so
that all who entered should bend in humility.[803] This city
contained, besides, a great number of smaller temples, the total
equaling the number of days in the Mexican year.[804] The temple at
Tezcuco was also several steps higher than the Mexican pyramid.[805]
King Nezahualcoyotl, who is said to have believed in one supreme god,
erected in his honor a nine-story building, to indicate the nine
heavens, the roof of which was studded with stars and surmounted by
three pinnacles; the interior was decorated with gold and feather-work
and precious stones. The upper floor was a receptacle for musical
instruments, from one of which, the _chililitli_, the edifice was
named.[806] The traditional temples of early times, very fairy
creations according to the accounts of the natives, were far superior
to the later ones; but these relations are little more than
supernatural fables.[807]

FOOTNOTES:

[663] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iv., p. 212;
_Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x.,
p. 27; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 658.

[664] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 658.

[665] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 274. Sahagun, in
describing how the people raised a mast to the god of fire, says:
'Atábanle diez maromas por la mitad de él ... y como le iban
levantando, ponianle unos maderos atados de dos en dos, y unos
puntales sobre que descanzase.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p.
143.

[666] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, (Translation, Lond. 1726), vol. iii.,
p. 280.

[667] _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 663; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 201-2.

[668] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,
tom. i., p. 63; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p.
201.

[669] 'With their Copper Hatchets, and Axes cunnyngly tempered, they
fell those trees, and hewe them smooth ... and boaring a hole in one
of the edges of the beame, they fasten the rope, then sette their
slaues vnto it ... putting round blocks vnder the timber.' _Peter
Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x.; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii.,
p. 141.

[670] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 205;
_Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318.

[671] Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x., states that they bored holes in
beams. They may therefore have known the use of wooden bolts, but this
is doubtful.

[672] 'Le _Tetzontli_ (pierre de cheveux), espèce d'amygdaloïde
poreuse, fort dure, est une lave refroidie. On la trouve en grande
quantité auprès de la petite ville de San-Agostin Tlalpan, ou de las
Cuevas, à 4 l. S. de Mexico.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. iii., p. 381.

[673] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 202;
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 663-4.

[674] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 8.

[675] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 205. Cortés
mentions a 'suelo ladrillado' at Iztapalapan, _Cartas_, p. 83, and
Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii., both _adobes_
and _ladrillos_ in speaking of building-material.

[676] _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 75; _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 665. 'L'ignorante Ricercatore
nega a' Messicani la cognizione, e l'uso della calcina; ma consta per
la testimonianza di tutti gli Storici del Messico, per la matricola
de' tributi, e sopratutto per gli edifizj antichi finora sussistenti,
che tutte quelle Nacioni faceano della calcina il medecimo uso, che
fanno gli Europei.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii.,
p. 205, tom. iv., pp. 212-13. Both Cortés, _Cartas_, p. 60, and
Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. iv., mention walls of
dry stone, which would show that mortar was sometimes dispensed with,
in heavy structures; but Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 43,
contradicts this instance.

[677] At Sienchimalen. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 57.

[678] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 89-90.

[679] Mexico is generally taken to be derived from Mexitl, or Mexi,
the other name of Huitzilopochtli, the favorite god and leader of the
Aztecs; many, however, think that it comes from _mexico_, springs,
which were plentiful in the neighborhood. Tenochtitlan comes from
_teonochtli_, divine nochtli, the fruit of the nopal, a species of
wild cactus, and _titlan_, composed of _tetl_, stone or rock, and
_an_, an affix to denote a place, a derivation which is officially
accepted, as may be seen from the arms of the city. Others say that it
is taken from _Tenuch_, one of the leaders of the Aztecs, who settled
upon the small island of Pantitlan, both of which names would together
form the word. 'Ce nom, qui veut dire _Ville de la Tuna_.... Le fruit
de cet arbre est appelé _nochtli_ en mexicain, car le nom de tuna ...
est tiré de la langue des insulaires de l'île de Cuba.... On a aussi
prétendu que le véritable nom de Mexico était Quauhnochtitlan, ce qui
veut dire _Figuier de l'Aigle_.... D'autres, enfin, prétendent que ce
figuier d'Inde n'était pas un _nochtli_ proprement dit, mais d'une
espèce sauvage qu'on appelle _tenochtli_, ou de celle que les naturels
nomment _teonochtli_ ou figure divine.' 'Elle avait pris du dieu Mexix
celui de Mexico.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des
Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., pp. 174-5. 'Los Indios, dezian; y dizen oy
Mexico Tenuchtitlan; y assi se pone en las Prouisiones Reales.'
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiv. 'Tenoxtitlàn,
que significa, Tunal en piedra.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p.
466. The natives 'ni llaman Mexico, sino Tenuchtitlan.' _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 293. 'Tenuchtitlan, que significa fruta de
piedra.' 'Tambien dizen algunos, que tuuo esta ciudad nombre de su
primer fundador, que fue Tenuch, hijo segundo de Iztacmixcoatl, cuyos
hijos y decendientes poblaron ... esta tierra.... Tampoco falta quien
piense que se dixo de la grana, que llaman Nuchiztli, la qual sale del
mesmo cardon nopal y fruta nuchtli.... Tambien afirman otros que se
llama Mexico de los primeros fundadores que se dixeron Mexiti.'
_Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 113-15; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 180; _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 168-9. '_Tenochtitlan_, c'est-à-dire,
auprès des nopals du rocher.' 'Ti-tlan est pris pour le lieu.'
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 446-9.

[680] He is also termed god of the earth in the fable.

[681] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 91-4, 289-91;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 443-9.

[682] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 465-7. See also _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 167-8. Nearly all the authors
give the whole of the above meanings, without deciding upon any one.

[683] _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 313; _Heredia y
Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, p. 95.

[684] It means islet, from _tlatelli_, island. _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiv. Veytia says it is a corruption
of _xaltelolco_, sandy ground. _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 141;
_Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 115.

[685] _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 218; _Brasseur
de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 5.

[686] The Anonymous Conqueror says two and a half to three leagues in
circumference, which is accepted by most authors. _Relatione fatta per
vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309. But as the embankment which formed
a semi-circle round the town was three leagues in length, the
circumference of the city would not have been less. _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 4. Cortés says that it was
as large as Seville or Cordova. _Cartas_, p. 103. Aylon, in _Id._, p.
43, places the number of houses as low as 30,000. Las Casas, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. l., who is usually so extravagant in his
descriptions, confines himself to 'mas de cincuenta mil casas.'
Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 113, 60,000, each of which contained two to
ten occupants. Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 291, places the
number as high as 120,000, which may include outlying suburbs. The
size and business of the markets, the remains of ruins to be seen
round modern Mexico, and its fame, sustain the idea of a very large
population.

[687] See _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 216-17, on
former and present surroundings. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii.,
lib. vii., cap. xiv.; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 103.

[688] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 115.

[689] 'Erano ... di terra come mattonata.' _Relatione fatta per vn
gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p.
110.

[690] 'Fueron hechas à mano, de Tierra, y Cespedes, y mui quajadas de
Piedra; son anchas, que pueden pasar por cada vna de ellas, tres
Carretas juntas, ò diez Hombres à Caballo.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. i., p. 292; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap.
l.; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 69; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist.
Mex._, tom. ii., p. 217. 'Tan ancha como dos lanzas jinetas.'
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 103. He mentions four causeways or entrances,
but this must include either the branch which joins the southern road,
or the aqueduct. 'Pueden ir por toda ello ocho de caballo á la par.'
_Id._, p. 83. The view of Mexico published in the Luxemburg edition of
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, points to four causeways besides the aqueduct, but
little reliance can be placed on these fanciful cuts. Helps thinks,
however, that there must have been more causeways than are mentioned
by the conquerors. _Span. Conq._, vol. ii., pp. 456, 472. 'Entrano in
essa per tre strade alte di pietra & di terra, ciascuna larga trenta
passi.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando
Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309. _Brasseur
de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 4. 'Las puentes que
tenian hechas de trecho á trecho.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol.
70.

[691] 'Dos puertas, una por do entran y otra por do salen.' _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, p. 84, which means, no doubt, that passengers had to pass
through the fort. He calls the second town along the road Niciaca, and
the third Huchilohuchico. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that within the
fort was a teocalli dedicated to Toci, on which a beacon blazed all
night to guide travelers. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 209-10. But
this is a mistake, for Tezozomoc, _Hist. Mex._, pt ii., p. 184, his
authority for this, says that the beacon was at a hill 'avant
d'arriver à Acuchinanco.'

[692] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 292; _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 84. The
Anonymous Conqueror calls them two leagues, one league and a half, and
a quarter of a league long respectively. _Relatione fatta per vn
gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. iv., p. 4, makes the shortest a league.

[693] 'Habia otra algo mas estrecha para los dos acueductos.'
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 217.

[694] In Tezcuco the wards were each occupied by a distinct class of
tradespeople, and this was doubtless the case in Mexico also, to a
certain extent. 'Cada Oficio se vsase en Barrios de por sì; de suerte,
que los que eran Plateros de Oro, avian de estàr juntos, y todos los
de aquel Barrio, lo avian de ser, y no se avian de mezclar otros con
ellos; y los de Plata, en otro Barrio,' etc. _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. i., p. 147; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
tom. iv., p. 3; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 218.

[695] 'Al rededor de la ciudad habia muchos diques y esclusas para
contener las aguas en caso necesario ... no pocas que tenian en medio
una acequia entre dos terraplenes.' _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._,
tom. ii., pp. 218-19.

[696] 'Hay sus puentes de muy anchas y muy grandes vigas juntas y
recias y bien labradas; y tales, que por muchas dellas pueden pasar
diez de caballo juntos á la par.' In case of necessity 'quitadas las
puentes de las entradas y salidas.' With this facility for cutting off
retreat, Cortés found it best to construct brigantines. _Cartas_, p.
103; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,
tom. i., p. 187; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 73. 'Otra Calle
avia ... mui angosta, y tanto, que apenas podian ir dos Personas
juntas, son finalmente vnos Callejones mui estrechos.' _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 291; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo
del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii.,
fol. 309; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii.

[697] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 157-8. It is here
said to be four fathoms broad. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 231-2; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p.
32; Mühlenpfordt, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt ii., p. 255, says: 'Reste
des ... gegen 39,400 Fuss langen and 65 Fuss breiten Dammes aus
Steinen in Lehm, zu beiden Seiten mit Pallisaden verbrämt.'

[698] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 103; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 116;
_Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 299; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist.
Mex._, tom. i., p. 608.

[699] 'Cosi grande come sarebbe tre volte la piazza di Salamanca.'
_Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in
_Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; _Motolinia_, _Hist.
Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 181.

[700] The Anonymous Conqueror states that this road carried the
aqueduct which was three quarters of a league in length. _Relatione
fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 108;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 4;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 207; _Prescott's Mex._, vol.
ii., p. 114.

[701] 'Los caños, que eran de madera y de cal y canto.' _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, pp. 209, 108; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 304.
Other writers make the pipes larger. 'Tan gordos como vn buey cada
vno.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 113. 'Tan anchas como tres hombres
juntos y mas.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.

[702] Cortés, _Cartas_, p. 108, says 'echan la dulce por unas canales
tan gruesas como un buey, que son de la longura de las dichas
puentes.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 207; _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p.
114; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 664.

[703] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 113; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec.
ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii.

[704] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 500-1; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. i., p. 207; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
tom. iv., p. 4.

[705] _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. ii., cap. xlviii., xlix.

[706] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 427,
tom. iv., pp. 209-10; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 184.

[707] _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 319;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 206, 460.

[708] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 7. 'En
todos los caminos que tenian hechos de cañas, ò paja, ò yervas, porque
no los viessen los que passasen por ellos, y alli se metian, si tenian
gana de purgar los vientres, porque no se les perdiesse aquella
suciedad.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70.

[709] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 298. The authorities
for the description of the city are: _Relatione fatta per vn
gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309, and in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de
Doc._, tom. i., p. 390-2, with plans; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 43,
83-4, 102-9, 209; _Id._, _Despatches_, p. 333, plan; _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Conq._, fol. 70-3; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i. pp.
91-4, 147, 157-8, 206-7, 288-98, 306-7, 460; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las
Ynd._, pp. 465-8, 500-1; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 180-3, 187-8; _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol.
113-16; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 283-4, 299, 305;
_Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 141; _Ortega_, in _Id._,
tom. iii., p. 319; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap.
xiii., xiv., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xi.; _Id._, (Translation, Lond.
1725), vol. ii., p. 372, vol. iii., p. 194, view and plan; _Camargo_,
_Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., pp.
174-5; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 168-9;
_Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, pp. 95-6; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._,
tom. ii., p. 184; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 81, 238-9;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 443-9, tom.
iii., pp. 231-2, 427, tom. iv., pp. 3-7, 209-10; _Carbajal Espinosa_,
_Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 310-14, 664, tom. ii., pp. 216-28, with
plan; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 16-17, vol. ii., pp. 69, 76-86;
_Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt ii., p. 255; _Alaman_,
_Disertaciones_, tom. i., p. 184-8; _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. ii.,
pp. 310-14, 456, 471-2, 490-1, with plans; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i.,
pp. 35-6; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x.

[710] _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 197; _Prescott's
Mex._, vol. ii., p. 69.

[711] Cortés says 'piedra seca.' _Cartas_, p. 60, but this is
contradicted by Bernal Diaz, who found it to be of stone and mortar.
_Hist. Conq._, fol. 43. 'Sin mezcla de cal ni barro.' _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. iv.

[712] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 150, gives
the measurement at eight feet in height and eighteen in width.

[713] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 60; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol.
43; _West-Indische Spieghel_, pp. 225-6. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., p. 150, with a cut.

[714] _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 186.

[715] Delaporte says that streets met on the hills. _Reisen_, tom. x.,
p. 256.

[716] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 67; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo
del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii.,
fol. 308; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii.

[717] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 171. See _Warden_, _Recherches_, pp.
67-8, on fortifications. In Michoacan, some towns had walls of planks
two fathoms high and one broad. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii.,
lib. iii., cap. iii.

[718] Meaning place of detention, because here the immigrating tribes
used to halt, while deciding upon their settlement. _Ixtlilxochitl_,
_Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 214.

[719] Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix., says that it
was nearly as large as Mexico. _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 115.
Motolinia, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i.,
p. 182, gives it a league in width and six in length. Peter Martyr,
dec. viii., lib. iv., gives it 20,000 houses. Carbajal Espinosa,
_Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 87-8, estimates it at 30,000 houses, and
thinks that Torquemada must have included the three outlying towns to
attain his figure. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 304.

[720] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 89-90,
303-4; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 87-8;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., pp. 242-4. For further references to Mexican towns, forts, etc.,
see: _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 24, 57-60, 67-8, 74-5, 92-3, 153, 171,
186, 196; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 43; _Relatione fatta per
vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 308; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._,
in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 214, 242, 251-2, 257;
_Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix.; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 251-2, 304, 449-50; _Gomara_, _Conq.
Mex._, fol. 26, 51, 115; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v.,
cap. viii., lib. vi., cap. iv., xii., xvi., lib. vii., cap. iv., dec.
iii., lib. iii., cap. iii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., p. 150, with cut; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., vii.,
dec. viii., lib. iv.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 283;
_West-Indische Spieghel_, pp. 221, 225-6; _Bologne_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 212; _Montanus_,
_Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 236; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p.
186; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., p. 256; _Carbajal Espinosa_,
_Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 87-8, 259, 663, tom. ii., pp. 51, 161;
_Warden_, _Recherches_, pp. 67-8; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 65;
_Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. ii., p. 296; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._,
pp. 240, 243.

[721] Las Casas states that when a warrior distinguished himself
abroad he was allowed to build his house in the style used by the
enemy, a privilege allowed to none else. _Hist. Apologética_, MS.,
cap. lxvi.

[722] 'I fondamenti delle case grandi della Capitale si gettavano a
cagione della poca sodezza di quel terreno sopra un piano di grosse
stanghe di cedro ficcate in terra.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., p. 202. 'Porque la humedad no les causase
enfermedad, alzaban los aposentos hasta un estado poco mas ó menos, y
así quedaban como entresuelos.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 121.
Speaking of Cempoalla, Peter Martyr says: 'Vnto these houses or
habitations they ascend by 10. or 12. steppes or stayres.' Dec. iv.,
tom. vii. The floor of the palace at Mitla consisted of slabs of stone
three feet thick, which rested on ten feet piles. _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 26. Houses with elevated
terraces were only allowed to chiefs. _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom.
i., p. 188.

[723] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix. This mode of
whitewashing the walls and polishing them with gypsum seems to have
been very common in all parts of Mexico, for we repeatedly meet with
mentions of the dazzling white walls, like silver, which the Spaniards
noticed all through their march. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom.
i., p. 251; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 202.

[724] In Cempoalla, says Peter Martyr, 'none may charge his neighbours
wall with beames or rafters. All the houses are seperated the distance
of 3. paces asunder.' Dec. iv., lib. vii. Cortés, _Cartas_, p. 24,
mentions as many as five courts.

[725] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 291; _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., pp.
76-7; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, p. 173. 'N'avaient guère
qu'un étage, à cause de la fréquence des tremblement de terre.'
_Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 173.

[726] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 24.

[727] _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii.,
tom. v., p. 328. The palace at Tecpeque, says Las Casas, was a very
labyrinth, in which visitors were liable to lose themselves without a
guide. In the palace allotted to Cortés at Mexico he found comfortable
quarters for 400 of his own men, 2000 allies, and a number of
attendants. _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lii., l. 'Auia salas con
sus camaras, que cabia cada vno en su cama, ciento y cincuenta
Castellanos.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v.
'Intorno d'una gran corti fossero prima grandissime sale & stantie,
però v'era vna sala cosi grande che vi poteano star dentro senza dar
l'un fastidio all'altro piu di tre mila persone.' _Relatione fatta per
vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309.

[728] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 200, 202;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 251.

[729] Tezozomoc, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 188, says that chiefs were
permitted to erect towers pierced with arrows in the courtyard.
_Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 120. The houses were often quite
surrounded with trees. _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 220.

[730] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 656.

[731] _Tylor's Anahuac_, pp. 135-6.

[732] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 291. Las Casas, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. l., says: 'Encalados por encima, que no se
pueden llover.' 'Couered with reede, thatch, or marish sedge: yet many
of them are couered with slate, or shingle stone.' _Peter Martyr_,
dec. iv., lib. vii., dec. v., lib. x.

[733] _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., dec. v., lib. x.; _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 219.

[734] _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. ii., p. 314.

[735] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 658.

[736] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 200-2;
_Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 173-4; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist.
Mex._, tom. i., pp. 662-3, 665.

[737] 'Eran los Patios, y Suelos de ellos, de argamasa, y despues de
encalados, cubrian la superficie, y haz, con Almagre, y despues
bruñianlos, con vnos guijarros, y piedras mui lisas, y quedaban con
tan buena tèz, y tan hermosamente bruñidos, que no podia estarlo mas
vn Plato de Plata; pues como fuese de mañana, y el Sol començase à
derramar, y esparcir la Lumbre de sus Raios, y començasen à reberverar
en los Suelos, encendianlos de manera, que à quien llevaba tan buen
deseo, y ansia de haber Oro, y Plata, le pudo parecer, que era Oro el
Suelo; y es mui cierto, que los suelos de las Casas, y de los Patios
(en especial, de los Templos, y de los Señores, y Personas
Principales) se hacian, y adereçaban, en aquellos Tiempos, tales, que
eran mui de vèr, y algunos de estos hemos visto tan lisos, y limpios,
que sin asco se podia comer en ellos, sin Manteles, qualquier Manjar.'
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 251-2; _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix.

[738] 'Toldillos encima.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 66.

[739] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.; _Gomara_, _Conq.
Mex._, fol. 318; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 66, 68; _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v., vii.; _Bussierre_,
_L'Empire Mex._, pp. 174-5; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 79, 174-5. Klemm,
_Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 15-16, mentions stools of cane and
reed; and firebugs which were used for lights.

[740] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 381; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 201; _Carbajal Espinosa_,
_Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 662. 'No ay puertas ni ventanas que cerrar,
todo es abierto.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318.

[741] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 8.

[742] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii.; _Peter
Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x.; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap.
xlix-l.; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 76.

[743] _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x.

[744] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,
tom. i., p. 199; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p.
200; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 657; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom.
i., pp. 661-2.

[745] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 214-15,
with cut; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 662, 671-2,
with cut. The poorer had doubtless resort to public baths; they
certainly existed in Tlascala. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib.
vi., cap. xvi.; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 240.

[746] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 155;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 635;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 564. For description of
houses, see: _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 251-2, 291,
tom. ii., pp. 381, 564; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi.,
cap. xii., xvi., lib. vii., cap. v.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 155, 200-2, 214-15, with cut; _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix.-lii.; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 24;
_Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in
_Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Conq._, fol. 66, 68; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318; _Motolinia_,
_Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 199;
_Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 121; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom.
i., p. 188; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., vii., dec. v., cap.
x.; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom.
v., p. 328; _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 221; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 26, 222, 635, 656-8, iv., p. 8;
_Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., pp. 76-7, 120; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien
et Mod._, p. 31; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 173-5, 240;
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 661-3, 671-2, with
cut, tom. ii., p. 219; _Tylor's Anahuac_, pp. 135-6; _Klemm_,
_Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 15-16.

[747] 'El anden, hácia la pared de la huerta, va todo labrado de cañas
con unas vergas.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 83.

[748] 'Un anden de muy buen suelo ladrillado.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p.
83.

[749] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 283; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 636; _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 156.

[750] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 196; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., p. 157.

[751] See this vol., p. 345.

[752] 'Hay sus puentes de muy anchas y muy grandes vigas juntas y
recias y bien labradas; y tales, que por muchas dellas pueden pasar
diez de caballo juntos á la par.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 103. Brasseur
de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 632, says that stone
bridges were most common, which is doubtless a mistake. Speaking of
swinging bridges, Klemm says: 'Manche waren so fest angespannt, dass
sie gar keine schwankende Bewegung hatten.' _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom.
v., p. 75; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 169.

[753] 'En los mismos patios de los pueblos principales habia otros
cada doce ó quince teocallis harto grandes, unos mayores que otros.'
_Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom.
i., p. 64. 'Entre quatro, ó cinco barrios tenian vn Adoratorio, y sus
idolos.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 72.

[754] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 84-6; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. ii., p. 141; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap.
cxxiv.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 35.

[755] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 26, 34,
cuts; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, (Translation, Lond. 1725), vol. ii.,
pp. 372, 378, cuts.

[756] _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 151-3.

[757] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 186; _Vetancvrt_,
_Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 37. Other authors give the number at
60,460, and the attendance at 6,000,000. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. i., p. 257.

[758] 'Recibia dentro de su hueco todo el suelo en que aora està
edificada la Iglesia Maior, Casas del Marquès del Valle, Casas Reales,
y Casas Arçobispales, con mucha parte de lo que aora es Plaça, que
parece cosa increìble.' _Sahagun_, quoted in _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. ii., p. 146. To-day the Cathedral stands upon the Plaza,
and many houses occupy the spot; see _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist.
Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 226-7, 233-5. Opposite the south gate was the
market and 'en face du grand temple se trouvait le palais.'
_Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 152.

[759] 'Dos cercas al rededor de cal, y canto.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Conq._, fol. 70-1.

[760] 'Mayores que la plaça que ay en Salamanca.' _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Conq._, fol. 70. Cortés, _Cartas_, p. 106, states that a town
of 500 houses could be located within its compass. Torquemada,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 144, Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119, Las
Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li., and Herrera, _Hist. Gen._,
dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii., agree upon a length to each side of
one cross-bow or musket shot, and this, according to Las Casas, cap.
cxxxii., is 750 paces; in the same places he gives the length at four
shots, or 3000 paces, an evident mistake, unless by this is meant the
circumference. Hernandez estimates it at about 80 perches, or 1,420
feet. Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 197, who seems to
have investigated the matter more closely, places it at 200 fathoms,
which cannot be too high, when we consider that the court enclosed 77
or more edifices, besides the great temple. Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist.
Mex._, tom. ii., p. 226, gives a length of 250 varas.

[761] 'Era todo cercado de piedra de manposterìa mui bien labrado.'
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 144. 'Estaban mui bien
encaladas, blancas, y bruñidas.' _Id._, p. 141.

[762] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 27;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 661;
_Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 142. 'Era labrada de piedras grandes a
manera de culebras asidas las vnas a las otras.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de
las Ynd._, p. 333; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_,
_Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 63.

[763] Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 333, says an idol stood over
each gate, facing the road. It is not stated by any author that the
arsenals formed the gateway, but as they rose over the entrance, and
nearly all mention upper and lower rooms, and as buildings of this
size could not have rested upon the walls alone, it follows that the
lower story must have formed the sides of the entrance. 'A cada parte
y puerta de las cuatro del patio del templo grande ya dicho habia una
gran sala con muy buenos aposentos altos y bajos en rededor.' _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. ii., p. 146; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 120. Tezozomoc,
_Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 152, mentions three gates. 'À l'orient et à
l'occident d'une petite porte et d'une grande vis-à-vis de l'escalier
méridional.'

[764] 'Y el mismo patio, y sitio todo empedrado de piedras grandes de
losas blancas, y muy lisas: y adonde no auia de aquellas piedras,
estaua encalado, y bruñido.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70.
The white stones had no doubt received that color from plaster. 'Los
patios y suelos eran teñidos de Almagre bruñido, y incorporado con la
misma cal.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 141; _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix. The dimensions given by
the different authors are extremely varied; the Anonymous Conqueror,
as the only eye-witness who has given any measurements, certainly
deserves credit for those that appear reasonable, namely the length
and width; the height seems out of proportion.

[765] 'Cento & cinquanta passi, ò poco piu di lunghezza, & cento
quindici, ò cento & venti di larghezza.' _Relatione fatta per vn
gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 307. This would give the length and
breadth of the base in the text, assuming two and a half feet to the
pace. With a decrease of two good paces for each of the four ledges
which surround the pyramid, the summit measurement is arrived at. The
terraces are stated by the same author to be two men's stature in
height, but this scarcely agrees with the height indicated by the 120
or 30 steps given. Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70, counted 114
steps, and as most authors estimate each of these at a span, or nine
inches in height, this would give an altitude of 86 feet. Clavigero,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 28-9, gives about 50 fathoms
(perches, he calls them) by 43 to the base, and, allowing a perch to
the ledges, he places the summit dimensions at 43 by 34 fathoms. The
height he estimates at 19 fathoms, giving the height of each step as
one foot. To prove that he has not over-estimated the summit
dimensions, at least, he refers to the statements of Cortés, who
affirms that he fought 500 Mexicans on the top platform, and of Diaz,
who says that over 4,000 men garrisoned the temple. Torquemada,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 144-5, who follows Sahagun, states it to
be 360 feet square at the base, and over 70 at the top; the steps he
says are 'vna tercia, y mas' in height, which closely approaches a
foot. Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li., says: 'Una torre
triangular ó de tres esquinas de tierra y piedra maciza; y ancha de
esquina á esquina de ciento y viente pasos ó cuasi ... con un llano ó
plaza de obra de setenta pies.' In cap. cxxxii. he calls it 100 men's
stature in height. Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119, says 50 fathoms
square at the base and 18 at the top. Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist. Chich._,
in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 245, describes a temple
which seems to be that of Mexico, and states it to be 80 fathoms
square, with a height of 27 men's stature. Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec.
ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii., places the dimensions as low as 30 varas
square at the base and from 12 to 15 at the top. Of modern authors
Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 659, gives the
dimensions at 300 by 250 feet for the base, and 60 feet for the
summit, after allowing from 5 to 6 feet for the ledges, a rather
extraordinary computation; unless, indeed, we assume that the terraces
were sloping, but there is no reliable cut or description to confirm
such a supposition. Humboldt, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., pp. 169-70, has
97 mètres for the square, and 37 for the height. Ortega, in _Veytia_,
_Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 280-82, is positive that the height
was certainly no less than 38 varas. Prescott, _Mex._, vol. ii., p.
144, remarks that there is no authority for describing the temple as
oblong, except the _contemptible_ cut of the Anonymous Conqueror. This
may be just enough as regards the cut, but if he had examined the
description attached to it, he would have found the dimensions of an
oblong structure given. We must consider that the Anonymous Conqueror
is the only eye-witness who gives any measurement, and, further, that
as two chapels were situated at one end of the platform the structure
ought to have been oblong to give the space in front a fair outline.

[766] 'Alto come due stature d'vn huomo.' _Relatione fatta per vn
gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 307.

[767] 'Lasciano vna strada di larghezza di duo passi.' _Relatione
fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 307. See note 87; _Motolinia_, _Hist.
Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 64.

[768] The Anonymous Conqueror, _Relatione, etc._, ubi supra, Las
Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv., Gomara, _Conq. Mex._,
fol. 119, and Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 145, all say
that there was no ledge on the west side, merely steps, but this is,
doubtless, a careless expression, for 23 steps allotted to each
terrace would scarcely have extended over a length of about 300 feet,
the breadth of the pyramid. Nearly all agree upon the number of the
steps, namely 114. Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 245, however, gives 160 steps; Oviedo,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 502-3, 60 steps; and Acosta, _Hist. de
las Ynd._, p. 333, 30 steps, 30 fathoms wide, but the latter author
has evidently mixed up the accounts of two different temples.
Tezozomoc, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 152, states that the temple had
three stairways, with 360 steps in all, one for every day in the
Mexican year. According to _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p.
155, the steps are on the south corner, but there is no authority for
this statement; in the cuts they appear on the north.

[769] 'De tierra y piedra, mezclada con cal muy macizada.' _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii. 'Por la parte de fuera
iba su pared de piedra: lo de dentro henchíanlo de piedra todo, ó de
barro y adobe; otros de tierra bien tapiada.' _Motolinia_, _Hist.
Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 63-4. 'Hecha
de manposteria.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 144. The
pyramid of Teotihuacan, which, according to some authors, has been a
model for others, is built of clay mixed with small stones, covered by
a heavy wall of tetzontli, which is coated with lime. _Humboldt_,
_Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 187. 'Todas las piedras estauan assentadas
de tal suerte, que la mezcla casi no parecia, sino todas las piedras
vna.' _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 75. The whitewash may,
however, have given it this solid appearance. 'Todos aquellos Templos,
y Salas; y todas sus paredes que los cercaban, estaban mui bien
encaladas, blancas, y bruñidas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom.
ii., p. 141. The mortar was mixed with precious stones and gold-dust.
_Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., p. 60.

[770] Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 659,
states that three sides of the platform were protected by a balustrade
of sculptured stone, and this is not unlikely when we consider the
slippery nature of the floor and the dizzy height. See _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 141; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_,
MS., cap. xlix., cxxiv., and note 75 on polished floors. Carbajal
Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 664, states that the summit was
paved with marble.

[771] 'In alto dieci, ò dodici stature d'huomo.' _Relatione fatta per
vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 307. This is followed by Clavigero,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 29, who says 56 feet, or about
9 perches. No other dimensions are mentioned by the old chroniclers;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, however, gives them a base of 20 feet square,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 659-60, but this becomes absurd when
we consider the height of the buildings, and the accommodation
required for the gigantic idols they contained. This author hazards
the opinion that the chapels were placed close to the edge, to enable
the people to see the idols from below, but there is no mention of any
doors on the east side, and it is stated that the chapels were placed
at this end so that the people in praying might face the rising sun.
_Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_,
MS., cap. li.

[772] 'Que se mandaban por la parte de adentro, por unas escaleras de
madera movedizas.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 245. Acosta states that the towers were
ascended by 120 steps. _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 334. The towers were
made of 'artesones.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119. Brasseur de
Bourbourg states that the outside of the walls was painted with
various figures and monsters, but this seems to be a misinterpretation
of Gomara, who places the paintings on the inside. _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
tom. iii., p. 660. Bernal Diaz says, besides, that the towers were
'todas blanqueando.' _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70.

[773] The eaves or the domes of the temples were decorated with fine
red and white pillars, set with jet black stones and holding two
figures of stone with torches in their hands, which supported a
battlement in form of spiral shells; the torches were adorned with
yellow and green feathers and fringes. _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._,
p. 333; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 242.

[774] Most of the old authors say that Tlaloc occupied the second
chapel, but as the next largest temple in the court is dedicated to
this god, I am inclined to think, with Clavigero, that Tezcatlipoca
shared the chief pyramid with Huitzilopochtli. Another reason for this
belief is that Tezcatlipoca was held to be the half-brother of
Huitzilopochtli, and their feasts were sometimes attended with similar
ceremonies. Tezcatlipoca was also one of the highest if not the
highest god, and, accordingly, entitled to the place of honor by the
side of the favorite god of the Aztecs. Tlaloc, on the other hand, had
nothing in common with Huitzilopochtli, and the only possible ground
that can be found for his promotion to the chief pyramid is to be seen
in the fable of the foundation of Mexico, in which Tlaloc, as the lord
of the site, gives the Aztecs permission to settle there. We have,
besides, the testimony of Bernal Diaz, who saw Tezcatlipoca, adorned
with the _tezcatl_, or mirror ornament, seated in the left hand
temple. _Hist. Conq._, fol. 71; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant.
Mej._, tom. iii., p. 281. Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
tom. iii., p. 660, thinks it possible that the second temple was
occupied by different idols, in turn, according to the festival.

[775] 'No eran mas altos que cinco palmos.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._,
fol. 119. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 29.

[776] Clavigero thinks that the stone was of jasper. _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., p. 46, with cut. It is difficult to define the
position of this stone; some place it before the idol within the
chapel, others at the western extremity of the platform. Referring to
the idols in the chapel, Sahagun says: 'Delante de cada una de estas
estaba una piedra redonda á manera de tajon que llaman _texcatl_,
donde mataban los que sacrificaban á honra de aquel dios, y desde la
piedra hasta abajo un _regaxal_ de sangre de los que mataban en
él'--he describes the stone as round. _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii.,
p. 198. And this I am inclined to accept as correct, especially as
several points indicate that the stones stood inside the chapel. Their
floor, we are told, were steeped in blood that must have flown from
the victims; further, we know that the reeking heart was held up
before or thrown at the feet of the idol, immediately after being torn
out. The act of sacrifice was in itself a ceremony which could only
have been performed before the idol. Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p.
334, and Solis, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., p. 397, place it in the
middle of the platform. Prescott, _Mex._, vol. ii., p. 145, states
that the stone (one only) stood near the head of the stairway, but
this is most likely a hasty interpretation of Diaz' vague account.
There may, however, have been a large stone at this place, which was
used for the great and general sacrifices. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Conq._, fol. 70; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 660-1,
manages very dexterously to place the two stones before the chapel,
and at the same time near the head of the steps. Klemm,
_Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 98, mentions one stone with a hollow
in the middle.

[777] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxii.; _Gomara_,
_Conq. Mex._, fol. 119.

[778] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 71.

[779] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 106. It is also stated that certain
chapels in the streets were used for burial places by the lords. 'Inde
Straten waren veel Cappellen, die meest diendeden tot begravinghe van
de groote Heeren.' _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 248.

[780] 'Dezian, que era el Dios de las sementeras' (called Centeotl).
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 71.

[781] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 29-30;
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 228; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 145; on p. 141, he says, in
contradiction: 'Delante de los Altares en estos Templos avia vnos
braseros hechos de piedra, y cal, de tres quartas en alto, de figura
circular, ò redonda, y otros quadrados, donde de dia, y de noche ardia
continuo fuego, tenian sus fogones, y braseros todas las Salas de los
dichos Templos, donde encendian fuego, para calentarse los Señores,
quando iban à ellos, y para los Sacerdotes.' 'Tan altos como tres
palmos y cuatro.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv.

[782] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70.

[783] See note 119; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_,
_Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 65.

[784] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 30. Las
Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li., and Motolinia, _Hist.
Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 64, say that
they face in all directions, which tends to prove that they must have
faced the temple of the supreme and patron gods. 'Estando encontrados,
y puestos vnos contra otros,' adds _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom.
ii., pp. 141, 145. Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119, states that they
were turned against all points but the east, so as to differ from the
chief temple. 'Tenian la cara ácia el occidente.' _Sahagun_, _Hist.
Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 198. Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 334,
states that the court held eight or nine temples facing all quarters.

[785] 'Todos eran vnos; pero diferenciabanse en el asiento, y
postura.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 145. 'La cubierta
... era de diversas, y varias formas, que aunque eran vnas de madera,
y otras de paja, como de Centeno, eran mui primamente labradas, vnas
coberturas piramidales, y quadradas, y otras redondas, y de otras
formas.' _Ib._ _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 118-19; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 662-3.

[786] 'La menor dellas tiene çinqüenta escalones para subir al cuerpo
de la torre.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 302; _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, p. 106.

[787] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 145.

[788] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 147-50.

[789] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 201-7;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 149; Clavigero, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 32, calls it Hueitzompan.

[790] 'En los escalones habia tambien un cráneo entre piedra y
piedra.' _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 287.
But this is unlikely. See also _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 121.

[791] 'Estos palos hazian muchas aspas por las vigas, y cada tercio de
aspa o palo, tenia cinco cabeças ensartadas por las sienes.' _Gomara_,
_Conq. Mex._, fol. 121-2. Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 334, places
the masts a fathom apart, and twenty skulls upon each cross-pole,
which is, to say the least, very close packing.

[792] At each end of the platform. _Warden_, _Recherches_, p. 66.

[793] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 32;
_Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 121-2; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii.,
lib. vii., cap. xviii.; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 333-5. The
account of the latter author is so mixed up with that of the chief
temple as to be of little value; Montanus, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp.
242-3, follows him.

[794] Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 333, says that 8,000 to 10,000
persons could dance with joined hands in this place.

[795] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 48, with
cut; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 154; _Ortega_, in
_Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 283; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 662.

[796] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 120; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. ii., pp. 146-7; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li.

[797] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 151; _Ixtlilxochitl_,
_Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 244.

[798] 'Residen en el a la contina cinco mil personas, y todas duermen
dentro, y comen a su costa del.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 120.
'V'hauea vna guarnigione di dieci mila homini di guerra.' _Relatione
fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309.

[799] The authorities on the temple of Mexico are: _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Conq._, fol. 70-2; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del
Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol.
307, 309, and in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 384-5,
394-5, with cuts; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 186, tom.
ii., pp. 140-56; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp.
197-211; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 106; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol.
118-22; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix., li.,
cxxiv.; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 37; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 257-8, tom. ii., pp. 25-32,
46-8, with cuts made up from the various descriptions of Diaz and
others; see his remarks, p. 26. _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp.
333-5; this author mixes up the descriptions of the chief temple and
the Tzompantli, and represents this account as that of Huitzilopochtli's
sanctuary; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii.,
xviii.; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,
tom. i., pp. 63-5; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom.
iii., pp. 279-89; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 151-3, 193;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., p. 245; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 302-3, 502-3;
_Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 75; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq.
Mex._, tom. i., pp. 394-98; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 242;
_West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 248; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i.,
p. 187; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 154-5; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 659-65; _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 664, tom. ii., pp. 226-35, with
cuts; _Warden_, _Recherches_, p. 66; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., pp.
142-5.

[800] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 145; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 33. Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol.
120, says that there were 2000 idols, each of which is supposed to
have had a separate chapel. _Cavo_, _Tres Siglos_, tom. i., p. 2; _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxii.; in cap. cxxiv., he
adds that 100 of these were great temples.

[801] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 120. Some temple pyramids, says
Dávila Padilla, formed a perfect cone, the casing being composed of
large stones at the bottom; as the wall rose, the stones decreased in
size; the summit was crowned with a precious stone. _Hist. Fvnd.
Mex._, p. 75; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 72.

[802] 'Los grandes tenian tres sobrados encima de los altares, todos
_de terrados y_ bien altos.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 64; _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom.
ii., p. 141.

[803] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv.; _Humboldt_,
_Essai Pol._, tom. i., pp. 239-40; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 33-4. Bernal Diaz counted 120 steps, which
scarcely agrees with the height of the pyramid. _Hist. Conq._, fol.
72. Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 390-1, mentions 60 steps only.
'Alto bien mas de quarenta estados: fue hecho de Adove, y Piedra.'
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 281. Montanus adds that on
the summit stood a square structure, supported by 28 pillars, within
which were thousands of skulls; he mentions two chapels. _Nieuwe
Weereld_, p. 236. It had 1508 steps; in the wall was a large diamond.
_West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 238.

[804] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix. Some of these
had two chapels, which would make the number of towers about 400.
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ii.

[805] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 245. The description of the temple as given by
this writer is almost identical with that of the great temple at
Mexico. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 72; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. i., p. 305.

[806] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 257.

[807] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 107-8. Further
authorities on Mexican buildings: _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii.,
lib. vii., cap. iv-v., viii-xi., xiii-xviii., dec. iii., lib. i., cap.
viii., lib. ii., cap. xi., xv.; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii-iii.,
viii., x., dec. viii., lib. iv.; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 84-7,
121; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 155; _Zuazo_, _Carta_,
in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 359, 362;
_West-Indische Spieghel_, pp. 240-8; _Munster_, _Cosmographia_, p.
1410; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 80-5, 235-7, 242-3; _Cortés_,
_Aven. y Conq._, pp. 120, 128-33; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp.
123-7, 172-5, 252-3, 258-9, 266; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom.
v., pp. 31-2, 75, 84-5, 97-9, 152-62; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, pp. 20-1,
24-5, 36-7; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 40-8; _Cooper's
Hist. N. Amer._, pt ii., p. 164; _Lafond_, _Voyage_, tom. i., pp.
106-7; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, pp. 92-5; _Ranking's Hist.
Researches_, pp. 336-7; _Domenech_, _Mexique_, pp. 70-2; _Foster's
Pre-Hist. Races_, p. 391; _Dilworth's Conq. Mex._, pp. 64, 70-1;
_Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 20-1; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza
Indígena_, pp. 55-7; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, pp. 30-3;
_Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1033, 1123-4, 1133.

CHAPTER XIX.

MEDICINE AND FUNERAL RITES AMONG THE NAHUAS.

MEXICAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO MEDICAL SCIENCE--THE BOTANICAL
GARDENS--LONGEVITY--PREVALENT DISEASES--INTRODUCTION OF
SMALL-POX AND SYPHILIS--MEDICAL TREATMENT--THE
TEMAZCALLI--ABORIGINAL PHYSICIANS--THE AZTEC
FACULTY--STANDARD REMEDIES--SURGERY--SUPERSTITIOUS
CEREMONIES IN HEALING--FUNERAL RITES OF
AZTECS--CREMATION--ROYAL OBSEQUIES--EMBALMING--THE FUNERAL
PYRE--HUMAN SACRIFICE--DISPOSAL OF THE ASHES AND
ORNAMENTS--MOURNERS--FUNERAL CEREMONIES OF THE
PEOPLE--CERTAIN CLASSES BURIED--RITES FOR THE SLAIN IN
BATTLE--BURIAL AMONG THE TEO-CHICHIMECS AND
TABASCANS--CREMATION CEREMONIES IN MICHOACAN--BURIAL BY THE
MIZTECS IN OAJACA.

Writers on Mexico have paid but slight attention to aboriginal medical
science, although the greatest benefit which Europe derived from that
part of the New World came doubtless in the form of medicinal
substances. Most of the additions to the world's stock of remedies
since the sixteenth century were indigenous to tropical America, and
in few instances, if any, were their curative properties unknown or
unfamiliar to the native doctors. Jalap, sarsaparilla, tobacco, with
numerous gums and balsams, were among the simples of American origin.
Dr Hernandez, physician to Phillip II., was sent to Mexico by his king
to investigate the natural history of the country. The results of his
researches, in which he was assisted by native experts, were
published in a large work, which contains long lists of plants with
their medicinal properties, and which has been much used by later
writers. I shall not, however, attempt in this chapter to give any
catalogue of medicinal plants.[808] The healing art was protected by
royalty, and the numerous rare plants in the royal gardens, collected
at great expense from all parts of the country, were placed at the
disposal of the doctors in the large cities, who were ordered to
experiment with each variety, that its curative or injurious
properties might be utilized or shunned. Thus the court physicians
derived from these constantly increasing collections all the
advantages of travel through distant provinces.[809]

The Nahuas were a healthy race; naturally so with their fine climate,
their hardy training, active habits, frequent bathing, and temperate
diet. The extraordinary statements respecting the great age attained
by their kings in the earlier periods of Nahua history are of course
absurdly exaggerated; but as centenarians are often met with among
their descendants at the present day, there is no doubt that they were
a long-lived race, and that those who did not attain a hundred years,
succumbed for the most part to acute diseases.[810] Indigestion and
its accompanying ills were unknown, and deformed people were so rare
that Montezuma kept a collection of them as a curiosity. The diseases
most prevalent were acute fevers, colds, pleurisy, catarrh, diarrhea,
and, in the coast districts, intermittent fever, spasms, and
consumption, aggravated by exposure.[811]

[Sidenote: EPIDEMICS AND THEIR RAVAGES.]

Deadly epidemics swept the country at intervals, the traditional
accounts of which are so intermingled with fable that we can form no
idea of their nature. One of the most fatal and wide-spread recorded
was that brought on by famine, war, and the anger of the gods at the
breaking-up of the Toltec empire.[812] The _matlazahuatl_ was a
pestilence said to be confined entirely in its ravages to the natives,
and which made great havoc even after the Spaniards came. It is
thought by some to have attacked the people periodically in former
times, and to have been similar in its nature to the yellow fever.
While the Aztecs were shut up in their island home, a curious malady,
consisting of a swelling of the eyelids, followed by a violent
dysentery ending in death, or, as others say, by a swelling of the
throat and body, attacked the nations on the main land, especially the
Tepanecs. The popular tradition was that the fumes of roasted fish and
insects wafted from the island to the shore, created a powerful
longing for this new and, to them, unobtainable food, and that the
pangs of an unsatisfied appetite originated the pestilence.[813]
Ixtlilxochitl relates that a catarrhic scourge fell upon the people
during the unusually severe winter of 1450 and carried off large
numbers, especially of the aged.[814]

The vices introduced by the Spaniards, their oppression of the
natives, and the consequent disregard of the ancient regulations
respecting cleanliness and the use of liquors, prepared the way for
new maladies. With the Spaniards came the small-pox, measles, and as
some believe, the syphilis. Small-pox is said to have been introduced
by a negro from one of Narvaez' ships and spread with frightful
rapidity over the whole country, destroying whole households who died
and found no other graves than their houses. Measles were introduced
some ten or eleven years later also from the Spanish ships. The yellow
fever has never prevailed to any great extent among the natives.[815]
Respecting syphilitic diseases and their origin there has been much
discussion. The first appearance of the malady has been attributed to
the old world and the new, and to many localities in the former. But
naturally neither continent, nor any nation has been willing to accept
the so-regarded dishonor of inflicting on the world this loathsome
plague. The discussion of the subject seems unprofitable and I shall
not reopen it here. The testimony in the matter appears to me to prove
that syphilis existed in Europe long before the discovery of America;
but there are also some indications in the traditional history of the
Nahua peoples that the disease in some of its forms was not unknown to
the aboriginal Americans before their intercourse with foreigners.[816]

[Sidenote: ATTENTIONS TO THE SICK.]

Accustomed to look on death in its most terrible form in connection
with their oft-recurring religious festivals, the people seem to have
become somewhat callous to its dread presence, and to have met its
approach with less fear of the dark and unknown hereafter than might
have been expected from their superstitious nature. An attack of
illness did not necessarily produce great anxiety, or an immediate
recourse to the doctor's services; but the common people resorted for
the most part to simple home cures, which were the more effective as
the curative properties of herbs and their modes of application were
generally well known.[817] The unconcern with which they regarded
sickness did not result from want of affection, for the Aztecs are
said to have been very attentive to their sick, and spent their wealth
without stint to save the life of friends. Yet the Tlascaltecs, a
hardier race, are reported by Motolinia to have been less attentive,
and some other Teo-Chichimec tribes did not hesitate to kill a patient
whose malady did not soon yield to their treatment, under pretense of
putting him out of his misery, but really to get him off their hands.
This work of charity was performed by thrusting an arrow down the
throat of the invalid, and old people were especially the recipients
of such favors.[818]

The favorite remedy for almost every ill of the flesh was the
vapor-bath, or _temazcalli_. No well-to-do citizen's house was
complete without conveniences for indulging in these baths, and the
poorer families of each community owned one or more temazcalli in
common. The reader is already sufficiently familiar with the general
features of these baths, a confined space with facilities for
converting water into steam being all that was required. Clavigero
describes and pictures a very graceful structure for this purpose, for
which, as it seems to involve the then-unknown principle of the arch,
he probably drew somewhat upon his imagination. It is of adobes,
semi-globular in form, about eight feet in diameter, six feet high,
with a convex floor a little below the level of the ground. On one
side was an opening sufficiently large to admit a man's body, on the
opposite side a square furnace separated from the interior by a slab
of tetzontli, and at the top an air-hole. Most of the bath-houses,
however, were simply square or oblong chambers with no furnace
attached, in which case the fire had of course to be removed before
the apartment was ready for use. When the apparatus was properly
heated a mat was spread on the floor, and the patient entered,
sometimes accompanied by an assistant, bearing a dish of water to be
thrown on the floor and walls to produce steam, and a bunch of
maize-leaves with which his body, and especially the part affected,
was to be beaten. A plunge into cold water after a profuse
perspiration was frequently but not always resorted to. As I have
said, there were scarcely any maladies for which this treatment was
not recommended, but it was regarded as particularly efficacious in
the case of fevers brought on by costiveness, bites of venomous
serpents and insects, bruises, and unstrung nerves, and to relieve the
pains and purify the system of child-bearing women. The steam-baths
were also much used to promote cleanliness and to refresh the weary
bodies of those in good health.[819]

The beneficial effects of a change of climate upon invalids seem to
have been appreciated, if we may credit Herrera, who states that
Michoacan was much resorted to by the sick from all parts of the
country.[820] For severe cases, the expenses of treating which could
not be borne except by the wealthy classes, hospitals were established
by the government in all the larger cities, endowed with ample
revenues, where patients from the surrounding country were cared for
by experienced doctors, surgeons, and nurses well versed in all the
native healing arts.[821] Medical practitioners were numerous, who
attended patients for a small remuneration; the jealousy of Spanish
physicians, however, brought them into disrepute soon after the
conquest, and the healing art, like others, greatly degenerated. It is
related that a famous medicine-man of Michoacan was summoned before
the college of physicians in Mexico on the charge of being a quack. In
reply to the accusation he asked his judges to smell a certain herb,
which produced a severe hemorrhage, and then invited them to check the
flow of blood. Seeing that they were unable to do this promptly, he
administered a powder that immediately had the desired effect. "These
are my attainments," he exclaimed, "and this the manner in which I
cure the ailings of my patients."[822]

[Sidenote: THE NAHUA ESCULAPIUS.]

The Esculapius of the Nahuas was embodied in the persons of
Oxomococipactonatl and Tlatecuinxochicaoaca, who were traditionally
the inventors of medicine and the first herbalists among the Toltecs.
Soon after its invention the healing profession became one of the most
highly honored, and its followers constituted a regular faculty,
handing down their knowledge and practice from generation to
generation, according to the Nahua caste-system, according to which
the son almost invariably adopted the profession of his father, by
whom he was educated. This system of education from early childhood
under the father's guidance, the opportunities for practice in the
public hospitals, free access to the botanical gardens, and the
numerous subjects for anatomical dissection supplied by sacrificial
rites, certainly offered to the Nahua doctor abundant opportunities of
acquiring great knowledge and skill. The profession was not
altogether in the hands of the sterner sex; for female physicians were
in high repute, especially on the eastern coast. In certain cases, as
of childbirth, we find the patient attended by none but women, who
administer medicines and baths and render other necessary assistance,
even going so far as to cut out the infant in order to save the
mother's life.[823]

Medicines were given in all the usual forms of draught, powder,
injection, ointment, plaster, etc.; the material for which was
gathered from the three natural kingdoms in great variety. Many of the
herbs were doubtless obtained from the gardens, but large quantities
were obtained in the forests of different provinces by wandering
collectors who brought their herbs to the market-places for sale, or
even peddled them, it is said, from house to house. Each ailment had
its particular corrective, the knowledge of which was not entrusted to
the memory alone, but was also recorded in painted books.[824]
Doubtless many of the vegetable and other medicines employed were mere
nostrums administered to give an exalted opinion of the doctor's
knowledge and skill rather than with any hope of effecting a cure.

[Sidenote: TREATMENT OF VARIOUS DISEASES.]

Sahagun gives page after page of native recipes for every ailment of
the human body, which cannot be reproduced here. Many of the remedies
and methods of application are as absurd as any of those which have
been noticed among the wild tribes. For diseases of the scalp a wash
of urine, an ointment of soot, and an application of black clay were
prescribed, together with vegetable specifics too numerous to mention.
The white of an egg was much used in mixing remedies for wounds and
bruises; a certain animal _tapaiaxin_ was eaten for a swollen face;
the broth of a boiled fowl was recommended for convalescents.
Cataracts on the eye were rasped and scraped with certain roots; for
bloodshot eyes the membrane was cut, raised with a thorn, and anointed
with woman's milk; clouded eyes were treated with lizard's dung.
Morning dew cured catarrh in newly born children. Hoarseness was
treated by drinking honey, and an external application of
India-rubber. Wounds in the lips must be sewn up with a hair; a
certain insect pounded and hot pepper were among the remedies for
toothache, and great care of the teeth was recommended. Stammering in
children was supposed to be caused by too long suckling. Remedies for
a cold were nearly as numerous as in our day. Copper-filings were
applied to bubos, which may or may not have been syphilitic sores. For
looseness of the bowels in infants, the remedy was given not only to
the child but to the nurse. For a severe blow on the chest, urine in
which lizards had been boiled must be drunk. The necessity of
regulating the bowels to sustain health was well understood, and the
doctor usually effected his purpose by injecting a herbal decoction
from his mouth through the leg-bone of a heron. Purgatives in common
use were jalap, pine-cones, _tacuache_, _amamaxtla_, and other roots;
diuretics, _axixpatli_ and _axixtlacotl_; emetics, _mexochitl_ and
_neixcotlapatli_. _Izticpatli_, and _chatalhuic_, are mentioned among
the remedies for fevers. Balsams were obtained from the _huitziloxitl_
by distillation, from the _huaconex_ by soaking the bark in water, and
from the _maripenda_, by boiling the fruit and tender stones. Oils
were made from _tlapatl_, _chile_, _chian_, _ocotl_ (a kind of pine),
and the India-rubber tree. _Octli_, or wine, was often prescribed to
strengthen the system, and was also mixed with other medicines to
render them more palatable, for which latter purpose cacao was also
much used.

Several stones possessed medicinal properties: the _aztetl_, held in
the hand or applied to the neck, stopped bleeding at the nose; the
_xiuhtomoltetl_, taken in the form of a powder, cured heartburn and
internal heat. This latter stone fell from the clouds in stormy
weather, sunk into the earth, and grew continually larger and larger,
a solitary tuft of grass alone indicating to the collector its
whereabouts. The bones of giants dug up at the foot of the mountains,
were collected by their dwarfish successors, ground to powder, mixed
with cacao, and drunk as a cure for diarrhea and dysentery. Persons
suffering from fever, or wishing to allay carnal desires, ate jaguar's
flesh; while the skin, bones, and excrement of the same animal, burnt,
powdered, and mixed with resin, formed an antidote for insanity.
Certain horny-skinned worms, similarly powdered and mixed, were a
specific for the gout, decayed teeth, and divers other ailments.

[Sidenote: SUPERSTITIOUS CURATIVE RITES.]

Surgery was no less advanced than other branches of the healing art,
and Cortés himself had occasion to acknowledge the skill and speed
with which they cured wounds. Snake-bites, common enough among a
barefooted people, were cured by sucking and scarifying the wound,
covering it with a thin transparent pellicle from the maguey-plant.
Rubbing with snuff, together with heat, was another treatment, and the
_coanenepilli_ and _coapatli_ were also considered antidotes.
Fractures were treated with certain herbs and gums, different kinds
for different limbs, and bound up with splints; if the healing did not
progress satisfactorily the bone was scraped before the operation of
resetting. For painful operations of this nature it is possible that
narcotics were administered, for at certain of the sacrifices it is
related that the victims were sprinkled with _yauhtli_ powder to
render them less sensitive to pain. Mendieta states that a stupefying
drink was given on similar occasions; and Acosta mentions that
_oliliuhqui_ was taken by persons who desired to see visions. This
latter was a seed, which was also an ingredient of the _teopatli_, or
divine medicine, composed besides of India-rubber gum, ocotl-resin,
tobacco, and sacred water. This medicine could only be obtained from
the priests. Blood-letting was much in vogue for various ills, the
lancets used being iztli knives, porcupine-quills, or maguey-thorns.
Ulli-marked papers were burned by the recovered patient as a
thank-offering to the gods. Veterinary surgeons are mentioned by
Oviedo as having been employed in the zoölogical gardens of
Montezuma.[825]

The medicines, though prepared and applied by the doctors themselves,
were not deemed sufficient for the patient; superstitious ceremonies
were held to be indispensable to effect a cure, and to enhance the
value of professional services. Evil beings and things had to be
exorcised, the gods must be invoked, especially the patron deity,
known chiefly by the name of Teteionan, who was esteemed the inventor
of many valuable specifics, as the ocotl-oil and others, and
confessions were extorted to ease the conscience and appease the
offended deity. The affected parts were rubbed and pressed amid
mutterings and strange gestures, and to work the more upon the
simple-minded patient, they pretended to extract a piece of coal,
bone, wood, or other object, the supposed cause of the ailment. A
favorite treatment in certain prostrating cases was to form a figure
of corn dough, which was laid upon a prickly maguey-leaf and placed in
the road, with the view of letting the first passer-by carry away the
disease--a charitable hope that seems to have afforded much relief to
the afflicted. However absurd this jugglery may appear, it no doubt
gave a powerful stimulus to the imagination, which must have aided the
working of the medicine. In critical cases, chance was often consulted
as to the fate of the sufferer. A handful of the largest grains or
beans were thrown on the ground, and if any happened to fall upright
it was regarded as a sure sign that the patient would die, and he
received little or no attention after that; otherwise prescriptions
and encouraging words were not spared. Sometimes a number of cord
rings were thrown in the same manner, and if they fell in a heap,
death was expected to result; but if any fell apart, a change for the
better was looked for. To encounter a snake or lizard was held to be a
sign of death for the person himself or for his sick friend. Although
no curative process, probably, in the case of a serious illness was
altogether free from superstitious rites, yet it is surprising that
these played so unimportant a rôle. Among a people so addicted on
every occasion to complicated ceremonies, the most complicated might
naturally be sought in their efforts to combat disease; but it is just
here that the least reliance seems to have been placed in supernatural
agencies.[826]

[Sidenote: FUNERAL RITES OF KINGS.]

The Aztecs were very particular about the disposal of their dead, and
conducted funeral rites with the pomp that attended all their
ceremonials. The obsequies of kings were especially imposing, and
their description, embracing as it does nearly all the ceremonies used
on such occasions by these nations, will present the most complete
view of the proceedings.

[Sidenote: PREPARATION FOR FUTURE EXISTENCE.]

When the serious condition of the monarch became apparent, a veil[827]
was thrown over the face of the patron god, to be removed on his
death, and notice was sent to all the friendly princes, the grandees
and nobles of the empire, to attend the obsequies; those who were
unable to attend in person sent representatives to deliver their
condolence and presents. As soon as the king had breathed his last,
certain masters of ceremonies, generally old men whose business it was
to attend on these occasions, and who were doubtless connected with
the priesthood,[828] were summoned to prepare the body for the
funeral. The corpse was washed with aromatic water, extracted chiefly
from trefoil,[829] and occasionally a process of embalming was
resorted to. The bowels were taken out and replaced by aromatic
substances, but the method does not seem to have been very complete,
and may only have been intended to serve while the body lay in state,
for no remains of embalmed mummies have been found. The art was an
ancient one, however, dating from the Toltecs as usual, yet generally
known and practiced throughout the whole country. A curious mode of
preserving bodies was used by the lord of Chalco who captured two
Tezcucan princes, and, in order that he might feast his eyes upon
their hated forms, had them dried and placed as light-holders in his
ball-room.[830] When the invited guests had arrived the body was
dressed in many mantles, often to the number of fifteen or twenty,
such as the king had worn on the most solemn occasions, and
consequently richly embroidered and glittering with jewels.[831] While
some were shrouding the body, others cut papers of different colors
into strips of various forms, and adorned the corpse therewith. Water
was then poured upon its head with these words: "This is the water
which thou usedst in this world;"[832] and a jug of water was placed
among the shrouds, the priest saying: "This is the water wherewith
thou art to perform the journey." More papers were now delivered to
the deceased in bunches, the priest explaining the import of each, as
he placed it with the body. On delivering the first bunch he said:
"With these thou art to pass between two mountains that confront each
other." The second bunch, he was told, would pass him safely over a
road guarded by a large snake; the third would conduct him by a place
held by an alligator, _xochitonal_; the fourth would protect and aid
him in traversing the 'eight deserts;' other papers would facilitate
the passage of the 'eight hills,' and still others afford protection
against the cutting winds termed _itzehecayan_, which were so strong
as to tear out rocks and cut like very razors; here the
wearing-apparel buried with him would also be of great service. A
little red dog was thereupon slain by thrusting an arrow down its
throat, and the body placed by the side of the deceased, with a cotton
string about its neck. The dog was to perform the part of Charon, and
carry the king on his back across the deep stream called
Chicunahuapan, 'nine waters,'[833] a name which points to the nine
heavens of the Mexicans.

It will thus be seen that the dead had a difficult road to travel
before reaching their future abode, which was on the fifth day after
the burial, and that they needed the articles of comfort and
necessity, as food, dresses, and slaves, which affectionate friends
provided for their use. The ideas entertained by the Nahuas respecting
a future life belong to another department of my work, and will only
be alluded to incidentally in this chapter. After the defunct had
received his passports, he was covered with a mantle like that of the
god which his condition and mode of death rendered appropriate, and
decorated with its image. As most kings were warriors, he would be
dressed in a mantle of Huitzilopochtli, and would, in addition, wear
the mantle of his favorite god.[834] A lock of hair was cut off and
placed, with one that had been cut at his birth, as well as small
idols, in a casket painted inside and out with the images of the
patron deity. The casket used for this purpose in the case of some of
the Chichimec kings is described to have been of emerald or other fine
stone, three feet square, and covered by a gold lid set with precious
stones. A mask either painted, or of gold, or of turquoise mosaic was
placed over the face,[835] and a chalchiuite, which was to serve for a
heart, between the lips. According to Tezozomoc and Duran a statue was
placed with the king, dressed in royal insignia by the hands of
princes. The chiefs of the senate redressed it in other robes after
painting it blue. It was then honored with addresses and presents, and
again undressed, painted black, and arrayed in a robe of Quetzalcoatl;
a garland of heron-feathers was placed upon its head, bracelets and
jewelry about its body, a small gilded shield by its side, and a stick
in the hand. This figure shared the honors given to the body and was
burned with it.[836]

[Sidenote: ROYAL OBSEQUIES.]

The arrayed corpse was either laid upon a litter covered with rich
cloths, or seated upon a throne, and watched over by a guard of honor,
while princes and courtiers came to pay their last respects.[837] They
approached with great manifestations of grief, weeping, lamenting,
clapping their hands, bending the body or exhibiting neglect of
person, and addressed the defunct, referring to his present
happiness, the loss his departure had caused, his goodness and
bravery, and begged his acceptance of the presents they had brought.
This performance was enacted by all, those of higher rank taking
precedence and leaving offerings of ten slaves, a hundred robes, and
other things, while others brought gifts of less value. Then came the
women, and while they were leaving their presents of food, the aged
courtiers intoned the funeral chant, the _miccacuicatl_. Addresses of
condolence were also made to the royal family or the senate. The human
sacrifices were inaugurated at this time by the immolation of the
sacerdotal slave under whose charge the household idols stood.[838] On
the fifth day, before daybreak, a grand procession formed for the
temple, preceded by an enormous paper banner, four fathoms in length,
and richly adorned with feathers, on which the deeds of the defunct
were doubtless inscribed, and attended by priests who wafted incense
and chanted his glory, though in mournful strains, and without
instrumental accompaniment.[839] The corpse was borne upon the state
litter by the most trusted of the noble servitors, while at the sides
walked the chief lords and princes dressed in mourning, their attire
consisting of long, square mantles of dark color, trailing on the
ground, without any ornaments; some, however, were painted with
figures of skulls, bones, and skeletons. Behind them came the
ambassadors of absent princes, the grandees and nobles from all parts
of the country, each carrying some insignia, weapons, or jewels to be
offered on the pyre.[840] In the procession were also a large number
of slaves, all newly attired in the royal livery,[841] and carrying
clothes, implements, and other articles, according to the duties
assigned them. On reaching the courtyard of the temple, the priest who
directed the burning came to receive the procession, and conducted it
to the altar devoted to cremation, all chanting the while a moral
song, in which they reminded the mourners that as they were now
carrying a senseless body to its last resting-place, so would they be
carried; they also reminded them that good deeds alone would remain to
keep their remembrance green, and pictured the glories in store for
the deserving. These priests were called _coacuiles_, and their office
was held to be of such importance that they prepared for it by fasting
and confession. They appeared in the same idol dress as the dead king,
though with more elaborate ornaments. We find them on one occasion as
demons with faces at different parts of their dress, set with eyes of
mirrors and gaping mouths; and at another time with blackened or dyed
bodies and paper maxtlis, swinging the yellow sticks used to stir the
ashes. According to Ixtlilxochitl, the high-priest of Cihuacoatl, who
was supposed to gather the dead, came out to receive the
procession.[842]

[Sidenote: CREMATION AND INTERMENT.]

The opinions as to the introduction of cremation are extremely varied,
but it seems to have been practiced in very ancient times by the
migrating tribes, who took this means to secure the remains of honored
chiefs from desecration; their ashes could thus be carried along and
serve as talismanic relics. Ixtlilxochitl gives an instance of this in
the case of a Chichimec king who died in battle and whose body was
burned, so that the ashes might be carried home with convenience and
safety. Brasseur de Bourbourg also holds that cremation was an ancient
Toltec custom, but the first recorded case is that of the last Toltec
king, Topiltzin.[843] Others assert that the Toltecs who remained in
the country after the destruction of their empire adhered to
interment, as did the early Chichimecs. Veytia affirms that
Ixtlilxochitl or Tezozomoc was the first to be deposited according to
the forms instituted by Topiltzin and used by the Mexicans, namely,
burning; Torquemada distinctly states that the Chichimecs used
cremation, and Clavigero agrees with him.[844] Veytia also thinks that
the first Aztec kings were buried, but this is contrary to all other
reliable accounts. The custom may not have been very general, for
Sahagun states that during Itzcoatl's reign it was resolved by the
chiefs that all should be burned, indicating at the same time that
cremation was then already in use. The later established usage was to
burn all except those who died a violent death, or of incurable
diseases, and those under seventeen years of age, who were all
interred. The Tlascaltecs and Tarascos practiced burning like the
Aztecs.[845]

The altar devoted to the burning was doubtless one attached to the
temple consecrated to the deity to whose abode the deceased was
supposed to go. Chaves describes it as three feet in height and the
same in width,[846] on which a heap of ocotl was piled. Upon this pyre
the body was laid in full array, together with the dog, and, as the
fire flared up, the mourners added insignia, jewels, weapons, food,
and other tributes. Two of the demon-like coacuiles stirred the fire
while others stood by chanting appropriate songs and sprinkling
blessed water and incense upon the remains, as well as upon the
mourners. Now began the sacrifice of those doomed to follow the
deceased to the other world and there administer to his wants and
pleasure. These were at first but few in number, but during the bloody
dominion of the Aztecs they increased to several hundred, as at the
funeral of Nezahualpilli, when two hundred males and one hundred
females were immolated; they consisted chiefly of slaves and deformed
beings from the royal retinue, and such as had been presented. Duran
says that all slaves and deformed persons belonging to the household
were killed, and Acosta goes so far as to state that the whole royal
household was dispatched, including the favorite brother of the king;
but this must be taken with a grain of allowance, for, at this rate,
the nobles, who crowded the service of the monarch, even in menial
positions, would soon have been exterminated. Some courtiers were, no
doubt, expected to prove the sincerity of their life-long adulations
by either offering themselves as victims, or submitting to a selection
made from their number. Sometimes a chief would signify his preference
for those among his concubines whom he wished to have with him, a mark
of favor often received with great joy, for they would thus be sure of
entering into the supreme heaven, where the warlike lords usually
went, while they might otherwise be doomed to dark Mictlan.
Self-immolation of wives was, accordingly, not uncommon, although not
prescribed by law as in India. Brasseur says that captives were
sacrificed, but Duran states that they were not offered except to the
gods. Persons born during the last five days of the year--the unlucky
days--were, however, reserved for royal obsequies.[847]

[Sidenote: DISPOSITION OF THE REMAINS.]

This array of victims was harangued by a relative of the deceased, who
dilated on the happiness before them in being allowed to join their
master, and admonished them to serve him as faithfully in the next
world as they had done here. They were then consigned to the priests,
who laid them upon a teponaztli,[848] cut open the breast and tore out
the heart, which was thrown upon the pyre, while the bodies were cast
upon another blazing hearth near by.[849] Gomara and others state that
the bodies were interred, but as the dog and the property were burned,
it is not likely that the more important and useful human servants
were buried.[850]

When the body had been thoroughly burned, the fire was quenched, the
blood collected from the victims being used for this purpose,
according to Duran, and the ashes, sprinkled with holy water, were
placed with the charred bones, stones, and melted jewelry in the urn,
or casket, which contained also the hair of the deceased. On the top
of this was placed a statue of wood or stone, attired in the royal
habiliments, and bearing the mask and insignia, and the casket was
deposited at the feet of the patron deity, in the chapel.[851] On the
return of the procession a grand banquet was given to the guests,
ending, as usual, with a presentation of gifts. For four days the
mourners paid constant visits to the shrine to manifest their sorrow
and to present the offerings of food, clothes, or jewels, termed
_quitonaltia_, 'to give good luck.' These were either placed by the
urn or upon the altar of the god, and removed by the priests, who ate
the food and sent the valuables to the temple treasury. These
ceremonies closed with the sacrifice of ten to fifteen slaves, and
then the casket was deposited in that part of the temple appointed for
its permanent reception.[852] Among the Chichimecs the royal casket
often remained forty days on view in the palace, whence it was carried
in procession to its final resting-place.[853]

[Sidenote: NAHUA SEPULCHRES.]

In cases of interment the deceased was deposited in the grave, seated
on a throne in full array, facing the north,[854] with his property
and victims around him. In early times, when the practice of interment
was more general, the victims were few, if not dispensed with
entirely, and consisted usually of two favorite concubines, placed one
on each side of their master, who, it is said, were entombed alive,
though it is more probable that they were stupefied by narcotic
drinks, or clubbed, as in Michoacan. This practice of burying alive is
ascribed to the Toltecs.[855] The graves were usually large
subterranean vaults of stone and lime, situated in the temple court,
palace, or some favorite spot near the city, as Chapultepec. It is
related that the temple pyramid in Mexico was the superstructure of
royal graves, the remains being deposited on the summit, and the
successor to the crown erecting upon this another platform. On
destroying the temple, the Spaniards found several vaults, one beneath
the other, with their valuable contents of jewelry.[856] The Toltecs
also buried their dead in and near the temples, and, according to some
authors, the mounds at Teotihuacan, to the number of several hundred,
which will be described in Vol. IV. of this work, are the graves of
Toltec chiefs.[857] The Chichimec kings were usually buried in round
holes, five to six feet deep, situated in caves beneath the palace or
in the mountains; in later times, however, they chose the
temples.[858]

Twenty days after the burial further offerings were made, together
with a sacrifice of from four to five slaves; on the fortieth day two
or three more died; on the sixtieth, one or two; while the final
immolation consisting of ten to twelve slaves took place at the end of
eighty days, and put an end to the mourning. Motolinia adds, however,
that testimonials of sorrow accompanied by offerings continued to be
made every eightieth day for the space of a year.[859]

[Sidenote: PLEBEIAN FUNERAL RITES.]

The obsequies of the subjects were, of course, on a scale of much less
grandeur, though the rich and nobles ventured to exhibit a certain
pomp. The common man, after having been washed in aromatic waters, was
dressed in his best garments; a cheap stone called the _tentetl_,
'mouth-stone,' was inserted between the lips; the passport papers for
the dark journey were handed to him with the usual address; and by his
side were placed the water, the dog, the insignia of his trade, as
arms, spade, or the like--spindle or broom in the case of a
woman--with the dresses and other things required for comfort. Lastly
the mantle of the god which his condition in life and manner of death
rendered appropriate, was placed upon him; thus, a warrior would wear
the mantle of Huitzilopochtli with the image of the war god upon it; a
merchant the mantle of Iyacatecutli; the artisan that of the patron
deity of his trade. A drunkard would, in addition, be covered with the
robe of the god of wine; a person who had died by drowning, with that
of the water gods; the man executed for adultery, with that of the god
of lasciviousness; and so on.[860] According to Zuazo, the corpse was
further decorated with feathers of various colors, and seated in a
chair to receive the expressions of sorrow and respect of friends, and
their humble offerings of flowers, food, or dresses. After a couple of
hours a second set of shrouders removed the garments, washed the body
again, re-dressed it in red mantles, with feathers of the same color,
and left it to be viewed for an hour or more, according to the number
of the visitors. A third time the body was washed, by a fresh corps of
attendants, and arrayed, this time, in black garments, with feathers
of the same sombre color. These suits were either given to the temple
or buried with the body.[861] Nobles had the large banner borne in
their procession, and seem to have been allowed the use of
sacrifices.[862] According to Chaves the common people were also
burned in their own premises or in the forest, a statement which
Acosta and others indirectly confirm by saying that they had no
regular burial-places, but their ashes were deposited in the yards of
their houses, in the temple courts, in the mountains, or in the field.
Upon the graves were placed flags, ornaments, and various offerings of
food during the four days of mourning. Visits of condolence with
attendant feasting extended over a period of several days,
however.[863] People who had died a violent death, by lightning or
other natural causes or of incurable diseases, such as leprosy,
tumors, itch, gout, or dropsy, were not burned but interred in special
graves. Branches or shoots of amaranth were placed upon their cheeks,
the brow was rubbed with _texutli_, certain papers were laid over the
brain, and in one hand was placed a wooden rod which was supposed to
become green and throw out branches in the other world. The bodies of
women who died in childbed were also buried; and the burial was
attended by great difficulty, since warriors and sorcerers fought
bravely to obtain possession of some part of her body, as has been
stated in a preceding chapter.[864]

A trader of the rank of pochteca, who died on a journey, was dressed
in the garb of his class, with eyes painted black, red circles round
the mouth, and with strips of paper all over his person. The body was
then deposited in a cacaxtli, or square basket, well secured by cords,
and carried to the top of a mountain, where it was fixed to a tree, or
pole driven into the ground, and left to wither. The spirit was
supposed to have entered the abode of the sun.[865] On the return of
the caravan the death was reported to the guild, who broke the news to
the family of the deceased. A puppet made of candlewood, and adorned
with the usual paper ornaments, was left at the temple for a day,
during which the friends mourned over it as if the body was actually
before them. At midnight the puppet was burned in the quauhxicalco and
the ashes buried in the usual manner. Funeral ceremonies were held for
four days, after which the relatives washed the faces, that had
remained untouched by water during the absence of the trader, and put
an end to the mourning. The practice of paying honors to the dead in
effigy was especially in vogue among the warrior class.[866]

[Sidenote: HONORS TO THE SLAIN IN BATTLE.]

Besides funeral honors to individuals, ceremonies for all those who
died in a battle or war were of frequent occurrence, as that ordered
by the first Montezuma in memory of the slain in the campaign against
Chalco. A procession of all the relatives and friends of the dead,
headed by the fathers bearing decorated arms and armor, and terminated
by the children, marched through the streets, dancing and chanting
mournful songs in honor of those who had fallen fighting for their
country and their gods, and for each other's mutual consolation.
Towards evening presents were distributed by the king's officials,
clothing to the common people, ornaments to the chiefs, and food to
all. An effigy was then prepared, the details of whose dress and
decoration are minutely described, and before it, placed in the
_cihuacalli_, war songs were chanted, instruments were played, women
danced and cried for four days; then the image was burned before the
temple, the ceremony being called _quitlepanquetzin_, 'burning the
dead of the last war.' Some of the ashes were scattered upon the
relatives, who fasted for eighty days, the remaining ashes being in
the meantime buried; but after the eighty days had passed they were
dug up and carried to the hill of Yahualiuhcan, on the boundaries of
Chalco, where they were left. Five days later a feast took place,
during which the garments of the dead warriors were burned, more
offerings were made, and as a final honor to the memory of the
departed all became intoxicated with pulque. Very distinguished
warriors were sometimes honored with the funeral rites of
royalty.[867]

The ceremonies during the period of mourning were not the last honors
paid to deceased friends. Every year during the four years that the
souls were supposed to live in a preparatory state in the
heavens,[868] offerings of choice viands, wine, flowers, and reeds of
perfume were placed before the casket or upon the grave; songs
extolling the merits of the departed were sung, accompanied by dances,
the whole closing with feasting and drinking. After this the dead were
left to oblivion.[869] These commemorations took place in the months
of Tlaxochimaco and Xocotlhuetzin. The former was termed 'the small
festival of the dead,' and seems to have been devoted to the common
people and children, but at the celebration in the latter month great
demonstrations were observed by all; and certain royal personages and
warriors who had died for their country were awarded divine honors,
their statues being placed among those of the gods, to whose presence
they had gone. While the priests were burning incense and making other
offerings to the dead, the people stood with blackened bodies on the
roofs of their houses, and, facing north, prayed to their dead
relatives, calling on them to visit their former homes.[870]

In the month of Quecholli another celebration took place, which seems
to have been chiefly intended for warriors who had perished in battle.
On the fifth day certain small arrows from five to nine inches in
length, and torches, were tied in bundles of four each and placed upon
the graves, together with a pair of sweet tamales. At sunset the
bundles were set on fire, and the ashes interred with the dead. The
shield of the dead, with arrow, mantle, and maxtli attached, was
afterwards fastened to a stalk of maize of nine joints, mounted by two
paper flags, one of which reached the length of the stalk. On the
small flag was a cross, worked in red thread, and on the other an
ornamentation of red and white thread, from the white part of which a
dead humming-bird was suspended. Bunches of white _aztatl_ feathers,
tied in pairs, were also attached to the stalk by a thread covered
with white hen-feathers. This was burned at the quauhxicalco.[871]

[Sidenote: FUNERAL RITES OF THE TARASCOS.]

Among the peoples whose funeral ceremonies differ from those
described, may be mentioned the Teo-Chichimecs, who interred their
dead, and danced and sang for several days after.[872] In Tabasco
interment seems also to have prevailed, for Grijalva found a grave in
the sand, containing a boy and a girl wrapped in cotton cloth and
adorned with jewelry.[873] In Goazacoalco it was the custom to place
the bones in a basket, as soon as the flesh was gone, and hang them up
in a tree, so that the spirit of the defunct might have no trouble in
finding them.[874]

[Sidenote: CREMATION OF THE TARASCAN KINGS.]

In Michoacan the funeral rites were of a very exacting character. When
the king lay on his death-bed it was incumbent on all vassals and
courtiers to attend at the palace, and those who stayed away were
severely punished. While awaiting the final breath they were royally
entertained, but none could enter the death-chamber. When the corpse
was ready for shrouding, the lords entered to dress it in festive
robes, each attending to a particular part of the attire; the emerald
brooch was put between the lips, and the body was laid upon a litter
covered with cloths of different colors. On one side of the body were
placed a bow and quiver, on the other was a doll made up of fine
mantles and dressed exactly like the king.[875] While the courtiers
were giving vent to lamentations and tendering their respects, the new
king proceeded to select those among the servitors, who, according to
the inviolable law of the country, were doomed to follow the dead
prince. Seven of these were noble women, to whom various duties were
assigned; one was appointed to carry the precious lip-ornament,
another to keep the rest of the jewels, a third to be cup-bearer, and
the others to attend at table and to cook. Among the male victims, who
seem to have been slaves for the most part, every trade and profession
was represented,[876] as valets, hair-dressers, perfumers,
fan-holders, chair-bearers, wood-cutters, boatmen, sweepers,
doorkeepers, and artisans; also clowns, and some of the physicians who
had failed to save the life of the monarch. Occasionally some
enthusiast would offer to join his beloved master of his own accord,
but this seems to have been prohibited; besides, the new king had,
doubtless, selected all that were obnoxious to him, and could not
afford to lose good servants. At midnight the litter was carried on
the shoulders of the chief men to the temple, followed by vassals,
warriors, and courtiers, some blowing trumpets, others chanting the
glories of the dead. In the van of the procession were the victims,
who had been bathed in aromatic waters and adorned with garlands
stripped of their leaves and branches, and with yellow streaks over
the face, who marched in files, sounding whistles, rattling bones,
and beating tortoise-shell drums. Torch-bearers attended the party,
and ahead went a number of men who swept the road, singing at the same
time: "Lord, here thou hast to pass, see that thou dost not miss the
road!"[877] Four turns were made round the pyre before depositing the
corpse upon it. While the flames shot up, and the funeral chants fell
from the lips of the mourners, the victims were stupefied with drinks
and clubbed; the bodies were thrown into holes behind the temple, by
threes or fours, together with the ornaments and other belongings of
the deceased. The ashes and valuables were gathered from the smoking
pyre, and made into a figure, which was dressed in royal habiliments,
with a mask for its face, a golden shield on its back, bows and arrows
by its side; this was set upon a throne facing the east, the whole
being placed in a large urn, which was deposited upon a bed of golden
shields and silver articles in a grave with stone walls, lined with
mats, about twelve feet square, and equally deep, situated at the foot
of the temple. The urn was covered with a number of valuable mantles,
and around it were placed various implements, food, drink, and boxes
filled with feather-work and ornaments; the grave was finally bridged
with varnished beams and boards, and covered with a coating of earth
and clay. After the funeral, all who had taken an active part in the
ceremonies went to bathe, in order to prevent any injury to their
health,[878] and then assembled at the palace to partake of a
sumptuous repast. At the close of the banquet a cotton cloth was given
to each guest wherewith to wipe his face, but all remained seated for
five days with lowered heads, without uttering a word, except the
grandees, who went in turn by night to watch and mourn at the grave.
During this period the mourning was general, no corn was ground, no
fires lighted, no business transacted; the streets were deserted, and
all remained at home, mourning and fasting. The obsequies of the
people bore a general resemblance to the above, the ceremonies being
regulated by the rank and means of the deceased. The graves were
usually situated in the fields or on the slope of a hill.[879]

[Sidenote: SEPULCHRES IN OAJACA.]

Among the Miztecs, in Oajaca, where cremation does not seem to have
obtained, compliments and addresses were presented to the corpse of a
chief, just as if he were alive. A slave arrayed in the same splendid
garments worn by his master, with mask, mitre, and other insignia, was
placed before it; and while the funeral procession accompanied the
body to burial, he represented the chief, and received the honors paid
to royalty. At midnight four priests carried the body to the forest,
where it was placed, in the presence of the mourners, in a cave, with
the feet to the east, and surrounded with various weapons and
implements. Two male and three female slaves, who had in the meantime
been made drunk and strangled, were also placed in the grave, together
with idols to serve as guides. Burgoa was told by the natives that
devoted servants used to follow their lord alive into the grave. On
the return of the funeral cortège, the slave who represented the
deceased was sacrificed and deposited in a hole, which was left
unclosed. The cave selected for the grave of the chief was supposed to
be the gate to paradise. Burgoa found two of these resting-places. One
was situated in a hill and lighted by loopholes from above. Along the
sides were stone benches, like troughs, upon which lay the bejeweled
skeletons, and here and there were niches occupied by idols. Another
was a stone vault, with plastered walls, arranged like the former; a
stone block closed the entrance.[880] Some authors state that when the
flesh was consumed, the bones were taken out and placed in graves in
the houses or in the temples; this may, however, only have applied to
certain chiefs, for Burgoa found skeletons, as we have seen, in the
caves which he explored. Every year, on the anniversary of the birth
of the last defunct lord, not on that of his death, great ceremonies
were held in his honor.[881] Like the Aztecs, they believed that the
soul wandered about for a number of years before entering into perfect
bliss, and visited its friends on earth once a year.[882] On the eve
of that day the house was prepared as if for a festive occasion, a
quantity of choice food was spread upon the table, and the inmates
went out with torches in their hands, bidding the spirits enter. They
then returned and squatted down round the table with crossed hands and
eyes lowered to the ground, for it was thought that the spirits would
be offended if they were gazed upon. In this position they remained
till morning, praying their unseen visitors to intercede with the gods
in their favor, and then arose, rejoiced at having observed due
respect for the departed. The food, which the spirits were supposed to
have rendered sacred by inhaling its virtue, was distributed among the
poor, or deposited in some out-of-the-way place. During the day
further ceremonies, accompanied by offerings, were made at the
temples, and a table was spread for the priests.[883]

[Sidenote: PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES.]

The Nahuas were physically a fine race. They are described by all the
old writers as being tall,[884] well-formed, and of an olive or light
copper color; as having thick, black, coarse, though soft and glossy
hair, regular teeth, low, narrow, retreating foreheads,[885] black
eyes, scant beards,[886] and very little hair on their bodies. Their
senses were very acute, especially that of sight, which they enjoyed
unimpaired to the most advanced age.[887] Their bodies they kept in
training by constant exercise. They were wonderful runners and
leapers, and, as we have seen, some of their athletic and acrobatic
feats were looked upon by the conquerors as nothing short of the work
of the devil. It was no unusual thing to meet with people who from
their color could scarcely be distinguished from Europeans. The people
of Michoacan enjoy the reputation of having been the tallest and
handsomest among the Nahuas.[888] The women of Jalisco found great
favor in the eyes of the reverend Father Torquemada. He was shown one
there, he says, who might be considered a miracle of beauty; indeed,
so fair was her skin, so well-proportioned her body, and so regular
her features, that the most skillful portrait-painter would have been
put to it to do her justice.[889] Deformed people were very uncommon;
indeed, as we have seen, their rarity made them valuable as objects of
curiosity, and kings and princes kept collections of them.[890]

[Sidenote: CHARACTER OF THE NAHUAS.]

The character of the Nahuas, although the statements of the best
authors are nearly unanimous concerning it, is in itself strangely
contradictory. We are told that they were extremely frugal in their
habits, that wealth had no attractions for them, yet we find them
trafficking in the most shrewd and careful manner, delighting in
splendid pageants, gorgeous dresses, and rich armor, and wasting their
substance in costly feasts; they were tender and kind to their
children, and solicitous for their welfare, yet the punishments they
inflicted upon their offspring were cruel in the extreme;[891] they
were mild with their slaves, and ferocious with their captives; they
were a joyous race, fond of feasting, dancing, jesting, and innocent
amusements, yet they delighted in human sacrifices, and were
cannibals; they possessed a well-advanced civilization, yet every
action of their lives was influenced by gross superstition, by a
religion inconceivably dark and bloody, and utterly without one
redeeming feature; they were brave warriors, and terrible in war, yet
servile and submissive to their superiors; they had a strong
imagination and, in some instances, good taste, yet they represented
their gods as monsters, and their religious myths and historical
legends are absurd, disgusting, and puerile.

That the Nahuas were a most ingenious people is abundantly proven by
their work as well as by the statements of those who knew them. It has
been said that they were not inventive, but this Clavigero
indignantly denies.[892] It is certain that their power of imitation
was very great,[893] and that they were very quick to learn the new
arts introduced among them by the Spaniards.[894] They were generous
and remarkably free from avarice.[895] They are said to have been very
temperate in their habits,[896] but judging from the vast number of
dishes served up at the tables of the rich, and the stringent laws
which were necessary to prevent drunkenness, this appears doubtful.
Although terrible to their enemies, and naturally warlike, they were
peaceable among themselves, and seldom quarreled. Las Casas says that
when a difficulty arose between two of them, the disputants did not
come at once to blows, but contented themselves with such personal
abuse as: "Go to, thou hast bad eyes; thou art toothless;" or they
threw handfuls of dirt in each other's faces and then separated and
washed themselves. On rare occasions they pushed and elbowed each
other, or even had a scuffle, in which hair was pulled out, clothes
were torn, and bloody noses received, but deadly weapons were never
used, nor even worn except by soldiers on duty. The same writer
relates that two women were put to death by order of the king of
Tezcuco for fighting in the public market-place, a scandalous outrage
upon public decency, the like of which had never been heard of before.
He says, further, that when two young men became enamored of the same
woman, or when one carried off the other's mistress, the rivals were
allowed to fight a duel for the possession of the woman. The combat
did not take place, however, until the army went forth to war, when
upon the first engagement they sought out each other, and fought with
their weapons until one was vanquished.[897] They seem to have been
very strict and jealous in all matters relating to their women.[898]

The Tlascaltecs were great lovers of liberty, and were always ready to
fight for it; they were, besides, quick to take offence, otherwise
they are said to have been of a peaceable, domestic disposition,
content to stay at home and listen to or tell stories in their own
families, an amusement of which they were very fond. They are further
described as truthful, just, frugal, and industrious.[899]

The Cholultecs, so celebrated for their pottery, are reported to have
been very peaceful, industrious, and shrewd traders, yet brave withal,
and capable of defending their rights.[900] The Zapotecs were a fierce
people, always at war with their neighbors.[901] The Miztecs are said
by Herrera to have been the bravest people in all New Spain; the same
writer asserts that they were lazy and improvident, while Espinosa
speaks of them as an industrious race.[902] The natives of Vera Cruz
are spoken of as affable and shrewd.[903] The people of Jalisco were
witty and slothful, yet they willingly carried burdens for the
Spaniards, Herrera tells us.[904] The Tarascos were exceedingly
valorous, great liars, and industrious.[905]

FOOTNOTES:

[808] _Hernandez_, _Nova Plantarum_, etc. The MSS., comprising 24
books of text and 11 books of plates, were sent to the Escurial in
Spain, and from them abridged editions were published in Mexico, 1615,
and Rome, 1651. The latter edition is the one in my collection.
Sahagun also devotes considerable space to a description of herbs and
their properties. _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., xi.

[809] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 157;
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xi.; _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 623-4.

[810] 'É da maravigliare, che i Messicani, e massimamente i poveri,
non fossero a molte malattie sottoposti atteso la qualità de' loro
alimenta.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 217;
_Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 88.

[811] 'Las principales enfermedades que corrian entre esta gente, eran
de abundancia de colera, y flema, o otros malos humores, causados de
mala comida, y falta de abrigo.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii.,
lib. x., cap. xxi.

[812] _Tezozomoc_, _Crón. Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., p. 64; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p.
365.

[813] 'Hacia malparir las Mugeres, de antojo de comer de aquello que
asaban ... daban camazas á los Viejos de deseo de comer de aquello; y
á las Mugeres se los hinchaban los brazos, las manos, y las piernas,
que adolecian mucho, y morian con aquel deseo.' _Duran_, _Hist.
Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. x. Torquemada qualifies this by 'Esto
dicho, pase por cuento.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 93; _Tezozomoc_,
_Crón. Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 21-2, 64.

[814] _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p.
250.

[815] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,
tom. i., p. 15; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 148.

[816] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 117-19,
tom. iv., pp. 303-28; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. x., cap.
xxi.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 148; _Pauw_, _Rech. Phil._, tom.
i., pp. 46-9; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 99-101;
_Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., pp. 434-5; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom.
i., pp. 66-71; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, p. 53; _Brasseur
de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 182; _Id._, in
_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1858, tom. clx., p. 280; _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vii., p. 246.

[817] 'Both men, women, and children, had great knowledge in herbs....
They did spend little among Physicians.' _Gage's New Survey_, p. 111.
'Casi todos sus males curan con yeruas.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol.
117. 'No se guardauan de males contagiosos, y enfermedades, y
bestialmente se dexavan morir.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii.,
lib. vi., cap. xvi.

[818] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 119. 'Si algun
médico entre ellos (Tlascaltecs) fácilmente se puede haber, sin mucho
ruido ni costa, van lo á ver, y si no, mas paciencia tienen que Job.'
_Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom.
i., p. 76.

[819] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 214-16,
with cuts, copied in _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp.
671-3; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. xi., pp. 286-7.

[820] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix.

[821] 'En las Ciudades principales ... habia hospitales dotadas de
rentas y vasallos donde se resabian y curaban los enfermos pobres.'
_Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxli. 'De cuando en cuando
van por toda la provincia á buscar los enfermos.' _Motolinia_, _Hist.
Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 131;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 165; _Carbajal_,
_Discurso_, pp. 37-8.

[822] _Bustamante_, in _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. xi.,
p. 282.

[823] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 185; _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant.
del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 211-12, 216-17; _Motolinia_, _Hist.
Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 131.

[824] 'Hay calle de herbolarios donde hay todas las raíces y yerbas
medicinales que en la tierra se hallan. Hay casas como de boticarios
donde se venden las medicinas hechas, así potables como ungüentos
emplastos.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 104. They 'possédaient des livres
dans lesquels étaient consignées minutieusement toutes leurs
observations relatives aux sciences naturelles.' _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 637-8. See also
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 116; _Oviedo_, _Hist.
Gen._, tom. iii., p. 300; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 117; _Relatione
fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309. 'Tenian siete, o ocho maneras de
rayzes de yeruas y flores: de yeruas y arboles, que eran las que mas
comunmente vsauan para curarse.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii.,
lib. x., cap. xxi.

[825] Acosta adds that the ashes of divers poisonous insects were
mixed with the teopatli composition, which benumbed the part to which
it was applied. 'Aplicado por via de emplasto amortigua las carnes
esto solo por si, quanto mas con tanto genero de ponçoñas, y como les
amortiguaua el dolor, pareciales efecto de sanidad, y de virtud
diuina.' _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 370-1. For details of medical
practice see _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 85-105,
109, tom. xi., pp. 212, 236-86, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 214-15; _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxli., ccxiii.; _Mendieta_,
_Hist. Ecles._, pp. 100, 139; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii.,
pp. 274, 550, 558; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Ind._, tom. iii., p. 306; _Peter
Martyr_, dec. v., tom. ii-iii.; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii.,
lib. x., cap. xxi., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., dec. iv., lib.
ix., cap. viii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp.
77, 212-16; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p.
189, tom. iii., pp. 638-40, tom. iv., p. 355.

[826] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxli.; _Id._, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 234. 'Lanzábanlos (unos
cordeles como llavero) en el suelo, y si quedaban revueltos, decian
que era señal de muerte. Y si alguno ó algunos salian extendidos,
teníanlo por señal de vida, diciendo: que ya comenzaba el enfermo á
extender los piés y las manos.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 110;
_Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom.
i., pp. 130-1; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 491-2;
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii.; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 216-17. Other authorities on
medicine are: _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1133; _Gage's New
Survey_, p. 111; _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 247; _Prescott's Mex._,
vol. i., p. 48, vol. ii., pp. 119-20, 137, 434-5; _Carbajal Espinosa_,
_Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 668-74; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i.,
pp. 132-4; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 90-1;
_Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, p. 16; _Baril_, _Mexique_, p.
208; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 51. I further have
in my possession a very rare and curious medical work by Dr Monardes,
treating of the various medicinal plants, etc., found in Mexico and
Central America, printed in Seville in 1574.

[827] 'Ponen mascaras a Tezcatlipuca, o Vitzilopuchtli, o a otro
idolo.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 309. As the idols wore masks, it
is more likely that a veil was thrown over the face, than that another
mask should have been put on. 'Suivant une coutume antique attribuée à
Topiltzin-Acxitl, dernier roi de Tollan, on mettait un masque au
visage des principales idoles, et l'on couvrait les autres d'une
voile.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 572.
'Mettevan una maschera all' Idolo di Huitzilopochtli, ed un'altra
aquello di Tezcatlipoca.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom.
ii., p. 95.

[828] 'Ciertas mujeres y hombres que están salariados de público.'
_Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 364.
Brasseur de Bourbourg thinks that they were only employed by the
common people. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 569. Tezozomoc states
that princes dressed the body. _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 142.

[829] Zuazo says that the corpse was held on the knees of one of the
male or female shrouders, while others washed it. _Carta_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 364.

[830] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 151, 87; _Vetancvrt_,
_Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 16; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. i., p. 145, tom. ii., p. 99; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii.,
lib. iii., cap. xiv.

[831] The chapter on dress furnishes all the information respecting
the royal wardrobe. It is not unlikely that princes assisted in robing
the king, for such was the custom in Michoacan, and that the mantles
brought by them were used for shrouding, but authors are not very
explicit on this point.

[832] Brasseur de Bourbourg uses the expression 'C'est cette eau que
tu as reçue en venant au monde.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 569.

[833] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 527; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 94. Gomara says the dog served
as guide: 'vn perro que lo guiasse adonde auia de yr.' _Conq. Mex._,
fol. 309.

[834] 'Le ponian los vestidos del Dios, que tenia por mas Principal en
su Pueblo, en cuia Casa, ò Templo, ò Patio se havia de enterrar.'
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 521; _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 93-5. Duran mentions an instance
where a king was dressed in the mantles of four different gods. _Hist.
Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 309.

[835] 'Sobre la mortaja le ponian vna mascara pintada.' _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 521. Perhaps he confounds the idol image
on the robe with the mask, for it is unlikely that the mask should be
placed upon the shroud. 'Visage découvert.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._,
in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 201. Speaking
of the obsequies of Tezozomoc of Azcapuzalco, Ixtlilxochitl says that
a turquoise mask was put over his face, 'conforme lo fisonomía de su
rostro. Esto no se usaba sino con los monarcas de esta tierra; á los
demas reyes les ponian una máscara de oro.' _Relaciones_, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 370. Veytia states that it
was a gold mask 'garnecida de turquezas.' _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom.
iii., p. 5. The hair, says Gomara, 'quedaua la memoria de su anima.'
_Conq. Mex._, fol. 309.

[836] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., pp. 90, 98-9; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap.
xxxix. 'On plaçait sur le lit de parade la statue que l'on faisait
toujours à l'image du roi.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. iii., p. 572. The only statue referred to by other authors
is that made of the ashes after the cremation.

[837] Some of the early Chichimec kings lay five days in state, and
Tlaltecatzin, forty days, his body being buried on the eightieth day.
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 61, 72, 87.

[838] Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 321, among others, calls this
slave a priest.

[839] Although Acosta says, 'tañendo tristes flautas y atambores.'
_Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 322; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib.
ii., cap. xviii. 'On faisait deux grandes bannières de papier blanc.'
_Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v.,
p. 309.

[840] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., p. 370; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 6-7.
Duran states that kings bore the corpse and that the mourners were
dressed as water-goddesses. _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix.,
xl., tom. ii., cap. li. Acosta says that the arms and insignia were
carried before the body by knights. _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 321.

[841] Tezozomoc, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., pp. 90, 142, states that they were dressed in royal insignia and
jewels, which is not very likely; a number of them, however, were
loaded with the royal wardrobe, which fact may have given rise to this
statement.

[842] _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 370;
_Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Id._,
vol. v., pp. 200-1; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 322; _Duran_,
_Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xl. 'Salia el gran Sacerdote, con
los otros Ministros, à recibirlo.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom.
ii., p. 521.

[843] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., pp. 332, 325, 327, 388.

[844] 'El (the mode) que estos Chichimecas vsaron, fue quemarlos.'
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 60, 72, 87; _Ixtlilxochitl_,
_Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 369, 388;
_Id._, _Hist. Chich._, pp. 214, 223, 261-2. Veytia, who introduces
some arguments on this point, thinks that Tezozomoc introduced
burning, yet he describes ceremonial cremations in the case of several
kings before him. _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 3-4, tom. ii., p.
113; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 140, tom.
ii., pp. 97-8.

[845] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843,
tom. xcviii., pp. 165, 202. 'La gente menuda comunmente se enterraua.'
_Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 308; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice
Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p.
200; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 528; _Veytia_, _Hist.
Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 4; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. iii., p. 129. 'Sabia por las pinturas, que se quemaron en
tiempo del señor de México que se decia _Itzcóatl_, en cuya época los
señores, y los principales que habia entónces, acordaron y mandaron
que se quemasen todas, para que no viniesen á manos del vulgo.'
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 140-1.

[846] _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p.
309.

[847] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., pp. 379, 388; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap.
xxxix., xl.; _Bologne_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom.
x., pp. 213-14; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., p. 432;
_Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.
xcviii., p. 202; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.
iii., p. 573; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 8-9.

[848] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., p. 90; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix.,
tom. ii., cap. li.

[849] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 521; _Acosta_, _Hist.
de las Ynd._, p. 321. Camargo indicates that the bodies were thrown
upon the same pyre together with the presents. _Hist. Tlax._, in
_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 202. 'Sacándoles
los corazones, y la sangre de ellos en una batea ó gran xícara, con la
cual rociavan á Huitzilopochtli, á quien le presentaron los corazones
de todos los muertos.' _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 90.

[850] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 309; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_,
in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 370; _Tezozomoc_, ubi
sup.

[851] 'La colocaron en el mismo lugar en que ardió la pira.' _Veytia_,
_Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 9. This author says that the
mouth-stone of the deceased together with the mask, robes, and
ornaments were taken off before the body was placed upon the pyre;
this could only have been for the purpose of dressing the wooden
statue therein; the stone was, however, placed inside the urn.
_Ixtlilxochitl_, ubi sup. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls this bundle of
bones _tlaquimilolli_, which he says was sacredly preserved, whether
of kings or braves. _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1858, tom. clx., p.
268. In the case of Nauhyotl of Culhuacan, the bones were exhumed and
placed in a statue, which was made in his honor, and deposited in a
temple consecrated to him. _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap.
xxxix.

[852] 'Al cuarto dia, al anochecer, cargaron los sacerdotes la arca de
las cenizas y la estatua, y la colocaron en una especie de nicho,
dentro del templo.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 10.
'Sous le pavé même du sanctuaire, devant la statue du dieu.' _Brasseur
de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 574. Duran mentions
that the ashes of one king were deposited at the foot of the stone of
sacrifice. _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. ii., cap. li.; _Tezozomoc_,
_Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 142;
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 106; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS.,
cap. li.

[853] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 72, 87; _Vetancvrt_,
_Teatro Mex._, pt ii., pp. 15-16.

[854] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vii., p. 257.

[855] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 316,
331; _Bologne_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp.
213-14; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._,
1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 192, 202.

[856] 'La muerte se hacian enterrar en la más alta grada, é despues el
subcessor subia otras dos gradas.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii.,
p. 503. 'Los Príncipes necesitaban de gran sepultura, porque se
llevaban tras sí la mayor parte de sus riquezas y familia.' _Solis_,
_Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., p. 432. 'Io aiutai a cauar d'vna
sepoltura tre mila Castigliani poco piu ò meno.' _Relatione fatta per
vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 310.

[857] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 141;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., p. 327; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 189.

[858] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 214; _Id._, _Relaciones_, pp. 335, 344;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 98.

[859] _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p.
31; _Ritos Antiguos_, p. 20, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix.
Ixtlilxochitl, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., p. 371, states that the sacrifices on the fourth day consisted of
five to six slaves, on the tenth of one, on the eightieth of three.
'Le cinquième on sacrifiait plusieurs esclaves, et cette immolation se
répétait encore quatre fois, de dix en dix jours.' _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 574. Duran, _Hist.
Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xiv., xxxix., mentions a fast of eighty
days, at the end of which a statue was made, like one which he states
was burned with the corpse, and to this exactly the same ceremonies
were paid as to the defunct, the statue being burned with an equally
large number of slaves as before. The fullest descriptions of royal
obsequies are given in _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp.
521-3; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 3-11; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 95-8; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._,
fol. 309-10; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii.,
pp. 571-4; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix., xl.,
tom. ii., cap. xlviii.; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 86-90, 99.

[860] After describing the robing of drunkards and others, Gomara
says: 'Y finalmente a cada oficial dauan el traje del idolo de aquel
oficio,' which certainly indicates that a drowned or besotted artisan
would wear the mantle due to his position in life as well as that due
to his manner of death. _Conq. Mex._, fol. 309. Clavigero, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 93-4, uses the following expression:
'Vestivanlo d'un abito corrispondente alla sua condizione, alle sue
facoltà, _ed_ alle circostanze della sua morte.'

[861] _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp.
364-5.

[862] Camargo says, with reference to sacrifices and pompous
ceremonies, 'tout cela avait lieu, plus ou moins, à toutes les
funérailles, selon la richesse du défunt.' _Hist. Tlax._, in
_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 202; _Prescott's
Mex._, vol. i., p. 63.

[863] _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p.
365; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii.,
tom. v., p. 310; 'Durauan las exequias diez dias.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de
las Ynd._, p. 321. 'On passait vingt ou trente jours au milieu des
fêtes et des festins.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales
des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 202. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec.
iii., lib. ii., cap. xviii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., pp. 93-5.

[864] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 529; _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 186-91. See p. 269 of this
volume.

[865] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., p. 358.

[866] Sahagun intimates that the puppet was for those who were slain
by enemies, but adds, afterwards, that a puppet was burned with the
same ceremonies in the court of the house, if they died at home.
_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 314-15; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. ii., p. 587; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
tom. iii., pp. 621-2. See this vol., p. 392.

[867] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., pp. 37-8, 86-7, 161-2; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom.
i., cap. xviii., tom. ii., cap. xlviii.; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 259-61, 407-8.

[868] _Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 130; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice
Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Id._, p. 193.

[869] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,
tom. i., p. 31; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 523.

[870] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 298; _Spiegazione
delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 193-4. 'Los tres dias ultimos de este mes
ayunavan todos los vivos á los muertos.' _Explicacion del Codex
Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p.
130. See this vol., pp. 328, 331.

[871] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 163-4;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 281. Brasseur de Bourbourg
says that this celebration was of a general character, and dilutes the
meagre and doubtful information of his authority considerably. The
arrows and food, 'après qu'elles y avaient demeuré un jour et une
nuit, on les enlevait et on brûlait le tout ensemble en l'honneur de
Mixcohuatl et de ses compagnons d'armes.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i.,
p. 234, tom. iii., pp. 528-9.

[872] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 119.

[873] _Diaz_, _Itinerario_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i.,
p. 304; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 532.

[874] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii.

[875] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 310. 'Esta figura se la ponian
encima al Difunto.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 524. It
is not likely, however, that a life-size figure, as Gomara calls it,
or any figure, for that matter, should have been placed over the
ornaments of the king and pressed upon the body. Beaumont says: 'Lo
cubrian con una manta, en que estaba pintado ó realzado el cadaver con
los mismos adornos.' _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 55. 'Au-dessus on
asseyait une poupée de la taille du défunt.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 83.

[876] 'Matauan vno, y aun mas de cada oficio.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._,
fol. 311.

[877] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 525. The slaves, he
says, 'los embadurnaban todo el cuerpo, con vna tinta amarilla.' 'Yban
las andas ó atahud en hombros de los tres principales.' _Beaumont_,
_Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 56.

[878] 'Todos los que habian tocado el Caltzontzi y á los demas cuerpos
se iban á bañar por preservarse de alguna enfermedad.' _Beaumont_,
_Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 57.

[879] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 54-8; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 523-6; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol.
310-12; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 157-60, with a cut; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 82-6; _Payno_, in _Soc.
Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. i., pp. 717-19.

[880] _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. 160-1, tom. ii., pt
ii., fol. 320.

[881] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 98-9;
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiii.;
_Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. v., p. 130; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice
Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Id._, p. 193; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 22-4.

[882] 'Au douzième mois de l'année zapotèque.' _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 23.

[883] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 392-3;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 23-4.
Additional references to funeral ceremonies are: _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant.
Mej._, tom. i., p. 238, tom. ii., pp. 79, 231-2, 298; _Vetancvrt_,
_Teatro Mex._, pt ii., pp. 15, 25, 29; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._,
in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 89-91, 98-9, 141-2,
178-9; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1029-30, 1138-9;
_Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 514;
_Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 261-2; _D'Avity_, _L'Amérique_, tom.
ii., p. 69; _Adair_, _Amer. Ind._, p. 217; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._,
tom. iii., pp. 9-10; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., pp. 318-23;
_Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 11-13, 28, 30; _Nouvelles Annales des
Voy._, 1824, tom. xxiv., pp. 137-8; _Fransham's World in Miniature_,
vol. ii., p. 19; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 666;
_Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 64-5; _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 234, 559-64, tom. ii., pp. 375,
604; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 424-5,
tom. iii., pp. 407-8, 453, 520-3, 528-9, 569-74; _Carli_, _Cartas_,
pt i., p. 107; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 456;
_Simon's Ten Tribes_, pp. 275-6; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, p. 32;
_Cooper's Hist. N. Amer._, vol. ii., p. 163; _Baril_, _Mexique_, p.
203; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 147-9; _Ranking's Hist.
Researches_, pp. 381-4; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 96; _Klemm_,
_Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 31, 49-53, 77, 184; _Carbajal_,
_Discurso_, p. 37.

[884] Except the Zapotecs, who, Carbajal Espinosa says, were of low
stature and broad-shouldered. _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 245.

[885] Gomara says they had wide foreheads. _Conq. Mex._, fol. 317. 'La
forma, ò figura de las Cabeças, comunmente las tienen proporcionadas à
los cuerpos, y à los otros miembros de èl, y derechas; algunos las
tienen empinadas, y las frentes quadradas, y llanas; otros (como son
estos Mexicanos, y algunos del Pirù) las tenian, y tienen de mejor
forma, algo de hechura de Martillo, ò Navio, que es la mejor forma de
todas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 582-3. 'The Aztec
skulls are described as being remarkable for the shortness of their
axis, their large flattened occiput obliquely truncated behind, the
height of the semicircular line of the temples, and the shortness and
trapezoidal form of the parietal plane. They present an elevation or
ridge along the sagittal suture; the base of the skull is very short,
and the face slightly prognathic, as among the Mongol-Kalmucs. They
bear a strong analogy to the skulls of a Peruvian Brachycephali
delineated by Morton.' _Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, p. 326. 'The
aboriginal Mexicans of our own time are of good stature and well
proportioned in all their limbs. They have narrow foreheads, black
eyes, white, well-set, regular teeth, thick, coarse and glossy black
hair, thin beards, and are in general without any hair on their legs,
thighs, or arms. Their skin is olive coloured, and many fine young
women may be seen among them with extremely light complexions. Their
senses are very acute, more especially that of sight, which they enjoy
unimpaired to the most advanced age.' _Figuier's Hum. Race_, p. 455.
For remarks on Mexican Crania, descriptions and measurements of skulls
with cuts, see _Morton's Crania Amer._, pp. 144-7, 152-7, 231-3, 257,
and plates xvi-xviii., lix.-lxi.

[886] According to Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, (Lond. 1726,) vol. iv., p.
125, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 35,
the Miztecs had long beards.

[887] 'En los Sentidos exteriores (como son los de el Vèr, Oìr, Oler,
y Gustar) los alcançan admirables; porque vèn mui de lejos, y no vsan
de Antojos, si no son mui pocos, despues que los han visto, en
nuestros Españoles, y eso es en la vejez, y tienen comunmente los ojos
buenos, y hermosos, oien mucho, huelen tambien qualquier cosa de mui
lejos; lo mismo es el Gusto; el Sentido del tacto, comunmente es
delicado, lo qual se verifica en ellos, porque qualquier cosa, que
pueda lastimarlos, como es frio, calor, açotes, ù otra exterior
afliccion, los aflige mui facilmente, y en mucho grado, y qualqueira
enfermedad los adelgaça, mas presto los enflaquece, y mata, que à otra
Nacion, asi Española, como otra alguna, como es notorio, à todos los
que los conocemos, y son para sufrir mui poco trabajo.' _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 580.

[888] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 50; _Gomara_, _Conq.
Mex._, fol. 218; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 337, tom.
iii., p. 332; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii.,
p. 57.

[889] He adds further: 'Y esto (aunque no en tanto extremo) corre, mui
en general, por todos estos Reinos, y en especial en aquel de Xalisco,
en la Nacion, que llaman Coca, y Tecuex, que son los Tonaltecos, y por
acà en la de Tlaxcalla, y otras muchas, que por escusar enfado,
callo.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 582; see also tom. i., p. 339.

[890] 'Sonovi così rari i deformi, che tutti quegli Spagnuoli, e
Creogli, che nel 1768, vennero dal Messico in Italia, restarono
allora, e sono anche oggidì maravigliati dall'osservare nelle Città di
questa coltissima penisola un sì gran numero di ciechi, di gobbi, di
zoppi, d'attratti ec.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom.
iv., p. 163. See farther, concerning the physical peculiarities of the
Nahuas and earlier peoples: _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 326, 336-7, 341, 344-5,
395; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, tom. ii., p. 12; _Gomara_, _Conq.
Mex._, fol. 37, 44, 95, 318; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib.
x., p. 112, 119, 132; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 37,
51, 255, tom. ii., pp. 580-83; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, tom. i., p. 23;
_Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 143-6, tom. ii., p. 5;
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xix.; _Oviedo_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 499; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. i., pp. 118-19, tom. iv., pp. 161-76; _Relatione fatta
per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 304; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 282, tom. ii., pp. 187, 189, tom. iii., p. 35;
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 90, 245, tom. ii., pp.
326, 487; _Dupaix_, _Rel., 2de Expéd._, p. 25; _Gordon's Hist. and
Geog. Mem._, pp. 71-2; _Dillon's Hist. Mex._, p. 45; _Macgregor's
Progress of Amer._, vol. i., p. 21; _Cooper's Hist. N. Amer._, vol.
ii., p. 163.

[891] See this volume, p. 242.

[892] 'Vi sono molti, che accordano ai Messicani una grande abilità
per l'imitazione; ma lor contrastano quella dell' invenzione. Error
volgare, che trovasi smentito nella Storia antica di questa Nazione.'
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 120.

[893] See this volume, pp. 475-6.

[894] 'Los niños de los Indios no son molestos con obstinacion ni
porfia à la Fè Catholica, como lo son los Moros y Indios; antes
aprenden de tal manera las verdades de los Christianos, que no
solamente salen con ellas, sino que las agotan, y es tanta su
facilidad que parece que se las beuen. Aprenden mas presto que los
niños Españoles; y con mas contento los Articulos de la Fè por su
orden, y las demas oraciones de la doctrina Christiana, reteniendo en
la memoria fielmente lo que se les enseña.' _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist.
Fvnd. Mex._, p. 139. 'Il n'était rien que les Indiens n'apprissent
avec une rapidité surprenante, et s'il arrivait quelque nouveau métier
dont ils n'eussent aucune connaissance, ils s'appliquaient à le voir
faire avec tant d'intelligence, que, malgré les soins de l'ouvrier à
leur cacher son secret, ils le lui enlevaient au bout de quelques
jours.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 728.

[895] 'Son muy ladrones, mentirosos, y holgazanes. La fertilidad de la
tierra deue causar tanta pereza, o por no ser ellos codiciosos.'
_Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 317. 'La liberalità e lo staccamento da
qualsiasi interesse sono dei principali attributi del loro carattere.
L'oro non ha presso i Messicani tutta quella stima, che gode presso
altri. Danno senza dispiacere quello, che si procacciano con somma
fatica. Questo loro staccamento dall'interesse, ed il poco amore, che
portano a quei che gli governano, ii fa rifiutare quelle fatiche, a
cui sono da essi costretti, e questa è appunto la tanto esagerata
pigrizia degli Americani.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. i., pp. 121-2. 'Estavan libres de la enfermedad de la codicia, y
no pensauan en la vanidad del oro, y plata, ni hazian estimacion
dello.' _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 18. 'Segun lo que
aquella edad permite, son inclinadissimos à ser liberales. Tanto monta
que lo que se les da, se de à vno como à muchos: porque lo que vno
recibe, se reparte luego entre todos.' _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd.
Mex._, p. 139.

[896] The most sober people known. _Relatione fatta per vn
gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 304.

[897] _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp.
124-5.

[898] 'Son celosissimosmos, y assi las aporrean mucho.' _Gomara_, _Conq.
Mex._, fol. 317. We have seen in a former chapter, that Nezahualcoyotl
put his dearest son to death for speaking lewdly to his father's
concubine. See this volume, pp. 447, et seq.; see further concerning
the character of the Mexicans, about whom the above remarks, though
doubtless applicable to many other of the Nahua nations, are more
particularly made: _Esplicacion de la Coleccion de Mendoza_, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 40; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las
Ynd._, pp. 458-9; _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, pp. 139, 270;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. iii., p. 232; _Gomara_, _Conq.
Mex._, pp. 317-18; _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia_, MS., p. 8; _Zorita_,
in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 235; _Tezozomoc_,
_Crónica Mex._, in _Id._, vol. ix., p. 167; _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. xliv., xlv., lxvii., cxl.; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 119-23, tom. iv., pp. 177-202;
_Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., p. 17; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 727-30, 810; _Edinburgh Review_,
1867; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 8-10; _Espinosa_,
_Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 90-3; _Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem._, pp.
73-6; _Chevalier_, _Mexique_, pp. 53-4.

[899] For the character of the Tlascaltecs see: _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p.
68; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843,
tom. xcviii., pp. 197-200, tom. xcix., pp. 136, 149, 151; _Motolinia_,
_Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 76;
_Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 87; _Alcedo_, _Dicc._, tom. v., p. 155;
_Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, p. 88; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist.
Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 294; _Peter
Martyr_, dec. v., lib. i.; _Pradt_, _Cartas_, pp. 175-6; _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 121, 129, 511; _Klemm_,
_Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 186-7; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._,
p. 230; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, p. 7.

[900] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 499; _Gomara_, _Conq.
Mex._, fol. 95; _Pradt_, _Cartas_, p. 176; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 130; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist.
Mex._, tom. i., p. 259, tom. ii., pp. 121, 339.

[901] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv.;
_Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 548; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_,
tom. x., p. 183.

[902] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiii.;
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 244; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 35.

[903] _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 57.

[904] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. ii.

[905] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 51-2; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 337, tom. iii., p. 332; _Oviedo_, _Hist.
Gen._, tom. iii., p. 563; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 308; _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol.
218; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 56-7;
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 291, tom. ii., p. 595;
_Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 456.

CHAPTER XX.

GOVERNMENT, SOCIAL CLASSES, PROPERTY, AND LAWS OF THE MAYA NATIONS.

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS--VOTAN'S EMPIRE--ZAMNÁ'S REIGN--THE
ROYAL FAMILIES OF YUCATAN; COCOMES, TUTUL XIUS, ITZAS, AND
CHELES--TITLES AND ORDER OF SUCCESSION--CLASSES OF
NOBLES--THE QUICHÉ-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE IN GUATEMALA--THE AHAU
AHPOP AND SUCCESSION TO THE THRONE--PRIVILEGED
CLASSES--GOVERNMENT OF THE PROVINCES--THE ROYAL COUNCIL--THE
CHIAPANECS--THE PIPILES--NATIONS OF NICARAGUA--THE MAYA
PRIESTHOOD--PLEBEIAN CLASSES--SLAVES--TENURE OF
LANDS--INHERITANCE OF PROPERTY--TAXATION--DEBTORS AND
CREDITORS--LAWS AND THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE.

My reasons for dividing the Civilized Nations of our territory into
two groups, the Nahuas and the Mayas, whose institutions are
separately described, have been stated in the General View, to which a
preceding chapter has been devoted. In the same place was given an
outline sketch of the nations composing each group, and their mutual
relations,[906] which may serve as an introduction to the remainder of
this volume. Without further preliminary remarks I may therefore enter
at once upon the subject-matter of this second division of my topic, a
description of Maya institutions, or the manners and customs of the
civilized nations whose home was south of the isthmus of Tehuantepec.
It will be evident to the reader from what has been said that this
account must be not only much briefer, but also less complete and
satisfactory than that of the Nahua nations. Concerning the Aztecs and
kindred peoples about the lakes of the Mexican valley, as we have
seen, a large amount of information has been preserved; I have
consequently been able, in treating of the northern peoples, to take
these nations of the valley as a nucleus, adding in their proper
places such fragments of knowledge as are extant respecting tribes
outside the limits of Anáhuac. In the south, fragmentary information
is all we have; there is no nucleus round which to group it; the
matter of the following chapters will, therefore, be very similar in
its nature to what that of the preceding would have been, had I
undertaken to describe the Tarascos, Totonacs, Zapotecs, etc., without
the Aztecs. In this branch of my subject I shall follow as nearly as
possible the same order as in the preceding, bringing together into
one chapter, however, the topics before treated in several. I shall
also include the civilized nations of Nicaragua in this division,
although one at least of them was of Nahua blood and language. In the
days of ancient Maya glory when Votan and his successors reigned over
mighty and perhaps confederated empires in Chiapas, Guatemala, and
Yucatan, the kings played rôles to a great extent mythical, being
pictured by tradition as combining the character and powers of
legislators, teachers, high-priests, and monarchs. Details of the
system by which they governed are altogether wanting,[907] but after a
long term of prosperity this government in Guatemala and Chiapas
became weakened and at last practically destroyed; the country was
divided among petty chiefs, concerning whose rule even less is known
than of that of their predecessors, but who not improbably based their
forms of authority on the ideas handed down from Votan. From these
governmental relics there sprung up in later years, under new and
perhaps foreign leaders, the Quiché and Cakchiquel empires, of whose
government some details are known, since these nations came into
direct contact with the Spaniards at the conquest. Leaving these
nations for the present, I will speak first of another branch of the
primitive Maya empire.

[Sidenote: VOTAN'S MAYA EMPIRE.]

Yucatan received its culture traditionally from Zamná, who came from
abroad, governed the Mayas through a long life, and left the throne as
an heritage to his successors. He was doubtless a companion or a
descendant of Votan, and founded institutions similar to those of the
western kingdoms whence he came. The government and institutions
established in Yucatan met to a certain extent the same fate as those
of Chiapas; that is, the country was finally split up by civil wars
into numerous petty independent sovereignties; but this division was
at a much later date than that of Votan's western empire,--not long
preceding the Spanish conquest--and the government of the independent
chieftains was substantially that of their ancestors, many of whom
claimed to be of the royal family founded by Zamná. Consequently some
scraps of information are extant respecting the form of government, as
well as other institutions, in Yucatan; and from these we may form a
faint idea of the earlier institutions of Guatemala and Chiapas.

Zamná, like Votan, united in himself the qualities of ruler,
law-giver, educator, and priest; he founded the city of Mayapan, and
divided the whole country among the chiefs of the leading families who
came with him, making them vassals of the king whom he left on the
throne at Mayapan. The nobles of the royal family were of course the
highest, a family which was perhaps that known later as the Cocomes,
and which lasted to the coming of the Spaniards. Each of the vassal
princes had to live in the capital during a certain part of every
year; and Brasseur de Bourbourg, following Ordoñez, thinks that
Mayapan may have formed a confederacy with Tulhá and Palenque in
Chiapas.[908]

[Sidenote: THE ROYAL FAMILIES OF YUCATAN.]

Another royal family, the Tutul Xius, sprung up later and became very
powerful as allies and vassals of the king reigning in Mayapan; and
still another family, the Itzas, built up a strong government of
theocratic nature at Chichen Itza. Then came Cukulcan with some new
religious teachings--a famous personage bearing a striking resemblance
in his traditional career and in the etymology of his name to the
Quetzalcoatl of the Nahuas. Being finally called to the throne at
Mayapan, he formed a confederacy, making the princes of the Tutul Xius
and Itzas his associate monarchs, subordinate nominally in rank but
practically independent except where mutual assistance was required.
Cukulcan left the throne to the Cocomes, seven of whom ruled during a
period of great prosperity, the succession being from father to son,
down to about the eleventh century. Afterward the Cocomes, becoming
tyrannical, were deposed from their high position, Mayapan destroyed,
and a new confederacy established with the Tutul Xius at the head,
Uxmal being at first their capital, the Itzas second, and the Cheles
at Izamal third. The Tutul Xiu rule was no less glorious than that of
the Cocomes. They rebuilt Mayapan and made it once more the capital,
but the unfortunate city was again sacked, this time by
foreigners--perhaps the Quichés--in the thirteenth century; and was
finally destroyed in the middle of the fifteenth century by the vassal
lords of the realm, who revolted, overthrew the Tutul Xiu dynasty,
obtained their complete independence, and ruled each his petty
province with sovereign power. This was their condition when the
Spaniards came, but before that time by civil war, and by famine and
pestilence also, as tradition tells us, the power of the rulers and
the population of the country had been greatly diminished and the
ancient Maya glory had departed forever. Shortly before the final
destruction of the monarchy a portion of the Itzas had left Chichen
and migrated southward to found a small but powerful nation in what is
now the province of Peten, belonging politically to Guatemala. It is
from traditionary accounts of the kingdom under the Tutul Xius, and
from the meagre observations of the Spaniards in the sixteenth century
that our slight knowledge of Maya institutions in the peninsula is
gained.

The highest title of the king at Mayapan was Ahtepal, which signifies
in the Maya tongue 'Majestic,' or 'August.' His power was absolute,
but he rarely acted in matters of importance without consulting his
lords, and, in accordance with their advice and that of the chief
priests, he appointed all officials, secular and religious, in the
kingdom, possessing moreover the right to organize all courts and to
condemn to death any of his subjects. The succession to the throne was
confined to the royal family, to the male line, and to the sons of
noble wives; the eldest son seems to have been the acknowledged heir
to the throne, and Landa tells us that if the king died during the
childhood of his heir, then his eldest or most capable brother ruled
not only during the son's minority but during all his own life; and in
case there were no brothers the priests and nobles chose a suitable
person to reign.[909] One author speaks of the king as having the
right to appoint a council which should name his successor, and
Remesal mentions that in the province of Campeche, a woman who came in
the direct line of succession received high honors, but the most
capable of her male relatives ruled the state.[910]

[Sidenote: COURT ETIQUETTE IN YUCATAN.]

Whenever the king appeared in public, he was always attended by a
large company and wore a long white flowing robe decorated with
ornaments of gold and precious stones, bracelets, a magnificent
collar, and sandals of gold. His crown was a plain golden circle
somewhat wider on the forehead than behind, and surmounted with a
plume of quetzal-feathers. This bird was reserved for the king and
highest nobles, death being the penalty, according to Ordoñez, for one
of lower rank who should capture the bird or wear its plumage. The
monarch was borne on the shoulders of his nobles reclining in a
palanquin, shaded by a feather canopy, and constantly fanned by
attendants of high rank. Any person who came into the presence of the
king or other high official, was expected to bring some gift
proportioned to his means, and Herrera informs us that the highest
mark of respect was to place the right hand, anointed with spittle, on
the ground and then to rub it over the heart. Villagutierre mentions
without description a kind of small throne among the Itzas, and states
that the king of this southern realm bore the title of Canek, the name
of the leader of their migration. Our only knowledge of the royal
palaces of Yucatan is derived from their examination, when more or
less in ruins, by modern explorers; consequently I refer the reader to
the chapter on Maya buildings for a general description of these
grand stone structures, and to another volume of this work for a
detailed account with illustrative plates.

The nobility of the highest class belonged to members of the royal
families, the Cocomes, Tutul Xius, Cheles, and Itzas, those of the
reigning king's own blood taking naturally the highest rank. Ahau was
the ordinary title of the princes, and Halach Winikel, 'most majestic
men,' was a high title among the Tutul Xius. From nobles of the royal
families mentioned, governors of provinces, and all the highest
officials were chosen. Their positions were nominally at the king's
disposal, but practically they descended hereditarily in the same
manner as the royal power, the king interfering with new appointments
only on extraordinary occasions. These rulers were almost absolute in
matters concerning their own provinces, and exacted great honors,
ceremonial attendance, and implicit obedience from all their subjects;
but they were not exempt in matters of crime from the penalties of the
law, and were obliged to reside during a part of each year in the
capital, to render personal service to the monarch, and to take part
in the supreme council by which he was guided in the administration of
public affairs. They were, however, exempt from all tribute except
that of personal service, and lived on the product of portions of the
public domain assigned them. Cogolludo tells us that the nobles of
Mayapan were also required to perform certain services in the temples,
and to assist at the religious festivals. They not only had the
exclusive right to the government of provinces, but also to the
command of armies.

Nobles of a lower class, with the title Batab, governed cities,
villages, or other subdivisions of provinces. They were not of royal
blood, or at least were only connected with the reigning family
through the female branch. Their position was also practically
hereditary, although the heir could not assume his inherited rank
without the royal sanction. No government officials received any
salary, but they were obliged to maintain themselves and the poor and
disabled of their respective communities from the products of their
inherited estates.[911]

[Sidenote: THE QUICHÉ-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRES.]

The most powerful kingdoms in Guatemala at the coming of the Spaniards
were, that of the Quichés, whose capital was Gumarcaah, or Utatlan,
near the site of the modern Santa Cruz del Quiché; and that of the
Cakchiquels, capital Iximché, or Patinamit, near Tecpan Guatemala.
These two nations were independent of and hostile to each other in the
sixteenth century, but they had been united in one empire during the
days of Guatemala's greatest glory, their separation dated back only
about a century, and their institutions were practically identical,
although they were traditionally distinct tribes in the more remote
past. The same remark may be made respecting the institutions of the
other nations in Guatemala which were wholly or partially independent
of the powers mentioned above. All the aboriginal powers had greatly
deteriorated by wars, one with another, and their mutual hatred made
their defeat by foreigners possible, as had been the case in the
conquest of the Nahua nations farther north.

There is little doubt that the Quiché-Cakchiquel peoples were direct
descendants of Votan's subjects, but the line of traditional history
that unites the two empires is broken at many points and cannot be
satisfactorily followed. There are evidences also of foreign, chiefly
Nahua, influences in the molding of Quiché institutions, exerted
before or after the Toltec era in Anáhuac, probably at both periods.
The traditional history of the Quiché empire for three or four
centuries before the Conquest, rests almost entirely on manuscripts
written in the native languages with the Roman alphabet, which have
only been consulted by one modern writer. Into the labyrinth of this
complicated record of wars and political changes I shall not attempt
to enter, especially since the general nature of Quiché institutions
does not seem to have been perceptibly modified by the events
recorded.

An aristocratic monarchy, similar in nearly every feature to that I
have described in Yucatan, seems to have been the basis of Quiché
government from the first. All high positions, judicial, military, or
sacerdotal, were hereditary and restricted to noble families, who
traced their genealogy far back into the mythic annals of the nations.
Between noble and plebeian blood the lines were sharply defined. The
nobles were practically independent and superior in their own
provinces, but owed tribute, allegiance, and military aid to the
monarch. At the time of Guatemala's highest prosperity and glory, when
King Qikab from his throne in Utatlan ruled over all the country, the
monarch, if we may credit the traditional account, made an effort to
diminish the power of the nobles, by conferring military commands and
other high positions on the ablest men of plebeian blood. Thus a new
class of nobles, called Achihab was created. This newly conferred
power became, acting with the alienation of the old hereditary
nobility, too great to be restrained by the monarch who created it.
The Achihab became ambitious and insubordinate; they were at last put
down, but the dissolution of the empire into several states was the
indirect result of their machinations.

[Sidenote: SUCCESSION TO THE QUICHÉ THRONE.]

Respecting the order of succession to the Quiché throne Torquemada and
Juarros state that the king's brother was the king elect, and the
direct heir to the throne; the king's oldest son was the senior
captain and the next heir; and the latter's first cousin, the nephew
of the king, was junior captain and third heir. When the king died
each heir was promoted one degree, and the vacant post of junior
captain was filled by the nearest relative--_whose_ nearest relative
the authors neglect to say. Whoever may have been elevated to the
vacant position the whole system as a regular order of succession
would be a manifest absurdity. Brasseur de Bourbourg agrees with the
authors cited and gives to the king, the elect, and the two captains
the titles of Ahau Ahpop, Ahau Ahpop Camha, Nim Chocoh Cawek, and Ahau
Ah Tohil, respectively; but when the last position was left vacant by
the death of the king, the Abbé tells us that "it was conferred upon
the eldest son of the new monarch,"--that is, upon the same man who
held it before! Padre Ximenez implies perhaps that the crown descended
from brother to brother, and from the youngest brother to a nephew who
was a son of the oldest brother. I have no authorities by the aid of
which to throw any light upon this confused subject; it is evident,
however, that if the last-mentioned system, identical with that which
obtained among some of the Nahua nations, be not the correct one,
nothing whatever is known of the matter in question.[912]

All the authorities state that this remarkable system of succession
was established to prevent the power from coming into the hands of
young and inexperienced men; and that an incompetent person in the
regular line could not succeed to the throne, but retained throughout
his life the rank to which he was born. It is not clearly explained
how the heir's competency was decided upon, but it seems probable that
the matter was settled by the reigning king with the advice of his
council of princes. The king's children by his first wife were
preferred above the rest, though all received high honors. At Rabinal
the Ahau, or ruling prince, was regularly chosen by the nobles, from
the royal family, but was not necessarily a son or brother of the last
ruler. Among the Cakchiquels the succession alternated between two
royal families. The king's title was Ahpozotzil; the next heir from
the other branch bore the title Ahpoxahil; their eldest sons, the
elder of which became Ahpoxahil on the king's death, had the titles
Ahpop Qamahay and Galel Xahil. Inferior titles were Galel Qamahay,
Atzih Winak, and Ahuchan Xahil, the bearers of which succeeded to the
throne in default of nearer heirs. It will be noticed that this plan
of succession is but little clearer than that attributed to the
Quichés.[913]

[Sidenote: CORONATION IN GUATEMALA.]

The ceremonies of coronation in the kingdom of Rabinal, and, so far as
can be known, in the other kingdoms of Guatemala, consisted of an
assemblage of all the nobles at the capital,--each being obliged to
attend or send a representative--the presentation of gifts and
compliments to the new king, a discourse of congratulation and advice
addressed to him by one of the ancients, and finally a splendid feast
which lasted several days and usually degenerated into a drunken orgy.
The Quichés and Cakchiquels also bathed the new king and anointed his
body with perfumes before seating him on the throne, which was a seat,
not described, placed on a carpet or mat, and surmounted by four
canopies of feather-work placed one above another, the largest at the
top; the seats of the three lower princes already mentioned were also
shaded by canopies, three, two, and one, respectively. Whenever he
appeared in public the monarch was borne in a palanquin on the
shoulders of the nobles who composed his council.[914]

The machinery of government was carried on in the provinces by
lieutenants of the king's appointment, and the monarch was advised in
all matters of state by a council of nobles. Juarros tells us that the
supreme Quiché council was composed of twenty-four grandees, who
enjoyed great privileges and honors, personally attended the king,
and managed the administration of justice and the collection of the
royal revenue, but were liable to severe punishment if they committed
crime. Brasseur de Bourbourg speaks of a supreme council, giving the
names of the princes that composed it, and also of an ordinary council
whose members were called _alchaoh_, or 'judges,' and were entrusted
with the collection of tribute. The other authorities, Torquemada and
Ximenez, state that the councils were not permanent, but were summoned
by the king and selected for their peculiar fitness to give advice
upon the subject under consideration. The lieutenants had also their
provincial councils to advise them in matters of local importance, but
all cases of national import, or affecting in any way the nobles of
high rank, were referred to the royal council. So great was the power
of the nobles assembled in council, that they might, under certain
conditions, depose a tyrannical sovereign and seat the next heir on
the throne. No person unless of noble blood could hold any office
whatever, even that of doorkeeper to the council-chamber, if we may
credit Juarros; consequently the greatest pains was taken to insure a
lineage free from any plebeian stain. A noble marrying a woman of the
common people was degraded to her rank, took her name, and his estate
was forfeited to the crown. Ximenez states that traveling officials
visited from time to time the different provinces, to observe the
actions of the regular judges, and to correct abuses.[915]

[Sidenote: THE QUICHÉ NOBILITY.]

The following is the Abbé Brasseur's account of the grades of nobility
taken from the Quiché manuscript published under the title of Popol
Vuh: "Three principal families having a common origin constituted the
high nobility of Quiché, modeled on the ancient imperial family of the
Toltecs. The first and most illustrious was the house of Cawek, the
members of which composed the royal family proper; the second was that
of Nihaïb; and the third that of Ahau Quiché. Each of these houses had
its titles and charges perfectly distinct and fixed, which never left
it, like the hereditary offices of the English court at the present
time; and to each of these offices were attached fiefs, or particular
domains, from which the titularies drew their revenue, their
attendants, and their vassals, and a palace where they lived during
their stay in the capital. The house of Cawek, or royal house proper,
included only princes of the blood, like the eldest branch of the
Bourbons in France. It was composed of nine _chinamital_, or great
fiefs, whose names corresponded to those of the palaces occupied by
these princes in the capital, and whose titles were as follows:--I.
Ahau Ahpop, or 'lord of the princes,' title of the king, corresponding
nearly to 'king of kings,' whose palace was called _cuha_; II. Ahau
Ahpop Camha, or 'lord of the princes and seneschal' (_camha_, he who
cares for the house, majordomo), whom the Spaniards called the second
king, and whose palace was called _tziquinaha_, or 'house of birds;'
III. Nim Chocoh Cawek, or 'grand elect of Cawek;' IV. Ahau Ah Tohil,
or 'lord of the servants of Tohil,' priests of Tohil, the principal
Quiché god; V. Ahau Ah Gucumatz, or 'lord of the servants of
Gucumatz,' (priests of Quetzalcoatl); VI. Popol Winak Chituy, or
president of the counsellors; VII. Lolmet Quehnay, the principal
receiver of royal tributes, or minister of finance; VIII. Popol Winak
Pahom Tzalatz Xcaxeba, or 'grand master of the hall of the council of
the game of ball;' IX. Tepeu Yaqui, 'chief or lord of the Yaquis'
(Toltecs, or Mexicans).

"The house of Nihaïb, the second in rank, had also nine chinamital,
with names corresponding to their palaces, and titles as follows: I.
Ahau Galel, 'lord of the bracelets,' or of those who have the right to
wear them, and chief of the house of Nihaïb; II. Ahau Ahtzic Winak,
'lord of those who give,' or of those who made presents (especially to
ambassadors, who were introduced by him); III. Ahau Galel Camha, 'lord
of the bracelets, and seneschal;' IV. Nimah Camha, 'grand seneschal;'
V. Uchuch Camha, 'mother of the seneschals;' VI. Nima Camha Nihaïb,
'grand seneschal of Nihaïb;' VII. Nim Chocoh Nihaïb, 'grand elect of
Nihaïb;' VIII. Ahau Awilix, 'lord of Awilix' (one of the gods of the
Quiché trinity); IX. Yacol Atam, 'grand master of feasts.'

"The third house, that of Ahau Quiché, had only four chinamital with
the following titles: I. Ahtzic Winak Ahau, 'great lord of givers;'
II. Lolmet Ahau, 'grand receiver;' III. Nim Chocoh Ahau, 'lord grand
elect;' IV. Ahau Gagawitz, 'lord of Gagawitz' (one of the gods of the
Quiché trinity)."[916]

[Sidenote: PIPILES AND NICARAGUANS.]

Respecting the Chiapanecs, who are not generally considered as the
descendants of the peoples who inhabited the country in Votan's time,
we have no knowledge of their government save a probably unfounded
statement by García that they were ruled by two chiefs, elected each
year by the priests, and never had a king.[917] The Pipiles in
Salvador, although traditionally among the partially civilized
nations, seem to have been governed in the sixteenth century by local
chieftains only, like most of the wild tribes already described. These
chiefs handed down their power, however, to their sons or nearest
relatives. Palacio tells us that to regulate marriages and the
planting of crops was among the ruler's duties. Squier concludes that
all these petty chiefs were more or less allied politically, and acted
together in matters affecting the common interests.[918]

Nicaragua, when first visited by Europeans, was divided into many
provinces, inhabited by several nations linguistically distinct one
from another, one of them, at least, speaking the Aztec tongue; but in
respect to their government and other institutions, the very meagre
information preserved by Oviedo enables us to make little or no
distinction between the different tribes. In many of the provinces we
are told the people lived in communities, or little republics,
governed by certain _huehues_, or 'old men,' who were elected by the
people. These elective rulers themselves elected a captain-general to
direct their armies in time of war, which official they had no
hesitation in putting to death when he exhibited any symptoms of
insubordination or acquired a power over the army which seemed
dangerous to the public good. In other and probably in most provinces
a chieftain, or _teite_, ruled the people of his domain with much the
same powers and privileges as we have noticed in Yucatan and
Guatemala. These teites had their petty vassals and lords to execute
their orders, and to accompany them in public displays, but it seems
they could claim no strictly personal services in their palaces from
any but members of their own household. Peter Martyr speaks of a
'throne adorned with rich and princely furniture.' These rulers
affected great state, and insisted on a strict observance of court
etiquette. They would receive no message, however pressing the
occasion, except through the regularly appointed officials; and one of
them, in an interview with the Spaniards, would not condescend to open
his royal mouth to the leader until a curtain was held between him and
his foreign hearers. On several occasions they met the Spaniards in a
procession of men and women gaily decked in all their finery, marching
to the sound of shell trumpets, and bearing in their hands presents
for the invaders. But even in the provinces nominally ruled by the
teites, all legislative power was in the hands of a council called
_monexico_, composed of old men, who were elected every four moons.
Without the consent of the monexico the chief could take action in no
public matter whatever, not even in war. The council could decide
against the teite, but he had the right to assemble or dissolve it,
and to be present at all its meetings. The decisions of the monexico
were made known in the market-place by a crier, whose badge of office
was a rattle. The lords also, in sending an ambassador or messenger on
any public business, gave him a fan, bearing which credential he was
implicitly trusted wherever he might go. Two members of the council
were chosen as executive officers, and one of them must be always
present in the market-place to regulate all dealings of the buyers and
sellers. Squier says that the council-houses were called _grepons_,
and its corridors or porticos _galpons_; Oviedo in one place terms the
buildings _galpones_, and in another applies the name to a class of
vassal chiefs.[919]

[Sidenote: THE MAYA PRIESTHOOD.]

It is only of the priesthood as connected with the government, as an
order of nobility, as a class of the community, that a mention is
required here: In their quality of priests proper, religious teachers,
oracles of the gods, leaders of ceremonious rites, confessors, and
sacrificers, they will be treated of elsewhere. Their temporal power,
directly exercised, or indirectly through their influence upon kings
and chieftains, was perhaps even greater than we have found it among
the Nahua nations. Votan, Zamná, Cukulcan, and all the other
semi-mythical founders of the Maya civilization, united in their
persons the qualities of high-priest and king, and from their time to
the coming of the Spaniards ecclesiastical and secular authority
marched hand in hand. In Yucatan, the Itzas at Chichen were ruled in
the earlier times by a theocratic government, and later the
high-priest of the empire, of the royal family of the Cheles, became
king of Izamal, which became the sacred city and the headquarters of
ecclesiastical dignitaries. The gigantic mounds still seen at Izamal
are traditionally the tombs of both kings and priests. The office of
chief priest was hereditary, the succession being from father to
son--since priests and even the vestal virgins were permitted to
marry--but regulated apparently by the opinions of kings and nobles,
as well as of ecclesiastical councils. The king constantly applied to
the high-priest for counsel in matters of state, and in turn gave rich
presents to the head of the church; the security of the temples was
also confided to the highest officers of the state. The rank of
Ixnacan Katun, or superior of the vestals, was founded by a princess
of royal blood.

In Guatemala the high-priests who presided over the temples of the
Quiché trinity, Tohil, Awilix, and Gucumatz, were all princes of the
three royal families; their titles have been given in the lists of the
Quiché nobility; and one of the most powerful kings is said to have
created two priestly titles for the family of Zakik, to each of which
he attached a province for its support. Ximenez tells us that in Vera
Paz the chief priest, next in power to the king, was elected from a
certain lineage by the people. In the province of Chiquimula, Mictlan
is described as a great religious centre, and a shrine much visited by
pilgrims. Here the power was in the hands of a sacerdotal hierarchy,
hereditary in one family, whose chief bore the title Teoti and was
aided by an ecclesiastical council of five members, which controlled
all the priesthood, and from whose number a successor to the Teoti was
appointed by the chief of the Pipiles, or, as some authorities state,
was chosen by lot.

Thus we see that while the priesthood had great power over even the
highest secular rulers in all the Maya nations, yet the system by
which the high-priests were members of the royal families, rendered
their power a support to that of royalty rather than a cause of fear.
The fear which kings experienced towards the priests seems
consequently to have been altogether superstitious on account of their
supernatural powers, and not a jealous fear of any possible rivalry.
Ordinary priests were appointed by the higher authorities of the
church, but whether the choice was confined to certain families, we
are not informed. It is altogether probable, however, that such was
the case in nations whose lowest secular officers must be of noble
blood.[920]

[Sidenote: PLEBEIANS AND SLAVES.]

In the south as in the north, the status of the lower classes, or
plebeians, has received no attention at the hands of the Spanish
observers. We know that in Yucatan the nobles were obliged to support
from their revenues such of the lower classes as from sickness, old
age, or other disabling cause were unable to gain a livelihood. It has
been seen also that none of plebeian blood could hold any office, the
only exception noted being the attempt of one of the Quiché kings to
humiliate the aristocracy by raising plebeian soldiers to the new rank
of Achihab, 'men' or 'heroes.' The lower classes of freemen were
doubtless for the most part farmers, each tilling the portion of land
allotted him in the domain of a noble; and beyond the obligation to
pay a certain tax from the product of their labor, and to render
military service in case of necessity, they were probably independent,
and often wealthy.[921]

Lowest in the scale among the Mayas as elsewhere in America were the
slaves. Slavery was an institution of all the nations in the sixteenth
century, and had been traditionally for some centuries. In Yucatan,
tradition speaks of a time when slavery was unknown; its introduction
by a powerful Cocome king was one of the acts of oppression which
brought about a revolution and deposed him from the throne. During the
power of the Tutul Xius which followed, slavery is said to have been
abolished, but must--if indeed the tradition be not altogether
unfounded--have been re-introduced at a still later period.[922] In
the annals of other Maya nations no time seems to be noted when slaves
were not held. This unfortunate class was composed chiefly of captives
in war, or of those whose parents had been such; the condition was
hereditary, but, in Yucatan at least, the children had the right to
redeem themselves by settling on unoccupied lands and becoming
tribute-payers. Foreign slaves were also brought into the country for
sale; and Cortés speaks of Acalan, a city of Guatemala, as a place
where an extensive trade in human kind was carried on.[923] In
Nicaragua a father might sell himself or his children into bondage,
when hard pressed by necessity; but in such cases he seems to have had
the right of redemption.[924] In Nicaragua and Yucatan the thief was
enslaved by the owner of stolen property, until such time as he paid
its value; he could even be sold to other parties, but it is added
that he could only be redeemed in Nicaragua with the consent of the
cacique. In Yucatan, if a slave died or ran away soon after his sale
the purchaser was entitled to receive back a portion of the price
paid.[925]

[Sidenote: TREATMENT OF SLAVES.]

Kidnapping, according to Las Casas, was common in Guatemala, but the
laws against the offence were very severe. He who sold a free native
into slavery was clubbed to death, his own wife and children were
sold, and a large part of the price received went to fill the public
exchequer.[926] Pimentel concludes that slaves were more harshly
treated in Yucatan than in Mexico; Gomara and Herrera state that no
punishment was decreed to him who killed a slave in Nicaragua; but in
Yucatan the killer of another's slave must pay the full value of the
property destroyed, and was also amenable to punishment if the
murdered slave was his own. In Guatemala if a freeman had sexual
intercourse with the female slave of another he had to pay the owner
her full value or purchase for him another of equal value; but if the
woman were a favorite of the owner, the penalty, though still
pecuniary, was much increased. In the province of Vera Paz, as Las
Casas states, if slaves committed fornication with women of their own
condition, both parties were slain by having their heads broken
between two stones, or by a stick driven down the throat, or by the
garrote; the man, however, being sometimes sold for sacrifice. Among
the Pipiles a freeman cohabiting with a slave was himself enslaved,
unless pardoned by the high-priest for services rendered in war. In
Yucatan, as it is expressly stated, and elsewhere probably, the master
was permitted to use his female slaves as concubines, but the
offspring of such connection could not inherit. Thomas Gage tells us
of a town in Guatemala whose inhabitants in the olden time were all
slaves and served the people of Amatitlan as messengers. The only
distinguishing marks of slaves that are mentioned were the shearing of
the hair in Yucatan, and marks of powdered pine charcoal, called
_tile_, in Nicaragua.[927]

Respecting the tenure of landed property among the Maya nations the
little information extant applies chiefly to Yucatan. The whole
country, as we have seen, was divided into many domains, or fiefs, of
varying extent, ruled over by nobles, or lords, of different rank.
Although each lord had, under the king, nearly absolute authority over
his domain, yet he does not seem to have been regarded as in any sense
the owner of the lands, or to have had a right to sell or in any way
alienate them. A certain portion of these lands were set apart for the
lord's support, and were worked by his people in common; the rest of
the land seems to have been divided among the people, the first
occupant being regarded in a certain sense as its owner, and handing
it down as an inheritance from generation to generation, but having no
right to sell it, and being also obliged to contribute a certain part
of its products to the lord of the domain. Cogolludo and Landa speak
of the land as being common property, yet by this they probably do not
mean to imply that any man had a right to trespass on the cultivated
fields of another, but simply that unoccupied lands might be
appropriated by any one for purposes of cultivation. Game, fish, and
the salt marshes were likewise free to all, but the hunter, fisherman,
or salt-maker must pay a tribute to the lords and to the king. In
Nicaragua land could not be sold, and if the owner wished to change
his residence he had to leave all his property to his relatives, since
nothing could be removed.[928]

[Sidenote: INHERITANCE AND TAXATION.]

At a man's death his property, in Yucatan, was divided between his
sons equally, except that a son who had assisted his father to gain
the property might receive more than the rest. Daughters inherited
nothing, and only received what might be given from motives of
kindness by the brothers. In default of sons, the inheritance went to
the brothers or nearest male relatives. Minor heirs were entrusted to
tutors who managed the estate, and from it received a recompense for
their services. According to Oviedo, property in Nicaragua was
inherited by the children, but if there were no children, it went to
the relatives of both father and mother. Squier states that in the
latter case all personal property was buried with the deceased.[929]

Taxes and tribute paid by the people for the support of the kings and
nobles consisted of the products of all the different industries. The
merchant contributed from the wares in which he dealt; the farmer from
the products of the soil, chiefly maize and cacao; the hunter and
fisherman from the game taken in forest and stream. Cotton garments,
copal, feathers, skins, fowl, salt, honey, and gold-dust composed a
large part of the tribute, and slaves are also mentioned in the lists.
Personal labor in working the lands of the lords, and in supplying his
household with wood and water, was also an important element of
taxation in the provinces. Officials were appointed to assess and
collect taxes from all subjects. In Yucatan the tribute of the king
and that of the local lords were kept separate and were attended to by
different officials; but in Guatemala it is implied that all taxes
were collected together and then distributed to the king and several
classes of nobles according to their rank. In the ancient times those
who lived in Mayapan were exempt from all taxation. In Nicaragua, we
are told that the teite received no tribute or taxes whatever from his
subjects, but in the case of a war or other event involving
extraordinary expense, the council decided upon the amount of revenue
needed, and chose by lot one of their number to assess and collect it.
Taxation among the Mayas does not seem to have been oppressive, and
the attempt to extort excessive tribute contributed largely to the
overthrow of the Cocome power in the twelfth century.[930]

A sale of property or other contract was legalized in Yucatan by the
parties drinking before witnesses. A strict fulfillment of all
contracts was required both by the law and by public sentiment. Heirs
and relatives were liable, or at least assumed the liability, for
debts; and often paid, as did the lords of the province, the pecuniary
penalty incurred by some poor man, especially if the crime had been
committed involuntarily or without malice.[931]

[Sidenote: ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE.]

The administration of justice and the execution of the laws were among
the Mayas entrusted to the officials that have been mentioned in what
has been said respecting government. Serious crimes or other important
matters affecting the interests of the king, of the state, or of the
higher ranks of nobility, were referred directly to the royal council
presided over by the monarch. The king's lieutenants, or lords of
royal blood who ruled over provinces, took cognizance of the more
important cases of provincial interest; while petty local questions
were decided by subordinate judges, one of whom was appointed in each
village or hamlet. But even in the case of the local judges the advice
of a council was sought on every occasion, and persons were appointed
to assist both judges and parties to the suit in the character of
advocates. Although these judges had the right to consult with the
lord of their province, and the latter, probably, with the royal
council, yet after a decision was rendered, there was apparently no
right of appeal in any case whatever; but we are told that in Yucatan
at least a royal commissioner traveled through the provinces and
reported regularly on the manner in which the judges performed their
duties, and on other matters of public import. Both judges and
advocates might receive presents from all the parties to a suit,
according to Cogolludo, and no one thought of applying for justice
without bringing some gift proportioned to his means. In Guatemala, as
Las Casas states, the judge received half the property of the
convicted party; this is probably only to be understood as applying to
serious crimes, which involved a confiscation of all property.

In Vera Paz the tax-collectors served also as constables, being
empowered to arrest accused parties and witnesses, and to bring them
before the judges. Very little is known of the order of procedure in
the Maya courts, but great pains was apparently taken to ascertain all
the facts bearing on the case, and to render exact justice to all
concerned. Court proceedings, testimony, arguments, and decisions are
said to have been altogether verbal, there being no evidence that
written records were kept as they were by the Nahuas, although the
Maya system of hieroglyphic writing cannot be supposed to have been in
any respect inferior to that of the northern nations. Nothing in the
nature of an oath was exacted from a witness, but to guard against
false testimony in Yucatan a terrible curse was launched against the
perjurer, and a superstitious fear of consequences was supposed to
render falsehood impossible. In Guatemala so much was the perjurer
despised that a fine and a reprimand from the judge were deemed
sufficient punishment. Torture, if we may credit Las Casas, by tying
the hands, beating with clubs, and the inhalation of smoke, was
resorted to in Vera Paz to extort confession from a person suspected
of adultery or other serious crimes. Great weight seems to have been
attached to material evidence; for instance, it was deemed important
to take the thief while in actual possession of the stolen property;
and a woman to convict a man of rape must seize and produce in court
some portion of his wearing-apparel. The announcement of the judge's
decision was, as I have said, delivered verbally, and sometimes, when
the parties to the suit were numerous, Cogolludo informs us that all
were invited to a banquet, during which the verdict was made known. As
there was no appeal to a higher tribunal, so there seems to have been
no pardoning power, and the judge's final decision was always strictly
enforced. Except a mention by Herrera that the Nicaraguan ministers of
justice bore fans and rods, I find no account of any distinguishing
insignia in the Maya tribunals.

[Sidenote: MAYA PUNISHMENTS.]

Punishments inflicted on Maya criminals took the form of death,
slavery, and pecuniary fines; imprisonment was of rare occurrence, and
apparently never inflicted as a punishment, but only for the retention
of prisoners until their final punishment was legally determined.
Cogolludo states that culprits were never beaten, but Villagutierre
affirms that, at least among the Itzas, they were both beaten and put
in shackles; and the same author speaks of imprisonment for
non-payment of taxes at Coban. The death penalty was inflicted by
hanging, by beating with the garrote, or club, and by throwing the
condemned over a precipice. Ximenez mentions burning in Guatemala;
Oviedo speaks of impalements in Yucatan; those condemned to death in
Nicaragua seem to have been sacrificed to the gods by having their
hearts cut out; and throwing the body from a wall or precipice is the
only method attributed to the Pipiles.

At a town in Yucatan called Cachi, Oviedo mentions a sharp mast
standing in the centre of a square and used by the people for impaling
criminals alive. The method of imprisonment, as described by
Cogolludo, consisted in binding the hands behind the back, placing
about the neck a collar of wood and cords, and confining the culprit
thus shackled in a wooden cage. At Campeche a place of punishment is
mentioned by Peter Martyr and Torquemada as having been seen by the
early voyagers. Three beams or posts were fixed in the ground, to them
were attached three cross-beams, and scattered about were
blood-stained arrows and spears. This apparatus would indicate, if it
was really a place of punishment, a method of inflicting the
death-penalty not elsewhere mentioned; and a stone structure
adjoining, covered with sculptured emblems of punishment is suggestive
of ceremonial rites in connection with executions. The death sentence
generally involved the confiscation of the criminal's property and the
enslaving of his family. All but the most heinous offences could be
expiated by the payment of a fine consisting of slaves or other
property, and the whole or a large part of this fine went to the
judges, the lords, or the king.

Murder was punished in all the nations by death, but in Yucatan and
Nicaragua if there were extenuating circumstances, such as great
provocation or absence of malice, the crime was atoned by the payment
of a fine. In Yucatan a minor who took human life became a slave; the
killing of another's slave called for payment of the value destroyed;
the killing of one's own slave involved a slight penalty or none at
all. In Nicaragua no penalty was decided upon for the murder of a
chief, such a crime being deemed impossible.

Theft was atoned by a return of the stolen property and the payment of
a fine to the public treasury. In case the criminal could not pay the
full value he was sold as a slave until such time as he might be able
to redeem his freedom. In some cases the amount seems to have been
paid with the price he brought as a slave, and in others he served the
injured party. Fines, however, in most cases seem to have been paid by
the relatives and friends of the guilty party, so that the number of
persons actually enslaved was perhaps not very large. In Guatemala
stolen articles of trifling value went with the fine to the public
treasury, since the owner would not receive them. The incorrigible
thief, when his friends refused to pay his fine, was sometimes put to
death; and death was also the penalty for stealing articles of value
from the temple. In Nicaragua the thief who delayed too long the
payment of his fine was sacrificed to the gods; and in Salvador,
banishment was the punishment for trifling theft, death for stealing
larger amounts. Landa informs us that in Yucatan a noble who so far
forgot his position as to steal had his face scarified, a great
disgrace.

[Sidenote: CRIMINAL CODE.]

Adultery was punished in Yucatan and Guatemala with death; in the
latter if the parties were of the common people they were thrown from
a precipice. Fornication was atoned by a fine, or if the affronted
relatives insisted, by death. A woman who was unchaste was at first
reprimanded, and finally, if she persevered in her loose conduct,
enslaved. Rape in Guatemala was punished by death; an unsuccessful
attempt at the same, by slavery. Marriage with a slave, as already
stated, reduced the freeman to a slave's condition; sexual connection
with one's own slave was not regarded as a crime. He who committed
incest in Yucatan was put to death.

Treason, rebellion, inciting to rebellion, desertion, interference
with the payment of royal tribute, and similar offences endangering
the well-being of the nations, were sufficient cause for death.

In Guatemala he who kidnapped a free person and sold him into slavery,
lost his life. For an assault resulting in wounds a fine was imposed.
He who killed the quetzal, a bird reserved for the kings, was put to
death; and the same fate was that of him who took game or fish from
another's premises, if the injured party was an enemy and insisted on
so severe a penalty.

The Pipiles condemned a man to be beaten for lying; but the same
offence in time of war demanded capital punishment, as did any
disrespect shown for the sacred things of religion.

Ximenez states that in Guatemala the _balam_, or sorcerer, was burned;
the same offence in Vera Paz, according to Torquemada, caused the
guilty party to be beaten to death or hanged.

A strict payment of all just debts was enforced, and in Guatemala he
who bought many things on credit and failed to pay for them was
finally enslaved or even killed. Both here and in Nicaragua the
borrower was obliged to return or pay for borrowed articles, and, if
the articles were products of the soil, the lender might repay himself
from the borrower's field. He who injured another's property, even
servants in the lord's palace who broke dishes or furniture, must
make good all damage. In Yucatan, we are told that a man could not be
taken for debt unaccompanied by crime. Some additional laws and
regulations of the Maya nations will appear in their appropriate
places in other chapters.[932]

FOOTNOTES:

[906] See pp. 81-123 of this volume, and especially pp. 114-23, on the
Maya nations.

[907] Although Brasseur de Bourbourg, on the authority of some of his
original MSS. perhaps, states that Xibalba in the height of its glory
was ruled by thirteen princes, two of whom were kings, the second
being subordinate to the first; and also that there was a council of
twelve, presided over by the king. He also mentions a succession of
seventeen kings after Votan. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 127, 123,
95-7.

[908] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 178-9; _Ordoñez_, _Hist. del
cielo y de la Tierra_, MS.; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. i., pp. 78-80.

[909] 'Si moria el señor, aunque le succediesse el hijo mayor, eran
siempre los demas hijos muy acatados, y ayudados y tenidos por
señores.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 112. 'Si quando el señor moria no
eran los hijos para regir y tenia hermanos, regia de los hermanos el
mayor o el mas desenbuelto y al heredero mostravan sus costumbres y
fiestas para quando fuesse hombre y estos hermanos, aunque el eredero
fuesse para regir, mandavan toda su vida, y sino avia hermanos,
elegian los sacerdotes y gente principal un hombre sufficiente para
ello.' _Id._, p. 138. Brasseur de Bourbourg, in his French translation
of this passage, gives a different meaning from what I deem the
correct one as given in my text. He understands that the brother
succeeded in any case. 'Ce n'étaient pas ses fils qui succédaient au
gouvernement, mais bien l'aîné de ses frères,' and also that the
person appointed by the priests if there was no brother, ruled only
during the heir's minority, 'jusqu'à la majorité de l'héritier,' all
of which may be very reasonable, but certainly is not found in the
Spanish text.

[910] 'Organisait les conseils de la religion et de l'état qui
devaient, après lui, nommer son successeur.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii, pp. 53-6; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, p.
256.

[911] 'Todos los señores tenian cuenta con visitar, respetar, alegrar
a Cocom, acompañandole y festejandole y acudiendo a el con los
negocios arduos.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 40. A kind of mayordomo
called Caluac, whose badge of office was a thick short stick, was the
agent through whom the lord performed the routine duties of his
position. _Ib._ 'Concertavan las cosas, y negocios principalmente de
noche.' _Id._, p. 112. 'Fuè todo el Reyno de Yucatàn, y sus
Provincias, con el Nombre de Mayapàn, desde que los Indios fueron à èl
y le poblaron, sujeto à vn solo Rey, y Señor absoluto, con Govierno
Monarquico. No durò esto poco tiempo, sino por muchos Años.'
_Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 28. Among the Itzas Cortés was
visited by 'el Canek, con treinta y dos Principales.' _Id._, p. 46.
'Despues llamó el Canek à Consejo à todos sus Capitanes, y
Principales.' _Id._, p. 91. 'Vno, como à modo, ò forma de Trono
pequeño, en que èl solia estar.' _Id._, p. 105. 'Vna Corona de Plumas,
de varios colores.' _Id._, p. 349. Yucatan 'regido de Señores
Particulares, que es el Estado de los Reies: Governavanse por Leies, y
costumbres buenas; vivian en Paz, y en Justicia, que es Argumento de
su buen Govierno.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 345.
Brasseur refers to Torquemada, tom. xi., cap. xix., on Yucatan
Government, but that chapter relates wholly to Guatemala. 'Quando los
Señores de la Ciudad de Mayapàn dominaban, toda la tierra les
tributaba.' In later times they attached much importance to their
royal blood. _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 179. 'Dizese, que vn Señor
de la Ciudad de Mayapàn, cabeça de el Reyno, hizo matar afrentosamente
à vn hermano suyo, porque corrompió vna doncella.' _Id._, p. 182. See
also on the system of government in Yucatan: _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._,
dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii-iv.;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 16-17, 38,
46, 53-6, 72; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
viii., p. 147; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., pp. 182-4; _Pimentel_,
_Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 27; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist.
Mex._, tom. i., p. 262; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des
Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 45-6, 146; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, pp.
55-6, 115-16.

[912] 'It was ordained that the eldest son of the king (that is, of
the first king who founded the monarchy) should inherit the crown;
upon the second son the title of _Elect_ was conferred, as being the
next heir to his elder brother; the sons of the eldest son received
the title of Captain senior, and those of the second Captain junior.
When the king died, his eldest son assumed the sceptre, and the Elect
became the immediate inheritor; the Captain senior ascended to the
rank of Elect, the Captain junior to that of Captain senior, and the
next nearest relative to that of Captain junior.' _Juarros_, _Hist.
Guat._, pp. 188-9. 'Luego el Capitan menor, entraba por maior, y
metian otro en el que avia vacado del Capitan menor, que
ordinariamente era el Pariente mas cercano.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 338-41. 'Restait alors la charge d'Ahau-Ah-Tohil;
elle était conférée au fils aîné du nouveau monarque.' _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 547, 103, 496. 'Luego que
el primero subió al reino, mandó el padre (the first king) que el
segundo fuese capitain, y mandó por ley, que si fuesen cuatro, que el
primero reinase, el segundo fuese como principe, el tercero capitan
general, y el cuarto capitan segundo, y que muerto el primero,
reinasen todos por su órden, si se alcanzasen en vida.' Note, 'Bien
clara está la descendencia de padres á hijos de todos tres hermanos.'
_Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, _Escolios_, pp. 195-6.

[913] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp.
549-50, 534, with reference to _Roman_, _Repub. de los Indios_, tom.
ii., cap. viii. Titles in Atitlan. _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série
i., tom. x., p. 416. 'Las Prouincias de Tazulatlan, gente belicosa y
braua, si bien con pulicia, porque viuian en poblaciones formadas, y
gouierno de Republica.' _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 148.
Tazulatlan, or Tuzulutlan, was the province of Rabinal. _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, p. 147.

[914] 'Aqui havia muy grandes, y sumptuosas comidas, y borracheras.'
'Sentaban al nuevo Electo en vna estera mui pintada.' _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 342, 338-45. 'In one of the saloons
stood the throne, under four canopies of plumage, the ascent to it was
by several steps.' _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, p. 88. The twenty-four
counsellors 'carried the emperor on their shoulders in his chair of
state whenever he quitted his palace.' _Id._, p. 189. 'No se
diferenciaba el rey de Guatemala ó de Utatlán de los otros en el
trage, sino en que él traia horadadas las orejas y narices, que se
tenia por grandeza.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 197, 196.

[915] 'Tenia el rey ciertos varones de gran autoridad y opinion, que
eran como oidores, y conocian de todos los pleitos y negocios que se
ofrecian;' they collected the royal revenues and attended to the
expenses of the royal family. 'Tenia en cada pueblo grande sus
cancillerias con sus oidores, que eran las cabezas de calpul; pero no
era muy grande la comision que tenian.' 'Poderosos Señores, los quales
esperaban su confirmacion de sus estados del dicho rey.' 'Aun en las
cosas pequeñas y de poca importancia entraban en consulta.' 'Unos como
alquaciles que servian de llamar y convocar al pueblo.' _Ximenez_,
_Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 196-7, 201-2. The king's lieutenants 'tenian
su jurisdicion limitada, la qual no era mas, que la que el Señor, ò
Rei les concedia, reservando para si, y su Consejo las cosas graves.'
These lieutenants held their positions for life if they were qualified
and obedient, but to hold them they must have been promoted from lower
offices. 'El consejo no era de qualesquiera Personas, sino de
aquellas, que mas cursadas estaban en la misma cosa, de que se
trataba.' They sometimes called in the aid of foreign nations to
depose a tyrant. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 339-40,
343, 386. 'There was no instance of any person being appointed to a
public office, high or low, who was not selected from the nobility.'
_Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, pp. 190-1. Some members of the councils were
priests when religious interests were at stake. _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec iv., tom. viii., cap. x. 'Les personnes ou officiers qui
servaient le souverain à la cour se nommaient Lolmay, Atzihunac,
Calel, Ahuchan. C'étaient les facteurs, les contador, et trésoriers.'
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 418. 'De l'assemblée
des princes des maisons de Cawek, d'Ahau-Quiché et de Nihaïb, réunis
avec le Galel-Zakik, et l'Ahau-Ah-Tzutuha, se composait le conseil
extraordinaire du monarque.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 548-9. The king 'constitua vingt-deux grandes
dignités, auxquelles il éleva les membres de la haute aristocratie.'
_Id._, pp. 496-7.

[916] Lists of the nobility. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, pp.
337-47; _Id._, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 430-32.

[917] 'Nunca tuvieron Rei, sino solo elegian los Sacerdotes cada Año
dos Capitanes, que eran como Governadores, à quien todos obedecian,
aunque era maior el respeto, i veneracion, que tenian à los
Sacerdotes.' _García_, _Orígen de los Ind._, p. 329; a statement
repeated in _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 27; and
_Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, p. 84. García refers to _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi., where the only statement on
the subject is that 'son muy respetados los principales.'

[918] 'No doubt there were individual chiefs who possessed a power
superior to the others, exercising a great influence over them, and
perhaps arrogating a qualified authority.' _Squier's Cent. Amer._, pp.
331-4; _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 78.

[919] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 36-8, 52, 54, 104, 108,
110, tom. iii., p. 231; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii.,
pp. 340-6; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.;
_Peter Martyr_, dec. vi., lib. iii.; _Scherzer_, _Wanderungen_, p. 64.

[920] On the status of the priesthood see: _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp.
42, 54, 56, 114, 160, 354; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 198;
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv.,
lib. viii., cap. x., lib. x., cap. ii.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.
iv., p. 56; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxiii.;
_Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 62, 64; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp.
200-1; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 74,
79, tom. ii., pp. 6, 10, 19, 33, 40, 48, 114, 551-6.

[921] 'L'idée de la supériorité de caste est tellement évidente dans
le _Popol-Vuh_, par example, que le _peuple_, c'est-à-dire la masse
étrangère aux tribus quichées, n'est jamais désigné que sous des
nommes d'animaux; ce sont les fourmis, les rats, les singes, les
oiseaux, etc.' _Viollet-le-Duc._, in _Charnay_, _Ruines Amér._, p. 88.
'Acostumbravan buscar en los pueblos los mancos y ciegos y que les
davan lo necesario.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 40. 'Y los señores dauan
Gouernadores a los pueblos, a los quales encomendauan mucho la paz, y
buen tratamiento de la genta menuda.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec.
iv., lib. x., cap. ii. '_Achih_ ... signifie régulièrement héros,
guerrier; il semble toutefois s'appliquer à ceux qui n'appartenaient
point à l'aristocratie, mais à une classe intermédiaire entre la
noblesse et les serfs ou paysans.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol
Vuh_, pp. 92-3, 324-5; _Id._, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 56-58.
Among the Pipiles 'los que no eran para la guerra, cultivaban las
tierras millpas del cazique i papa i sacerdotes, i de las propias
suyas davan un tanto para la gente de guerra.' _Palacio_, _Carta_, p.
82. Beggars mentioned in Nicaragua. _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 264.

[922] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 35,
41, 70. 'Cocom fue primero el que hizo esclavos pero por deste mal se
siguio usar las armas con que se defendieron para que no fuessen todos
esclavos.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 50.

[923] 'En las guerras, que por su ambicion hazian vnos à otros, se
cautiuaban, quedando hechos esclauos los vencidos, que cogian. En esto
eran rigurosissimos, y los trataban con aspereza.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist.
Yuc._, pp. 181-2; _Carrillo_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da
época, tom. iii., p. 267; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
tom. ii., p. 70; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 421; _Las Casas_, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 144. In Nicaragua, Helps
tells us that only the common captives were enslaved, the chiefs being
killed and eaten. _Span. Conq._, vol. iii., p. 257.

[924] 'Acaesçe que venden los padres á los hijos, é aun cada uno se
puede vender á sí proprio, si quiere é por lo que quisiere.' _Oviedo_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 51, 54; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec.
iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856.) vol. ii.,
p. 345. Bienvenida says that in Yucatan as soon as the father dies the
strongest of those who remain enslave the others. In _Ternaux-Compans_,
_Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 331.

[925] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.;
_Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 264; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp.
181-2; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 34; _Fancourt's
Hist. Yuc._, p. 117.

[926] _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp.
136, 144; _Herrera_, _Gomara_, and _Pimentel_, ubi sup.

[927] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 387; _Las Casas_, ubi
sup.; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x., lib. x.,
cap. iv.; _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 80-2; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 70, 573; _Ternaux-Compans_, in
_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 46-7;
_Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 182; _Gage's New Survey_, p. 414;
_Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 204.

[928] 'Las tierras por aora es de comun, y assi el que primero las
ocupa las possee.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 130. 'Las tierras eran
comunes, y assi entre los Pueblos no auia terminos, ò mojones, que las
dividiessen: aunque si entre vna Provincia, y otra, por causa de las
guerras.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 180. Las Casas, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 139, speaks of boundary
marks between the property of different owners. 'Les habitations était
pour la plupart dispersées sans former de village.' _Ternaux-Compans_,
in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 45. 'Leur
qualité de seigneurs héréditaires ne les rendait pas, pour cela,
maîtres du sol ni propriétaires des habitants.' _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 56-8. 'Property was much
respected (in Nicaragua); but ... no man could put up his land for
sale. If he wished to leave the district, his property passed to the
nearest blood relation, or, in default, to the municipality.' _Boyle's
Ride_, vol. i., p. 274; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p.
345; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.

[929] 'Los indios no admittian las hijas a heredar con los hermanos
sino era por via de piedad o voluntad.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp.
136-8. 'Mejorauan al que mas notablemente auia ayudado al padre, a
ganar el hazienda.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap.
iv., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p.
180; _Carrillo_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. iii.,
pp. 267-8; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p.
70; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 36; _Oviedo_, _Hist.
Gen._, tom. iv., p. 50; _Squier_, in _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 119.

[930] 'Hanno abondanza di cottone, & ne fanno manti che sono come
lenzuoli, e camisette senza maniche, e questo s'è il principal tributo
che danno à suoi patroni.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 99.
'El tributo era mantas pequeñas de algodon, gallinas de la tierra,
algun cacao, donde se cogia, y vna resina, que seruia de incienso en
los Templos, y todo se dize era muy poco en cantidad.' _Cogolludo_,
_Hist. Yuc._, p. 179. 'Allende de la casa hazian todo el pueblo a los
señores sus sementeras, y se las beneficiavan y cogian en cantidad que
le bastava a el y a su casa.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 110-12, 130-2.
'Sus mayordomos ... que recibian los tributos, y los dauan a los
señores.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii. Some
authors speak of a tribute of virgins and of a coin called _cuzcas_.
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 262. 'Jamais l'impôt
n'était réparti par tête, mais par ville, village ou hameau.'
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 57-8, 33,
553. In Guatemala, 'en lo tocante á las rentas del rey y Señores,
habia este órden, que todo venia á un montón, y de allí le daban al
rey su parte, despues daban á los Señores, segun cada uno era, y
despues daban á los oficiales, y á quienes el rey hacia mercedes.'
_Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 201-2. 'Ils possédaient les
esclaves mâles ou femelles que ces sujets leur payaient en tribut.'
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 416-17; _Id._, in
_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 45; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 345, 386; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.
iv., p. 104; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 341;
_Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., p. 195.

[931] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 180-1; _Ternaux-Compans_, in
_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 46; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 70-1; _Carrillo_, in
_Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. iii., p. 268.

[932] On the Maya laws see: _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 132-4, 176-8;
_Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 196-200, 208; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 338-46, 386-92; _Las Casas_, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 135-46; _Cogolludo_,
_Hist. Yuc._, pp. 179-83; _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 80-2; _Oviedo_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 229-30, tom. iv., pp. 50-1; _Peter
Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. ii.; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p.
162; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x., dec.
iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, pp. 191-2;
_Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263-4; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 59-61, 572-4; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed.
1856,) vol. ii., p. 345; _Id._, _Cent. Amer._, p. 334; _Ternaux-Compans_,
_Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 417-18; _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales
des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 46-7; _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol.
iii., pp. 256-7; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, pp. 116-17; _Pimentel_,
_Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 29-34.

CHAPTER XXI.

EDUCATION AND FAMILY MATTERS AMONG THE MAYAS.

EDUCATION OF YOUTH--PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF GUATEMALA--BRANCHES OF
STUDY IN YUCATAN--MARRYING AGE--DEGREES OF CONSANGUINITY
ALLOWED IN MARRIAGE--PRELIMINARIES OF MARRIAGE--MARRIAGE
CEREMONIES--THE CUSTOM OF THE DROIT DU SEIGNEUR IN
NICARAGUA--WIDOWS--MONOGAMY--CONCUBINAGE--DIVORCE--LAWS
CONCERNING ADULTERY--FORNICATION--RAPE--PROSTITUTION--UNNATURAL
CRIMES--DESIRE FOR CHILDREN--CHILDBIRTH CEREMONIES--RITE OF
CIRCUMCISION--MANNER OF NAMING CHILDREN--BAPTISMAL
CEREMONIES.

The Maya nations appear to have been quite as strict and careful in
the education of youth as the Nahuas. Parents took great pains to
instruct their children to respect old age, to reverence the gods, and
to honor their father and mother.[933] They were, besides, encouraged
while mere infants to amuse themselves with warlike games, and to
practice with the bow and arrow. As they grew older, the children of
the poor people were taught to labor and assist their parents. The
boys were in their childhood educated by the father, who usually
taught them his own trade or calling; the girls were under the
especial care of the mother, who, it is said, watched very closely
over the conduct of her daughters, scarcely ever permitting them to be
out of her sight. Children of both sexes remained under the immediate
control of their parents until they were of an age to be married, and
any disobedience or contumacy was severely punished, sometimes even
with death. The boys in Guatemala slept under the portico of the
house, as it was thought improper that they should observe the conduct
and hear the conversation of married people.[934] In Yucatan, also,
the young people were kept separate from their elders. In each village
was an immense whitewashed shed, under the shelter of which the youths
of the place amused themselves during the day, and slept at
night.[935]

The various little events in a child's life which among all peoples,
savage or civilized, are regarded as of so great importance by anxious
mothers, such as its being weaned, its first step, or its first word,
were celebrated with feasts and rejoicing; the anniversaries of its
birthday were also occasions of much merry-making. The first article
that a child made with its own hands was dedicated to the gods.[936]
In Yucatan children went naked until they were four or five years old,
when the boys were given a breech-clout to wear and a piece of cloth
to sleep under; girls began at the same age to wear a petticoat
reaching from the waist downward.[937] In Guatemala children were left
naked till they were eight or ten years of age, at which time they
were required to do light labor.[938] As soon as a child reached the
age of seven years, it was taken by its father to the priest, who
foretold its future destiny and instructed it how to draw blood from
its body, and perform other religious observances.[939]

[Sidenote: EDUCATION OF CHILDREN.]

The Mayas entrusted the more advanced education of youth entirely to
the priesthood. In Guatemala the youths assisted the priests in their
duties, and received, in turn, an education suited to their position
in life. There were schools in every principal town, at which youths
were instructed in all necessary branches by competent teachers. The
principal of these was a seminary in which were maintained seventy
masters, and from five to six thousand children were educated and
provided for at the expense of the royal treasury.[940] Girls were
placed in convents, under the superintendence of matrons who were most
strict in their guardianship. It is said that they entered when eight
years old, and were not free until about to be married.[941]

In Yucatan, social distinctions seem to have been more sharply defined
than in Guatemala. Here, the schools of learning were only open to the
children of the nobility; a poor man was content to teach his son his
own trade or profession. The children of the privileged classes were,
however, very highly educated. The boys were initiated, we are told,
into the mysteries and strange rites of their religion; they studied
law, morals, music, the art of war, astronomy, astrology, divination,
prophecy, medicine, poetry, history, picture-writing, and every other
branch of knowledge known to their people. The daughters of the nobles
were kept in strict seclusion, and were carefully instructed in all
the accomplishments required of a Maya lady.[942]

In Yucatan, the young men usually married at the age of twenty
years.[943] In Guatemala, Las Casas tells us that the men never
married until they were thirty, notwithstanding he has previously made
the extraordinary assertion that the great prevalence of unnatural
lusts made parents anxious to get their children wedded as early as
possible.[944] Girls among the higher classes must have been married
at a very early age in Guatemala, since it is related that when a
young noble espoused a maiden not yet arrived at the age of puberty,
her father gave him a female slave, to lie with him until the wife
reached maturity. The children of this slave could not inherit his
property, however.[945]

The Guatemalans recognized no relationship on the mother's side only,
and did not hesitate to marry their own sister, provided she was by
another father.[946] Thus, if a noble lady married an inferior in
rank or even a slave, the children belonged to the order of the
father, and not of the mother.[947] Torquemada adds that they
sometimes married their sisters-in-law and step-mothers.[948]

[Sidenote: DEGREES OF KINDRED.]

Among the Pipiles, of Salvador, an ancestral tree, with seven main
branches, denoting degrees of kindred, was painted upon cloth, and
within these seven branches, or degrees, none were allowed to marry,
except as a recompense for some great public or warlike service
rendered. Within four degrees of consanguinity none, under any
pretext, might marry.[949] In Yucatan there was a peculiar prejudice
against a man marrying a woman who bore the same name as his own, and
so far was this fancy carried that he who did this was looked upon as
a renegade and an outcast. Here, also, a man could not marry the
sister of his deceased wife, his step-mother, or his mother's sister,
but with all other relatives on the maternal side, no matter how
close, marriage was perfectly legitimate. A Yucatec noble who wedded a
woman of inferior degree, descended to her social level, and was
dispossessed of a part of his property, and deprived of his
rank.[950] In Nicaragua no one might marry within the first degree of
relationship, but beyond that there was no restriction.[951]

The question of dowry was settled in Guatemala by the relatives of the
young couple.[952] The Yucatec son-in-law served his father-in-law for
four or five years, and the omission of such service was considered
scandalous;[953] while in Nicaragua the dower was usually paid in
fruit or land.[954]

Each of the Maya nations seems to have had a method of arranging
marriages peculiar to itself. In Guatemala the whole affair was
managed by the nearest relatives of the betrothed pair, who were kept
in profound ignorance of the coming event, and did not even know each
other until the day of the wedding. It seems incredible that the young
men should have quietly submitted to having their wives picked out for
them without being allowed any voice or choice in the matter. Yet we
are told that so great was their obedience and submission to their
parents, that there never was any scandal in these things. If this be
the case, what a strange phenomenon Guatemalan society must have been,
with no love affairs, no wooing permitted, and Cupid a banished boy.
But, for all that, many a Guatemalan youth may have looked coldly upon
his bride as he thought of another and, to him, fairer face, and many
a loyal young wife may have been sometimes troubled with the vision of
a comely form that she had admired before she saw her lord.

[Sidenote: PRELIMINARIES OF MARRIAGE.]

When a man of rank wished to marry his son, he sent a number of his
friends with presents to the parents of the young girl upon whom his
choice had fallen. If the presents were refused it was a sign that the
offer of alliance was declined, and no farther steps were taken in the
matter; but if they were accepted it showed that the match was thought
a desirable one. In the latter case, a few days having elapsed,
another embassy, bearing more costly gifts than before, was dispatched
to the parents of the girl, who were again asked to give their consent
to the marriage. Finally, a third deputation was sent, and this
generally succeeded in satisfactorily arranging the affair. The two
families then commenced to treat each other as relations, and to visit
each other for the purposes of determining the day of the wedding and
making preparations for the event. Among the lower classes the father
usually demanded the bride of her parents in person.[955] It was
customary among the Pipiles of Salvador for the father of the boy,
after having obtained the consent of the girl's parents to the match,
to take her to his house when she was twelve years of age, and his son
fourteen, and there educate and maintain her as if she were his own
child. In return he was entitled to her services and those of his son,
until they were able to sustain themselves, and of a suitable age to
marry. The parents of the couple then jointly made them a present of a
house and gave them the means to start in life. Thereafter, if the
young man met his father-in-law in the street, he crossed to the other
side of the way, and the girl paid the same courtesy to her
mother-in-law.[956]

In the greater part of Nicaragua matches were arranged by the parents,
but there were certain independent towns in which the girls chose
their husbands from among the young men, while the latter were sitting
at a feast.[957]

I have already alluded to the fact that if in Guatemala or Yucatan a
young man married into a rank lower than his own he lost caste in
consequence, hence his parents were the more careful to select for him
a bride from among the maidens of his own standing in society. Among
the Mayas of Yucatan when the day appointed for a marriage ceremony
arrived, the invited friends assembled at the house of the bride's
father, where the betrothed couple with their parents and the
officiating priest were already waiting. For the joyful occasion a
great feast was prepared, as it was customary to incur a large expense
in food and wine for the entertainment of invited guests. When all
were present, the priest called the bride and bridegroom with their
parents before him and delivered to them an address concerning the
duties of the wedded state. He then offered incense and certain
prayers to the gods, concluding the ceremony by asking a blessing from
heaven for the newly wedded couple.[958] No ceremonies took place when
a widow or widower was married; in such case a simple repast or the
giving of food and drink one to another was deemed sufficient to
solemnize the nuptials.[959]

[Sidenote: MARRIAGE CEREMONIES.]

It was customary in Guatemala, when all preliminaries of a marriage
had been settled and the day fixed for the wedding, for the
bridegroom's father to send a deputation of old women and principal
men to conduct the bride to his house. One of those sent for this
purpose carried her upon his shoulders, and when they arrived at a
certain designated point near the bridegroom's home, she was met by
other men also chosen by her father-in-law, who offered incense four
or five times before her and sacrificed some quail or other birds to
the gods, at the same time giving thanks for her safe arrival. As soon
as she came to the house she was seated with much ceremony upon a
couch covered with mats or rich carpets; immediately a number of
singers began a song suited to the occasion; musicians played on their
instruments; dancers came forth and danced before her.[960] The
consent of the cacique had to be obtained to all marriages that were
celebrated in his territory; before the ceremony the priest desired
the young man and his bride to confess to him all the sins of their
past life. No person was allowed to marry in Yucatan until the rite of
baptism had been administered.[961] In Guatemala, if the betrothed
belonged to the higher classes of society, the cacique joined their
hands and then tied the end of the man's mantle to a corner of the
woman's dress, at the same time advising them to be faithful and
loving toward each other. The ceremony ended, all partook of the
wedding feast and the bride and bridegroom were carried to the house
intended for them, upon the shoulders of some of those who had
assisted at the marriage; they were then conducted to the bridal
chamber and, as Ximenez tells us, received instructions from two of
the most honored old women respecting certain marital duties.[962]

The marriage ceremonies of the Pipiles were simple and unique; matches
were made by the cacique and carried into effect under his direction.
At the appointed time the kinsfolk of the bride proceeded to the house
of the bridegroom, whence he was borne to the river and washed. The
relatives of the bride performed the same act of cleansing upon the
person of the bride. The two parties with their respective charges
then repaired to the house of the bride. The couple were now tied
together by the ends of the blankets, in which they were enfolded
naked and laid away--married.[963] After the ceremony an interchange
of presents took place between the relatives of the newly married
couple and they all feasted together.

Among the civilized nations of Nicaragua, when a match was arranged to
the satisfaction of the parents, some fowls were killed, cacao was
prepared, and the neighbors were invited to be present. The father,
mother, or whoever gave away the bride, was asked in presence of the
assembled guests whether or not she came as a virgin; if the answer
was in the affirmative, and the husband afterwards found that she had
been already seduced, he had the right to return her to her parents
and she was looked upon as a bad woman; but if the parents answered
that she was not a virgin, and the man agreed to take her for a wife,
the marriage was valid.[964]

When they were to be united the cacique took the parties with his
right hand by the little fingers of their left hands and led them into
the house set apart for marriages, leaving them, after some words of
advice, in a small room, where there was a fire of candlewood. While
the fire lasted they were expected to remain perfectly still, and not
until it was burned out did they proceed to consummate the marriage.
The following day if the husband made no objection in respect to the
girl's virginity, the relations and friends assembled and expressed
their gratification with loud cries of joy, and passed the day in
feasting and pleasure.[965]

[Sidenote: DROIT DE SEIGNEUR.]

Notwithstanding the disgrace attached to a woman who had lost her
virginity before marriage and concealed the fact, we are assured by
Andagoya that in Nicaragua a custom similar to the European 'droit du
seigneur' was practiced by a priest living in the temple, who slept
with the bride during the night preceding her marriage.[966]

A widow was looked upon as the property of the family of her deceased
husband, to whose brother she was invariably married, even though he
might have a wife of his own at the time. If she had no
brother-in-law, then she was united to the nearest living relative on
her husband's side.[967] In Yucatan, the widow could not marry again
until after a year from her husband's death.[968]

Monogamy seems to have been the rule among the Maya nations, and many
authors assert positively that polygamy did not exist. It was only in
the border state of Chiapas that the custom is mentioned by Remesal.
To compensate for this, concubinage was largely indulged in by the
wealthy. The punishment for bigamy was severe, and consisted, in
Nicaragua, of banishment and confiscation of the entire property for
the benefit of the injured wife or husband, who was at liberty to
marry again, a privilege which was not, however, accorded to women who
had children. Landa tells us that the Chichen Itza kings lived in a
state of strict celibacy, and Diaz relates that a tower was pointed
out to him on the coast of Yucatan, which was occupied by women who
had dedicated themselves to a single life.[969]

With their loveless marriages it was fortunate that divorce could be
obtained on very slight grounds. In Yucatan, says Landa, the father
would, after a final separation, procure one wife after another to
suit the tastes of his son. If the children were still of tender age
at the time the parents separated, they were left with the mother; if
grown up, the boys followed the father, while the girls remained with
the mother. It was not unusual for the husband to return to the wife
after a while, if she was free, regardless of the fact that she had
belonged to another in the meantime.[970] In Guatemala the wife could
leave her husband on the same slight grounds as the man, and if she
refused to return to him after being requested to do so, he was
allowed to marry again; she was then considered free, and held of no
little consequence. In Nicaragua the husband decided whether the
children were to remain with him or the divorced wife.[971]

[Sidenote: INTERCOURSE OF THE SEXES.]

The Mayas seem to have dealt more leniently with adulterers than the
Nahuas. In Guatemala, the married man who committed adultery with a
maiden was, upon complaint of the girl's relations, compelled to pay
as a fine from sixty to one hundred rare feathers. It generally
happened, however, that the friends of the woman were careful to keep
the matter secret, as such a scandal would cause great injury to her
future prospects. If a married man was known to sin with a married
woman or a widow, both were for the first or even the second offence
merely warned, and condemned to pay a fine of feathers; but if they
persevered in their crime, then their hands were bound behind their
backs, and they were forced to inhale the smoke of a certain herb
called _tabacoyay_, which, although very painful, was not a fatal
punishment. The single man who committed adultery with a married woman
was obliged to pay to the parents of the latter the amount which her
husband had paid for her; doubtless this fine was handed over to the
injured husband, who, in such a case, repudiated his wife. It
sometimes happened, however, that the husband did not report the
matter to the authorities, but gave his unfaithful wife a bird of the
kind which was used in sacrifices, and told her to offer it to the
gods, and, with her companion in crime, to confess and be forgiven.
Such a husband was regarded as a most virtuous and humane man.[972] A
noble lady taken in adultery was reprimanded the first time, and
severely punished or repudiated for the second offence. In the latter
case she was free to marry again.[973] It was a capital crime to
commit adultery with a lord's wife; if he who did so was a noble,
they strangled him, but if he was a plebeian, they flung him down a
precipice.[974]

Cogolludo says that among the Itzas the man and woman taken in
adultery were put to death. The woman was taken beyond the limits of
the town to a place where there were many loose stones. There she was
bound to a post, and the priest who had judged her having cast the
first stone, and the injured husband the second, the crowd that was
never missing on such occasions joined so eagerly in the sport that
the death of their target was a speedy one. The male adulterer,
according to the same account, was also bound to a post, and shot to
death in the same manner with arrows.[975]

[Sidenote: ADULTERY AND FORNICATION.]

In Vera Paz, incorrigible adulterers were enslaved.[976] In Nicaragua,
the faithless wife was repudiated by her husband, and not allowed to
marry again, but she had the right of retaining her dowry and effects.
The adulterer was severely beaten with sticks, by the relations of the
woman he had led astray. The husband appears to have taken no part in
the matter.[977] In Yucatan, adultery was punished with death.
According to Cogolludo, offenders of both sexes were shot to death
with arrows; Landa tells us that the man was killed with a stone by
the husband of his paramour, but the woman was punished with disgrace
only. It is said that in more ancient times adulterers were impaled or
disemboweled. But so great was the horror in which the Yucatecs held
this crime, that they did not always wait for conviction, but
sometimes punished a suspected person by binding him, stripping him
naked, shaving off his hair, and thus leaving him for a time.[978]
Among the Pipiles of Salvador he who made advances to a married woman,
and did nothing worse, was banished, and his property was confiscated.
The adulterer, if we may believe Palacio,[979] was put to death;
Squier says he became the slave of the dishonored husband.[980]

Simple fornication was punished with a fine, to be paid in feathers of
a certain rare bird, which, by the laws of Vera Paz at least, it was
death to kill without express permission, as its plumage formed a most
valuable article of trade with the neighboring provinces.[981] But if
any complaint was raised, such as by a father in behalf of his
daughter, or by a brother for his sister, the seducer was put to
death, or at least made a slave.[982] In Yucatan, death seems to have
been the inevitable fate of the seducer.[983]

In Guatemala and Salvador, consummated rape was punished with death.
He who merely attempted rape was enslaved.[984] In Nicaragua, the
penalty for this crime was not so severe, since he who committed it
was only obliged to compensate pecuniarily the parents of his victim;
though if he could not do this he became their slave. He who ravished
the daughter of his employer or lord was, however, always put to
death.[985] Incest is said to have been an unknown crime.[986]

Public prostitution was tolerated, if not encouraged, among all the
Maya nations. In every Nicaraguan town there were establishments kept
by public women, who sold their favors for ten cocoa-nibs, and
maintained professional bullies to protect and accompany them at home
and abroad. Parents could prostitute their daughters without shame;
and it is said, further, that during a certain annual festival, women,
of whatever condition, could abandon themselves to the embrace of
whomever they pleased, without incurring any disgrace.[987] It was no
unusual thing for parents of the lower orders to send their daughters
on a tour through the land, that they might earn their marriage
portion by prostitution.[988]

[Sidenote: UNNATURAL VICES.]

All the old writers appear anxious to clear the civilized aborigines
from the charge of sodomy, yet the fact that no nation was without
strict laws regarding this unnatural vice, combined with the
admissions reluctantly made by the reverend fathers themselves, seems
to show that pederasty certainly was not unknown. Thus, Las Casas says
that sodomy was looked upon as a great and abominable sin in Vera Paz,
and was not known until a god,[989] called by some Chin, by others
Cavil, and again by others Maran, instructed them by committing the
act with another deity. Hence it was held by many to be no sin,
inasmuch as a god had introduced it among them. And thus it happened
that some fathers gave their sons a boy to use as a woman; and if any
other approached this boy he was treated as an adulterer.
Nevertheless, if a man committed a rape upon a boy, he was punished in
the same manner as if he had ravished a woman. And, adds the same
writer, there were always some who reprehended this abominable
custom.[990] In Yucatan certain images were found by Bernal Diaz which
would lead us to suppose that the natives were at least acquainted
with sodomy,[991] but here again the good father[992] takes up the
cudgels in behalf of his favorites. In Nicaragua sodomites were
stoned to death.[993]

The desire to possess children seems to have been very general, and
many were the prayers and offerings made by disappointed parents to
propitiate the god whose anger was supposed to have deferred their
hopes. To further promote the efficacy of their prayers, the priest
enjoined upon man and wife to separate for a month or two, to adhere
to a simple diet, and abstain from salt.[994] Several superstitious
observances were also regarded; thus, among the Pipiles, a husband
should avoid meeting his father-in-law, or a wife her mother-in-law,
lest issue fail them.[995] These observances tend the more to
illustrate their longing to become parents, since the women are said
to have been very prolific. The women were delivered with little
difficulty or pain,[996] yet a midwife was called in, who attended to
the mother's wants, and facilitated parturition by placing a heated
stone upon the abdomen. In Yucatan an image of _Ixchel_, the goddess
of childbirth, was placed beneath the bed. Among the Pipiles and in
Guatemala, the woman was confessed when any difficulty arose, and it
not unfrequently happened that an officer of justice took advantage of
such opportunities to obtain criminating evidence. If the wife's
confession alone did not have the desired effect, the husband was
called upon to avow his sins; his maxtli was besides laid over the
wife, and sometimes blood was drawn from his tongue and ears, to be
scattered towards the four quarters with various invocations.[997]
After delivery a turkey hen was immolated, and thanks rendered to the
deity for the happy issue. The midwife thereupon washed the child,
placed a bow and arrow in its hands, if a boy, a spindle, if a girl,
and drew a mark upon its right foot, so that it might become a good
mountaineer.

[Sidenote: CHILDBIRTH AND CIRCUMCISION.]

The birth of a son was celebrated with especial rejoicings, and
extensive invitations issued for the feasts that took place on or
about the day when the umbilical cord was to be cut,[998] a ceremony
which seems to have borne the same festive character as baptism among
the Nahuas and other nations. The _ahgih_, astrologer, was asked to
name a favorable day for the rite. The cord was then laid upon an ear
of maize to be cut off with a new knife and burned. The grains were
removed from the cob and sown at the proper season; one half of the
yield to be made into gruel and form the first food of the child aside
from the mother's milk, the other half to be sent to the ahgih, after
reserving a few grains for the child to sow with his own hands when he
grew up, and make an offering thereof to his god. At the same time a
kind of circumcision may have been performed, a rite which could not,
however, have been very general, if indeed it ever existed, for
Cogolludo positively asserts that it never was practiced in Yucatan,
and Landa thinks that the custom of slitting the foreskin, which the
devout performed before the idol, may have given rise to the report.
Palacio asserts that certain Indians in Salvador are known to have
scarified themselves as well as some boys in the same manner.[999]

[Sidenote: NAMING THE CHILDREN.]

The naming of the child was the next important affair. Among the
Pipiles it was taken to the temple on the twelfth day, over a road
strewn with green branches,[1000] and here the priest gave it the name
of its grandfather or grandmother, after which offerings of cacao and
fowl were presented to the idol, and some gifts to the minister. In
Guatemala the child was named after the god to whom the day of its
birth was dedicated, for it was not thought desirable to call it after
the parents; other names were, however, applied afterwards, according
to circumstances.[1001] Las Casas adds that the parents lost their
name on the birth of the first son and daughter, the father being
called 'father of Ek,' or whatever might be the name of the son, and
the mother receiving the cognomen of 'mother of Can,' etc.[1002] The
Itzas gave their children a name formed of the combined names of the
father and mother, that of the latter standing first; thus, in Canek,
_can_ is taken from the mother's name, _ek_ from the father's. In
Yucatan, the former home of this people, the custom was almost the
same, except that _na_ was prefixed to the names of the parents; thus,
Na-Chan-Chel denoted son of Chel and Chan, but as the name of the
father, according to Landa, was perpetuated in the son only, not in
the daughter, it follows that the girl could not have been named in
the same order; it is possible that the mother's name was placed last,
and served as surname in their case. In later years this name was not
usually imposed until the time of baptism; but in earlier times a
distinctive name was given by the priest at the time of taking the
horoscope, shortly after birth. The name of the father was borne till
the marriage day, the names of both parents being assumed after that
event.[1003] On the conclusion of the above ceremonies, the Guatemalan
or Pipile infant and mother were taken to a fountain or river, near a
fall if possible, to be bathed, and during the bath incense, birds, or
cacao were offered to the water, apparently with a view of gaining the
good will of the god of that element. The utensils which had served at
the birth, such as warming stone, cups, and knife, were thrown into
the water at the same time.[1004]

The mothers were good and patient nurses, suckling their infants for
over three years, for the habit of taking warm morning drinks, the
exercise of grinding maize, and the uncovered bosom, all tended to
produce large breasts and an abundant supply of milk. Otherwise the
children received a hardy training, clothing being dispensed with, and
the bare ground serving for a couch. When working, the mother carried
them on her back; in Yucatan, however, they were usually borne across
the hip, and for this reason a large number became bow-legged. Landa
also mentions another deformity, that produced by head-flattening,
which is to be noticed on the sculptures of the Maya ruins.[1005]

[Sidenote: BAPTISMAL CEREMONIES.]

It is related by all the old Spanish historians, that when the
Spaniards first visited the kingdom of Yucatan they found there traces
of a baptismal rite; and, strangely enough, the name given to this
rite in the language of the inhabitants, was _zihil_, signifying 'to
be born again.' It was the duty of all to have their children
baptized, for, by this ablution they believed that they received a
purer nature, were protected against evil spirits and future
misfortunes. I have already mentioned that no one could marry unless
he had been baptised according to their customs; they held, moreover,
that an unbaptised person, whether man or woman, could not lead a good
life, nor do anything well. The rite was administered to children of
both sexes at any time between the ages of three and twelve years.
When parents desired to have a child baptised they notified the priest
of their intentions. The latter then published a notice throughout the
town of the day upon which the ceremony would take place, being first
careful to fix upon a day of good omen. This done, the fathers of the
children who were to be baptised, selected five of the most honored
men of the town to assist the priest during the ceremony. These were
called _chacs_.[1006] During the three days preceding the ceremony the
fathers and assistants fasted and abstained from women. When the
appointed day arrived, all assembled with the children who were to be
baptised, in the house of the giver of the feast, who was usually one
of the wealthiest of the parents. In the courtyard fresh leaves were
strewn, and there the boys were ranged in a row in charge of their
godfathers, while in another row were the girls with their
godmothers. The priest now proceeded to purify the house with the
object of casting out the devil. For this purpose four benches were
placed one in each of the four corners of the courtyard, upon which
were seated four of the assistants holding a long cord that passed
from one to the other, thus enclosing part of the yard; within this
enclosure were the children and those fathers and officials who had
fasted. A bench was placed in the centre, upon which the priest was
seated with a brazier, some ground corn, and incense. The children
were directed to approach one by one, and the priest gave to each a
little of the ground corn and incense, which, as they received it,
they cast into the brazier. When this had been done by all, they took
the cord and brazier, with a vessel of wine, and gave them to a man to
carry outside the town, with injunctions not to drink any of the wine,
and not to look behind him; with such ceremony the devil was
expelled.[1007] The yard was then swept clean, and some leaves of a
tree called _cihom_, and of another called _copo_, were scattered over
it. The priest now clothed himself in long gaudy-looking robes,
consisting, according to Landa, of a jacket of red feathers with
flowers of various colors embroidered thereon; hanging from the ends
were other long feathers, and on his head a coronet of plumes. From
beneath the jacket long bands of cotton hung down to the ground. In
his hand he held some hyssop fastened to a short stick. The chacs then
put white cloths upon the children's heads and asked the elder if they
had committed any sins; such as confessed that they had, were then
placed apart. The priest then ordered the people to sit down and be
silent; he next blessed the boys, and offering up some prayers,
purified them with the hyssop with much solemnity. The principal
officer who had been elected by the fathers, now took a bone, and
having dipped it in a certain water, moistened their foreheads, their
features, and their fingers and toes.[1008] After they had been thus
sprinkled with water the priest arose and removed the cloths from the
heads of the children, and then cut off with a stone knife a certain
bead that was attached to the head from childhood; they were then
given by one of the assistants some flowers to smell, and a pipe
through which they drew some smoke, after which they were each
presented with a little food, and a vessel full of wine was brought as
an offering to the gods, who were entreated to receive it as a
thanksgiving from the boys; it was then handed to one of the
officials, who had to drink it at one draught. A similar ceremony took
place with the female children, at the conclusion of which their
mothers divested them of a cord, which was worn during their
childhood, fastened round the loins, having a small shell that hung in
front. The removal of this signified that they could marry as soon as
their parents permitted.[1009] The children were then dismissed, and
their fathers distributed presents among those who had assisted at the
ceremony. A grand banquet called _emku_, or 'the descent of god,' was
then held, and during the nine succeeding days the fathers of the
children fasted, and were not to approach their wives.[1010]

[Sidenote: DOMESTIC DISCIPLINE.]

The Nicaraguan husbands are said to have been so much under the
control of their wives that they were obliged to do the housework
while the women attended to the trading. The latter were, moreover,
great shrews, and would on the slightest provocation drive their
offending husbands out of the house; we are told that it was no
unusual occurrence for the neighbors to be suddenly called in to
appease some unfortunate man's Xanthippe.[1011] The women of Yucatan
were renowned for their modesty and conjugal faithfulness. Landa, one
of the first bishops of Yucatan, relates an anecdote illustrating this
trait. Alonso Lopez de Avila, during the war against Bacalar, took
prisoner a very beautiful Indian girl. Struck by her beauty the captor
endeavored by all means to induce her to gratify his desires, but in
vain. She had promised her warrior-husband, who during those perilous
times was constantly face to face with death, that none but he should
ever call her wife; how then, while perhaps he yet lived, could she
become another's mistress. But such arguments did not quench the
Spaniard's lust, and as she remained steadfast, he ordered her to be
cast among the bloodhounds, who devoured her--a martyr at the hands of
the men who pretended to preach Jesus Christ, and him crucified.[1012]

FOOTNOTES:

[933] They were taught, says Las Casas, 'que honrasen á los padres y
les fuesen obedientes; que no tuviesen codicia de muchos bienes; que
no adulterasen con muger agena; que no fornicasen, ni llegasen á
muger, sino á la que fuese suya; que no mirasen á las mugeres para
codiciarlas, diciendo que no traspasasen umbral ageno; que si
anduviesen de noche por el pueblo, que llevasen lumbre en la mano; que
siguiesen su camino derecho, que no bajasen de camino, ni subiesen
tampoco del; que á los ciegos no les pusiesen ofendiculo para que
cayesen; á los lisiados no escarneciesen y de los locos no se riesen,
porque todo aquello era malo; que trabajen y no estubiesen ociosos; y
para esto desde niños les enseñavan como havian de hacer las
sementeras y como beneficiallas y cogellas.' _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 132. Brasseur de Bourbourg remarks that the
respectful term of _you_ instead of _thou_, is frequently used by
children when addressing their parents, in the Popol Vuh. _Popol Vuh_,
p. 96. The old people 'eran tan estimados en esto que los moços no
tratavan con viejos, sino era en cosas inevitables, y los moços por
casar; con los casados sino muy poco.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 178.

[934] 'Dormian en los portales no solo cuando hacian su ayuno, mas aun
casi todo el año, porque no les era permitido tratar ni saber de los
negocios de los casados, ni aun sabian cuando habian de casarse, hasta
el tiempo que les presentaban las mugeres, porque eran muy sujetos y
obedientes á sus padres. Cuando aquestos mancebos iban á sus casas a
ver á sus padres ... tenian su cuenta de que no hablasen los padres
cosa que fuese menos honesta.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 181.

[935] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 178.

[936] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxix.; _Brasseur
de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 569.

[937] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 180.

[938] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiv.;
_Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, p. 195.

[939] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 569.

[940] _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, p. 87; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 569.

[941] _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 194; _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._,
p. 195; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 569.

[942] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 42-4; _Carrillo_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog.,
Boletin_, 2da época, tom. iii., p. 269; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i.,
p. 191; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp.
61-2.

[943] _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 203; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 52; Herrera, _Hist. Gen._,
dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv., says that in later times they married at
twelve or fourteen.

[944] _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p.
135.

[945] _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 208. This is the same passage
that Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 572, cites
as _Roman_, _Rep. Ind._, tom. ii., cap. x.

[946] 'Los Indios de la Vera-Paz muchas veces, segun el Parentesco,
que vsaban, era fuerça que casasen Hermanos con Hermanas, y era la
raçon esta: Acostumbraban no casar los de vn Tribu, ò Pueblo, con las
Mugeres del mismo Pueblo, y las buscaban, que fuesen de otro; porque
no contaban por de su Familia, y Parentesco los Hijos que nacian en el
Tribu ò Linage ageno, aunque la Muger huviese procedido de su mismo
Linage; y era la raçon, porque aquel Parentesco se atribuìa à solo los
Hombres. Por manera, que si algun Señor daba su Hija à otro de otro
Pueblo, aunque no tuviese otro heredero este Señor, sino solos los
Nietos, Hijos de su Hija, no los reconocia por Nietos, ni Parientes,
en raçon de hacerlos herederos, por ser Hijos del otro Señor de otros
Pueblos y asi se le buscaba al tal Señor, Muger que fuese de otro
Pueblo, y no de el proprio. Y asi sucedia, que los Hijos de estas
Mugeres, no tenian por Parientes à los Deudos de su Madre, por estàr
en otro Pueblo, y esto se entiende, en quanto à casarse con ellas, que
lo tenian por licito, aunque en lo demàs se reconocian. Y porque la
cuenta de su Parentesco era entre solos los Hombres, y no por parte de
las Mugeres. Y por esto no tenian impedimento, para casarse, con los
tales Parientes; y asi se casaban con todos los grados de
Consanguinidad, porque mas por Hermana tenian qualquiera Muger de su
Linage, aunque fuese remotisima, y no tuviese memoria del grado, en
que le tocaba, que la Hija de su propia Madre, como fuese havida de
otro Marido, y por este error se casaban, con las Hermanas de Madre, y
no de Padre.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 419.

[947] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 572.

[948] _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 419.

[949] 'En lo que tocava al parentesco, tenian un arbol pintado, i en
el siete ramos que signifacava siete grados de parentesco. En estos
grados no se podia casar nadie, i esto se entendia por linea recta si
no fuese que alguno huviese fecho algun gran fecho en armas, i havia
de ser del tercero grado fuera; i por linea traversa tenia otro arbol
con quatro ramos que significaban el quarto grado, en estos no se
podia casar nadie.... Qualquiera que tenia quenta carnal con parienta
en los grados susodichos morian por ello ambos.' _Palacio_, _Carta_,
p. 80; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.;
_Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 334.

[950] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Landa_,
_Relacion_, pp. 134-6, 140; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. ii., p. 61.

[951] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 419; _Squier's
Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 343.

[952] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 570.

[953] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 53.
'Los dotes eran de vestidos, y cosas de poca sustancia, lo mas se
gastaua en los combites.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x.,
cap. iv.

[954] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 50; _Squier's Nicaragua_,
(Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 343.

[955] _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 204-6; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 569-71.

[956] _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 78; _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 321.

[957] _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec.
iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii.,
p. 343.

[958] 'Haziase vna platica de como se auia tratado, y mirado aquel
casamiento, y que quadraua: hecha la platica el Sacerdote sahumaua la
casa; y con oraciones bendezia a los nouios, y quedauan casados.'
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.

[959] _Ib._; _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 142.

[960] 'Llegada á casa, luego la ponian y asentaban en un tálamo bien
aderezado, y comenzaban grandes bailes y cantares y otros regocijos
muchos, con que la fiesta era muy solemne.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind.
Guat._, p. 206; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii.,
pp. 570-1.

[961] 'Sin él ninguno se casaba.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom.
i., p. 183; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 191; _Juarros_, _Hist.
Guat._, p. 196.

[962] 'A la noche, dos mugeres honradas y viejas metíanlos en una
pieza, y enseñàbanlos como habian de haberse en el matrimonio.'
_Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 206.

[963] Palacio says they were each wrapped in a new white mantle.
'Ambos los enbolvian cada qual en su manta blanca nueva.' _Carta_, p.
78. See also _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.;
_Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 333.

[964] 'Si la tomo por virgen, y la halla corrompida, desecha la, mas
no de otra manera.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263; _Oviedo_, _Hist.
Gen._, tom. iv., p. 49.

[965] 'Los novios se están quedos, mirando cómo aquella poca tea se
quema; é acabada, quedan casados é ponen en efetto lo demás.'
_Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 50. 'En muriendose la lumbre,
quedan casados.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263; _Squier's
Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 343; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., p.
273.

[966] 'La noche ántes habia de dormir con la novia uno que tenian por
papa.' _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., p.
414; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. v., cap. xii. Oviedo
perhaps alludes to this custom when he says: 'Muchos hay que quieren
más las corrompidas que no las vírgenes.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p.
50; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 472.

[967] 'Comunmente estas gentes compraban la muger, y aquellos dones
que llevaban, era el precio, y así la muger jamas volvía á casa de sus
padres aunque enviudase; porque luego el hermano del muerto la tomaba
por muger _aunque él fuese casado_, y si el hermano no era para ello,
un pariente tenia derecho á ella. Los hijos de las tales mugeres no
tenian por deudos á los tales abuelos, ni á los demas deudos de las
madres, porque la cuenta de su parentesco venia por linea de varones,
y así no tenian impedimentos para casarse con los parientes de sus
madres, esto se entiende para contraer matrimonio; que en lo demas
amábanse y queríanse unos à otros.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p.
207; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 146;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 388; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 571-2.

[968] 'No se casavan despues de viudos un año, por no conocer hombre a
muger en aquel tiempo, y a los que esto no guardavan, tenian por poco
templados y que les vendria por esso algun mal.' _Landa_, _Relacion_,
p. 156.

[969] _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i.,
tom. x., p. 13. 'Todos toman muchas mugeres, empero vna es la
legitima,' says Gomara, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263, in speaking of
Nicaragua. 'Comunmente cada uno tiene una sola muger, é pocos son los
que tienen más, exçepto los prinçipales ó el que puede dar de comer á
más mugeres; é los caçiques quantas quieren.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. iv., p. 37. The word 'muger' evidently means women who lived with
the man, the wife and concubines, for, on p. 50, it is stated that
only one legitimate wife was allowed. The punishment for bigamy helps
to bear this out. _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 310, 499.
'Nunca los yucataneses tomaron mas de una.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp.
142, 341. This view is also taken by Cogolludo, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 193,
who adds, however: 'Contradize Aguilar en su informe lo de vna muger
sola, diziendo, que tenian muchas;' but this may refer to concubines.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 55, says: 'La
pluralité des femmes étant admises par la loi,' and gives _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv., as his authority; but this
author merely refers to concubinage as being lawful.

[970] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 138-40. 'Tenian grandes pendencias, y
muertes sobre ello,' says Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x.,
cap. iv., referring to their married life.

[971] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 50; _Las Casas_, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 146; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 572.

[972] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 137-8.

[973] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 572.

[974] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 387. 'Acontecio
quexarse vn Indio contra vn Alcalde de su nacion, que sin pedimento
suyo hauia castigado a su muger por ocho adulterios, y hechole pagar a
el la condenacion, de manera que aliende de su afrenta, le lleuaua su
dinero.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. viii.
'Cuando queria que la muger se huia y se iba con otro, ó por sencillas
se volvia en casa de sus padres, requeríala el marido que volviese, y
si no queria, él se podia casar luego con otra, porque en este caso
las mugeres eran poderosas y libres. Algunos sufrian un año
aguardándolas; pero lo comun era casarse luego, porque no podian vivir
sin mugeres, á causa de no tener quien les guisese de comer.'
_Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 200.

[975] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 699.

[976] 'Quando las mugeres eran halladas en adulterio, la primera vez
eran corregidas de palabra; y si no se enmendaban, repudiábanlas; y si
era Señor, hermano ó pariente del Señor de la tierra, luego en
dejándola, se podia casarse con quien quisiere. Los vasallos hacian
tambien esto muchas veces, pero tenian un poco de mas paciencia,
porque las corregian dos y cinco veces, y llamaban á sus parientes
para que las reprehendiesen. Pero si eran incorregibles, denunciaban
ellas delante del Señor, el cual las mandaba comparecer ante sí y
hacianlas esclavas, y la misma pena se daba á las que no querian hacer
vida con sus maridos.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 208-9.

[977] Oviedo asserts that the husband avenged his own honor. The Friar
asks: '¿Qué pena le dan al adúltero, que se echa con la muger de
otro?' The Indian answers: 'El marido della riñe con él é le da de
palos; pero no lo mata.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 50. Squier,
_Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 343, says that the woman was
also severely flogged, but this does not seem to have been the case.
See _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec.
iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., p. 273.

[978] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 182; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 48,
176; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.
xcvii., p. 46; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii.;
_Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, p. 117.

[979] _Carta_, p. 80.

[980] _Cent. Amer._, p. 334.

[981] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 137, 144; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom.
ii., p. 387.

[982] _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p.
144; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 388.

[983] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 182.

[984] _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p.
144; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 388; _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.; _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 82;
_Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 334.

[985] _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.
iv., p. 51; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.;
_Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 343.

[986] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 51; _Squier's Nicaragua_,
(Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 343.

[987] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 252, 316, tom. iv., pp. 37,
51; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263-4; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec.
iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p.
663; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., pp. 343-4; _Boyle's
Ride_, vol. i., p. 273. 'Dado que e vido que en otras partes de las
Indias usavan del nefando peccado en estas tales casas, en esta tierra
(Yucatan) no e entendido que hiziessen tal, ni creo lo hazian, porque
los llagados desta pestilencial miseria dizen que no son amigos de
mugeres como eran estos, ca a estos lugares llevavan las malas mugeres
publicas, y en ellos usavan dellas, y las pobres que entre esta gente
acertava a tener este officio no obstante que recibian dellos
gualardon, eran tantos los mocos que a ellas acudian que las traian
acossadas y muertas.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 178.

[988] _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viajes_, tom. iii., p. 414;
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. v., cap. xii.; _Squier's
Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 344; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., pp.
273-4.

[989] A demon, Las Casas calls him, but these monks spoke of all the
New World deities as 'demons.'

[990] _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p.
138. Before this he writes: 'Y es aqui de saber, que tenian por grave
pecado el de la sodomia como abajo dirémos, y comunmente los padres lo
aborrecian y prohibian á los hijos. Pero por causa de que fuesen
instruidos en la religion, mandavanles dormir en los templos donde los
mozos mayores en aquel vicio á los niños corrompian. Y despues salidos
de alli mal acostumbrados, dificil era librarlos de aquel vicio. Por
esta causa eran los padres muy solicitos de casarlos quan presto
podian, por los apartar de aquella corrupcion vilissima aunque
casallos muchachos contra su voluntad y forzados, y solamente por
aquel respeto lo hacian.' _Id._, pp. 134-5.

[991] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 180.

[992] 'Otro acerrimo infamador de estas naciones, que Dios Nuestro
Señor haya, en cuya historia creo yo que tuvo Dios harto poca parte,
dixo ser indicio notorio de que aquellas gentes eran contaminadas del
vicio nefando por haver hallado en cierta parte de aquella tierra,
hechos de barro ciertos idolos uno encima de otro. Como si entre
nuestros pintores ó figulos no se finjan cada dia figuras feas y de
diversos actos, que no hay sopecha por nadie obrarse, condenarlos
todos por aquello, haciendolos reos de vicio tan indigno de se hablar,
no carece de muy culpable temeridad, y asi lo que ariba dije tengo por
la verdad, y lo demas por falsos testimonios dignos de divino
castigo.' _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p.
147.

[993] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 51; _Squier's Nicaragua_,
(Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 343.

[994] 'Que comiesen el pan seco ó solo maiz, ó que estuviesen tantos
dias en el campo metidos en alguna cueva.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind.
Guat._, p. 193.

[995] _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 78.

[996] In Vera Paz 'las mugeres paren como cabras, muchas vezes a
solas, tendidas en el suelo: otras por los caminos, y luego se van a
lauar al rio.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiv.;
_Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 192.

[997] 'Le hazian dezir sus pecados i si no paria, hazia que se
confesase el marido, i si no podia con esto, si havia dicho i
confesado que conofia alguno, ivan á casa de aquel i traian de su casa
la manta é pañetes i ceiñola á la preñada paraque pariese.' _Palacio_,
_Carta_, p. 76; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
viii., p. 139.

[998] It would seem that the child remained with the navel-string
attached to it until a favorable day was selected for performing the
ceremony of cutting it. 'Echaban suertes para ver que dia seria bueno
para cortar el ombligo.' And further on: 'Muchos tribus de indios de
Centro-America conservan hasta hoy al nacimiento de un niño el uso de
quemarle el ombligo; costumbre barbara de que mueron muchos niños.'
This would indicate that the cord was burned while attached to the
infant. _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 193-4; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 448.

[999] In Cezori 'ciertos Indios idolatraron en un monte en sus
terminos, i entre ellos que uno se harpó i hendió su miembro, i que
circuncidaron quatro muchachos de doze años para arriba al uso
judaico, i la sangre que salio dellos la sacrificaron á un idolo.'
_Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 84. 'Se harpavan el superfluo del miembro
vergonçoso, dexandolo como las orejas, de lo qual se engaño el
historiador general de las Indias, diziendo que se circumcidian.'
_Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 162-3. 'Ni aquellos Religiosos Dominicos, ni
el Obispo de Chiapa, haziendo tan particular inquisicion, hazen
memoria de auer hallado tal cosa ... los Indios, ni estos tienen
tradicion de que vsassen tal costumbre sus ascendientes.' _Cogolludo_,
_Hist. Yuc._, p. 191. 'They are Circumcised, but not all.' _Peter
Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. i. Circumcision was 'un usage général dans
l'Yucatan, observé de temps immémorial: elle était pratiquée sur les
petits enfants dès les premiers jours de leur naissance.' _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 51. This positive and
isolated assertion of the Abbé must be founded upon some of his MSS.,
as usual.

[1000] 'Cortarban ramos verdes en que pisase.' _Palacio_, _Carta_, p.
76.

[1001] Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 568,
refers only to the first-born. 'Dabanle el nombre del Dia, en que
havia nacido, ò segun lo que precediò en su Nacimiento.' _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 448. _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p.
193.

[1002] _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxix.

[1003] 'A sus hijos y hijas siempre llamavan del nombre del padre y de
la madre, el del padre como propio y de la madre apellativo.' The
pre-baptismal name was abandoned when the father's name was assumed.
_Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 136, 194. Only the few who were destined to
receive the baptism obtained the distinctive name. _Medel_, in
_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 44-5;
_Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 489.

[1004] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 448. Palacio,
_Carta_, p. 76, states that this ceremony was performed after the
twelfth day, and that the mother only was taken to be bathed.
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x., and _Squier's
Cent. Amer._, p. 333; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.
ii., p. 568.

[1005] 'Allanarles las frentes y cabeças.' 'Comunmente todos
estevados, porque ... van ahorcajados en los quadriles.' _Landa_,
_Relacion_, pp. 192-4, 112; _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, p. 195.

[1006] _Chác_ or _Chaac_, was the title given to certain laymen who
were elected to assist the priest in some of his religious duties.
Also the name of a divinity, protector of the water and harvests. See
_Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 485.

[1007] Who was selected to take the wine, brazier, and cord outside
the town, or what he did with it afterwards, we are not told.
Cogolludo says: 'Daban à vn Indio vn vaso del vino que acostumbraban
beber, y embiabanle fuera del Pueblo con èl, mandandole, que ni lo
bebiesse, ni mirasse atràs, con que creìan quedaba totalmente expulso
el demonio.' _Hist. Yuc._, p. 191. 'En un vaso enviaban vino fuera del
pueblo, con órden al indio que no lo bebiese ni mirase atras, y con
esto pensaban que habian echado al demonio.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant.
Mej._, tom. i., p. 183; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x.,
cap. iv.

[1008] 'Esta agua hazian de ciertas flores y de cacao mojado y
desleido con agua virgen que ellos dezian traida de los concavos de
los arboles o de los montes.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 150.

[1009] 'Los varoncillos usavanles siempre poner pegada a la cabeça en
los cabellos de la coronilla una contezuela blanca, y a las muchachas
traian ceñidas por las renes muy abaxo con un cordel delgado y en el
una conchuela asida que les venia a dar encima de la parte honesta, y
destas dos cosas era entre ellos peccado y cosa muy fea quitarla de
las mochachas antes del baptismo.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 144, 146.

[1010] Brasseur de Bourbourg says they feasted nine days: 'Tous
ensemble, prêtres et parents, festoyaient après cela, pendant neuf
jours, les pères étant obligés, durant cet intervalle, de s'abstenir
de leurs femmes.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 52. He appears to
have misunderstood Cogolludo, to whom he refers, since that author's
words are, 'acabando la fiesta en banquetes, y en los nueve dias
siguientes no auian de llegar à sus mugeres los padres de los niños.'
_Hist. Yuc._, p. 191. 'Allende de los tres dias que se avia, como por
ayuno, abstenido, se avia de abstener nueve mas y lo hazian
inviolablemente.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 154. See further: _Veytia_,
_Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 182-3; _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom.
i., p. 205; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 272; _Ternaux-Compans_, in
_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 44-5.

[1011] _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viajes_, tom. iii., p.
414; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. v.,
cap. xii.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 39, 61, 103;
_Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 472; _Gomara_, _Hist.
Ind._, fol. 263. In Guatemala 'il est à remarquer ici que quand il
s'agit simultanément d'hommes et de femmes dans le discours, les
femmes ont presque toujours la préséance sur les hommes.' 'C'est
peut-être en mémoire de la mère de Hun-Ahpu que les femmes-chefs en
bien des contrées devaient leurs prérogatives.' _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, pp. 93-4. In Yucatan the women 'son zelosas y
algunas tanto que ponian las manos a las de quien tenian zelos, y tan
colericas, enojadas, aunque harto mansas, que solian dar buelta de
pelo algunas a los maridos con hazerlo ellos pocas vezes.' _Landa_,
_Relacion_, pp. 188, 190. The women of Yucatan had, however, their
duties to perform. 'Son grandes travajadoras y vividoras, porque
dellas cuelgan los mayores y mas trabajos de la sustentacion de sus
casas y educacion de sus hijos, y paga de sus tributos y con todo esso
si es menester llevan algunas vezes mayor carga, labrando y sembrando
sus mantenimientos. Son a maravilla grangeras, velando de noche el
rato que de servir sus casas les queda, yendo a los mercados a comprar
y vender sus cosillas.'... The women joined and aided one another in
the work, as weaving, etc. 'Elles avaient leurs saillies et leurs bons
mots pour railler et conter des aventures et par moment aussi pour
murmurer de leurs maris.' _Id._, p. 190.

[1012] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 186.

CHAPTER XXII.

FEASTS AND AMUSEMENTS OF THE MAYAS.

SPECIAL OBSERVANCES--FIXED FEASTS--SACRIFICE OF
SLAVES--MONTHLY FEASTS OF THE YUCATECS--RENEWAL OF THE
IDOLS--FEAST OF THE CHACS--HUNTING FESTIVAL--THE
TUPPKAK--FEAST OF THE CACAO-PLANTERS--WAR FEAST--THE MAYA
NEW YEAR'S DAY--FEASTS OF THE HUNTERS, FISHERS, AND
APIARISTS--CEREMONIES IN HONOR OF CUKULCAN--FEAST OF THE
MONTH OF MOL--FEAST OF THE YEARS KAN, MULUC, IX, AND
CAUAC--YUCATEC SACRIFICES--THE PIT OF CHICHEN--SACRIFICES OF
THE PIPILES--FEAST OF VICTORY--FEASTS AND SACRIFICES IN
NICARAGUA--BANQUETS--DANCES--MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS--GAMES.

Though the information concerning the feasts, religious and otherwise,
of the Maya nations, is not so full as that touching the Nahuas, yet
there is no doubt that the former people were quite as fond of such
matters as the latter.

The Quichés had many festivals and special observances, in some of
which the whole people took part, while others were performed by
private persons through excess of piety. They always made a sacrifice
before commencing any work of importance. There were four special
things for which they besought the gods; namely, long life, health,
progeny, and the necessaries of life. They had particular oratories
where they went upon occasions of great distress, and drew blood from
several parts of their body. When they desired to have sons they
sacrificed at fountains. They had oratories in thick groves, and if
they found a spot where a large tree grew over a spring, they held the
place to be divine, because two divinities met in the tree and in the
pool.[1013]

[Sidenote: SACRIFICIAL FESTIVALS.]

The religious feasts in which all the people took part were held on
certain fixed days of the calendar. One of their most notable and
solemn festivals was more a time of penance and vigil than of
feasting. When the season of its celebration approached, the lord of a
province with the principal men held a council and sent for a diviner,
and advised with him concerning the day upon which the sacrifice
should take place. The wise man at once began his sorceries, and cast
lots in order to ascertain what day would be the most propitious. When
the day was fixed, all men had from that time to sleep in houses apart
from their wives during a period of sixty or eighty days, or even
longer, according to the severity demanded. Upon each of these days
every one had to offer sacrifice by drawing blood from his arms,
thighs, tongue, and other parts of his body. This they did at certain
hours of the day and night, and also burned incense. They could not
bathe while the observances lasted. From the day when this lent began,
the slaves who were to be sacrificed were allowed a certain freedom,
and permitted to go about the town wheresoever they pleased. On the
neck of each, however, was fastened a ring of gold, silver, or copper,
through which a stick was passed, and as a further precaution against
escape each was accompanied by a guard of three or four men. They were
at liberty to enter any house, whether it was that of the supreme lord
or of the poorest man, and wherever they applied for food or drink it
was given them. The same liberty was accorded to the guard. When the
day of sacrifice arrived, the high-priest attired himself in his
finest vestments. These consisted of certain cloaks, with crowns of
gold, silver, or other metal, adorned with precious stones. The idols
were placed upon a frame ornamented with gold, silver, and gems, and
decked with roses and other flowers. The slaves were then brought in
procession to the temple yard amid songs, music, and dancing; and the
idols were set upon altars, before which were the sacrificial stones.
As the hour of sacrifice drew near, the supreme lord, and principal
men with him, repaired to the room where the slaves were waiting; each
then seized his slave by the hair and carried him before the god,
crying with a loud voice: O God our Lord, remember thy servants, grant
them health, offspring, and prosperity, so that they may increase and
serve thee. Give us rain, O Lord, and seasonable weather to support
us, that we may live, hearken to our prayers, aid us against our
enemies, give us comfort and rest. On reaching the altar the
sacrificing priest stood ready, and the lord placed the victim in his
hands. He then, with his ministers, opened the breast with the
sacrificial knife, tore out the heart and offered it to the idol, at
the same time anointing it with the blood. Each idol had its holy
table; the Sun, the Moon, the East, the West, the North, and the South
had each one. The heads of the sacrificed were put on stakes. The
flesh was seasoned, cooked, and partaken of as a holy thing. The
high-priest and supreme lord were given the hands and feet, as the
most delicate morsels, and the body was distributed among the other
priests. All through the days of the sacrificing great liberty was
permitted to the people, grand banquets were held, and drunken revels
ensued.[1014]

Concerning the religious feasts and observances of the Yucatecs, Landa
is the best and most complete authority, and I will therefore take
from his work such scattered notices as he gives.

In the month of Chen they worked in fear and trembling, making new
idols. And when these were finished, those for whom they were made
gave presents of the best they had to those who had modeled and carved
them. The idols were then carried from the building in which they had
been made to a cabin made of leaves, where the priest blessed them
with much solemnity and many fervent prayers, the artists having
previously cleansed themselves from the grease with which they had
been besmeared, as a sign of fasting, during the entire time that they
remained at work. Having then driven out the evil spirit, and burned
the sacred incense, the newly made images were placed in a basket,
enveloped in a linen cloth, and delivered to their owners, who
received them with every mark of respect and devotion. The priest then
addressed the idol-makers for a few moments on the excellence and
importance of their profession, and on the danger they would incur by
neglecting the rules of abstinence while doing such sacred work.
Finally, all partook of an abundant repast, and made amends for their
long fast by indulging freely in wine.

In one of the two months called Chen and Yax, on a day determined by
the priest, they celebrated a feast called _ocna_, which means the
renovation of the temple in honor of the Chacs, whom they regarded as
the gods of the fields. During this festival, they consulted the
oracle of the Bacabs.[1015] This feast was celebrated every year.
Besides this, the idols of baked clay and the braziers were renewed at
this season, because it was customary for each idol to have its own
little brazier, in which incense was burned before it; and, if it was
necessary, they built the god a new dwelling, or renovated the old
one, taking care to place on the walls an inscription commemorating
these things, in the characters peculiar to them.

[Sidenote: FESTIVALS OF ZAC AND MAC.]

In the month of Zac, on a day appointed by the priest, the hunters
held a feast similar to that which, as we shall presently see, took
place in the month of Zip. This was for the purpose of averting the
anger of the gods from them and the seed they had sown, because of the
blood which had been shed in the chase; for they regarded as
abominable all spilling of blood, except in sacrifice.[1016] They
never went out to hunt without first invoking their gods and burning
incense before them; and on their return from a successful hunt they
always anointed the grim visages of the idols with the blood of the
game. On another day of this month a great feast was held, which
lasted for three days, attended with incense-burning, sacrifices, and
general orgies. But as this was a movable feast, the priests took care
to give notice of it in advance, in order that all might observe a
becoming fast.

During the month of Mac, the old people celebrated a feast in honor of
the Chacs, gods of the cornfields, and of another deity named Yzamna.
Some days before this the following ceremony, called in their language
_tuppkak_,[1017] was observed. Having brought together all the
reptiles and beasts of the field that could be procured in the
country, they assembled with them in the court of the temple, in the
corners of which were the chacs and the priests, to drive away the
evil spirit, each having by his side a jug filled with water. Standing
on end, in the centre, was an enormous bundle of dry and fine wood,
which was set on fire after some incense had been burned. As the wood
burned, the assembled crowd vied with each other in tearing out the
hearts of the victims they had brought with them and casting them into
the flames. If it had been impossible to procure such large game as
jaguars, pumas, or alligators, they typified the hearts of these
animals by incense, which they threw into the fire; but if they had
them, they were immolated like the rest. As soon as all the hearts
were consumed, the chacs[1018] put out the fire with the water
contained in their pitchers. The object of this feast and of that
which followed was to obtain an abundance of water for their
cornfields during the year. This feast was celebrated in a different
manner from others, because no one fasted before it, with the
exception of the beadle (muñidor) of the occasion. On the day of the
feast called tuppkak, the people and the priests met once more in the
courtyard of the temple, where was erected a platform of stone, with
steps leading up to it, the whole tastefully decorated with foliage.
The priest gave some incense to the beadle, who burned in a brazier
enough to exorcise the evil spirit. This done, the first step of the
platform was with great solemnity smeared with mud taken from a well
or cistern; the other steps were stained a blue color. As usual, they
ended these ceremonies by eating and drinking and making merry, full
of confidence in the efficacy of their rites and ceremonies for this
year.

In the month of Muan the cacao-planters held a festival in honor of
the gods Ekchuah, Chac, and Hobnil, who were their patron
deities.[1019] To solemnize it, they all went to the plantation of one
of their number, where they sacrificed a dog having a spot on its skin
of the color of cacao. They burned incense to their idols, and made
offerings of blue iguanas, feathers of a particular kind of bird, and
game. After this they gave to each of the officials[1020] a branch of
the cacao-plant. The sacrifice being ended, they all sat down to a
repast, at which, it is said, no one was allowed to drink more than
three glasses of wine. All then went into the house of him who had
given the feast, and passed the time pleasantly together.

[Sidenote: WAR-FEAST IN THE MONTH OF PAX.]

In the month of Pax, a feast was held, called Pacumchac, which was
celebrated by the nobles and priests of the villages, together with
those of the great towns. Having assembled, they passed five nights in
the temple of Cit Chac Coh,[1021] praying and offering incense. At the
beginning of these five days, they went all together to the house of
the general of their armies, whose title was Nacon, and carried him in
state to the temple, where, having placed him on a seat, they burned
incense before him as though he had been a god. But though they prayed
during these five nights, they did not by any means fast in the
day-time, but ate and drank plentifully, and executed a kind of grand
war-dance, which they called _holkan okot_, which is to say, 'dance of
the warriors.' The five days being passed, the real business of the
feast began, which, as it concerned matters of war and victory, was a
very solemn affair. It was commenced with ceremonies and sacrifices
similar to those already described as taking place in the month of
Mac. Then the evil spirit was expelled in the usual manner, after
which were more prayers, offerings, and incensing. While all this was
going on, the nobles once more took the Nacon upon their shoulders,
and carried him in procession round the temple. On their return a dog
was sacrificed, its heart being torn out and presented to the idol
between two dishes. Every one present then shattered a large jug
filled with some beverage, which completed this part of the festival.
The usual banquet followed, after which the Nacon was again placed
upon the shoulders of the nobles and carried to his house.

There, the nobles and priests partook of a grand banquet, at which all
got drunk, except the Nacon; the people, meanwhile, returning to their
homes. On the morrow, having slept off the effects of the wine, the
guests of the Nacon received from him large presents of incense which
had been previously blessed. He also took advantage of this
opportunity to deliver a long discourse, in which he recommended his
hearers to observe scrupulously in both town and country the feasts of
the gods, in order to obtain a prosperous and abundant year. As soon
as the Nacon had finished speaking, there was a general and noisy
leave-taking, and the guests separated, and set out for their
respective homes. There they occupied themselves in celebrating the
festivals proper to the season, keeping them up sometimes until the
month of Pop. These feasts were called Zabacilthan, and were observed
as follows. The people of each place or district sought among the
richest of their number for some who were willing to defray the
expenses of the celebration, and recommended them to take the matter
into consideration, because it was customary to make merry during the
three last months of the year. This having been settled, all met in
the house of one of these prominent men, after having driven away the
evil spirit as usual. Copal was burned, offerings were made, and the
wine-cup, which seems to have been the chief attraction on these
occasions, was not neglected. And all through these three months, the
excesses in which the people indulged were pitiful to see; cuts,
bruises, and eyes inflamed with drink were plentiful amongst them; to
gratify their passion for drink they cast themselves away.

[Sidenote: THE MAYA NEW YEAR'S DAY.]

During the last five days of the month of Cumhu, which were the last
days of the year, the people seldom went out of their houses, except
to place offerings in the temples, with which the priests bought
incense to be burned in honor of the gods. They neither combed their
hair nor washed themselves during these five days; neither men nor
women cleansed themselves; they did no work of any kind lest some
misfortune should befall them.

[Sidenote: FESTIVITIES IN YUCATAN.]

The first day of the month of Pop, the Maya New Year's Day, was a
season of rejoicing, in which all the nation took part. To give more
importance to the event, they renewed at this time all the articles
which they used, such as plates, cups, baskets, clothes, and the
dresses of the idols; they swept their houses and cast everything into
the place where they put their rubbish; and no one dared to touch what
was cast away, even though greatly in need of it. To prepare for this
feast, princes, priests, and nobles, and all who wished to show their
devotion, fasted and abstained from their wives for a longer or
shorter period, some for three months preceding it, some for two,
according to their ideas of propriety, but none for less than thirteen
days. During this season of abstinence, they ate their meat
unseasoned, which was considered severe discipline. At this time,
also, they elected the officers who were to assist the priest at the
ceremony. The priest prepared a number of little balls of fresh
incense on small boards made for the purpose, for those who fasted to
burn before the idols. Great care was taken not to break the fast
after it had been once commenced; for if this were done it was thought
that misfortune must inevitably ensue.

New Year's Day having arrived, all the men assembled in the courtyard
of the temple. Women could assist at no feast which was celebrated
within the temple, except those who went to take part in particular
dances; on other occasions, however, the women were allowed to be
present. On the day in question the men came alone, adorned with
paint, and cleansed from the grease with which they had been bedaubed
during the days of penance. When all were assembled, with offerings of
food and newly fermented wine, the priest purified the temple and
seated himself in the centre of the court, clothed in his robes of
office, and having by his side a brazier and the balls of incense
before mentioned. After the evil spirit had been expelled, all present
offered up prayers, while the assistants kindled the new fire for the
year. The priest now cast one of the balls of incense into the
brazier, and then distributed the remainder among the assembled
worshipers. The nobles came first in the order of their rank, and as
each received a ball from the priest, who gave it with great
solemnity, he dropped it gently into the brazier and stood still until
it was consumed. The inevitable banquet and orgies terminated the
ceremonies. This was the manner in which they celebrated the birth of
the new year. During the month, some of the most devout among them
repeated the feast in their own homes, and this was particularly done
by the nobles and priests, who were ever foremost in religious
observances.

During the month of Uo the priests and sorcerers began to prepare for
a festival called _pocam_, which was solemnized by the hunters and
fishers on the seventh day of the next month, which was Zip. Having
assembled, clothed in their ornaments, at the house of the prince,
they expelled the evil spirit, and then uncovered their books and
exposed them upon a carpet of green leaves and branches, which had
been prepared for this purpose. They next invoked with reverence a
deity named Cinchau Yzamna, who had been, they said, the first
priest.[1022] To him they offered various gifts, and burned balls of
incense in his honor. In the meantime others took a vessel and a
little verdigris with some pure water, which had to be procured from a
wood into whose recesses no woman had ever penetrated. They now
cleaned the leaves of their books by moistening them; this done, the
wisest among them opened a volume and examined the prospects of the
coming year, which he declared aloud to all present. He concluded with
a brief discourse, in which he advised them how to avoid coming evils.
Jollity now reigned and the wine flowed freely--a consummation which
many of the old priest's hearers had doubtless been long looking
forward to impatiently. The solemnities on this occasion were varied
at times by performing a dance called _okot uil_.

On the following day the doctors and sorcerers with their wives came
together in the house of one of their number. The priests, having
driven away the evil spirit, brought to view their medicine-bags, in
which they kept a number of charms, some little images of Ixchel,
goddess of medicine, from whom the feast was named _ihcil ixchel_, and
some small stones called _am_, which they used in their sorceries.
Then with great devotion the doctors and sorcerers invoked the gods of
medicine, Yzamna, Citbolontum, and Ahau Chamahez, while the priests
burned incense, and the assistants painted themselves blue, the color
of the books used by the priests. Bearing their medicine bags in their
hands, they then joined in a dance called _chantunyab_, after which
the men seated themselves in a row on one side, and the women on the
other; a day was appointed for holding the feast during the ensuing
year, and then the usual drunken orgies commenced. It is said that the
priests abstained from wine on this occasion, perhaps because the
women were present; but they took their share, nevertheless, and
reserved it for a more private opportunity.

On another occasion the hunters, with their wives, assembled in the
house of one of their number, and performed there certain ceremonies.
The first proceeding was, of course, to expel the evil influence; then
the priests, who were never absent from these meetings, placed in the
middle of the room some incense, a brazier, and some blue coloring
material. Next, the huntsmen prayed with great devotion to the gods of
the chase, Acanum, Zuhuy Zipi, Tabai, and others, and cast incense
into the brazier. While this was burning, each took an arrow and a
deer's head, which the priest's assistants had painted blue; thus
equipped, some danced, holding hands; others pierced their ears or
their tongue, and passed through the holes which they made seven
leaves of an herb called _ac_. Then priests and their assistants made
offerings to the gods and joined in the dance. Finally, the
festivities closed by all present becoming, to quote the words of
Bishop Landa, 'as drunk as baskets.'

The next day it was the turn of the fishermen to celebrate a feast,
which they did in the same manner as the hunters, except that instead
of a deer's head, they smeared their fishing implements with color;
neither did they pierce their ears, but cut round about them, and
after doing this they executed a dance called _chohom_. Then they
consecrated a large tree, which they left standing. After the feast
had been duly celebrated in the towns, it was customary for the nobles
and many of the people to go down to the coast on a grand fishing
expedition. The patron divinities of the fishermen were Ahkak Nexoi,
Ahpua, Ahcitz, and Amalcum.[1023]

[Sidenote: FEAST OF THE APIARISTS.]

In the month of Tzoz, the apiarists prepared for a feast which was to
take place in the next month, called Tzec, by a fast, which was,
however, optional with all except the priests who were to officiate,
and their assistants. The day of celebration having arrived, the
participants came together in the house of him who gave the feast, and
performed nearly the same ceremonies as the hunters and fishermen,
except that they drew no blood from their bodies. The apiarists had
for their patron deities the Bacabs, and particularly Hobnil. They
made many propitiatory offerings at this time, especially to the four
gods of abundance, to whom they presented four dishes adorned with
figures of honey. The usual drunken bout was not omitted.

After the mysterious departure of Cukulcan,[1024] the Maya
Quetzalcoatl, from Yucatan, the people, convinced that he had gone to
the abode of the gods, deified him, and built temples and instituted
feasts in his honor. These latter were scrupulously observed
throughout the entire country up to the time of the destruction of
Mayapan; but after that event they were neglected by all the provinces
but that of Mani.[1025] In remembrance, however, of the respect shown
of old to Cukulcan, these provinces sent annually, by turn, to Mani
four or five magnificent feather banners, which were used in the
ceremonies there. On the sixteenth day of the month of Xul, all the
nobles and priests of Mani, being prepared by fast and penance for
the occasion, came together, and with them came a considerable
multitude of people. In the evening all set out in procession from the
house of the lord, and, accompanied by a large number of professional
actors, proceeded slowly towards the temple of Cukulcan, which had
already been decorated in a suitable manner. Upon arriving they placed
the banners on high in the temple, offered prayers, and going into the
courtyard spread out their idols upon green leaves and branches; then
they burned incense in many places, and made offerings of meat cooked
without pepper or salt, bean-soup, and calabashes. After this, those
who had observed the fast did not go home, but passed five days and
five nights in the temple, praying, burning copal, and executing
sacred dances. During this time the actors went from one house to
another, representing their plays and receiving gifts from those whom
they entertained. At the end of the five days they carried all their
earnings to the temple and distributed them among the watchers there.
Afterwards all returned to the prince's palace, taking with them the
banners and the idols. Thence each betook himself to his home. They
said, and confidently believed, that Cukulcan descended from heaven on
the last day of the feast and received personally the gifts which were
presented to him. This festival was called _chic kaban_.

During the month of Yaxkin it was the custom to prepare for a general
festival, called _olohzabkamyax_, held in the month of Mol, in honor
of all the gods. At this feast, after the usual preliminary rites,
they smeared with blue coloring matter the instruments used in every
profession, from the sacred implements of the priests to the distaffs
of the women, and even the doors of their houses. Children of both
sexes were daubed in the same manner, but instead of coloring their
hands they gave them each nine gentle raps on the knuckles. The little
girls were brought to the feast by an old woman, who for that reason
was called _ixmol_, conductress. The blows were given to the children
in order that they might become skilled workmen in the profession of
their fathers or mothers. The usual conclusion ensued.

During the month of Mol the apiarists had another festival similar to
that of the month of Tzec, in order to induce their patron gods to
cause the flowers to grow, from which the bees gathered honey.

[Sidenote: FESTIVAL TO INSURE A CROP.]

The Mayas depended so much upon the produce of the soil for their
sustenance that a failure of the crops was one of the heaviest
misfortunes that could fall upon them. To avoid this they made four
idols, named Chichac Chob, Ek Balam Chac, Ahcan Uolcab, and Ahbuluc
Balam.[1026] Having placed them in the temple, and, according to
custom, burned incense before them, they presented them with two
pellets of a kind of resin called _kik_, some iguanas, some bread, a
mitre, a bouquet of flowers, and a stone upon which they set great
value. Besides this, they erected a great wooden arch in the court,
which they filled with wood, taking care to leave openings through
which to pass backwards and forwards. The greater part of the men then
took each a long stick of dry wood, and while a musician mounted on
the top of the pile sang and beat a drum, all danced reverently and in
good order, as they did so passing in and out the wood-pile. This they
kept up until evening, when, leaving their sticks behind them, they
went home to eat and rest. During the night they returned, and each
taking his faggot, lit it and applied it to the pile, which burned
fiercely and rapidly.[1027] As soon as the heap was reduced to red-hot
ashes, those who had danced gathered about it, and passed barefooted
over the coals, some without injury, and some with; this they believed
would avert misfortune and appease the anger of the gods.[1028]

It was customary in all the towns of Yucatan to erect at the limits of
each of the four quarters, east, west, north, and south, two heaps of
stones, facing each other, and intended to be used during the
celebration of two solemn festivals, which were as follows. In the
year of which the dominical letter was _kan_, the sign was _hobnil_,
and, according to the Yucatecs, these both ruled in the south. They
made this year, of baked earth, an idol which they called Kanu
Uayeyab, and having made it they carried it out to the heaps of stones
which lay towards the south. They then selected a principal man of the
place, and in his house they celebrated the feast. For this purpose
they made another image, of the god Bolon Zacab,[1029] and placed it
in the chosen house, in a prominent place, so that all who arrived
might see it. This done, the nobles, priests, and people came
together, and set out by a road swept clean, ornamented with arches,
and strewed with foliage, to the southern heaps of stones, where they
gathered about the idol Kanu Uayeyab. The priest then incensed the god
with forty-nine grains of maize, ground up and mixed with copal; the
nobles next placed incense in the brazier, and burned it before the
idol. The incense burned by the priest was called _zacah_, that used
by the nobles, _chahalté_. When these rites were completed the head of
a fowl was cut off and offered to the idol, which was now placed on a
litter called _kanté_,[1030] and upon its shoulders were placed other
little images, as signs of abundance of water and a good year, and
these images were frightful to behold. Amid dances and general
rejoicing the idol was carried towards the house where the statue of
Bolon Zacab had been placed, and while the procession was on the road,
the nobles and priests partook of a beverage made from four hundred
and fifteen grains of roasted maize, which they called _picula kakla_.
Arrived at their destination, they placed the image that they carried
opposite the idol which they found there, and made many offerings of
food and drink, which were afterwards divided among the strangers who
were present, the officiating priest receiving only the leg of a deer.
Some of the devotees drew blood from their bodies, scarified their
ears, and anointed with the blood a stone idol named Kanal Acantun.
They modeled a heart of dough of maize and of calabash-seeds, and
offered it to the idol Kanu Uayeyab. And in this manner they honored
both the idols during the entire time of the feast, burning before
them incense of copal and ground maize, for they held it certain that
misfortune would overwhelm them if they neglected these rites.
Finally, the statue of Bolon Zacab was carried to the temple, and the
other image to the western entrance of the town, where it remained
until the next celebration of the feast.

[Sidenote: MAYA FESTIVALS.]

The ceremonies of the new year, under the sign of _muluc_, were very
similar to those just described, though held in honor of other
deities. A dance performed upon a high scaffolding, attended with
sacrifices of turkeys; another executed by the old people, holding
little baked-clay images of dogs in their hands; and the sacrifice of
a peculiarly marked dog, were, however, additional features. The same
may be said of the new year under the sign of _yx_, and of the new
year under the sign of _cauac_, when the rites which were performed
were sufficiently like those which have gone before to need no further
description.[1031]

The gods of the Yucatecs required far fewer human lives at the hands
of their worshipers than those of the Nahuas. The pages of Yucatec
history are not marred by the constant blood-blots that obscure the
Nahua record. An event which in Mexico would be the death-signal to a
hecatomb of human victims, would in Yucatan be celebrated by the death
of a spotted dog. The office of sacrificer which in Mexico was one of
the highest honors to which a priest could attain, was in Yucatan
regarded as unclean and degrading.[1032] Nevertheless, the Yucatec
religion was not free from human sacrifice, and although captives
taken in war were used for this purpose, yet it is said that such was
their devotion, that should a victim be wanting they would dedicate
their children to the altar rather than let the gods be deprived of
their due.[1033] But it seldom happened that more than one victim was
sacrificed at a time, at least in earlier days, and even then he was
not butchered as by the Nahuas, but was shot through the heart with
arrows before being laid upon the sacrificial stone.[1034]

[Sidenote: SACRIFICES AT CHICHEN ITZA.]

At Chichen Itza human sacrifices were made in a peculiar manner. In
the centre of the city was an immense pit, containing water, and
surrounded on all sides by a dense grove, which served to render the
spot silent and solitary, in spite of its position. A circular
staircase, rudely cut in the rock, descended to the edge of the water
from the foot of an altar which stood upon the very brink of the
pit.[1035] At first, only animals and incense were offered here, as
the teachings of Cukulcan forbade the sacrifice of human victims, but
after the departure of the great Maya apostle the Yucatecs returned to
the evil of their ways,[1036] and the pit of Chichen was once more
polluted with human bodies. At first one victim sufficed, but the
number gradually increased, until, during the later years of Maya
independence, hundreds were immolated at a time. If some calamity
threatened the country, if the crops failed or the requisite supply of
rain was wanting, the people hastened to the pit of horror, to offer
prayers and to appease the wrath of the gods with gifts of human life.
On the day of sacrifice, the victims, who were generally young
virgins, were taken to the temple, clothed in the garments appropriate
to the occasion, and conducted thence to the sacred pit, accompanied
by a multitude of priests and priestesses of all ranks. There, while
the incense burned on the altar and in the braziers, the officiating
priest explained to them the things for which they were to implore the
gods into whose presence they were about to be introduced. A long cord
was then fastened round the body of each victim, and the moment the
smoke ceased to rise from the altar, all were hurled into the gulf.
The crowd, which had gathered from every part of the country to see
the sacrifice, immediately drew back from the brink of the pit and
continued to pray without cessation for some time. The bodies were
then drawn up and buried in the neighboring grove.[1037]

The Pipiles had two idols, one in the figure of a man, called
Quetzalcoatl, the other in the shape of a woman, called Itzqueye.
Certain days of their calendar were specially set apart for each of
the deities, and on these the sacrifices were made. Two very solemn
sacrifices were held in each year, one at the commencement of summer,
the other at the beginning of winter. At these, Herrera says, only the
lords were present.[1038] The sacrifice was made in the interior of
the temple, and the victims were boys between the ages of six and
twelve years, bastards, born among themselves. For a day and a night
previous to the sacrifice, drums and trumpets were sounded and on the
day following the people assembled. Four priests then came out from
the temple, each bearing a small brazier with burning incense;
together they turned in the direction of the sun, and kneeling down
offered up incense and prayers; they then did the same toward the four
cardinal points.[1039] Their prayers finished, they retired within
four small chapels built at the four corners of the temple, and there
rested. They next went to the house of the high-priest, and took
thence the boy who was to be sacrificed and conducted him four times
round the court of the temple, dancing and singing. When this ceremony
was finished, the high-priest came out of his house, with the diviner
and guardian of the sanctuary, and ascended the steps of the temple,
with the cacique and principal men, who, however, remained at the door
of the sanctuary. The four priests now seized the boy by the arms and
legs, and the guardian of the temple coming out with little bells on
his wrists and ankles, opened the left breast of the victim, tore out
the heart, and handed it to the high-priest, who placed it in a small
embroidered purse which he carried. The four priests received the
blood of the victim in four jicaras, or bowls, made from the shell of
a certain fruit, and descending one after the other to the courtyard,
sprinkled the blood with their right hands in the direction of the
cardinal points. If any blood remained over they returned it to the
high-priest, who placed it with the purse containing the heart in the
body of the victim through the wound that had been made, and the body
was interred in the temple. This was the ceremony of sacrifice at the
beginning of each of the two seasons.

[Sidenote: PIPILE FEAST OF VICTORY.]

When information was received from their war chief that he had gained
a victory, the diviner ascertained to which of the gods sacrifice was
to be made. If to Quetzalcoatl, the ceremony lasted fifteen days; if
to Itzqueye, five days; and upon each day they sacrificed a prisoner.
These sacrifices were made as follows: All those who had been in the
battle returned home in procession, singing and dancing, bringing with
them the captives who were to be sacrificed, their wrists and ankles
decorated with feathers and chalchiuites, and their necks with strings
of cacao-nibs. The high-priests and other ministers went out at the
head of the populace to meet them with music and dancing, and the
caciques and captains delivered over those who were to be sacrificed
to the high-priest. Then they all went together to the courtyard of
their _teupa_, or temple, where they continued dancing day and night
during the time the sacrifices lasted. In the middle of the court was
a stone bench on which the victim was stretched, four priests holding
him by the feet and hands. The sacrificing priest then came forward,
adorned with many feathers and loaded with little bells, holding in
his hand a flint knife, with which he opened the breast of the victim,
tore out the heart, brandished it toward the cardinal points, and
finally threw it into the air with sufficient force to cause it to
fall directly in the middle of the court, saying: "Receive, Oh God,
this thank-offering for the victory."[1040] This sacrifice was public
and beheld by all the people. The men drew blood from their private
parts, and the women from their ears, tongue, and other parts of the
body; as the blood flowed it was taken up with cotton and offered by
the men to Quetzalcoatl, by the women to Itzqueye.

When the Pipiles were about to undertake any hunting or fishing
expedition, they first made an offering to their gods. For this
purpose they took a living deer,[1041] and leading it to the temple
yard, they there strangled and afterwards flayed it, saving the blood
in a vessel. The liver, lungs, and stomach were chopped in small
pieces, which were afterwards laid aside with the heart, head, and
feet. The remainder of the deer was cooked by itself, and the blood
likewise, and while this was being done the people danced. The
high-priest with his assistant next took the head by the ears, and
each of the four priests one of the feet, while the guardian of the
sanctuary put the heart into a brazier and burnt it with copal and
ulli to the god who was the protector of hunting. After the dance, the
head and feet were scorched in the fire before the idol and given to
the high-priest to be eaten. The flesh and blood were eaten by the
other ministers of the temple before the idol, and the same was done
with other animals sacrificed. The entrails of fish were burned before
the idol.[1042]

[Sidenote: SACRIFICES IN NICARAGUA.]

Among the civilized nations of Nicaragua, it would appear there were
eighteen distinct festivals, corresponding with the eighteen months in
their calendar.[1043] These were proclaimed by the priest, holding
the instrument of sacrifice in his hand, from the steps leading to the
sacrificial altar in the court of the temple. He made known who and
how many were to be sacrificed, and whether they were to be prisoners
taken in battle or individuals reared among themselves for the
purpose.[1044] When the victim was stretched upon the stone, the
officiating priest walked three times round him, singing in a doleful
tone; he then opened the victim's breast, plucked out his heart, and
daubed his face with the blood. He next dismembered the body and gave
the heart to the high-priest, the feet and hands to the king, the
thighs to him who had captured him, the entrails to the trumpeters,
and the remainder to the people, that all might eat.[1045] The heads
of those sacrificed were set as trophies on trees appointed for the
purpose.[1046] If the person sacrificed had been bought, they buried
the entrails, hands, and feet, in a gourd, and burned the heart and
all the rest.[1047] As it was lawful for a father to sell his own
children, and each person himself, they therefore did not eat the
flesh of such sacrifices because they were their own countrymen and
relations. When they ate the flesh of foreigners sacrificed, they
held exciting dances, and passed the days in drunken revels and
smoking, but had no sexual intercourse with their wives while the
festival lasted.[1048] At certain feasts they offered blood drawn from
their own bodies, with which they rubbed the beard and lips of the
idol.

The priests wore white cotton cloaks, some short and small, others
hung from the shoulders to the heels, with bands having bags attached,
in which they carried sharp stone knives, papers, ground charcoal, and
certain herbs. The lay brothers bore in their hands little flags with
the idol they held most in veneration painted thereon, and small
purses containing powder and awls; the youths had bows and arrows,
darts and shields. The idol, in form and appearance very frightful,
was set upon a spear and carried by the eldest priest. The ascetics
marched in file, singing, to the place of worship. They spread mantles
and strewed roses and flowers, that the standards might not touch the
ground. The procession halted; the singing ceased; they fell to
prayer. The prelate clapped his hand; some drew blood from the tongue,
others from the ears, from the privy member, or from whatever part
their devotion led them. They took the blood on paper or on their
fingers and smeared the idol's face. In the meantime the youths
danced, leaped about, and shook their weapons. Those who had gashed
themselves, cured their wounds by an application of powdered charcoal
and herbs that they carried for the purpose. In these observances they
sprinkled maize with the blood from their privy parts, and it was
distributed and eaten as blessed bread.[1049]

[Sidenote: BANQUETS OF THE PEOPLE.]

Like the Mexicans the Mayas had a great predilection for entertaining
each other at banquets, and it is related of them that they often
spent on one such occasion a sum that it had taken them many months to
earn. Seasons of betrothal and marriage were always enlivened by
sumptuous feasts. Whenever any contract had to be arranged, a feast
was given and the act of eating and drinking together in public and
before witnesses sufficed to make such contract valid.[1050] The lords
and principal men gave feasts to each other, and as it was incumbent
upon all the guests to return the compliment, there must have been a
continual round of feasting. Cogolludo states that meat was eaten at
banquets only, and this may in some measure account for the frequency
with which they occurred, and the etiquette that required the
invitation to be returned.

They observed a certain formality at their entertainments, seating
themselves either in twos or fours. Each of the guests received a
roasted fowl, some bread, and an abundance of cacao. When the meal was
finished, presents were distributed to the guests, each being
presented with a mantle, a small stool, and a handsome cup. Beautiful
women acted as cup-bearers, and when one of these presented a cup of
wine to a guest, she turned her back to him while he drank. The feast
lasted until all were intoxicated, and then the wives led their
drunken husbands home. When a marriage banquet, or one in
commemoration of the deeds of their ancestors, was given, no return
invitation was expected.[1051] Their entertainments were usually
enlivened by a company of dancers and musicians, who performed
dramatic representations under the leadership of one who was called
_holpop_, or master of the ceremonies; he gave instructions to the
actors, directed the singers and musicians, and from him all had to
take their cue. The actors were called _balzam_, a name corresponding
to jester or mimic. As women were not permitted to take part in the
mummeries, their places were supplied by men. Their movements during
the play were grave and monotonous, yet they were clever in mimicry
and caricature, which they frequently made use of as a means of
reproving their chief men.[1052] The plays were generally of a
historical character, having for their subject the great deeds of
their ancestors; their songs consisted of ballads founded upon local
traditions and legendary tales.[1053]

[Sidenote: MUSIC AND DANCES.]

A favorite dance of the Mayas was one called _colomche_; a large
number of men took part in it, sometimes as many as eight hundred.
These formed a ring, and were accompanied during their movements by a
number of musicians. When the dancing began, two of the actors, still
keeping step with the rest, came out from the ring, one holding in his
hand a bunch of wands and dancing upright, while the other cowered
down, still dancing. Then he who had the wands threw them with all his
force at his companion, who with great dexterity parried them with a
short stick. When the two had finished, they returned to their former
position in the circle, and two others took their place and went
through the same performance, the rest following in their turn. They
had also war dances, in which large numbers joined, the performers
holding small flags in their hands.[1054]

They had a variety of musical instruments, prominent among which was
the _tunkul_, which was almost the same thing as the teponaztli of
the Mexicans.[1055] They had other drums made of a hollow trunk and
covered at one end with deer-skin, tortoise shells that they struck
with deer's horns, trumpets,--some of marine shells and others of
hollow canes with a calabash at the end,--whistles and flutes made
from bone and cane, besides various kinds of rattles.[1056] Landa says
that in every village there was a large house or rather shed, for it
was open on all sides, in which the young men met for amusement.[1057]
Oviedo, who witnessed some dances and games among the Nicaraguans,
thus describes one he saw at Tecoatega after the harvesting of the
cacao. As many as sixty persons, all men, though a number of them
represented women, took part in a dance. They were painted of various
colors and patterns, and wore upon their heads beautiful tufts of
feathers, and about their persons divers ornaments, while some wore
masks like birds' heads. They performed the dance going in couples and
keeping at a distance of three or four steps between pair and pair. In
the centre of a square was a high pole of more than sixty feet in
height driven firmly into the ground; on the top was seated a gaudily
painted idol which they called the god of the _cacaguat_, or cacao;
round the top were fixed four other poles in the form of a square, and
rolled upon it was a thick grass rope at the ends of which were bound
two boys of seven or eight years of age. One of them had in one hand a
bow and in the other a bunch of arrows; the other boy carried a
beautiful feather fan and a mirror. At a certain step of the dance
the boys came out from the square and the rope began to unroll; they
went round and round in the air, always going further out and
counterbalancing one another, the rope still unrolling. While they
were descending, the sixty men proceeded with their dance to the sound
of singers beating drums and tabors. The boys passed through the air
with much velocity, moving their arms and legs to present the
appearance of flying. When they reached the ground the dancers and
singers gave some loud cheers and the festival was concluded.[1058]
Another favorite amusement was a performance on a swinging bar. For
this two tall forked posts were firmly planted in the ground; across
them and resting in the forks a pole was strongly bound. This pole
passed at right angles through a hole in the centre of a thick bar,
made to revolve upon it and of very light wood; near the end of the
bar were cross sticks for the performers to take hold of. A man placed
himself at each end, and when the bar was set in motion they went
tumbling round and round, to the delight of the spectators.[1059]

FOOTNOTES:

[1013] 'Los universales sacrificios se ofrecian ordinariamente cuando
venian las fiestas, las cuales habia en unas provincias cinco, y en
otras seis, ó se ofrecian por necesidad particular, por uno de estos
dos respectos.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 177; _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxix.

[1014] 'Aquel dia era libertado para hacer grandes banquetes y
borracheras, y así se mataban infinitas aves, mucha caza y vinos muy
diferentes, hacian muchas danzas y bailes en presencia de los ídolos.
Duraban aquestas fiestas, tres, cinco y siete dias, segun lo que
ordenaban los ministros, y lo decian cuando habian de comenzar. En
estos dias, en cada tarde andaban en procesion con grandes cantos y
músicas, llevando al ídolo por las calles y plazas, y donde habia
lugar preeminente, hacian altares y ponian mesas, y allí paraban, y
como nosotros representamos farsas, así ellos jugaban á la pelota
delante de sus dioses.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 187; _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxvii.

[1015] The manner in which this was done will be described elsewhere
in this chapter.

[1016] 'Ce qui, d'accord avec divers autres indices, annoncerait bien
que l'effusion du sang, et surtout du sang humain, dans les
sacrifices, était d'origine étrangère, nahuatl probablement.'
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 247.

[1017] Meaning 'quenching of fire.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in
_Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 254. Yzamna is otherwise called Zamná.

[1018] This word _chacs_, which before was interpreted as the 'gods of
the cornfields,' probably here means the priests of those deities. In
a former chapter we have seen the word applied to those who assisted
at the rite of baptism.

[1019] '_Ekchuah_, écrit ailleurs _Echuah_, était le patron des
marchands et naturellement des cacaos, marchandise et monnaie à la
fois.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 261.

[1020] 'Officiales;' this may mean officiating priests, or overseers
on the plantations, or almost anything else.

[1021] '_Cit_ paraît être une sorte de cochon sauvage; _chac_ est le
nom générique des dieux de la pluie, des campagnes, des fruits de la
terre, etc. _Coh_ est le puma ou lion américain; suivant d'autres,
_chac-coh_ est le léopard.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_,
_Relacion_, p. 265.

[1022] '_Cinchau-Yzamná_ est une orthographe erroné, si l'on en juge
après les leçons précédentes; c'est probablement une mauvaise
abréviation de _Kinich-Ahau-Ytzamná_, donné, d'ailleurs, comme
l'inventeur des lettres et de l'écriture, l'auteur de tous les noms
imposés au Yucatan.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_,
pp. 284-5.

[1023] 'C'étaient là sans doute les dieux de la pêche, à propos
desquels Cogolludo dit les paroles suivantes: "On dit aussi que bien
après la conquête, les Indiens de la province de Titz imin, quand ils
allaient pêcher le long de la côte de Choáca, avant de se mettre à la
pêche, commençaient par des sacrifices et des oblations à leurs faux
dieux, leur offrant des chandelles, des réaux d'argent et des
_cuzcas_, qui sont leurs émeraudes, et d'autres pierres précieuses, en
certain endroits, au _ku_ et oratoires qui se voient encore dans les
bras de mer (estuaires) et les lagunes salées qu'il y a sur cette côte
vers le _Rio de Lagartos_."' (_Hist. Yuc._, tom. iv., cap. iv.);
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 292-3.

[1024] '_Cuculcan_, écrit quelquefois _Kukulcan_, vient de _kuk_,
oiseau qui paraît être le même que le quetzal; son déterminatif est
_kukul_ qui uni à _can_, serpent, fait exactement le même mot que
_Quetzal Cohuatl_, serpent aux plumes vertes, ou de Quetzal.'
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 35.

[1025] 'La province de Mani avait été colonisée par les Tutul-Xius,
dont l'origine était toltèque ou nahuatl; les fêtes de Kukulcan se
bornant à cette province après la destruction de Mayapan, ne laissent
point de doute sur l'origine de ce personnage, et donnent lieu de
penser que le reste du Yucatan, tout en vénérant jusqu'à un certain
point ce mythe ou ce prophète, avait gardé au fond la religion qui
avait précédé celle des Toltèques. Ce serait un point d'histoire d'une
grande importance au point de vue philosophique. Nous trouverons plus
loin d'autres indices du culte primitif des Mayas.' _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 300-1.

[1026] '_Ek-balam-chac_ signifie tigre noir dieu des champs: ce sont
du reste des noms donnés au tigre encore aujourd'hui. _Ahcan_ est le
serpent mâle en général. _Ahbuluc-Balam_ signifie Celui des onze
tigres.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 230-1.

[1027] 'Ne croirait-on pas lire la description de cette fête des
Scythes, rapportée par Hérodote, et que M. Viollet-Leduc a insérée
dans ses _Antiquités mexicaines_, formant l'introduction de l'ouvrage
de M. Désiré Charnay: _Cités et Ruines américaines_, page 16.'
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 232-3.

[1028] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 230-2.

[1029] '_Bolon_ est l'adjectif numéral neuf, _zacab_, dont la racine
est _zac_, blanc, est le nom d'une sorte de maïs moulu, dont on fait
une espèce d'orgeat. Cette statue était-elle une image allégorique de
cet orgeat offert en cette occasion?' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in
_Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 212-13.

[1030] '_Kanté_, bois jaune; c'est probablement le cèdre.' _Brasseur
de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 213.

[1031] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 210-32.

[1032] 'La charge de _Nacon_ était double; l'un était perpétuel et peu
honorable, parce que c'était lui qui ouvrait la poitrine aux victimes
humaines qu'on sacrifiait.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 161. 'El oficio de
abrir el pecho a los sacrificados, que en Mexico era estimado, aqui
era poco honroso.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap.
iv.

[1033] _Ib._

[1034] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 166; _Herrera_, ubi sup.

[1035] The present appearance of the pit is thus described by
Stephens: 'Setting out from the Castillo, at some distance we ascended
a wooded elevation, which seemed an artificial causeway leading to the
senote. The senote was the largest and wildest we had seen; in the
midst of a thick forest, an immense circular hole, with cragged,
perpendicular sides, trees growing out of them and overhanging the
brink, and still as if the genius of silence reigned within. A hawk
was sailing around it, looking down into the water, but without once
flapping its wings. The water was of a greenish hue. A mysterious
influence seemed to pervade it, in unison with the historical account
that the well of Chichen was a place of pilgrimage, and that human
victims were thrown into it in sacrifice. In one place, on the very
brink, were the remains of a stone structure, probably connected with
ancient superstitious rites; perhaps the place from which the victims
were thrown into the dark well beneath.' _Yucatan_, vol. ii., p. 324.

[1036] We have seen that even the memory of Cukulcan was neglected in
all the provinces of Yucatan but one.

[1037] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. i.; _Medel_,
in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 43; _Brasseur
de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 44-5.

[1038] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.

[1039] 'Ivanse derechos todos quatro juntos á do sale el sol, i se
hincavan de rodillas ante el, i le zaumavan diciendo palabras é
invocaciones, i esto fecho se dividian hacia quatro partes, lest,
oest, norte, sur, i predicavan sus rictos i ceremonias.' _Palacio_,
_Carta_, p. 68.

[1040] 'Yua el sacristan y sacauale con la nauaja el coraçon, y
arrojauale al dios, o a la diosa, y dezia, Toma el fruto desta
vitoria.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.

[1041] Brasseur de Bourbourg says: 'cerf blanc.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
tom. ii., p. 557.

[1042] 'Le sacrifice du cerf blanc, d'abord un des plus augustes,
devint, plus tard, l'offrande commune et exclusive des chasseurs qui
désiraient se rendre favorables les dieux protecteurs de la chasse et
des forêts.' _Id._, p. 557; _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 74-6.

[1043] 'Echauan las fiestas que eran diez y ocho, como los meses
subidos en el gradario, o sacrificadero que tenian los patios de los
templos.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. In
the evidence taken by Fray Françisco de Bobadilla the number of
festivals is given as twenty-one and eleven; I must therefore leave
the reader to decide for himself which is correct. 'Y.--En un año
tenemos veynte é un dias de fiestas (é no juntos estos dias)....
F.--En el tiempo de aquellas onçe fiestas, que deçis que teneys cada
año.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 47, 52.

[1044] 'For there are two kindes of humane sacrifices with them: the
one, of enemies taken in the warres, the other of such as are brought
vp and maintained at home.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. vi., lib. vi.

[1045] 'And whosoeuer should haue no parte nor portion of the
sacrificed enemie, would thinke he shoulde bee ill accepted that
yeere.' _Ib._

[1046] 'Euery King nourisheth his appointed trees in a fielde neere
vnto him, obseruing the names of euery hostile country, where they
hange the heads of their sacrificed enemies taken in the warres.'
_Ib._

[1047] Herrera gives a similar account of the disposal of the body,
but adds: 'Saluo que ponian la cabeça en los arboles.' _Hist. Gen._,
dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. I think it improbable that the heads
were treated in the same manner as those of their enemies. Peter
Martyr says nothing distinctly of the disposal of the head, but,
speaking of the sacrifice, says 'they reuerence all parts thereof, and
partly bury them beefore the dores of their temples, as the feete,
handes, and bowels, which they cast together into a gourde, the rest
(together with the hartes, making a great fire within the view of
those hostile trees, with shril hyms, and applauses of the Priestes)
they burne among the ashes of the former sacrifices, neuer thence
remooued, lying in that fielde.' Dec. vi., tom. vi.

[1048] 'En aquellas fiestas no trabaxamos ni entendemos en más de
emborracharnos; pero no dormimos con nuestras mugeres, é aquellos
dias, por quitar la ocasion, duermen ellas dentro en casa é nosotros
fuera della: é al que en tales dias se echa con su muger, nuestros
dioses les dan dolençia luego, de que mueren; é por esso ninguno lo
osa haçer, porque aquellos dias son dedicados á nuestros dioses.'
_Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 52.

[1049] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Peter
Martyr_, dec. vi., lib. vi., vii.; _Squier_, in _Palacio_, _Carta_, p.
116.

[1050] 'En las ventas, y contratos, no auia escritos que obligassen,
ni cartas de papago, que satisfaciessen, pero quedaba el contrato
valido con que bebiessen publicamente delante de testigos.'
_Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 180-1.

[1051] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 122-4.

[1052] 'Son graciosos en los motes, y chistes, que dizen à sus
mayores, y Iuezes: si son rigurosos, ambiciosos, auarientos,
representando los sucessos que con ellos les passan, y aun lo que vèn
à su Ministro Doctrinero, lo dizen delante dèl, y à vezes con vna sola
palabra.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 187.

[1053] See _Carrillo_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom.
iii., pp. 259, 261; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.
ii., pp. 65-7; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.;
_Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii.,
p. 47.

[1054] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 126, 128.

[1055] 'El timbal yucateco (_tankul ó tunkul_,) es el instrumento mas
notable de la música yucateca, y en general de la música americana,
que acompañaban las danzas ó bailes sagrados, y el nombre maya de ese
notable instrumento, nos revela hasta hoy el carácter sagrado de
aquellas fiestas, pues el nombre de _tunkul ó tankul_, significa
ligeramente la hora de la adoracion.' _Carrillo_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog.,
Boletin_, 2da época, tom. iii., p. 259. I have one of these
instruments in my possession.

[1056] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 124, 126; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._,
dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 77, 186;
_Carrillo_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. iii., p.
260; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 64-5.

[1057] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 178.

[1058] This is very similar to the Nahua game, described on page 295,
et seq., of this volume.

[1059] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 93-4, 111-12, pl. v.,
fig. i., ii.

CHAPTER XXIII.

FOOD, DRESS, COMMERCE, AND WAR CUSTOMS OF THE MAYAS.

INTRODUCTION OF AGRICULTURE--QUICHÉ TRADITION OF THE
DISCOVERY OF MAIZE--MAIZE CULTURE--SUPERSTITIONS OF
FARMERS--HUNTING AND FISHING--DOMESTIC ANIMALS, FOWL, AND
BEES--PRESERVATION AND COOKING OF FOOD--MEALS--DRINKS AND
DRINKING-HABITS--CANNIBALISM--DRESS OF THE MAYAS--MAXTLIS,
MANTLES, AND SANDALS--DRESS OF KINGS AND PRIESTS--WOMEN'S
DRESS--HAIR AND BEARD--PERSONAL DECORATION--HEAD-FLATTENING,
PERFORATION, TATTOOING, AND PAINTING--PERSONAL
HABITS--COMMERCE--CURRENCY--MARKETS--SUPERSTITIONS OF
TRAVELERS--CANOES AND BALSAS--WAR--MILITARY
LEADERS--INSIGNIA--ARMOR--WEAPONS--FORTIFICATIONS--BATTLES--
TREATMENT OF CAPTIVES.

The tierra caliente and the low forest-clad foothills of the
Usumacinta region on the confines of Yucatan, Guatemala, Chiapas, and
Tabasco, present claims as strong at least as those of any other
locality to be considered the birth-place of American civilization.
Here apparently Votan and Gucumatz, demi-gods or civilizers, won their
first triumphs over the powers of barbarism. In the most remote times
to which we are carried by vague tradition and mythic fable, gods with
strangely human attributes, or men of wonderful supernatural powers,
newly arrived in this land, took counsel one with another how they
might subject to their power and reclaim from barbarism the native
bands of savages, or 'animals,' who roamed naked through the forests,
and subsisted on roots and wild fruits. The discussion of the
tradition with reference to its historic signification, is foreign to
my present purpose, but as the story includes the traditional origin
of agriculture and the discovery of maize under the form of a new
creation, it is an appropriate introduction to the present chapter on
the food, dress, and commerce of the Maya nations. The story runs as
follows in the aboriginal Quiché annals:[1060]

Behold how they began to think of man, and to seek what must enter
into the flesh of man. Then spake he who begets, and he who gives
being, Tepeuh, Gucumatz, the creator and the former, and said:
"Already the dawn is nigh; the work is finished; behold the support,
the foster-father, is ennobled; the son of civilization, man, is
honored, and humanity on the face of the earth." They came, and in
great numbers they assembled; in the shadows of the night they joined
their wise counsel. Then sought they and consulted in sadness,
meditating; and thus the wisdom of these men was manifest; they found
and were made to see what must enter into the flesh of man; and the
dawn was near.

[Sidenote: DISCOVERY OF MAIZE.]

In Paxil, or Cayala ('land of divided and stagnant waters') as it is
called, were the ears of yellow maize and of white. These are the
names of the barbarians who went to seek food; the Fox, the Jackal,
the Paroquet, and the Crow,--four barbarians who made known to them
the ears of the white maize and of the yellow, who came to Paxil and
guided them thither. There it was they obtained at last the food that
was to enter into the flesh of man, of man created and formed; this it
was that was his blood, that became the blood of man--this maize that
entered into him by the provision of him who creates, of him who gives
being.

And they rejoiced that they had at last arrived in this most excellent
land, so full of good things, where the white and yellow maize did
abound, also the cacao, where were sapotes and many fruits, and honey;
all was overflowing with the best of food in this country of Paxil, or
Cayala. There was food of every kind; there were large and small
plants, to which the barbarians had guided them. Then they began to
grind the yellow and white maize, and of them did Xmucané make nine
drinks, which nourishment was the beginning of strength, giving unto
man flesh and stature. Such were the deeds of the begetter and giver
of being, Tepeuh, Gucumatz. Thereupon they began to speak of creating
our first mother and our first father. Only yellow maize and white
maize entered into their flesh, and these alone formed the legs and
arms of man; and these were our first fathers, the four men who were
formed, into whose flesh this food entered.

And from this time of its traditional discovery by Gucumatz, or
Quetzalcoatl, down to the conquest by the Spaniards and even down to
the present time, the yellow and white maize, in their several
varieties, have been the chief reliance of the Maya as of the Nahua
nations for daily food. Every year during the latter months of the dry
season, from March to May, the farmer busied himself in preparing his
_milpa_, or cornfield, which he did by simply cutting or uprooting the
dense growth and burning it. The ashes thus produced were the only
fertilizer ever employed, and even this was probably never needed in
this land of tropical fertility. Just before the first rain fell,
equipped with a sack of seed-maize on his shoulder and a sharpened
stick in his hand, he made holes at regular intervals among the ashes,
and in each deposited five or six grains, covering it with the same
instrument, aided perhaps by the foot. In Yucatan the planters united
in bands of twenty for mutual assistance, working together until the
land of all the club was properly seeded. It was not customary to
plant very large fields, but rather many in different localities, to
guard against a possible partial failure of the crops from local
causes. Hedges, ditches, and fences were constructed to enclose the
milpas, so effective in the Lacandone country that the Spaniards'
horses were unable to leap them. The corn was carefully kept free from
weeds while growing, and watched by boys after it had begun to ripen.
In Nicaragua, where, Oviedo tells us, more attention was paid to
agriculture than in any other region visited by him, the boys took
their station in trees scattered over the field, or sometimes on
raised covered scaffolds of wood and reeds, called _barbacoas_, where
they kept up a continual shouting to drive away the birds. Irrigation
was practiced when the rains were backward, and if we may credit
Oviedo, by thus artificially forcing the crop in Nicaragua,
well-filled corn was plucked only forty days after planting the seed.
Villagutierre states that the Itzas spent most of their time in
worship, dancing, and getting drunk, trusting to uncultivated fruits
and the fertility of their soil for a subsistence, and contenting
themselves with very small milpas.

[Sidenote: CULTIVATION OF THE SOIL.]

After maize, cacao was perhaps the crop to which most attention was
paid. It grew in hot and shady localities, and where there was no
natural shade, trees were set out for the purpose. It was called
_cacaguat_ in Nicaragua, and was gathered from February to April.
Several varieties, of a somewhat inferior quality, grew wild, and were
much used by the natives. The cultivation of beans, pepper, cotton,
and of numerous native fruits, was carried on extensively, but we have
no details respecting the methods employed.[1061] In connection with
the planting and growth of the various cultivated plants, the Mayas
entertained some peculiar superstitions. Far from understanding the
simplest laws of nature, they recognized only supernatural agencies in
the growth or blighting of their crops. In Yucatan, Cogolludo states
that no meat was eaten while cotton was growing, from fear that it
would fail to mature. The Nicaraguans, according to Dávila, ate no
salt or pepper, nor did they drink any intoxicating beverage, or sleep
with their women during the time of planting. Oviedo also observed
certain bundles of sticks placed at the corners of each field, as well
as leaves, stones, and cotton rags, scattered over the surface by ugly
and deformed old hags, for some unknown but doubtless superstitious
purpose. Palacio tells us that the Pipiles before beginning to plant
gathered in small bowls specimens of all the seeds, which, after
performing certain rites with them before the idol, they buried in the
ground, and burned copal and ulli over them. Blood was drawn freely
from different parts of the body, with which to anoint the idol; and,
as Ximenez states, the blood of slain fowls was sprinkled over the
land to be sown. In the case of cacao the finest grains of seed were
exposed to the moonlight during four nights; and whatever the seed to
be planted, the tillers of the soil must sleep apart from their wives
and concubines for several days, in order that on the night before
planting they might indulge their passions to the fullest extent;
certain persons are even said to have been appointed to perform the
sexual act at the very moment when the first seeds were deposited in
the ground. Before beginning the operation of weeding, they burned
incense at the four corners of the field, and uttered fervent prayers
to the idols. When the corn was ripe they plucked the finest ears and
offered them to the gods, to the priests, and sometimes also to the
poor. At harvest time the corn was heaped up in the field, and was not
moved until the grain itself gave the signal that it was ready; the
signal was, as Brasseur states it, the springing up of a fresh blade,
or, according to Ximenez, the falling of an ear from the heap.[1062]

The home of the Mayas in nearly every part abounded in many varieties
of game, and the authors report the natives to have been expert
hunters and fishermen, but respecting the particular methods employed
in capturing food from forest, ocean, and river, little information
has been preserved. The people of Yucatan used the bow and arrow; were
especially skillful at throwing a kind of arrow or dart by means of a
piece of wood three fingers thick, pierced with a hole at one third
its length; and, according to Cogolludo, they bred hunting dogs which
were trained to follow and seize deer, tigers, and boars, as well as
badgers, rabbits, armadillos, and iguanas. The latter animal was, as
it still is, a favorite food. Tradition relates that the Tutul Xius
when they first came to Yucatan used no weapons, but were famous for
their skill in taking game by means of snares, traps, and similar
devices. In Guatemala, a blow-pipe and earthen bullets were sometimes
used to shoot birds. A portion of all game taken had to be given to
the rulers of town and province, and also a large portion--half, Las
Casas tells us, in Guatemala--must be offered to the god of hunting,
or, in other words, furnished for the priests' tables. Fish and
turtles were the chief articles of food in some coast regions, and the
Nicaraguans are described by Oviedo as expert fishermen, who took fish
from ocean and river by means of rods, lines, and flies, also in
cotton nets, and by pens and embankments in the tide waters. They are
said to have had a plant, the _baygua_, a decoction of which being put
in the water brought the fish senseless to the surface. The Itzas and
probably others used the harpoon. Young alligators just hatched were
esteemed as delicacies in Vera Paz, and large fleets of canoes were
sent at the proper season to take them. The tapir was also a favorite
article of food. Toads and other reptiles seem to have been eaten when
other supplies were not at hand.[1063]

[Sidenote: USE OF MEAT AS FOOD.]

As an article of daily food, meat was comparatively little used;
Cogolludo even goes so far as to say it was never eaten in Yucatan
except at feasts. Besides the game-supply, dogs of a certain species
were raised for food. They were of small size, without hair, could not
bark, and when castrated became immensely fat. They were called
_xulos_ in Nicaragua, and _tzomes_ in Yucatan, but were probably the
same as the _techichis_ already mentioned in Mexico. Turkeys, ducks,
geese, and other fowl were domesticated; and pigs, rabbits, and hares
are mentioned as having been bred. Multitudes of bees were kept for
their honey and wax, and hives are spoken of by Las Casas without
description. Gomara says the bees were small and the honey somewhat
bitter. The only methods of making salt that I find particularly
mentioned were to bake tide-washed earth, boiling down the brine made
of the product, and also to boil the lye produced by leeching the
ashes of a palm called _xacxam_. The former method was practiced in
Guatemala, at great cost of labor and wealth, as Herrera says; the
second is referred to Yucatan. Many roots were of course utilized for
food, and a peculiar herb, called _yaat_, was mixed with lime and
carried constantly in the mouth by the Nicaraguans on the march or
journey, as a preventive of fatigue and thirst.[1064]

Respecting the preservation and cooking of food, as well as the habits
of the people in taking their daily meals, there are no differences to
be recorded from what has been said of the Nahuas. The inevitable
tortillas and tamales were the standard dish, made in the same way as
at the north; meat was dried, salted, roasted, and stewed, with pepper
for the favorite seasoning. Fruits were perhaps a more prominent
article of food, and were eaten for the most part raw.[1065] Cogolludo
informs us that the Yucatecs eat regularly once a day, just before
sunset; and we are also told that they took great pains to keep their
bright-colored table-cloths and napkins in a state of perfect
cleanliness. In Nicaragua, they were accustomed to wash the hands and
mouth after eating; and the chiefs, who sat in a circle on wooden
benches and were served by the women, also washed at the commencement
of the meal. The men and women eat always separately, the latter
taking their food from the ground, or sometimes from a palm-leaf
basket-work platter. Very little food sufficed for the Mayas and they
could bear hunger for a long time, but like all the aboriginal
inhabitants of America they eat plentifully when well supplied, taking
no heed for a time in the future when food might be lacking.[1066]

[Sidenote: DRINKS PREPARED FROM MAIZE.]

We have seen that in the beginning, according to the tradition,
Xmucané invented nine drinks, which were prepared from maize. The
exact composition of these famous beverages of antiquity is not given;
but Landa speaks of at least six, in the preparation of which maize
was used, at least as an ingredient. To make the first, the corn was
half-boiled in lime-water, coarsely ground, and preserved in small
balls, which were simply mixed with water for use; this beverage was
much used on journeys, and was often the only provision, serving for
food as well. The second was made of the same hulled corn ground fine
and mixed in water so as to form a gruel, which was heated and
thickened over the fire, and was a favorite drink taken hot in the
morning. The third was parched corn ground, mixed in water, and
seasoned with pepper or cacao. The fourth was composed of ground maize
and cacao, and was designed especially for public festivals. For the
fifth a grease, much like butter, was extracted from cacao and mixed
with maize. The sixth was prepared from raw maize ground. The
fermented liquor, made of maize and cacao, which was drunk by the
Itzas, was called _zaca_. Native wines were made of honey and water,
of figs, and of a great variety of fruits; that made of the native
fruit called _jacote_, and one of red cherries, were very popular in
Nicaragua. _Chicha_ was a fermented drink made of pine-apple juice,
honey or sugar, and water. Pulque made from the maguey is mentioned,
but this plant does not seem to have played so important a rôle in the
south as in the north; at least there is very little said of it. A
very strong and stinking wine is also mentioned as being prepared from
a certain root. Herrera tells us that the maize-wines resembled beer,
and Andagoya that their intoxicating properties were not very lasting.
Benzoni complains that the native wines failed to comfort the spirit,
warm the stomach, and sooth to sleep like those of Castile. Chocolate
and other drinks prepared from cacao were universal favorites, and
were prepared both from wild and cultivated varieties. Oviedo states
that in Nicaragua none but the rich and noble could afford to drink
it, as it was literally drinking money. He describes the manner of
preparing the cacao, _coco_, or _cacaguat_. It was picked from the
trees from February to April, dried in the sun, roasted, ground in
water, mixed with a quantity of _bixa_ until it was of a bright
blood-color, and the dried paste was preserved in cakes. With this
paste the natives delighted to bedaub their faces. To prepare the
drink, they do not seem to have employed heat, at least in this part
of the country, but simply dissolved the paste in water, and poured it
from one dish into another to raise a froth.

The Mayas seem to have been a people greatly addicted to the vice of
drunkenness, which was much less disgraceful and less severely
punished by the laws than among the Nahuas. It was quite essential to
the thorough enjoyment of a feast or wedding to become intoxicated;
the wife even handed the tempting beverages to her husband, modestly
averted her head while he drank, kindly guided him home when the
festivities were over, and even became intoxicated herself
occasionally, if Landa may be believed. The same authority represents
the natives of Yucatan as very brutal and indecent when drunk, and
Oviedo says that he who dropped down senseless from drink in a banquet
was allowed to remain where he fell, and was regarded by his
companions with feelings of envy.[1067]

[Sidenote: EATING HUMAN FLESH.]

The custom of eating the flesh of human victims who were sacrificed to
the gods, was probably practiced more or less in all the Maya regions;
but neither this cannibalism nor the sacrifices that gave rise to it
were so extensively indulged in as by the Mexicans. Some authors, as
Gomara, deny that human flesh was ever eaten in Yucatan, but others,
as Herrera, Villagutierre, and Peter Martyr, contradict this, although
admitting that cases of cannibalism were rare, and the victims
confined to sacrificed enemies. Las Casas states that in Guatemala the
hands and feet were given to the king and high-priest, the rest to
other priests, and that none was left for the people. In Nicaragua the
high-priest received the heart, the king the feet and hands, he who
captured the victim took the thighs, the tripe was given to the
trumpeters, and the rest was divided among the people. The head was
not eaten. The edible portions were cut in small pieces, boiled in
large pots, seasoned with salt and pepper, and eaten together with
cakes of maize. At certain feasts also maize was sprinkled with blood
from the genitals. According to Herrera some Spaniards were eaten in
Yucatan, but Albornoz tells us that the natives of Honduras found the
foreigners too tough and bitter to be eaten.[1068]

[Sidenote: DRESS OF THE MAYAS.]

By reason of the warmer climate in the southern lands, or of a
difference in the popular taste, somewhat less attention seems to have
been paid to dress and personal adornment by the Mayas than by the
Nahuas, or rather the Maya dress was much more simple and more uniform
among the different classes of society; and, so far as can be
determined from the very scanty information extant, there was only a
very slight variation in the dress of the different nations--much
less, indeed, than would naturally be expected between the tribes of
the low Yucatan plains and of the Guatemalan highlands. Very little of
the information that has been preserved, however, relates to the
people of Guatemala. Men wore almost universally the garment known in
Mexico as the maxtli, a long strip of cotton cloth, wound several
times round the loins and passing between the legs. This strip was
often twisted so as to resemble a cord, and the higher the class or
the greater the wealth of the wearer, the greater the length of the
cord and the number of turns about the body. Among the Itzas and other
tribes of Yucatan, instead of passing this garment between the legs,
its ends were often allowed to hang, one in front and the other
behind, being in such cases more or less embroidered or otherwise
decorated.[1069] In more modern times the maxtli seems to have been,
in some cases at least, replaced by cotton drawers, fastened with a
string round the waist, and having the legs rolled up to the middle of
the thigh.[1070] A large proportion of the Mayas, especially of the
poorer classes, wore commonly no other garment than the one mentioned;
but very few were without a piece of cotton cloth about four or five
feet square, which was used as a covering at night and was often worn
in the daytime, by tying two corners on the same side over the
shoulders and allowing the cloth to hang down the back. The Spaniards
uniformly apply the somewhat indefinite term 'mantle' to this garment.
These mantles are still worn.[1071] The only other garment mentioned,
and one not definitely stated to have been worn except in Yucatan, was
a kind of loose sleeveless shirt reaching to the knees. These shirts
as well as the mantles were worn both white and dyed in brilliant and
variegated colors.[1072] I find no mention of other material than
cotton used for clothing, except in the case of the Cakchiquels, who,
according to Brasseur, wore both bark and maguey-fibre.[1073]

There is nothing to indicate that the dress of nobles, priests, or
kings, differed essentially from that of the common people, except in
fineness of material or richness and profusion of ornaments. It is
probable, however, that the higher classes were always clad in the
garments which have been described, while a majority of the plebeians
wore only the maxtli, which was sometimes only a single strip of
cloth passing once round the waist and between the legs. As rulers and
priests are often spoken of as dressed in 'large white mantles' or
'flowing robes,' it is probable that the mantle worn by them was much
larger, as well as of finer stuff, than that described. Landa speaks
of a priest in Yucatan who wore an upper garment of colored feathers,
with strips of cotton hanging from its border to the ground. Palacio
tells us of priestly robes in Salvador of different colors, black,
blue, green, red, and yellow. According to Remesal the priests of
Guatemala were filthy, abominable, and ugly, in fact very hogs in
dress. In Nicaragua, Herrera describes white cotton surplices, and
other priestly vestments, some small, others hanging from the
shoulders to the heels, with hanging pockets, in which were carried
stone lancets, with various herbs and powders, indispensable in the
practice of sacerdotal arts. Ximenez represents the Guatemalan king's
dress as like that of the people, except that he had his ears and nose
pierced, of which more anon.[1074]

[Sidenote: DRESS OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN.]

The women universally wore a skirt formed by winding a wide piece of
cotton cloth round the body and fastening it at the waist. This
garment reached from the waist to the knee, as worn by the plebeian
women, but those of a higher class covered with it their legs as low
as the ankles. In some parts of Nicaragua, especially on the islands,
Herrera says that except this skirt, which was so scanty as hardly to
merit a better name than breech-clout, the women were naked; but
elsewhere they were always particular to cover their breasts from
sight. This they accomplished in some cases by a piece of cloth round
the neck, and fastened under the arms; but they also often wore a
kind of chemise, or loose sack, with holes for the head and arms, and
sometimes with short sleeves. The latter garment was always worn on
feast-days by those who had it to wear. Andagoya mentions a sort of
cape worn in Nicaragua, which had a hole for the head, and covered the
breasts and half of the arms. Herrera speaks of a sack open at both
ends, and tightened at the waist, worn in Nicaragua; and Landa
mentions the same garment in Yucatan. The women, like the men, used a
square mantle to sleep under, and carried it with them on journeys.
Children were allowed to remain naked in Yucatan till they were four
or five years old, and in Guatemala to the age of eight or nine years;
but in Yucatan, Landa tells us, that a boy at the age of three years,
had a white ornament tied in his hair, and a girl at the same age had
a shell fastened by a string in such a manner as to cover certain
parts of her person.[1075]

It is very difficult to form any definite idea of the Maya methods of
dressing the hair, save that all allowed it to grow long, and most
persons separated it into tresses, winding some of them about the head
and allowing others to hang down the back. Landa informs us that the
Yucatecs burned the hair on the crown, allowing it to remain short
there, but permitted the rest to grow as long as it would, binding it
round the head except a queue behind. In Nicaragua, the forehead was
shaved, and sometimes the whole head except a tuft at the crown. The
women everywhere and men generally took great pains with the hair; the
former often mixed feathers with their raven locks, which were
dressed differently according as the owners were married or single,
and particular care was devoted to the coiffure of a bride. All the
authorities agree that the priests in Yucatan wore the hair long,
uncombed, and often saturated with sacrificial blood. Plumes of
feathers seem to have been their usual head-dress. Palacio and Herrera
mention a colored head-dress, mitre, or diadem with hanging plumes
worn by a priest in Salvador. Over the hair a piece of cloth was
usually worn by females, in which the Abbé Brasseur finds a
resemblance to the Egyptian _calantica_. A tuft of hair hanging over
the face of children often made them cross-eyed; indeed, mothers are
said to have arranged it with a view to this very effect, deemed by
them a desirable thing, or to have attached to the forehead a small
hanging plaster for the same purpose. The number of 'bizcos' treated
by Dr Cabot, who accompanied Mr Stephens in his excursion through
Yucatan, shows that though squinting eyes are still common in the
country, the defect has at least lost its charm to the Maya
mothers.[1076]

No beard was worn, and the few hairs that made their appearance on the
face were immediately extracted. According to Landa, mothers are said
to have burned the faces of young children with hot cloths to prevent
the growth of a beard in later years. After the Conquest many of the
natives grew beards, which, though sometimes long, were always thin
and coarse. Something like a beard is also to be seen on some of the
sculptured faces among the Maya ruins. Oviedo met in Nicaragua a man
about seventy years of age, who had a long flowing white beard.[1077]

The Mayas, when they covered the feet at all, wore a kind of sandal of
coarse cloth, or more frequently of dry deer-skin. These sandals were
simply pieces of skin, often double, covering and fitting somewhat the
sole, and fastened by cotton strings from the ankle to the toes and
perhaps also to the heel. I find no account of hand-coverings except
in the Popol Vuh, where gloves are spoken of as being used in the game
of ball.[1078]

[Sidenote: DISFIGUREMENT OF THE PHYSIQUE.]

Having provided for their comfort by the use of the articles of dress
already described, the Mayas, like most other American aborigines,
deemed it essential to modify and improve their physique by artificial
means. This they accomplished by head-flattening, teeth-filing,
perforation of the ears, nose, and lips, tattooing, and painting; yet
it is not probable that all these methods of disfigurement were
practiced by all the natives. In Nicaragua, the heads of infants were
flattened; the people believed that the custom had been originally
introduced by the gods; that the compressed forehead was the sign of
noble blood and the highest type of beauty; and besides that the head
was thus better adapted to the carrying of burdens. In Yucatan,
according to Landa, the same custom obtained. Four or five days after
birth the child was laid with the face down on a bed and the head was
compressed between two pieces of wood, one on the forehead and the
other on the back of the head, the boards being kept in place for
several days until the desired cranial conformation was effected. So
great was the pressure that the child's skull was sometimes broken. I
find no account of forehead-flattening in Guatemala and Chiapas,
though Mr Squier, following Fuentes' unpublished history, says that
among the Quichés, Cakchiquels, and Zutugils the back of the head was
flattened by the practice of carrying infants tied closely to a
straight board. Yet from the frequent occurrence of this cranial type
in the sculptured profiles in Chiapas, Honduras, and Yucatan, there
can be no doubt that in the most ancient times a flattened forehead
was the ideal of manly beauty, and I think we have sufficient reason
to believe that the artificial shaping of the skull was even more
universally practiced in ancient than in modern times. The origin of
the custom is a most interesting topic for study and speculation.[1079]

The practice of filing the teeth prevailed to a certain extent among
the women of Yucatan, whose ideal of dental charms rendered a
saw-teeth arrangement desirable. The operation was performed by
certain old women, professors of the art, by means of sharp gritty
stones and water.[1080] The piercing of ears, nose, and lips was
practiced among all the nations by both men and women apparently,
except in Guatemala, where, Ximenez tells us, it was confined to the
kings, who perforated the nose and ears as a mark of rank and power.
We have no authority for supposing that persons of any class in
Yucatan and Nicaragua were restrained from this mutilation of their
faces, or from wearing in the perforated features any ornaments they
could afford to purchase. Such ornaments were small sticks, bones,
shells, and rings of amber or gold. Other ornaments besides those
inserted in the ears, nose, and lips, were bracelets, rings, gold
beads, and medals, shell necklaces, metallic and wooden wands, gilded
masks, feathers and plumes, and pearls. Besides this piercing for
ornamental purposes, it should be noted that perforation of cheeks and
tongues, and scarifyings of other parts of body and limbs, were common
in connection with religious rites and duties.[1081]

[Sidenote: TATTOOING AND PAINTING.]

Tattooing was effected in Yucatan and Nicaragua by lacerating the body
with stone lancets, and rubbing the wounds with powdered coal or black
earths, which left indelible marks. Stripes, serpents, and birds seem
to have been favorite devices for this kind of decoration. The process
was a slow and painful one, and to submit to it was deemed a sign of
bravery. The tattooing was done by professors who made this art a
specialty. Cogolludo says the Itzas had the whole body tattooed, but
Landa and Herrera tell us that neither in Yucatan nor in Nicaragua
were the breasts of the women subjected to this decorative
mutilation.[1082] Painting the face and body was universal, but
little can be said respecting the details of the custom, save that red
and black were apparently the favorite colors, and colored earths the
most common material of the paints. Bixa was, however, much used for
red, and cacao tinted with bixa to a blood-red hue was daubed in great
profusion on the faces of the Nicaraguans. In Yucatan young men
generally restricted themselves to black until they were married,
indulging afterwards in varied and bright-colored figures. Black was
also a favorite color for war-paint. Odoriferous gums were often mixed
with the paints, especially by the women, which rendered the
decoration durable, sticky, and most disagreeable to foreign
olfactories. It appears that in Guatemala, and probably elsewhere, a
coat of paint was employed, not only for ornamental purposes, but as a
protection against heat and cold. At certain Nicaraguan feasts and
dances the naked bodies were painted in imitation of the ordinary
garments, cotton-fibre being mixed with the paint.[1083]

[Sidenote: PERSONAL HABITS.]

All were fond of perfumes, and besides the odoriferous substances
mixed by the ladies in their paint, copal and other gums were burned
on many occasions, not only in honor of the gods, but for the
agreeable odor of the smoke; sweet-smelling barks, herbs, and flowers
were also habitually carried on the person.[1084] All the Mayas,
especially females, were rather neat than otherwise in their personal
habits, taking great pains with their dress and so-called decorations.
They bathed frequently in cold water and sometimes indulged in hot
baths, perhaps in steam-baths; but of the latter very little is said,
although Brasseur says it was used in Guatemala under the name of
_tuh_. The women were very modest and usually took much pains to
prevent the exposure of their persons, but in bathing and on certain
other occasions both sexes appear to have been somewhat careless in
this respect. In both Yucatan and Nicaragua mirrors were employed by
the men, but the women required or at least employed no such
aids.[1085] Although such disfigurements as have been described,
painting, tattooing, and perforation, are reported by all the authors,
and were all doubtless practiced, yet one can hardly avoid forming the
idea in reading the narratives of the conquerors, that such hideous
mutilations were confined to certain classes and certain occasions,
and that the mass of the people in every-day life presented a much
less repulsive aspect.

* * * * *

I have already spoken of the tenure of landed property and the laws of
inheritance among the Mayas. To the accumulation of wealth in the form
of personal property they do not seem to have attached much
importance. They were content for the most part with a supply of
simple food for their tables, the necessary household utensils, and
such articles of dress and ornament as were required by their social
rank; with these and a sufficient surplus to entertain their friends
in a fitting style, they took little care for the future. Yet traders
were a class much honored, and their profession was a lucrative one.
An active trade was carried on in each town, as also between different
towns, provinces, and nations, in order that the people of each
locality might be supplied with the necessary commodities both of home
and foreign production. Few details have been preserved respecting the
manner of conducting trade, but what is known on the subject indicates
that the commercial system was identical with that of the Nahuas, to
which a preceding chapter has been devoted. Commodities of every
class, food, dress, ornaments, weapons, and implements, were offered
for sale in the market-place, or plaza, of every village, where all
transactions between buyers and sellers were regulated by an official
who had full authority to correct abuses and punish offences against
the laws of trade. Fairs were held periodically in all the larger
towns, which were crowded by buyers and sellers from abroad. Traveling
merchants traversed the country in every direction busied in the
exchange and transport of varied local products. Yucatan did a large
foreign trade with Tabasco and Honduras, from both of which regions
large quantities of cacao were imported. Other international routes of
commerce doubtless existed in different directions; we have seen that
the Nahua merchants crossed the isthmus of Tehuantepec to traffic in
Maya lands, and the southern merchants were doubtless not
unrepresented in the northern fairs. Transportation was effected for
the most part by carriers overland, and in many parts of the country,
as in Yucatan, magnificent paved roads offered every facility to the
traveler; quite an extensive coasting-trade was also carried on by
water.

The ordinary mercantile transactions were effected by exchange, or
barter, of one commodity for another; but where this was inconvenient
cacao passed current as money among all the nations. Thus a rabbit in
Nicaragua sold for ten cacao-nibs, and one hundred of these seeds
would buy a tolerably good slave. Notwithstanding the comparatively
small value of this cacao-money, Oviedo tells us that counterfeiting
was sometimes attempted. According to Cogolludo, copper bells and
rattles of different sizes, red shells in strings, precious stones,
and copper hatchets often served as money, especially in foreign
trade. Doubtless many other articles, valuable and of compact form
were used in the same way. Landa speaks of net-work purses in which
the money of the natives was carried.

[Sidenote: MARKET REGULATIONS.]

We are informed that in Yucatan articles of ordinary consumption, like
food, were sold always at a fixed price, except maize, which varied
slightly in price according to the yield. Maize was sold by the carga,
or load, which was about one half of the Castilian fanega. In
Nicaragua the matter of price was left altogether to the contracting
parties. The Mayas of all nations were very strict in requiring the
exact fulfilment of contracts, which, in Yucatan, as has been said,
and in Guatemala also, according to Brasseur de Bourbourg, were
legalized by the parties drinking together, the beverage being
generally colored with certain leaves called _max_. In the Nicaraguan
markets some extraordinary regulations were enforced. Men could not
visit the market-place of their own towns, either to buy, sell, or for
any other purpose; they even incurred the risk of receiving a sound
beating, if they so much as peeped in to see what was going on. All
the business was transacted by the women; but boys, into whose minds,
by reason of their tender years, carnal thoughts were supposed not to
have entered, might be present to assist the women, and even men from
other towns or provinces, were welcome, provided they did not belong
to a people of different language.

No peculiar ceremonies are mentioned as accompanying the setting-out
or return of trading caravans, but some customs observed by
travelers, a large proportion of whom were probably merchants, are
recorded. In Yucatan all members of a household prayed often and
earnestly for the safe return of the absent member; and the traveler
himself, when he chanced to come in contact with a large stone which
had been moved in opening the road, reverently laid upon it a green
branch, brushing his knees with another at the same time as a
preventive of fatigue. He also carried incense on his journey, and at
each nightfall, wherever he might be, he stood on end three small
stones, and on three other flat stones placed before the first he
burned incense and uttered a prayer to Ekchua, god of travelers, whose
name signifies 'merchant.' When the traveler was belated, and thought
himself likely to arrive after dark at his proposed stopping-place, he
deposited a stone in a hollow tree, and pulled out some hairs from his
eyebrows, which he proceeded to blow towards the setting sun, hoping
thereby to induce that orb to retard somewhat its movements. In
Guatemala, small chapels were placed at short intervals on all the
lines of travel, where each passer halted for a few moments at least,
gathered a handful of herbs, rubbed with them his legs, spat
reverently upon them, and placed them prayerfully upon the altar with
a small stone and some trifling offering of pepper, salt, or cacao.
The offering remained untouched, no one being bold enough to disturb
the sacred token.[1086]

[Sidenote: MAYA BOATS AND NAVIGATION.]

Oviedo states that in Nicaragua, or at least in certain parts of that
country, the people had no canoes, but resorted to balsas when it
became necessary to cross the water. The balsa in this region was
simply a raft of five or six logs tied together at the ends with
grass, and covered with cross-sticks. The author referred to saw a
fleet of these aboriginal vessels which bore fifteen hundred warriors.
On the coast of Yucatan and in the lakes of Peten, the natives had
many canoes for use in war and commerce, and were very skillful in
their management. These canoes were 'dug-outs' made from single
trunks, capable of carrying from two to fifty persons, and propelled
by paddles. Cogolludo tells us that canoes with sails were seen by
Córdova during his voyage up the coast, and some modern writers speak
of the famous canoe met by Columbus off the Honduras coast as having
been fitted with sails; but in the latter case there seems to be no
authority for the statement, and that sails were ever employed may
well be considered doubtful. The boat seen by Columbus was eight feet
wide, "as long as a galley," bore twenty-five men, and an awning of
mats in the centre protected the women and children. All the
information we have respecting boats in Guatemala is the statement of
Peter Martyr that the 'dug-outs' were also in use there, and of
Juarros that the Lacandones had a large fleet of boats; Guatemala was
a country, however, whose physical conformation would rarely call for
navigation on an extensive scale. Villagutierre says that the
Chiapanecs used gourd balsas, or 'calabazas.'[1087]

* * * * *

Wars among the Maya nations were frequent,--more so probably during
the century preceding the Spanish conquest, when their history is
partially known, than in the more glorious days of the distant
past,--but they were also, as a rule, of short duration, partaking
more of the character of raids than of regular wars. One campaign
generally decided the tribal or national dispute, and the victors were
content with the victory and the captives taken. Landa and Herrera
report that the nations of Yucatan learned the art of war from the
Mexicans, having been an altogether peaceful people before the Nahua
influence was brought to bear on them. The latter also suspects that
the Yucatec war-customs, as observed by the Spaniards, may have been
modified by the teaching of Guerrero and Aguilar, white men held for
several years as prisoners before the invaders came; but neither
theory seems to have much weight.

The profession of arms was everywhere an honorable one, but military
preferment and promotion seem to have been somewhat more exclusively
confined to the nobility than among the Nahuas. According to Landa, a
certain number of picked men were appointed in each town, who were
called _holcanes_, must be ready to take up arms whenever called for,
and received a small amount of money for their services while in
actual war. This is the only instance of a paid soldiery noted in the
limits of our territory.[1088]

In Nicaragua Tapaligui was the most honorable title a man could win by
bravery, and from the number of those who bore the title the
war-captain was in most provinces appointed either by the monexico, or
council, or by the cacique. This captain was for the most part
independent of the civil ruler in time of war, but Boyle speaks of
certain cities where the cacique himself commanded the army. The civil
chief, however, if he possessed the requisite bravery, often
accompanied the troops to the field to take command at the captain's
death, or appoint his successor.[1089] In Yucatan they had two
war-captains, one of whom held his position by inheritance, while the
other was chosen for a term of three years. The title of the latter
was Nacon, and his office seems to have been attended with some
inconveniences, since during the three years he could know no woman,
eat no meat, indulge in no intoxication, and have but little to do
with the public. Fish and iguana-flesh were allowed him, but it must
be served on dishes used by no one but himself, and must not be served
by women. In Vera Paz the captains were chosen from among the most
distinguished braves, and seem to have held their position for
life.[1090]

[Sidenote: INSIGNIA OF WARRIORS.]

In Yucatan skins and feathers, worn according to fixed rules, not
recorded, were among the most prominent insignia of warriors. The face
was painted in various colors; and tattooing the hands was a privilege
accorded to the brave. The Itzas fought naked, but painted face, body,
and limbs black, the brave tattooing the face in stripes. Feather
plumes are the only insignia mentioned in connection with Guatemalan
warriors; but the grade of a Pipile's prowess was indicated by the
number of holes he had in ears, nose, and other features. All officers
in the Nicaraguan armies had distinguishing marks, which they wore
both in time of war and of peace; the Tapaligui was allowed to shave
his head except on the crown, where the hair was left a finger long,
with a longer tuft projecting from the centre. The arrangement of the
feathers on the shield also indicated to the soldiers an officer's
rank.[1091]

The universal Maya armor was a thick quilted sack of cotton, which
fitted closely over the body and arms, and reached generally to the
middle of the thighs, although Alvarado found the Guatemalans clad in
similar sacks reaching to the feet. In Yucatan, according to Landa, a
layer of salt was placed between the thicknesses of cotton, making the
garment very hard and impenetrable. As the Guatemalan armor is
described as being three fingers thick and so heavy that the soldiers
could with difficulty run or rise after falling, we may suppose that
salt or some similar material was also used by the Quichés. Squier
mentions, apparently without sufficient authority, short breeches worn
to protect the legs. The Spaniards were not long in recognizing the
advantages of the native cotton armor, and it was commonly adopted or
added to their own armor of steel. The head-armor, when any was worn,
seems to have been ordinarily a kind of cap, also of quilted cotton.
Landa says that in Yucatan a few leaders wore wooden helmets; they are
also mentioned by Gomara and Las Casas. Peter Martyr speaks of golden
helmets and breast-plates as worn in Nicaragua. Shields were made of
split reeds, were round in form, and were covered generally with skins
and decorated with feathers, though a cotton covering was also used in
Nicaragua.[1092]

[Sidenote: ABORIGINAL WEAPONS.]

Bows and arrows, lances, and darts were used as weapons of war by all
the Maya tribes, the projectiles being usually pointed with flint, but
often also with fish-bone or copper. Arrows were carried in quivers
and were never poisoned. The Yucatec bow, as Landa informs us, was a
little shorter than the man who carried it, and was made of a very
strong native wood; the string was made of the fibres of certain
plants. The arrows were light reeds with a piece of hard wood at the
end. Oviedo tells us of lances, or pikes, in Nicaragua, which were
thirty spans long, and others in Yucatan fifteen spans long; Herrera
says they were over twenty feet long in Guatemala, and that their
heads were poisoned; though Oviedo denies that poison was used. In
Nicaragua and Yucatan heavy wooden swords, called by the Mexicans
_macuahuitl_, were used, but I find no special mention of these
weapons in Guatemala. A line of sharp flints were firmly set along the
two edges, and, wielded with both hands they were a most formidable
weapon. Waldeck found in modern times the horn of a sawfish covered
with skin and used as a weapon. He thinks the aboriginal weapon may
have been fashioned after this natural model. Slings were extensively
used in Yucatan, and also copper axes to some extent, but these are
supposed to have been imported from Mexico, as no metals are found in
the peninsula.[1093]

The Quichés, Cakchiquels, and other tribes inhabiting the high lands
of Guatemala, chose the location of their towns in places naturally
well nigh inaccessible, strengthening them besides with artificial
fortifications in the shape of massive stone walls and deep ditches.
Ruins of these fortified towns are very numerous and will be described
elsewhere; a few words respecting Utatlan, the Quiché capital, and
one of the most securely located and guarded cities, will suffice
here. Standing on a level plateau, the city was bounded on every side
by a deep ravine, believed to have been at some points artificial, and
which could only be crossed at one place. Guarding this single
approach a line of massive stone structures connected by ditches
extends a long distance, and within this line of fortifications, at
the entrance of the pass, is El Resguardo, a square-based pyramidical
structure, one hundred and twenty feet high, rising in three terraces,
and having its summit platform inclosed by a stone wall, covered with
hard cement. A tower also rises from the summit. The Spaniards under
Alvarado found their approach obstructed at various points in
Guatemala by holes in which were pointed stakes fixed in the ground,
and carefully concealed by a slight covering of turf; palisades,
ditches, and walls of stone, logs, plants, or earth, were thrown
across the road at every difficult pass; and large stones were kept
ready to hurl or roll down upon the invaders. Numerous short pointed
sticks were found on at least one occasion fixed upright in the
ground, apparently a slight defense, but really a most formidable one,
since the points were poisoned. Doubtless all these methods of defence
had been practiced often before in their international wars against
American foes. Strong defensive works are also mentioned in Chiapas,
and Andagoya tells us of a town in Nicaragua fortified by a high and
impenetrable hedge of cacti. In Yucatan the Spaniard's progress was
frequently opposed, at points favorable for such a purpose, by
temporary trenches, barricades of stone, logs, and earth, and
protected stations for bowmen and slingers; but in the selection of
sites for their towns, notwithstanding the generally level surface of
their country, facilities for defence seem to have been little or not
at all considered. One, only, of the many ruined cities which have
been explored, Tuloom, on the Eastern coast, stands on an eminence
overlooking the ocean, in a very strong natural position; but
strangely enough it is just here, where artificial defenses were least
needed, that we find a massive wall surrounding the chief
structures,--the only city wall standing in modern times, though
Mayapan was traditionally a walled town, and a few slight traces of
walls have been found about other cities.[1094]

[Sidenote: DECLARATION OF WAR.]

The ambition of the native rulers to increase their dominions by
encroachments upon their neighbors' territory was probably the cause
of most wars among the Maya nations; but raids were also undertaken
occasionally, with no other object than that of obtaining victims for
sacrifice. In the consultations preceding the declaration of war the
priesthood had much to say, and played a prominent part in the
accompanying ceremonies. In Salvador the high-priest with four
subordinates decided on the war by drawing of lots and by various
other sorceries, and even gave directions how the campaign was to be
carried on. The high-priest was generally on the ground, in charge of
certain idols, when an important battle was to be fought. Supplies
were carried, in Yucatan at least, on the backs of women, and the want
of adequate means of transportation is given as one reason why the
Maya wars were usually of short duration. The Nicaraguan soldier, as
Oviedo states, regarded a calabash of water and a supply of the herb
_yaat_ already mentioned, as the most indispensable of his supplies.
Respecting their ceremonies before giving battle we only know that on
one occasion in Yucatan they brought a brazier of burning perfume
which they placed before the Spanish forces, with the intimation that
an attack would be made as soon as the fire went out; and also that
Alvarado noticed in Guatemala the sacrifice of a woman and a bitch as
a preliminary of battle.

All fought bravely, with no apparent fear of death, endeavoring to
capture the enemy alive, rather than to kill them, and at the same
time to avoid being captured themselves by the sacrifice of life if
necessary. In most nations it was deemed important to terrify the
enemy by shouting, clanging of drums, sticks, and shells, and blowing
of whistles. The armies of Yucatan are said to have exhibited somewhat
better order in their military movements than those of other nations.
They formed their forces into two wings, placing in the centre a
squadron to guard the captain and high-priest. The Nicaraguans fought
desperately until their leader fell, but then they always ran away. He
who from cowardice failed to do his duty on the battle-field was by
the Nicaraguan code disgraced, abused, insulted, stripped of his
weapons, and discharged from the service, but was not often put to
death. As has been stated in a preceding chapter treason and desertion
were everywhere punished with death. All booty except captives
belonged to the taker, and to return from a campaign without spoil was
deemed a dishonor.

[Sidenote: PIPILE WAR FESTIVAL.]

Captives, if of noble blood or high rank, were sacrificed to the gods,
and were rarely ransomed. The captor of a noble prisoner received high
honors, but was punished if he accepted a ransom, the penalty being
death in Nicaragua. The heads of the sacrificed captives were in
Yucatan suspended in the branches of the trees, as memorials of
victory, a separate tree being set apart for each hostile province.
The bones, as Landa tells us, were kept by the captors, the jaw-bone
being worn on the arm, as an ornament. We read of no actual torture of
prisoners, but the Cakchiquels danced about the victim to be
sacrificed, and loaded him with insults. Among the Pipiles it was left
to the priests to decide whether the sacrifice should be in honor of
a god or goddess; if the former, the festival lasted, according to
Palacio, fifteen days; the captives were obliged to march in
procession through the town, and one was sacrificed each day; if the
feast was dedicated to a deity of the gentler sex, five days of
festivities and blood sufficed. Prisoners of plebeian blood were
enslaved, or only sacrificed when victims of higher rank were lacking.
They were probably the property of the captors. At the close of a
campaign in which no captives were taken, the Nicaraguan captains went
together to the altar, and there wept ceremonial tears of sorrow for
their want of success. The authorities record no details of the
methods by which peace was ratified; the Yucatecs, however, according
to Cogolludo, expressed to the Spaniards a desire for a suspension of
hostilities, by throwing away their weapons, and by kissing their
fingers, after touching them to the ground.[1095]

FOOTNOTES:

[1060] This history, written with Roman characters, but in the Quiché
language, in the early years of the Conquest, was quoted by Brasseur
de Bourbourg as the _MS. Quiché de Chichicastenango_, in his _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 59-60; a translation into Spanish by Ximenez
appeared in 1857, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 79-80; and a translation
into French by Brasseur de Bourbourg in 1861, _Popol Vuh_, pp. 195-9.
Brasseur's rendering is followed for the most part in my text, but so
far as this extract is concerned there are only slight verbal
differences between the two translations.

[1061] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 130; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Id._,
p. 361. On the coast of Yucatan, 'des racines dont ils font le pain,
et qu'ils nomment maïs.' _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in _Ternaux-Compans_,
_Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 8. The Lacandones applied themselves 'al
trabajo de sus Milpas, y Sementeras de Maiz, Chile, y Frixoles, entre
que sembravan Piñas, Platanos, Batatas, Xicamas, Xacotes, Zapotes, y
otras Frutas;' their milpas were large, and were cleared with stone
hatchets. _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 310-11. The Itzas
had 'mucha Grana, Cera, Algodòn, Achiote, Baynillas, y otras
Legumbres.' _Id._, pp. 353, 499. Many varieties of beans raised in
Nicaragua. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 285. 'Vi muchos destos
perales en la provinçia de Nicaragua, puestos á mano en las heredades
é plaças ó assientos de los indios, é por ellos cultivados. É son tan
grandes árboles como nogales algunos dellos.' _Id._, p. 353. Planting
of maize, _Id._, pp. 265-6; tom. iv., pp. 104-5. See also on
agriculture: _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, pp. 102-3; _Andagoya_, in
_Navarrete_, _Col. de Viajes_, tom. iii., pp. 413-14; _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, p. 405; _Squier's Cent. Amer._, pp. 551, 556;
_Viollet-le-Duc_, in _Charnay_, _Ruines Amér._, p. 71; _Humboldt_,
_Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 269; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc.,
Transact._, tom. i., p. 8.

[1062] _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 190-1; _Cogolludo_, _Hist.
Yuc._, p. 183; _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 72-4; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. i., p. 285; _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 233; _Brasseur
de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 565-6.

[1063] In the province of Campeche the Spaniards were feasted on
'Peacockes and crammed foule both of the Mountaynes, Woods, and Water,
as Patryches, Quayles, Turtles, Duckes, Geese, and fourefooted wilde
beastes, as Boores, Hartes, and Hares: besides Wolfes, Lyons, Tygers,
and Foxes.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. ii. 'Juntanse tambien para
la caça de L en L, mas o menos, y la carne del venado assan en
parillas, porque no se les gaste, y venidos al pueblo, hazen sus
presentes al señor, y distribuyen como amigos y el mesmo hazen en la
pesca.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 130-2, 46. In Vera Paz 'tejones, que
tienen buena carne, el bilab es mejor que carnero: venadillos
vermejos, y otros bayos, y muchos otros que los Indios flechan, y
comen algunos desollados, otros ahumados, y assados, en barbocoa, y en
charque, y todo malguisado.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib.
x., cap. xiii., xiv., ii. At Cozumel 'el pescado es su casi principal
manjar.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 22. See also _Oviedo_, _Hist.
Gen._, tom. i., pp. 355, 424, 497, tom. iv., p. 33; _Cogolludo_,
_Hist. Yuc._, p. 187; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. 177;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. 63.

[1064] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 118; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 148; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 184,
187-8, 700; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 41, 311;
_Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 206-7, 411, 497, 507, tom. iii.,
p. 227; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. vi., ii., dec. vi., lib. iii.;
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. i., lib. v., cap. v., dec. iv., lib.
viii., cap. viii.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 23; _Id._, _Hist.
Ind._, fol. 61-2; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 449; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._,
p. 32.

[1065] Cortés, _Cartas_, p. 23, tells us that no bread was made in
Yucatan, but that maize was eaten roasted. The best tortillas in
Nicaragua were called _tascalpachon_. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i.,
pp. 267, 324, 355, 411, 513, 523, tom. iii., p. 227. See also _Landa_,
_Relacion_, pp. 116-20, 135; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib.
x., cap. xiii.

[1066] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 69;
_Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 120; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 180;
_Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 111.

[1067] _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 89, 98, 312; _Landa_,
_Relacion_, pp. 116-20, 192; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. i., lib.
v., cap. v., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. viii.,
cap. ix., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 267,
317-18, tom. iv., p. 95; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 102-3,
109; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxvii.; _Waldeck_,
_Voy. Pitt._, p. 40; _Cortés' Despatches_, p. 4; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 51-2, 499.

[1068] In Yucatan: 'These Barbarians eate onely their enemies, or such
strangers as come vnto them, otherwise they abstaine from mans flesh.'
_Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. vi. In Guatemala the heads and tripe
were seasoned with wine. _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap.
clxxvii.; _Id._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 147;
_Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 649, 651; _Gomara_, _Hist.
Ind._, fol. 62; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iv., cap.
vii., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vi., vii., lib. vii., cap. iii., dec.
iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 37,
51-2, 56, 108; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viajes_, tom.
iii., p. 420; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 35, 104;
_Albornoz_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 486; _Helps'
Span. Conq._, vol. iii., p. 88; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza
Indígena_, p. 23; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., p. 191.

[1069] The Itzas, men and women, wore 'faxas' 4 varas long and 1/3
vara wide. _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 312, 402, 498. At
Campeche, a strip of cotton one hand wide, twisted and wound 20 or 30
times about the body. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 512-13.
This garment called _mastate_. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 2.
Ends embroidered and decorated with feathers. _Landa_, _Relacion_, p.
116. _Almayzares_, called in New Spain _mastil_; otherwise naked.
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. i., lib. v., cap. v., dec. ii., lib.
iv., cap. vii.; _Cortés' Despatches_, p. 4. The Chiapanecs naked
except this cloth about the loins. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, pp. 292,
302.

[1070] Plate showing the costume of an Indian of the interior.
_Waldeck_, _Voy. Pitt._, pl. v. Trowsers of cotton in Salvador.
_Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 321.

[1071] Called _tilmas_ or _hayates_, a yard and a half square.
_Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 187. Mantles called _zuyen_. _Id._, p.
2. 'Mantas pintadas.' _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. viii., p. 147.

[1072] Cotton robes of bright colors. _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 551.
'Tuniques.' _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843,
tom. xcvii., p. 52. 'Sacks.' _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, pp. 284-5.
'Camisetas de colores.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 497.
'Xaquetas de algodon.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 2.
'Camisette senza maniche.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, pp. 98,
104.

[1073] _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 172. Mayas dress like the
Mexicans. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.

[1074] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 148-50; _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 62-4;
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, p. 137; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii.,
lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x., dec. ii., lib.
ii., cap. xvii.; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 197; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 54.

[1075] 'L'étoffe rayée d'une ou de plusieurs couleurs que les femmes
se roulent encore autour du corps en la serrant à la ceinture comme un
jupon, descendant plus ou moins bas au-dessous du genou, se trouve
être exactement la même que l'on voit aux images d'Isis et aux femmes
égyptiennes des époques pharaoniques.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 67. Skirt from the waist to feet, called
_pic_. _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 187-8, 699. 'Ropas de algodon,
que llaman naguas.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 2; _Andagoya_,
in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viajes_, tom. iii., p. 414; _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 184-6,
16, 144-6, 180.

[1076] 'Es lo mas dificultoso en los Indios el reduzirlos à cortarles
el pelo.' _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 498, 312. In
Guatemala somewhat less attention seems to have been paid to the hair.
'Trayanlo encrespado, ò rebujado en la cabeça como estopas, à causa de
que no se lo peynauan.' _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, p. 302; Cogolludo,
_Hist. Yuc._, p. 187, speaks of straw and palm-leaf hats, but he
probably refers to his own time. Hair of priests filled with blood.
_Id._, p. 5; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 3; _Squier's Cent.
Amer._, pp. 321, 551. In Nicaragua 'traen rapadas las cabeças de la
mitad adelante é los aladares por debaxo, é déxanse una coleta de
oreja á oreja por detrás desde la coronilla.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. iv., pp. 38, 108; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 112-14, 184; _Brasseur
de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 68; _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii., lib. viii., cap. x. Aguilar wore
a 'corona y trença de cabellos, como los naturales.' _Gomara_, _Hist.
Ind._, fol. 62; _Id._, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 23; _Palacio_, _Carta_, p.
62.

[1077] _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, p. 35; _Charnay_, _Ruines
Amér._, p. 341; _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 114; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._,
dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p.
111.

[1078] 'Traian sandalias de cañamo o cuero de venado por curtir seco.'
_Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 116. They generally went barefoot.
_Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 187. Sandals in Nicaragua called
_gutaras_. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 38-9; _Squier's
Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 347; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Popol Vuh_, p. 77.

[1079] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 54; _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii.;
_Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 345; _Id._, in
_Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 106; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 114, 180, 194.

[1080] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 182.

[1081] A war party: 'Agujeradas narizes, y orejas con sus narigeras, y
orejeras de Cuzcas, y otras piedras de diuersos colores.' _Cogolludo_,
_Hist. Yuc._, p. 73. The Itzas wore in the nose 'una baynilla
olorosa,' and in the ears, 'vn palo labrado.' _Id._, p. 699. 'Sartales
de Caracoles colorados,' much prized by the Itzas. _Villagutierre_,
_Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 48. Small sticks in the ears, and little reeds
or amber rings, or grains of vanilla, in the nose. _Id._, pp. 312,
402. A few silver and gold ear-ornaments. _Id._, pp. 497-9. On the
peninsula of Yucatan, 'trayan las orejas horadadas para çarcillos.'
_Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 114. The priest carried 'un isopo en la mano
de un palo corto muy labrado, y por barbas o pelos del isopo ciertas
colas de unas culebras que son como caxcaveles.' _Id._, pp. 149-50.
Women pierced nose and ears. _Id._, p. 182. In Nicaragua 'traen
sajadas las lenguas por debaxo, é las orejas, é algunos los miembros
viriles, é no las mugeres ninguna cosa destas, y ellos y ellas
horadadas las orejas de grandes agujeros.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. iv., pp. 38-9, tom. i., p. 497. King in Yucatan wore 'des
bracelets et des manchettes d'une élégance égale à la beauté de la
matière.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 54.
'_Tecaüh_, qui est le bijou que les chefs indiens portaient
fréquemment à la lèvre inférieure ou au cartilage du nez.' _Id._, p.
92. See also _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 3; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in
_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., p. 144; _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap.
vii., lib. vii., cap. ix., dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii., lib. x.,
cap. iii., iv.; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 60, 62; _Squier's
Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 347; _Id._, _Cent. Amer._, p.
551; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 197; _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 16, 25, 39; _Las
Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 147.

[1082] 'Los oficiales dello labravan la parte que querian con tinta, y
despues sejavanle delicadamente las pinturas, y assi con la sangre y
tinta quedavan en el cuerpo las señales, y que se labran poco a poco
por el tormento grande, y tambien se ponen despues malos, porque se
les enconavan los labores, y haziase materia, y que con todo esso se
mofavan de los que no se labravan.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 120, 182;
_Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 186, 699; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, p.
293; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 402, 498; _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. iv., p. 38; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._,
1843, tom. xcvii., p. 47; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, pp. 121, 285;
_Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 205.

[1083] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, p. 302; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp.
114-16, 178-80, 182, 184; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 6, 77;
_Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 107, 402, 490, 499; _Oviedo_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 297, 318, 498, tom. iv., p. 111; _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, p. 422; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 62; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, pp. 71-2, 189.

[1084] 'Eran amigos de buenos olores y que por esto usan de ramilletes
de flores y yervas olorosas, muy curiosos y labrados.' _Landa_,
_Relacion_, p. 114. 'Des roseaux longs de deux palmes, et qui
répandaient une excellente odeur quand on les brûlait.' _Diaz_,
_Itinéraire_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 7;
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii.; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 68; _Valois_, _Mexique_,
p. 206.

[1085] 'Se vañavan mucho, no curando de cubrirse de las mugeres, sino
quando podia cubrir la mano.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 114. 'Se lavan
las manos y la boca despues de comer.' _Id._, p. 120. The women
stripped naked in the wells where they bathed; they took hot baths
rather for health than cleanliness. _Id._, p. 184. The women 'tienen
poco secreto, y no son tan limpias en sus personas ni en sus cosas con
quanto se lavan como los ermiños.' _Id._, p. 192. 'Los hombres haçen
aguas puestos en cluquillas, é las mugeres estando derechas de piés á
dó quiera que les viene la gana.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p.
38; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii., iv.;
_Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 203; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._,
fol. 263; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 263;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 68.

[1086] The following are my authorities on the Maya commerce, many
references to simple mentions of articles bought and sold and to the
use of cacao as money being omitted. _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p.
203; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp.
137, 147; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec i., lib. v., cap. v., dec.
iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. v., cap. xii., lib. vii., cap. ix.,
dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii., ix.; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 32,
128-30, 156-8; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 181, 183;
_Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 311; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. i., p. 316, tom. iii., p. 253, tom. iv., pp. 36-7, 49, 54, 104;
_Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. i.; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 422;
_Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 102, 109; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 50-1, 71, 564; _Id._,
_Popol Vuh_, p. 97; _Squier's Nicaragua_ (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 346;
_Id._, _Cent. Amer._, p. 320; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc.,
Transact._, vol. i., p. 8; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de
Viajes_, tom. iii., p. 414.

[1087] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 4; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._,
fol. 2; _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i.,
tom. x., p. 21; _Id._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p.
292; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 353, 369, 489, 76;
_Peter Martyr_, dec. viii., lib. v.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.
iii., p. 100; _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, p. 271; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._,
dec. i., lib. v., cap. v.; _Folsom_, in _Cortés' Despatches_, pp. 3-4;
_Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, pp. 226-7. See vol. i., p. 699, of this
work.

[1088] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 174, 48; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec.
iv., lib. x., cap. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii. The Chiapanecs were among
the boldest warriors. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 178.

[1089] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 38, 53; _Gomara_, _Hist.
Ind._, fol. 264; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 342;
_Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., p. 272.

[1090] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 172; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p.
202.

[1091] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 38; _Landa_, _Relacion_,
p. 172; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. viii., dec.
iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. v., cap. x., lib. vii., cap. iii.,
dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.; _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 70-2;
_Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 391, 498-9; _Squier's
Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 342; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 558-9; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., p.
270.

[1092] Cotton armor called in some places _escaupiles_. _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii. Both white and colored.
_Id._, dec. iii., lib. v., cap. x., lib. iv., cap. vi., dec. ii., lib.
ii., cap. xvii., lib. iii., cap. i. Called by the Quichés
_achcayupiles_. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii.,
p. 91; _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 172; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 6;
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 2; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 62;
_Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 148;
_Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 484, tom. iv., p. 53;
_Alvarado_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 140;
_Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 347.

[1093] Macanas used as weapons in Nicaragua. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. iv., pp. 53, 33, tom. i., pp. 511-12, tom. iii., pp. 231, 484.
Crystal-pointed arrows used by the Itzas, and chiefs had short flint
knives, with feathers on the handles. _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq.
Itza_, pp. 495, 41, 92. Hardened rods, or pikes. _Cogolludo_, _Hist.
Yuc._, pp. 77, 2. Darts thrown from a 'tiradera.' _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. ii., lib. ii., cap, xvii., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vi.,
lib. v., cap. x., lib. vii., cap. iii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii. A
bat was the sign of a Cakchiquel armory. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Popol Vuh_, p. 225. See also Maya weapons. _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed.
1856,) vol. ii., p. 341, 347; _Peter Martyr_, dec. vi., lib. v.;
_Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., p. 258; _Scherzer_, _Wanderungen_, p. 63;
_Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 48, 170; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 148; _Waldeck_, _Voy. Pitt._, p. 64, with cut;
_Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., pp. 186, 194; _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 25; _Id._, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 295; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Conq._, fol. 2; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 127.

[1094] See vol. iv., chap. iv., v., for a full description of Maya
ruins, with plates. See _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 174; _Alvarado_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 112, 117; _Godoi_,
in _Id._, p. 158; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 425-6; _Juarros_, _Hist.
Guat._, p. 87; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 534, tom. iii., pp.
477-8; _Fuentes_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 243;
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii., lib. x., cap.
iii.; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 41; _Andagoya_, in
_Navarrete_, _Col. de Viajes_, tom. iii., p. 407.

[1095] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 386; _Cogolludo_,
_Hist. Yuc._, pp. 5, 77, 130, 181; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii.,
lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii., lib. viii., cap.
x., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 72-3,
76, 142, 281; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 168, 174, 176; _Las Casas_, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 144, 148; _Palacio_,
_Carta_, pp. 70-2; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 276, 511-12,
523, tom. iii., pp. 230, 477, tom. iv., pp. 53-4; _Gomara_, _Hist.
Ind._, fol. 61, 264; _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, p. 185, etc.; _Peter
Martyr_, dec. viii., lib. v.; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 170,
198, 202-3; _Alvarado_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom.
x., pp. 112, 138; _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in _Id._, pp. 17-18; _Squier's
Cent. Amer._, pp. 325, 333; _Id._, _Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii.,
p. 342; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 544,
558-9; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.
xcvii., p. 46; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., p. 186; _Boyle's Ride_,
vol. i., p. 259; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, pp. 92, 116.

CHAPTER XXIV.

MAYA ARTS, CALENDAR, AND HIEROGLYPHICS.

SCARCITY OF INFORMATION--USE OF METALS--GOLD AND PRECIOUS
STONES--IMPLEMENTS OF STONE--SCULPTURE--POTTERY--MANUFACTURE
OF CLOTH--DYEING--SYSTEM OF NUMERATION--MAYA CALENDAR IN
YUCATAN--DAYS, WEEKS, MONTHS, AND YEARS--INDICTIONS AND
KATUNES--PEREZ' SYSTEM OF AHAU KATUNES--STATEMENTS OF LANDA
AND COGOLLUDO--INTERCALARY DAYS AND YEARS--DAYS AND MONTHS
IN GUATEMALA, CHIAPAS, AND SOCONUSCO--MAYA HIEROGLYPHIC
SYSTEM--TESTIMONY OF EARLY WRITERS ON THE USE OF
PICTURE-WRITING--DESTRUCTION OF DOCUMENTS--SPECIMENS WHICH
HAVE SURVIVED--THE DRESDEN CODEX--MANUSCRIPT TROANO--TABLETS
OF PALENQUE, COPAN, AND YUCATAN--BISHOP LANDA'S
KEY--BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG'S INTERPRETATION.

Our knowledge of Maya arts and manufactures, so far as it depends on
the statements of the early Spanish writers is very slight, and may be
expressed in few words; especially as most of these arts seem to have
been very nearly identical with those of the Nahuas, although many of
them, at the time of the Conquest at least, were not carried to so
high a grade of perfection as in the north. Some branches of
mechanical art have indeed left material relics, which, examined in
modern times, have extended our knowledge on the subject very far
beyond what may be gleaned from sixteenth-century observations. But a
volume of this work is set apart for the consideration of material
relics with numerous illustrative plates, and although the temptation
to use both information and plates from modern sources is particularly
strong in some of the topics of this chapter and the following, a
regard for the symmetry of the work, and the necessity of avoiding all
repetition, cause me to confine myself here almost exclusively to the
old authors, as I have done in describing the Nahua arts.

[Sidenote: KNOWLEDGE OF METALS.]

Iron was not known to the Mayas, and it is not quite certain that
copper was mined or worked by them. The boat so often mentioned as
having been met by Columbus off the coast, and supposed to have come
from Yucatan, had on board crucibles for melting copper, and a large
number of copper hatchets. Similar hatchets together with bells,
ornaments, and spear and arrow points of the same metal were seen at
various points, and were doubtless used to a considerable extent
throughout Yucatan, Chiapas, and Guatemala. But there are no metallic
deposits on the peninsula, and the copper instruments used there, or
at least the material, must have been brought from the north, as it is
indeed stated by several authors that they were. No metallic relics
whatever have been found among the ruins of Yucatan, and only very few
in other Maya regions. Copper implements are not mentioned by the
early visitors to Nicaragua, and although that country abounds in ore
of a variety easily worked, yet there is no evidence that it was used,
and Squier's statement that the Nicaraguans were skillful workers in
this metal, probably rests on no stronger basis than the reported
discovery of a copper mask at Ometepec. Godoi speaks of copper in
Chiapas, and also of a metallic composition called _cacao_!

Small articles of gold, intended chiefly for ornamental purposes, were
found everywhere in greater or less abundance by the Spaniards, the
gold being generally described as of a low grade. Cortés speaks of the
gold in Yucatan as alloyed with copper, and the same alloy is
mentioned in Guatemala by Herrera, and in Nicaragua by Benzoni. The
latter author says that gold was abundant in Nicaragua but was all
brought from other provinces. He also states that there were no mines
of any kind, but Oviedo, on the contrary, speaks of 'good mines of
gold.' Articles of gold took the form of animals, fishes, birds,
bells, small kettles and vases, beads, rings, bracelets, hatchets,
small idols, bars, plates for covering armor, gilding or plating of
wooden masks and clay beads, and settings for precious stones. Peter
Martyr speaks of gold as formed in bars and stamped in Nicaragua, and
Villagutierre of silver 'rosillas' in use among the Itzas. We have but
slight information respecting the use of precious stones. Oviedo saw
in Nicaragua a sun-dial of pearl set on jasper, and also speaks of
wooden masks covered with stone mosaic and gold plates in Tabasco.
Martyr tells us that the natives of Yucatan attached no value to
Spanish counterfeited jewels, because they could take from their mines
better ones of genuine worth.[1096]

[Sidenote: STONE CARVING.]

The few implements in common use among the Mayas, such as knives,
chisels, hatchets, and metates, together with the spear and arrow
heads already mentioned, were of flint, porphyry, or other hard stone.
There is but little doubt that most of their elaborate sculpture on
temples and idols was executed with stone implements, since the
material employed was for the most part soft and easily worked. The
carvings in the hard sapote-wood in Yucatan must have presented great
difficulties to workmen without iron tools; but the fact remains that
stone implements, with a few probably of hardened copper, sufficed
with native skill and patience for all purposes. Villagutierre informs
us that the Lacandones cut wood with stone hatchets. Cogolludo speaks
of the remarkable facility which the natives displayed in learning the
mechanical arts introduced by Spaniards, in using new and strange
tools or adapting the native implements to new uses. All implements
whether of the temple or the household, seem to have been ceremonially
consecrated to their respective uses. Oviedo speaks of deer-bone combs
used in Guatemala, and of another kind of combs the teeth of which
were made of black wood and set in a composition like baked clay but
which became soft on exposure to heat.

The early writers speak in general terms of idols of various human and
animal forms, cut from all kinds of stone, and also from wood; Martyr
also mentions an immense serpent in what he supposed to be a place of
punishment in Yucatan, which was 'compacted of bitumen and small
stones.' The Itzas constructed of stone and mortar the image of a
horse, modeled on an animal left among them by Cortés. The Spanish
authors say little or nothing of the sculpture of either idols or
architectural decorations, except that it was elaborate, and often
demon-like; but their observations on the subject would have had but
little value, even had they been more extended, and fortunately
architectural remains are sufficiently numerous and complete, at least
in Yucatan, Honduras, and Chiapas, to supply information that, if not
entirely satisfactory, is far more so than what we possess respecting
other branches of Maya art. Brasseur de Bourbourg speaks of vases
exquisitely worked from alabaster and agate in Yucatan; there is some
authority for this in modern discoveries, but little or none, so far
as I know, in the writings of the conquerors. Earthenware, shells, and
the rind of the gourd were the material of Maya dishes. All speak of
the native pottery as most excellent in workmanship, material, and
painting, but give no details of its manufacture. Herrera, however,
mentions a province of Guatemala, where very fine pottery was made by
the women, and Palacio tells us that this branch of manufactures was
one of the chief industries of Aguachapa, a town of the Pipiles.

All that is known of cloths and textile fabrics has been given in
enumerating the various articles of dress; of any differences that may
have existed between the Nahua and Maya methods of spinning and
weaving cotton we know nothing. It is probable that the native methods
have not been modified essentially in modern times among the same
peoples. We are told that in Yucatan the wife of a god invented
weaving, and was worshiped under the name of Ixazalvoh; while another
who improved the invention by the use of colored threads was
Yxchebelyax, also a goddess. Spinning and weaving was for the most
part women's work, and they are spoken of as industrious and skillful
in the avocation. Bark and maguey-fibre were made into cloth by the
Cakchiquels, and Oviedo mentions several plants whose fibre was worked
into nets and ropes by the Nicaraguans. The numerous dye-woods which
are still among the richest productions of the country in many parts,
furnished the means of imparting to woven fabrics the bright hues of
which the natives were so fond. Bright-colored feathers were highly
prized and extensively used for decorative purposes. Garments of
feathers are spoken of, which were probably made as they were in
Mexico by pasting the plumage in various ornamental figures on cotton
fabric.[1097]

[Sidenote: SYSTEM OF NUMERATION.]

The following table will give the reader a clear idea of the Maya
system of numeration as it existed in Yucatan; the definitions of some
of the names are taken from the Maya dictionary, and may or may not
have any application to the subject:

1 hun, 'paper'
2 ca, 'calabash'
3 ox, 'shelled corn'
4 can, 'serpent' or 'count'
5 ho, 'entry'
6 uac
7 uuc
8 uaxac, 'something standing erect'
9 bolon, _bol_, 'to roll or turn'
10 lahun, _lah_, 'a stone'
11 buluc, 'drowned'
12 lachá, (lahun-ca), 10 + 2
13 oxlahun, 3 + 10
14 canlahun, 4 + 10
15 holhun, (ho-lahun), 5 + 10
16 uaclahun, 6 + 10, etc.
20 hunkal, _kal_, 'neck,' or a measure, 1 × 20
21 huntukal, 1 + 20
22 catukal, 2 + 20, etc.
28 uaxactukal, or hunkal catac uaxac, 8 + 20, or 20 + 8
_catac_, 'and'
30 luhucakal, 2 × 20 - 10 (?)
31 buluctukal, 11 + 20
32 lahcatukal, 12 + 20
33 oxlahutukal, 13 + 20, etc.
40 cakal, 2 × 20
41 huntuyoxkal
42 catuyoxkal
50 lahuyoxkal
51 buluctuyoxkal
60 oxhal, 3 × 20
61 huntucankal
70 lahucankal
71 buluctucankal
80 cankal, 4 × 20
81 hutuyokal
82 catuyokal
90 lahuyokal
100 ho-kal, 5 × 20
101 huntu uackal
102 catu uackal
110 lahu uackal
115 holhu uackal
120 uackal, 6 × 20
130 lahu uuckal
131 buluc tu uuckal
140 uuckal, 7 × 20
141 huntu uaxackal
160 uaxackal, 8 × 20, etc.
200 lahuncal, 10 × 20
300 holhukal, 15 × 20
400 hunbak, 1 × 400
500 hotubak
600 lahutubak
800 cabak, 2 × 400
900 hotu yoxbak
1,000 lahuyoxbak or hunpic (modern)
1,200 oxbak, 3 × 400
1,250 oxbak catac lahuyoxkal, 3 × 400 + 50
2,000 capic (modern)
8,000 hunpic (ancient)
16,000 ca pic (ancient)
160,000 calab
1,000,000 kinchil or huntzotzceh
64,000,000 hunalau

Thus the Mayas seem to have had uncompounded names for the numerals
from 1 to 11, 20, 400, and 8,000, and to have formed all numbers by
the addition or multiplication of these. The manner in which the
combinations were made seems clear up to the number 40. Thus we have
10 and 2, 10 and 3, etc., up to 19; 20 is _hun-kal_, 21 is
_hun-tu-kal_, etc., indicating that _tu_, which I do not find in any
dictionary, is simply 'and' or a sign of addition. The composition of
_lahu-ca-kal_ is clear only in the sense of _ten_ from _twice twenty_;
40 is two twenties, 60 is three twenties, and so on regularly by
twenties up to 400, for which a new word _bak_ is introduced; after
which the numbers proceed, twice 400, thrice 400, etc., to 8,000,
_pic_, corresponding to the Nahua _xiquipilli_. But while the
composition is intelligible so far as the multiples of 20 and 400 are
concerned, it is far from clear in the case of the intermediate
numbers. For instance, 40 is _ca-kal_, and forming 41, 42, etc., as 21
was formed from 20, we should have _hun-tu-ca-kal_, _ca-tu-ca-kal_,
etc., instead of the names given, _hun-tu-yox-kal_, etc., or,
interpreting this last name as the former were interpreted we should
have 61 instead of 41. The same observation may be made respecting
every number, not a multiple of 20, up to 400; that is, each number is
less by 20 than the composition of its name would seem to indicate. If
we gave to _tu_ the meaning 'towards,' then _hun-tu-yox-kal_ might be
interpreted '1 (from 40) towards 60,' or 41; but in such a case the
word for 21, _hun-tu-kal_, must be supposed to be a contraction of
_hun-tu-ca-kal_, '1 (from 20) towards 40.' Other irregularities will
be noticed by the reader in the numbers above 400. I have thought it
best to call attention to what appears a strange inconsistency in this
system of numeration, but which may present less difficulties to one
better acquainted than I with the Maya language.[1098]

[Sidenote: THE MAYA CALENDAR.]

Authorities on the Maya calendar of Yucatan, the only one of which any
details are known, are Bishop Landa and Don Juan Pio Perez. The latter
was a modern writer who devoted much study to the subject, was
perfectly familiar with the Maya language, and had in his possession
or consulted elsewhere many ancient manuscripts. There are also a few
scattered remarks on the subject in the works of other writers.[1099]

The Maya day was called _kin_, or 'sun'; _malik ocok kin_ was the time
just preceding sunrise; _hatzcab_ was the time from sunrise to noon,
which was called _chunkin_ or 'middle of the day'; _tzelep kin_ was
the declining sun, or about three o'clock P. M.; _oc na kin_ was
sunset. The night was _akab_, and midnight was _chumuc akab_. Other
hours were indicated by the position of the sun in the daytime, and by
that of some star--the morning star, the Pleiades, and the Gemini as
Landa says--during the night.

[Illustration: Days of the Maya Calendar.]

The following table shows the names of the twenty days with the
orthography of different writers, and the meaning of the names so far
as known:

Kan 'henequen string,' 'yellow,' 'serpent.'
Chicchán _chichan_ would be 'small,' a thing that grows or
increases slowly.
Cimi (Quimi,
Cimij) preterite of _cimil_, 'to die.'
Manik possibly 'passing wind.'
Lamat possibly 'abyss of water,' found as _lambat_ in
Oajaca calendar.
Muluc possibly 'reunion,' also in Chiapas calendar.
Oc 'what may be held in the palm of the hand,' 'foot,'
'leg.'
Chuen 'board,' or name of a tree, perhaps _chouen_ of
Quiché calendar.
Eb 'stairway' or 'ladder.'
Ben (Been) perhaps Been, an ancient prince, or 'to spend with
economy.'
Ix (Hix, Gix) possibly 'roughness.' The Quiché _itz_ is
'sorcerer.'
Men 'builder.'
Cib (Quib) 'wax' or 'copal.'
Caban
Ezanab (Ecnab,
Edznab)
Cauac
Ahau (Ajau) 'king,' beginning of the period of 24 (or 20)
years.
Ymix _Imox_, in Quiché calendar is the Mexican Cipactli.
Ik (Yk) 'wind' or 'breath.'
Akbal In Quiché, 'vase.'

The hieroglyphics by which the names of the days were expressed are
shown in the accompanying cut in their proper order of succession,--Kan,
Chicchan, etc., to Akbal; but it is to be noted that although this
order was invariable, yet the month might begin with any one of the
four days Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac.

The month, made up as I have said of twenty days, was called _u_, or
'moon,' indicating perhaps that time was originally computed by lunar
calculations. It was also called _uinal_, a word whose signification
is not satisfactorily given. The year contained eighteen months, whose
names with the hieroglyphics by which they were written, are shown in
the cut on the opposite page, in their order, Pop, Uo, Zip, etc., to
Cumhu.

Not only did the months succeed each other always in the same order,
but Pop was always the first month of the year, which began on a date
corresponding to July 16 of our calendar, a date which varies only
forty-eight hours from the time when the sun passes the zenith--an
approximation as accurate as could be expected from observations made
without instruments.

[Sidenote: MONTHS OF THE MAYA CALENDAR.]

[Illustration: Months of the Maya Calendar.]

The following table shows the names of the months, their meaning, and
the day on which each began, according to our calendar:

Pop (Poop, Popp) 'mat' July 16
Uo (Woo, Voo) 'Frog' Aug. 5
Zip (Cijp) name of a tree, 'defect,' 'swollen' Aug. 25
Tzoz (Zoc, Zotz) 'bat' Sept. 14
Tzec (Zeec) possibly 'discourse,' 'skull' Oct. 4
Xul 'end' Oct. 24
Yaxkin (Dze-Yaxkin, Tze Yaxkin) 'beginning of summer' Nov. 13
Mol (Mool) 'to reunite'. Dec. 3
Chen (Cheen) 'well' Dec. 23
Yax (Yaax) 'green' or 'blue' or 'first' Jan. 12
Zac (Zak) 'clear,' 'white' Feb. 1
Ceh (Qeh, Quej, Queh) 'deer' Feb. 21
Mac, 'to close,' 'lid,' a measure Mar. 13
Kankin, 'yellow sun' Apr. 2
Muan (Moan) 'showery day,' the bird called 'ara' Apr. 22
Pax (Paax) a musical instrument May 12
Kayab, 'singing' June 1
Cumhu (Cumkú) noise of an explosion, as of thunder June 21
[1100]

[Sidenote: INTERCALARY DAYS.]

The year was called _haab_, and consisted of the eighteen months
already named,--which would make 360 days,--and of five supplementary,
or intercalary days, to complete the full number of 365. These
intercalary days were called _xma kaba kin_, or 'nameless days,' and
also _uayab_ or _nayeb haab_, _u na haab_, _nayab chab_, _u yail kin_,
_u yail haab_, _u tuz kin_, or _u lobol kin_, which may mean 'bed' or
'chamber' of the year, 'mother of the year,' 'bed of creation,'
'travail of the year,' 'lying days,' or 'bad days,' etc. They were
added at the end of each year, after the last day of Cumhu, and
although they are called nameless, and were perhaps never spoken of by
name, yet they were actually reckoned like the rest;--that is, if the
last day of Cumhu was Akbal, the five intercalary days would be
reckoned as Kan, Chicchan, Cimi, Manik, and Lamat, so that the new
year, or the month of Pop, would begin with the day Muluc.

Besides this division of time into years, months, and days, there was
another division carried along simultaneously with the first, into
twenty-eight periods of thirteen days each,[1101] which may for
convenience be termed weeks, although the natives did not apply any
name to the period of thirteen days, and perhaps did not regard it as
a definite period at all, but used the number thirteen as a sacred
number from some superstitious motives;[1102] yet its use produces
some curious complications in the calendar, of which it is a most
peculiar feature. The name of each day was preceded by a numeral
showing its position in the week, and these numerals proceeded
regularly from one to thirteen and then began again at one. Thus 1 Kan
meant 'Kan, the first day of the week'; 12 Cauac, 'Cauac, the twelfth
day of the week,' etc. It is probable also that the days of the month
were numbered regularly from 1 to 20, as events are spoken of as
occurring on the 18th of Zip, etc., but the numeral relating to the
week was the most prominent. The table shows the succession of days
and weeks for several months:

=========================================
| 1 | | | 2 | |
a | POP. | b | a | UO. | b |
---+----------+----+----+----------+----+
1 | Kan | 1 | 8 | Kan | 1 |
2 | Chicchán | 2 | 9 | Chicchán | 2 |
3 | Cimi | 3 | 10 | Cimi | 3 |
4 | Manik | 4 | 11 | Manik | 4 |
5 | Lamat | 5 | 12 | Lamat | 5 |
6 | Muluc | 6 | 13 | Muluc | 6 |
7 | Oc | 7 | 1 | Oc | 7 |
8 | Chuen | 8 | 2 | Chuen | 8 |
9 | Eb | 9 | 3 | Eb | 9 |
10 | Ben | 10 | 4 | Ben | 10 |
11 | Ix | 11 | 5 | Ix | 11 |
12 | Men | 12 | 6 | Men | 12 |
13 | Cib | 13 | 7 | Cib | 13 |
1 | Caban | 14 | 8 | Caban | 14 |
2 | Ezanab | 15 | 9 | Ezanab | 15 |
3 | Cauac | 16 | 10 | Cauac | 16 |
4 | Ahau | 17 | 11 | Ahau | 17 |
5 | Ymix | 18 | 12 | Ymix | 18 |
6 | Ik | 19 | 13 | Ik | 19 |
7 | Akbal | 20 | 1 | Akbal | 20 |
=========================================
a: Day of Week. b: Day of Month.

=========================================
| 3 | | | 4 | |
a | ZIP. | b | a | TZOZ. | b |
---+----------+----+----+----------+----+
2 | Kan | 1 | 9 | Kan | 1 |
3 | Chicchán | 2 | 10 | Chicchán | 2 |
4 | Cimi | 3 | 11 | Cimi | 3 |
5 | Manik | 4 | 12 | Manik | 4 |
6 | Lamat | 5 | 13 | Lamat | 5 |
7 | Muluc | 6 | 1 | Muluc | 6 |
8 | Oc | 7 | 2 | Oc | 7 |
9 | Chuen | 8 | 3 | Chuen | 8 |
10 | Eb | 9 | 4 | Eb | 9 |
11 | Ben | 10 | 5 | Ben | 10 |
12 | Ix | 11 | 6 | Ix | 11 |
13 | Men | 12 | 7 | Men | 12 |
1 | Cib | 13 | 8 | Cib | 13 |
2 | Caban | 14 | 9 | Caban | 14 |
3 | Ezanab | 15 | 10 | Ezanab | 15 |
4 | Cauac | 16 | 11 | Cauac | 16 |
5 | Ahau | 17 | 12 | Ahau | 17 |
6 | Ymix | 18 | 13 | Ymix | 18 |
7 | Ik | 19 | 1 | Ik | 19 |
8 | Akbal | 20 | 2 | Akbal | 20 |
=========================================

Of the twenty days only four,--Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac--could begin
either a month or a year. Whatever the name of the first day of the
first month, every month in the year began with the same day,
accompanied, however, by a different numeral. The numeral of the first
day for the first month being 1, that of the second would be 8, and so
on for the other months in the following order: 2, 9, 3, 10, 4, 11, 5,
12, 6, 13, 7, 1, 8, 2, 9, 3. To ascertain the numeral for any month 7
must be added to that of the preceding month, and 13 subtracted from
the sum if it be more than 13.

[Sidenote: SUCCESSION OF THE YEARS.]

By extending the table of days and months over a period of years,--an
extension which my space does not permit me to make in these
pages,--the reader will observe that by reason of the intercalary
days, and of the fact that 28 weeks of 13 days each make only 364
instead of 365 days, if the first year began with the day 1 Kan, the
second would begin with 2 Muluc, the third with 3 Ix, the fourth with
4 Cauac, the fifth with 5 Kan, and so on in regular order; therefore
the years were named by the day on which they began, 1 Kan, 2 Muluc, 3
Ix, etc., since the year would begin with any one of these
combinations only once in 52 years. Thus the four names of the days
Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac served as signs for the years, precisely as
the signs _tochtli_, _calli_, _tecpatl_, and _acatl_ with their
numerals served among the Aztecs. In the circle in which the Mayas are
said to have inscribed their calendar, these four signs are located in
the east, north, west, and south respectively, and are considered the
'carriers of the years.'

It will be seen that, starting from 1 Kan, although every fifth year
began with the day, or sign, Kan, yet the numeral 1 did not occur
again in connection with any first day until thirteen years had passed
away; so that 1 Kan or Kan alone not only named the year which it
began, but also a period of thirteen years, which is spoken of as a
'week of years' or an 'indiction.' The first indiction of thirteen
years beginning with 1 Kan, the second began with 1 Muluc, the third
with 1 Ix, and the fourth with 1 Cauac.

After the indiction whose sign was 1 Cauac, the next would begin again
with 1 Kan; that is 52 years would have elapsed, and this period of 52
years was called a Katun, corresponding with the Aztec cycle, as
explained in a preceding chapter.

Thus we see that the four signs Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac served to
name certain days of the month; they also named the years of the
indiction, since in connection with certain numerals they were the
first days of these years; they further named the indictions of the
Katun, of which with the numeral 1 they were also the first days; and
finally they named, or may have named, the Katun itself which they
begun, also in connection with the numeral 1. How the Katuns were
actually named we are not informed. The completion of each Katun was
regarded by the Mayas as a most critical and important epoch, and was
celebrated with most imposing religious ceremonies. Also a monument is
said to have been raised, on which a large stone was placed crosswise,
also called _katun_ as a memorial of the cycle that had passed. It is
unfortunate that some of these monuments cannot be discovered and
identified among the ruins. Thus far the Maya calendar is, after a
certain amount of study, sufficiently intelligible; and is, except in
its system of nomenclature, essentially identical with that of the
Nahuas. The calendars of the Quichés, Cakchiquels, Chiapanecs, and the
natives of Soconusco, are also the same so far as their details are
known. The names of months and days in some of these calendars will be
given in this chapter.

[Sidenote: THE AHAU KATUNES.]

Another division of time not found in the Nahua calendar, was that
into the Ahau Katunes. The system according to which this division was
made is clear enough if we may accept the statements of Sr Perez;
several of which rest on authorities that are unknown to all but
himself. According to this writer, the Ahau Katun was a period of 24
years, divided into two parts; the first part of 20 years was enclosed
in the native writings by a square and called _amaytun_, _lamayte_, or
_lamaytun_; and the second, of the other four years, was placed as a
'pedestal' to the others, and therefore called _chek oc katun_, or
_lath oc katun_. These four years were considered as intercalary and
unfortunate, like the five supplementary days of the year, and were
sometimes called _a yail haab_, 'years of pain.' This Katun of 24
years was called Ahau from its first day, and the natives began to
reckon from 13 Ahau Katun, because it began on the day 13 Ahau, on
which day some great event probably took place in their history. The
day Ahau at which these periods began was the second day of such years
as began with Cauac; and 13 Ahau, the first day of the first period,
was the second of the year 12 Cauac; 2 Ahau was the second day of the
year 1 Cauac, etc. If we construct a table of the years from 12 Cauac
in regular order, we shall find that if the first period was 13 Ahau
Katun because it began with 13 Ahau, the second, 24 years later, was
11 Ahau Katun, beginning with 11 Ahau; the third was 9 Ahau Katun,
etc. That is, the Ahau Katunes, instead of being numbered 1, 2, 3,
etc., in regular order was preceded by the numerals 13, 11, 9, 7, 5,
3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, and 2. 13 of these Ahau Katunes, making 312
years, constituted a great cycle, and we are told that it was by means
of the Ahau Katunes and great cycles of 312 years that historical
events were generally recorded.

Sr Perez states that the year 1392 of our era was the Maya year 7
Cauac, 'according to all sources of information, confirmed by the
testimony of Don Cosme de Burgos, one of the conquerors, and a writer
(but whose observations have been lost).' Therefore the 8 Ahau Katun
began on the second day of that year; the 6 Ahau Katun, 24 years
later, in 1416; the 4 Ahau in 1440; the 2, in 1464; the 13, in 1488;
the 11, in 1512; the 9, in 1536; the 7, in 1560; the 5, in 1584; the
3, in 1608, etc. As a test of the accuracy of his system of Ahau
Katunes, the author says that he found in a certain manuscript the
death of a distinguished individual, Ahpulá, mentioned as having taken
place in the 6th year of Ahau Katun, when the first day of the year
was 4 Kan, on the day of 9 Ix, the 18th day of the month Zip. Now the
13 Ahau began in the year 12 Cauac, or 1488; the 6th year from 1488
was 1493, or 4 Kan; if the month of Pop began with 4 Kan, then the 3d
month, Zip, began with 5 Kan, and the 18th of that month fell on 9 Ix,
or Sept. 11. All this may be readily verified by filling out the table
in regular order.

On the other hand we have Landa's statement that the Ahau Katun was a
period of 20 years; he gives however the same order of the numerals as
Perez,--that is 13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2. He also
states that the year 1541 was the beginning of 11 Ahau; but if 11 Ahau
was the second day of 1541, that year must have been 10 Cauac, and
1561, 20 years later, would have been 4 Cauac, the second day of which
would have been 5 Ahau; which does not agree at all with the order of
numerals. In fact no other number of years than 24 for each Ahau Katun
will produce this order of numerals, which fact is perhaps the
strongest argument in favor of Sr Perez' system. Cogolludo also says
that the Mayas counted their time by periods of 20 years called
Katunes, each divided into 5 sub-periods of four years each. Sr Perez
admits that other writers reckon the Ahau Katun as 20 years, but
claims that they have fallen into error through disregarding the _chek
oc katun_, or 4 unlucky years of the period. A Maya manuscript
furnished and translated by Perez is published by Stephens and in
Landa's work, and repeatedly speaks of the Ahau Katun as a period of
20 years. Again, this is the very manuscript in which the death of
Ahpulá was announced, and the date of that event is given as 6 years
_before the completion of 13 Ahau_, instead of the sixth year of that
period as stated in the calculations of Sr Perez; and besides, the
date is distinctly given as 1536, instead of 1403, which dates will in
nowise agree with the system explained, or with the date of 1392 given
as the beginning of 8 Ahau. Moreover, as I have already said, several
of the statements on which Perez bases his computations are
unsupported by any authority save manuscripts unknown to all but
himself. Such are the statements that the Ahau Katun began on the 2d
day of a year Cauac; that 13 Ahau was reckoned as the first; and that
8 Ahau began in 1392. These facts, together with various other
inaccuracies in the writings of Sr Perez are sufficient to weaken our
faith in his system of the Ahau Katunes; and since the other writers
give no explanations, this part of the Maya calendar must remain
shrouded in doubt until new sources of information shall be
found.[1103] The following quotation made by Sr Perez from a
manuscript, contains all that is known respecting what was possibly
another method of reckoning time. "There was another number which they
called _Ua Katun_, and which served them as a key to find the Katunes,
according to the order of its march, it falls on the days of the
_uayeb haab_, and revolves to the end of certain years: Katunes 13, 9,
5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, 3, 12, 8, 4."

[Sidenote: BISSEXTILE ADDITIONS.]

We have seen that the Maya year by means of intercalary days added at
the end of the month Cumhu was made to include 365 days. How the
additional six hours necessary to make the length of the year agree
with the solar movements were intercalated without disturbing the
complicated order already described, is altogether a matter of
conjecture. The most plausible theory is perhaps that a day was added
at the end of every four years, this day being called by the same name
and numeral as the one preceding it, or, in other words, no account
being made of this day in the almanac, although it was perhaps
indicated by some sign in the hieroglyphics of these days. The
Nicaraguan calendar was practically identical with that of the Aztecs,
even in nomenclature although there were naturally some slight
variations in orthography. The following table shows the names of the
months in several other Maya calendars, whose system so far as known
is the same as that in Yucatan.

[Sidenote: DAYS IN GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.]

The names of the days in the same calendars are as follows:

I shall treat of the Maya hieroglyphics by giving first the testimony
of the early writers respecting the existence of a system of writing
in the sixteenth century; then an account of the very few manuscripts
that have been preserved, together with illustrative plates from both
manuscripts and sculptured stone tablets; to be followed by Bishop
Landa's alphabet, a mention of Brasseur de Bourbourg's attempted
interpretation of the native writings, and a few speculations of other
modern writers on the subject. The statements of the early writers,
although conclusive, are not numerous, and I will consequently
translate them literally.

Landa says that "the sciences which they taught were--to read and
write with their books and characters with which they wrote, and with
the figures which signified (explained, or took the place of?)
writings. They wrote their books on a large leaf, doubled in folds,
and inclosed between two boards which they made very fine (decorated);
and they wrote on both sides in columns, according to the folds; the
paper they made of the roots of a tree, and gave it a white varnish on
which one could write well; these sciences were known by certain men
of high rank (only), who were therefore more esteemed although they
did not use the art in public." "These people also used certain
characters or letters with which they wrote in their books their
antiquities and their sciences; and by means of these and of figures
and of certain signs in their figures they understood their things,
and made them understood, and taught them. We found among them a great
number of books of these letters of theirs, and because they had
nothing in which there were not superstitions and falsities of the
devil, we burned them all, at which they were exceedingly sorrowful
and troubled."[1108] According to Cogolludo, "in the time of their
infidelity the Indians of Yucatan had books, made of the bark of
trees, with a white and durable varnish, ten or twelve yards long,
which by folding were reduced to a span. In these they painted with
colors the account of their years, wars, floods, hurricanes, famines,
and other events." "The son of the only god, of whose existence, as I
have said, they were aware, and whom they called Ytzamná, was the man,
as I believe, who first invented the characters which served the
Indians as letters, because they called the latter also Ytzamná."[1109]
The Itzas, as Villagutierre tells us, had "characters and figures
painted on the bark of trees, each leaf, or tablet, being about a span
long, as thick as a real de à ocho (a coin), folded both ways like a
screen, which they called _analtees_."[1110] Mendieta states that the
Mexicans had no letters, "although in the land of Champoton it is
said that such were found, and that they understood each other by
means of them, as we do by means of ours."[1111] Acosta says that in
Yucatan "there were books of leaves, bound or folded after their
manner, in which the learned Indians had their division of their time,
knowledge of plants and animals and other natural objects, and their
antiquities; a thing of great curiosity and diligence."[1112] The Maya
priests "were occupied in teaching their sciences and in writing books
upon them."[1113] In Guatemala, according to Benzoni, "the thing of
all others at which the Indians have been most surprised has been our
reading and writing.... Nor could they imagine among themselves in
what way white paper painted with black, could speak."[1114] Peter
Martyr gives quite a long description of the native wood-bound books,
which he does not refer particularly to Yucatan, although Brasseur,
apparently with much reason, believes they were the Maya _analtés_
rather than the regular Aztec picture writings. The description is as
follows in the quaint English of the translator. "They make not their
books square leafe by leafe, but extend the matter and substance
thereof into many cubites. They reduce them into square peeces, not
loose, but with binding, and flexible Bitumen so conioyned, that being
compact of wooden table bookes, they may seeme to haue passed the
hands of some curious workman that ioyned them together. Which way
soeuer the book bee opened, two written sides offer themselues to the
view, two pages appeare and as many lye vnder, vnlesse you stretch
them in length: for there are many leaues ioyned together vnder one
leafe. The Characters are very vnlike ours, written after our manner,
lyne after lyne, with characters like small dice, fishookes, snares,
files, starres, & other such like formes and shapes. Wherein they
immitate almost the Egyptian manner of writing, and betweene the lines
they paint the shapes of men, & beasts, especially of their kings &
nobles.... They make the former wooden table bookes also with art to
content and delight the beholder. Being shut, they seeme to differ
nothing from our bookes, in these they set downe in writing the rites,
and the customes of their laws, sacrifices, ceremonies, their
computations, etc."[1115]

[Sidenote: MAYA HIEROGLYPHIC SYSTEM.]

Respecting hieroglyphic records in Chiapas and Guatemala, we have the
statement of Ordoñez that "Votan wrote a work upon the origin of the
Indians," and that he, Ordoñez, had a copy of the book in his
possession; a complaint in the Quiché annals known as the Popol Vuh,
that the 'national book' containing the ancient records of their
people had been lost; and finally the reported discovery and
destruction in Soconusco of archives on stone by Nuñez de la Vega in
1691. All this amounts to little save as indicating the ancient use of
hieroglyphics by the followers of Votan, a fact sufficiently proven,
as we shall see, by the engraved tablets of Palenque and Copan.[1116]
The Nicaraguans at the time of the conquest had records painted in
colors upon skin and paper, undoubtedly identical in their figures
with those of the Nahuas, to whom the civilized people of Nicaragua
were nearly related in blood and language. No specimens of these
southern hieroglyphics have, however, been preserved. Oviedo and
Herrera slightly describe the paintings and later writers have
followed them.[1117]

[Sidenote: MAYA MANUSCRIPTS.]

Of the aboriginal Maya manuscripts three specimens only, so far as I
know, have been preserved. These are the _Mexican Manuscript, No. 2_,
of the Imperial Library at Paris; the _Dresden Codex_; and the
_Manuscript Troano_. Concerning the first we only know of its
existence and the similarity of its characters to those of the other
two and of the sculptured tablets. The document was photographed in
1864 by order of the French government, but I am not aware that the
photographs have ever been given to the public. The _Dresden Codex_ is
preserved in the Royal Library of Dresden. A complete copy was
published in Lord Kingsborough's collection of Mexican antiquities,
and fragments were also reproduced by Humboldt. It was purchased in
Vienna by the librarian Götz in 1739, but beyond this nothing whatever
is known of its history and origin. It was published by Kingsborough
as an Aztec picture-writing, although its characters present little if
any resemblance to those of its companion documents in the collection.
Its form was also different from all the rest, since it is written on
both sides of five leaves of maguey-paper. At the time of its
publication, however, the existence of any but Aztec hieroglyphics in
America was unknown. Mr Stephens in his antiquarian exploration of
Central America, at once noticed the similarity of its figures to
those of the sculptured hieroglyphics found there, but he used this
similarity to prove the identity of the northern and southern nations,
since it did not occur to him that the Aztec origin of the Dresden
document was a mere supposition. Mr Brantz Mayer, fully aware of the
differences between this and other reputed Mexican picture-writings,
went so far as to pronounce it the only genuine Aztec document that he
had seen. There can be no reasonable doubt, however, at this day, that
the Maya and Nahua (or Maya and Aztec, since some authors will not
agree with my use of the term Nahua) hieroglyphic systems were
practically distinct, although it would be hardly wise to decide that
they are absolutely without affinities in some of their details. The
accompanying cut from Stephens' work shows a small fragment of the
Dresden Codex.[1118]

[Illustration: Fragment of the Dresden Codex.]

[Sidenote: THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO.]

The _Manuscript Troano_ was found about the year 1865 in Madrid by the
Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, and was reproduced in fac-simile by a
chromo-lithographic process by the Commission Scientifique du Mexique,
under the auspices of the French Government. Its name comes from that
of its possessor in Madrid, Sr Tro y Ortolano, and nothing whatever is
known of its origin; two or three other old American manuscripts are
reported to have been brought to light in Spain since the publication
of this. The original is written on a strip of maguey-paper about
fourteen feet long and nine inches wide, the surface of which is
covered with a whitish varnish, on which the figures are painted in
black, red, blue, and brown. It is folded fan-like into thirty-five
folds, presenting when shut much the appearance of a modern large
octavo volume. The hieroglyphics cover both sides of the paper, and
the writing is consequently divided into seventy pages, each about
five by nine inches, having been apparently executed after the paper
was folded, so that the folding does not interfere with the written
matter. One of the pages as a specimen is shown in the following
plate, an exact copy, save in size and color, of the original.

The regular lines of written characters are uniformly in black, while
the pictorial portions, or what may perhaps be considered
representative signs, are in red and brown, chiefly the former, and
the blue appears for the most part as a background in some of the
pages. A few of the pages are slightly damaged, and all the
imperfections are, as it is claimed, faithfully reproduced in the
published copy, which with the editor's comments fills two quarto
volumes in the series published by the Commission mentioned.[1119]

[Sidenote: MAYA INSCRIPTIONS IN STONE.]

The plates on the following pages from the works of Stephens and
Waldeck I present as specimens of the Maya writing, as it is found
carved in stone in Yucatan, Honduras, and Chiapas. For particulars
respecting the ruins in connection with which they were discovered, I
refer the reader to volume IV. of this work. Fig. 1 represents the
hieroglyphics sculptured on the top of an altar at Copan, in Honduras,
the thirty-six groups cover a space nearly six feet square. Fig. 2 is
a tablet set in the interior wall of a building in Chichen, Yucatan.
The tablet is placed over the doorways and extends the whole length of
the room, forty-three feet; only a part, however, is shown in the cut.
Fig. 3 is a full-size representation of the carving on a green stone,
or chalchiuite, found at Ococingo, Chiapas. I take it from the English
translation of Morelet's Travels. Many of the monoliths of Copan have
a line of hieroglyphics on their side. Plates representing specimens
of these monuments will be given in Volume IV. Fig. 4 shows a portion
of the hieroglyphic inscriptions on the famous 'tablet of the cross'
at Palenque.[1120]

[Illustration: Page of Manuscript Troano.]

[Illustration: Fig. 1.--Altar Inscription from Copan.]

[Illustration: Fig. 2.--Tablet from Chichen.]

[Illustration: Fig. 3.--Chalchiuite from Ococingo.]

[Illustration: Fig. 4.--Tablet from Palenque.]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: BISHOP LANDA'S ALPHABET.]

I have given on a preceding page in this chapter, the signs by which
the natives of Yucatan expressed the names of their days and months,
taken from the work of Bishop Landa. The same author has also
preserved a Maya alphabet. On account of Landa's failure to appreciate
the importance of the native hieroglyphics, or to comprehend the
system, and also very likely on account of his copyist's
carelessness--for the original manuscript of Landa's work has not been
found--the passage relating to the alphabet is very vague,
unsatisfactory, and perhaps fragmentary; but it is of the very highest
importance, since the alphabet here given in connection with the
calendar signs already spoken of, furnish apparently the only ground
for a hope that the veil of mystery which hangs over the Maya
inscriptions may one day be lifted. I therefore give Landa's
description as nearly as possible in his own words, copying also the
original Spanish in a note.

"Of their letters I give here (see alphabet on the next page) an A, B,
C, since their heaviness (number and intricacy?) permits no more;
because they use one character for all the aspirations of the letters,
and another in the pointing of the parts (punctuation), and thus it
goes on to infinity, as may be seen in the following example: _lé_
means 'a snare' or to hunt with it; to write it with their characters,
we having given them to understand (although we gave, etc.) that they
are two letters, they wrote it with three, placing after the
aspiration _l_ the vowel _e_, which it has before it, and in this they
do not err, although they make use, if they wish, of their curious
method. Example:

[Illustration: _e l e lé_]

Then at the end they attach the adjoined part. _Ha_ which means
'water,' because the _haché_ (sound of the letter _h_) has _a_, _h_,
before it, they put it at the beginning with _a_, at the end in this
manner:

[Illustration: _ha_]

They also write it in parts but in both ways. I would not put (all
this) here, nor treat of it, except in order to give a complete
account of the things of this people. _Ma in kati_ means 'I will not';
they write it in parts after this manner."[1121]

[Illustation: _ma i n ka ti_]

[Illustration:
A A A A B B C(q?)

T È H H I CA(?) K

L L M N O O P

PP CU KU X X U(?) U
(dj or dz?)

Z HA MA TO Sign of
(me, mo?) Aspiration.]

Respecting this alphabet Landa adds: "this language lacks the letters
that are missing here; and has others added from ours for other
necessary things; and they already make no use of these characters,
especially the young who have learned ours." It will be noticed that
there are several varying characters for the same letter, and several
syllabic signs.

The characters of Landa's alphabet, and the calendar signs can be
identified more or less accurately and readily with some of those of
the hieroglyphic inscriptions in stone, the Manuscript Troano, and the
Dresden Codex. The resemblance in many cases is clear, in others very
vague and perhaps imaginary, while very many others cannot apparently
be identified. Although Landa's key must be regarded as fragmentary,
I believe there is no reason to doubt its authenticity. But one
attempt has been made to practically apply this key to the work of
deciphering the Maya documents, that of the Abbé Brasseur de
Bourbourg. This writer, after a profound study of the subject, devotes
one hundred and thirty-six quarto pages to a consideration of the Maya
characters and their variations, and fifty-seven pages to the
translation of a part of the Manuscript Troano. The translation must
be pronounced a failure, especially after the confession of the author
in a subsequent work that he had begun his reading at the wrong end of
the document,[1122]--a trifling error perhaps in the opinion of the
enthusiastic Abbé, but a somewhat serious one as it appears to
scientific men. His preliminary examinations doubtless contain much
valuable information which will lighten the labors and facilitate the
investigations of future students; but unfortunately, such is their
nature that condensation is impracticable. A long chapter, if not a
volume, would be required to do them anything like justice, and they
must be omitted here.

Brasseur de Bourbourg devoted his life to the study of American
primitive history. In actual knowledge of matters pertaining to his
chosen subject, no man ever equaled or approached him. Besides being
an indefatigable student he was an elegant writer. In the last decade
of his life he conceived a new and complicated theory respecting the
origin of the American people, or rather the origin of Europeans and
Asiatics from America, made known to the world in his _Quatre
Lettres_. His attempted translation of the Manuscript Troano was made
in support of this theory. By reason of the extraordinary nature of
the views expressed, and the author's well-known tendency to build
magnificent structures on a slight foundation, his later writings were
received for the most part by critics, utterly incompetent to
understand them, with a sneer or, what seems to have grieved the
writer more, in silence. Now that the great _Américaniste_ is dead,
while it is not likely that his theories will ever be received, his
zeal in the cause of antiquarian science and the many valuable works
from his pen will be better appreciated. It will be long ere another
shall undertake with equal devotion and ability the well nigh hopeless
task.

[Sidenote: INTERPRETATION OF MAYA RECORDS.]

I close the chapter with a few quotations from modern writers
respecting the Maya hieroglyphics and their interpretation. Tyler says
"there is even evidence that the Maya nation of Yucatan, the ruins of
whose temples and palaces are so well known from the travels of
Catherwood and Stephens, not only had a system of phonetic writing,
but used it for writing ordinary words and sentences."[1123] Wuttke
suggests that Landa's alphabet originated after the Conquest, a
suggestion, as Schepping observes, excluded by Mendieta's statement,
but "otherwise very probable in consideration of the phoneticism
developed in Mexico shortly after the Conquest."[1124] And finally
Wilson says, "while the recurrence of the same signs, and the
reconstruction of groups out of the detached members of others,
clearly indicate a written language, and not a mere pictorial
suggestion of associated ideas, like the Mexican picture-writing." "In
the most complicated tablets of African hieroglyphics, each object is
distinct, and its representative significance is rarely difficult to
trace. But the majority of the hieroglyphics of Palenque or Copan
appear as if constructed on the same polysynthetic principle which
gives the peculiar and distinctive character to the languages of the
New World. This is still more apparent when we turn to the highly
elaborate inscriptions on the colossal figures of Copan. In these all
ideas of simple phonetic signs utterly disappear. Like the
_bunch-words_, as they have been called, of the American languages,
they seem each to be compounded of a number of parts of the primary
symbols used in picture-writing, while the pictorial origin of the
whole becomes clearly apparent. In comparing these minutely elaborated
characters with those on the tables, it is obvious that a system of
abbreviation is employed in the latter. An analogous process seems
dimly discernible in the abbreviated compound characters of the
Palenque inscription. But if the inference be correct, this of itself
would serve to indicate that the Central American hieroglyphics are
not used as phonetic, or pure alphabetic signs; and this idea receives
confirmation from the rare recurrence of the same group.... The
Palenque inscriptions have all the characteristics of a written
language in a state of development analogous to the Chinese, with its
word-writing; and like it they appear to have been read in columns
from top to bottom. The groups of symbols begin with a large
hieroglyphic on the left-hand corner; and the first column occupies a
double space. It is also noticeable that in the frequent occurrence of
human and animal heads among the sculptured characters they invariably
look toward the left; an indication, as it appears to me, that they
are the graven inscriptions of a lettered people, who were accustomed
to write the same characters from left to right on paper or skins.
Indeed, the pictorial groups on the Copan statues seem to be the true
hieroglyphic characters; while the Palenque inscriptions show the
abbreviated hieratic writing. To the sculptor the direction of the
characters was a matter of no moment; but if the scribe held his pen,
or style, in his right hand, like the modern clerk, he would as
naturally draw the left profile as we slope our current hand to the
right. Arbitrary signs are also introduced, like those of the phonetic
alphabets of Europe. Among these the T repeatedly occurs: a character
which, it will be remembered, was also stamped on the Mexican metallic
currency."[1125]

FOOTNOTES:

[1096] Two spindles with golden tissue. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 3,
422. Six golden idols, each one span long, in Nicaragua. _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. v. 20 golden hatchets, 14
carats fine, weighing over 20 lbs. _Id._, lib. iv., cap. vi. Houses of
goldsmiths that molded marvellously. _Id._, cap. vii. See also _Id._,
dec. i., lib. v., cap. v. Little fishes and geese of low gold at
Catoche. _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 4. Golden armor and ornaments
at Tabasco River. _Id._, pp. 12-13. Idols of unknown metals among the
Itzas. _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 495, 497. Gilded
wooden mask, gold plates, little golden kettles. _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_,
in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x. pp. 16, 25. Vases of
chiseled gold in Yucatan. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
tom. ii., p. 69; _Id._, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 32; _Benzoni_,
_Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 102; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp.
39, 95, tom. i., p. 520; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. i., dec. vi.,
lib. ii., vi.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 354; _Godoi_,
in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 178; _Squier's
Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 346. Respecting a copper mask
from Nicaragua and two copper medals from Guatemala, see vol. iv. of
this work.

[1097] For slight notices of the various mechanical arts of the Mayas
see the following authorities: _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp.
276, 350, 521, tom. iv., pp. 33, 36, 105-9; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. i., p. 354, tom. ii., p. 346; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p.
329; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 4, 13, 187, 196; _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. ix.,
lib. x., cap. ii., xiv.; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 116, 120, 128-9;
_Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 100, 311-12, 495, 499-501;
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa._, p. 293; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib.
ii., dec. vi., lib. iii.; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 98,
102-3; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 203; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._,
fol. 268; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 489; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_,
_Col. de Viajes_, tom. iii., p. 416; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_,
MS., cap. cxxiv.; _Id._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii.,
pp. 147-8; _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 44; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed.
1856,) vol. ii., pp. 339, 346; _Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, p. 212;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 69, 172,
563.

[1098] _Beltran de Santa Rosa María_, _Arte_, pp. 195-208; _Id._, in
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, MS. _Troano_, tom. ii., pp. 92-9. 'El modo de
contar de los Indios es de cinco en cinco, y de quatro cincos hazen
veinte.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 206; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec.
iv., lib. x., cap. iv.

[1099] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 202-316; _Perez_, _Cronologia Antigua
de Yuc._, with French translation, in _Id._, pp. 366-429; English
translation of the same in _Stephens' Yucatan_, vol. i., pp. 434-59;
original Spanish also in the _Registro Yucateco_; _Orozco y Berra_,
_Geografía_, pp. 103-8, 163-4; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i.,
p. 137; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 65-6;
_Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 104-14;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 462-7;
_Id._, MS. _Troano_, tom. i., pp. 73-97.

[1100] Cogolludo omits the month Tzoz, and inserts a month Vaycab,
Vtuz Kin, or Vlobol Kin, between Cumhu and Pop. He also in one place
puts Cuchhaab in the place of Kan. _Hist. Yuc._, p. 185-6. See also
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 466-7;
_Waldeck_, _Voy. Pitt._, p. 22. The Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, in his
attempted interpretation of the Manuscript Troano, gives the following
curious etymologies of the names of these months. 'Le vocable _pop_,
que Beltran écrit long, _poop_, signifie la natte, "estera ò petate,"
dit Pio Perez, qui donne encore à _pop_ le sens d'un arbrisseau ou
d'une plante qu'il ne décrit point, mais qui, fort probablement, doit
être de la nature des joncs dont on fait les différentes espèces de
nattes connues au Yucatan. En prenant ce vocable avec l'orthographe de
Beltran, _poop_ se composerait de _po_, primitif inusité, exprimant
l'enflure, la vapeur, l'expansion par la chaleur d'une matière dans
une enveloppe, et de _op_, briser, rompre pour sortir, crevasser par
la force du feu.... Beltran ajoute que _uo_ désigne en outre le
têtard, une sorte de petit crapaud et un fruit indigène, appelé
_pitahaya_ aux Antilles ... _uo_, au rapport du même auteur énonce
l'idée des caractères de l'écriture, en particulier des voyelles....
Cet hiéroglyphe paraît assez difficile à expliquer. Sa section
inférieure renferme un caractère qui semble, en raccourci, celui de la
lettre _h_, et la section supérieure est identique avec le signe que
je crois une variante du _ti_, localité, lieu. Ce qu'on pourrait
interpréter par "le possesseur enfermé du lieu," indice du têtard, de
l'embryon dans son enveloppe. (?) L'ensemble de l'idée géologique, qui
a présidé à la composition du calendrier maya, se poursuit dans les
noms des mois, ainsi que dans ceux des jours. Après le marécage, déjà
crevassé par le chaleur, apparaît le têtard, l'embryon de la
grenouille, laissé au fond de la bourbe, symbole de l'embryon du feu
volcanique couvant sous la terre glacée et qui ne tardera pas à rompre
son enveloppe, ainsi qu'on le verra dans les noms des mois
suivants.... _Zip_, analysé, donne _Zi ip_, bois à brûler qui se
gonfle outre mesure, sens intéressant qui rappelle le grand arbre du
monde, gonflé outre mesure par les gaz et les feux volcaniques, avant
d'éclater.... J'inclinerais à penser que Landa a voulu exprimer par
_tzoz_, non la chauve-souris _zos_, mais _tzotz_, la chevelure,
vocable qui dans toutes les langues du groupe mexico-guatémalien
indique symboliquement la chevelure de l'eau, la surface ondoyante,
remuante de la mer, d'un lac ou d'une rivière: c'est à quoi semblent
correspondre les signes de la glace qui se présentent dans l'image du
mois _Tzoz_. Il s'agirait donc ici de la chevelure, de la surface des
eaux gelées au-dessus de la terre et que la force du feu volcanique
commence à rider, à faire grimacer, ainsi que l'énonce le nom du mois
suivant.... Tzec.... Ce que l'auteur du calendrier a voulu exprimer,
c'est bien probablement une tête de mort de singe, aux dents
grimaçantes, image assez commune dans les fantaisies mythologiques de
l'Amérique centrale et qu'on retrouve sculptée fréquemment dans les
belles ruines de Copan.... Une intention plus profonde encore se
révèle dans ces têtes de singes. Car si les danses et les mouvements
de ces animaux symbolisent, dans le sens mystérieux du _Popol Vuh_, le
soulèvement momentané des montagnes à la surface de la mer des
Caraìbes, leurs têtes, avec l'expression de la mort, ne sauraient
faire allusion, probablement, qu'à la disparition de ces montagnes
sous les eaux, où elles continuèrent à grimacer, dans les récifs et
les _Ronfleurs_, comme elles avaient fait grimacer la glace, en se
soulevant.' As it would occupy too much space to give the Abbé's
explanations of all the months, the above will suffice for specimens.
See _MS. Troano_, tom. i., pp. 98-108.

[1101] Landa says, however, 'vingt-sept trezaines et neuf jours, sans
compter les supplémentaires.' _Relacion_, p. 235.

[1102] The number 13 may come from the original reckoning by
lunations, 26 days being about the time the moon is seen above the
horizon in each revolution, 13 days of increase, and 13 of decrease.
_Perez_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 366-8. Or it may have been a
sacred number before the invention of the calendar, being the number
of gods of high rank. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Ib._

[1103] 'Contaban sus eras, y edades, que ponian en sus libros de
veinte en veinte años, y por lustros de quatro en quatro.... Llegando
estos lustros a cinco, que ajustan veinte años, llamaban _Katùn_, y
ponian vna piedra labrada sobre otra labrada, fixada con cal, y arena
en las paredes de sus Templos, y casas de los Sacerdotes, como se vè
oy en los edificios.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 186. 'Llaman a
esta cuenta en su lengua Uazlazon Katun que quiere dezir la _gerra_ de
los Katunes.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 313. 'Para cuenta de veintenas
de años en calendarios de los indios yucatecos, lo mismo que las
indicciones nuestras; pero de mas años que estas, eran trece _ahaues_
que contenian 260 años, que era para ellos un siglo.' _Beltran de
Santa Rosa María_, _Arte_, p. 204. Brasseur de Bourbourg is disposed
to reject the system of Sr Perez, but he in his turn makes several
errors in his notes on the subject. In _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp.
402-13, 428. The Maya MS. referred to in the text is found with its
translation in _Id._, pp. 420-9, and _Stephens' Yucatan_, vol. ii.,
pp. 465-9.

[1104] The Quiché year, according to Basseta, began on December 24, of
our calendar. Following an anonymous MS. history of Guatemala, the
Cakchiquel year began on January 31; and the 1st of Parichè in 1707
was on January 21. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.
iii., pp. 466-7.

[1105] 'Algunos de estos nombres estan en lengua zotzil, y los demas
se ignora en qué idioma se hallan.' _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog.,
Boletin_, tom. iii., p. 408; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 205-6.

[1106] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp.
462-3.

[1107] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, ubi sup.; _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 118;
_Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. ii., pp. 356-7; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno.
Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 104; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p.
105; Veytia, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 137, makes Votan the first
month; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 66;
_Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. iii., p. 344.

[1108] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 44, 316.

[1109] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 185, 196. The same author quotes
Fuensalida to the effect that the Itza priests still kept in his time
a record of past events in a book 'like a history which they call
Analte.' _Id._, p. 507.

[1110] _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 393-4. 'Analtehes, ò
Historias, es vna misma cosa.' _Id._, p. 352.

[1111] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 143.

[1112] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 407; _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 187.

[1113] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec, iv., lib. x., cap. ii.

[1114] _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 109-10.

[1115] _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. viii., or Latin edition of
Cologne, 1574, p. 354; also quoted in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, MS.
_Troano_, tom. i., pp. 2-3; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 77. Carli
tells us that the inhabitants of Amatitlan in Guatemala were
especially expert in making palm-leaf paper for writing. _Cartas_, pt
ii., p. 104; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 470.
References to modern authors who, except possibly Medel, have no other
sources of information than those I have quoted, are as follows: 'Dans
le Yucathan, on m'a montré des espèces de lettres et de caractères
dont se servent les habitants.... Ils employaient au lieu de papier
l'écorce de certaines arbres, dont ils enlevaient des morceaux qui
avaient deux aunes de long et un quart d'aune de large. Cette écorce
était de l'épaisseur d'une peau de veau et se pliait comme un linge.
L'usage de cette écriture n'était pas généralement répandu, et elle
n'était connue que des prêtres et de quelques caciques.' _Medel_, in
_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 49-50; _Waldeck_,
_Voy. Pitt._, p. 40; _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 552; _Morelet_,
_Voyage_, tom. i., p. 191; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, p. 119;
_Carrillo_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. iii., pp.
269-70; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 79.

[1116] _Ordoñez_, _Hist. Cielo, etc._, MS., and _Nuñez de la Vega_,
_Constit. Diæces._, quoted by _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. i., pp. 71, 74; _Id._, _Popol Vuh_, p. 5; _Juarros_,
_Hist. Guat._, p. 208; _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom.
iii., pp. 345-6.

[1117] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 36; _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno.
Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 8; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._,
tom. vi., p. 472; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., pp.
347-8.

[1118] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. iii., No. 2; _Humboldt_,
_Vues_, tom. ii., pp. 268-71, pl. xvi. Mr Prescott, _Mex._, vol. i.,
pp. 104-5, says that this document bears but little resemblance to
other Aztec MSS., and that it indicates a much higher stage of
civilization; but he also fails to detect any stronger likeness to the
bas-reliefs of Palenque, of which latter, however, he probably had a
very imperfect idea. It cannot be interpreted, for 'even if a Rosetta
stone were discovered in Mexico, there is no Indian tongue to supply
the key or interpreter.' _Mayer_, _Mex. as it Was_, pp. 258-9. 'Le
Codex de Dresde, et un autre de la Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris,
bien qu'offrant quelque rapport avec les Rituels, échappent à toute
interprétation. Ils appartiennent, ainsi que les inscriptions de
Chiappa et du Yucatan à une écriture plus élaborée, comme incrustée et
calculiforme, dont on croit trouver des traces dans toutes les parties
très-anciennement policées des deux Amériques.' _Aubin_, in _Brasseur
de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. lxxi. See _Stephens'
Cent. Amer._, vol. ii., pp. 342, 453-5; _Id._, _Yucatan_, tom. ii.,
pp. 292, 453.

[1119] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _MS. Troano; Études sur le système
graphique et la langue des Mayas_, Paris, 1869-70, 4º, 2 vols., 70
colored plates.

[1120] _Waldeck_, _Palenqué_, pl. 21; _Stephen's Cent. Amer._, vol.
i., pp. 136-7, 140-2; _Id._, _Yucatan_, vol. ii., pp. 300-1;
_Morelet's Trav._, p. 98; Vol. iv., pp. 91-2, 97-9, 234, and chap.
vi., of this work.

[1121] The Spanish text is as follows: 'De sus letras porne aqui un
_a_, _b_, _c_, que no permite su pesadumbre mas porque usan para todas
las aspiraciones de las letras de un caracter, y despues, al puntar de
las partes otro, y assi viene a hazer _in infinitum_, como se podra
ver en el siguiente exemplo. _Lé_, quiere dezir laço y caçar con el;
para escrivirle con sus carateres, haviendoles nosotros hecho entender
que son dos letras, lo escrivian ellos con tres, puniendo a la
aspiracion de la _l_ la vocal _é_, que antes de si trae, y en esto no
hierran, aunque usense, si quisieren ellos de su curiosidad. Exemplo:
_e l e lé_. Despues al cabo le pegan la parte junta. _Ha_ que quiere
dezir agua, porque la _haché_ tiene _a_, _h_, antes de si la ponen
ellos al principio con _a_, y al cabo desta manera: _ha_. Tambien lo
escriven a partes pero de la una y otra manera, yo no pusiera aqui ni
tratara dello sino por dar cuenta entera de las cosas desta gente. _Ma
in kati_ quiere dezir no quiero, ellos lo escriven a partes desta
manera: _ma i n ka ti_.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 316-22; also in
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _MS. Troano_, tom. i., pp. 37-8.

[1122] _Bibliothèque Mexico-Guatémalienne_, Paris, 1871, p. xvii.

[1123] _Tylor's Researches_, pp. 100-1.

[1124] _Wuttke and Schepping_, in _Spencer's Descriptive Sociology_,
no. 2., div. ii., pt 1-B, p. 51. See note 16 of this chapter.

[1125] _Wilson's Pre-Historic Man_, p. 378, et seq.

CHAPTER XXV.

BUILDINGS, MEDICINE, BURIAL, PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES, AND CHARACTER OF
THE MAYAS.

SCANTY INFORMATION GIVEN BY THE EARLY VOYAGERS--PRIVATE
HOUSES OF THE MAYAS--INTERIOR ARRANGEMENT, DECORATION, AND
FURNITURE--MAYA CITIES--DESCRIPTION OF UTATLAN--PATINAMIT,
THE CAKCHIQUEL CAPITAL--CITIES OF NICARAGUA--MAYA
ROADS--TEMPLES AT CHICHEN ITZA AND COZUMEL--TEMPLES OF
NICARAGUA AND GUATEMALA--DISEASES OF THE MAYAS--MEDICINES
USED--TREATMENT OF THE SICK--PROPITIATORY OFFERINGS AND
VOWS--SUPERSTITIONS--DREAMS--OMENS--WITCHCRAFT--SNAKE-CHARMERS
--FUNERAL RITES AND CEREMONIES--PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES--CHARACTER.

A full résumé of the principles of Maya architecture, gathered from
observations of ruins made by modern travelers, will be given in
another part of this work.[1126] I shall, therefore, without regard to
the inevitable scantiness and unsatisfactory nature of such
information, confine myself in this chapter to the descriptions
furnished by the old writers, who saw the houses and towns while they
were occupied by those who built them and the temples before they
became ruins, or at least were contemporaries of such observers.

The accounts given of the dwellings of the Mayas are very meagre. The
early voyagers on the coast of Yucatan, such as Grijalva and Córdova,
saw well-built houses of stone and lime, with sloping roofs thatched
with straw or reeds; or, in some instances, with slates of
stone;[1127] but this is all they tell us, and, indeed, they had
little opportunity for close examination; the natives of those parts
were fierce and warlike, and little disposed to submit to invasion, so
that the handful of adventurers had barely time to look hastily about
them after effecting a landing before they were driven back wounded to
their boats. Here, as elsewhere, too, the temples and larger buildings
naturally attracted their sole attention, both because of their
strangeness and of the treasures which they were supposed to or did
contain. These men were soldiers, gold-hunters; they did not travel
leisurely; they had no time to examine the architecture of private
dwellings; they risked and lost their lives for other purposes. Bishop
Landa, however, has something to say on the subject of Maya dwellings.
The roof, he says, was covered with straw, which they had in great
abundance, or with palm-leaves, which answered the purpose admirably.
A considerable pitch was given to the roof, that the rain might run
off easily. The house was divided in its length, that is, from side to
side, by a wall, in which several doorways were left as a means of
communication with the back room where they slept. The front room
where guests were received was carefully whitewashed, or in the houses
of nobles, painted in various colors or designs; it had no door but
was open all the length of the front of the house, and was sheltered
from sun and rain by the eaves which usually descended very low.[1128]
There was always a doorway in the rear for the use of all the inmates.
The fact of there being no doors made it a point of honor among them
not to rob or injure each other's houses. The poor people built the
houses of the rich.[1129] A new dwelling could not be occupied until
it had been formally blessed and purged of the evil spirit.[1130]

[Sidenote: NICARAGUAN DWELLINGS.]

In Nicaragua, the dwellings were mostly made of canes, and thatched
with straw. In the large cities the houses of the nobles were built
upon platforms several feet in height, but in the smaller towns the
residences of all classes were of the same construction, except that
those of the chiefs were larger and more commodious. Some, however,
appear to have been built of stone.[1131] Of the dwellings in
Guatemala, still less is said. Villagutierre mentions a Lacandone
village in which were one hundred and three houses with sloping
thatched roofs, supported upon stout posts. The front of each house
was open, but the back and sides were closed with a strong stockade.
The interior was divided into several apartments. Cogolludo says that
their houses were covered with plaster, like those of Yucatan.[1132]

The house, or rather shed, near the Gulf of Dulce, in which Cortés
stayed, had no walls, the roof resting upon posts.[1133] In other
parts of Guatemala he saw 'large houses with thatched roofs.'[1134]
Gage does not give a glowing account of their dwellings. "Their
houses," he writes, "are but poor thatched Cottages, without any upper
rooms, but commonly one or two only rooms below, in the one they dress
their meat in the middle of it, making a compass for fire, with two or
three stones, without any other chimney to convey the smoak away,
which spreading it self about the room, filleth the thatch and the
rafters so with sut, that all the room seemeth to be a chimney. The
next unto it, is not free from smoak and blackness, where sometimes
are four or five beds according to the family. The poorer sort have
but one room, where they eat, dress their meat and sleep."[1135] Las
Casas tells us that when the Guatemalans built a new house they were
careful to dedicate an apartment to the worship of the household gods;
there they burned incense and offered domestic sacrifices upon an
altar erected for the purpose.[1136]

[Sidenote: HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE.]

Little is said about the interior appointment and decoration of
dwellings. Landa mentions that in Yucatan they used bedsteads made of
cane,[1137] and the same is said of Nicaragua by Oviedo, who adds that
they used a small four-legged bench of fine wood for a pillow.[1138]
In Guatemala, there was in each room a sort of bedstead large enough
to accommodate four grown persons, and other small ones for the
children.[1139] Brasseur de Bourbourg gives a description of gorgeous
furniture used in the houses of the wealthy in Yucatan, but
unfortunately the learned Abbé has for his only authority on this
point the somewhat apocryphal Ordoñez' MS. The stools, he writes, on
which they seated themselves cross-legged after the Oriental fashion,
were of wood and precious metals, and were often made in the shape of
some animal or bird; they were covered with deer-skins, tanned with
great care, and embroidered with gold and precious stones. The
interior-walls were sometimes hung with similar skins, though they
were more frequently decorated with paintings on a red or blue ground.
Curtains of finest texture and most brilliant colors fell over the
doorways, and the stucco floors were covered with mats made of
exquisite workmanship. Rich hued cloths covered the tables. The plate
would have done honor to a Persian satrap. Graceful vases of chased
gold, alabaster or agate, worked with exquisite art, delicate painted
pottery, excelling that of Etruria, candelabra for the great odorous
pine torches, metal braziers diffusing sweet perfumes, a multitude of
_petits riens_, such as little bells and grotesquely shaped whistles
for summoning attendants, in fact all the luxuries which are the
result of an advanced civilization, were, according to Brasseur de
Bourbourg, to be found in the houses of the Maya nobility.[1140]

[Sidenote: MAYA FORTIFICATIONS.]

Of the interior arrangement of the Yucatec towns we are told nothing
except that the temples, palaces, and houses of the nobility were in
the centre, with the dwellings of the common people grouped about
them, and that the streets were well kept.[1141] Some of them must,
however, have been very large and have contained fine buildings.
During Córdova's voyage on the coast of Yucatan a city was seen which,
says Peter Martyr, "for the hugenesse thereof they call Cayrus, of
Cayrus the Metropolis of Ægipt: where they find turreted houses,
stately tenples, wel paued wayes & streets where marts and faires
for trade of merchandise were kept."[1142] During Grijalva's voyage a
city, the same one perhaps, was seen, which Diaz, the chaplain of the
expedition, says was as 'large as the city of Seville.'[1143] None of
the Yucatec cities appear to have been located with any view to
defense, or to to have been provided with fortifications of any
description.[1144] The towns of Guatemala, on the other hand, were
very strongly fortified, both artificially and by the site selected.
Juarros thus describes the city of Utatlan in Guatemala: "it was
surrounded by a deep ravine that formed a natural fosse, leaving only
two very narrow roads as entrances to the city, both of which were so
well defended by the castle of _Resguardo_, as to render it
impregnable. The centre of the city was occupied by the royal palace,
which was surrounded by the houses of the nobility; the extremities
were inhabited by the plebeians. The streets were very narrow, but the
place was so populous, as to enable the king to draw from it alone, no
less than 72,000 combatants, to oppose the progress of the Spaniards.
It contained many very sumptuous edifices, the most superb of them was
a seminary, where between 5 and 6000 children were educated; they were
all maintained and provided for at the charge of the royal treasury;
their instruction was superintended by 70 masters and professors. The
castle of the Atalaya was a remarkable structure, which being raised
four stories high, was capable of furnishing quarters for a very
strong garrison. The castle of Resguardo was not inferior to the
other; it extended 188 paces in front, 230 in depth, and was 5 stories
high. The grand alcazar, or palace of the kings of Quiché, surpassed
every other edifice, and in the opinion of Torquemada, it could
compete in opulence with that of Montezuma in Mexico, or that of the
Incas in Cuzco. The front of this building extended from east to west
376 geometrical paces, and in depth 728; it was constructed of hewn
stone of different colors; its form was elegant, and altogether most
magnificent; there were 6 principal divisions, the first contained
lodgings for a numerous troop of lancers, archers, and other well
disciplined troops, constituting the royal body guard; the second was
destined to the accommodation of the princes, and relations of the
king, who dwelt in it, and were served with regal splendour, as long
as they remained unmarried; the third was appropriated to the use of
the king, and contained distinct suits of apartments, for the
mornings, evenings, and nights. In one of the saloons stood the
throne, under four canopies of plumage, the ascent to it was by
several steps; in this part of the palace were, the treasury, the
tribunals of the judges, the armory, the gardens, aviaries, and
menageries, with all the requisite offices appending to each
department. The 4th and 5th divisions were occupied by the queens and
royal concubines; they were necessarily of great extent, from the
immense number of apartments requisite for the accommodation of so
many females, who were all maintained in a style of sumptuous
magnificence, gardens for their recreation, baths, and proper places
for breeding geese, that were kept for the sole purpose of furnishing
feathers, with which hangings, coverings, and other similar ornamental
articles, were made. Contiguous to this division was the sixth and
last; this was the residence of the king's daughters and other females
of the blood royal, where they were educated and attended in a manner
suitable to their rank."[1145]

Patinamit, the Cakchiquel capital, was nearly three leagues in
circumference. It was situated upon a plateau surrounded by deep
ravines which could be crossed at only one point by a narrow causeway
which terminated in two gates of stone, one on the outside and the
other on the inside of the thick wall of the city. The streets were
broad and straight, and crossed each other at right angles. The town
was divided from north to south into two parts by a ditch nine feet
deep, with a wall of masonry about three feet high on each side. This
ditch served to divide the nobles from the commoners, the former class
living in the eastern section, and the latter in the western.[1146]

Peter Martyr says of the cities of Nicaragua: "Large and great
streetes guarde the frontes of the Kinges courts, according to the
disposition and greatnes of their village or towne. If the town
consist of many houses, they haue also little ones, in which, the
trading neighbours distant from the Court may meete together. The
chiefe noble mens houses compasse and inclose the kinges streete on
euery side: in the middle site whereof one is erected which the
Goldesmithes inhabite."[1147]

The Mayas constructed excellent and desirable roads all over the face
of the country. The most remarkable of these were the great highways
used by the pilgrims visiting the sacred island of Cozumel; these
roads, four in number, traversed the peninsula in different
directions, and finally met at a point upon the coast opposite the
island.[1148] Diego de Godoi, in a letter to Cortés, states that he
and his party came to a place in the mountains of Chiapas, where the
smooth and slippery rock sloped down to the edge of a precipice, and
which would have been quite impassable had not the Indians made a road
with branches and trunks of trees. On the side of the precipice they
erected a strong wooden railing, and then made all level with
earth.[1149]

[Sidenote: MAYA TEMPLES.]

Of the Maya temples very little is said. There was one at Chichen Itza
which had four great staircases, each being thirty-three feet wide and
having ninety-one steps, very difficult of ascent. The steps were of
the same height and width as ours. On both sides of each stairway was
a low balustrade, two feet wide, made of good stone, like the rest of
the building. The edifice was not sharp-cornered, because from the
ground upward between the balustrades the cubic blocks were rounded,
ascending by degrees and elegantly narrowing the building. There was
at the foot of each balustrade a fierce serpent's head very strangely
worked. On the top of the edifice there was a platform, on which stood
a building forty-three feet by forty-nine feet, and about twenty feet
high, having only a single doorway in the centre of each front. The
doorways on the east, west and south, opened into a corridor six feet
wide, which extended without partition walls round the three
corresponding sides of the edifice; the northern doorway gave access
to a corridor forty feet long and six and a third feet wide. Through
the centre of the rear wall of this corridor a doorway opened into a
room twelve feet nine inches by nineteen feet eight inches, and
seventeen feet high; its ceiling was formed by two transverse arches
supported by immense carved beams of zapote-wood, stretched across
the room and resting, each at its centre, on two square pillars.[1150]
The island of Cozumel was especially devoted to religious observances,
and was annually visited by great numbers of pilgrims; there were
therefore more religious edifices here than elsewhere. Among them is
mentioned a square tower, with four windows, and hollow at the top; at
the back was a room in which the sacred implements were kept; it was
surrounded by an enclosure, in the middle of which stood a cross nine
feet high, representing the God of rain.[1151] Other temples so
closely resembled those of Mexico as to need no further description
here.[1152]

[Sidenote: NICARAGUAN TEMPLES.]

The temples of Nicaragua were built of wood and thatched; they
contained many low, dark rooms, where the idols were kept and the
religious rites performed. Before each temple was a pyramidal mound,
on the flat top of which the sacrifices were made in the presence of
the whole people.[1153]

In Guatemala, Cortés saw temples like those of Mexico.[1154] The temple
of Tohil, at Utatlan, was, according to Brasseur de Bourbourg, a
conical edifice, having in front a very steep stairway; at the summit
was a platform of considerable size upon which stood a very high
chapel, built of hewn stone, and roofed with precious wood. The walls
were covered within and without with a very fine and durable stucco.
Upon a throne of gold, enriched with precious stones, was seated the
image of the god.[1155]

* * * * *

The particular diseases to which the Mayas were most subject are not
enumerated, but there is no reason to doubt that they suffered from
the same maladies as their neighbors the Nahuas. They seem to have
been greatly afflicted with various forms of syphilis,[1156] and in
winter, with catarrh and fever.[1157] They were much troubled, also,
with epidemics, which not unfrequently swept the country with great
destruction.[1158]

[Sidenote: TREATMENT OF THE SICK.]

Medicinal practitioners were numerous. Their medicines, which were
mostly furnished by the vegetable kingdom, were administered in the
usual forms,[1159] and their treatment of patients involved the
customary mummeries. Clysters were much used.[1160] For syphilis they
used a decoction of a wood called _guayacan_, which grew most
plentifully in the province of Nagrando in Nicaragua.[1161] For
rheumatism, coughs, colds, and other complaints of a kindred nature,
they used various herbs, among them tobacco,[1162] and a kind of dough
made of 'stinking poisonous worms.'[1163] Sores arising from natural
causes they washed in a decoction of an herb called _coygaraca_, or
poulticed it with the mashed leaves of another named _mozot_.[1164]
Wounds taken in battle they always treated with external
applications.[1165] Cacao, after the oil had been extracted was
considered to be a sure preventive against poison.[1166]

When a rich man or a noble fell sick a messenger was dispatched with
gifts to the doctor, who came at once and staid by his patient until
he either got well or died. If the sickness was not serious the
physician merely applied the usual remedies, but it was thought that a
severe illness could only be brought on by some crime committed and
unconfessed. In such cases, therefore, the doctor insisted upon the
sick man making a clean breast of it, and confessing such sin even
though it had been committed twenty years before. This done, the
physician cast lots to see what sacrifices ought to be made, and
whatever he determined upon was always given even though it amounted
to the whole of the patient's fortune.[1167] In Yucatan the
practitioner sometimes drew blood from those parts of the patient's
body in which the malady lay.[1168] Lizana mentions a temple at Izamal
to which the sick were carried that they might be healed
miraculously.[1169] In Guatemala, as elsewhere, propitiatory offerings
of birds and animals were made in ordinary cases of sickness, but if
the patient was wealthy and dangerously ill he would sometimes strive
to appease the anger of the gods and atone for the sins which he was
supposed to have committed by sacrificing male or female slaves, or,
in extraordinary cases, when the sick man was a prince or a great
noble, he would even vow to sacrifice a son or a daughter in the event
of his recovery; and although the scapegoat was generally chosen from
among his children by female slaves, yet so fearful of death, so fond
of life were they, that there were not wanting instances when
legitimate children, and even only sons were sacrificed. And it is
said, moreover, that they were inexorable as Jephthah in the
performance of such vows, for it was held to be a great sin to be
false to a bargain made with the gods.[1170]

[Sidenote: PRACTICE OF SORCERY.]

The Mayas, like the Nahuas, were grossly superstitious. They believed
implicitly in the fulfillment of dreams, the influence of omens, and
the power of witches and wizards. No important matter was undertaken
until its success had been foretold and a lucky day determined by the
flight of a bird or some similar omen. Whether the non-fulfilment of
the prediction was provided against by a _double entendre_, after the
manner of the sibyls, we are not told. The cries or appearance of
certain birds and animals were thought to presage harm to those who
heard or saw them.[1171] They as firmly believed and were as well
versed in the black art as their European brethren of a hundred years
later, and they appear to have had the same enlightened horror of the
arts of gramarye, for in Guatemala, at least, they burned witches and
wizards without mercy. They had among them, they said, sorcerers who
could metamorphose themselves into dogs, pigs, and other animals, and
whose glance was death to their victims. Others there were who could
by magic cause a rose to bloom at will, and could bring whomsoever
they wished under their control by simply giving him the flower to
smell. Unfaithful wives, too, would often bewitch their husbands that
their acts of infidelity might not be discovered.[1172] All these
things are gravely recounted by the old chroniclers, not as matters
unworthy of credence, but as deeds done at the instigation of the
devil to the utter damnation of the benighted heathen. Cogolludo, for
instance, speaking of the performances of a snake-charmer, says that
the magician took up the reptile in his bare hands, as he did so using
certain mystic words, which he, Cogolludo, wrote down at the time, but
finding afterwards that they invoked the devil, he did not see fit to
reproduce them in his work. The same writer further relates that upon
another occasion a diviner cast lots, according to custom, with a
number of grains of corn, to find out which direction a strayed child
had taken. The child was eventually found upon the road indicated, and
the narrator subsequently endeavored to discover whether the devil had
been invoked or not, but the magician was a poor simple fool, and
could not tell him.[1173] Nor does there seem to have been any great
difference between the credulity and superstition of conquerors and
conquered in other respects. The Spanish Fathers, if we may judge from
their writings, believed in the Aztec deities as firmly as the
natives; the only difference seems to have been that the former looked
upon them as devils and the latter as gods. When the Spaniards took
notes in writing of what they saw, the Costa Ricans thought they were
working out some magic spell; when the Costa Ricans cast incense
towards the invaders telling them to leave the country or die,[1174]
the Spaniards swore that the devil was in it, and crossed themselves
as a counter-spell.

The Yucatecs observed a curious custom during an eclipse of the moon.
At such times they imagined that the moon was asleep, or that she was
stung and wounded by ants. They therefore beat their dogs to make them
howl, and made a great racket by striking with sticks upon doors and
benches; what they hoped to accomplish by this, we are not told.[1175]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: FUNERAL RITES.]

The Mayas disposed of the bodies of their dead by both burial and
cremation. The former, however, appears to have been the most usual
way. In Vera Paz, and probably in the whole of Guatemala, the body was
placed in the grave in a sitting posture, with the knees drawn up to
the face. The greater part of the dead man's property was buried with
him, and various kinds of food and drink were placed in the grave that
the spirit might want for nothing on its way to shadow-land.[1176]
Just before death took place, the nearest relation, or the most
intimate friend of the dying man, placed between his lips a valuable
stone, which was supposed to receive the soul as soon as it passed
from the body. As soon as he was dead, the same person removed the
stone and gently rubbed the face of the deceased with it. This office
was held to be a very important one, and the person who performed it
preserved the stone with great reverence. When the lord of a province
died, messengers were sent to the neighboring provinces to invite the
other princes to be present at the funeral. While awaiting their
arrival the body was placed in a sitting posture, in the manner in
which it was afterwards to be interred,[1177] and clothed in a great
quantity of rich clothing.[1178] On the day of the funeral the great
lords who had come to attend the ceremony, brought precious gifts and
ornaments, and placed them by the side of or on the person of the
corpse. Each provided also a male or female slave, or both, to be
sacrificed over the grave of the deceased. The body was then placed in
a large stone chest,[1179] and borne with great solemnity to its last
resting-place, which was generally situated on the top of a hill. The
coffin having been lowered into the grave with its ornaments, the
doomed slaves were immolated, and also cast in along with the
implements which they had used in life, that they might follow their
accustomed pursuits in the service of their new master in the other
world. Finally, the grave was filled up, a mound raised over it, and a
stone altar erected above all, upon which incense was burned and
sacrifices were made in memory of the deceased. The common people did
not use coffins, but placed the body in a sitting posture and wrapped
up in many cloths, in an excavation made in the side of the grave,
burying with it many jars, pans, and implements. They raised a mound
over the grave of a height in proportion to the rank of the
defunct.[1180]

Only the poorer classes of the Yucatecs buried their dead. These
placed corn in the mouth of the corpse, together with some money as
ferriage for the Maya Charon. The body was interred either in the
house or close to it. Some idols were thrown into the grave before it
was filled up. The house was then forsaken by its inmates, for they
greatly feared the dead.[1181] The books of a priest were buried with
him, as were likewise the charms of a sorcerer.[1182] The Itzas buried
their dead in the fields, in their every-day clothes. On the graves of
the males they left such implements as men used, on those of the
females they placed grinding-stones, pans, and other utensils used by
the women.[1183] In Nicaragua, property was buried with the possessor
if he or she had no children; if the contrary was the case, it was
divided among the heirs. Nicaraguan parents shrouded their children in
cloths, and buried them before the doors of their dwellings.[1184]
Among the Pipiles the dead were interred in the house they had lived
in, along with all their property. A deceased high-priest was buried,
clad in the robes and ornaments appertaining to his office, in a
sepulchre or vault in his own palace, and the people mourned and
fasted fifteen days.[1185]

Cremation or partial cremation seems to have been reserved for the
higher classes. In Yucatan, an image of the dead person was made, of
wood for a king, of clay for a noble. The back part of the head of
this image was hollowed out, and a portion of the body having been
burned, the ashes were placed in this hollow, which was covered with
the skin of the occiput of the corpse. The image was then placed in
the temple, among the idols, and was much reverenced, incense being
burned before it, almost as though it had been a god. The remainder of
the body was buried with great solemnity. When an ancient Cocome king
died, his head was cut off and boiled. The flesh was then stripped
off, and the skull cut in two crosswise. On the front part of the
skull, which included the lower jaw and teeth, an exact likeness of
the dead man was molded in some plastic substance. This was placed
among the statues of the gods, and each day edibles of various kinds
were placed before it, that the spirit might want for nothing in the
other life, which, by the way, must have been a poor one to need such
terrestrial aliment.[1186] When a great lord died in Nicaragua, the
body was burned along with a great number of feathers and ornaments of
different kinds, and the ashes were placed in an urn, which was buried
in front of the palace of the deceased. As usual, the spirit must be
supplied with food, which was tied to the body before cremation.[1187]

[Sidenote: MOURNING FOR THE DEAD.]

According to the information we have on the subject, the mourning
customs of the Mayas appear to have been pretty much the same
everywhere. For the death of a chief or any of his family the Pipiles
lamented for four days, silently by day, and with loud cries by night.
At dawn on the fifth day the high-priest publicly forbade the people
to make any further demonstration of sorrow, saying that the soul of
the departed was now with the gods. The Guatemalan widower dyed his
body yellow, for which reason he was called _malcam_. Mothers who lost
a sucking child, withheld their milk from all other infants for four
days, lest the spirit of the dead babe should be offended.[1188]

* * * * *

The Mayas, like the Nahuas, were mostly well-made, tall, strong, and
hardy. Their complexion was tawny. The women were passably
good-looking, some of them, it is said, quite pretty, and seem to have
been somewhat fairer-skinned than the men. What the features of the
Mayas were like, can only be conjectured. Their sculpture would
indicate that a large hooked nose and a retreating forehead, if not
usual, were at least regarded with favor, and we know that
head-flattening was almost universal among them. Beards were not worn,
and the Yucatec mothers burned the faces of their children with hot
cloths to prevent the growth of hair. In Landa's time some of the
natives allowed their beard to grow, but, says the worthy bishop, it
came out as rough as hog's bristles. In Nicaragua it would seem that
they did not even understand what a beard was; witness the following
'pretie policy' of Ægidius Gonsalus: "All the Barbarians of those
Nations are beardlesse, and are terribly afraide, and fearefull of
bearded men: and therefore of 25. beardlesse youthes by reason of
their tender yeres, Ægidius made bearded men with the powlinges of
their heades, the haire being orderly composed, to the end, that the
number of bearded men might appeare the more, to terrifie the[|m] if they
should be assailed by warre, as afterwarde it fell out."[1189]
Squinting eyes were, as I have said before, thought beautiful in
Yucatan.[1190]

[Sidenote: CHARACTER OF THE MAYAS.]

Of all the Maya nations, the Yucatecs bear the best character. The men
were generous, polite, honest, truthful, peaceable, brave, ingenious,
and particularly hospitable, though, on the other hand, they were
great drunkards, and very loose in their morals. The women were
modest, very industrious, excellent housewives, and careful mothers,
but, though generally of a gentle disposition, they were excessively
jealous of their marital rights; indeed, Bishop Landa tells us that
upon the barest suspicion of infidelity on the part of their husbands
they became perfect furies, and would even beat their unfaithful
one.[1191] The Guatemalans are spoken of as having been exceedingly
warlike and valorous, but withal very simple in their tastes and
manner of life.[1192] Arricivita calls the Lacandones thieves,
assassins, cannibals, bloody-minded men, who received the missionaries
with great violence.[1193] The fact that the Lacandones strove to
repel invasion, without intuitively knowing that the invaders were
missionaries, may have helped the worthy padre to come to this
decision, however. The Nicaraguans were warlike and brave, but at the
same time false, cunning, and deceitful. Their resolute hatred of the
whites was so great that it is said that for two years they abstained
from their wives rather than beget slaves for their conquerors.[1194]

* * * * *

Next after the collecting of facts in any one direction comes their
comparison with other ascertained facts of the same category, by which
means fragments of knowledge coalesce and unfold into science. This
fascinating study, however, is no part of my plan. If in the foregoing
pages I have succeeded in collecting and classifying materials in such
a manner that others may, with comparative ease and certainty, place
the multitudinous nations of these Pacific States in all their shades
of savagery and progress side by side with the savagisms and
civilizations of other ages and nations, my work thus far is
accomplished. But what a flood of thought, of speculation and imagery
rushes in upon the mind at the bare mention of such a study! Isolated,
without the stimulus of a Mediterranean commerce, hidden in umbrageous
darkness, walled in by malarious borders, and surrounded by wild
barbaric hordes, whatever its origin, indigenous or foreign, there was
found on Mexican and Central American table-lands an unfolding
humanity, unique and individual, yet strikingly similar to human
unfoldings under like conditions elsewhere. Europeans, regarding the
culture of the conquered race first as diabolical and then
contemptible, have not to this day derived that benefit from it that
they might have done. It is not necessary that American civilization
should be as far advanced as European, to make a perfect knowledge of
the former as essential in the study of mankind as a knowledge of the
latter; nor have I any disposition to advance a claim for the equality
of American aboriginal culture with European, or to make of it other
than what it is. As in a work of art, it is not a succession of
sharply defined and decided colors, but a happy blending of light and
shade, that makes the picture pleasing, so in the grand and gorgeous
perspective of human progress the intermediate stages are as necessary
to completeness as the dark spectrum of savagism or the brilliant glow
of the most advanced culture.

[Sidenote: CONCLUSION.]

This, however, I may safely claim; if the preceding pages inform us
aright, then were the Nahuas, the Mayas, and the subordinate and
lesser civilizations surrounding these, but little lower than the
contemporaneous civilizations of Europe and Asia, and not nearly so
low as we have hitherto been led to suppose. Whatever their exact
status in the world of nations--and that this volume gives _in esse_
and not _in posse_--they are surely entitled to their place, and a
clear and comprehensive delineation of their character and condition
fills a gap in the history of humanity. As in every individual, so in
every people, there is something different from what may be found in
any other people; something better and something worse. One
civilization teaches another; if the superior teaches most, the
inferior nevertheless teaches. It is by the mutual action and reaction
of mind upon mind and nation upon nation that the world of intellect
is forced to develop. Taking in at one view the vast range of humanity
portrayed in this volume and the preceding, with all its infinite
variety traced on a background of infinite unity, individuality not
more clearly evidenced than a heart and mind and soul relationship to
humanity everywhere, the wide differences in intelligence and culture
shaded and toned down into a homogeneous whole, we can but arrive at
our former conclusion, that civilization is an unexplained phenomenon
whose study allures the thoughtful and yields results pregnant with
the welfare of mankind.

FOOTNOTES:

[1126] See vol. iv., pp. 267, et. seq.

[1127] 'A todo lo largo tenian los vecinos de aquel lugar muchas
casas, hecho el cimiento de piedra y lodo hasta la mitad de las
paredes, y luego cubiertas de paja. Esta gente del dicho lugar, en los
edificios y en las casas, parece ser gente de grande ingenio: y si no
fuera porque parecia haber allí algunos edificios nuevos, se pudiera
presumir que eran edificios hechos por Españoles.' _Diaz_,
_Itinerario_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 286; see
also _Id._, pp. 281, 287. 'Las casas son de piedra, y ladrillo con la
cubierta de paja, o rama. Y aun alguna de lanchas de piedra.'
_Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 23. 'The houses were of stone or brick,
and lyme, very artificially composed. To the square Courts or first
habitations of their houses they ascended by ten or twelue steps. The
roofe was of Reeds, or stalkes of Herbs.' _Purchas his Pilgrimes_,
vol. v., p. 885; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 2-3; _Bienvenida_,
in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ii., p. 311; _Oviedo_,
_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 507, tom. iii., p. 230; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe
Weereld_, p. 72; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. i.

[1128] 'C'est encore aujourd'hui de cette manière que se construisent
à la campagne les maisons non seulement des indigènes, mais encore de
la plupart des autres habitants du pays, au Yucatan et ailleurs.'
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 110-11.

[1129] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 110.

[1130] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 184.

[1131] 'Their houses of bricke or stone, are couered with reedes,
where there is a scarcitie of stones, but where Quarries are, they are
couered with shindle or slate. Many houses haue marble pillars, as
they haue with vs.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iii., dec. vi.,
lib. v.; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.;
_Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, p. 102.

[1132] _Hist. Yuc._, p. 700. 'Las casas eran ciento y tres, de
gruessos, y fuertes Maderos, en que se mantenian los Techos, que eran
de mucha Paja, reziamente amarrada, y con su corriente, y descubiertos
todos los Frontispicios, y tapados los costados, y espaldas, de
Estacada, con sus Aposentos, donde las Indias cozinavan, y tenian sus
menesteres.' _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 311-12.

[1133] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 447.

[1134] _Id._, pp. 268, 426.

[1135] _New Survey_, p. 318.

[1136] _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv.

[1137] _Relacion_, p. 110.

[1138] 'Á la parte oriental, á siete ú ocho passos debaxo deste
portal, está un echo de tres palmos alto de tierra, fecho de las cañas
gruessas que dixe, y ençima llano é de diez ó doçe piés de luengo é de
cinco ó seys de ancho, é una estera de palma gruessa ençima, é sobre
aquella otras tres esteras delgadas é muy bien labradas, y ençima
tendido el caçique desnudo é con una mantilla de algodon blanco é
delgada revuelta sobre sí; é por almohada tenia un banquito pequeño de
quatro piés, algo cóncavo, quellos llaman duho, é de muy linda é lisa
madera muy bien labrado, por cabeçera.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p.
109.

[1139] 'Y en cada Aposento vn Tapesco, sobre maderos fuertes, que en
cada vno cabian quatro Personas; y otros Tapesquillos aparte, en que
ponian las Criaturas.' _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 312.
Gage writes: They have 'four or five beds according to the family....
Few there are that set any locks upon their doors, for they fear no
robbing nor stealing, neither have they in their houses much to lose,
earthen pots, and pans, and dishes, and cups to drink their
Chocolatte, being the chief commodities in their house. There is
scarce any house which hath not also in the yard a stew, wherein they
bath themselves with hot water.' _New Survey_, p. 318.

[1140] _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 68-9.

[1141] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii., iii.

[1142] Dec. iv., lib. i.

[1143] _Diaz_, _Itinerario_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom.
i., p. 287.

[1144] See vol. iv. of this work, pp. 267-8.

[1145] _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, pp. 87-8; _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. lii.; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. ii., p. 493; _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 123-4.

[1146] _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, pp. 383-4; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 520.

[1147] Dec. vi., lib. vi.; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263;
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.

[1148] _Lizana_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 358; _Cogolludo_, _Hist.
Yuc._, p. 193; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii.,
pp. 25, 46-7.

[1149] _Godoi_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp.
171-2. At the Lake of Masaya in Nicaragua, Boyle noticed a 'cutting in
the solid rock, a mile long, and gradually descending to depth of at
least three hundred feet! This is claimed as the work of a people
which was not acquainted with blasting or with iron tools. Nature had
evidently little hand in the matter, though a cleft in the rock may
perhaps have helped the excavators. The mouth of this tunnel is about
half a mile from the town.' _Ride_, vol. ii., p. 11. Herrera, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. vii., mentions the same thing in a
very different manner: 'La subida y baxada, tan derecha como vna
pared, que como es de peña viua, tiene en ella hechos agujeros, adonde
ponen los dedos de las manos, y de los pies.'

[1150] For description of ruins of this building as they now exist,
and cuts of staircase, ground plan, and ornamentation, see vol. iv.,
pp. 226-9. Bishop Landa thus describes it: 'Este edificio tiene quatro
escaleras que miran a las quatro partes del mundo: tienen de ancho a
xxxiii pies y a noventa y un escalones cada una que es muerte
subirlas. Tienen en los escalones la mesma altura y anchura que
nosotros damos a los nuestros. Tiene cada escalera dos passamanos
baxos a ygual de los escalones, de dos piez de ancho de buena canteria
como lo es todo el edificio. No es este edificio esquinado, porque
desde la salida del suelo se comiençan labrar desde los passemanos al
contrario, como estan pintado unos cubos redondos que van subiendo a
trechos y estrechando el edificio por muy galana orden. Avia quando yo
lo vi al pie de cada passamano una fiera boca de sierpe de una pieça
bien curiosamente labrada. Acabadas de esta manera las escaleras,
queda en lo alto una plaçeta llana en la qual esta un edificio
edificado de quatro quartos. Los tres se andan a la redonda sin
impedimento y tiene cada uno puerta en medio y estan cerrados de
boveda. El quarto del norte se anda por si con un corredor de pilares
gruessos. Lo de en medio que avia de ser como el patinico que haze el
orden de los paños del edificio tiene una puerta que sale al corredor
del norte y esta por arriba cerrado de madera y servia de quemar los
saumerios. Ay en la entrada desta puerta o del corredor un modo de
armas esculpidas en una piedra que no pude bien entender. Tenia este
edificio otros muchos, y tiene oy en dia a la redonda de si bien
hechos y grandes, y todo en suelo del a ellos encalado que aun ay a
partes memoria de los encalados tan fuerte es el argamasa de que alla
los hazen. Tenia delante la escalera del norte algo aparte dos teatros
de canteria pequeños de a quatro escaleras, y enlosados por arriba en
que dizen representavan las farsas y comedias para solaz del pueblo.
Va desde et patio en frente destos teatros una hermosa y ancha calçada
hasta un poço como dos tiros de piedra. En este poço an tenido, y
tenian entonces costumbre de echar hombres vivos en sacrificio a los
dioses en tiempo de seca, y tenian no morian aunque no los veyan mas.
Hechavan tambien otros muchas cosas, de piedras de valor y cosas que
tenían depciadas.... Es poço que tiene largos vii estados de hondo
hasta el agua, hancho mas de cien pies y redondo y de una peña tajada
hasta el agua que es maravilla. Parece que tiene al agua muy verde, y
creo lo causan las arboledas de que esta cercado y es muy hondo. Tiene
en cima del junto a la boca un edificio pequeño donde halle yo idolos
hechos a honra de todos los edificios principales de la tierra, casi
como el Pantheon de Roma. No se si era esta invencion antigua o de los
modernos para toparse con sus idolos quando fuessen con ofrendas a
aquel poço. Halle yo leones labrados de bulto y jarros y otras cosas
que no se como nadie dira no tuvieron herramiento esta gente. Tambien
halle dos hombres de grandes estaturas labrados de piedra, cado uno de
una pieça en carnes cubierta su honestidad como se cubrian los indios.
Tenian las cabeças por si, y con zarcillos en las orejas como lo
usavan los indios, y hecha una espiga por detras en el pescueço que
encaxava en un agujero hondo para ello hecho en el mesmo pescueço y
encaxado quedava el bulto cumplido.' _Relacion_, pp. 342-6.

[1151] 'Vieron algunos adoratorios, y templos, y vno en particular,
cuya forma era de vna torre quadrada, ancha del pie, y hueca en lo
alto con quatro grandes ventanas, con sus corredores, y en lo hueco,
que era la Capilla, estauan Idolos, y a las espaldas estaua vna
sacristia, adonde se guardauan las cosas del seruicio del templo: y al
pie deste estaua vn cercado de piedra, y cal, almenado y enluzido, y
en medio vna Cruz de cal, de tres varas en alto, a la qual tenian por
el Dios de la lluuia.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii.,
cap. i. 'Junto à vn templo, como torre quadrada, donde tenian vn Idolo
muy celebrado, al pie de ella auia vn cercado de piedra, y cal muy
bien luzido, y almenado, en medio del qual auia vna Cruz de cal tan
alta, como diez palmos,' to which they prayed for rain. _Cogolludo_,
_Hist. Yuc._, p. 200. It is doubtless the same structure of which
Gomara writes: 'El templo es como torre quadrada, ancha del pie, y con
gradas al derredor, derecha de medio arriba, y en lo alto hueca, y
cubierta de paja, con quatro puertas o ventanas con sus antepechos, o
corredores. En aquello hueco, que parece capilla, assientan o pintan
sus dioses.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 23.

[1152] The pyramids are of different size: 'aunque todos de vna forma.
Son al modo de los que de la Nueua España refiere el Padre Torquemada
en su Monarquia Indiana: leuantado del suelo vn terrapleno fundamento
del edificio, y sobre èl vàn ascendiendo gradas en figuras piramidal,
aunque no remata en ella, porque en lo superior haze vna placeta, en
cuyo suelo estàn separada (aunque distantes poco) dos Capillas
pequeñas en que estaban los Idolos (esto es en lo de Vxumual) y alli
se hazian los sacrificios, assi de hombres, mugeres, y niños, como de
las demàs cosas. Tienen algunos de ellos altura de mas de cien gradas
de poco mas de medio pie de ancho cada vno.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist.
Yuc._, p. 193. Landa describes a pyramidal structure which differs
from others: 'Ay aqui en Yzamal un edificio entre los otros de tanta
altura que espanta, el qual se vera en esta figura y en esta razon
della. Tiene XX gradas de a mas de dos buenos palmos de alto y ancho
cada un y terna, mas de cien pies de largo. Son estas gradas de muy
grandes piedras labradas aunque con el mucho tiempo, y estar al agua,
estan ya feas y maltratadas. Tiene despues labrado en torno como
señala esta raya, redonda labrado de canteria una muy fuerte pared a
la qual como estado y medio en alto sale una ceja de hermosas piedras
todo a la redonda y desde ellas se torna despues a seguir la obra
hasta ygualar con el altura de la plaça que se haze despues de la
primera escalera. Despues de la qual plaça se haze otra buena placeta,
y en ella algo pegado a la pared esta hecho un cerro bien alto con su
escalera al medio dia, donde caen las escaleras grandes y encima esta
una hermosa capilla de canteria bien labrada. Yo subi en lo alto desta
capilla y como Yucatan es tierra llana se vee desde ella tierra quanto
puede la vista alcançar a maravilla y se vee la mar. Estos edificios
de Yzamal eran por todos XI o XII, aunque es este el mayor y estan muy
cerca unos de otros. No oy memoria de los fundadores, y parecen aver
sido los primeros. Estan VIII leguas de la mar en muy hermoso sitio, y
buena tierra y comarca de gente.' _Relacion_, pp. 328-30.

[1153] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 37; _Peter Martyr_, dec.
vi., lib. v.

[1154] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 448.

[1155] _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 552. See also _Villagutierre_,
_Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 402.

[1156] 'Y en estas partes é Indias pocos chripstianos, é muy pocos
digo, son los que han escapado deste trabajoso mat (buboes) que hayan
tenido partiçipaçion carnal con las mugeres naturales desta generaçion
de indias; porque á la verdad es propria plaga desta tierra, é tan
usada á los indios é indias como en otras partes otras comunes
enfermedades.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 365.

[1157] 'Comiença el inuierno de aquella tierra desde san Francisco,
quando entran los Nortes, ayre frio, y que destiempla mucho a los
naturales: y por estar hechos al calor, y traer poca ropa, les dan
rezios catarros, y calenturas.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv.,
lib. iii., cap. iv.

[1158] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 60-2.

[1159] Ay infinitos generos de cortezas, rayzes, y hojas de arboles, y
gomas, para muchas enfermedades, con que los Indios curauan en su
gentilidad, con soplos, y otras inuenciones del demonio.' _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiv.; _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 234.

[1160] 'Curan viejas los enfermos ... y echan melezinas con vn cañuto,
tomando la decoccion en la boca, y soplando. Los nuestros les hazian
mil burlas, desuenteando al tiempo, que querian ellas soplar, o riendo
del artificio.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 264; _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.

[1161] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 365.

[1162] 'Ay en esta terra mucha diuersidad de yeruas medicinales, con
que se curan los naturales: y matan los gusanos, y con que restriñen
la sangre, como es el Piciete, por otro nombre Tabaco, que quita
dolores causados de frio, y tomado en humo es prouechoso para las
reumas, asma, y tos; y lo traen en poluo en la boca los Indios, y los
negros, para adormecer, y no sentir el trabajo.' _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. iii., lib. vii., cap. iii.

[1163] 'Hazen en el (Atiquizaya) vna massa de gusanos hediondos y
ponçoñosos, que es marauillosa medicina para todo genero de
frialdades, y otras indisposiciones.' _Id._, dec. iv., lib. viii.,
cap. x.

[1164] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 383-5.

[1165] 'Curauan los heridos con poluos de yeruas, o carbon que
lleuauan para esto.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv.,
cap. vii.

[1166] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 321.

[1167] _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. viii., p.
234; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 191-2; _Cogolludo_, _Hist.
Yuc._, p. 184.

[1168] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 160.

[1169] 'Otro altar y templo sobre otro cuyo levantaron estos indios en
su gentilidad á aquel su rey ó falso Dios _Ytzmat-ul_, donde pusieron
la figura de la mano, que les servia de memoria, y dizen que alli le
llevavan los muertos y enfermos, y que alli resucitavan y sanavan,
tocandolos la mano; y este era el que está en la parte del puniente; y
assi se llama y nombra Kab-ul que quiere dezir mano obradora.'
_Lizana_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 358.

[1170] _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 191-2, 209-10.

[1171] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 183-4.

[1172] _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. viii., p.
144; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 55; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._,
fol. 264; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 184.

[1173] _Ib._

[1174] In Campeche the priests 'lleuauan braserillos de barro en que
echauan anime, que entre ellos dizen Copal, y sahumauan a los
Castellanos, diziendoles que se fuessen de su tierra, porque los
matarian.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii.

[1175] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 183.

[1176] Cogolludo says that a calabash filled with _atole_, some large
cakes, and some maize bran, were deposited in the grave. The first,
for the soul to drink on its journey; the second, for the dogs which
the deceased had eaten during his life, that they might not bite him
in the other world; and the last to conciliate the other animals that
he had eaten. _Hist. Yuc._, p. 700.

[1177] Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 574,
says that the body was embalmed; but Ximenez, from whom his account is
evidently taken, is silent on this point.

[1178] Ximenez, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 210, et seq., affirms that
wealthy people, when they began growing old, set about collecting a
vast number of clothes and ornaments in which to be buried.

[1179] Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 575,
says that the body was deposited in the grave seated upon a throne.

[1180] _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 210-14; _Palacio_, _Carta_,
p. 119; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 699-700.

[1181] Unless a great number of people were living in it, when they
seem to have gathered courage from each other's company, and to have
remained.

[1182] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 196; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv.,
lib. x., cap. iv.

[1183] _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Cong. Itza_, p. 313.

[1184] _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 119; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv.,
p. 48.

[1185] _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 78; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. ii., p. 556.

[1186] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 196-8; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec.
iv., lib. x., cap. iv.

[1187] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 48-9. In the island of
Ometepec the ancient graves are not surrounded by isolated stones like
the calputs of the modern Indians, but are found scattered irregularly
over the plain at a depth of three feet. Urns of burnt clay are found
in these graves, filled with earth and displaced bones; and vases of
the same material, covered with red paintings and hieroglyphics, stone
points of arrows, small idols, and gold ornaments. _Sivers_,
_Mittelamerika_, pp. 128-9.

[1188] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 196; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv.,
lib. x., cap. iv.; Id. lib. viii., cap. x.; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind.
Guat._, p. 214; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 313;
_Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 76-8.

[1189] _Peter Martyr_, dec. vi., lib. v.

[1190] _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., p.
414; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec.
iv., lib. x., cap. iii.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 111;
_Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 23; _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i.,
p. 170; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 700; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp.
112-14; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 402; _De Laet_, _Novus
Orbis_, p. 329.

[1191] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 100, 122, 188-90; _Villagutierre_,
_Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 312, 516; _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i.,
p. 203; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.;
_Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 180, 187-8; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ynd._,
fol. 62; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp.
147-8.

[1192] _Gomara_, _Hist. Ynd._, fol. 268; _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._,
tom. i., p. 148; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 33; _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlvi.

[1193] _Crónica Seráfica_, pp. 25-6.

[1194] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec.
iv., lib. iii., cap. ii.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 39.

END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.

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