Capturing a Locomotive - A History of Secret Service in the Late War.

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Title: Capturing a Locomotive - A History of Secret Service in the Late War.
Author: Pittenger, William, 1840-1904
Language: English
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CAPTURING A LOCOMOTIVE

[Illustration: A RAILROAD CHASE.
_Frontispiece._]

CAPTURING A LOCOMOTIVE:

A HISTORY
OF
SECRET SERVICE
IN THE LATE WAR.

BY
REV. WILLIAM PITTENGER.

"Storm'd at with shot and shell,
Boldly they rode and well;
Into the jaws of death,
Into the mouth of hell,
Rode the six hundred.

* * * * *

"They that had fought so well
Came through the jaws of death
Back from the mouth of hell,
All that was left of them--
Left of six hundred."
TENNYSON'S _Charge of the Light Brigade_.

WASHINGTON:
THE NATIONAL TRIBUNE.
1885.

TO
THE SURVIVING COMRADES
OF THE
CHATTANOOGA RAILROAD EXPEDITION,
AND TO
THE FAMILIES OF THOSE WHO PERISHED IN THE
SAME ADVENTURE,

=This Record of their Daring and Suffering=

IS MOST RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED.

NAMES OF THE ADVENTURERS.

EXECUTED.

J. J. ANDREWS, _Leader_ Citizen of Kentucky.
WILLIAM CAMPBELL Citizen of Kentucky.
GEORGE D. WILSON Co. B, Second Reg't Ohio Vols.
MARION A. ROSS Co. A, Second Reg't Ohio Vols.
PERRY G. SHADRACK Co. K, Second Reg't Ohio Vols.
SAMUEL SLAVENS Thirty-third Reg't Ohio Vols.
SAMUEL ROBINSON Co. G, Thirty-third Reg't Ohio Vols.
JOHN SCOTT Co. K, Twenty-first Reg't Ohio Vols.

ESCAPED IN OCTOBER.

W. W. BROWN[1] (_Engineer_) Co. F, Twenty-first Reg't Ohio Vols.
WILLIAM KNIGHT[2] Co. E, Twenty-first Reg't Ohio Vols.
J. R. PORTER[3] Co. C, Twenty-first Reg't Ohio Vols.
MARK WOOD[4] Co. C, Twenty-first Reg't Ohio Vols.
J. A. WILSON[5] Co. C, Twenty-first Reg't Ohio Vols.
M. J. HAWKINS[6] Co. A, Thirty-third Reg't Ohio Vols.
JOHN WOLLAM[7] Co. C, Thirty-third Reg't Ohio Vols.
D. A. DORSEY[8] Co. H, Thirty-third Reg't Ohio Vols.

EXCHANGED IN MARCH.

JACOB PARROT[9] Co. K, Thirty-third Reg't Ohio Vols.
ROBERT BUFFUM[10] Co. H, Twenty-first Reg't Ohio Vols.
WILLIAM BENSINGER[11] Co. G, Twenty-first Reg't Ohio Vols.
WILLIAM REDDICK[12] Co. B, Thirty-third Reg't Ohio Vols.
E. H. MASON[13] Co. K, Twenty-first Reg't Ohio Vols.
WILLIAM PITTENGER[14] Co. G, Second Reg't Ohio Vols.

RESIDENCES IN 1881.

[1] Perrysburg, Ohio.
[2] Minnesota.
[3] Carlisle, Arkansas.
[4] Dead.
[5] Hoskins, Wood County, Ohio.
[6] Topeka, Kansas.
[7] Unknown.
[8] Jefferson, Wisconsin.
[9] Kenton, Ohio.
[10] Dead.
[11] McCombs, Hancock County, Ohio.
[12] Unknown.
[13] Unknown.
[14] Woodbury, N. J. A member of the New Jersey Conference
of the Methodist Episcopal Church.

PREFACE.

War has a secret as well as a public story. Marches and battles are open
to the popular gaze; but enterprises of another class are in their very
nature secret, and these are scarcely less important and often much more
interesting than the former. The work of spies and scouts, the
enterprises that reach beyond the lines of an army for the purpose of
surprise, the councils of officers, the intrigues by means of which
great results often flow from apparently insignificant causes, and all
the experiences of hospitals and prisons,--these usually fill but a
small place on the historian's page, though they are often of romantic
interest, and not unfrequently decide the course and fate of armies. The
enterprise described in these pages possesses all the unity of a drama,
from the first plunge of the actors into the heart of the enemy's
country, through all their adventures and changing fortunes, until the
few survivors stood once more under the old flag! No single story of the
war combines so many of the hidden, underground elements of the contest
against rebellion as this. Disguise and secrecy, the perils of a forlorn
hope, the exultation of almost miraculous success, the sufferings of
prisoners, and the gloom of despair are all mingled in a varied and
instructive war-picture.

In telling the story all fictitious embellishments have been rejected.
No pains have been spared to ascertain the exact truth, and the reader
will find names, dates, and localities so fully given that it will be
easy to verify the prominent features of the account.

In narrating those events which fell under his own eye, the writer has
waived all scruples of delicacy, and used the first personal pronoun.
This is far more simple and direct, while an opposite course would have
savored of affectation.

This is not a revision or new edition of the little volume published by
the present writer during the rebellion. DARING AND SUFFERING, like a
number of similar sketches published in newspapers, magazines, and
pamphlets, was a hasty narrative of personal adventure, and made no
pretence of completeness. CAPTURING A LOCOMOTIVE is broader and more
historic; a large amount of valuable material is now employed for the
first time; and the story is approached in an entirely different manner.
No paragraph of the old book is copied into the new.

WOODBURY, NEW JERSEY January, 1882.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER PAGE
I.--A SECRET MILITARY EXPEDITION 9
II.--MIDNIGHT CONSULTATION 27
III.--COMPANIONS AND INCIDENTS 36
IV.--A LOCOMOTIVE AND TRAIN CAPTURED 65
V.--UNFORESEEN HINDRANCES 75
VI.--A TERRIBLE RAILROAD CHASE 93
VII.--A NIGHT IN THE WOODS 120
VIII.--IN THE ENEMY'S POWER 136
IX.--OTHER CAPTURES 153
X.--A HORRIBLE PRISON 170
XI.--LIGHTS AND SHADOWS OF PRISON 182
XII.--THE FIRST TRAGEDY 197
XIII.--A CONFEDERATE COURT-MARTIAL 205
XIV.--THE CROWNING HORROR 221
XV.--PRISON RELIGION 228
XVI.--LIBERTY OR DEATH? 244
XVII.--ROMANTIC ESCAPES 262
XVIII.--FROM ATLANTA TO THE GULF 274
XIX.--FROM ATLANTA TO RICHMOND 293
XX.--LIBBY AND CASTLE THUNDER 308
XXI.--SICKNESS AND LIBERTY 326

APPENDIX:
No. I.--EXTRACTS FROM THE REPORT OF JUDGE-ADVOCATE-GENERAL
HOLT TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR 341
No. II.--A SOUTHERN ESTIMATE 345
No. III.--A FRENCHMAN'S VIEW OF THE CHATTANOOGA
RAILROAD EXPEDITION 350
No. IV.--OLD SCENES REVISITED 352

ILLUSTRATIONS.

PAGE
1. The Chase _Frontispiece._
2. GENERAL O. M. MITCHEL 11
3. MIDNIGHT CONSULTATION 32
4. WILLIAM PITTENGER 42
5. MAP OF CHATTANOOGA AND ITS RAILROAD CONNECTIONS 58
6. CAPTURE OF A TRAIN 71
7. WILLIAM A. FULLER 87
8. D. A. DORSEY 156
9. A TERRIBLE DESCENT 172
10. LIBERTY OR DEATH! 255
11. W. W. BROWN 264
12. DORSEY AND HAWKINS IN THE CUMBERLAND MOUNTAINS 272
13. SAVED AT SEA 290

CAPTURING A LOCOMOTIVE.

CHAPTER I.

A SECRET MILITARY EXPEDITION.

As the writer looked up from the manuscript page on a warm March
afternoon of 1862, a very busy, and occasionally an amusing scene was
presented. I was seated on a gentle, wooded slope which led down to the
clear and quiet stream of Stone River, in Tennessee. Not being at that
time "on duty," I had strolled away from the tents which whitened the
level fields above, and was passing an hour in the pleasant task of
preparing "war correspondence" for the _Steubenville Herald_. Now and
then I lifted my eyes to watch the work in progress a few yards farther
down the stream. A large bridge, burned by the enemy on their retreat a
few weeks before, was now being rapidly repaired, or rather rebuilt. The
chief director of the work was General O. M. Mitchel, of astronomical
fame, in whose division I then served. He was in every respect an able
officer, and understood the construction of railroad bridges as well as
observing the stars, or moulding raw recruits into veteran soldiers. But
all his skill and science did not save him from becoming a little
ridiculous at times. The Union soldier found no difficulty in loving his
commander and laughing at him at the same instant. General Mitchel was
now most impatient to complete this bridge, and thus maintain a
northern line of communication, while he penetrated farther into the
South. Being now, for the first time, possessed of an independent
command, he wished to signalize himself by some great blow struck at the
most vulnerable point in the enemy's line. He could, therefore, scarcely
endure the necessary delay caused by burnt bridges, and worked like a
beaver, and chafed and fretted, and caused the men of his command to
perform more hard labor than was agreeable. As I saw him running from
place to place, urging on the idlers, and taking hold of any piece of
work that presented itself as if he had been a common laborer, shouting
and scolding, but always knowing just what ought to be done, and making
surprising progress, I could not help admiring the man, even while I
laughed at some exhibitions of superfluous zeal. Mitchel's scientific
education, his practical experience, and his inventive genius stood him
in good stead, as was proved by the rapid growth of the bridge before
me. The soldiers almost idolized their skilful and zealous commander,
but this did not deprive them of the soldier's privilege of grumbling
without stint at his restless activity. He was to be found along the
guard lines at almost any hour of the night, and woe to the sleepy
sentinel who failed to give the proper challenge or to "turn out"
promptly. No severe punishments had yet been inflicted, but some of the
indolent had been terribly frightened, and were accustomed to declare
that "Old Mitchel" had been watching the stars so long that he could not
sleep at night himself, and was not willing that anybody else should!
But the discipline of the troops steadily improved, and the hearty
commendation of their commander, who knew how to praise as well as
blame, made amends for seeming harshness.

[Illustration: GENERAL O. M. MITCHELL.
(From Harper's Magazine.)
Page 11.]

As I watched the working-parties, my attention was attracted to one
strong-looking soldier who was obviously shirking. Before many minutes
General Mitchel saw him too. The man pretended to lift and work,
while really doing nothing, and thus became a great hindrance, for his
example was contagious. Stealthily the general stole towards him, and
when I saw him take a piece of rotten wood in his hand I looked for a
scene. It came. He dealt the idler a sudden blow that covered him all
over with rotten wood, and nearly took him from his feet, but did him no
real injury. The fellow turned furiously to avenge himself on his
assailant, but stood abashed when he saw the face of his commander, and
heard the exclamation, "Go to work, you lazy rascal!" The spectators
enjoyed the man's look of blank amazement greatly, and the work went
forward more promptly than ever. But in a few moments the tables were
turned. Large framed masses of timber were first floated near the
position they were to occupy in the bridge, at the end of the
trestle-work, and then, with ropes and pulleys, were slowly and
painfully hoisted into place. One of these was approaching the
perpendicular, and the general, in his eagerness, ran to the end of a
log, which extended over the water, and began to encourage the laborers
by loud cries of, "Heave, O! heave, O!" as they pulled at the ropes.
Another party of workmen passed by the shore end of the log on which
Mitchel stood, carrying a load of timber. Just as they reached the
log,--the lazy man among them, now lifting as much as any other,--I
could not see just how it was done, but probably by a quick motion of
the foot, the general's log was turned so suddenly that he had no choice
but to plunge in the water. I expected a fearful explosion of
indignation, and perhaps the summoning of a guard to arrest the
offender, but was greatly surprised to see Mitchel, as soon as the
splash enabled me to see at all, stand up in the water, which was not
more than two feet deep, and without even turning towards the shore,
continue calling, "Heave, O! heave, O!" as vigorously as ever. There was
some laughing, but the soldiers had great respect for such coolness and
presence of mind. The general made no effort to discover the author of
his sudden immersion, though he must have known that it was not
accidental. "'Old Stars' can take a joke," was the approving remark of a
soldier close to my side.

I had just finished reading to a friend the newspaper article I had been
writing, when Captain Mitchel, a distant relative of the general's, and
commander of one of the companies in the Second Ohio Regiment,--the
regiment in which I served,--came and sat down by me, and asked what
news I had been writing to the papers. This was always a matter of great
interest to the officers and soldiers of our volunteer armies, for the
public letter served to give the families at home a great deal of news,
and thus to fill out the accounts conveyed by private letters. I read
the sketch over to him, and it suggested a general conversation on the
prospects of the war. These we regarded as eminently favorable.
McClellan was about to move towards Richmond with an overwhelming force,
and we expected him to easily capture the rebel capital. Buell, who had
been with us in our march through Kentucky, had gone Southwest to join
Grant. That they would, when united, be able to drive the enemy far down
the Mississippi, even if they did not open that river to the Gulf,
seemed equally sure. But where were we going, that we, with only ten
thousand men and an adventurous general, were being hurried Southeast?
There was no enemy in our front now, but we could not continue to march
in that direction very long without finding foes enough. We were
striking directly between the great armies of the Rebellion, and, if we
went on far enough, would totally sever their connection. At this point
in the conversation Mitchel exhibited some constraint, as if afraid of
saying too much. I declared my own opinion, which I shared with the
greater part of the army, that we were bound for Chattanooga, and
possibly for Atlanta, but that the rebels would be sure to run in heavy
bodies of troops by rail, and give us all the fighting we wanted before
reaching even the former place.

"Possibly they may," said Mitchel; "but there are ways of looking out
for that."

"How?" I asked, with interest, for I knew that he was usually well
informed and very intelligent.

He smiled, and said that "I might find out some time."

His manner, much more than his words, piqued my curiosity. Besides,
there was another matter I had resolved to question him about at the
first opportunity. A few days before several of the best soldiers of our
regiment had suddenly disappeared. Four of the missing men were from the
company to which I belonged, and two others from Mitchel's company. They
had been seen in close and apparently confidential conversation with the
regimental officers, and then, without any leave-taking, were gone! No
one of the private soldiers could tell anything about their destination.
In a moment the hints of Mitchel connected themselves, in my mind, with
the absence of these men. Had not some secret enterprise been set on
foot in which they were engaged? If there was any such scheme, I would
like to find it out, and, if still possible, take a part in it. In
addition to this motive for curiosity, one of the absent men was a young
cousin of mine, in whose welfare I was deeply interested.

"Mitchel," I said, turning sharply on him, "I understand that Frank
Mills and those other men have been sent into the enemy's lines to
perform some important and dangerous service. I want you to tell me all
about it."

As soon as I uttered the words I knew I was right. Mitchel was silent
for a moment, and then asked who had told me so much.

"No matter about that," I returned. "You can trust me fully. Tell me
what you know."

"I will," he answered, "for I am anxious about the boys myself, and
want to talk the matter over with some friend. I am not sure that we did
right in letting them go."

Rising, we strolled up the stream until we reached a solitary place far
away from the bridge and the noisy workmen. Then getting a seat on a
large rock, I listened to Captain Mitchel's story. This conversation is
one of the most important epochs of my life. So strange and romantic
were the particulars to which I listened, that it was difficult at first
to give them perfect credence.

Said Mitchel, "Do you remember a Mr. Andrews, a Kentuckian, who was
about our camp last fall?"

At first I did not, but a moment after, I recollected seeing a
fine-looking, well-dressed man standing on the street-corner in the town
of Prestonburg, up in the mountains of Eastern Kentucky. He held
carelessly on his arm a beautiful Winchester rifle, which I, in common
with many others, had examined with great admiration. I therefore
answered Mitchel's question in the affirmative, though I thought he was
beginning rather far away from the subject in hand. He continued,--

"Some of you maintained that he was a rebel citizen, and possibly a spy,
who was only pretending to be a unionist because our army was at hand."

I said that such had been my own opinion when I first saw him, for he
was the very ideal of a magnificent Southern gentleman, but that I had
afterwards learned that though he was a spy and secret agent, it was on
the Union side, and that he was high in the confidence of our officers,
adding that I had seen the same man in our camp again, but had not
spoken to him after the first occasion.

"Well," continued Mitchel, "he was, and is, a spy, and has been of great
service to us. But I sometimes fear that we may have trusted him a
little too far. Our boys are now in Georgia with him."

I sprang up from my seat. This was startling news. It had, indeed, been
asserted by the camp-fires--where all events are discussed, and where
conjectures too often pass for facts--that the missing men had turned
spies, but I had scouted the idea. I thought that at most they might
have been sent on ahead of us a short distance, to seize some important
post in connection with similar details from other regiments, and
supported by cavalry. But we were a hundred and fifty miles from the
nearest point of the Georgian State line.

I looked at my companion in astonishment, and exclaimed, "What on earth
are they doing in Georgia?"

"Andrews has taken them there," he said, "disguised as Southern
citizens, with the intention of capturing a railroad train. He has also
engaged a Southern man, who is an engineer on the same railroad, to run
their locomotive, and when they get their train they will start for our
line and burn every bridge they pass over. They will cut all the
telegraph wires, and thus leave the enemy in helpless rage behind them."

My imagination took fire at the picture his few words had sketched. A
train surprised by a handful of bold men in the heart of the enemy's
territory; the passengers and train hands forced to get out under threat
of instant death, and possibly a desperate fight before this was
accomplished; then the wires cut, so that no lightning message could be
flashed ahead; the secret confederate--whom there might be a show of
compelling by force to mount the engine--set to his work; the train
rushing on its way through a hostile country, past the towns and camps
of the enemy, but rendered secure by the two elements of surprise and
speed; the great bridges (like those at Green and Stone Rivers and other
places, which had cost us weary delays and hard work in repairing),--all
these bursting into flames as they were passed, and possibly other
damage done before the daring adventurers returned in triumph to our own
lines. I knew enough of war to understand, at a glance, the great
military importance of thus severing railroad communications, for had I
not seen our whole division brought to a halt, and General Mitchel
rendered almost furious with impatience over a single burnt bridge?
Besides, it required no particular insight to reveal the immense moral
effect upon an enemy of such a bold stroke far in the centre of his
territory. It would tend to diffuse distrust and fear through all the
rebel armies if they were thus made to feel that no place in their whole
country was safe from the presence and the blows of a daring adversary.

"Well, what do you think of it?" said Mitchel, as he saw my
preoccupation.

"Why, it is the grandest thing I ever heard of!" was my enthusiastic
reply. "I wish I was with them. But do you think that spy can be
trusted? Spies are all the time betraying the confidence of one party or
the other, and if he should be false to us, he has the lives of our boys
in his hands. I have heard that he has been over the lines several
times, and if he has been a secret rebel all the while, it would be a
nice stroke of business for him to lead down a party of our best men and
deliver them to the rebels."

"I have no fear of the fidelity of Andrews," said Mitchel. "He has been
too well proved. But I am not so sure that he will be able to carry
through all that he has undertaken, or that our boys can preserve their
disguise until they reach the right point and are ready for the blow. If
they should be detected while pretending to be rebels, it is not at all
unlikely that they will be treated as spies and hung up. I wish they
were back in camp again. But if they get through all right and burn the
bridges, we will make for Chattanooga as fast as our legs can carry us.
This is one of the reasons that makes the general so anxious to have
that bridge done. If we should hear to-morrow, as we may at any moment,
that those Southern bridges are smashed, it would be a race for
Chattanooga with all the odds in our favor. But you must not breathe a
word of this to one of the soldiers, or especially write of it to the
papers, or to any of the relatives of the poor fellows, till they are
back with us,--if they ever come back! Give me your candid opinion, was
it right to let them take such a risk?"

Without the slightest hesitation I declared that it was right, giving
the reasons that seemed most weighty. War is full of risks. In an
obscure skirmish, or by a chance shot from the picket-line, the most
valuable life may be put out. Now, if by a little additional risk a few
men can do the work of thousands,--the work that if done in the ordinary
mode would certainly cost a score times as many lives as are
imperilled,--the risk is worth taking. Of course, it would not be right
to send men on such an enterprise without their consent, but in the
Union army it was never necessary to force men into any dangerous
enterprise. Volunteers were always plenty enough.

I asked, further, how many men were engaged, and learned with additional
astonishment that the detachment from our own regiment--only eight
men--was all. This force seemed totally inadequate to the greatness of
the work, but I understood that the risk of detection would multiply
with the increase of numbers. The very smallest number that could serve
was, therefore, selected. If they succeeded, few were better than many.

After a long conversation, Mitchel and I returned to the working-party
down the river. The burnt remnants of the old railroad bridge and the
rapidly rising timbers of the new had now a deeper interest than ever.
The completion of this bridge and the burning of some others far in the
South were the two events for which that whole division, whose tents
dotted the meadows behind us, was unconsciously waiting. My head was
full of conjectures and plans as I walked back through the twilight to
join my messmates in the tent. I could talk to no one of what I had
heard, but as I lay awake that night a most important resolution took
shape. I was weary of the slow movement of the army, and of the monotony
of a private soldier's service. While trying carefully to do all my
duty, and winning a fair degree of approval from my officers, I yet had
no taste for military affairs. If by a little extra hazard I could do
more for the country, while getting rid of distasteful routine and
entering into a new sphere of work, I was more than willing to accept
all the hazard involved. It was too late to take part in the present
attempt, but I resolved to be prepared for any opportunity of the kind
that might again offer.

Accordingly, in the forenoon of the next day I went up to regimental
headquarters and told Colonel L. A. Harris, of the Second Ohio, that I
had a favor to ask of him. Major (since General) Anson G. McCook, in
whose company I had served during the first three months of the war, was
also present. I told them I had ascertained that some of our men had
been sent out on secret service lately, and that if any similar details
should be made in the future, I wanted the opportunity of being
included. Major McCook, while saying some kind things about me,
intimated a doubt whether my defective vision--I was very
near-sighted--might not be a hindrance on any perilous service. Colonel
Harris, however, took a different view of the matter, saying he thought
that if I dressed in citizen's clothes, and wore my spectacles (as I was
accustomed to do even in the ranks), no person in the South would
suspect me of being a soldier, and I was thus only the better fitted for
any secret service. McCook did not press his objection, and after
learning the reason for my request and trying in vain to find the source
of my information, Colonel Harris said,--

"Pittenger, I don't know that we will ever send any more men out of camp
in this manner, but I will give my promise that if we do, you shall be
the first man called upon."

This was perfectly satisfactory. I returned to my duty, and in the
routine of camp-life waited for several days in impatient anxiety. I
dreamed at night of burning bridges and startling adventures. Duty on
picket and in the camp lines, however, with other excitements, began to
weaken the impression, as day after day rolled by with no recurrence of
the subject. But one day it was told me by a friend that one of the
missing men, a member of Company C, was back again in his usual place in
line. For some time attempts to get him to say where he had been, and
whether alone or in company, were in vain. He would speak no word by
which any one could divine the nature of his errand while away from us,
or the degree of success he had met with. I was much disquieted by his
return alone, but having no special acquaintance, I did not like to try
to get any information directly from him. But I soon learned that he had
gone as far as Chattanooga and had turned back,--some of his comrades
afterwards thought because he became so sensible of the difficulties of
his attempt that he resolved to go no further in it,--a determination
which he had a perfect right to make, and which in no way impugned his
character as a soldier. His own explanation, afterwards given, which I
saw no reason to doubt, was more dramatic. He said that he had gone in
disguise as far as Chattanooga, but had there been recognized by a rebel
soldier, who was an old acquaintance, and who knew that he belonged to
the Union army. This man heard him telling his false story in a public
place without contradicting him, but as soon as he could do so
unobserved, drew him aside and declared that he remembered him, and knew
he was down there disguised for some bad purpose; but that if he would
pledge himself to return immediately to the Union lines, he would, for
the sake of their former friendship, refrain from denouncing him,
otherwise his own sense of duty would require him to report all he knew
to the commander of the post. Under such circumstances our comrade
judged it most prudent to give and keep the pledge required.

At length the bridge over Stone River was completed, and there was great
rejoicing as the first train, laden with army supplies, passed over it
from Nashville. Next morning the order was given to the whole division
to prepare three days' rations. This was invariably the signal for a
decided movement. Our lost comrades were still away, and no word had
reached the rank and file of the army of any unusual occurrence
southward. The uneasiness of General Mitchel and the regimental officers
of the Second Ohio, and especially of Captain Sarratt, who commanded the
company to which I belonged, and my friend, Captain Mitchel, was
apparent to any careful observer.

Just before the march began, while we were standing in line early the
next morning, with the camp all broken up, our knapsacks swung, and our
haversacks filled with rations, waiting only for the word "forward,"
Captain Mitchel came over to me and uttered a sentence, in a half
whisper, that went through me like an electric shock. His message was
simply this: "Mills is back, and has gone up to headquarters to report."
While standing in my place in the ranks I could give no answer, nor
could I ask any question, but my mind was full of surmises. Had the
adventurers succeeded, and were we now on our way to do our part in the
great plan,--to strike swift and far into the South, while the enemy's
communications were broken? That would involve hard fighting and
stirring scenes not far ahead. Had they failed? If so, there would
probably be other attempts,--that is, if the secret had been kept,--and
then I would have a part in the risk and the adventure. At any rate, I
was exceeding glad of Mills's return, and I knew that I would find out
all about it as soon as I could get to talk with him alone. As Company
K--Mitchel's--was next my own in the line, that opportunity, even on the
march, would not be long delayed.

Soon the command to march was given, and the column moved southward
towards Shelbyville, about twenty-five miles distant. Before noon I
dropped out of my place, sought and found Mills, and as we plodded
along, in the loose order allowed on long marches, we had no difficulty
in remaining together, and yet far enough from other soldiers to talk in
perfect security. The whole history of my relative's adventures was
fully laid open before me. I found that all Mitchel had narrated was
perfectly accurate, but the enormous obstacles to be encountered by such
an expedition were now brought much more plainly into view. Mills said
that he and his companions had first of all exchanged their uniforms for
citizen's clothes, and made provision for the safety of their arms and
personal effects in the camp. Then, under the direction of Andrews, they
had scattered in the mountains, to the eastward of our camp,
representing themselves as refugees from the oppressions of the Union
troops in Kentucky, and had journeyed thus to Chattanooga. That town had
been reached in about four days. My friend pictured in lively colors the
manner in which he had been compelled to verbally abuse the Union cause,
and join in praise of the leaders and principles of Secession. The squad
to which he belonged had no particular difficulty in passing themselves
as good rebels. The man who first returned had been less fortunate. At
Chattanooga they took passage on the cars for Atlanta, and in due time
reached that place, where they scattered themselves among the several
hotels and lived plentifully (they had an abundant supply of money) for
three days longer. Each hour Andrews anticipated the arrival of that
Confederate engineer of whom Mitchel had spoken to me. But he did not
come. All possible inquiries were guardedly made concerning him, for it
was not safe to appear too inquisitive.

"How did you feel while thus waiting in suspense?" I asked.

"I felt as if I wanted to be back in camp, and had no business to be in
that town any longer," replied Frank. "To hear the curses and threats
made against everything that belonged to the Union, and to be obliged to
keep perfectly quiet, or to agree with them, was more than I could
easily endure. And the folks about the hotel were more anxious every day
to know who I was, and I had to tell them lies without number. I
resolved not to stand it much longer."

"Were you really afraid of being found out, Frank?" I queried. "Did you
consider yourself in much danger?"

With great emphasis he answered, "No money could hire me to put myself
in such a position again. I would have run away if we had been obliged
to stay much longer."

This man was as brave as any human being. I had seen him perfectly cool
and serene under circumstances of great danger, when every one else in
the company betrayed some sign of fear. I did not suspect him of
exaggerating the perils of the situation in which he was placed, and,
having a deep personal interest in the matter, I put the question
bluntly,--

"If men should be wanted to try this thing again, would you not go?"

"Never!" was the unequivocal response. "If Andrews and Mitchel want
bridges burned, they can go themselves and burn them! I will do my duty
as a soldier, but as to going out among those----"

The terms applied, and the energy given to the accompanying description
of the horror of being alone among blood-thirsty enemies, feeling that,
sleeping or waking, a rope was around one's neck, just ready to be
tightened on the utterance of a single careless word, it is not
necessary to transcribe here.

"But why did not that man come to help you? Did you find out anything
about him?"

"Andrews told us, on the third day after we had reached Atlanta, that he
had heard through some of the railway officials that the engineer had
been transferred to the Mobile and Ohio Railroad to help in running
troops to Corinth" (this was a short time before the battle of Shiloh).
"But my own opinion is that the man got scared and had himself
transferred there to get out of a bad scrape."

"But how did Andrews take this disappointment?"

"He was very much cast down. He asked each of us if we had ever been
engineers or firemen. But no one had ever occupied such a position. He
hated terribly to give up; but, as nothing more could be done, he at
last told us we might work our way back to camp."

"Where are the other boys?"

"I suppose they are on their way. It was harder getting back than going
down. Everybody seemed to think it natural for us to be going South; but
we had to make all kind of excuses for 'heading the wrong way,' as they
called it. We had to scatter to avoid observation, and travel part of
the way by night; and if some of them are not discovered and either put
into the rebel army or hung, I will be very glad."

"Do you think Andrews will now give up the job of burning those bridges,
or will he try again?"

"If he can get men to go, you may be sure he will keep at it until he
succeeds or dies. But I would never go again or advise any one else to
do so. Why, he said he would stay down several days after we left and
make a complete survey of the line, for the very purpose of trying over
again."

"What do you think of Andrews himself? Can he be trusted?"

"Yes; he's as true as steel, and very smart. But I am afraid he will
venture a little too far, both for himself and for those with him, one
of these days."

I have omitted the many striking incidents that Mills narrated to me in
the course of this conversation, which was more interesting to me than
any romance, because adventures very similar in their general character
to those he described will be fully narrated in another place.

I found my way back to my proper place in the regiment, feeling sure
that another attempt to destroy the Southern communications would be
made, in which I must engage if I did not positively "back out";
convinced, also, that it would involve hard labor, much peril, and, even
with these, great risk of failure.

The next day others of the Andrews party returned to us, and
corroborated the accounts given by Mills. The day following the
remainder arrived in safety. They were all glad to get back, and were
unanimous in declaring that they would not again venture disguised into
the enemy's country under any circumstances. They spoke very sparingly
about their experiences, for the officers had cautioned them to say but
little, in view of the possibility of a new venture of the same
character.

On Saturday evening, the 5th of April, we camped on the banks of Duck
River, in some pleasant meadows about a mile from the town of
Shelbyville. The next day was delightful. The spring of 1862 opened very
early, and now the meadows were verdant and the birds singing. The calm,
quiet, and beauty of that Sabbath, with the white tents dotting the
level fields, and the soldiers luxuriating in one day of rest after the
hard march, which had been rendered more fatiguing by the accompaniments
of rain and mud, form a very pleasant picture in memory. The next
Sabbath came to me under entirely different circumstances. I felt the
pressure of a vague melancholy resting upon me,--possibly it was only
that pensive feeling often inspired by a fresh, bright, and quiet day in
early spring; possibly the faint shadow of coming evil. I devoted the
greater part of the day to writing letters to friends and
newspapers,--the last I wrote for weary months. On this same day--though
we knew it not till afterwards--began the great battle of Shiloh, or
Pittsburg Landing, one hundred and fifty miles west of us.

On Monday Andrews himself returned to our lines, and asked, as I had
anticipated, for permission to renew his enterprise. He had spent
several days along the line of the Western and Atlantic Railroad,
learning the number of trains, their times of running, and everything
else likely to be useful. He had then started for camp, and being
provided with passes, so that he could take the most direct road,
besides being well mounted, he came in almost as soon as the private
soldiers who started much sooner.

But not one of the first party would return. They were tired of feeling,
as one of them expressed it, that their necks depended upon a lie. Like
Schiller's diver, they had plunged once into the abyss and returned in
safety; but, unlike that venturous youth, they would not make the second
and fatal trial.

The new expedition, as proposed by Andrews, differed in three
particulars from the first. He wanted a larger force,--twenty-four men
instead of eight. He had seen that it was possible to carry a
considerable number of men in disguise to the scene of action, and the
number now requested was none too large for the capture of a full
railway train or the overpowering of guards at important bridges. He
also wanted some engineers to be detailed, in order that no mishap might
leave them without the power of running their train. Five were secured,
thus leaving an ample margin, as it was believed, for the possibility of
capture on the way down, or of death by the enemy's bullets in the hour
of conflict. It thus became an enterprise completely fitted out in
Federal lines, without any reliance on help from the South. The third
point of difference was of more importance than a casual glance
revealed. The first expedition had an abundance of time. A week's delay,
even after the soldiers were in the enemy's country, would have involved
no risk, save that of discovery,--would, indeed, have been an advantage,
as it would allow less time for the repair of damages done to the
Southern railroads before Mitchel's arrival at Chattanooga. But now it
was different. The whole division was ready to advance, its course being
clearly indicated to the enemy, and moments became precious. By making
the utmost speed it was still possible to have the bridges burned at the
right time, but every hour's delay would render the work more difficult,
and its success more uncertain. The bearing of this question of time
will be made painfully apparent in our story.

General Mitchel received the report of Mr. Andrews (which also embraced
all the information the most skilful spy could have brought concerning
the nature and disposition of the enemy's forces), approved his prudence
in ordering the return of the soldiers, and sanctioned the second
attempt. He, however, advised caution, saying that Andrews must not
strike unless he saw a good prospect of success; but he made no
objection to the increase of force, provided volunteers could be
obtained. It was easy to secure the five engineers asked for without
going beyond the limits of the three Ohio regiments composing General
Sill's brigade. Of the detail as finally made out, nine men belonged to
the Twenty-first, eight to the Thirty-third, and seven to the Second
Ohio Regiments.

CHAPTER II.

MIDNIGHT CONSULTATION.

On Monday, April 7, while I was inside my tent engaged in some of the
little details of work which occupy a soldier's time in camp, a comrade
pulled open the canvas door and called out,--

"Pittenger, Captain Sarratt is looking for you."

I went out and met the captain, and together we walked up the street
formed by the two rows of tents to the larger tent occupied by the
company officers, which stood across the street at the upper end. He
took me inside, and then said, with a sigh,--

"Colonel Harris has just sent me word that you are to go with Andrews
down to Georgia. I do not know why he has selected you, but I advise you
not to go. You have perfect liberty to refuse."

I told him that so far from refusing my mind was fully made up to
accept, and that I had already arranged with Colonel Harris to that
effect. Sarratt was surprised to hear this, but urged every argument in
his power to dissuade me; telling me that the safe return of the four
who had been out on the former expedition had lifted a great burden from
his heart; but that if I went, it would be no better than before. I was
deeply moved by his evident concern, but had gone too far to retract. I
asked if any other member of our company was to go. He answered in the
negative, saying that he understood that but one from each company was
to be detailed. Finding persuasion in vain, he gave me a pass to
Shelbyville, where I could see Andrews and procure all necessaries for
the journey. I left him, deeply impressed by the kindness of the man,
which led him to regard the soldiers under his command as children, for
whose welfare he felt himself in a great degree responsible.

No one of my comrades yet knew of the intended expedition. In the
afternoon I took a friend with me and strolled into Shelbyville, a
well-built village of a few hundred inhabitants, and purchased some
articles of clothing, but was not able to find a complete suit. A number
of persons were engaged in making similar purchases--among others, the
sergeant-major of our regiment, Marion Ross. By watching the character
of his purchases and by a few careful questions, I found that his
business was the same as my own. No side-arms could be found, but I knew
that all lack in that direction could easily be supplied in camp.
Getting away from all other company, Ross and I strayed through the town
for some time, keeping a sharp lookout, until, at length, we saw
Andrews. His striking personal appearance made it easy to recognize him,
and, approaching, we told him that we were ordered to report to him.
After scrutinizing us a moment, and asking us the company and rank we
held, he told us that it would not be prudent to talk much in so public
a place, but to overtake him after dark a mile or more east of
Shelbyville, on the road toward Wartrace, and he would there give us
full explanations, and allow us to return to our regiments if not
satisfied with his plans. With these few words we parted from him, and
went back to our tents for final arrangements. I borrowed the additional
clothing I needed from one of the former adventurers. All my arms and
equipments I put carefully in order, packed my uniform in my knapsack to
be left in the care of the proper authorities, arrayed myself in
citizen's clothes, and stepped out of my tent. The soldiers who were
idling around passed the word to their comrades who were in their tents,
reading, playing cards, or amusing themselves in the various ways
incident to camp-life, and soon almost the whole company--indeed, all
who were not absent on guard duty--thronged around and commenced all
kinds of questions. "Pittenger, going to desert? Going home? Going out
as a spy? Got a discharge? Got a furlough?"--were a few of the inquiries
that rained from every quarter. At the same time I heard it asserted
that several other men were dressing up in the same manner. I answered
all questions in the affirmative, and stepped over to the company street
adjoining our own--that of Company K--and sought the tent in which Frank
Mills messed. He had a very good revolver which I wanted to borrow. As I
entered, he read the situation in a glance.

"So, you are going with Andrews."

I nodded, and hastened to add, "I want your revolver."

"You are welcome to the revolver, but if you know when you are well off
you will stay where you are. Because I was fool enough to go, it does
not follow that you need be."

I did not argue the question, but he saw that it was settled, and he
gave me the weapon, with a liberal supply of cartridges. I was now
ready, and the gravity of the situation forced itself more clearly upon
my apprehension. I did not expect to return to camp until the proposed
enterprise had been accomplished. Considering, therefore, that so much
was already known in camp from the report of the former party, and from
seeing me arrayed as I was, I could not understand that it would be any
advantage for me to steal away unnoticed. With this view, I went up to
Captain Sarratt's quarters and bade him good-by. He was almost overcome
with emotion, and could not muster a single one of his accustomed
good-natured jokes. Then came the farewells to tried comrades. Few of
them had any distinct conception of the nature of my errand, but they
knew it was secret and dangerous, and this was enough to excite their
apprehension. They labored hard to dissuade me. The devotion of one of
their number, my inseparable companion, Alexander Mills, was especially
affecting. Though he had been lying in our tent very sick all day, he
now crawled to the door and begged me not to go. Finding that I was
fully determined, he hurried as fast as his tottering steps would allow
to headquarters, for permission to go along! Notwithstanding his
physical inability, he persisted in his request until the colonel
threatened to have him put under arrest. Had he been well he would not
have been refused, as he was a most excellent soldier; but in the trying
times that followed, it was a great satisfaction to me that he was left
behind. Poor fellow! he lost his life while carrying the flag of the
Second Ohio at the battle of Lookout Mountain, eighteen months later,
and now sleeps in the beautiful National Cemetery at Chattanooga,--that
town towards which our steps were now bent.

When all the farewells were over I strolled back to Shelbyville, meeting
Sergeant Ross as we had arranged, and passed the time pleasantly with
him in looking about the village until about dark, when we inquired the
road to Wartrace, and started for the rendezvous that Andrews had
appointed. We walked very leisurely, expecting that some of our number,
who were probably behind, would soon overtake us, and having a curiosity
to ascertain whether we could recognize them by speech or manner as
belonging to our party. We saw several persons, but they were travelling
the opposite way, and we began to be apprehensive that we had taken the
wrong road.

As we journeyed on, we noticed a house surrounded by a yard, and Ross
proposed getting a drink of water. Crossing the fence we went up to the
house, but before we reached the door, a dog came up silently behind my
companion, and, biting his leg, ran under the house before a revolver
could be drawn.

The bite was not severe, and I laughed heartily at his mishap; but
after drinking, and before reaching the fence, the same dog rushed out
once more. Ross saw him in time, and sprang over the fence, but I sat on
the top of it in fancied security. The malicious creature sprang at me,
seized my coat, and tore a large piece out of it. The same coat, thus
torn, I wore during the whole of the year through which our adventures
extended. The incident was trivial, but in the deepening darkness, with
a thunder-storm, which now began to mutter in the distance, approaching,
uncertain as to where our comrades were, and at the beginning of a
desperate enterprise, it stands out in memory with lurid distinctness.
To a superstitious person it might have seemed ominous of the results of
that expedition in which Ross perished, and from which I returned a
shattered and disabled invalid.

A pistol-shot easily cleared us of the dog, and we pursued our way,--not
rejoicingly, for our situation grew every moment more perplexing. Not
one of our comrades was visible, and we were almost certain we had taken
the wrong road. Finally, we resolved to retrace our steps, and try to
get in Shelbyville some better clue to our journey. Unless we could
obtain further instructions, we knew not how or where to go. We did not
like to return to camp, for that would probably delay us too long to
take part in the enterprise, and the failure to go, after our affecting
leave-taking, would have formed a ludicrous anticlimax, and probably
have been charged to cowardice. At a cross-road in sight of Shelbyville,
where we felt sure that any of the adventurers who obeyed the directions
we had received must pass, we sat down and waited nearly an hour longer.

Our patience was rewarded. We had started too soon, and from this
miscalculation all our perplexity arose. A few men, whom we recognized
almost instinctively as belonging to our party, came along the road in
the right direction. A little guarded conversation showed us that we
were right, and we strolled slowly on with them. Shortly afterwards
others overtook us, among whom was Andrews. This was a great relief, as
we now had a guide. Soon we were as far from Shelbyville as Ross and I
alone had been, and a few hundred yards farther on fell in with still
other men. Our party had so greatly increased as to be quite
conspicuous, and it was advisable to add still further security to the
cover of the night. Accordingly, we left the road for some distance,
and, marching silently, were soon at the appointed rendezvous.

A little thicket of dead and withered trees, a short distance from the
road, and sufficiently open to assure us that no listener was near, was
the place of our assemblage. Never was a consultation preparatory to
some desperate deed held under more fitting circumstances. The storm
which had been gathering all the evening was now near. Black clouds
covered one half the sky, and the young moon, low down in the west, was
soon obscured. The frequent flashes of lightning, more vivid in the
darkness, and the low roll of thunder that followed, grew continually
more emphatic, forming most startling interruptions to the earnest but
suppressed words of our leader. It is very singular that amid these
ominous surroundings, which fitted so well the character of the business
in hand, one ordinary sound stands out in my memory, far more clear and
distinct than any part of the scene. Far off I heard the bark or howl of
a dog,--no doubt at some farm-house,--roused either by the coming storm
which began to sway the leafless boughs above us, or by the passing of
some belated traveller. Popular superstition would probably have
considered such a sound as ominous of evil; and most of us are
superstitious when young, in the dark, and entering upon unknown
dangers.

We formed a close circle around Mr. Andrews while he revealed to us his
daring plans. In a voice as soft and low as a woman's, but tremulous
with suppressed enthusiasm, he painted the greatness of the project
we were to attempt, the sublimity of rushing through a hostile country
at the full speed of steam, leaving flaming bridges and raging but
powerless foes behind. But he did not disguise the dangers to be
encountered.

[Illustration: Midnight Consultation.
Page 32.]

"Soldiers," he said, "if you are detected while engaged in this
business, the great probability is that you will be put to death,--hung
as spies, or massacred by a mob. I want you to clearly understand this,
and if you are not willing to take the risk, return to camp, and keep
perfectly quiet about it."

A murmur all around the circle conveyed the assurance that we would
follow him to the last extremity.

"Our plan," he continued, "is simply this: you are to travel on foot, or
by any conveyance you can hire, either to Chattanooga or some station
not far from that point on the Memphis and Charleston Railroad; then you
can take passage on the cars down to Marietta; that will be our next
place of assembling, and not Atlanta. You must be there by Thursday
evening, ready to take passage on the cars northward again by Friday
morning. I will be there as soon as you, and tell you what more is to be
done."

"But how about money to pay our way?" was asked.

"I have plenty of Confederate money, and will share it among you before
we part. As to your story, you cannot do better than to tell everybody
that you are Kentuckians coming South to get away from the Yankees, and
to join the Confederate army; only be careful to have always some
plausible reason for going farther before joining. A great many
Kentuckians have gone South by this route, and are very heartily
received. If you will go eastward through Wartrace and Manchester, you
will get into the track they usually take, and by then turning south,
you will not appear to be heading from the Union army. If any one of you
are questioned closely, you may say you are from Fleming County, for I
happen to know that no soldiers from that county are in this part of the
country."

All of these directions were eagerly listened to, but the closing one
afterwards bore disastrous fruit.

One of the soldiers asked, "If any of us are suspected, and find we
can't get away, what would you ad vise us to do?"

"Enlist without hesitation in the rebel army," was the response. "You
are fully authorized to do that, and no one of this party will be
accused of desertion, even if captured among the rebels. I would be
sorry to lose any one of you, but it will be far better that you should
serve awhile with the enemy than to acknowledge who you are, and thus
risk the disclosure of the enterprise."

"But is it likely that we could get the chance thus to enlist?" it was
further asked.

"Most certainly," said Andrews. "They are taking all the prisoners out
of the jails and enlisting them. They are picking up men who have run
away from the conscription wherever they can find them, and serving them
in the same manner. If you tell your story and stick to it, even if they
are not satisfied that you are telling the truth, they will put you into
the service. You can stay until some dark night on picket. But I hope
you will escape all trouble, and all meet me at Marietta safely. Break
this party up into squads of three or four, and don't recognize each
other on the way. I will ride along the same country you are travelling,
and give you any help or direction in my power. But you must not
recognize me unless sure that we are not observed."

There was but one subject on which I cared to ask any questions, and
that related to a distant contingency. I was well informed as to the
first part of the intended enterprise.

"Suppose we succeed in capturing the train," I said, "and in burning the
bridges, are we then to leave the train, and try to steal back to our
lines in the same way we are now going South?"

"By no means," replied Mr. Andrews. "We will run the train right through
Chattanooga, and westward until we meet Mitchel, who by that time will
be coming eastward on the road from Memphis. If we should not quite
reach him, we will get so close that we can dash through in a body."

This was satisfactory as far as it went, but there was still another
contingency. More than anything else I dreaded being left alone in an
unknown country.

"If we fail to run the captured train through Chattanooga, will we then
disperse or stick together?"

"After we meet at Marietta, we will keep together, and, if necessary,
cut our way back to our own lines. Form your squads now, and I will give
out the money."

Swiftly we selected our companions. There was little time for choice.
Most of the men were strangers. The darkness was intense, and the
thunder-peals almost overhead. In a moment we formed six or seven little
groups. My former comrade, Ross, stood with another man or two beside
Andrews. Two men from Captain Mitchel's company and one from the next
company to that in the regimental line stood by my side. Andrews went
from group to group, giving out the money freely, and answering
questions that were still asked. When this was accomplished, he
addressed himself once more to the whole number, and we crowded around
to listen to his parting words. They gave us the fullest insight into
the whole plan we had yet received.

"To-morrow morning," said he, "Mitchel, with his whole army, will start
on a forced march right south to Huntsville. He will capture that town
not later than Friday (it was now Monday night), and will then turn east
towards Chattanooga. We must burn the bridges south of Chattanooga the
same day, for after that, the road will be crowded with trains bringing
reinforcements against him and running property away, and our task will
be very much harder. So we have no time to lose. We must be at Marietta
on Thursday evening. The last train for that station leaves Chattanooga
at five o'clock in the afternoon. Be sure to catch it. Good-by."

He gave each of us his hand with a hearty pressure and fervent good
wishes. Not many moments after, the storm broke over us with all its
fury. The rain fell in torrents. The last glimpse I caught of Andrews as
my party of four hurried on their prescribed course was by means of a
broad glare of lightning that made the drenched landscape for a moment
as bright as day. He had just parted from the last group and was gazing
after us.

CHAPTER III.

COMPANIONS AND INCIDENTS.

Who was this Mr. Andrews, from whom we had just parted in storm and
darkness,--the man from whose brain sprang the Chattanooga Railroad
Expedition, and to whose keeping we had so fearlessly committed our
lives? Few of us knew much about him at that time, but became wiser
afterwards. As he is the hero of the earlier part of this story, it may
be well to give the reader the benefit of all the information as to his
character and history subsequently obtained.

Mr. J. J. Andrews was born in that part of Western Virginia known as the
"Pan Handle," on the eastern bank of the Ohio River, and only separated
from my own county of Jefferson by that stream. While quite young he had
removed to the mountains of Eastern Kentucky, settling in Fleming
County. Here he acquired considerable wealth, but at the outbreak of
the civil war lost most of it again. While in business here he
travelled over much of the South, and became acquainted with many men
whom the war afterwards threw into prominence. At the first outbreak of
hostilities he joined the Union army, not as a soldier, but in the still
more useful and dangerous character of a spy and secret negotiator. He
accompanied General Nelson in his Eastern Kentucky campaign, on which
occasion I had seen him at Prestonburg, and afterwards he journeyed back
and forth two or three times from Nashville before the capture of that
city. He also spent several days in Fort Donelson during the week
preceding its capture by General Grant. At this place he narrowly
escaped detection. Subsequently he visited Atlanta and brought back much
valuable information. By representing himself as a blockade-runner, and
carrying southward through our lines articles of small bulk but of great
value to the enemy, he secured their confidence and brought back
information a hundredfold more valuable. This business was pecuniarily
profitable to himself as well as very serviceable to the Union army. A
Mr. Whiteman, of Nashville, afterwards testified that he had paid him
ten thousand dollars for one cargo, the most of which was clear profit.
Some of the Southern officers with whom he was intimate had bestowed
upon him passes authorizing him to come and go through their lines at
pleasure. It is not my intention to offer any apology for a man who thus
betrays the confidence even of rebels. What justice requires to be said
on this subject will find a more appropriate place in explaining the
position of those who accompanied him in his last and most perilous
journey. His occupation was one of the utmost danger, and he could not
expect much mercy if detected. He had even gone the length of taking the
oath of allegiance to the Southern Confederacy, though he was
passionately loyal to the old government. Indeed, his hatred for
secession and everything connected with it had become the more intense
from the very disguise he so frequently assumed; and the desire to work
all possible injury to that cause had far more influence in inducing him
to pursue his perilous vocation than any hope of reward. I have since
been told by Southern authorities that he acknowledged being promised
fifty thousand dollars reward in case he succeeded in destroying the
bridges from Atlanta to Chattanooga, but I never heard of such a
contract. Certainly no reward whatever was promised directly or
indirectly to the soldiers who accompanied him, and I never heard
Andrews himself speak of expecting any pecuniary recompense.

Mr. Andrews was nearly six feet in height, of powerful frame, black
hair, and long, black, and silken beard, Roman features, a high and
expansive forehead, and a voice fine and soft as a woman's. Of polished
manners, stately presence, and more than ordinary personal beauty, wide
information, great shrewdness and sagacity, he was admirably fitted to
win favor in a community like that of the South, which has always placed
a high value on personal qualities. He had also the clear forethought in
devising complicated schemes, and the calmness in the hour of danger
necessary for the perilous game he played. Carrying his life in his hand
whenever he ventured beyond the Union pickets, involved continually in
dangers, where a single thoughtless word, or even an unguarded look,
might lead to detection and death, he had learned to rely absolutely on
his own resources, and to contemplate with easy familiarity enterprises
that would have looked like sheer madness to one without this
preliminary drill.

But it was said that even he had grown tired of this perpetual risk, and
intended, if successful in this last and most difficult enterprise, to
retire to peaceful life. A tender influence conspired to the same end,
and imparts a dash of romance to his story. He was engaged to be married
in the following June, and intended then to retire from the army. Alas!
June had a far different fate in store for him.

At our interview in the afternoon, as well as in the midnight
consultation, Andrews impressed me as a man who combined intellect and
refinement with the most dauntless courage. Yet his pensive manner, slow
speech, and soft voice indicated not obscurely what I afterwards found
to be almost his only fault as a leader,--a hesitancy in deciding
important questions on the spur of the moment, and in backing his
decision by prompt, vigorous action. This did not detract from his value
as a secret agent when alone, for then all his actions were premeditated
and accomplished with surpassing coolness and bravery; but it was
otherwise in commanding men in startling and unforeseen emergencies.
This trait of character will be more fully developed in the course of
the story.

How were the soldiers selected who assembled that evening at the
rendezvous? This question was asked with curiosity and wonder by the
enemy, and is of great importance in estimating the treatment of such of
their number as were afterwards captured. The enemy could not, by their
utmost exertions, obtain correct information on this subject; but there
is now no reason for reticence. The nature of the enterprise was such
that it could not be publicly explained and volunteers called for, as it
was quite possible that spies of the enemy were in our camp; neither was
it right, according to the laws of war, to divest soldiers of their
uniform and place them under the orders of a spy without their full
consent. A medium course was adopted, which avoided the opposite
difficulties as far as possible. The captains who were ordered to
furnish each a man gathered a few of their soldiers about them in a
quiet way, and stated that a volunteer was wanted for a very dangerous
enterprise. Of those who professed willingness to go one was selected,
taken aside from the others, and told simply that he was to be sent
disguised into the heart of the enemy's country, under the orders of a
Southern citizen, whom the commanding officers trusted fully. If they
felt like engaging in this service, with all its risks, they could see
this man and learn more; but if not, they would be at liberty to decline
the dangerous honor. In one or two cases these preliminary explanations
were so vague that the men addressed did not fairly understand the
matter, and subsequently declared that if they had been more fully
informed they would not have taken the first step. After they met
Andrews, however, they felt that their reputation was at stake, and were
not willing to "back out." In one or two other cases the men were merely
selected by their captains and ordered, without any preliminary
explanations, to report to Andrews outside of the lines.

Twenty-four men were thus detailed, twenty-three of whom met at the
rendezvous. The twenty-fourth we never heard of; whether he tried to
reach us and failed, or whether some one of the captains who was to
furnish a man was unable to induce any one to accept the dangerous
honor, is uncertain. Indeed, there must have been a failure of two men,
for we had one with us who was not originally expected to go. Captain
Mitchel had one man to furnish, and Perry G. Shadrach was chosen.
William Campbell, a native of Salineville, Ohio, but for many years a
citizen of Kentucky, a man of wild and adventurous habits, was visiting
Shadrach, and at once asked and obtained permission to go with him.
Though he was only a civilian, we always spoke of him as an enlisted
soldier of Captain Mitchel's company.

While we are splashing along in the darkness and under the fast-falling
rain, it may be a good time to describe the members of the squad with
whom I travelled. Shadrach and Campbell were two of its members. The
former was small but roundly built, a merry, reckless fellow, often
profane, easily put out of temper, but very kind, and willing to
sacrifice anything for a friend. Campbell was physically the strongest
man of the whole party and possibly of Mitchel's division as well. He
weighed two hundred and twenty pounds, was perfectly proportioned, very
active, apparently fond of danger for its own sake, and as true as
steel. Neither of these two men possessed much skill in duplicity or
shrewdness in planning. They were willing to leave the task of asking
and answering questions to their comrades, but were always ready to bear
their full share in action.

The third, George D. Wilson, of Cincinnati, was of very different
character. He was not highly educated, though he had read a great deal,
but in natural shrewdness I have rarely, if ever, known his equal. He
was of middle age, whilst most of us had just passed out of boyhood. He
had traveled extensively, and had observed and remembered everything he
encountered. In the use of fiery and scorching denunciations he was a
master, and took great delight in overwhelming an opponent with an
unmeasured torrent of abuse. In action he was brave and cool; no danger
could frighten him, no emergency find him unprepared. The friendship I
felt for him grew steadily until his tragic death. I depended on his
judgment and advice more than on that of any one in the whole
expedition.

The writer was first corporal in Company G of the Second Regiment of
Ohio Volunteers, and had just been promoted to the position of sergeant.
I was twenty-two years of age, a native of Jefferson County, Ohio, had
been reared on a farm, had taught school in the winters, and more
recently had entered on the study of law. My opportunities for acquiring
knowledge were very limited, but had been tolerably well improved. I had
read a good many volumes and gained a fair English education. For war
and warlike affairs I had not the slightest taste, and was indeed so
near-sighted that it was very doubtful whether I could ever make an
efficient soldier. When the call for three months' troops was made at
the bombardment of Fort Sumter, I felt that the emergency was so great
as to require the services of every patriot, and immediately enlisted. I
did not then contemplate a longer term of service, as I believed that
the government would be able to organize an adequate force within that
period from those who were better adapted to the profession of arms. My
decision to enter the ranks was not made without some forethought. Just
previous to putting my name to the enlistment paper, I took a solitary
night walk and tried to bring up in imagination all the perils and
discomforts that were possible in military service, asking myself
whether I was willing to endure any of them that might fall to my lot as
the result of the step I then contemplated. Having decided, I returned
to the mass-meeting (convened in the court-house of Steubenville, Ohio)
and entered my name as a volunteer. The company formed that night was
hurried to Washington, and on the route was organized with others into
the Second Ohio Regiment. During the three months' service our only
experience of fighting was in the badly-managed battle, or rather
skirmish, of Bull Run. On the battle-field, when the tide of fortune
turned against us, I concluded that I ought to re-enlist for two
reasons. It was hard to quit the army with no experience but that of
defeat, and the country's need of men was still urgent. When the Second
Ohio was reorganized for three years' service, I therefore continued in
the ranks. We were sent to Eastern Kentucky, and succeeded, after some
trifling engagements, in clearing that part of the State from rebels. We
were then ordered to Louisville, and greatly to my delight were put
under the command of the astronomer Mitchel. A few years before I had
studied astronomy enthusiastically, and had even gone so far as to
construct a ten-foot telescope for my own use. This similarity of tastes
led me to feel greatly delighted, and almost acquainted, with our new
general. His fame as an astronomer did not guarantee his success in war;
but the ability displayed in one profession was a hopeful indication for
the other. Our division participated in the advance upon Bowling Green
and afterwards upon Nashville. This service offered no hardship except
wintry marches, for the capture of Fort Donelson by General Grant had
broken the enemy's resistance. During this march there was not perfect
accord between Mitchel and his less energetic superior, General Buell.
Even the soldiers learned something of their disputes, and were much
gratified when, at Nashville, Mitchel was detached from the main army
and left to operate independently. In three days he marched to
Murfreesborough, where this narrative opens.

[Illustration: WILLIAM PITTENGER.
[1882--twenty years later.]
Page 42.]

On parting from Andrews we worked our way eastward, keeping not far from
the railroad leading to Wartrace. We did not wish to travel very far
through the rain, which was almost pouring down, but only to get well
beyond the Federal pickets, so as to have a clear track for a long
journey on the following day. We wished to elude our own pickets, not
only to avoid detention, but to gain a little practice in such work. It
was our intention to get that night beyond Wartrace, where our last
outpost in that direction was stationed; but our progress was so slow
and fatiguing that we changed our minds, and determined to find a
lodging at once. This resolution was more easily made than accomplished.

For a long time we searched in vain. It seemed as if the country was
uninhabited. At length the barking of a dog gave a clue, which was
diligently followed. The better to prosecute the search, we formed a
line within hearing distance of each other, and then swept around in all
directions. A barn was our first discovery, but we were so completely
wet and chilled that we resolved to persevere in hope of a bed and a
fire.

Shortly after, finding a rude, double log house, we roused the inmates
and demanded shelter for the night. The farmer was evidently alarmed,
but let us in, and then began to investigate our character.

I narrate minutely the events that accompanied our first setting out,
not so much for their intrinsic interest, as for the sake of giving a
vivid idea of the conduct required by the nature of our expedition. This
may also be a good place to answer a question often asked, "How can the
equivocation and downright falsehood that follows be justified?" I am
not bound to attempt any formal justification; but it is easy to show
that all the moral question involved is only a branch of the larger
question as to the morality of war. In its very nature, war is
compounded of force and fraud in nearly equal quantities. If one of the
necessary ingredients be wrong, the other can hardly be right. The most
conscientious general thinks nothing of making movements with the sole
purpose of deceiving his adversary, or of writing absolutely false
despatches for the same purpose. If it be right to kill our
fellow-beings, I suppose it is also right to deceive them in order to
get a better chance to kill them! The golden rule, which is the basis of
all morality, has but little place as between hostile armies or nations.
To find where some unsuspecting persons are asleep, and steal upon them,
begin to shoot and stab before they can wake to defend themselves,
would, in peace, be thought a crime of the most dastardly and ferocious
character; but, in war, it is only a surprise, and, if successful,
confers the greatest honor upon those who plan and execute it. Are there
two sets of morals,--the one for peace, the other for war? "But," the
objector may continue, "is not a constant resort to falsehood in a
secret expedition peculiarly dishonorable?" Let us look this question
fairly in the face. All armies employ spies, and the old adage, "The
receiver is as bad as the thief," is here fully applicable. A general
who induces a man, by the hope of money or promotion, to go disguised
into the enemy's lines, with a lie in his mouth, for the general's
advantage, is a full partner in the enterprise, and cannot throw off his
share of the guilt. It is true that the laws of war throw all the odium
on the spy. But the generals, and not the spies, made the laws of war.
Besides, there is no necessary connection between the laws of war and
the laws of morality. The former are merely the rules men construct for
the regulation of the most tremendous of all their games, and can never
affect the essence of right and wrong. I do not wish to argue the
abstract right of deceiving an enemy, or of deviating from the strict
truth for any purpose whatever. It is enough for my purpose to show that
deception is an element in all war. The candid reader will also consider
that most of us were very young. The common sentiment of the camp was
that deceiving a rebel in any manner was a meritorious action. With the
full sanction of our officers, we had entered upon an expedition which
required disguise and deception. We had been expressly told that we were
not even to hesitate in joining the rebel army,--which implied taking
the oath of allegiance to the Confederacy,--if that step became
necessary to avoid detection. In the whole of this expedition we were
true to each other and to the mission upon which we had entered, but we
did not hesitate at any kind or degree of untruthfulness directed
towards the enemy. Such was the effect of our resolution in this
direction that no one, so far as I remember, ever expressed any sorrow
or remorse for any of the falsehoods that were so plentifully employed.
Indeed, while the war lasted, I did not find a single person, in the
army or out, who ever criticised our expedition from the _moral_
stand-point. There seemed to be some kind of an instinctive feeling that
the revolted States had forfeited all their rights by rebellion,--even
that of having the truth told to them. I confess that deception was very
painful to me at first, and from inclination, as well as policy, I used
it as sparingly as possible. But practice made it comparatively easy
and pleasant, within the limits indicated above.

We did not wait for all these reasonings before we began to practise
deception upon our host. He was informed that we were Kentuckians,
disgusted with the tyranny of the Lincoln government, and seeking an
asylum in the free and independent South. His reply was a grateful
surprise. "Oh," said he, "you come on a bootless errand, and might as
well go home again and make the best of it. The whole South will soon be
as much under Lincoln as Kentucky is."

"Never!" we answered. "We'll fight till we die, first!"

At this the old man chuckled quietly, but only said, "Well, we'll see,
we'll see." We found him to be an enthusiastic Union man, but firmly
maintained our own assumed character. He provided us with a good supper,
late as it was, and with good beds, which we refused to occupy until he
had promised not to betray us to the Union pickets.

The next morning we were early on our way, reaching Wartrace in the
midst of a pelting storm. Attempting to pass directly through, our
soldiers on guard were too vigilant for us, and we enjoyed another
opportunity for "diplomacy," in the endeavor to represent ourselves as
innocent citizens from the adjoining country. But it was more difficult
to deceive our own men than the enemy, and, to avoid detection, we were
obliged to reveal our true character, which secured our immediate
release.

We plodded onward through the deep mud and splashing roads, and were now
outside our own lines. Our only safety, from this time, lay in our
disguise and in our false tongues. We felt not unlike the landsman who
for the first time loses sight of the shore, and feels the heaving of
the broad ocean under his feet. To the average Northern citizen a vague
mystery and terror had rested over the whole of the Southern States,
even before the beginning of the war. During the existence of slavery no
Northern man dared make his home in the presence of that institution and
express any views unfavorable to it. Many tales of violence and blood
were reported from that region long before hostilities began, and as the
passions which led to the contest grew more fierce, the shadows still
deepened. When war began the curtain fell, and only reports of wild and
desperate enthusiasm in behalf of the cause of disunion and slavery,
with stories of the most cruel oppression of the few who dared to differ
with the ruling class in still loving the old flag, reached Northern
ears. No doubt there were many exaggerations, but there was a solid
basis of fact. The South was swept with a revolutionary frenzy equal to
any that history recalls, and the people were ready to sacrifice any one
whose life seemed dangerous to their cause. Even exaggeration was potent
as truth in aiding to invest the region beyond the Union lines with
mysterious horror. Into this land of peril and fear and frequent outrage
we were plunging as the secret but deadly enemies of the whole people.
Now, when Chattanooga and Atlanta are brought into such easy
communication with Northern cities, it is difficult to recall the
feelings with which they were regarded in the dark days of eighteen
hundred and sixty-two. But hope and courage outweighed apprehension in
our hearts, and we pushed rapidly forward.

Others of our party were occasionally seen trudging along in the dreary
rain, and sometimes we went with them a little way, but mostly we kept
by ourselves. Shortly after noon we crossed Duck River, and entered
Manchester, stopping just long enough to get the names of some of the
prominent secessionists along our proposed route, that we might always
have some one to inquire for, and be recommended from one influential
man to another. Nightfall this evening (Tuesday) found us still several
miles from Hillsborough, and we began to fear that we would be behind
time in reaching our destination. Each one was weary and stiff, but we
resolved to make every effort, and, if necessary, travel a whole night
rather than be too late. I have always been sorry that this night
journey was not required of us.

At the place where we lodged that night I first heard a slave-holder
talk of hunting negroes with blood-hounds. In conversation after supper
our host said to us, as a mere matter of news, "I saw some persons
dodging about the back of the plantation just as it was getting dark,
and in the morning I will take the hounds and go out and hunt them up. I
will be glad to have you go along and see the sport, if you can afford
the time. If they prove to be negroes I will make something."

"What will you do with them?" I asked.

"Oh, turn them over to the authorities and get the reward," was the
answer. "I have caught a considerable number, and it pays to keep on the
lookout."

Of course we had to agree outwardly; but the idea of hunting human
beings with the ferocious-looking dogs we had seen about his door, and
that for money, thrilled me with detestation and horror. Soon afterwards
we found that blood-hounds were not kept for negroes alone.

After a sound night's rest we continued our journey, and were fortunate
enough to find a man who was willing, for the good of the Confederacy,
and for an extravagant price in money, to give us a short ride. The
conveyance was an old wagon, with a wood-rack for a bed, four mules,
with a scanty chain harness, ropes for bridles and lines, a driver black
as ebony, who rode the lead mule, with a straw bag for a saddle, and
flourished a fine black-snake whip,--the latter the only really good
article in the whole "turnout." Seven or eight of our party were now
together, and we rattled merrily over the stony road, holding on to the
sides of the old wood-rack, and agreeing that this was much better than
walking. About the middle of the forenoon we came in sight of the
Cumberland Mountains. It was now Wednesday, our second day outside of
our own lines.

Never have I beheld more beautiful scenery. For a short time the rain
ceased to fall and the air became clear. The mountains shone in the
freshest green, and about their tops clung a soft, shadowy mist,
gradually descending lower, and shrouding one after another of the spurs
and high mountain valleys from view. But the beautiful scene did not
long continue. Soon the mist deepened into cloud, and the interminable
rain began again to fall. To add to our discontent, our wagon could go
no farther, and we once more waded in the mud.

At noon we found a dinner of the coarsest fare at a miserable one-roomed
hut. One of our men, not belonging, however, to the squad I usually
travelled with, managed to get possession of a bottle of apple-brandy,
which he used so freely as to become very talkative. He was placed
between two others, who kept him from all communication with strangers,
and walked him rapidly on until he became sober. This was the only
instance of such dangerous imprudence in the whole journey.

From the personal narrative of J. Alfred Wilson, who was with us by this
time, I will make frequent extracts, though by no means always indorsing
his opinions as to military affairs, or the hopefulness of our
enterprise. He was a man of great resolution and endurance, though by no
means of hopeful temper. He says,--

"Not till fairly away from the sight of the old flag and of
our regiments, and entirely within the enemy's line, could we
begin to realize the great responsibility we had incurred. To
begin with, we had cast aside our uniforms and put on citizen's
clothes, and assumed all the penalties that, in military usage,
the word _spy_ implies, which is death the world over. Again,
our mission was such that concealment was impossible. We were
sure to arouse the whole Confederacy and invoke the brutal
vengeance of its frenzied leaders in case we did not make good
our escape after doing our work. The military spy, in the
ordinary line of his duty, is not compelled to expose himself
to detection. On the contrary, he conceals, in every possible
way, his identity. This we could do until in the heart of the
enemy's country, the very place where we would be in the
greatest danger."

Some of the groups fell into the natural error of overdoing their part,
and by the very violence with which they denounced the United States
government excited suspicion. One party of five or six made a narrow
escape from this kind of danger. Their talk was too extravagant and
their answers to some questions somewhat contradictory. As none but
citizens were then present, no objections were made to their statements;
but a company of rebel guerillas was secretly summoned, and they were
pursued. The guerillas arrived at a house where this party had passed
the night but a few moments after they had resumed their journey in the
morning. The pursuit was continued; but growing somewhat weary, and
receiving more reassuring accounts of the travellers ahead, the chase
was abandoned, and our comrades escaped.

Two others of our number were less fortunate. They became involved in
the same manner, were followed, overtaken, and arrested. They told their
Kentucky story in vain, but as they professed their willingness to
enlist in the rebel army, that privilege was granted them. They were
sent to the nearest post and duly sworn in. Not long afterwards they
took the step that had been in their minds at the hour of enlistment by
endeavoring to desert. One of them succeeded, but the other was
arrested, and had to suffer a long and severe imprisonment. Finally,
however, he was sent back to camp, and his next attempt at desertion was
more successful.

In conversation my own group was careful to take a very moderate though
decided Southern tone. It was agreed that Wilson and myself should, as
far as possible, do all the talking when in the presence of the enemy.
On entering towns it was our custom to go directly to the street corners
and the groceries, inquire for the latest news, tell our Kentucky story
as often as it seemed necessary, deny some of the reports of Union
outrages and confirm others, assuring the bystanders that the Yankees
were not half so bad as reported, and especially that they would fight,
as otherwise they would never have conquered our great State of
Kentucky, and then demand, in the name of the common cause of the South,
direction and assistance on our way. We thus acquired much information,
and were never once suspected. It is my deliberate opinion that we could
have travelled from Richmond to New Orleans in the same manner at that
period of the war.

A little way out from our camp Dorsey met a man who seemed to be a
Southern spy, and on the strength of this suspicion was strongly tempted
to shoot him to prevent the irreparable harm he might do us. A little
watching, however, partly dispelled first impressions. The same man
afterwards offered Wilson a liberal reward to pilot him over the
mountains, and actually claimed to be a Confederate spy. Wilson kept
with him for a time and watched him narrowly, but became convinced that
he had not the least suspicion of our expedition. He allowed him,
therefore, to go on his way in peace. It is possible that he was not
what he pretended, any more than we ourselves were Kentucky citizens.
This man was met once more in Chattanooga, but then disappeared.

As we were mounting the first spurs of the Cumberland Mountains we
encountered a Confederate soldier from the East, who was then at home on
a furlough. He had been in many battles, among them the battle of Bull
Run, which he described minutely. Little did he think that I, too, had
been there, as we laughed together at the wild panic of the fugitive
Yankees. He was greatly delighted to see so many Kentuckians coming out
on the right side in the great struggle, and contrasted our conduct with
that of some mean-spirited persons in his own neighborhood who were so
foolish and depraved as to still sympathize with the abolitionists.

When we parted he grasped my hand with tears in his eyes, and said he
hoped "the time would soon come when we would be comrades, fighting side
by side in one glorious cause!" My heart revolted from the hypocrisy I
was compelled to use, but having begun there was no possibility of
turning back. We clambered up the mountain till the top was reached;
then across the level summit for six miles; then down again by an
unfrequented road over steep rocks, yawning chasms, and great gullies
cut out by recent rains. This rough jaunt led us down into Battle Creek,
which is a picturesque valley opening out into the Tennessee, and hemmed
in by projecting ranges of lofty mountains. As we descended the slopes,
a countryman we had overtaken told me how the valley had obtained its
name. The legend is very romantic, and probably truthful.

There was an Indian war between two neighboring tribes in early times.
One of them made a plundering expedition into the territory of the
other, and after securing their booty retreated homeward. They were
promptly pursued, and traced to this valley. The pursuers believed them
to be concealed within its rocky limits, and to make their capture sure
divided their force into two bands, each of which crept along the steep
opposite sides towards the head of the valley. It was early in the
morning, and as they worked their way cautiously along the mountain mist
rolled downward as we had seen it do that morning, and enveloped each of
the parties in its folds. Determined not to be foiled, they kept on, and
meeting at the head of the valley, each supposed the other to be the
foe. They poured in their fire, and a deadly conflict ensued. Not till
the greater number of their braves had fallen did the survivors discover
their sad mistake; then they slowly and sorrowfully retreated to their
wigwams. The plunderers, who had listened to their conflict in safety,
being higher up the mountain, were left to bear off their booty in
triumph.

But we had little leisure for legendary tales. We rested for the night
with a wealthy secessionist, whom our soldier friend on the mountains
had designated as "the right kind of a man." He received us with open
arms, and shared the best his house afforded. We spent the evening in
denouncing the policy of the Federal government and in exchanging views
as to the prospects of the war. Among other topics I happened to mention
an expatriation law which, as I had learned from a newspaper paragraph,
had been passed by the Kentucky Legislature a few weeks before. This law
only made the reasonable provision that all persons going South to join
the rebel army should lose their rights of State citizenship. The old
man thought this to be an act of unparalleled oppression; and in the
morning, before we were out of bed, he came into our room and requested
some of us to write down that infamous law that he might be able to give
his Union neighbors a convincing proof of Yankee wickedness! We
complied, and all signed our names as witnesses. No doubt that document
was long the theme of angry discussion in many a mountain cabin.

So thoroughly did we maintain our assumed character in this instance,
that three days after, when the culmination of our enterprise came to
the Confederates like a clap of thunder out of a clear sky, it was
impossible to make our host believe that his guests were among the
adventurers. This we learned from a Union man to whom he had shown a
copy of the terrible expatriation law!

We were still more than forty miles distant from Chattanooga on this
Wednesday evening, and were due at that place by five o'clock the next
day. On each of the two preceding days we had measured about thirty
miles,--a good rate of speed, but not sufficient. We had formed the
resolution of taking a night journey of ten or fifteen miles, but before
starting after supper, another squad arrived and managed to tell us that
they had seen Andrews and been informed that the grand enterprise was
postponed one day. This was a great relief, for it was hard to tear away
from our comfortable quarters; but this delay was a serious mistake. In
all combined movements in war, time is of prime importance. On the
appointed Friday success would have been easy; on Saturday--but we must
not anticipate.

Andrews had also caused the advice to be passed along the line that it
would be better to attempt to cross the Tennessee at some point far west
of Chattanooga, and taking passage on the Memphis and Charleston
Railroad, endeavor to pass through Chattanooga by rail. He had heard of
stringent orders being issued against any one crossing the river near
this town without a pass. Farther down the stream these orders might not
apply, or, in case of necessity, a raft might be constructed among the
wooded mountains, and a passage obtained by that means.

About noon of the next day we came to Jasper, and spent a short time in
the principal grocery of the place talking over the state of the
country. We informed the idlers that there would soon be a mighty
uprising of Kentuckians in favor of the Southern cause, but professed
ignorance of the movements of Mitchel's army. In return we received the
first vague reports of the battle of Pittsburg Landing. It was the
impression that the Union army was totally destroyed, thousands of men
being slain, and innumerable cannon captured. One countryman assured me
that five hundred Yankee gunboats had been sunk! I ventured to suggest a
doubt as to the Yankees having so many, but was not able to shake his
faith.

The same night we reached the banks of the Tennessee, directly south of
Jasper, and lodged at the house of a Mrs. Hall. A flat-boat owned by one
of the neighbors was used as a ferry-boat, and arrangements were made
for setting us on the other side of the stream early in the morning. The
evening spent here was very enjoyable. Others of our party came in, and
among them Andrews himself. After a good supper, we were all assigned to
the best room, which had a roaring wood-fire in an open chimney, and two
large beds in the corners. We met without any outward sign of
recognition, but rapidly became acquainted. Each acted according to his
own nature. The bountiful supper and the cheerful fire greatly refreshed
us after the labor of the day. My companion, Shadrach, was soon
acknowledged as the wit of the party, and received perpetual applause
for his mirthful sallies. Andrews was silent, but appeared to greatly
enjoy the fun. Dorsey, who had great forethought and prudence, and had
decided that it was good policy, even among his comrades, to appear as
ignorant as possible, felt highly complimented when told that his group
had been described to some of the others who followed as "a party of
country Jakes." Wilson gave us all the information wanted on every
possible subject. Songs were sung, stories were told, and as the family
formed part of the fireside company, many of the incidents may not have
been quite authentic. Late at night this social evening's entertainment
closed. It was the more highly appreciated as it was the first
opportunity most of us had enjoyed of becoming acquainted with our
leader and with each other.

In the morning Andrews started up the river on horseback. The flat-boat
was bailed out, and we were just entering it, when a mounted man
appeared and handed the ferryman an order forbidding him to allow any
one to cross the river at his ferry for three days. We tried to get an
exception made in our favor, as we had contracted with him the evening
before, but he was unwilling to assume the risk. The messenger gave us
the reason for the order, and a most interesting piece of news it was.
General Mitchel was moving rapidly southward for some unknown object,
and it was desirable on that account to stop all intercourse with the
country beyond the river. The messenger volunteered the comforting
assurance that "these brave Kentuckians will no doubt find a warm
welcome at Chattanooga," and gave us the best directions in his power
for reaching that point. We concealed our disappointment, and as soon as
we were alone debated as to the best course to be taken. Two
alternatives only were open. One was to build or seize a raft or boat
and cross in defiance of the order. This was easy enough in the night,
but in daytime it would be very hazardous, and that day, until five
o'clock in the afternoon, was the only time at our disposal. We
therefore took the only remaining course, and dispersing, hurried over
the mountains towards Chattanooga.

Our journey was far from pleasant, as the rocky mountain-spurs here
sweep directly down to the bank of this very crooked river. Several
times we lost our way in the entanglements of the woods, but at length
reached a valley that ran down to the Tennessee directly opposite
Chattanooga. The road was now more frequented, and we talked freely with
travellers, for all fear of being detected by those we chanced to meet
had long since been dissipated.

One countryman related a very interesting item of news from the war in
the East. It was to the effect that the Confederate iron-clad "Merrimac"
had one day steamed out into the harbor of Fortress Monroe, and after
engaging the Union "Monitor" for some hours, with no decisive result,
had run alongside of her opponent, and throwing grappling-irons on
board, had towed her ashore, where she, of course, fell an easy prey.
This may serve as a specimen of the kind of news we perpetually heard
while in the Confederate States.

Quite a number of persons--many of them of our own party--were waiting
on the banks of the Tennessee River. The assemblage of so many of us on
that side of the river was very unfortunate, as it materially increased
the risk of discovery; but a very high wind was blowing, and the
ferryman feared to risk his little shackly "horse-boat" on the turbulent
stream. Our time was nearly exhausted, and we could not afford to wait
very long. We urged the boatman very strenuously to set us over at once,
but he wished to delay until the wind fell. Nothing as yet had been said
to us about passes, but this was explained mentally by the conjecture
that there was a guard on the other side, whose inspection we would be
obliged to pass,--a more formidable ordeal than we had yet encountered.
When requests for a speedy passage failed to move the ferryman, we
changed our tactics, and talked in his hearing of the cowardice of
Tennessee boatmen as contrasted with Kentuckians, or even the Ohio
Yankees. When twelve or sixteen men deliberately attempt to make one man
angry, they can generally succeed. The boatman soon tired of our
raillery, and, entering his boat, told us to come on and show what we
could do by lending him a hand, adding that he would put us over or
drown us, he did not care much which. The invitation was promptly
accepted, and by pushing with poles and pulling on the limbs of
overhanging trees we moved up the stream to a point judged most
favorable, and swung out into the waves. The ride was short and not
without danger, but the peril on the other side was so much greater that
we had little thought to give to the passage. "How should we meet and
deceive the guard?" This was the important question. Our surprise was
almost equal to our delight when we landed and found no one to bar our
progress. The explanation was perfectly simple. The guard had not been
placed that afternoon because it was not believed that any one would
attempt to cross in the storm. Wondering at our good fortune, we hurried
to the cars, and were in time to procure tickets for Marietta before the
departure of the train, which was crowded with passengers, many of them
Confederate soldiers. In such a crowd it was easy to avoid notice.

Every seat in the cars was filled, and we had to be contented with
standing room. The fumes of whiskey and tobacco were very strong.
Talking was loud and incessant, and turned mostly upon the great battle
of Shiloh, the accounts of which were by no means so extravagant as at
first, though a great victory was still claimed. We took part in the
conversation freely, judging this to be the best way of maintaining our
assumed disguise. No general system of passports had been brought into
use, at least in this part of the South, and railway travel was entirely
unrestricted.

The sun was about an hour high when we glided out of the depot, and it
soon sank to rest behind the hills of Georgia. The time for our perilous
attempt drew near. There was some diversity of opinion among the members
of the party, as revealed by conversations both before and after, as to
the prospects of success. The most of us felt some solicitude, but were
far more hopeful than when we left camp. So many incidents had occurred
substantially as they had been planned, that trust in the foresight of
our leader, with the assurance that all would come out right, was
greatly strengthened. The first feeling of strangeness which followed
our plunge into the enemy's country had given way to confidence in the
impenetrability of our mental disguise. For my own part I scarcely felt
a doubt of success. It seemed to me that a dozen modes of escape were
open in the improbable event of failure. I saw the dangers surrounding
us clearly, but none of them now appeared more formidable than when I
first asked Colonel Harris the privilege of joining the expedition.
There were many bridges on the road we passed over, and we could not
help picturing our return on the morrow and the vengeance we proposed
wreaking on them. Darkness closed in, and on we went amid the oaths and
laughter of the rebels, many of whom were very much intoxicated. I
procured a seat on the coal-box and gave myself up to the thoughts
suggested by the hour. There was now no need of trying to keep up
conversation with those around. Visions of former days and friends--dear
friends, both around the camp-fires and the hearths of home, whom I
might never see again--floated before me. I also heard much talk of the
merits of different States and regiments in the contest, and many
discussions of the conscript law, which was just now coming into force.
The opinion of the greater number of the soldiers seemed to be that
while the provisions of the law were right in compelling all to take a
part in the burdens of the conflict, yet that it would be of but little
service, as the unwilling soldiers, who were thus forced into the ranks,
would be no match for volunteers. Little did they imagine that in this
terrible law their rulers had found a weapon which would enable them to
repulse the Northern armies at every point, and protract the war for
three years longer!

[Illustration: CHATTANOOGA AND
RAILROAD CONNECTIONS.]

At this time the Union cause seemed most hopeful. All appearances
indicated a speedy termination of the war and a complete
re-establishment of the old government. Few great battles had taken
place, but the preponderance of fortune as well as force seemed
everywhere on the loyal side. In the West, our armies had during the
last three months penetrated almost half-way to the Gulf; McClellan was
preparing to move with overwhelming force towards Richmond; Burnside was
dealing hard blows on the North Carolina coast; the force which captured
New Orleans was already on the way; and at no point were the rebel
forces a fair match for their opponents. Volunteering had almost stopped
in the South, while recruits were pouring as a steady stream into the
Northern armies, and continued to do so for a year longer. A rebellion
almost isolated and placed everywhere on the defensive could not hope
for long life unless new resources were discovered. The rebel leaders
well knew this, and therefore passed the conscription law.

It is scarcely an exaggeration to say that there were two wars waged
between the North and the South. The first was between the two people by
means of volunteers, and the second between the two governments. For the
first year the soldiers fought on both sides with scarcely a thought of
pay or bounty, and without a hint of compulsion. But the South had
reached the end of this period, and her volunteers were beaten and
exhausted. This was not from any want of bravery on their part, but
because of inferior numbers, and because, having less at stake than the
volunteers of the North, they could less willingly support adverse
fortune. Now the new law was enacted at the South which put all the
able-bodied population at the service of the State. The advantages were
immediate and obvious. All the volunteers who had enlisted for a limited
time were retained. The depleted organizations were filled up to their
full strength, instead of waiting for the recruiting of new regiments,
and the conscripts thus became, in a few days, the equals of old
soldiers. The second year of the war, in which the Northern volunteers
fought the whole force the Southern States could bring into the field,
was, on the whole, the most unfavorable of any period to the loyal arms.
It became clear that the supremacy of the Union could not be restored
unless the same potent weapon could be employed on her behalf. From the
hour that the possibility of this was demonstrated, and a draft
successfully enforced by the Union government, the issue was virtually
decided. Despair might protract the contest, but the utter exhaustion of
Southern resources was only a question of time. Was it necessary to
permit the war to pass from the first into the second stage? Might not
the victory of the Union volunteers have been pushed so rapidly as to
have prevented the South from enforcing the conscription law over any
considerable portion of her territory, and thus have ended the contest
at once? These were questions of tremendous importance, which could only
be answered in the months of April and May, 1862. Then was a golden
opportunity which once lost could only be regained by years of desperate
fighting. A half-dozen great victories in midsummer would be of less
real value than a vigorous advance in the spring, which should at once
discourage the enemy, while at the lowest point of his fortunes, and
prevent the recruiting of his armies by conscription. It has often been
said that the North did not win any decisive advantage until the
abolition of slavery. This is true, but it does not in the least
contradict the view just advanced. That great measure committed the
North absolutely to the conquest of the South, and thus led to exertions
adequate to the end sought. Yet we must conclude, reasoning from a
military point of view only, that if _the same_ exertions had been put
forth earlier, they would have been even more speedily effective.

These considerations, which were but dimly, if at all, realized as we
glided along in the darkness through the heart of the rebel country,
will render more intelligible the vast importance attributed by
competent military authorities to the expedition in which we were
engaged. If we burned the bridges on the morrow, General Mitchel would
certainly capture Chattanooga within three or four days, and spread his
power over East Tennessee and all the adjoining loyal districts. The
people of this section, now thoroughly alarmed and enraged by the
conscription, would enlist under his banner by tens of thousands. Seven
regiments had already been formed by East Tennesseeans, who, under
circumstances of the greatest difficulty, had run away into Kentucky.
The communications of the Eastern and the Western rebel armies would be
cut; and to destroy those armies in detail would only require the
vigorous advance of the forces already opposed to them. This was a
brilliant prospect to set before an expedition composed of only
twenty-four men; but there is in it nothing beyond the realm of
probability, and as I thought of the mere possibility of such
achievements I felt that we might afford to despise all personal danger.
To deliver a territory occupied by nearly a million citizens from
conscription; to place an army in the most important strategical
position in the rebel territory, for such Chattanooga was; to give the
command of the great continental system of railways into the hands of
our own troops, and to paralyze the plans of the enemy; these were,
indeed, almost incredible results to flow from such a cause; but we
believed then that such would be the meaning of our success. The reader
who will study attentively the military situation as it was in 1862,
with the railroads then existing, and add the fact that the Southern
armies were then depleted to the lowest point reached during the
struggle, will not be disposed to smile at such possibilities. It is
certain that in the first hour of panic, caused by our attempt, the
Confederates themselves acknowledged, not in words only, but in the most
significant actions, the deadly peril to which they had been exposed.

With such thoughts the hours passed not unpleasantly. I noticed that we
were making very slow time, and afterwards learned that this was general
on Southern roads. The absorption in warlike affairs and the scarcity of
iron and all other material, as well as of money, had caused the
managers of the railroads to let them fall into bad repair, and this
necessitated a low rate of speed. The fastest train on this road did not
get beyond eighteen miles an hour. This was a decidedly unfavorable
element in the problem we were to solve. Some of the adventurers were
even less favorably impressed with our prospects than I was. The immense
business of the road, which had become one of the most important in the
whole South, rendered the running of a train when we captured it much
more difficult. We saw many freight trains lying at the stations, and
everything indicated that the capacity of this line of rail was being
pressed to the utmost. Sergeant Ross and Alfred Wilson took the most
gloomy view of our prospects of success, and even sought an opportunity,
soon after, to dissuade Andrews from going any further in it. The latter
thus explains his own feelings,--

"After getting seated, and there being no further cause of
concern for the time being, I began to carefully study over the
situation with all the thought I could, and to calculate our
chances of success or failure. The result of my deliberations
was by no means encouraging. We were one day behind the time
appointed. I knew, too, or felt sure, that General Mitchel
would not fail to march upon and take Huntsville, according to
the arrangement made when we started. I also felt that if he
did so there would be little room to hope for our success. It
would cause the roads to be crowded with trains flying from
danger, and it would be difficult to pass them all in safety.
But it was too late now to change the programme. We must make
the effort, come what might. I said nothing, however, to any
one but Andrews; but on listening to my opinion on the
situation, he encouraged me by saying there was yet a good
chance to succeed. Indeed, he expressed himself in so sanguine
a manner that I made no further argument; but I still thought
my course of reasoning correct, whether the event should accord
with it or not."

From the soldiers and others in the train we received a rumor which was
full of startling interest to us,--nothing less than the reported
capture of Huntsville by General Mitchel. Much incredulity was
expressed, and details were wanting. His force was reported at
twenty-five or thirty thousand men,--an extravagant but not unnatural
over-estimate. We had no doubt of the truth of the report, though it
would have better suited us if he also had been detained for one day, or
even more.

It was near nine o'clock when the train reached the supper station.
After all our fatigue we were well prepared to do justice to the
bountiful meal that was spread. But there was such a rush for the table
that several of our party were unable to get near it, and had therefore
to continue their fast. The writer was more fortunate. Buffum, who was
crowded back on account of his small size, managed to stoop down and
slip up under the arm of a rebel officer just as the latter was rising
from the table, and thus took his place while a half-dozen hungry
travellers rushed for it. There was some laughing, and Buffum was
applauded for his "Yankee trick," more than he would have been had it
been known that he was actually a native of Massachusetts, and then
engaged in the Federal service.

The train rushed on after we left the supper station, and as I had
managed to get a good meal and also a comfortable seat in the changing,
all reflections and dangers were soon forgotten in a sound sleep, from
which I only awakened when the conductor shouted "Marietta!" It was then
almost midnight, and the goal was reached. This was, for the present,
the utmost boundary of our journey. We were now in the centre of the
Confederacy, and before we departed had a blow to strike that would
either make all rebeldom vibrate from centre to circumference or leave
us at the mercy of the merciless. But the first thing to be done was to
snatch a short repose preparatory to the hard work of the morrow.

CHAPTER IV.

A LOCOMOTIVE AND TRAIN CAPTURED.

The greater number of us arranged to pass the night at a small hotel
adjoining the Marietta depot. Before retiring we left orders with the
hotel clerk to rouse us in time for the northward bound train, due not
long after daylight. Notwithstanding our novel situation, I never slept
more soundly. Good health, extreme fatigue, and the feeling that the die
was now cast and further thought useless, made me sink into slumber
almost as soon as I touched the bed. Others equally brave and determined
were affected in a different way. Alfred Wilson says,--

"No man knows what a day may bring forth, and the very
uncertainty of what that day's sun would bring forth in our
particular cases was the reason that some of us, myself at
least of the number, did not sleep very much. Our doom might be
fixed before the setting of another sun. We might be hanging to
the limbs of some of the trees along the railroad, with an
enraged populace jeering and shouting vengeance because we had
no more lives to give up; or we might leave a trail of fire and
destruction behind us, and come triumphantly rolling into
Chattanooga and Huntsville, within the Federal lines, to
receive the welcome plaudits of comrades left behind, and the
thanks of our general, and the praises of a grateful people.
Such thoughts as these passed in swift review, and were not
calculated to make one sleep soundly."

As the hotel was much crowded, we obtained a few rooms in close
proximity, and crowded them to their utmost capacity. Andrews noted our
rooms before retiring, that he might, if necessary, seek any one of us
out for consultation before we rose. Porter and Hawkins were
unfortunately overlooked; they had arrived on an earlier train and
obtained lodging at some distance from the depot. The clerk failed to
have them called in time for the morning train, as they had ordered,
and, greatly to their regret and chagrin, they were left behind. This
was a serious loss, as they were both cool, brave men, and Hawkins was
the most experienced railway engineer of our company. W. F. Brown, who
took his place in this work, was, however, fully competent, though
possibly somewhat less cautious.

Long before the train was due, Andrews, who had slept little, if at all,
that night, glided from room to room silently as a ghost, the doors
being purposely left unfastened, and aroused the slumberers. It seemed
to some of us scarcely a moment from the time of retiring until he came
thus to the bedside of each sleeper in turn, and cautiously wakening
him, asked his name, to prevent the possibility of mistake, and then
told each one exactly the part he was expected to take in the enterprise
of the day. There was hasty dressing, and afterwards an informal meeting
held in Andrews' room, at which nearly one-half of the whole number were
present, and plans were more fully discussed. Then Marion A. Ross, one
of the most determined of the whole number, took the bold step of
advising and even urging the abandonment, for the present, of the whole
enterprise. He reasoned with great force that under present
circumstances, with the rebel vigilance fully aroused by Mitchel's rapid
advance, with guards stationed around the train we were to capture, as
we had learned would be the case at Big Shanty, and with the road itself
obstructed by numerous trains, the enterprise was sure to fail, and
would cost the life of every man engaged in it. Andrews very gently
answered his arguments and strove to show that the objections urged
really weighed in favor of the original plan. No such attempt as we
purposed had ever been made, and consequently would not be guarded
against; the presence of a line of sentinels and of so many troops at
Big Shanty would only tend to relax vigilance still further; and the
great amount of business done on the road, with the running of many
unscheduled trains, would screen us from too close inquiry when we ran
our train ahead of time. This reasoning was not altogether satisfactory,
and some of the others joined Ross in a respectful but firm protest
against persisting in such a hopeless undertaking. But Andrews, speaking
very low, as was his wont when thoroughly in earnest, declared that he
had once before postponed the attempt, and returned to camp disgraced.
"Now," he continued, "I will accomplish my purpose or leave my bones to
bleach in Dixie. But I do not wish to control any one against his own
judgment. If any of you think it too hazardous, you are perfectly at
liberty to take the train in the opposite direction and work your way
back to camp as you can."

This inflexible determination closed the discussion, and as no man was
willing to desert his leader, we all assured him of our willingness to
obey his orders to the death. I had taken no part in the discussion, as
I was not in possession of sufficient facts to judge of the chance of
success, and I wished the responsibility to rest upon the leader, where
it properly belonged.

The train was now nearly due, and we proceeded to the station for the
purchase of tickets. By the time they had been procured--not all for one
place, as we wished to lessen the risk of suspicion--the train swept up
to the platform. Hastily glancing at it in the early morning light, and
seeing only that it was very long and apparently well filled, the twenty
adventurers entered by different doors, but finally took their places in
one car.

From Marietta to Big Shanty the railroad sweeps in a long bend of eight
miles around the foot of Kenesaw Mountain, which lies directly between
the two stations. This elevation is now scarred all over with rebel
intrenchments, and was the scene of one of the severest contests of the
war. This, however, as well as the whole of the three months' struggle
from Chattanooga to Atlanta, came a year and a half later. At this time
the nearest Federal soldiers were more than two hundred miles away.

When the train moved on and the conductor came to take our tickets we
observed him carefully, as we knew not how closely his fate and ours
might be linked together in the approaching struggle. The most vivid
anticipation fell far short of the reality. Upon the qualities of that
one man our success or failure hinged. He was quite young--not more than
twenty-three or four,--and looked like a man of resolution and energy.
We noticed that he was also scrutinizing us and the other passengers
very closely, and naturally feared that he had in some manner been put
on his guard. In fact, as we learned long afterwards, he had been warned
that some of the new conscripts who were reluctant to fight for the
Confederacy were contemplating an escape, and might try to get a ride on
the cars. His orders were to watch for all such and arrest them at once.
But he did not think that any of the men who got on at Marietta looked
in the least like conscripts or deserters.

The train ran slowly, stopping at several intervening points, and did
not reach Big Shanty until it was fully daylight. This station had been
selected for the seizure, because the train breakfasted there, and it
was probable that many of the employés and passengers would leave it for
their meal, thus diminishing the opposition we might expect. Another
most important reason for the selection was the absence of any telegraph
office. But, on the other hand, Camp McDonald had been lately located
here, and a large body of soldiers--some accounts said as many as ten
thousand men--were already assembled. Their camp included the station
within the guard-line. When Andrews and the first party had been at
Atlanta, three weeks earlier, few troops had yet arrived at this point.
The capture of a train in the midst of a camp of the enemy was not a
part of the original plan, but subsequently became necessary. It was
certainly a great additional element of danger, but it was not now
possible to substitute any other point.

The decisive hour had arrived. It is scarcely boastful to say that the
annals of history record few enterprises more bold and novel than that
witnessed by the rising sun of Saturday morning, April 12, 1862. Here
was a train, with several hundred passengers, with a full complement of
hands, lying inside a line of sentinels, who were distinctly seen pacing
back and forth in close proximity, to be seized by a mere score of men,
and to be carried away before the track could be obstructed, or the
intruding engineer shot down at his post. Only the most careful
calculation and prompt execution, concentrating the power of the whole
band into a single lightning-like stroke, could afford the slightest
prospect of success. In the bedroom conference every action was
predetermined with the nicest accuracy. Our engineer and his assistant
knew the signal at which to start; the brakesmen had their work
assigned; the man who was to uncouple the cars knew just the place at
which to make the separation; the remainder of the number constituted a
guard, in two divisions, who were to stand with ready revolvers abreast
of the cars to be seized, and shoot down without hesitation any one who
attempted to interfere with the work. Andrews was to command the whole,
and do any part of the work not otherwise provided for. Should there be
any unexpected hindrance, we were to fight until we either overcame all
opposition and captured the train or perished in a body. If we failed to
carry off our prize we were inevitably lost; if any man failed to be on
board when the signal was given, his fate also was sealed. A delay of
thirty seconds after our designs became clearly known would have
resulted in the slaughter of the whole party.

When our train rolled up to the platform the usual announcement was
shouted, "Big Shanty; twenty minutes for breakfast!" Most fortunately
for us, the conductor, engineer, firemen, and train-hands generally,
with many of the passengers, poured out, and hurried to the long, low
eating-room which gave its name to the station. The engine was utterly
unguarded. This uncommon carelessness was the result of perfect
security, and greatly favored our design. Yet it was a thrilling moment!
Victory or death hung on the next minute! There was no chance for
drawing back, and I do not think any of us had the disposition. A little
while before, a sense of shrinking came over the writer like that
preceding a plunge into ice-water; but with the next breath it passed
away, and left me as calm and quiet as if no enemy had been within a
hundred miles. Still, for a moment, we kept our seats. Andrews went
forward to examine the track and see if there was any hindrance to a
rapid rush ahead. Almost immediately he returned, and said, very
quietly, "All right, boys; let us go now." There was nothing in this to
attract special observation; but whether it did or not was now a matter
of indifference. The time of concealment was past. We rose, left the
cars, and walked briskly to the head of the train. With the precision of
machinery, every man took his appointed place. Three cars back from the
tender the coupling-pin was drawn out, as the load of passenger-cars
would only have been an incumbrance. Wilson W. Brown, who acted as
engineer, William Knight as assistant, Alfred Wilson as fireman,
together with Andrews, mounted the engine, Knight grasping the lever,
and waiting the word for starting. The appointed brakesmen threw
themselves flat on the top of the cars. At a signal from Andrews, the
remainder of the band, who had kept watch, climbed with surprising
quickness into a box-car which stood open. All was well! Knight, at
Andrews' orders, jerked open the steam-valve, and we were off! Before
the camp-guards or the bystanders could do more than turn a curious
eye upon our proceedings, the train was under way, and we were safe from
interruption.

[Illustration: CAPTURE OF A TRAIN.]

The writer was stationed in the box-car, and as soon as all were in, we
pulled the door shut to guard against any stray musket-balls. For a
moment of most intense suspense after we were thus shut in all was
still. In that moment a thousand conflicting thoughts swept through our
minds. Then came a pull, ajar, a clang, and we were flying away on our
perilous journey. Those who were on the engine caught a glimpse of the
excited crowd, soldiers and citizens, swarming and running about in the
wildest confusion. It has been said that a number of shots were fired
after us, but those in the box-car knew nothing of it, and it is certain
that no one was injured. A widely-circulated picture represented us as
waving our hats and shouting in triumph. Nothing so melodramatic took
place. The moment was too deep and earnest, and we had too many perils
still to encounter for any such childish demonstration.

Yet it was a grand triumph, and having nothing of a more practical
character for the moment to do, I realized it to the fullest extent.
There are times in life when whole years of enjoyment are condensed into
a single experience. It was so with me then. I could comprehend the
emotion of Columbus when he first beheld through the dim dawn the
long-dreamed-of shores of America, or the less innocent but no less
fervent joy of Cortez when he planted the Cross of Spain on the halls of
Montezuma. My breast throbbed fast with emotions of joy and gladness
that words labor in vain to express. A sense of ethereal lightness ran
through my veins, and I seemed ascending higher, higher, with each
pulsation of the engine. Remember, I was but twenty-two then, full of
hope and ambition. Not a dream of failure shadowed my rapture. We had
always been told that the greatest difficulty was to reach and take
possession of the engine, after which success was certain. But for
unforeseen contingencies it would have been.

Away we rush, scouring past field and village and woodland. At each leap
of the engine our hearts rose higher, and we talked merrily of the
welcome that would greet us when we dashed into Huntsville a few hours
later, our enterprise done, and the brightest laurels of the war
eclipsed!

We found the railroad, however, to be of the roughest and most difficult
character. The grades were very heavy and the curves numerous and sharp.
We seemed to be running towards every point of the compass. The deep
valleys and steep hills of this part of the country had rendered the
building of the road difficult and costly. There were numerous high
embankments where an accident would be of deadly character. The track
was also uneven and in generally bad condition, for the war had rendered
railroad iron scarce and high-priced, besides diverting all attention
and resources into other channels. This unfavorable character of the
road very greatly increased the difficulty experienced by an engineer
unfamiliar with the route in making rapid time, or in avoiding the
varied difficulties incident to our progress. But we trusted implicitly
that the far-sighted plans of Andrews, the skill of our engineers, and
our own willing efforts would overcome all hindrances.

Our first run was short. There was a sudden checking of speed and a
halt. When those of us who were in the box-car pushed open our door and
asked the reason for stopping so soon, we were told that the fire was
low and the steam exhausted. This was startling intelligence, and caused
a moment of consternation. If our "General"--the name of the locomotive
we had captured--failed us at the beginning of the race, we too well
knew what the end would be. For hundreds of miles on every side of us
were desperate and daring foes. A hundred times our number of horse and
foot could be gathered against us in a few hours. The most timid bird
pursued by hounds feels safe, for its wings can bear it above their
jaws. But if those wings should be broken! This engine gave us wings;
but if it should be disabled no valor of ours could beat back the hosts
about us, no skill elude their rage. But we found a less threatening
explanation of our premature halt. The schedule time of our train was
very slow,--only about sixteen miles an hour,--and the fires had been
allowed to run down because of the expected stop of twenty minutes for
breakfast at Big Shanty,--a stop that we had reduced to less than two
minutes. Then the valve being thrown wide open, the little steam in the
boiler was soon exhausted. But this difficulty was of short duration. A
rest of three minutes, with plenty of wood thrown into the furnace,
wrought a change, and we again glided rapidly forward.

But when viewed soberly, and in the light of all the facts since
developed, what were the chances of success and escape possessed by the
flying party? Was the whole attempt, as has been frequently asserted,
rash and foolhardy? Or had it that character of practicability which is
ever the stamp of true genius? Historical accuracy, as well as justice
to the memory of a brave but unfortunate man, compels me to pronounce
the scheme almost faultless. In this estimate I have the full
concurrence of all who were engaged on the opposite side. It is hard to
see how the plan could have been improved without allowing its projector
to have had a knowledge of the precise condition of the enemy such as no
commander at the beginning of an important enterprise ever has. No one
of the plans by which Generals Grant and Sherman finally overthrew the
Rebellion presented a clearer prospect of success.

These are the elements of the problem upon which Andrews based his
hopes. Big Shanty is twenty-eight miles north of Atlanta and thirty-two
south of Kingston. Short of these places he was convinced that no
engine could be obtained for pursuit. He could obstruct the road so that
no train would reach Big Shanty for hours. Pinch-bars and other
instruments for lifting track might be found on the captured engine, or
obtained from some station or working-party. His force of twenty men was
counted ample to overcome resistance at any switch or passing train. One
irregular train only was expected to be on the road, and that would soon
be met,--certainly at Kingston or before,--after which it would be safe
to run at the highest speed to the first bridge, burn it, and pass on to
the next, which, with all other large bridges, could be served in the
same manner. Each bridge burnt would be an insuperable barrier to
pursuit by an engine beyond that point. Thus every part of the scheme
was fair and promising. Only those critics who are wise after the event
can pronounce the attempt rash and hopeless. The destruction of the
telegraph would also be necessary; but this was not difficult. It seemed
as if every contingency was provided for, and then there was the
additional fighting power of twenty chosen men to guard against any
possible emergency. We were now embarked on this most perilous but
hopeful voyage. Coolness, precision of work, and calm effort could
scarcely fail to sever the chief military communications of the enemy
before the setting of the sun, and convince him that no enterprise was
too audacious for the Union arms.

CHAPTER V.

UNFORESEEN HINDRANCES.

After the fire had been made to burn briskly Andrews jumped off the
engine, ran back to the box-car, about the door of which we were
standing, and clasped our hands in an ecstasy of congratulation. He
declared that all our really hard work was done and that our
difficulties were nearly passed; that we had the enemy at such a
disadvantage that he could not harm us; and exhibited every sign of joy.
Said he, "Only one train to meet, and then we will put our engine to
full speed, burn the bridges that I have marked out, dash through
Chattanooga, and on to Mitchel at Huntsville. We've got the upper hand
of the rebels now, and they can't help themselves!" How glad we all
were! When, three years later, the capture of Richmond set all the bells
of the North ringing out peals of triumph, the sensation of joy was more
diffused but less intense than we then experienced. Almost everything
mankind values seemed within our grasp. Oh, if we had met but one
unscheduled train!

This reference of Andrews to one train which he expected to meet before
we began to burn bridges has been quoted in many public sketches, and
has led to some misapprehension. He did expect to meet three trains
before reaching Chattanooga; but two of these were regular trains, and
being also farther up the road, were not supposed to present any serious
difficulty. Their position at any given time could be definitely
ascertained, and we could avoid collision with them, no matter how far
we ran ahead of time. But so long as there were any irregular trains on
the road before us, our only safety was in keeping the regular time of
the captured train. This was, unfortunately, very slow; but if we
exceeded it we lost the right of way, and were liable to a collision at
any moment. This risk was greatly increased by our inability to send
ahead telegraphic notifications of our position. The order of
southward-bound trains, according to the information we then had, was as
follows: First, a way-freight, which was very uncertain as to time, but
which we expected to meet early in the morning, and felt sure that it
would be at Kingston or south of that point. This was the only real
hindrance according to our programme, and it was to this train that
Andrews referred. Behind this were the regular freight train, and still
farther north the regular passenger train. As a matter of fact, we did
meet these trains at Adairsville and Calhoun, the latter being somewhat
behind time; but we might have met them farther north had it not been
for unforeseen hindrances.

There is considerable discrepancy in the many published accounts of the
following chase, which the writer has not in every case been able to
perfectly reconcile. In the intense excitement and novel situations
involved men were not likely to observe or remember every event
accurately. But no pains have been spared to combine fulness and
completeness in the following account. Using the best of my own
recollections, consulting my comrades, reading carefully all published
accounts, and especially going over the whole route years after, with
Fuller and Murphy, two of the pursuing party, who kindly gave me all the
information in their power, it is hoped that substantial accuracy has
been obtained. Some of the incidents of the chase, such as the number of
times the track was torn up, and whether we were fired upon by pursuing
soldiers, allow some room for a conflict of memory. But the variations
are not material.

Side by side with the road ran the telegraph-wires, which were able, by
the flashing of a single lightning message ahead, to arrest our progress
and dissipate our fondest hopes. There was no telegraph station where we
had captured the train, but we knew not how soon our enemies might reach
one, or whether they might not have a portable battery at command.
Therefore we ran but a short distance, after replenishing the furnace,
before again stopping to cut the wire.

John Scott, an active young man of the Twenty-first Ohio, scrambled up
the pole with the agility of a cat, and tried to break the wire by
swinging upon it; but failing in this, he knocked off the insulating box
at the top of the pole and swung with it down to the ground.
Fortunately, a small saw was found on the engine, with which the wire
was severed in two places, and the included portion, many yards in
length, was taken away with us, in order that the ends might not be
readily joined.

While one or two of the party were thus engaged others worked with equal
diligence in taking up a rail from the track. No good track-raising
instruments had been found on the train, and we had not yet procured
them from any other source. A smooth iron bar, about four feet long, was
the only instrument yet found, and with this some of the spikes were
slowly and painfully battered out. After a few had thus been extracted,
a lever was got under the rail and the remainder were pried loose. This
occupied much more time than cutting the wire, and it required no
prophet to foretell that if we did not procure better tools rail-lifting
would have to be used very sparingly in our programme. In the present
instance, however, the loss of time was no misfortune, as we were ahead
of the schedule time, which we still felt bound to observe.

After another rapid but brief run, we paused long enough to chop down a
telegraph-pole, cut the wire again, and place the pole, with many other
obstructions, on the track. We did not here try to lift a rail; indeed,
we had little serious fear of any pursuit at this time, and merely threw
on these obstructions because of having spare time to employ.

We thus continued--running a little ahead of time, then stopping to
obstruct the track and cut the wire--until Cass Station was reached,
where we took on a good supply of wood and water. At this place we also
obtained a complete time schedule of the road. Andrews told the
tank-tender that we were running a powder-train through to the army of
General Beauregard at Corinth, which was almost out of ammunition, and
that the greatest haste was necessary. He further claimed to be a
Confederate officer of high rank, and said that he had impressed this
train for the purpose in hand, and that Fuller, with the regular
passenger train, would be along shortly. The whole story was none too
plausible, as General Mitchel was now interposed between our present
position and Beauregard, and we would never have been able to get a
train to the army of the latter on this route; but the tender was not
critical and gave us his schedule, adding that he would willingly send
his shirt to Beauregard if that general needed it. When this man was
afterwards asked if he did not suspect the character of the enemy he
thus aided, he answered that he would as soon have suspected the
President of the Confederacy himself as one who talked so coolly and
confidently as Andrews did!

Keeping exactly on regular time, we proceeded without any striking
adventures until Kingston was reached. This place--thirty-two miles from
Big Shanty--we regarded as marking the first stage of our journey. Two
hours had elapsed since the capture of the train, and hitherto we had
been fairly prosperous. No track-lifting instruments had yet been
obtained, notwithstanding inquiries for them at several stations. We had
secured no inflammable materials for more readily firing the bridges,
and the road was not yet clear before us. But, on the other hand, no
serious hindrance had yet occurred, and we believed ourselves far ahead
of any possible pursuit.

But at Kingston we had some grounds for apprehending difficulty. This
little town is at the junction with the road to Rome, Georgia. Cars and
engines were standing on the side track. Here we fully expected to meet
our first train, and it would be necessary for us to get the switches
properly adjusted before we could pass it to go on our way. When we drew
up at the station there was handed to Andrews our first and last
communication from the management of the road, in the shape of a
telegram, ordering Fuller's train--now ours--to wait at Kingston for the
local freight, which was considerably behind time. The order was not
very welcome, but we drew out on the side track, and watched eagerly for
the train. Many persons gathered around Andrews, who here, as always,
personated the conductor of our train, and showered upon him many
curious and somewhat suspicious questions. Ours was an irregular train,
but the engine was recognized as Fuller's. The best answers possible
were given. A red flag had been placed on our engine, and the
announcement was made that Fuller, with another engine, was but a short
way behind. The powder story was emphasized, and every means employed to
avoid suspicion. Andrews only, and the usual complement of train-hands,
were visible, the remainder of the party being tightly shut up in the
car, which was designated as containing Beauregard's ammunition. The
striking personal appearance of Andrews greatly aided him in carrying
through his deception, which was never more difficult than at this
station. His commanding presence, and firm but graceful address, marked
him as a Southern gentleman,--a member of the class from which a great
proportion of the rebel officers were drawn. His declarations and orders
were therefore received with the greater respect on this account. But
all these resources were here strained to the utmost.

At length the anxiously-expected local freight train arrived, and took
its place on another side track. We were about to start on our way, with
the glad consciousness that our greatest obstacle was safely passed,
when a red flag was noticed on the hindmost freight-car. This elicited
immediate inquiry, and we were informed that another very long freight
train was just behind, and that we would be obliged to wait its arrival
also. This was most unfortunate, as we had been already detained at
Kingston much longer than was pleasant. There were many disagreeable
elements in the situation. A crowd of persons was rapidly assembling.
The train from Rome was also nearly due, and though it only came to the
station and returned on its own branch, yet it was not agreeable to
notice the constant increase of force that our enemies were gaining. If
any word from the southward arrived, or if our true character was
revealed in any other way, the peril would be imminent. But we trusted
that this second delay would be brief. Slowly the minutes passed by. To
us, who were shut up in the box-car, it appeared as if they would never
be gone. Our soldier comrades on the outside kept in the background as
much as possible, remaining at their posts on the engine and the cars,
while Andrews occupied attention by complaining of the delay, and
declaring that the road ought to be kept clear of freight trains when so
much needed for the transportation of army supplies, and when the fate
of the whole army of the West might depend upon the celerity with which
it received its ammunition. There was plausibility enough in his words
to lull suspicion in all minds except that of the old switch-tender of
the place, who grumbled out his conviction "that something was wrong
with that stylish-looking fellow, who ordered everybody around as if the
whole road belonged to him." But no one paid any attention to this man's
complaints, and not many minutes after a distant whistle sounded from
the northward, and we felt that the crisis had passed. As there was no
more room on the side track, Andrews ordered the switch-tender to let
this train run by on the main track. That worthy was still grumbling,
but he reluctantly obeyed, and the long success on of cars soon glided
by us.

This meant release from a suspense more intolerable than the most
perilous action. To calmly wait where we could do nothing, while our
destiny was being wrought out by forces operating in the darkness, was a
terrible trial of nerve. But it was well borne. Brown, Knight, and
Wilson, who were exposed to view, exhibited no more impatience than was
to be expected of men in their assumed situation. Those of us in the
box-car talked in whispers only, and examined the priming of our
pistols. We understood that we were waiting for a delayed train, and
well knew the fearful possibilities of an obstructed track, with the
speedy detection, and fight against overwhelming odds that would follow,
if the train for which we waited did not arrive sooner than pursuers
from Big Shanty. When we recognized the whistle of the coming train it
was almost as welcome as the boom of Mitchel's cannon, which we expected
to hear that evening after all our work was done. As it rumbled by us we
fully expected an instant start, a swift run of a few miles, and then
the hard work but pleasant excitement of bridge-burning. Alas!

Swift and frequent are the mutations of war. Success can never be
assured to any enterprise in advance. The train for which we had waited
with so much anxiety had no sooner stopped than we beheld on it an
emblem more terrible than any comet that ever frighted a superstitious
continent. Another red flag! Another train close behind! This was
terrible, but what could be done? With admirable presence of mind
Andrews moderated his impatience, and asked the conductor of the
newly-arrived train the meaning of such an unusual obstruction of the
road. His tone was commanding, and without reserve the conductor gave
the full explanation. To Andrews it had a thrilling interest. The
commander at Chattanooga had received information that the Yankee
General Mitchel was coming by forced marches and in full strength
against that town; therefore all the rolling-stock of the road had been
ordered to Atlanta. This train was the first instalment, but another and
still longer section was behind. It was to start a few minutes after he
did, and would probably not be more than ten or fifteen minutes behind.
In turn, the conductor asked Andrews who he was, and received the
information that he was an agent of General Beauregard, and that he had
impressed a train into military service in Atlanta, which he was running
through with powder, of which Beauregard was in extreme need. Under such
circumstances he greatly regretted this unfortunate detention. The
conductor did not suspect the falsity of these pretences, but told
Andrews that it was very doubtful if he could get to Beauregard at
Corinth by going through Chattanooga, as it was certain that Mitchel had
captured Huntsville, directly on the line between them. Andrews replied
that this made no difference, as he had his orders, and should press on
until they were countermanded, adding that Mitchel was probably only
paying a flying visit to Huntsville, and would have to be gone soon, or
find Beauregard upon him. Andrews also ordered the conductor to run far
enough down the main track to allow the next train to draw in behind
him, and for both trains there to wait the coming of Fuller with the
regular mail. His orders were implicitly obeyed; and then to our party
recommenced the awful trial of quiet waiting. One of the men outside was
directed to give notice to those in the box-car of the nature of the
detention, and warn them to be ready for any emergency. Either Brown or
Knight, I think, executed this commission. Leaning against our car, but
without turning his eyes towards it, and speaking in a low voice, he
said, "We are waiting for one of the trains the rebels are running off
from Mitchel. If we are detected before it comes, we will have to fight.
Be ready." We _were_ ready; and so intolerable is suspense that most of
us would have felt as a welcome relief the command to throw open our
door and spring into deadly conflict.

Slowly the leaden moments dragged themselves away. It seems scarcely
creditable, but it is literally true, that for twenty-five minutes more
we lay on that side track and waited,--waited with minds absorbed,
pulses leaping, and ears strained for the faintest sound which might
give a hint as to our destiny. One precious hour had we wasted at
Kingston,--time enough to have burned every bridge between that place
and Dalton! The whole margin of time on which we had allowed ourselves
to count was two hours; now half of that was thrown away at one station,
and nothing accomplished. We dared wait no longer. Andrews decided to
rush ahead with the intention of meeting this extra train wherever it
might be found, and forcing it to back before him to the next siding,
where he could pass it. The resolution was in every way dangerous, but
the danger would at least be of an active character. Just at this moment
the long-expected whistle was heard, and soon the train came into plain
view, bringing with it an almost interminable string of cars. The weight
and length of its train had caused the long delay. Obedient to
direction, it followed the first extra down the main track, and its
locomotive was a long way removed from the depot when the last car
cleared the upper end of the side track on which we lay. At length it
had got far enough down, and it was possible for us to push on. Andrews
instantly ordered the switch-tender to arrange the track so as to let us
out.

But here a new difficulty presented itself. This man had been in an ill
humor from the first, and was now fully convinced that something was
wrong. Possibly the tone in which he was addressed irritated him still
more. He therefore responded to Andrews' order by a surly refusal, and
hung up the keys in the station-house. When we in the box-car overheard
his denial, we were sure that the time for fighting had come. There was
no more reason for dreading the issue of a conflict at this station than
at any other point, and we waited the signal with the confident
expectation of victory.

But even a victory at that moment would have been most undesirable. We
had no wish to shed blood unnecessarily. A telegraph office was at hand,
and it was possible that before the wire could be cut a message might be
flashed ahead. There were also engines in readiness for prompt pursuit,
and while we might have overcome immediate opposition by the use of our
firearms, our triumph would have been the signal for a close and
terrible chase.

The daring coolness of Andrews removed all embarrassments. While men are
hesitating and in doubt, boldness and promptness on the part of an
opponent are almost sure to carry the day. Ceasing to address the
switch-tender, Andrews walked hurriedly into the station, and with the
truthful remark that he had no more time to waste, took down the key and
began to unlock the switch. The tender cursed him terribly, and called
for some to arrest him. The crowd around also disliked the action, and
began to hoot and yell; but before any one had decided as to what ought
to be done Andrews had unlocked and changed the switch, and waved his
hand for the engineer to come on. It was an inexpressible relief when
the cars moved forward and the sounds of strife died out. As soon as the
locomotive passed to the main track, Andrews tossed the keys to the
ruffled owner of them, saying, in his blandest manner, "Pardon me, sir,
for being in such a hurry, but the Confederacy can't wait for every
man's notions. You'll find it is all right," and stepped on board his
engine. The excitement gradually ceased, and no thought of pursuit was
entertained until startling intelligence was received a few moments
later from Big Shanty.

Before describing the terrible struggle above Kingston, it will be well
to narrate the operations of the persons whose train had been so
unceremoniously snatched from them at Big Shanty. From printed accounts
published contemporaneously by several of those engaged in the pursuit,
as well as from personal responses to inquiries made regarding the most
material points, the writer is confident that he can tell the strange
story without essential error. It is a striking commentary on the
promptness of the seizure, that the bystanders generally reported that
only eight men, instead of twenty, had been observed to mount the train.

William A. Fuller, conductor, Anthony Murphy, manager of the State
railroad shops at Atlanta, and Jefferson Cain, engineer, stepped off
their locomotive, leaving it unguarded save by the surrounding
sentinels, and in perfect confidence took their seats at the
breakfast-table at Big Shanty. But before they had tasted a morsel of
food the quick ear of Murphy, who was seated with his back towards the
window, caught the sound of escaping steam, and he exclaimed, "Fuller,
who's moving your train?" Almost simultaneously the latter, who was
somewhat of a ladies' man, and was bestowing polite attentions upon two
or three fair passengers, saw the same movement, and sprang up,
shouting, "Somebody's running off with our train!" No breakfast was
eaten then. Everybody rushed through the door to the platform. The train
was then fully under way, just sweeping out of sight around the first
curve. With quick decision Fuller shouted to Murphy and Cain, "Come on!"
and started at a full run after the flying train! This attempt to run
down and catch a locomotive by a foot-race seemed so absurd that as the
three, at the top of their speed, passed around the same curve, they
were greeted with loud laughter and ironical cheers by the excited
multitude. To all appearances it was a foolish and hopeless chase.

Yet, paradoxical as the statement may seem, this chase on foot was the
wisest course possible for Fuller and his companions. What else could
they do? Had they remained quietly in camp, with no show of zeal, they
would have been reproached with negligence in not guarding their train
more carefully, even if they were not accused with being in league with
its captors. As they ran, Fuller explained the situation and his
purposes to his companions. They had neither electric battery nor
engine. Had they obtained horses, they would necessarily have followed
the common road, instead of the railroad, and if they thought of that
expedient at all, it would be as distasteful to railroad men as
abandoning their ship to sailors, and they preferred leaving that course
for others. It would have been wise for those who could think of nothing
else to do to ride as mounted couriers to the stations ahead; but
whether this was done or not I have never learned. Certainly it was not
done so promptly as to influence the fortunes of the day.

But the truth is that Fuller and Murphy were at first completely
deceived as to the nature of the event which had taken place. They had
been warned to guard against the escape of conscript deserters from that
very camp; and although they would never have suspected an attempt on
the part of the conscripts to escape by capturing their engine, yet when
it was seen to dash off, the thought of this warning was naturally
uppermost. Even then Fuller conjectured that they would use his engine
only to get a mile or two beyond the guard line, and then abandon it. He
was therefore anxious to follow closely in order to find the engine and
return for his passengers at the earliest moment possible. Little did he
anticipate the full magnitude of the work and the danger before him.
That any Federal soldiers were within a hundred miles of Big Shanty
never entered his mind or that of any other person.

[Illustration: CAPTAIN WM. A. FULLER.
(Conductor of Pursuing Train.)
Page 87.]

For a mile or two the three footmen ran at the top of their speed,
straining their eyes forward for any trace of the lost engine which they
expected to see halted and abandoned at almost any point on the road.
But they were soon partially undeceived as to the character of their
enemies. About two miles from the place of starting they found the
telegraph wire severed and a portion of it carried away. The fugitives
were also reported as quietly oiling and inspecting their engine. No
mere deserters would be likely to think of this. The two actions
combined clearly indicated the intention of making a long run, but who
the men were still remained a mystery. A few hundred yards from this
place a party of workmen with a hand-car was found, and these most
welcome reinforcements were at once pressed into the service.

Fuller's plans now became more definite and determined. He had a good
hand-car and abundance of willing muscle to work it. By desperate
exertions, by running behind the car and pushing it up the steep grades,
and then mounting and driving it furiously down-hill and on the levels,
it was possible to make seven or eight miles an hour; at the same time,
Fuller knew that the captive engine, if held back to run on schedule
time, as the reports of the workmen indicated, would make but sixteen
miles per hour. Fuller bent all his thoughts and energies towards
Kingston, thirty miles distant. He had been informed of the extra trains
to be met at that point, and was justified in supposing that the
adventurers would be greatly perplexed and hindered by them, even if
they were not totally stopped. Had the seizure taken place on the
preceding day, as originally planned, he might well have despaired, for
then the road would have been clear. Yet he had one other resource, as
will appear in due time, of which his enemies knew nothing.

Fuller did not pause to consider how he should defeat the fugitives when
he had overtaken them, and he might have paid dearly for this rashness.
But he could rely on help at any station, and when he had obtained the
means of conveyance, as he would be sure to do at Kingston, he could
easily find an overwhelming force to take with him. This Saturday was
appointed as a general muster of volunteers, State militia, and
conscripts, and armed soldiers were abundant in every village. But
Fuller's dominant thought was that his property--the property with which
he had been intrusted--was wrested from his grasp, and it was his duty
to recover it, at whatever of personal hazard. That any serious harm was
intended to the railroad itself he probably did not yet suspect.

Talking and wearying themselves with idle conjectures, but never ceasing
to work, Fuller and his party pressed swiftly on. But suddenly there was
a crash, a sense of falling, and when the shock allowed them to realize
what had happened, they found themselves floundering in a ditch half
filled with water, and their hand-car imbedded in the mud beside them!
They had reached the place where the first rail had been torn from the
track, and had suffered accordingly. But the bank was, fortunately for
them, not very high at that spot, and a few bruises were all the damage
they sustained. Their hand-car, which was also uninjured, was lifted on
the track and driven on again. This incident increased both their
caution and their respect for the men before them.

Without further mishap they reached Etowah Station, on the northern bank
of the river of the same name. Here was a large bridge, which the
Andrew's party might have burned without loss of time had they foreseen
the long detention at Kingston; but its destruction was not a part of
their plan, and it was suffered to stand. The mind of Fuller grew very
anxious as he approached this station. On what he should find there
depended, in all probability, his power to overtake the fugitives, whose
intentions seemed more formidable with each report he received of their
actions. Andrews had firmly believed that no engine for pursuit could be
found south of Kingston; but Fuller had a different expectation.

Extensive iron-furnaces were located on the Etowah River, about five
miles above the station. These works were connected with the railroad by
a private track, which was the property of Major Cooper, as well as the
works themselves. Murphy knew that Major Cooper had also bought an
engine called the "Yonah." It had been built in the shop over which
Murphy presided, and was one of the best locomotives in the State. "But
where," Fuller and Murphy asked themselves, "is this engine now?" If it
was in view of the adventurers as they passed, they had doubtless
destroyed it, ran it off the track, or carried it away with them. They
could not afford to neglect such an element in the terrible game they
were playing. But if it was now at the upper end of the branch at the
mines, as was most probable, it would take the pursuers five miles out
of their way to go for it, and even then it might not be ready to start.
This diversion could not be afforded. Fuller and Murphy had come
nineteen miles, and had already consumed two hours and three-quarters.
The adventurers were reported as passing each station on time, and if
this continued they must have reached Kingston forty-five minutes before
Fuller and his companions arrived at Etowah, thirteen miles behind them.
One hour and a half more to Kingston,--this was the very best that could
be done with the hand-car. It was clear that if the "Yonah" did not come
to their assistance, they were as effectually out of the race as if on
the other side of the ocean. Everything now hinged on the position of
that one engine.

Here we may pause to note how all coincidences, we might almost say
providences, seemed to work against the bridge-burning enterprise. We
were at Kingston three-quarters of an hour before our pursuers reached
Etowah, thirteen miles distant. If there had been no extra trains, or if
they had been sharply on time, so that we could have passed the three
with a delay not exceeding fifteen or twenty minutes, which ought to
have been an abundant allowance, every bridge above Kingston would have
been in ashes before sundown! Or if the delay had been as great as it
actually was, even then, if the locomotive "Yonah" had occupied any
position excepting one, the same result would have followed.

But Fuller, Murphy, and Cain, with the several armed men they had picked
up at the stations passed, could not repress shouts of exultation when
they saw the old "Yonah" standing on the main track, ready fired up, and
headed towards Kingston. It had just arrived from the mines, and in a
short time would have returned again. Thus a new element of tremendous
importance, which had been ignored in all our calculations, was
introduced into the contest.

The pursuers seized their inestimable prize, called for all the
volunteers who could snatch guns at a moment's notice, and were soon
swiftly but cautiously rushing with the power of steam towards Kingston.
The speed of nearly a mile a minute was in refreshing contrast to the
slow and laborious progress of the hand-car, and they were naturally
jubilant. But what lay before them at Kingston? The frequent
obstructions of the track, the continued cutting of the telegraph, and
especially the cool assumption of the leader of the adventurers in
calling himself a Confederate officer of high rank in charge of an
impressed powder train, all conspired to deepen their conviction that
some desperate scheme was on foot. But they did not pause long to listen
to reports. Their eyes and their thoughts were bent towards Kingston.
Had the adventurers been stopped there, or had they surprised and
destroyed the trains met? The pursuers could scarcely form a conjecture
as to what was before them; but the speed with which they were flying
past station after station would soon end their suspense. Even the
number of men on the flying train was a matter of uncertainty. At the
stations passed observers reported that only four or five were seen; but
the track-layers and others who had observed them at work were confident
of a much larger number,--twenty-five or thirty at the least. Besides,
it was by no means sure that they had not confederates in large numbers
to co-operate with them at the various stations along the road. Fuller
knew about how many persons had entered the train at Marietta; but it
was not sure that these were all. A hundred more might be scattered
along the way, at various points, ready to join in whatever strange plan
was now being worked out. No conjecture of this kind that could be
formed was a particle more improbable than the startling events that had
already taken place. The cool courage of these pursuers, who determined
to press forward and do their own duty at whatever risk, cannot be too
highly rated. If they arrived at Kingston in time to unmask the
pretension of the mysterious "Confederate officer," there would
doubtless be a desperate fight; but the pursuers could count on
assistance there and all along the line.

Fuller reached Kingston at least an hour earlier than would have been
possible with the hand-car, and a single glance showed that the
adventurers were gone, and his hopes of arresting them at that point
were ended. They were, however, barely out of sight, and all their start
had been reduced to minutes. But here again the pursuit was checked. The
foresight of Andrews had blockaded the road as much as possible with the
trains which had so long hindered his own movements. Two large and heavy
trains stood on the main road; one of the two side tracks was occupied
by the third freight, and the other by the engine of the Rome branch.
There was no ready means for the passage of the "Yonah." Some precious
time was employed in giving and receiving information, in telling of the
seizure at Big Shanty, and hearing of the deportment of Andrews and his
men at Kingston. Then a dispute arose as to the best means of continuing
the pursuit, which threatened to disunite Fuller and Murphy. The latter
wished to continue the chase with the "Yonah," which was a fine engine,
with large wheels; but Fuller would not wait to get the freights out of
the way, and, jumping on the Rome engine, he called on all who were
willing to assist him to come on. A large, enthusiastic, and well-armed
company instantly volunteered; the new engine, the "Shorter," pulled
out, and Murphy had only time to save himself from the disgrace of being
left behind by jumping on the hindmost car as it swept past. With all
the time lost in making this transfer, and in mutual explanations, the
pursuers left Kingston just twenty minutes behind the Federals.

What Fuller and his friends learned at Kingston left no doubt on their
minds that some deliberate and far-reaching military movement was on
foot. While its precise nature was yet concealed, the probability that
the road itself, and possibly Confederate towns and stores, were to be
destroyed, was freely conceded. All agreed that the one thing to be done
was to follow their enemies closely, and thus compel them to turn and
fight or abandon their enterprise. A large force--one or two hundred
well-armed men--was taken on board, and instructions left that as soon
as the track could be cleared another armed train was to follow for the
purpose of rendering any needed assistance.

CHAPTER VI.

A TERRIBLE RAILROAD CHASE.

We will now resume the direct narrative.

When Kingston was left behind, it was believed by our leader that,
notwithstanding all our vexatious delays, we still had a margin of at
least an hour's time. Our movements were arranged on that supposition.
The next considerable station, Adairsville, was about ten miles distant,
and the intervening country comparatively level. There were no
considerable bridges in this space, and the most we could do was to run
swiftly, and occasionally to obstruct the track. Our speed was increased
to about forty miles an hour, and this swift running, after our long
halt at Kingston, was exquisitely delightful. Looking out from the
crevices of the box-car, we saw the hills and trees gliding swiftly by,
and felt that each moment we were getting farther away from the foes who
had so long surrounded us, and nearer safety and triumph. While we were
actually under way our prospects did not yet seem very unfavorable.
There were yet one freight and one passenger train to meet, which we
would now encounter an hour farther south, because of our long
hindrance; but we felt confident of our power to deceive or overpower
them, and they did not embarrass our running because they were on the
regular schedule. The freight was now almost due at Adairsville, and we
expected the passenger train to overtake and go ahead of it from that
point. If they were both on time we would also meet them there, and then
have an absolutely open road to Chattanooga. It will show the tremendous
risks that encompassed our enterprise, when we reflect that so trifling
a circumstance as the delay or the misplacement of a train could
introduce an "if" into our most hopeful plans.

A short distance south of Adairsville we again stopped, and Andrews
called us to come forth and work with a will. No exhortation was needed.
John Scott, as usual, climbed the telegraph-pole, and the wire was soon
severed. Two or three rails were slowly and painfully battered loose
with our iron bar, which still constituted our only instrument for
track-lifting. These were loaded on the car to carry away with us. There
happened to be a large number of cross-ties lying near, and these we
also loaded up for future use. When all was done we moved on, feeling
that we had provided for the delay or destruction of any train that
might pursue. It was also probable that the first train which met us at
Adairsville would be wrecked. This was not our design, as we did not
relish wanton mischief; but there was no safe way of giving warning, and
a wrecked train would have been a considerable obstruction of the track.

We reached Adairsville before the expected freight, but had only just
taken our place on the side track when its whistle was heard. When it
came up, Andrews, who still personated a Confederate officer, and
exacted and received the obedience which in those days of conscription
and impressment was readily yielded to military authority, ordered the
train to be run past the station and back again on the side track behind
his own, to wait for the expected passenger train. The usual
explanations about the powder train were repeated to credulous ears.
Then came five minutes of suspense and waiting. The train was behind
time,--a trifling matter in itself, but, in our situation, each minute
might turn the scale between death and life. We could not afford to
repeat the experience of Kingston. Not one bridge had yet been burned,
and all we could show for our hazard, beside our captured train, were a
few cross-ties and lifted rails. After a whispered word of consultation
with his engineer, who was willing to assume the most deadly risks
rather than to lie still, Andrews remarked to the bystanders that a
government powder express must not be detained by any number of
passenger trains, and then gave the word, "Go ahead!"

We started quite moderately, but, as soon as the station was out of
sight, we noticed a wonderful acceleration of speed. The cars seemed
almost to leap from the track, and we whirled from side to side at a
bewildering rate. There was scarcely any slackening for curves or
grades, and our whistle rang out with scarcely a moment's cessation. In
the box-car we could retain no position for more than an instant, and
were jostled over each other and against the sides of the car much
oftener than was pleasant. No one of us had ever rode at such a rate
before. Though we had no means of measuring the speed, none of us
estimated it at less than a mile a minute. What was the meaning of such
a break-neck pace? Had Andrews discovered that we were pursued, and was
he making a desperate effort to escape from the enemy? Or was he simply
hurrying to the bridges we were to burn? Such questions were easier
asked than answered, for two cars and the tender intervened between us
and the locomotive, on which our leader was. At any rate, the moments
were rapidly carrying us towards our own lines, and a very few hours of
such running would see us delivered from the series of perils which had
so long environed us. We had learned that just beyond Calhoun, a station
only ten miles from Adairsville, there was a large bridge, which we knew
was marked for destruction. If that was passed without stopping, we
would be convinced that an enemy was on our track, and that the race was
simply for life. A few minutes would decide. But in the mean time, as an
enemy might be following us, it occurred to the writer that it would be
well to continue obstructing the track. This was accomplished by
breaking open the hind end of the last box-car, and shoving out one by
one the ties previously loaded. A part only of the ties on board were
thus employed, as we thought it possible that the remainder might be
more useful in other directions. Many of those sprinkled on the track
showed a perverse disposition to jump off, but we felt sure that enough
remained to make a pursuer cautious. Nothing more impressed us with the
fearful speed of our train than the manner in which these ties seemed
instantly to vanish when they touched the ground.

By thus exerting the full speed of the engine Andrews hoped to reach
Calhoun before the belated passenger train should arrive. The engineer
stood with his hand on the lever ready to reverse his engine the moment
an opposing train was sighted. The open character of the country in this
part of the route permitted a good outlook. The whistle was also kept
sounding that an opposite train might be warned and checked. It was the
intention of Andrews, in case of meeting the expected train, to reverse
his own engine only long enough to escape the danger of collision, and
then to persuade or compel the other to back before him to the first
siding. This lightning-like run was bold and full of peril, but it was
wise. Had the same risk been promptly assumed at Kingston the whole
future of the enterprise would have been different. But we reached
Calhoun before any train was met. When we slackened speed, just before
arriving at the station, we shoved out one more cross-tie, and then
carefully concealed the hole in the car by piling other ties across it.
As we drew nearer, great was the satisfaction of Andrews and his
engineer when they saw the belated passenger train--our last
obstacle--lying quietly at the station. It had been just starting, but,
on hearing our whistle, it awaited our arrival. We ran down almost
against it; and, without getting off his locomotive, Andrews shouted
his orders to have the road cleared for an impressed powder train. The
news from the north and west--the panic caused by the rumored approach
of General Mitchel--made this sudden demand seem less unreasonable, and
it was unhesitatingly obeyed. The passenger train was switched out of
the way, and we glided smoothly by the last train we were to meet. Thus,
at length, we had reached the ground where bridge-burning was to begin,
and all obstacles were out of the way; what could hinder full and
decisive success?

Fuller and Murphy had not left Kingston many minutes before they became
conscious of the error they had committed in exchanging the "Yonah" for
the "Shorter." The latter was a weak engine with small wheels. It was
now forced to the utmost, oil being freely used with the wood in the
furnace; but they were unable to equal the tremendous speed with which
they had made the previous stage of their journey. Though they had but
two or three cars and the advantage of a level and unobstructed track,
they could not exceed forty miles an hour. They maintained a vigilant
lookout, but ran with the steam-valve entirely open, while Murphy and
Cain both grasped the lever, ready to use their combined weight and
strength in reversing the motion if any obstacle should be descried.
Their vigilance was soon approved. They observed the point at which we
had removed rails, and, by reversing, were able to arrest their motion
just on the edge of the break. But here they found themselves confronted
with a terrible obstacle. They had no rails to replace those that had
been carried off. Some instruments for track-laying were on board, and
it was suggested to tear up rails behind and place them in the break.
This double labor required too much time to suit the ardent temper of
Fuller and Murphy. At once they repeated the old tactics which alone had
given them any hope of success. They abandoned their engine and ran
ahead once more on foot. The remainder of their company remained behind,
and probably did, after a time, succeed in lifting rails behind their
engine and laying them down before, as a contemporaneous account
asserts; but they had no further real part in the chase.

Before the two footmen had gone far they encountered the regular freight
train that we had met at Adairsville. Thus their delay was reduced to a
very small amount. It seems that almost as soon as Andrews and his party
had left Adairsville for their rapid flight towards Calhoun, this train,
guided either by the decision of the conductor, or by a telegraphic
message from the management of the road, started southward, and were met
no more than a mile or two on their way by the dauntless pursuers. Great
was the amazement of the men on the freight train to learn that the
fine-looking Confederate officer with whom they had been talking five
minutes before was probably a "Yankee" engaged in the most daring
exploit of the war. But not much time was allowed for the indulgence of
any emotion. Fuller promptly took command of the train and backed it
with all possible speed to Adairsville. Its engine, the "Texas," was
known to Fuller as one of the largest and best in the State. While
backing and pushing the whole train of nearly twenty cars it made the
most rapid speed that they had yet attained.

But still greater speed was necessary, and by throwing all but one or
two cars on the side track at Adairsville, the noble engine was relieved
and enabled to show all its fine qualities. No turn-table being at hand,
it had still to be run backward; but that position does not materially
lessen the power of an engine, though the risk of accident is somewhat
increased. This risk had been taken, however, in so many instances by
the desperate pursuers, and with perfect safety, that they were willing
to tempt fortune still further. The engineer of the captured train had
been left behind at the last break, but his place was ably supplied by
Peter Bracken, of the "Texas." Starting from Adairsville with a full
head of steam, the distance of ten miles to Calhoun was run in twelve
minutes, and even this tremendous speed would have been exceeded but for
the slight delay caused by the ties dropped on the track. When one of
these obstructions was seen, Fuller, who had stationed himself for that
purpose on the end of the tender which ran ahead, would jump off, remove
the tie, and be back to his place almost before the engine ceased to
move. The uniform mode of stopping to clear the track was by reversing
the engine. Aside from the time lost in these stops, the running must
have exceeded a mile per minute. This exceeding rapidity prevented any
loss of distance in this stage of the pursuit.

At Calhoun, Fuller scarcely made a full stop. He told his tale in a few
words and called for volunteers. A number came just as he was moving on
again; indeed, after the train was well under way, he secured a still
more valuable prize. The telegraph managers at Chattanooga had found
that the wires were broken, and were endeavoring to discover the source
of mischief. By telegraphing to different stations and asking for
replies, they could easily make an approximate estimate. But the
difficulty was coming nearer: they discovered that one station after
another was being cut off from communication with headquarters. South of
Calhoun they could get no reply at the time the passenger train reached
Dalton. They had, therefore, directed the only operator at that
station--a mere boy--to leave his post and go to Calhoun for the purpose
of discovering and remedying the mischief. Fuller recognized him on the
platform, and reached out his hand, shouting, "Come!" The boy took hold
and was lifted on the flying engine.

With no thought of our deadly peril we had stopped a short distance
above Calhoun to cut the telegraph and oil the engine. Several of us
were also engaged in battering out the spikes preparatory to lifting
another rail. As we expected to spend ten or fifteen minutes in burning
the large bridge which spanned the Oostenaula River, a little distance
from us, Andrews thought it better that we should have a rail up in
order to guard against the possibility of the train we had just passed
being turned back after us in time to interrupt our work. It might have
been better, as we were tempted to think afterwards, if we had begun on
the bridge directly; but it was absolutely necessary to cut the wire,
and the lifting of the rail would not take an additional minute.

The engine was inspected, and found to be still in perfect condition,
though both wood and water were running low; the wire was severed; and
eight of us had just taken hold of the loose end of a rail, out of which
the spikes had been battered, and were trying to pull the other end
loose also. But it was too firmly fixed, and we were about to release
it, and wait the taking out of a few more spikes, when, away in the
distance, we heard the whistle of an engine in pursuit! The effect was
magical. With one convulsive effort the rail was broken asunder, and the
whole party pitched in a heap over the low embankment. No one was hurt,
and we were on our feet in a moment.

It did not require many moments to realize the situation. Our enemies
were upon us at last! Their train was in plain sight. We could even see
that they were well armed. There seemed to be no resource but flight.

But from whence came this train? The facts with which the reader is
already familiar were all unknown to us, and the apparition of the
pursuers all the more terrible on that account. We knew the difficulties
against which we had struggled, and little thought that our pursuers had
encountered nearly equal obstacles, over which they had so far been
marvellously victorious. Greater surprise would not have been created
in our ranks had the locomotive, to whose scream we unwillingly
listened, dropped from the sky! One plausible conjecture only presented
itself as to the presence of this train, and, if this one was correct,
it could be but the earnest of speedy defeat and death. Possibly a
telegraphic message from the other side of Big Shanty had traversed the
wide circuit of more than two thousand miles past Atlanta, Richmond,
Chattanooga, and back again to Calhoun, reaching the latter place just
before the wire was cut, and inducing them to start back the train we
had just met at full speed after us. All this was possible,--at least it
seemed so to those of us who were not in the secret of the wide-spread
system of military operations,--unless, indeed, the foresight of our
government had provided at this very time for the severing of the
telegraph on the Carolina coast, at which place alone this circuit came
within striking distance of the Union lines.

But we had no time for idle conjectures. The fact was patent that a
train was bearing down upon us at full speed. "Shall we stand and fight?
Shall we attack them now?" were questions eagerly asked.

But Andrews still hesitated to depart from the course pursued so far. We
had the rail broken which would arrest the enemy, and probably give us
time to fire the bridge ahead. Then all might yet be well,--that is if
the stations ahead were not warned, and the track obstructed before us.
Should that prove the case, then to stand and sell our lives as dearly
as possible, or, abandoning our engine, to fly on foot across the
country, were all the alternatives. The crisis of our fate drew near,
and our hardest and sharpest work lay just ahead.

Influenced by such considerations, which were then mainly confined to
his own mind, Andrews, without a moment's hesitation, gave the signal,
which was as quickly obeyed, for mounting the train. The engineer threw
the valve wide open, and, with a spring that threw us from our feet, the
noble steed was once more careering forward. To his companions on the
locomotive Andrews said, quietly, as he ever spoke in times of deepest
excitement, "Push her, boys; let her do her best. We must lose no time
in getting to the bridge above." Some of the engine oil was thrown into
the furnace, and the already fiery pace sensibly quickened. The problem
seemed perfectly simple. If we could reach the bridge, and get it well
on fire in less time than our enemies could piece out the broken rail,
we had still a chance of life and success. If not, more desperate means
became necessary. The speed of the engine might save us a precious
half-minute, and on such a narrow margin everything turned. Nobly did
our good old locomotive respond to the call! Rocking, whirling,
bounding,--it seemed a marvel that some of the box-cars were not hurled
from the track. Inside these cars all was action. Though we could
scarcely keep one position a moment, idleness could not now be indulged.
We knew that the time for concealment had passed, and we wrought with
flying fingers in preparation for our incendiary work. The forward end
of our box-car, and both ends of the others, were knocked out by
employing one of the heavy cross-ties as a battering-ram, and the
greater part of the sides were loosened in the same manner, and torn
into fragments for kindling. This destruction of barriers also opened a
way of communication with the engine. Andrews approved what we had done,
and told us frankly that our lives probably depended on the number of
seconds we consumed in getting the bridge on fire. Just then an
exclamation of wonder and dismay from our keen-sighted fireman, Alfred
Wilson, drew attention. He declared positively that he saw the smoke of
the pursuing engine still following us! It was scarcely credible, but he
was so positive, and it was so important to know the truth, that our
speed was slackened to ascertain. In a moment a whistle, clear and
unmistakable, rang out from beyond a curve we had just passed. All doubt
was at an end; but our surprise and consternation were as great as when
the train was first discovered in pursuit. There had been no time to lay
again the rail we had taken up, and the broken half of which we still
had with us. It seemed a miracle wrought against us. But Andrews'
resources were not yet exhausted. He ordered another effort, which might
yet give us time to fire the bridge ahead, that he was most unwilling to
pass without destroying. The locomotive was reversed, and our
kindling-wood, with most of the ties, carried forward, and the moment we
began to move backward the hindmost car was uncoupled. The pursuing
locomotive was then in fearful proximity. We could see that it was
running backward, and that a number of men were crowded on it. Almost at
the same moment its machinery was reversed and ours turned forward. As
we left them at lightning speed we could just see that their velocity
was well checked before they touched our abandoned car.

But this was not yet sufficient. As we came to the next slight up-grade
the same manoeuvre was repeated, and our second car flung back at the
enemy in like manner. The time lost in doing this brought them again
near us, and we saw that they were pushing our first car before them.

But how had they passed the broken rail? For years I could get no
satisfactory information on this subject. Some Confederate accounts
spoke of a rail being taken up behind and laid down before the engine.
But the time was too short to permit such an action. That a stop could
be made, a rail taken up, spiked down again, and our engine, running
faster than the wind, overtaken,--all of this well inside of five
minutes,--was incredible. Very probably this course was adopted in the
case of the next train which was pursuing not far behind. Other
Confederate accounts say nothing about this rail, while a few assert
that it was not broken at all, but only loosened and left in its place.
But having personally helped in the desperate pull, having fallen down
the bank with the party, and carried one end of the rail to put on our
car, besides having my left hand long suffer from being clasped under
the hand of William Campbell, the strongest man of our party, I
naturally cannot accept this explanation. Conductor Fuller gave another
solution of the mystery scarcely less strange, which I repeat as he gave
it to me. He said that when he saw our engine start on from this point
he could see no obstruction, and allowed the train to continue at high
speed. A moment after he noticed a short blank in one of the rails. A
terrible fear swept over him, for it was now too late to stop. But quick
as a lightning-flash he noticed another fact,--that the place of the
missing rail was on the _inside_ of a sharp curve. He explained to me
that a train at a very high rate of speed throws the most of its weight
on the outside rail of a curve, which is always made a little higher
than the other. Had an outside rail been broken the destruction of their
train would have been inevitable, but the break was on the inside. With
that rapid decision which the better class of railroad men learn to
exercise, he signalled to the engineer, "Faster; faster yet!" There was
a sharp jolt, and the locomotive and the cars attached were on the other
side of the obstruction with their speed not even abated. The next train
which followed was the passenger train that we had met at Calhoun, which
had also been turned back after us. This train had track-layers and
instruments on board, and did very quickly repair the damage; but if
Fuller had waited even that long the bridge over the Oostenaula would
have been wrapped in flames before his arrival.

Fuller saw the car we dropped, and by promptly having his engine
reversed, reduced the collision to merely a smart shock. It was
dextrously coupled fast and driven forward at full speed. The second
car we dropped was treated in the same manner, and the enemy's speed was
scarcely diminished. The time lost in dropping the cars was about as
long as that lost in coupling to them.

Thus in the short space between Calhoun and the Oostenaula River three
hindrances or perils, the greatness of which will be best appreciated by
railroad men, were overcome by the skill and daring of Fuller's band,
and in spite of them they attained a rate of running on this crooked and
irregular road which would have been most remarkable on a perfectly
smooth and unobstructed track.

Now the Oostenaula bridge was in sight, and we slackened speed for a
desperate attempt to burn it. But before we could come to a full stop
the pursuer was close upon us, and very reluctantly we steamed over the
bridge and continued our flight. The prospect was rapidly darkening
before us. It was certain that one of the trains we had met at
Adairsville or Calhoun was turned back after us and driven with the
utmost determination. Of all conjectures to account for this pursuit,
that of a telegram by the way of Richmond was most probable and most
portentous. If this was really the case, our fate was sealed. With a
relentless pursuer hanging upon our heels, and the towns ahead warned
and ready to dispute our passage, human bravery and foresight would
avail nothing. I have no doubt the mind of Andrews was weighed down and
perplexed by the uncertainty of our situation. Could we have known even
as much of the number and plans of our foes as they knew of ours--above
all, could we have known whether the road was open before us--the
problem would have been simpler. Yet we had but two hopes: to wreck the
train behind us, a task of no small difficulty now they were on their
guard; or, failing in this, to distance them in running far enough to
lift some rails or burn one of the bridges still ahead. If only one
bridge could be burned, it would stop the pursuit for the time and leave
us free to encounter the opposition before us.

Accordingly the jaded "General" was spurred to full speed. The load was
now lighter, and as much of the kindling as we thought it prudent to
spare was used in putting the furnace into a fiercer blaze. We also
resumed the practice of dropping cross-ties from the rear of the car.
These efforts had a marked effect in delaying the pursuers, for their
smoke and whistle soon ceased to disturb us. But while running at this
violent rate we had passed Resaca and thought it prudent to again cut
the telegraph. While stopping for this purpose the writer took a rail
which had been bent in lifting it, and placed it so that one end was
held firmly under the track, and the other projected at a little
elevation, towards the pursuing train. This was not more than
accomplished when that train was heard again, and we mounted our engine
and sped onward. As the rail was small and dark, the enemy ran right on
it before it was observed, and Fuller afterwards declared that if it had
been a little lower, it would have been sure to wreck them. But as it
was, the end struck the edge of the car, and it was knocked harmlessly
from the track.

Above Tilton we succeeded in getting a full supply of water from the
tank. This was most welcome, as the water was nearly exhausted. The
wood-station was at another place, and as our supply ran low we threw on
fence-rails or any other available fuel whenever stopping to cut the
wires.

Our condition was now widely different and more unfavorable than it was
a short time before. With only one car, and that almost torn to pieces,
even the magnificent coolness and self-possession of Andrews could
scarcely avert suspicion at any station where we might be driven to
halt. And with all our efforts we could never get much more than out of
sight of our pursuers. The time required for cutting wires and spent in
trying to take up track compensated almost exactly for the time our
pursuers spent in removing the obstructions we continued to throw before
them. With all their efforts they could not get within easy gunshot of
us; neither could we distance them far enough for the decisive operation
of burning a bridge. The relation of the two parties was peculiar and
well defined. Each party soon came to recognize the strength and
weakness which belonged to its own situation. With their better engine
it would have been comparatively easy for our pursuers to come near
enough to pick off man after man with their guns, while entirely out of
reach of our revolvers. But had they come up so close, any obstruction
we might have placed on the track would have been terribly efficient. As
long as we possessed cross-ties or anything large enough to wreck a
train they were bound to keep a respectful distance. The most favorable
position for them was just far enough in the rear to see when we stopped
or threw anything on the track, thus enabling them to check up in time.
They dared not come nearer than this while we were in rapid motion, but
they were often farther behind.

Mile after mile the terrible chase continued. Station after station was
passed without the least lessening of speed. The idlers about the
platforms started back in amazement and affright when they saw a train
dash by like a thunderbolt, closely followed by three others, the latter
screaming as loudly as their whistles were able. To us, who were looking
out from the baggage-car, houses and villages, groves and hills, flashed
by almost too quickly for distinct vision. Then, in the hottest speed,
the whistle would sound "down brakes," and the stop--usually made by
reversing the engine--would be so sudden that we needed to cling
convulsively to avoid being hurled from our places; then, in a moment,
we would spring to the ground and labor with the energy of despair at
destroying the telegraph and the track, or loading on ties, until the
signal,--usually from behind, given by the pursuing train,--when all
would rush on board, and the engine, putting its full strength into the
first leap, would dash on, jerking from their feet all who were not
braced for the shock. When under way we could not sit down because of
the terrible jolting of the springless car. If we attempted to stand we
fell over or were thrown against the little that remained of the sides
of the car, and had to be very watchful not to be thrown off altogether.
Our actual position was a rapid alternation of all possible attitudes,
the favorite being--judging from the frequency with which it was
assumed--that of bending over with the hands and feet resting on the
floor.

Those who were on the engine had a better opportunity of observing all
that was passing. Alfred Wilson, who acted as our fireman, gives a vivid
picture of the race from that point of view. He says,--

"Our locomotive was under a full head of steam. The engineer
stood with his hand on the lever with the valve wide open. It
was frightful to see how the powerful iron monster under us
would leap forward under the revolution of her great wheels.
Brown (the engineer) would scream to me ever and anon, 'Give
her more wood, Alf!' which command was promptly obeyed. She
rocked and reeled like a drunken man, while we reeled from side
to side like grains of pop-corn in a hot frying-pan. It was
bewildering to look at the ground or objects on the roadside. A
constant stream of fire ran from the rims of the great wheels,
and to this day I shudder when I reflect on that, my first and
last locomotive ride. We sped past stations, houses, and
fields, and were out of sight almost like a meteor, while the
bystanders, who barely caught a glimpse of us as we passed,
looked on as if in both fear and amazement. It has always been
a wonder to me that our locomotive and cars kept the track at
all, or how they could possibly stay on the track. At times the
iron horse seemed to literally fly over the course, the
driving-wheels of one side being lifted from the rails much of
the distance over which we now sped with a velocity fearful to
contemplate."

But swift running alone could not save us. In a mere trial of speed
between the two engines we were sure in the end to be worsted. To wreck
the pursuing train was our great object, and to that end we employed
every expedient we could devise. By this time we had a few more
track-raising instruments, which Andrews and Wilson had simultaneously
taken from some switch-tenders. Earlier in the race they would have been
worth their weight in gold, but it was now too late. Even with their
help we could take up a rail no quicker than the Confederates, with
ample supplies of rails, instruments, and trained workmen, could lay
another down. All the efforts we made in this direction were a mere
waste of time.

But the swiftness of pursuit was carrying both parties over long spaces.
The next station of importance that lay before us was Dalton, and this
place, twenty-two miles from Calhoun, was soon reached. This was the
largest town we had approached since starting in the morning. It was the
junction of another road which led to Cleveland, on the main line to
Richmond. It had a further and terrible interest to us, in the knowledge
that there we would learn whether our character had really been
telegraphed ahead of us by the way of the coast lines and Richmond. But
if it had, we would learn it too late to make the knowledge of any
service. We would find a military force ready to receive us at the
depot, and our race would be run. Yet we approached cautiously, ready,
if there were any suspicious indications, to reverse the engine at once
and run back towards the pursuing train, with the intention of getting
out of the town and trying to escape through the fields. But we saw no
more than the usual number of persons about the depot, and Andrews at
once leaped from the engine, examined the switch, which was adjusted to
throw a train on the Cleveland fork of the road, had it changed, and
answered all questions as coolly and composedly as ever. The whole had
to be done very promptly, as the appearance of our poor battered train
was sadly against us, and we knew that in a town the size of Dalton it
would be easy to find force enough for our arrest. Besides, it was sure
that in a few seconds Fuller and his tireless band would appear on the
scene. In no period of this eventful day does the courage and
self-control of Andrews shine out more brightly than in the manner in
which he here caused the persons about the depot in a moment to obey his
orders and believe his story, even while thinking it possible that they
might have previous information of his designs, and be only waiting the
arrival of assistance to destroy him. The pursuing train was heard as
expected. Before our foes came near enough to reveal our character
everything was arranged, and taking the left-hand road, that which led
directly to Chattanooga, we again darted forward.

This was, however, a decisive point in the race. When we thus passed
Dalton without having destroyed our pursuers, we knew that all hope of
passing through Chattanooga with our engine must be abandoned. All
uneasiness on account of a possible telegram from Richmond was at an
end, but there was a nearer danger, which defined the limits beyond
which we could no longer hope to pass. There was a line of telegraph
along each of the diverging railroads. We could destroy but one of
these, and it was certain that as soon as Fuller and his friends arrived
at Dalton and told their story, warning would be sent ahead of us by the
other road. This will explain what some accounts have left
doubtful,--our neglect to cut the wire immediately after leaving Dalton.
It made no practical difference to us whether the fatal message was sent
directly to Chattanooga and all intermediate stations, or whether it
went by the way of Cleveland and Chattanooga and then back to the
stations on our line. The distance was twice as great in thus
telegraphing around two sides of a triangle, but this counted for
nothing when lightning was the messenger. Our only resource was in the
fact that we were now counting nearly as many miles as minutes, and
that we might be far on our way towards Chattanooga, and possibly have
some bridges burned, before preparation could be made for stopping us.
As a last resource, we now fully expected to have to take to the woods
on foot.

Fuller well knew the decisive advantage he would have at Dalton. As he
neared that station he wrote the following dispatch and gave it to the
young operator he had taken up at Calhoun, with instructions to put it
through to Chattanooga, both ways, with the least possible delay. It
proves--if it were not afterwards written from memory and unconsciously
modified--how correctly he had already estimated the character of the
men he was chasing. This sagacity is scarcely less wonderful than the
daring with which he encountered and overcame so many obstacles.

Fuller's Telegram.

"TO GENERAL LEADBETTER, Commander at Chattanooga:

"My train was captured this A.M. at Big Shanty, evidently by
Federal soldiers in disguise. They are making rapidly for
Chattanooga, possibly with the idea of burning the railroad
bridges in their rear. If I do not capture them in the mean
time see that they do not pass Chattanooga.

"WILLIAM A. FULLER."

Two miles above Dalton we stopped and obstructed the track, and once
more cut the telegraph wire. The latter was of slight importance, but
Wilson and others urged it upon Andrews, and he did not wish to
discourage them by telling them that it was now useless. But the removal
of a rail might have been of more value by giving us time for burning
some of the bridges, which are very numerous on this part of the road.
This stop was made in plain sight of a Confederate regiment commanded by
a Colonel Glen. The work to be done, however, demanded too much speed
for us to apprehend their interference. But before the rail could be
more than loosened, the pursuers, who had halted at Dalton for even a
shorter time than we had, were upon us again, and we once more mounted
our engine and sped onward. The telegram was sent ahead by this line as
well as the other a minute or two before the wire was severed. It
created a terrible excitement in Chattanooga, but did us no real damage.
Both the pursuing trains were near us when we entered the great tunnel
north of Dalton. Our supply of cross-ties was unfortunately exhausted,
or they might have proved very serviceable in the darkness. In fearful
proximity and with unabated speed the tunnel was passed. Murphy declares
that he was quite relieved when he saw by the gleam of light ahead that
our engine was passing on, for he had quite made up his mind that we
would attack them or drive our engine back upon them in the darkness.
But no such plan had entered our thoughts. We would far have preferred a
fight in open day.

We now resolved to play what had been reserved as our last card. Running
more slowly to economize fuel,--though a high velocity was still
maintained,--we tried to light a fire in our only remaining car. It was
already open at both ends, and now as much of the sides and top as could
possibly be obtained was also torn off and prepared for fuel. The
attempt to light these splinters by matches did not succeed, for the
wind caused by the rapid motion blew them out. Fire was then brought
back from the engine, but this seemed to smoulder rather than burn, for
the rain, which fell in torrents, blew through the unprotected car, and
all the boards were soaking wet. Never did kindling a fire seem so
difficult. When at length it fairly caught, and began to burn briskly,
our dampened hopes began to brighten in sympathy with it. Might it not
be that our persistent struggle against ill-fortune was to win the
victory even yet? Just then a long covered bridge was approached, which
it was desirable on every account to burn. All of our party, whom the
heat had not already driven forward, were ordered into the nearly empty
tender, and the car was uncoupled in the middle of the bridge. We did
not leave it hastily, but stopped near the farther end of the bridge to
watch the result in breathless anxiety. We had scarcely halted when the
black smoke of the nearest pursuer was seen, and he bore down upon us at
full speed. We were very loth to leave our position. We could see that
the flame was rising higher, but could also see that the enemy's train
had a large number of men on board, some of whom had firearms. Oh, what
would we not have given for a few of the muskets we had left in camp, to
have held our position for even a few minutes, or even one minute! But
our situation was too unfavorable to allow more than a momentary thought
of resistance. At long range we were virtually unarmed. But we lingered
still, until we saw the enemy pushing our blazing car before them over
the bridge; then, being in reach of their firearms, and but poorly
protected in our engine and tender, we again sought safety in flight.
They pushed the blazing car before them to the first side track, which
happened not to be far away, and then left it to burn at its leisure.
Thus our forlorn hope expired.

But not all of the adventurers were willing to accept defeat even yet. A
halt was made--the last--for the sake of again obstructing the track,
and getting a few sticks of wood that lay near the track to replenish
the waning fire of our engine. Some of the number, from the force of
habit more than anything else, began to take up a rail. The writer then
suggested to Andrews a simple plan, which, at this late hour, still
offered a glimmering hope. Could we throw the pursuers off the track, we
might burn a few bridges yet, though the most important had been left
behind us, and we could no longer hope to run our engine through
Chattanooga. This attempt would have been more full of peril than any
other of the day, with the possible exception of the first seizure of
the train; but its success would have turned the tables on our enemies
overwhelmingly. With sufficient promptness and desperation it might have
succeeded, while its failure would only have ended a hopeless struggle,
exchanging certain and immediate death for whatever faint chances of
escape might otherwise remain after the train was abandoned. There had
been many hints on the part of the soldiers that we were running away
from the enemy too many times, and that it would be better to fight, but
this was the first definite proposal. The suggestion was to use our
remaining fuel in once more running out of sight of the enemy, then,
selecting a place for ambuscade in the low, thick-set bushes that
frequently came close to the road, to obstruct the track in our usual
manner. When this was done, all of us, except one of the engineers,
could hide, in such a position as to be abreast of the enemy when he
stopped to remove the obstructions. Our own engineer could wait until
the pursuers were in sight, and then start off as usual, but slowly, so
as to keep their attention fixed upon his train. We had several times
noticed how, in the case of an obstruction, the Confederates had checked
their headlong career, sprang to the ground even before the train had
stopped fully, and worked furiously at clearing the track. This would be
our opportunity for rushing forth. We could shoot down all who were on
the engine or the ground, while one of our reserve engineers sprang on
the engine and threw it back at full speed, jumping off as it started.
The result could scarcely have failed to be a fatal collision with the
next pursuing train, which was never far behind. Then we would have been
free from pursuit, and left only to reckon with the forces ahead. The
place and manner of leaving the train could then have been selected at
our leisure. We afterwards learned that no preparation had been made to
receive us farther south than Boyce's Station, some three miles from
Chattanooga. There a strong military force had been posted, the track
torn up, and cannon planted. But we would never have ventured so near
Chattanooga after knowing that a message had been sent ahead of us at
Dalton. Our original hope had been to get so far ahead of all pursuit as
to pass Chattanooga before the pursuers had reached Dalton. Then the
junction of roads at the latter point would not have been an
embarrassment to us, as will be made clear by a reference to the map.

Andrews said that the plan, of which a hint was given in a few rapid
words, was good and worth trying. But the one great defect in his
character as a leader came to the surface in this emergency. This was a
disposition to turn everything carefully over in his mind before
deciding. There was no time for reflection now. The Confederate whistle
sounded, and our men, without waiting for the word of command, so
accustomed had they become to this manoeuvre, mounted the engine and
sped away. Andrews bitterly regretted afterwards that this last
expedient was not tried. With this exception, I do not know of anything
more that could have been devised, beyond what we actually attempted.

One object only could now be attained by clinging longer to the train,
the speedy abandonment of which was inevitable. Andrews wished to
shorten the distance to our own lines as much as possible, so that the
slender chance of escaping through the woods and mountains might be
increased. It was far easier to travel on the engine than to run or
skulk through the country on foot. It was better to continue this mode
of locomotion as long as possible, or until we were carried as near
Chattanooga as it was prudent to venture. The old lightning rate of
running could not be maintained, but we were still moving swiftly. The
engine was in a bad state, and really incapable of much further service.
The fuel, too, was gone. For some time we had been reduced to the
fragments that had been torn off the cars before they were dropped, and
to what we had gathered up along the roadside. Now all that remained of
a combustible character was crowded into the fire-box for the last pull.
Andrews had always kept with him from the time we first met him at the
midnight consultation a mysterious and well-filled pair of saddle-bags.
These, of which he had been very careful, and which were supposed to
contain important and compromising documents, were now added to the
fire. It was a signal, if any were needed, that the time had now come to
prepare for the worst. Andrews and three others--Brown, Knight, and
Alfred Wilson--were now on the engine, and the remaining sixteen were
huddled together on the tender. At no time since the writer had proposed
attacking the pursuing train had he been in a position to urge the
attempt on Andrews, and it was now too late. But another decision was
arrived at on the engine against which some of us on the tender would
have protested with all our energy had the opportunity been offered.
Alfred Wilson, whose opinion was directly opposite to that of George D.
Wilson and the writer, says,--

"A few minutes before we came to the final halt, Andrews,
Brown, Knight, and myself hastily discussed as to the best
thing to be done, and it was concluded that the best course was
to separate and scatter in all directions."

This fatal decision arose from two causes. Andrews, with all his
courage, never rightly valued fighting men. He preferred accomplishing
his objects by stratagem and in secrecy rather than by open force. It
was simply wonderful that in all the exigencies of this expedition no
one of his soldiers had been permitted to fire a single shot, or even to
draw a revolver upon the enemy. He now considered that when scattered
each one, as well as himself, would be able to find concealment, or if
captured, to evade detection by false stories. This was a great mistake.
The second reason for adopting this fatal course was the belief that the
scattering of the party would also scatter pursuit, and make it less
eager in any one direction. Under ordinary circumstances such would have
been the result. But the terror and the fierce resentment aroused by the
daring character of our enterprise caused the whole country to burst
into a blaze of excitement, and the pursuit to be pushed with equal
energy for scores of miles in every direction.

An opposite course would have been far more hopeful. We were but twelve
or fifteen miles from Chattanooga. Twenty miles of travel to the
northwest would have placed us on the opposite bank of the Tennessee
River, among the loyal mountaineers of the district. If we had remained
together we could have traversed that broken and wooded country which
lay before us as rapidly as any pursuing soldiers. No body of citizens
not perfectly organized and armed would have ventured to halt us.
Cavalry pursuit away from the main roads was impossible. Besides, one of
our party possessed a pocket-compass, and two others, besides Andrews,
were somewhat acquainted with the country. The writer is convinced that
we might have left the cars in a body, and without even attempting
concealment, but only avoiding the public roads, have hurried directly
towards Mitchel's lines, and within forty-eight hours have been safe in
his camp.

But we can neither wonder at nor blame the mistake made by our leader on
this occasion, though it led to months of wretchedness and the death of
many of the party. Andrews had met each new emergency with heroic
calmness and unfailing resources; but he was now physically exhausted.
He had been engaged in the most intense and harassing labor for many
days, being without sleep for the past thirty hours and without food for
twenty. An error in action was therefore most natural and excusable,
even if it disagreed with the course which had been marked out in calmer
moments. Wilson says,--

"Andrews now told us all that it was 'every man for himself;'
that we must scatter and do the best we could to escape to the
Federal lines."

This, then, was the formal dissolution of the expedition by the order of
its leader. When we were brought together again under widely different
circumstances, we were simply a collection of soldiers, and while we
respected the judgment and advice of Andrews, we no longer considered
that we owed him military obedience.

As Conductor Fuller now disappears from our story, where he has been so
conspicuous, and where his energy, skill, and daring shine in such
brilliant colors, a few words may be appropriately devoted to his work
and subsequent history. All the evidence goes to show that the
Confederacy had no other available man who could have saved the bridges
on the Western and Atlantic Railroad that day. With the exception of
himself and his two companions, who were in a sense subordinate to him,
though their services were of very high value, no other person seemed
capable of planning or doing anything whatever. With a conductor of less
energy in the place of this man, the probabilities are that we would
have had the whole day uninterruptedly for the accomplishment of our
task. But for Fuller's daring and perseverance the extra trains would
have but added to the number of wrecks along the line as one after
another ran upon the places where the track had been torn up; while the
burning of the bridges and the loss of telegraphic communications would
have diffused a universal panic.

The Legislature of Georgia gave Fuller a vote of thanks for his
brilliant services, and instructed the governor to bestow upon him a
gold medal; but, as he laughingly said years after, "Gold was so scarce
in the South that it was hard to find enough for a medal. It was
therefore postponed for a time, and then came the final collapse of the
Confederacy, and I got nothing." The Confederate authorities gave him
the rank of captain by brevet. Of course, the Federal government could
not recognize services rendered against itself of however striking
character. No one of the adventurers ever expressed any malice towards
Conductor Fuller, believing that he simply did what he regarded as his
duty. He retained his place as conductor until the whole road passed
under the control of General Sherman, when he enlisted in the army.
After seeing considerable military service, he was directed by the
Confederate government to take charge of the rolling-stock of the
Western and Atlantic Railroad, and keep it out of the hands of the
Federals. He removed it to various parts of Georgia and South Carolina
as the exigencies of the war and the narrowing territory of the
Confederacy required. Finally, when the supremacy of the Union was
restored, he brought it back to Atlanta and surrendered it to Federal
authority. He afterwards resumed his place as conductor on the same
road, and remained in that situation until 1875, when he located as a
merchant in Atlanta. Here for many years he delighted in talking over
this day of wild adventure.

Of his two companions, Cain continued for more than twenty years as an
engineer on the same road, while Murphy built up a prosperous business
as a lumberman in Atlanta.

CHAPTER VII.

A NIGHT IN THE WOODS.

Many persons, on hearing an account of this unparalleled chase, have
suggested one expedient by which they imagine the fugitive Federals
might have destroyed their enemy and accomplished their own purpose.
"Why did you not," they say, "reverse your own engine and then jump from
it, thus allowing it to knock the pursuing train from the track?" There
were good reasons against that course. Such critics might as well ask a
man who has ascended half-way up out of a well in a bucket why he does
not cut the rope over his head for the sake of crushing somebody at the
bottom of the well. That engine was the basis of all our hopes, and we
could not think of abandoning it until the direst extremity. At the last
moment, however, this attempt to reverse the engine for the purpose of
securing a collision was made. This final effort was unavailing. The
steam power was so nearly exhausted that the locomotive moved backward
very slowly, and accomplished nothing beyond delaying the pursuit on
foot for a very few moments. The pursuing train had no difficulty in
also reversing and running back a little way until the captured engine
came to a dead standstill. Indeed, the hard service of the engine had
very nearly destroyed it, even before we thus flung it back at the
enemy. A Confederate account says, "Their rapid running and inattention
to their engine had melted all the brass from their journals." Wilson is
still more graphic,--

"I could liken her condition to nothing else than the last
struggles of a faithful horse, whose heartless master has
driven and lashed him until he is gasping for breath, and
literally dying in the harness. The powerful machine had
carried us safely for more than a hundred miles, some of the
time at a rate of speed appalling to contemplate, but she was
becoming helpless and useless in our service. She was shaken
loose in every joint, at least she seemed so; the brass on her
journals and boxes was melted by the heat; her great steel
tires were almost red-hot, while she smoked and sizzled at
every joint. Our race was almost run."

We are not able to give an account of the time occupied by us in the
different parts of this long and fearful race. The general impression of
a frightful rate of speed is, however, fully borne out by one fact,
which rests on the authority of the engineer of the "Texas," and I am
not sure that this simple statement is not more eloquent than the most
vivid word-pictures of our chase. It is simply that he ran the distance
of fifty and one-half miles, made all the stops at stations for
explanations and reinforcements, as well as to remove obstructions and
to switch off the cars we dropped, in the space of _sixty-five minutes_.
This calm and definite statement, which I have never heard disputed,
implies an average velocity, when in motion, of not less than a mile per
minute! That such a speed could be attained upon a crooked road, laid
with old iron rails, and with the utmost efforts of an enemy in front to
obstruct the track, seems little less than miraculous.

But to return to the direct story. When the final and fatal command to
disperse was given, the soldiers, still obedient to orders, jumped off
one by one, and ran, either singly or in small groups, towards the
shelter of the woods. The greater number fled in a western direction.

No time was lost by the enemy in organizing a most vigorous pursuit.
This would have had little terrors if conducted only by the men on the
pursuing trains. Some of these did join in it, but their part was
insignificant. In an incredibly short space of time the whole country
was aroused. The telegraph, no longer disabled, flashed alarm in every
direction. Horsemen scoured at full speed along every highway, shouting
their exaggerated stories to every passing traveller and to every house
and village. The whole population for scores of miles on every side of
Chattanooga seemed to have abandoned every other occupation, and devoted
themselves exclusively to the work of hunting the fugitive Union
soldiers. Each ferry and cross-road was picketed, while armed bands
explored the sides of every mountain, and searched out every valley. The
people, or at least the great part of those who thus engaged in this
terrible man-hunt in the woods, were not novices in the work, and
employed the most efficient agencies. The dark institution of slavery
rendered the work of hunting down fugitive men very familiar. One of the
points in which there is a strange conflict of testimony between
Northern and Southern witnesses is in relation to the employment of
blood-hounds in the pursuit of Union soldiers, especially when
endeavoring to escape from prison. The writer wishes to be perfectly
candid in this story, and can imagine one explanation of this
discrepancy. Possibly the cause of the dispute is to be found in the use
of the word "blood-hound." The pure-blooded Spanish blood-hound, a
ferocious and terrible beast, is comparatively rare in the Southern
States. But hounds, which were used for tracking men, and some of which
were very large and fierce, were very common. To a poor man, whether
white or black, flying for his life through some lonely wood, who hears,
through the darkness of the night, the baying of a pack of hounds on his
track, and knows that their fangs will soon be fixed in his flesh, it is
little comfort to reflect that the deadly beasts are probably only
mongrels and not of the pure Spanish breed! Hounds were freely employed
in searching for the members of our party, and we felt our blood chill
with horror as we listened to their baying. Escape by concealment for
any considerable length of time was scarcely possible. Rapid flight over
the roughest part of the country was the only alternative, and this was
far from hopeful. The adventurers were so widely dispersed that no
collective narrative of their perilous wanderings is practicable. Yet
many circumstances were common to all the members of the party. The
drenching rain, which continued to fall, added greatly to our
discomfort, and was at once a help and a hindrance. It rendered the
tracking dogs much less efficient, and frequently threw them off the
track altogether, but prevented us from travelling by the sun and stars;
and, as we had no other guide, the flight of the greater number became a
mere aimless wandering through the woods,--sometimes even in a circle.
The endurance of indescribable suffering from cold, hunger, and fatigue
was also an experience common to all who eluded capture for any
considerable period. The expectation of a violent death immediately on
capture and detection was shared by all. The only mode of giving an
adequate impression of this painful but deeply interesting part of the
history will be to narrate with some detail the adventures of a few of
those groups, which will best serve as specimens of all. I offer my own
experience first; not that it is more interesting than others,--indeed,
it is greatly surpassed in number and variety of adventures by the
narratives of Dorsey and Wilson,--but because it is easier to tell my
own experience,--that strange weird period of hunting in the woods and
mountains of Georgia, in which I was the game,--a period which stands
out alone in memory separated from all former and after life!

On leaving the train the writer was alone, and for a moment his heart
sank within him. No one happened to strike off in the same direction,
and, although some of the fugitives might have been overtaken or fallen
in with, yet the wish was strong to accompany the same band who had been
associated on the southward journey. In looking for these the
opportunity of going with any of the other adventurers was lost. Indeed,
I hardly wished to have any other companions, as the remainder were
comparative strangers, and their trustworthiness had not yet been
thoroughly approved. At that time I knew nothing of the locality in
which I found myself,--whether it was fifteen or fifty miles from
Chattanooga,--nor had I the most indefinite idea of the character of the
country. I only knew that our army and territory lay north or northwest;
but as the sun did not shine, I had no means of determining the points
of the compass.

The train was still moving when I jumped off,--fast enough to make me
perform several inconvenient gyrations on reaching the ground. As soon
as I could stand firmly I looked about for a moment, and endeavored to
grasp the situation and determine what to do. I had not anticipated that
the train would be abandoned and we dispersed in the woods; but, on the
contrary, had relied on being under the orders of a leader until we
should succeed or perish. Now I was thrown entirely on my own resources,
without even a conscious reliance on the protection of God. I cannot
recall even breathing a prayer in this trying moment. Yet, in a dim way,
I did feel that I was not utterly forsaken. One glance round the
horizon--a swift balancing of the few elements of the problem that were
within my reach--and then hurried flight was all time permitted. Most of
my comrades were in advance of me. Three of them had taken the eastern
side of the railroad, the remainder the opposite side. In my judgment
the latter was best, and, following their example, I soon reached the
cover of stunted pines that grew near. Feeling the necessity of getting
some start before the enemy could arrange for pursuit, I continued to
run at right angles away from the railroad. A little brook that ran
parallel to the railroad was soon passed, and I pressed on up the long,
steep, and open slope of a hill on its opposite side. Running up-hill
was too severe to be maintained long, and I was obliged to drop into a
walk in plain view of the enemy. Each step was fatiguing, and my limbs
seemed made of lead. This greatly augmented my fears. It was more like
trying to run away from danger in a nightmare than any waking sensation.
I saw three of my comrades not far away on the left, and, urging my
failing strength to the utmost, tried to overtake them, but in vain.
This was a great disappointment, for I dreaded solitude above all
things, and wanted the support of sympathy. I knew that pursuit would be
rapid and instantaneous, and could hear shouts from the pursuing trains,
which had now reached the spot and were discharging a host of enemies.
Every breeze that sighed through the branches of the naked forest
sounded like the trampling of cavalry.

The country was rough and uneven. On the bottoms and by the streams, as
well as on the steep mountains, were a few pines; but on the slopes and
tops of the hills, which here are a low continuation of the Cumberland
range, the timber is mostly of oak and other varieties, which were not
then in foliage. This was a great disadvantage, because it left no
hiding-place and exposed us to the watchful eyes of our enemies.

As I struggled up the hill-side the sense of faintness and exhaustion
passed away, and with strength hope came again. Nothing in this chase
seems stranger than the manner in which my strength ebbed and flowed.
When seemingly utterly powerless, without rest, food, or sleep, vigor
came back again on more than one occasion, and the new supply would last
for hours. My more rapid pace soon carried me over the hill-top and down
to the bend of a little river, which I subsequently learned was the
Chickamauga,--the witness, afterwards, of one of the most desperate
battles of the war. It was then swollen by the continuous rains, and for
some time I searched along its banks in vain for a crossing-place.
Believing that death was behind, I finally committed myself to the
turbulent stream, and succeeded in getting over, but only to find that
before me the bank rose in an almost perpendicular precipice of
shelving rock not less than one hundred feet in height. I dared not
recross the stream, for I knew the enemy could not be far behind, and I
therefore clambered up the precipice. Several times, when near the top,
did I feel my grasp giving way, but as often some bush or projecting
rock afforded me the means of saving myself. While thus swinging up the
bare rocks, I could not help thinking what a fine mark I presented if
any of the enemy, with guns, should happen to arrive on the opposite
bank! At last, after imminent danger, I reached the top, again utterly
exhausted, pulled myself out of sight, and sank down to breathe for a
while.

I had been without breakfast or dinner, and had spent not only that day
but many preceding ones in the most fatiguing exertion. Enemies were on
every side. There was no guide even in the direction of home, for the
sun still lingered behind an impenetrable veil.

While musing on this unenviable situation in which I found myself, a
dreadful sound brought me to my feet and sent the blood leaping wildly
through my veins. It was the distant baying of a blood-hound! A moment's
reflection would have made it certain that in the existing state of
Southern customs dogs would have been used to track fugitives in the
woods. It was a mere every-day incident of slavery. But this
consideration brought no comfort. Alone in the woods of Georgia, the
horror of being hunted with dogs was indescribable.

A few moments' listening confirmed my worst fears. They were after us
with their blood-hounds! not one pack alone, but all in the country, as
the widening circle from which their dismal baying echoed revealed but
too plainly. There was no longer safety in idleness. Yet the fearful
sound was not without use in supplying a guide to flight, and I am now
convinced that throughout the whole chase the dogs were of more real
service to us than to our pursuers, as they rendered a surprise less
probable. But none the less did they add to the repulsiveness and terror
of our position.

Away across the hills and streams I sped, I know not how far,--I only
know that the noise of the dogs grew fainter as the evening wore on. I
had distanced them and began to breathe more freely. I even indulged the
hope of being able to work my way ultimately to the Federal lines. Had
the clouds permitted travelling by the sun and stars, this hope might
have been realized.

As I descended the long slope of a wooded hill into a solitary valley, I
saw a rude hut, with a man working in a cultivated patch beside it.
Believing that he could not yet have heard of our adventure, I
determined to risk something in order to get information. I also felt
sure that one man could not arrest me. Approaching, I asked the road to
Chattanooga, and the distance. He pointed the way, and told me that it
was eight miles. Adding this information to the general knowledge I had
of the geography of that district, it gave me some notion of my
whereabouts. I did not wish to get any nearer the rebel town, as I
rightly judged that in its vicinity pursuit would be most vigorous, but
I continued my journey in that direction until out of sight, when I
climbed the hill at right angles to my former course. This course was
maintained for some hours, when an incident occurred which would have
been amusing but for the fearful perils environing me.

I had often heard of lost persons travelling in a circle, but never gave
much credit to such stories. Now, I had the proof of their credibility.
I believe philosophers explain the phenomenon by saying that one side of
the body has a little more vigor than the other, and that when we have
no guide to direct us, the stronger side (usually the right), by its
tendency to go ahead of the other side, gradually turns us in the
opposite direction. In other words, the right foot outwalks the left,
and thus, like a carriage-horse swifter than its mate in a driverless
team, can only describe perpetual circles until the will-power again
takes hold of the reins. But at this time I had never heard of such
theories, and the following experiences presented themselves to my mind
as an inexplicable and terrifying fatality.

I had crossed a road and left it for something like an hour, during
which time I walked very fast, when to my surprise I came to the same
place again. I was considerably annoyed thus to lose my labor, but
struck over the hill in what I now supposed to be the right direction.
Judge of my astonishment and alarm when, after an hour or more of hard
walking, I found myself again at precisely the same spot! So much time
had been lost that the barking of the dogs now sounded very loud and
near. I was perplexed beyond measure and seemingly hopelessly entangled.
A few steps brought me to a stream that was recognized as having been
crossed hours before. In sheer desperation I took the first road that
appeared, and followed it almost regardless of where it led or who was
met. Previously I had kept away from the roads, and sought the most
secluded route. But the risk of meeting any tangible enemy was
preferable to being the sport of that bewildering chance which seemed to
be drifting me around in a remorseless whirlpool.

Thus I pressed forward till the rainy, dreary evening deepened into
night. I recall no thoughts of prayer, no feeling of dependence upon an
infinite mercy beyond the clouds. All the memory I have of mental
processes is that there was a fixed, iron-like resolve to use every
power of body and mind to escape, and in perfect calmness to await the
result. I intended to do all in my own power for safety and then perish,
if it must be so, with the feeling that I was not responsible for it.
The reader, a little farther on, will find that this feeling was so
powerful that I did not shrink from any sacrifice of truth, or even from
enlistment in the rebel army. For me the stake was life or death. I
would win if my power could by any means be stretched so far; if not, I
would pay the forfeit when I must.

It was not perfectly dark, for there was a moon beyond the clouds, and,
as I heard a wagon approaching, I stepped to the bushes beside the road
and accosted the driver. His voice assured me that he was a negro, and I
made bold to get from him as much information as possible. Words cannot
describe the flood of disappointment, vexation, and anger that swept
over my bosom when I found I was within four miles of Chattanooga,--that
town which I regarded as the lion's mouth! So far as I had a plan it was
to leave this place far to my right, and strike the Tennessee River
twelve or fifteen miles farther down-stream. I hoped to do this, and to
cross over the river by floating on some dry branch of a tree before
morning. If the stars came out, so that I could travel a straight
course, this hope was not unreasonable. But near Chattanooga, however,
all the river would be watched and the country around strictly
patrolled. But if discouraged by the manner in which I seemed attracted
towards the rebel headquarters, despair was useless; so, learning the
direction both of Ringgold and Chattanooga from the negro, who, like all
of his color, was ready to do anything for fugitives, with whom he had a
fellow-feeling (though I did not make my true character known to him), I
pressed forward through the rain and mud. As the road did not lead in
the right direction, I again travelled in the fields and woods.

For some time I felt sure of having the right course in my head and
hurried on. But when I had crossed a large field of deadened timber I
was completely lost. Soon, however, I reached a road which seemed to
lead right, and followed it with renewed vigor for several miles. At
length I met three men on horseback. It was too dark to tell whether
they were negroes or white men, but I ventured to ask them,--

"How far is it to Chattanooga?"

"_Three miles!_"

"Is this the right road?"

"Yes, sah, right ahead."

These, probably, were men sent out to search for the railroad
adventurers, and they did not try to arrest me because I had accosted
them so boldly and was going directly towards Chattanooga.

But it was evident I was again on the wrong road. Indeed, so hopelessly
bewildered was I that it seemed impossible to travel any but the wrong
road. As soon as the horsemen were out of sight I turned and followed
them three or four miles, until I came to a large road running at right
angles with my own, which terminated where it entered the other. I
deliberated some time as to which end of this new road I should take.
These mountain-roads are fearfully crooked, and the one I had been
travelling bent too often to give me the direction even of the dreaded
Chattanooga.

Many a time had I wished for a sight of the moon and stars. Long before
the clash of arms had been heard in our peaceful land, before the
thunder of battle had filled a nation with weeping, astronomy had been
my favorite study, and I had often longed for the parting of the clouds,
that, with my telescope, I might gaze on the wonders of the world above.
But never did I bend so anxious an eye to the darkened firmament as in
my solitary wanderings over the Georgia hills that memorable night. All
in vain! No North Star appeared to point with beam of hope to the land
of the free!

But at length I made choice, and, as usual, on this night chose wrong.
After I had gone a long distance the moon did for a moment break through
a rift in the clouds and pour her welcome light down on the dark forest
through which I was passing. That one glance was enough to show me that
I was heading towards the railroad I had left in the morning. Even then
the light was a compensation for all the disappointment, but in a
moment it withdrew and the rain fell again in torrents. Wearily I turned
and retraced my tedious steps, hoping in vain for another glimpse of the
moon.

One of my feet had been injured by an accident three months before, and
now pained me exceedingly. Still I dragged myself along. My nerves had
become exhausted by the long-continued tension they had endured, and now
played me many fantastic tricks, which became more marked as the night
wore on. I passed the place where the wrong choice of roads had been
made, and still toiled ahead.

I was thinly clad, and as the wind, which had risen and was now blowing
quite hard, drove the falling showers against me, my teeth chattered
with the piercing cold. I passed many houses, and feared the barking of
the dogs might betray me to watchers within; but my fears were
groundless. The storm, which was then howling fearfully through the
trees, served to keep most of those who would have sought my life
within-doors. For a time I seemed to have the lonely, fearful, stormy
night to myself.

At last all thoughts gave way to the imperative need of rest. I reeled
to a large log not far from the road, on the edge of a small patch of
woodland, and crawling close under the side of it, not so much for
shelter from the driving rain as for concealment from my worse dreaded
human foes, I slept in peace.

Up to the time of this profound and dreamless sleep the incidents of
that terrible night are graven on my memory as with a pen of fire. But
after waking I found a marvellous change, and the next experience of the
night floats in memory with all the voluptuous splendor of an
opium-dream. Had I been at all disposed to superstition, I would have
had room enough to indulge it. A rational view of religion would have
enabled me to recognize the manner in which a Merciful Father interposed
to relieve my sufferings,--an interposition not less real or effective
because, as I still believe, purely natural. But at that time I was
indisposed to admit other than the material explanation. The want of
sleep, fatigue, dampness, hunger, and intense mental tension were enough
to cause a mild species of delirium. But the character of this was
surely extraordinary, affecting as it did the senses and imagination
only, and leaving the reason and will altogether untouched. I was as
rational--as able to plan, and far more able to execute, during this
singular psychological experience than before. But let me narrate facts
and leave the reader to his own explanations.

I cannot tell how long sleep continued, but I wakened perfectly in an
instant, and with a full realization of my position. But, in addition to
this, I seemed to hear some person whisper, as plainly as ever I heard a
human voice,--

"Shoot him! shoot him! Let us shoot him before he wakes!"

My first impression was that a party of rebels had discovered me in my
hiding-place, and that my last moment on earth had come. But the next
thought brought a new suspicion, and I cautiously opened my eyes to see
if my senses were really playing me false.

Directly before me stood a bush or small tree. The first glance showed
me a tree and nothing more. The next glance revealed a score of angels,
all clad in lovely robes, that melted into the softest outlines, their
heads nodding under feathery plumes above all beauty, and their wings,
bordered with violet and pearl, slowly waving with indescribable grace.
As my eye wandered farther, the whole grove was transformed into a
radiant paradise, in which moved celestial beings of every order, all
instinct with life and blushing with love. There were rose bowers, and
ladies fairer than mortal, and little cherubs floating around on
cloudlets of amber and gold. Indeed, all that I had ever seen, read, or
imagined of beauty was comprised in that one gorgeous vision. It was
very singular, and of this I can give no explanation, except the will of
God, that no hideous, terrible, or even ugly image was seen. That there
were not visions of blood-hounds, chains, and scaffolds, or other forms
of terror, seemingly more appropriate to my condition; is unaccountable,
so far as I know, on any theory save that of heavenly grace, and,
personally, I wish for no better. It was also singular that though the
brain and eye were thus impressed with ideal existences, I was perfectly
calm and self-possessed, knowing the whole thing to be but a pleasing
illusion. I had no fear of these figures of the brain, but, on the
contrary, found them excellent company. They did not always personate
the same characters. Occasionally they would change to the old feudal
knights, arrayed in glittering armor. The finest landscapes would start
up from the cold wet hills around, like mirages in the desert. Panoramas
of the most vivid action passed before me, and the ear joined the eye in
the work of pleasing illusion, for even language was not denied to my
visitants, whose voices were inexpressibly melodious, and even very
sweet music was occasionally heard.

Not less remarkable was the renewal of strength I felt. To walk or run
was no longer a burden. To say that I was perfectly refreshed is
altogether an inadequate expression. I seemed to have supernatural
strength, and to be incapable of any weariness or disagreeable sensation
whatever. Even the merciless pelting of the cold rain was pleasant and
delightful! I was perfectly easy and peaceful in mind, feeling no fear,
though perfectly conscious of my real situation and peril, and retaining
the full force of the resolve to use every exertion for escape.

While night and darkness were thus changed into visions of beauty and
joy around me, another faculty penetrated beyond these highly-colored
illusions, and showed me, though in faint lines, the true face of the
country and of events. Yet I had no hesitation in controlling my
conduct with respect to the faint rather than the bright pictures, and
was only once, for a few minutes, deceived, and then by supposing the
real to be fictitious. The error very nearly involved me in a serious
difficulty. At a cross-road, I saw from a distance what I supposed, at
first, to be a group of my spectral friends standing around a fire, the
ruddy blaze of which rendered them clearly visible. They were not so
beautiful as former figures, but I advanced unsuspectingly towards them,
and would probably have continued until too late for retreat had not my
progress been arrested by a sound of all others least romantic,--the
squealing of a pig! The men around the fire had caught the animal, and
were killing it preparatory to roasting it in the fire! This immediately
drove away the seraphs and the angels! I listened, and became convinced
that they were a picket sent out to watch for just such travellers as
myself. Some dogs were with them, but these were, fortunately, too much
absorbed in the dying agonies of the pig to give attention to me.

I crawled cautiously away, and made a long circuit through the fields. A
dog from a farm-house made himself exceedingly annoying by following and
barking after me. I did not apprehend danger from him, for I had managed
to keep my trusty revolver dry all this time, but I feared he would
attract the attention of the picket.

When he left me I returned to the road, but came to three horses hobbled
down, which, no doubt, belonged to the picket behind, and had to make
another circuit to avoid driving them before me. Then I pressed on,
hoping that some good chance, if not providence, might bring me to the
steep banks of the Tennessee. Yet I was not sanguine, for the country
was more open and level than I expected to find in the vicinity of the
river. Very many miles--possibly a score, or even more, for my pace was
rapid--were passed in this manner, but at last my visions began to fade.
I was sorry to see them go, for they seemed like a good omen, and they
had been cheerful companions. When the last form of beauty disappeared
the chill horror of my situation froze into my veins; my strange
strength also passed gradually away. I would find myself staggering
along almost asleep,--would wander a short distance from the road to a
secluded spot, throw myself on the flooded ground, and be instantly
asleep,--then, in a few moments, awaken, almost drowned by the pitiless
rain, and so weary, cold, and benumbed that I could scarcely rise and
plod onward.

Thus the latter part of that dreary night wore on. It seemed an age of
horror, and places a shuddering gulf between my present life and the
past. At length the cold gray dawn of a clouded morning broke through
the weeping sky. Day brought no relief. I had not yet any guide, and had
not stumbled on the Tennessee. I feared to make inquiries. Every one I
saw seemed a foe. Still, I did not avoid them, or leave the road for any
great distance. Slowly a new plan formed itself in my mind, for, if the
rain and clouds continued, I despaired of working my way to our lines.
What this plan was will appear in due time. It will be enough to say
here that I did not now think a capture would be fatal, if once far
enough away from the place where the train was abandoned, to plausibly
deny all knowledge of that raid. I hardly thought it possible that I
could endure another day and night alone in the woods. To prepare for
all emergencies, I carefully washed all traces of that terrible night
from my clothes. The wet would not matter, for the falling rain
accounted perfectly for that.

It was Sabbath morning, but it came not to me with the blessed calmness
and peace that accompany it in my own far-off Ohio. I realized how sweet
those Sabbath hours and Sabbath privileges had been, which I had never
valued before. I saw the people going to church, and longed to go with
them. Of course this was impossible, but with the thought came more of
a feeling of worship and of desire for God's protection than I had ever
known before. In that hour I believe His blessed Spirit was calling me;
but I soon turned my mind in another direction, preferring to plan for
my own deliverance, and to arrange the stories I would tell if arrested,
or if I ventured to any house for food, as would soon be necessary.

CHAPTER VIII.

IN THE ENEMY'S POWER.

But I will dwell no longer on the miseries of this dreary morning. Its
hours went tediously by, marked by no special incidents till about noon.
Just beyond Lafayette, Georgia, I was observed by some one on the watch
for strangers. A party of pursuit numbering twenty or thirty was at once
organized. I knew nothing of my danger till they were within fifty
yards, when I heard them calling for me to stop.

A single glance showed my helplessness. I laid my hand instinctively on
my revolver, but knew that fight was useless. Neither was flight
possible. The country was open and I was too weary to run, even if some
of the party had not been mounted and others armed with rifles and
shot-guns. It was time to see what could be made of my plans carefully
contrived for just such an emergency. Therefore, making a virtue of
necessity, I turned round and demanded what they wanted, though I knew
only too well. They said courteously enough that they wanted to talk
with me awhile. Soon they came up, and a brisk little man who had the
epaulets of a lieutenant, but whom they called "Major," began to ask
questions. He was very bland, and apologized profusely for interrupting
me, but said if I was a patriotic man (as he had no doubt I was) I would
willingly undergo a slight inconvenience for the good of the
Confederacy. I endeavored to emulate his politeness, begging him to
proceed in the performance of his duty, and assuring him that he would
find nothing wrong. He searched me very closely for papers, and examined
my money and pistol, but found no ground for suspicion.

He next asked me who I was, where I came from, and where I was going. I
expected all these questions in about that order, and answered them
categorically. I told him I was a citizen of Kentucky, of Fleming
County, who had become disgusted with the tyranny of the Lincoln
government, and was ready to fight against it; that I came to
Chattanooga, but would not enlist there because most of the troops were
conscripts, and the few volunteers very poorly armed. I told him where I
had lodged in Chattanooga, and many things about the troops there, using
all the knowledge I had acquired of that character while riding on the
cars to Marietta the preceding Friday. I had also heard many words of
praise spoken of the First Georgia Regiment, and now told the major that
I wished to join that noble organization. This flattered his State
pride, but he asked me one question more,--why I had not gone directly
to Corinth, where the First Georgia was, without coming to Lafayette,
which was far out of the way. The question conveyed much information, as
I did not before know that I was near Lafayette, or out of the road from
Chattanooga to Corinth. I answered as well as I could by alleging that
General Mitchel was said to be at Huntsville, and that I was making a
circuit around to avoid the danger of falling into his hands.

This seemed to be perfectly satisfactory to the little man, and, turning
to the attentive crowd, he said,--

"We may as well let this fellow go on, for he seems to be all right."

I was greatly rejoiced at these words, and cast about in my own mind to
see if I could not gain something more before passing on the way. But my
joy was premature. A dark-complexioned man on horseback, with his hat
drawn over his brows, looked slowly up and drawled out,--

"Well, y-e-s! Perhaps we'd as well take him back to town, and if it's
all right, maybe we can help him on to Corinth."

This was rather more help than I wanted, but there was no help for it.
Besides, I reasoned that if I could keep on good terms with this party,
I could get information and aid that would be invaluable towards my
final escape. Nothing could really suit me much better than actually to
be forwarded to Corinth and enlisted in the First Georgia. I knew the
ordeal of questioning before that course was determined on would be very
trying, but did not despair. If I could only have had some food and a
few hours' rest!

They conducted me to the largest hotel of the place, where I was
received with much ceremony, but they neglected to order dinner. I could
have had drink enough, but was too prudent to touch it, even if I had
not always been a teetotaler. Soon all the lawyers came in,--Lafayette
is a county-seat,--and they all had liberty to question me. For four
mortal hours, as I could see by a clock in the room, I conversed with
them and answered questions. We talked of everything, and their
questions grew more and more pointed. I answered as well as I could, and
never let an opportunity pass to put in a question in turn, for it was
much easier and less perilous to ask than answer. When I told them I was
from Kentucky, they wished to know the county. I told them Fleming. They
asked after the county-seat. This also I could give. But when they asked
after adjoining counties I was sorely perplexed. One of them said it was
singular a man could not bound his own county. I asked how many of them
could bound the county we then were in. This question had a double
purpose,--to gain time and information. They mentioned several and fell
into a dispute, to settle which a map had to be produced. I got a look
at it also,--a mere glance, for it was soon out of reach of my eager
gaze; but I had seen much. Then they requested a narrative of my journey
all the way from Kentucky. This I gave very easily and in great detail
as long as it was on ground not accessible to my inquisitors. I told the
truth as far as that would not be compromising, and then pieced out with
inventions. The time I had spent on the train and in the woods were
hardest to arrange for. I had to _invent_ families with whom I had
lodged; tell the number of children and servants at each place, with all
kinds of particulars. I knew not how many of my auditors might be
familiar with the country I was thus fancifully populating, and was
careful not to know too much. I plead forgetfulness as often as that
plea was plausible, but it would not do to use it too often. I might
have refused to answer any question, but this would have been a tacit
admission of some kind of guilt,--at least as good as a mob would have
required. I might safely use any retorts and sharpness in
conversation,--and I did talk with perfect freedom,--but I had the
feeling that silence would have brought me in danger of the lash and the
rope. Can the reader conceive of any situation more critical and
perilous: starving and almost fainting from weariness, in the midst of a
growing tavern crowd, questioned by acute lawyers, and obliged to keep
every faculty on the alert, feeling that an incautious answer would
probably lead to an instant and frightful death, and compelled under
such pressure to tell falsehood after falsehood in unending succession?

But I had an increasing hope if my endurance continued to the end. At
supper-time I meant to boldly demand food, and I felt sure of getting
it. Besides, although they were clear that I was a suspicious
character, they did not seem in any way to connect me with the great
railroad expedition,--the only identification I feared. The very fact
that I was so far away from the point where the train was abandoned was
in my favor. Temporary confinement, enlistment in the army, anything
they were likely to do was without terror as long as I was not connected
with the daring adventure which had culminated the day before. They were
somewhat perplexed by the assurance with which I spoke, and held
numerous private consultations, only agreeing that the case needed
further investigation.

Matters were in this position when a man, riding a horse covered with
foam, dashed up to the door. He came from Ringgold and brought the
news--of deeper interest to me than to any one else--that several of the
bridge-burners had been taken near the place where they abandoned the
train. When first apprehended they claimed to be CITIZENS OF KENTUCKY,
FROM FLEMING COUNTY; but on finding that this did not procure their
release, they confessed being Ohio soldiers, sent by General Mitchel to
burn the bridges on the Georgia State Railroad!

I have no reason to believe that any of those who were captured
described their companions, or gave any information leading
intentionally to their discovery. This was not needed. The unfortunate
telling of the same fictitious story and the subsequent revelation of
their true character on the part of some of the number who were captured
close to the abandoned train, unmasked the others as well. After the
first captures, which were made Saturday afternoon, whenever a fugitive
was arrested who hailed from _Fleming County, Kentucky_, and was not
able to prove his innocence, he was at once set down as a member of the
railroad party.

The message from Ringgold ended all uncertainty in my own case. I was at
once conducted, under strict guard, to the county jail.

The little major was my escort. He took advantage of his position to
purloin my money, and then turned me over to the county jailer. That
personage took my penknife and other little articles of property, then
led me up-stairs, unfastened a door to the right, which led into a large
room with barred windows, and having a cage, made of crossing iron bars,
in the centre. He unlocked the small but heavy iron door of the cage and
bade me enter. For the first time in my life I was to be locked in jail!
My reflections could not have been more gloomy if the celebrated
inscription had been written over the cage that Dante placed above the
gate of hell, "All hope abandon, ye who enter here."

There did seem absolutely no hope for me. I was there as a criminal, and
I knew that life was held too cheaply in the South for my captors to be
fastidious about disposing of an unknown stranger. I had heard the
message from Ringgold, and at once comprehended its bearing against me.
Nothing save a confession of my true character as a soldier and my real
business in the South would be credited. The probability was that even
this would only make my doom the more speedy.

In that hour my most distressing thoughts were of the friends at home,
and especially of my mother,--thinking what would be their sorrow when
they heard of my ignominious fate,--if, indeed, they ever heard, for I
had given "John Thompson" instead of my own name. That all my young
hopes and ambitions, my fond dreams of being useful, should perish, as I
then had no doubt they would, on a Southern scaffold, seemed utterly
unbearable. But one moment only did these thoughts sweep over me; the
next they were rejected by a strong effort of the will as worse than
useless, and were followed by a sense of unutterable relief, for I could
now rest. I had found a refuge even in prison, and needed no longer to
keep every failing faculty at the utmost tension. The sweetness of rest
for the moment overcame every other feeling save hunger, and that, too,
was soon satisfied. The jailer brought some coarse food, which was
devoured with exceeding relish. There was another prisoner in the same
cage,--probably a detective, put in for the purpose of gaining my
confidence and leading me to a confession. His first step was to plead
ill health as an excuse for not eating his share of the prison food. I
excused him, and ate his allowance as well as my own without difficulty.

He then wished to talk, and asked me some questions, but I was in no
mood for further conversation. Being cold I borrowed his prison
blankets, of which he had a plentiful supply, and, wrapping myself up in
them, soon sank into a deep sleep--profound and dreamless--such as only
extreme fatigue can produce. The quaint advice contained in the last
words of my companion, however, lingered in my memory. Said he,--

"If you are innocent of the charge they make against you, there is no
hope for you. You are much worse off than if you are guilty, for they
will hang you on suspicion, while, if you are a soldier, you can tell
what regiment you belong to, and claim protection as a United States
prisoner of war."

My sleep lasted until long after dawn of the next morning. This repose,
with the breakfast which followed, completely restored my strength, and
with the elasticity of youth I began to revolve my situation and plan
for the future. I was not long left in loneliness. The people of the
village and surrounding country came in throngs to see a man who was
supposed to belong to the daring band of engine thieves,--one of the
most common names by which our party was recognized during our
imprisonment. They were very free in their criticisms of my appearance,
and some were very insulting in their remarks. But I would not allow
myself to be drawn into conversation with them, for I had a momentous
question to decide in my own mind.

The more I thought of the advice of my fellow-prisoner the more weighty
did it appear. I did not value it because it was his opinion, but
because it seemed reasonable. I also longed to assume my true name once
more and my position as a soldier. The thought of perishing obscurely
and in disguise was most revolting. Besides, I felt that a soldier had
more chances of life than a suspected wanderer. Our government might put
forth energetic efforts to save those who were in such deadly peril. I
remembered, with increasing hope, that the Federals, at this very time,
held a number of rebel prisoners in Missouri, who had been captured
while disguised in Federal uniform inside of our lines, engaged in an
attempt very similar to our own,--the burning of some railroad bridges.
Why might not these be held as hostages to assure our safety, or even
exchanged for us? To entitle me to any help from our government I must
be William Pittenger, of the Second Ohio Volunteer Infantry, and not
John Thompson, of Kentucky. My mind was soon made up,--the more readily
that I heard my citizen visitors talking about the capture of several
others of our party, who had all admitted that they were United States
soldiers. They were influenced, no doubt, by the same course of
reasoning that I have indicated. I believe this decision ultimately
saved my life.

But there was room for choice as to the manner of making my confession.
I told the jailer that I had an important communication for the
authorities, and he reported the matter to some person of influence, who
summoned a vigilance committee, and ordered me before it.

I found them prepared to renew the examination of the previous day. They
had the same lawyers in waiting, and, indeed, all the principal men of
the town. When their preliminaries were over, they asked the nature of
the communication I wished to make, and hoped that I could throw some
light on the mysterious capture of the railroad train. I said,--

"Gentlemen, the statements I made yesterday were intended to deceive."
("So we suspected," said one of the lawyers, _sotto voce_.) "I will now
tell you the truth."

The clerk got his pen ready to take down the information, and the
roomful of people assumed an attitude of deepest attention.

"Go on, sir; go on," said the president.

"I am ready," said I, "to give my true name, and the division and
regiment of the United States army to which I belong, and to tell why I
came so far into your country."

"Just what we want to know, sir. Go on," said they.

"But," I returned, "I will make no statement whatever until taken before
the regular military authority of this department."

Their disappointment and surprise at this announcement were almost
amusing. Curiosity was raised to the highest pitch, and did not like to
postpone its gratification. They employed every threat and argument in
their power to make me change my decision,--some of them saying that I
should be hanged to the nearest tree if I did not. But I knew my ground.
I told them that though an enemy I was a soldier, possessed of important
military information, and, if they were loyal to their cause, it was
their duty to take me at once before, some regular military authority.
The leading men admitted the justice of this view, and when they found
that I would reveal nothing there, they made arrangements to take me to
Chattanooga. This was distant about twenty miles from Lafayette.
Ringgold, near which we abandoned the train, was about the same distance
to the east. In that long and terrible night of wandering I had
travelled twenty miles in a straight line, and, with my meanderings,
must have walked more than fifty.

My reason for postponing my confession until reaching Chattanooga was
that I wanted to get out of the hands of the mob as soon as possible.
There was no body of soldiers or responsible authority in Lafayette. If
I had perished there no one, in any contingency, could have been called
to account for it. Where a department commander was stationed I would
have to reckon with him alone, which was far preferable, and I counted
on the curiosity of the mob to preserve me as long as my secret was not
revealed.

I was remanded to the jail to wait for the preparation of a suitable
escort. After dinner about a dozen men entered my room, and guarded me
out to the public square. There a carriage was waiting, in which I was
placed, and then commenced the complicated process of tying and
chaining.

By this time a great mob had gathered, completely filling the square,
and in the most angry and excited condition. Some persons questioned me
in loud and imperious tones, demanding why I came down there to fight
them, and adding every possible word of insult. I heard many significant
hints about getting ropes, and the folly of taking me to Chattanooga
when I could be hanged just as well there.

For a little time I made no answer to any question, and paid as little
attention as possible to what was said. But the tumult increased, and
the mob grew so violent in its denunciations that I feared a passive
policy would no longer serve. Though I was being very effectually bound,
my tongue was still at liberty. I had no experience in managing mobs,
but I felt, by a kind of instinct, that mobs and dogs are very
similar,--neither likes to attack a person who quietly and
good-humoredly faces them. I had proved this with savage dogs several
times for mere sport, but this was a more serious matter. I was not much
in the humor of talking, but it was better to be led by policy than by
inclination. Selecting, therefore, some of the nearest persons, I spoke
to them. They answered with curses, but in the very act of cursing they
grew milder and more willing to converse. I answered their innuendoes
cheerfully, jesting, whenever opportunity offered, about the manner I
was being secured, the bracelets they were giving me, the care they had
for a "Yankee," as they persisted in calling me, and tried to look and
speak as if the whole matter were a mere comedy. I soon got some of the
laughers on my side, and before long had the satisfaction of hearing one
man say, regretfully, "Pity he is a Yankee, for he seems to be a good
fellow," and another agree to the sentiment. Yet I was not sorry to hear
the driver announce that we were now ready to start.

The manner in which I was tied indicated that my captors intended to
"make assurance doubly sure, and take a bond of fate." One end of a
heavy chain was put around my neck, and fastened there with a padlock;
the other end was passed behind the carriage-seat, and hitched to my
foot in the same manner, the chain being extended to its full length
while I was in a sitting position, thus rendering it impossible for me
to rise. My hands were tied together, my elbows were pinioned to my
sides by ropes, and, to crown all, I was firmly bound to the
carriage-seat, while two horsemen, armed with pistols and carbines,
followed the carriage at a short distance, and my evil genius, the
little major, took the seat beside me, likewise armed to the teeth. I
ought to have felt secure, but did not. The same exaggerated caution was
often noticed afterwards.

As we left Lafayette behind, the sky, which had been clouded for days,
suddenly cleared. The sun shone in beauty, and smiled on the first faint
dawnings of spring that lay in tender green on the surrounding hills.
What would I not have given for such a day forty-eight hours earlier!
But even then it was very welcome, and my spirit grew more light as I
breathed the fresh air and listened to the singing of the birds.

My companions were quite talkative, and I responded as well as I could.
They even tried to make me think that the extraordinary manner in which
I was tied and guarded--with which I reproached them--was a compliment,
showing that they had formed a high opinion of my daring character!
Their conversation was pleasant and courteous enough, except that when
they passed houses they would cry out, "We've got a live Yankee here!"
Then men, women, and children would rush to the door, staring as if they
saw some great monster, and asking,--

"Whar did you ketch him? Goin' to hang him when you get him to
Chattanooga?" and similar expressions without number.

I cared little for this at first, but its perpetual recurrence was not
without its effect in making me think that they really would hang me. In
fact, my prospects were far from encouraging; yet I considered it my
duty to keep up my spirits and hold despair at arm's length while any
possible ground for hope remained. The afternoon wore slowly away as we
journeyed amid grand and romantic scenery that in any other
circumstances would have been enthusiastically enjoyed. But now my
thoughts were otherwise engaged.

I was not so much afraid of death in itself as of the manner in which it
was likely to come. Death amid the smoke and excitement and glory of
battle never had seemed half so terrible as it now did when it stood, an
awful spectre, beside the gallows! And even sadder it was to think of
friends who would count the weary months, waiting and longing for my
return, till hope became torturing suspense, and suspense deepened into
despair. These and kindred thoughts were almost too much for my
fortitude; yet, setting my teeth hard, I resolved to endure patiently to
the end.

The sun went down, and night came on,--deep, calm, and clear. One by one
the stars twinkled into light. I gazed upon their beauty with new
feelings, as I wondered whether a few more suns might not set me free
from the short story of earthly things and make me a dweller beyond the
sky. A spirit of prayer and the faint beginnings of trust stirred within
me. Hitherto I had been looking at passing events alone, and refusing to
contemplate the great new experiences death would open. But now my
thoughts took a new direction. God was helping me, and inclining my
heart upward. I was to pass through many more terrible scenes and taste
bitter sorrows before I could recognize His voice and fully repose on
His love. I was not then a member of church nor a professor of religion.
I believed the doctrines of Christianity, and purposed some day to give
them practical attention. It had been easy to postpone this purpose,
and, latterly, the confusion and bustle of camp-life had almost driven
the subject out of my mind. But now God appeared very near, and, even
amid foes and dangers, I seemed to have hold of some hand, firm but
kind, beyond the reach of vision. What influence was most powerful in
turning my thoughts upward I cannot tell,--whether it was the familiar
outlines of the grand constellations, the quiet and stillness all
around, so congenial to exhausted nature after the excitement of the
last few days, or a yet more direct message from the Highest,--I only
know that the memory of that evening, when I was carried, chained, down
the long hill to the valley in which Chattanooga lies, there to meet an
unknown fate, is one of the sweetest of my life. My babbling guards had
subsided into silence, and, as we wended along through the gathering
darkness, high and noble thoughts of the destiny of man filled my
breast, and death appeared only a mere incident of existence,--the gate
out of one department of being into another. I was nerved for any fate.

It may be thought strange that in these moments of reflection and
spiritual yearning I had no feeling of remorse for any of the deceptions
of which I had been guilty. But I had not. It did not even occur to me
to consider them as sins at all. If necessary or expedient I would then
have added to them the sanction of an oath with equal recklessness. Some
sophistry--felt rather than reasoned out--about the lawfulness of
deceiving or injuring public enemies or rebels in any possible way--a
conviction that they had forfeited everything, even their right to be
told truth--must have controlled me. Before starting on this expedition
I had placed the highest value on truth, and would have regarded a
wilful lie with scorn and loathing. But I accepted deception as one of
the incidents of the enterprise, and all sense of its wrongfulness
passed away, and did not return until long afterwards.

We arrived at Chattanooga while a feeble glow of the soft spring
twilight lingered in the air. The headquarters of General Leadbetter,
then district commander, was in one of the principal hotels of the town,
and we at once drove there. I was left in the carriage while the major
ascended to inform him of the arrival.

The town had already been informed. The curiosity to see one of the men
who had captured the train and frightened the women and children of
Chattanooga into the woods only two days before was intense, and a very
large crowd soon assembled. They behaved as such assemblages usually
did, jeering and hooting, and calling me by every epithet of reproach
the language afforded,--wanting to know why I came down there to burn
their property and murder them and their children as well as free their
negroes. To these multitudinous questions and assertions I made no
answer. I was much amused (afterward!) by their criticisms of my
appearance. One would say that "it was a pity so young and
clever-looking a man should be caught in such a scrape." Another, of
more penetrating cast, "could tell that he was a rogue by his
looks,--probably came out of prison in his own country." Another was
surprised that I could hold up my head and look around on honest men,
arguing that such brazen effrontery in one so young was a proof of
enormous depravity of heart. I gave no opinion on the subject. Indeed, I
was not asked.

There was one man I noticed in particular. He was tall and
venerable-looking; had gray hair, gray beard, a magnificent forehead,
and, altogether, a commanding and intellectual expression. He was
treated with marked deference by the throng, and as they parted and
allowed him to come up to my carriage, the thought arose, "Surely I will
receive some sympathy from that kind and noble-looking man."

His first question confirmed my hope. Said he,--

"How old are you?"

I answered, "Twenty-two, sir."

Gradually his lip wreathed itself into a curl of unutterable scorn, and,
gazing steadily on me, he slowly uttered,--

"Poor young fool! And I suppose you were a school-teacher or something
of that kind in your own land! And you thought you would come down here
and rob us, and burn our houses, and murder us, did you? Now let me give
you a little advice: if you ever get home again, (but you never will!)
do try, for God's sake, and have a little better sense and stay there."
Then he turned contemptuously on his heel and strode away. The rabble
rewarded him with a cheer. I could never find out who he was; but after
that I looked for no more sympathy in that crowd.

My conductor now returned and escorted me into the presence of General
Leadbetter. I was glad of the change, though there was little about this
man to inspire confidence. They said he was from the North
originally,--a native of Maine, I believe. His habits were so
intemperate that a Confederate captain afterwards informed me that he
always lived in one of two states,--either dead drunk or gentlemanly
drunk. His record was, even this early in the war, of a very ill
character, for he had been the principal agent in hanging a considerable
number of East Tennessee Union men under circumstances of great
barbarity. To this, it was said, he owed his present position. Such was
the man in whose hands my fate now rested.

All the facts concerning him I learned afterwards, except one that was
apparent when I entered the room. He was considerably under the
influence of liquor, though not to an extent which interfered with the
transaction of business. He began to question me, and without any regard
for truth I gave him the story that I supposed would be best for my own
interest. I told him I was a United States soldier, giving my name,
company, and regiment correctly; but told him I was sent on this
expedition without my previous consent, and was ignorant of where I was
going or what I was to do, which I only learned as fast as it was to be
executed. He next inquired who was our engineer, but I refused to tell.
I afterwards found that they were exceedingly anxious to discover the
name of the person who ran our train, imagining him to be some official
connected with the Georgia State Railroad. He then asked after the
purpose of the expedition. I pleaded ignorance as far as any positive
information went; but as this did not satisfy him, I gave him my
inferences. There was no betrayal of Union interests in this, for all I
told him was what any thoughtful person, map in hand, would have
supposed,--the destruction of bridges and the capture of Chattanooga and
the occupation of East Tennessee. He was very attentive, and said,--

"But has Mitchel men enough for all that? My spies report that he has
not more than ten thousand infantry and three regiments of cavalry."

This was so near the truth that I did not wish to confirm it. So I took
another departure from accuracy, and said,--

"That must refer only to his advance-guard, and leaves out of account
that part of his command which has not yet left Nashville."

"What!" he returned, "is there a reserve army?"

I assured him there was, and that with the regiments on their way from
the West and Northwest, sixty or seventy thousand men would be at
Nashville for Mitchel's disposal in three or four weeks!

Leadbetter then asked, "What do you soldiers think is going to be done
with such a large army?"

"We are confident," I answered, "that Chattanooga will first be
captured, then Atlanta, and afterwards Mitchel may probably strike for
some point on the coast, so as to cut the Confederacy in halves."

The general rubbed his forehead for a moment, then exclaimed,--

"It's a grand plan. They can do it if they have men enough. But I had no
idea that Mitchel had such backing."

How I did wish that he had! but I knew better.

Then wheeling his chair directly in front, and fixing his eye steadily
on me, he continued,--

"I am much obliged to you for this information. Now, sir, I want you to
tell me just how many men you had on that train, and to describe each
one so that I may know them when I get hold of them."

This was too much! I answered, "General, I have freely told you whatever
concerns only myself, because I thought you ought to know that I am a
soldier under the protection of the United States government. But I am
not base enough to describe my comrades."

"Oh!" sneered he, "I don't know that I ought to have asked you that."

"I think not, sir," I replied.

"Well," retorted he, "you need not be so particular. I know all about
it. Your leader's name is Andrews. What kind of a man is he?"

I was thunderstruck! How should he have Andrews' name, and know him to
be our leader? I never imagined what I afterwards found to be the true
cause,--that Andrews had been captured, with documents in his possession
which implicated him so completely that he acknowledged his name and the
fact of his leadership. I had every confidence that _he_, at least,
would escape and devise some means for our relief. So I answered
boldly,--

"I can tell you only one thing about him, and that is, he is a man you
will never catch."

As I said this I thought I noticed a peculiar smile on the general's
face, but he only replied,--

"That will do for you;" and turning to a captain who stood by,
continued: "Take him to the hole,--you know where that is."

With a military salute, the captain took me out of the room. There was
an explanation of the general's smile! Before the door, heavily ironed,
stood Andrews, waiting for an audience, and with him Marion Ross and
John Wollam. I did not think it prudent to recognize them, nor they to
recognize me, so we passed each other as strangers.

CHAPTER IX.

OTHER CAPTURES.

As all the members of our party were ultimately assembled at
Chattanooga, so that from that time our stories flow together, it is now
well to bring the separated threads of narration down to that point. One
of the shortest and most lamentable was that of Jacob Parrot and Samuel
Robinson, both of the Thirty-third Ohio Regiment. When they left the
train in company they reached the woods, but on the wrong side of the
road. After being concealed for a short time they came back to the
railroad, but in attempting to cross it were observed by four citizens
and captured. They were immediately conducted to Ringgold, where a
company of Confederate soldiers was stationed. A course of questioning
here began, but Parrot refused to tell anything. He was but little over
eighteen years of age, very boyish-looking, and entirely destitute of
education. So they seem to have thought him a favorable subject for
receiving the treatment applied to those fugitive slaves who hesitate in
answering questions. He was taken out of the room by an officer and four
men, who stripped him and, holding him down over a large stone,
administered over one hundred lashes on his bare back, leaving scars
which the writer has often seen, and which he will carry to his grave.
Three times the whipping was suspended, the poor boy let up and asked if
he was ready to confess, and on his refusal he was thrown down again,
and the torture continued. They wished to force from him the name of the
engineer and the particulars of the expedition. But all their efforts
were in vain. The crowd procured a rope and were about to hang him, but
an officer of higher rank came up and prevented this final barbarity.

The wonderful fortitude of the poor boy was of no avail. He and his
comrade were caught so near the place where they left the disabled
engine, and they were so utterly unable to give any account of the
manner in which they came to be there, that both would no doubt have
perished if Robinson had not--after first trying the Fleming County,
Kentucky, story, and being falsely informed that Parrot had confessed
everything--finally given his name and regiment, with the general
outline of the expedition. After this confession they were imprisoned
for a time in Ringgold, and afterwards brought to Chattanooga.

D. A. Dorsey furnishes me an account of his adventures, which were in
some respects peculiar. My own special friend, George D. Wilson, was
with him, as well as William Bensinger and Robert Buffum. I use
Dorsey's own graphic language,--

"We fled from our broken down iron-horse in a northeasterly
direction towards the adjacent hills. These were sparsely
studded with timber, but almost entirely destitute of
undergrowth, and, of course, afforded but little opportunity to
hide from our pursuers. The latter were following upon our
trail, well armed and very numerous. Here occurred the first of
many an amusing scene, such as often light up the most horrible
situation. Buffum had worn a peculiar long gray coat, reaching
nearly to his feet, of which he had been very proud. Now he
found it a sore impediment to his precipitate flight, and
unbuttoning it, ran right out of it, leaving it spread out on
the old dry weeds behind him,--not even stopping to get the
bottle out of the pocket, in which he and I had been deeply
interested for the past twenty-four hours.

"On we went, or rather flew, until we had distanced our
pursuers, and found ourselves in a denser forest. It was very
cloudy. The sun was completely hidden, and we could not tell
which was north, south, east, or west. We wandered on until
near midnight, when we came to a log hut in a small opening,
surrounded by a dilapidated rail-fence. The light of a blazing
fire shone through the cracks in the wall, and we walked to the
door and knocked repeatedly. Getting no answer, Wilson pulled
the latch-string and walked in. There a tall Georgian lay
stretched at full length on the floor, with his bare feet to
the fire, almost undressed, and suffering all the agonies of
colic. Over him bent his better half, busily engaged in
administering hot ash poultices. Of course, under such
circumstances, our application for food availed nothing, and we
were obliged to plod on through the darkness, mud, and rain.
Before morning we came to another cabin, which we did not
enter, but borrowed a pail of milk from the porch, and taking
it to the woods, speedily devoured it. Then we wandered on,
hoping for clear sky, but the clouds were unbroken, and our
wandering at random continued all the morning.

"About ten o'clock, in the forenoon, we saw some persons on
horseback, who were evidently hunting for us. We managed to
elude them, and getting back to ground they had passed over,
concealed ourselves by lying down. Several other parties were
seen, but by shifting our position we avoided them for some
hours. The increasing number of our pursuers, however,
convinced us that we were in the most deadly peril.

"'Oh, ye woods, spread your branches apace!
To your deepest recesses I fly;
I would hide with the beasts of the chase,
I would vanish from every eye.

"'And hark! and hark! the deep-mouthed bark
Comes nigher still and nigher.
Burst on the path a dark blood-hound,
His tawny muzzle tracked the ground,
And his red eye shot fire.'

"These words of the poet were fully echoed by my feelings. The
much-dreaded blood-hound was upon our trail. We discovered
three of them descending a hill over which we had recently
passed, right on our track, and four men behind them. As soon
as the latter discovered us, one of their number hallooed, and
was answered by shouts in every direction. This demonstrated
that we were surrounded. We advanced and boldly met the first
four, and endeavored to deceive them as to our real character.
Our denials of being the men who captured the train the day
before were all to no purpose. Soon we were surrounded by at
least fifty men, armed with shot-guns, rifles, and pistols. One
man carried a long rope. To say they were furious would be a
mild description. They demanded, in all kinds of profane and
vindictive language, our immediate surrender. We were separated
into two squads. Buffum and Bensinger stood together, and did
what they could to prove that they were victims of a case of
mistaken identity, Wilson and I were a few yards distant, and,
as he was the better talker, I left it all to him. He protested
that we were not the men they wanted, but citizens of Virginia
hunting for fugitive slaves. He told a very nice and plausible
story,--I thought it ought to have convinced any reasonable
man,--but it was in vain."

[This was the only case, except one, so far as I know, where the
Kentucky story was varied from, and even then Buffum and Bensinger were
using it. Had Wilson and Dorsey been alone they might have succeeded
better. Dorsey continues:]

"We had to surrender or fight. The latter course would have
been madness. We handed over our revolvers and pocket-knives on
demand, and then commenced the most terrible threats of
vengeance. A young blood, who appeared not more than sixteen,
put a pistol at Wilson's head, and would, no doubt, have shot
him had he not been prevented by one they called 'major.' A
rough fellow they called 'Black Billy' presented a
double-barreled shot-gun to my breast, swore he had sixteen
buckshot in each barrel, and unless I made a 'clean breast' of
it he would blow them all through me. This roused my
indignation, and considering my life worth nothing if I
confessed, while a confession might implicate others, I said,
'Gentlemen, we have surrendered, and you have our arms. We are
in your power. If you want to shoot, just shoot!'

[Illustration: LIEUTENANT D. A. DORSEY.
(One of the Adventurers.)
Page 156.]

"Throwing my breast forward, in full expectation of receiving
the shot, I was surprised to see him drop the butt of his gun
to the ground and make arrangements for tying our hands. Having
thus secured us, they conducted us to a house about a mile
away, and gave us a pretty good dinner.

"Here we learned that a reward of one hundred dollars had been
offered for each of the 'engine thieves.' We also learned that
we were only nine miles from Ringgold, which convinced us that
much of our travelling the night before must have been on the
_back track_. We were certainly not as far from Ringgold when
captured as we had been when the previous night set in.

"After dinner we were taken to Ringgold on foot, and _put into
jail_,--the first one into which I had ever set my foot. It was
Sunday, April 13, 1862. This same evening we were all removed
by rail to Marietta, Georgia, where we arrived about midnight,
and were there placed in a literal dungeon of the worst
character,--dark, dreary, damp, and swarming with rats and
smaller vermin. From this point we had started northward for
the capture of the train two days before with high hopes. What
adventures since that time!

"We hoped when day dawned that there would be some light in
this filthy hole, but we were disappointed, for, although we
could distinguish the difference between day and night, yet not
enough light entered this dismal place to enable us to
recognize our most intimate friend!

"A heavy guard of six hundred cadets was placed around us for
the purpose of keeping down the mob. We were told that a whole
company of rebel soldiers had left camp at Big Shanty to come
to Marietta to lynch us, but were overtaken by their officers
when about half-way to Marietta and dissuaded from so rash an
act, the officers arguing that we were soldiers, and it would
not do for them to thus violate the rules of war, and also
assuring them that we would be properly dealt with, and, in due
time, executed. They thus succeeded in turning them back to
camp.

"We remained here a whole day and two nights. On Tuesday we
heard a strange noise,--a horrible clanking and rattling of
chains, while a footstep was heard mounting the outside
staircase, which was the only one. Into the hall the jailer
came (for it was he), and, opening the trap-door, ran a ladder
down into our dungeon. Then he called Wilson up into the hall,
and put one end of a new trace-chain round his neck, and locked
it with a padlock, while he also placed a pair of handcuffs on
his hands. I was then called, the other end of the trace-chain
put around my neck, and my hands secured in the same manner. We
were thus coupled together by the neck, as well as handcuffed.
Bensinger and Buffum were used in the same way. Then Hawkins
and Porter, of whose presence we had no previous knowledge,
were called out, chained and ironed in the same manner. We were
then conducted to a box-car, which had in it some bales of
cotton, and started northward. The sergeant in charge of us
stopped the party at Dalton, and awaited the arrival of the
officer in command, who was to come on the next train. It was
night, and, although our guard was as kind as they well could
be under the circumstances, they had no means of feeding us. A
mob surrounded the depot and threatened to hang us, but the
guards managed, not without serious difficulty, to keep them
off. Here we had a most grateful surprise,--one of the few
really pleasant incidents which mitigated the horrors of our
experience. A few Dalton ladies, with their servants, came into
the waiting-room, and supplied us with a first-class supper. We
relished it hugely, for we had been altogether without dinner,
and our breakfast was of the scantiest character. This was the
first meal we had ever eaten with chains and irons upon us,
and, as the reader may judge, we felt and acted very awkwardly
with these useless appendages. The ladies who had been so
bountiful, requested some of our party to stand up that they
might have a good look at them. They complied, in pairs at a
time, and, when the other four had passed inspection and
resumed their seats, their little servant-boy came with the
same request to Wilson and myself. Wilson very politely
declined, instructing the boy to 'tell the ladies that we are
not here on exhibition, but, if they will come over this way,
we will be glad to see and talk with them.' The offer was
accepted, and two, a matron and young lady, apparently mother
and daughter, came to our side of the room, and we had a
conversation long to be remembered. They sympathized with us,
and wept freely. With us the wound was too deep for tears. The
ladies returned to the other part of the room when the
conversation was ended, but took seats, and remained until the
expected train arrived and we started for Chattanooga. All this
time the mob was howling and cursing and threatening outside,
and we flatter ourselves that the ladies stayed to exert a
restraining influence, and hinder them from proceeding to
extremities. Before we left, the younger lady referred to sent
the little boy to me _with a pink rose_, with one row of leaves
around it, and her name.

"The presentation of that rose seemed to exasperate those of
the mob who saw it, and I am free to confess that I regretted
the action, for at one time it seemed as if they would break in
and seize us. But the firmness of the sergeant kept them back.
I regret that I was so unchivalrous as to soon forget the name
given, but in our circumstances who would try to remember a
name, even that of a beautiful lady? The only encouragement as
to our prospects we had yet received was that our fate would be
a warning to our comrades in arms, none of whom would venture
to engage in such another foolhardy expedition. The flower
served more to recall home and friends than to awaken hope of
any availing friendship and help in that part of the country.
It was twisted round and round between my closely-cuffed
hands--for the cuffs I wore had no connecting links, and
fitted very tight--until one by one the leaves all fell off,
and when the last was gone I got Wilson to put the stem in my
pocket, and kept it a long time.

"We arrived at Chattanooga next morning. There was again the
inevitable crowd to welcome us. 'Will those hounds hunt?'
bawled out a coarse-voiced individual, as they led us by our
neck-chains through the crowded street.

"The landlord of the hotel to which we were taken to await
orders was a Union man, whom I have met since under very
different circumstances. At his own expense, and on his own
responsibility, he ordered his servants to bring us a good
breakfast. We had by this time got on good terms with the
clever guards who brought us from Marietta, and parted from
them with real regret. They requested to have our names written
in the little diaries many of them carried. Putting the book in
one cuffed hand and the pencil in the other, they were amazed
to see how well we could write under such circumstances.

"The next scene in our strange history was a terrible contrast
to the peaceful occupation of eating a good breakfast and
writing our names in diaries. We were marched to what our new
conductor called 'the hole.' From the upper room of a prison a
ladder was put down through a trap-door, and we were ordered to
descend into what I can only call _hell_, for it was that to
us. The ladder drawn up, the trap-door again fallen, and now in
the murky gloom came whispered recognitions from our comrades,
the warm clasp of friendly but ironed hands. Andrews and all
his men except two--Mark Wood and Alfred Wilson--were now
gathered together."

It will be remembered that J. E. Porter and M. J. Hawkins were not on
the captured train at all, but joined Dorsey and his comrades at
Marietta. We abridge the account of their mishaps given by Porter:

"Through some mistake or negligence of the hotel waiter we were
not called in time for the train" (on the morning of the
capture), "though we got to the depot in time to see it pass
out of sight. I cannot describe my feelings at that moment....
We could hardly make up our minds how to meet the emergency.

"Then we leisurely strolled about the town, expecting every
moment to hear of the capture of the train. Nor did we have to
wait long, for the news soon reached town that a train had been
captured at Big Shanty while the passengers and crew were at
breakfast, and that it was done so quickly and easily that they
could not imagine who did the deed or what it meant. Soon
everything was wild with excitement and the town was thronged
with excited rebels, waiting to hear further developments....
Hawkins and I concluded to 'skip out' for a time. After
reaching a piece of woods we came together and congratulated
ourselves on our success thus far, but what to do next we
hardly knew.... After much hesitation we determined to go to
Big Shanty, or Camp McDonald, as it was a rebel camp of
instruction, and join the rebel army."

This was to put their heads into the lion's mouth. Their best course
would have been to have leisurely worked their way southward instead of
going where the excitement was highest. But it is always easy to be wise
after the event.

"We came in sight of the camp late in the day, and marched into
camp and reported at headquarters. Here we found several rebel
officers, one of whom, who bore the marks of a colonel, turned
his attention to us. After a short interview, which seemed
plausible to him, he ordered us to report to the commanding
officer of the Ninth Georgia Battalion for enlistment. One of
the companies not being full was called into line, and took a
vote whether or not we should be received into the company. The
vote was unanimous in our favor, and we, after giving
fictitious names, were assigned to a certain mess for our
suppers. After supper we made the acquaintance of several of
our new messmates, relating dismal stories of our treatment by
the 'Yankee' hirelings in Kentucky, which made a good
impression on our comrades as to our loyalty to the
Confederacy.

"Everything went right with us until in some manner it leaked
out among the rebels that the Yankee raiders, by mistake or
accident, had left two of their party at Marietta. How this
information got out I never learned, but it could not be
otherwise than that some of our party had indiscreetly told
more than he ought when captured. Who the man was we never
learned."

Then followed the usual questionings, ending in the acknowledgment by
these two of their share in the enterprise and their position as
soldiers. It is not necessary to suppose, as Porter does, that one of
the two captured on Saturday--it could have been no others, for Porter
and Hawkins themselves were arrested Sunday morning--gave information of
two of our number being left behind. Porter and Hawkins told the same
Kentucky story,--even enlarged upon it to their rebel messmates, and
this was enough to direct suspicion towards them. Then when examined
separately by the rebels it was impossible that they could avoid
becoming entangled in their stories. After examination these two were
committed to the Marietta jail, where they met Dorsey and his comrades,
as narrated above.

The last one of these narratives that our space will permit us to insert
is the most eventful of all. Alfred Wilson and Mark Wood were the last
of the whole party to be captured. The story is told in the most graphic
manner by Wilson in his published account of the expedition. I would
gladly give it in his own words but for its great length, and for the
further fact that he gives literally many of his conversations with the
rebels, in which both parties indulge in no small amount of profanity.

As Wilson ran from the abandoned engine, of which he had been the
fireman, he heard his name called, and, halting a moment, was joined by
Wood, the only native Englishman of the party, and from that time the
two became inseparable companions. They gained an open field on a long
slope in front of them, but did not feel safe in trying to cross it,
especially as they were out of breath and the enemy not far away. They
fortunately saw where a tree had been cut down, probably the preceding
summer, and the brush lay scattered around with the dead leaves still
clinging to it. Wilson adroitly covered Wood with some of the brush,
making the heap so that it would not attract attention, and then crawled
under beside him. There they waited with revolvers drawn, expecting to
be discovered, and determined, in that event, to fight to the death. The
rebels came very near, so that in some instances they might have been
touched by the hidden fugitives. Their peril was extreme, but the
pursuers were watching the men at a distance rather than looking for
those at their feet. Much of the rebel conversation could be overheard.
One of two stalwart pursuers, armed with muskets, while just by the
brush-heap, cried out,--

"There goes two of them! Come on; let's go for them!"

"Let's get more help," responded the other.

"But you see they have no guns," urged the first, and they rushed out of
hearing.

These two poor men remained in that one place a long while before they
dared venture forth. Their escape from detection was little less than
miraculous. So many persons had trampled over the ground where they left
the train that the dogs could do nothing at tracking them, or their
refuge would soon have been discovered. The incessant rain added very
much to their discomfort, as it did in the case of all the fugitives,
but helped to throw the dogs from the track.

After dark, however, they crawled out from the brush-heap, and could
scarcely walk. After looking about, they decided to take an opposite
course from what they had seen their comrades take, which was in the
main westward from Chattanooga. They wished to pass far to the eastward
of that town, and knew that they must carefully avoid it.

The remainder of that night they travelled rapidly, and about daybreak
found an old barn and hid themselves in a mow of corn-fodder, where they
slept comfortably until about one o'clock, when they were discovered by
two women who were hunting eggs. The latter were greatly frightened, and
ran to the house which stood near, but Wilson and Wood followed, said
they had been in pursuit of the train-robbers, and preferred sleeping in
the barn to disturbing anybody at the house. Dinner was over, but some
corn-bread and buttermilk was furnished. This was the first food since
leaving the train, and it was most acceptable. They paid for it, and
went on their way greatly refreshed.

But they did not think it prudent to go far before seeking concealment
in a dense thicket to await the approach of night. A squad of mounted
soldiers went by on the road they had just left, apparently searching
for some one. At nightfall they shaped their course, as nearly as they
could, towards the Tennessee River, east of Chattanooga. They avoided
the roads, but narrowly escaped running into a picket. At dawn the foot
of the mountains was reached, and the wanderers breathed freer than in
the open country. They witnessed the rising of the sun, and were greatly
cheered by its genial warmth. Sleep and weariness claimed them until
nearly night, and with darkness they started on again. It was hard work,
feeling the way over rocks, climbing precipitous places, and descending
the steep inclines through bushes and briers.

On Wednesday morning mountains were on all sides, with no sign of human
life or habitation. They took a nap in the warm sun, but hunger soon
roused them. That one meal of corn-bread and buttermilk was all the food
they had eaten since their start on Saturday.

Thus pressed by hunger, they resolved to travel day as well as night, as
in that lonely region it was not likely they would be molested. In the
afternoon they reached the brow of a high mountain, overlooking a lovely
and peopled valley. Almost perishing with hunger, they concluded to
venture down and apply for food at a hut a little separated from the
rest. A young woman appeared at the door, and, after hearing their
story, proceeded to get them a meal. Wilson asked the way to the next
town, the name of which he pretended he could not just speak, but she
helped him out by mentioning--"Cleveland?" They feasted on ham, eggs,
and rye coffee, and went on their way rejoicing.

Wilson determined to have a map of the country. So leaving Wood outside
well hidden, he ventured into Cleveland, and bought "Mitchell's
Geography and Atlas," the work, as he thought, of his commanding
general! He returned to Wood, tore out such portions of the map as they
needed, and threw the rest away. They were now able to form an
intelligible plan, though the one selected was full of peril. Wilson
seems to have been fond of the water, and certainly managed well upon
it. He wished to reach the Tennessee River, procure a boat of some
kind, and float down the river past Chattanooga to some point within the
Federal lines.

By evening the travellers had reached the limits of that mountain ridge,
and came down again into the valley. Another secluded log house induced
them to apply for food without waiting till they were on the verge of
starvation. Here they were very fortunate. Only a noble-looking lady was
at home at first. She heard their story, but made up her mind that they
were Union men, and in that belief gave them the best fare she had, and
would accept no pay for it. She and her husband, who afterwards came in,
gave them all the information in their power as to the best way of
avoiding the rebel cavalry in the neighborhood, and asked no confidence
in return.

But misfortunes were before them. They now passed through a
thickly-peopled valley, observing the greatest caution. Notwithstanding
their vigilance they were suddenly halted by Colonel Snow's cavalry,--a
company of rebel home-guards, whose principal business it was to keep
down the Union men of the vicinity. By shrewd diplomacy they succeeded
in making the captain believe that they belonged to the neighboring town
of Harrison. While accepting this statement he insisted that they were
trying to run away to the Union army, but agreed that they might return
to their homes if they would first take the oath of allegiance to the
Confederacy, and then be ready to join his company when he called for
their services. The oath was a bitter pill, but they swallowed it, and
were set at liberty.

They might now have taken a very safe course up the line of the
Cumberland Mountains into Kentucky, but Wilson's mind was fixed upon
getting a boat and going down the Tennessee, which was almost in the
opposite direction. Their thoughts recurred to the Union family where
they had been fed the evening before, and they resolved to return
thither, and, revealing their true character, try to get help in
crossing the valley to the river.

As was safest, they came up to the hut in the night. The man admitted
Wilson, while the woman stood with a rifle cocked, to kill him if he
proved to be an enemy. Wood had been left at some little distance
outside, so as to excite less alarm. Having been sworn themselves that
day they were in the mood for continuing that business, and therefore
swore the man to be true to them. He kept his oath far better than they
did theirs. He told them they must not be seen about his house, and led
them to an abandoned hut, which stood in a secluded spot on a remote
part of his farm. He then furnished them with a bundle of quilts, and
told them to stay in the cellar and be perfectly quiet, assuring them
that they would be safe until he could get a chance to pilot them out of
the neighborhood. He and his wife supplied them with provisions while
they remained here, which was for several days. Two or three reasons led
to this delay. Rest was sorely needed after the fatigue endured in
mountain travel, Snow's cavalry were still in the neighborhood, and they
waited also for a dark night and a trusty guide to take them to the
river.

The latter was found in the brother of the loyal woman whose guests they
were. This man took them without difficulty, by a circuitous route, in
the night-time, to a tributary of the Tennessee, by following which they
could not fail to reach the main stream.

The reason Wilson gives for his strong desire to travel by water is
quite cogent. In the uneven mountainous country it was next to
impossible to keep a direct course in night travel, even if they knew
the general direction, while the stream would always keep them in the
right way. Had they asked for guidance by their Union friends in the
direction of Kentucky, however, they would have received it.

They soon saw a boat on the other side of the river, but, as the creek
was swollen and encumbered with drift-wood, they could not swim across.
Wilson, who always took the lead, left his companion to conceal
himself, and, going boldly to the bank, halloed until a man answered,
who, at his request, ferried him across. As the ferryman could not
change a five-dollar note, Wilson promised to return that way in the
evening--it was then morning--and make it right. He hid during the day,
and came back after dark, and, in the absence of the owner, "borrowed"
the boat, took Wood aboard, and was soon far away towards the Tennessee.
The theft of the boat stands on the same grounds as to justification
with the numerous falsehoods told by all the adventurers,--a military
necessity.

At the mouth of the creek they found a patrol-boat anchored nearly
across the stream, but, as it was pitch-dark and raining, they were not
discovered, and, gliding close under her stern, were soon afloat on the
swift current of the Tennessee. They rejoiced in this, but found that
their perils were not yet over. The incessant rain was very chilling,
and blinded their eyes, the wind blew almost a gale, and the current
whirled them on with dangerous speed. They were in constant
apprehension, for they could see but a little way before them, and
scarcely knew where they were going. Many times they very narrowly
escaped wreck. Few things in the whole history of the railroad adventure
are more romantic than the picture of these two men piloting a frail,
stolen skiff down the mountain river during a night of rain and storm.

Their motion was so rapid that they feared dawn might find them in the
vicinity of Chattanooga, by which town it was necessary for them to
pass. Therefore they began, in good time, to cast about for a safe
landing and hiding-place. After many ineffectual attempts, they found a
small island, hugged close to the shore, and reached the lower end,
where they were out of the current, pulled themselves under the
overhanging branches, and drew the boat on shore.

Their position was still one of extreme discomfort. The rain had changed
to sleet and hail, and all effort to get warm or dry was in vain.
Daylight revealed a small cabin on the shore near by, from which the
smoke curled up invitingly. Their suffering was unendurable, and they
decided to seek shelter.

They launched and crossed. Poor Wood, who afterwards died of
consumption, brought on by exposure, and who was now almost frozen,
said, "Alf, you will have to make up some lie to tell them. They will
ask us a thousand questions."

Wilson answered, "I don't know what I can tell them. I am too cold to
speak the truth, though."

The usual Kentucky story was modified to suit their surroundings. They
asked for boats, and professed to be sent out to destroy all on the
river, except where they were in the hands of trustworthy men, with the
object of preventing Union men running away from the conscription. This
was plausible, and they were warmed, dried, and fed.

They now ran down a short distance in the daytime, tied up, and hid in a
field. A man and boy saw their boat, and were about to take it, when the
adventurers, unwilling to be done by as they had done, and confident in
their story, came out and stopped the proceeding. They asserted that it
was a government boat, and that they belonged to a regiment in
Chattanooga, which place they learned was only five miles away. The man
invited them to his house to wait the lulling of the storm. They
accepted, and after nightfall pushed off again, passing Chattanooga,
which they had so long dreaded, in safety. They were now almost
jubilant, but soon found that everything was not smooth sailing. I
presume the storm, which had been so disagreeable, had also been a
shelter, and that without it they might not have got by the rebel
headquarters so easily.

There is a deep gorge a few miles below the city, where the mountains
rise abruptly from the water in frowning grandeur. The river is greatly
narrowed, and, suddenly bending to the left, dashes its furious current
against a wall of rock, and forms a foaming eddy. Our two navigators
"perceived even in the darkness that there was danger ahead. The great
roar and noise caused by the dashing of the angry waters against the
rocks warned us. We hugged the left hand with our little boat as closely
as possible. As we passed the angry whirlpool, into which we seemed to
be drifting, our boat was struck a tremendous blow by a floating log. We
thought we were all dashed to pieces. The blow hoisted us away, however,
several yards to the left, and we went flying down the gorge like the
wind. We were afterwards told that a number of adventurous persons had,
at different times, lost their lives in trying to run down this place by
getting swamped in this great torrent or whirlpool, and it was no doubt
owing to the blow we received from the floating log, by which our boat
was knocked just beyond the reach of danger, that we escaped as
fortunately as we did. It was a providential blow for us, though it had
well nigh crushed our boat. We pulled at our paddles with might and main
to keep the water from swamping our boat, which sank pretty low in the
current and was now going at railroad speed. We soon reached smoother
water, and again felt ourselves safe."

A man on the bank warned them not to try to run through the "suck," a
worse place than that which they had just passed. With much urging, and
the promise of three dollars reward, they got him to agree to pilot them
through. He was a skilful boatman, and took them in safety, though their
boat was nearly filled with water.

Because of these dangers they had been running in daylight. They were
soon hailed by a squad of rebel cavalry, but, being well over on the
opposite side, rowed on without seeming to notice them. They were now
coming to the most dangerous part of their journey,--that near the
Federal lines, where the vigilance of the enemy was most constantly
exercised. They therefore resolved to travel only at night, hiding
themselves and their precious boat by day. That night they passed
Bridgeport, where they expected to meet Mitchel, but found he had not
yet arrived.

When they sought a solitary cabin to get food the next day they heard
great news,--that the Yankees were in the town of Stevenson. This was
confirmed by numerous fugitives who were seeking safety from the dreaded
enemy. They got back to their canoe, rowed down the river until they
judged themselves opposite Stevenson, and then started across the
country to find their friends. The good news elated them so much that
they made the fatal mistake of not waiting for nightfall. Consequently
they found themselves in the town sooner than they expected, and then to
their dismay discovered that the streets were swarming with rebel
soldiers! The story of the frightened fugitives had entrapped them.

But they put the best possible face on the matter. Buying a few articles
in a store, they attempted to stroll leisurely out, but were stopped by
an officer on guard and questioned. They answered plausibly,--probably
with the Kentucky story, as they were now away from the river,--and were
about to be released, when a man brought a _false_ accusation. He
recognized Wilson as being one of the Federal cavalry that charged into
the town the previous night, and dared him to deny it! He did deny it,
but in vain, and having been believed so often when telling falsehoods,
it was only a fair compensation that he now told the truth to
unbelieving ears.

Wilson and Wood were put on a hand-car and run back to Bridgeport. At
this place an excited member of the crowd that gathered around them
declared that he knew them both,--that he had seen them on the train
with Andrews! Wilson always thought this man as much mistaken as his
last accuser, but denial was no more availing than in that case. They
were taken before General Leadbetter, questioned separately, as usual
in the captures, Wood "perspiring like a man in a July harvest," and
both virtually convicted, although Wilson answered the questions
addressed to him in the most undaunted manner. They were taken to
Chattanooga, fastened together with a chain around their necks, and
handcuffed, as the others had been, and ordered to the hole. When they
descended the ladder and joined our miserable company there assembled,
they heard some plaintive voice say in the darkness, to which their eyes
had not yet become accustomed, "Wilson and Wood! They have got every one
of us!" It was true. Every one of the bold band had been captured and
were gathered into one of the vilest dungeons ever used by man to
torture his fellow-man!

CHAPTER X.

A HORRIBLE PRISON.

A plain picture of the Chattanooga prison into which the members of the
railroad party were thrust cannot be given in all its detail without
shocking the sensitive reader. Even when the coarser features are
omitted enough will remain to task credulity. The book and newspaper
accounts published by the survivors are not, however, the only evidence
upon which the extraordinary story rests. In the Appendix the official
report is given, based upon sworn testimony, and to this any one who may
be disposed to doubt this narrative is referred.

Yet I would not hold the Southern people or even the Confederate
government wholly responsible for the barbarous and outrageous treatment
experienced at this place. The system of slavery is primarily
responsible, for it provided such dens as the negro prison at
Chattanooga. An intemperate man of Northern birth--General
Leadbetter--found that the fortunes of war had placed a score of men,
one after another, in his hands, and, feeling that they deserved severe
treatment for the daring character of their enterprise, he recklessly
ordered them, as fast as they were brought before him, to be committed
to "the hole" without stopping to consider what accommodations it
afforded. His subordinates, afraid of being themselves suspected of
disloyalty if they showed sympathy with the prisoners, offered no
remonstrance, and the result was suffering almost too fearful for
belief.

The captain, to whose charge I had been committed by General Leadbetter
at the close of my examination, called a guard of eight men and
conducted me through the streets to the northern part of the town. We
halted before a little brick building surrounded by a high board
fence,--the negro prison of Chattanooga, known as "the hole." A portion
of the building was occupied by the jailer. The prison part consisted of
two rooms, one directly under the other, and also partly underground.
The upper room was accessible only by an outside staircase, and the
lower had no entrance except from a trap-door directly overhead.

The jailer, whose name was Swims, met us at the outer gate. He was a
poor, ignorant creature,--a bad specimen of the "poor white" of the
South, and had all his life been engaged in the lowest employments. He
was old,--perhaps sixty,--and had abundant hair, which was very white,
while his face was dry and withered. His voice was always keyed on a
whining tone, except when some great cause, such as a request of
prisoners for an extra bucket of water, excited him, and then it rose to
a hoarse scream. Avarice was his predominant characteristic. He seemed
to think that his accommodations were vastly too good for negroes and
Yankees, and that when they were admitted to his precincts, they should
be thankful and give as little trouble as possible. Such a man was able
to greatly aggravate the hard lot of the unfortunate prisoners in his
care. It should also be stated that he was very fond of a dram, and
frequently became sufficiently intoxicated to reveal many important
matters that would otherwise have been concealed.

Swims bustled up to the gate, growling about being troubled so much,
unlocked it, and, admitting us, led the way up the outside stairway into
the outer room. I then thought I understood why the general called the
place "the hole." This room was only thirteen feet square, and entirely
destitute of chairs, beds, or any conveniences whatever. Five or six
old, miserable-looking men were in it, who appeared not to have been
washed for months. I shuddered at the thought of taking up my abode in
such a den. But I was not to be allowed that luxury.

Said the jailer to the captain, "Where shall I put him?"

"Below, of course," replied the captain.

The jailer advanced to the middle of the room, and, taking a large key
from his pocket, knelt down and unlocked two rusty locks; then, with a
great effort, raised a ponderous trap-door just at my feet. The hot air
and the stifling stench that rushed up from below drove me back a few
steps; but the bayonets of the guards were just behind, and I was
compelled to move forward again. A long ladder was thrust down through
the trap-door, and the warning given those below to stand from under. A
mingled volley of cries, oaths, and remonstrances ascended, but the
ladder was secured, and I was ordered to descend, ironed as I was. The
long chain and the ropes had been taken off, but the handcuffs remained.
I did not like to go down that ladder into the gloom below, but there
was no alternative. The darkness hid every object from view, but I
clambered down step by step to a depth of fully thirteen feet,--for
the place, as I afterwards learned when I had more leisure for
observation, was of cubic form, just thirteen feet in length, breadth,
and height. I stepped off the ladder, treading on human beings I could
not discern, and crowded in as best I could.

[Illustration: A TERRIBLE DESCENT.
Page 172.]

The heat was so great that the perspiration started from every pore. The
fetid air made me, for a time, deadly sick, and I wondered if it could
be possible that they would leave human beings in this fearful place to
perish. The thought of the Black Hole of Calcutta rose instantly before
me. I did not think life could be sustained in such a place for many
hours. But I was yet to learn the wonderful possibilities of human
endurance.

My breath came thick and heavy, and I expected suffocation. The ladder
was drawn up, and with a dull and heavy thud that seemed to strike my
heart the trap-door fell. It was like being closed alive in the grave! I
wedged and forced my way through the throng to the window. The one I
reached was just beneath the wooden, outside stairway, and even at noon
gave very little light. The only other window was at the opposite side
of the room and below the level of the ground. They were only holes in
the thick walls, a foot square, and filled with a triple row of
thick-set iron bars that almost excluded every current of air. I got my
face near the bars and breathed the purest air I could get, until the
horrible sense of suffocation diminished as I became partially
accustomed to these fearful surroundings, and then turned to ascertain
the condition of my prison companions. It was wretched beyond
description. They were ragged, dirty, and crawling with vermin. Most of
them were nearly naked; but the air was so stiflingly warm that those
who had clothing had removed all they could. I soon found it necessary
myself to disrobe, as far as my handcuffs permitted, and even then the
perspiration was most profuse. It was an atmosphere of death.

I was the first one of the "engine thieves" put into this horrible
place, though several had been captured earlier. When I entered there
were fourteen other white prisoners and one negro--sixteen in
all--crowded into a room thirteen feet square. My dungeon partners were
East Tennessee Union men. In how many other prisons these hapless
victims to their own loyalty were immured I cannot tell; I found some of
them in every prison of which I became an inmate, in Virginia and
Georgia as well as Tennessee. The negro had been arrested on suspicion
of being a fugitive, and treated in the manner usual in such cases. No
trial was granted. A suspected fugitive was simply arrested and severely
flogged. This usually brought some kind of a confession, true or false,
as the only way to stop the torture. He was then committed to prison and
advertised in accordance with his confession. If no answer came in a
specified time, he was taken out and flogged into a new confession and
re-advertised. Thus whipping and advertising continued until the close
of the year, when he was sold at auction to pay jail and whipping fees.
If he was a slave, his master could take him out earlier; but a free
negro had no prospect but the year of torture and afterwards perpetual
bondage! Can we too often thank God that the whole awful system of
slavery has been swept away? Poor Aleck had been in this horrible prison
seven months, with no prospect but that of remaining five more and then
being sold. He was so kind and accommodating that he became a general
favorite, and when he was taken out to be whipped we could not help
feeling the deepest sympathy.

Every society has its aristocracy, and I soon found that here the
highest rank was accorded to those who were charged with having done
most against the Confederacy. There was one blind man, charged with
being a spy, and he was considered much above the ordinary Union men.
The rebels thought he was counterfeiting blindness, but I believe it was
real. I was charged with the greatest offence of any yet confined in
that dungeon, and was, of course, treated with becoming deference.

About an hour later the trap-door again opened, causing a stream of
comparatively cool air from above to rush down. It was an inconceivable
relief,--a _luxury_ that none could appreciate who had not, like us,
been deprived of God's greatest physical blessing--pure air.

We wondered who was coming next, as the feeble glimmering of a candle
above revealed several forms descending. The Tennesseeans cried out,
"Don't put any more down here! We're full! We'll die if more are put
down here!" But these remonstrances, reasonable as they were, produced
no effect. Down they came, and I, stationing myself at the foot of the
ladder, spoke something indifferently to them, and heard my own name
called in return. There was a warm clasp of ironed hands, and I knew
that I had true comrades in our common misery. It was Andrews, Wollam,
and Ross. Strangely mingled feelings swept over my bosom. I was sorry
that they had come to this terrible place, yet glad of their
companionship. We got into a corner by ourselves, for we did not know
but a spy might be waiting to catch our words, and cautiously spoke of
our past adventures, and strove to form some plans for the future. The
trap-door was soon closed, and the free air, which had seemed to flow to
us in sympathy, was once more shut out.

Others of our band were brought, I do not remember whether the same
evening or the next morning, and we wondered what had become of those
who were still absent. But they continued to arrive by twos and threes
until all had met in this doleful place of assemblage. The whole number
was twenty-two, and as fast as they came the Tennesseeans with us were
removed into the room above, and we had the foul den all to ourselves.
This allowed the advantage of talking freely without fear of betrayal.

We had great difficulty in arranging ourselves for sleep on account of
the smallness of the room. An easy calculation will show how closely we
were packed. A small corner was necessarily reserved for the water- and
slop-buckets. Then two rows, with ten in each row, left two over, who
had to be disposed of somehow. We did the best we could. Some sat
against the wall, while others leaned against the breasts of those who
were thus supported. Every motion caused the most dismal clanking of
chains, for the chains were not removed even in such a dungeon. After we
had been packed away for the night, if any one wanted to move his
position, or go for a drink, he was sure to tread on some of his
neighbors, and, tempers being naturally very short here, some warm
altercations took place, which contributed still more to disturb our
slumbers. A fight in the darkness with manacled hands was several times
prevented with great difficulty by those of us who were more pacifically
disposed.

A few of us, who were more fortunate, had no chains around our necks,
but only wore handcuffs. I was _strongly attached_ to William Reddick,
one of a pair of handcuffs being placed on my left hand and the other on
his right. In two instances three persons were fastened by one chain,
which passed around the necks of each. William Campbell, a man of
immense strength, was a member of one trio. I have seen him several
times take hold of the chain near his own neck, and saying, "Come here,
you Yanks," parade his two chain-comrades, in spite of all their
resistance, back and forth over the room.

In this wretched situation we slept much. The great quantity of carbonic
acid our breathing produced acted as an opiate, and served in some
measure to stupefy us and deaden the sense of pain. In the morning we
slept or dozed, for we had no motive to rouse up until about nine
o'clock. The next morning after my arrival I was awakened--early, as I
supposed--by the opening of the trap-door and the delicious shower of
cool air that fell upon us. As I looked up, there was the white head of
our old jailer bending over and saying, in drawling tones, "Boys, here's
your breakfast," and he lowered a bucket by a rope, with a very small
piece of corn bread and a tiny morsel of meat for each of us. It was
seized and devoured almost instantly. I had eaten nothing since the day
before, and this pitiful supply only served to whet my appetite. But
there was no more. I learned that we were to get our meals only twice a
day, and then only a starvation allowance. The quality was that which

"----captives' tears
Have moisten'd many a thousand years,
Since man first pent his fellow-men
Like brutes within an iron den."

I suppose our food in all our imprisonment was about equal as to
quantity and quality with that supplied at Andersonville and other
Southern prisons. But in the chaining, and the close packing in
dungeons, probably no prisoners during the whole war fared so badly as
we did.

During the day that succeeded my arrival in this place of horrors a few
more of our party were brought in, and among them was my especial
friend, George D. Wilson. I found that the same reason which had led to
the acknowledgment of my true character as a United States soldier had
induced them to make the same confession. Anxious and frequent were the
consultations we held as to the best course for us now to pursue. It was
too late for absolute denial of our participation in the railroad
adventure, even if that had ever been expedient. The only possible
course which seemed to offer any hope was to continue to claim the
character and protection of soldiers engaged in regular warfare, and to
this end answer all reasonable questions that might be asked. But there
were certain facts we pledged ourselves in no case to reveal. Among
these was the name of our engineer, which they were specially anxious
to ascertain. The fact of ignorance in such a material matter would
indicate that we were merely following the orders of those higher in
authority, and would preserve poor Brown, who had acted in that
capacity, from any special dangers. The fact of a previous expedition
having been sent down into Georgia upon the same errand as our own, was
on no account to be divulged, as it was likely to stimulate our captors
to inflict sterner punishments by way of preventing similar attempts in
future. We were not to allow it to escape that William Campbell was a
civilian only and not an enlisted soldier, as this would have made his
position more perilous than our own. We were also to conceal having
given any expressions of willingness to engage in such an expedition,
claiming to have been detailed without our own consent, and ordered to
obey the directions of a man placed over us. The most vital point was in
relation to Andrews. He had already admitted being the leader of the
expedition. We could, therefore, do him no good by pretending not to
know him, but he asked that we should not admit having any knowledge of
him before we were put under his orders; and, for our sake as well as
his, we resolved to "suppose" that he was some regularly commissioned
officer of the Federal army. Most of us knew him in his true
character,--that of a secret agent or spy. But to have admitted that
fact would have been fatal to any hopes he may have had, and would have
very seriously prejudiced our own case. The position we, therefore,
took, in all our statements, was that of non-commissioned officers and
soldiers belonging to three Ohio regiments, who had been detailed for an
unknown service, and ordered to report to an unknown officer, who had
called himself Andrews, and that we had faithfully and unquestioningly
obeyed such orders as had been given us. We agreed to urge that a flag
of truce should be sent to our lines to inquire if we were not what we
claimed to be, well knowing that, while General Mitchel would boldly
avow us, and stretch his power to the utmost for our protection, he
would be very careful not to say anything to the prejudice of our
leader.

Our plans were carried out to the letter. No one of our "reserved facts"
was ever known to the enemy until we were all beyond his power, and the
flag of truce was not sent only because the commanding officer said that
he was perfectly satisfied to accept all our representations as true. As
others of our company were captured and joined us, they gave our plans
their cordial approval, and in the separate and formal examination of
each one, gave their names, companies, and regiments. This could not
fail to produce conviction of the truth of our story, and gained us the
sympathy of all whose bosoms were not steeled against every kindly
feeling. To this plan, conceived in the dungeon and consistently carried
out, I attribute, more than to anything else, the escape of any part of
our number.

Though we did not now recognize Andrews formally as our leader,--he
having repeated his previous declaration that we were to rely on
ourselves,--yet we communicated our plan to him, and he gave it his
cordial approval, saying that if we closely adhered to it we would have
some chance for our lives. No small amount of effort was made by the
rebel authorities to induce us to tell more than we did. Their energies
were bent especially to finding out the engineer. They would ask the
question in the most casual manner, and a number of times, when one man
was taken out alone, he would be offered safety and release if he would
only tell this one thing, and threatened with instant death if he did
not. But no one was moved. The opinion seemed to be that the discovery
of the engineer would reveal the whole mystery of the enterprise. In
this they were mistaken, but the opinion was not unnatural. They would
also ask in many forms the question, "How came it that you would
consent to leave your camp in citizens' clothes for an enterprise you
knew nothing about, and under the leadership of a person you had never
seen, and whose rank and position you say you were ignorant of?" The
answer was always the same in substance: "We were told by our officers
to follow this man, and we considered it a soldier's duty to obey." I
had to pass a more protracted examination than any of the others,
perhaps because I had told General Leadbetter so many of my inferences
about war affairs when first taken before him. For two or three days I
was even separated from my comrades and daily questioned. I thus gained
a short relief from the horrors of the negro prison, and could easily
have secured my own safety by dishonor; but although I talked freely, I
did not go a single word beyond the line which Wilson and myself, with
the approval of all the others, had marked out. At last I overheard the
acute lawyer who acted as examiner on these occasions say to General
Leadbetter, "It is no use. He is either ignorant or too sharp to tell
anything." I felt greatly complimented, and was then taken back to the
horrors of the old dungeon, where I was warmly welcomed by my comrades,
most of whom had passed a similar though briefer ordeal. It was on this
occasion that the officer of the guard happened to lay a newspaper he
was reading near me. I was hungry for news, and in a moment seized and
concealed it in my clothing. It was missed and a great search made, but
as I was handcuffed and looked innocent, suspicion did not fall on me.
It was a great prize, for it contained a complete account of our chase
as given by our pursuers. Through all our subsequent adventures I
carefully preserved it, and at the date of writing it is still in my
possession. The estimate it gives of the military importance of our
expedition, and of what we actually accomplished, goes beyond what has
been sketched in the preceding pages. (See Appendix No. II.)

After these examinations were over, the misery of our dungeon-life
closed about us again. Whether we would be left there to perish, or
whether some kind of a trial would be given us with the alternatives of
release or execution,--what was the position of the armies outside, or
the progress of the war,--we could not tell. In dreams only we were
free. I remember lying down one afternoon and dreaming of the most
beautiful snow-capped mountains in East Tennessee, and awakening with a
freshness and hopefulness which lasted for many hours. But even dreams
were not all thus pleasant; too often they rivalled the prison itself in
shapes of terror and pain.

One or two of our number managed to conceal a little money when
searched, and, as our rations were very small, it was resolved to spend
it for food. The jailer agreed to get us any provisions we wanted, so
far as the money would go. There was an anxious discussion as to the
most profitable mode of investment. Wheat bread and molasses--the latter
being very cheap--were chosen, and the precious money tied to the rope,
which was our only mode of communication with the upper world, and drawn
up. It was at our evening meal. We knew Swims would not trouble himself
to bring the provisions that evening, but we anticipated a bountiful
breakfast, with the keenness that only starving men could feel. When the
breakfast bucket dangled at the end of the rope the next morning, it was
quickly seized, and lo! only the usual miserly allowance of "pone" and
meat. "Mr. Swims, have you got the bread and molasses yet?" eagerly
demanded a voice from below. In his most whining tones he drawled out,
"B-o-y-s, I lost that money." Had he been on our level instead of
thirteen feet above, he might have learned how desperate men can become
when hungry. But there was no remedy. The captain of the guard, when
appealed to, considered it a good joke!

CHAPTER XI.

LIGHTS AND SHADOWS OF PRISON.

Some two weeks after our capture Andrews received a very brief trial.
The charges against him were two,--that of being disloyal to the
Confederacy and of being a spy. On the first count the evidence against
him was strong. A Mr. Whiteman, from Nashville, Tennessee, whom Andrews
himself had directed to be summoned, and who had once been a partner of
his in some business, testified that Andrews had repeatedly visited the
South as a blockade-runner, bringing to Whiteman some ten thousand
dollars' worth of goods in that manner, and that he had always professed
allegiance to the Southern Confederacy, representing himself to be a
citizen of the same, and an enemy to the United States. When captured,
he had passes in his possession which showed that he had also taken the
oath of allegiance to the Southern government. He had, at the same time,
admitted his part in the railroad adventure, which was assuredly an act
of hostility against the South. Indeed, several persons were produced
who saw him on the train, or directing its movements at some of the
various stations during the chase. So far as I could learn, there was no
direct evidence produced to show that he was or ever had been a spy,
although this might be suspected from his passing back and forth across
the lines, and so soon after acting as an enemy. His case was entirely
different from that of the men he led, and much more unfavorable. They
claimed to have been acting all the while as enemies, and now to be
prisoners of war. They declared, and were ready to prove, their position
in the Federal army. He gave no account whatever of his position, or
the authority under which he was acting, and allowed the court-martial
to establish their case as best they might. He was very reticent, as was
proper, even among our band, as to his plans and hopes, but it was
whispered among us that he expected the liberal use of money from an
outside source to influence the court, or aid in his escape if
condemned. I never heard him, however, intimate anything of the kind,
and he certainly received no such help in escaping. He employed two able
lawyers, and they strove for delay, and at the last gave him reason to
hope that some informalities in the proceedings would require the whole
trial to be gone over again. No decision, however, was officially given,
but he was put back in the same prison, and no more strictly guarded
than the remainder of us, which was judged to be a favorable indication
of the result.

One day our old jailer, being very drunk, told us that General Mitchel
had advanced to Bridgeport, only twenty-eight miles distant, and there
defeated the rebels, capturing some of the very same men who had been
our guards but a day or two before. How we wished to have been with him!
and how we hoped for a further advance on his part! To be captured with
Chattanooga would be glorious! The officers of the guard were obviously
uneasy. They took the strictest precautions. There were twenty-six men
constantly on guard,--surely enough to watch over twenty-two, confined
and chained in a dungeon as we were.

Mitchel came nearer. We even heard the boom of cannon in the distance,
and his advance probably saved our lives, by taking us for the time out
of the clutches of Swims and Leadbetter, for a much longer confinement
or rather suffocation there must have been fatal. The ladder was thrust
down and we were ordered to come out. We would, then, have gladly
remained in that vile den a little longer, in the hope of Mitchel's
arrival, but we crawled up. Our fastenings were inspected, to see that
none of us were in condition to make a sudden dash for liberty; we were
formed into a column, with a line of rebel soldiers on each side, and
then marched out through the gate towards the cars. Strangely the free
air fanned our brows and strangely the wide sky bent above us. Very
grateful was the sense of openness and room in the streets through which
we passed, even although ironed, with a rebel soldier on either hand.
For three whole weeks twenty-two men had been cooped up in a dark room
much smaller than an ordinary parlor. No wonder the streets of the
hostile town seemed like freedom by comparison. We were soon seated in
the cars, and were carried in the evening back southward on the road we
had rushed over under such thrilling circumstances three weeks before.

How beautiful all nature appeared! It was now May, and the time that we
had spent in darkness had not been lost in the outside world. The
landscape had been robed in richer verdure, the budding trees had
swelled into leafy screens, the sky was of a softer blue, the birds
warbled with new melody, and everything seemed to wear its holiday
dress.

O the joy! the gladness! of being once more under the blue canopy of
heaven, and of looking up to its unfathomable depths, with no envious
bars to obstruct our view! Many a time have I looked on the most
romantic scenery in the freshness of May, but never did I so deeply feel
the pleasantness and beauty of the world as on that balmy evening, when
the rays of the setting sun, glowing from the west, streamed over the
grass and wheat-fields on their path, and poured in mellowed, yellow
radiance through the car-windows. But I could not quite forget that I
was chained to my companion and surrounded by guards with gleaming
bayonets!

The wild excitement caused by our raid had not subsided, and as it
became known that we were passing along the road, a mob greeted us at
every station. It is not necessary to again describe these assemblages,
for all were alike,--threatening, rude, loquacious, and insulting.

We also noticed that soldiers on guard were at every station, and that
each bridge we passed was strongly guarded. There could be no doubt that
all these precautions, so different from the careless security of less
than a month previous, were among the tangible results of our
enterprise. It was estimated that on the various roads of the South not
less than three thousand troops had been diverted from the field and
employed in securing communications in all parts of the rebel States. A
general passport system, with all its vexations, had been introduced.
Surely our enterprise, though unsuccessful in its immediate results, was
far from fruitless.

We passed Big Shanty, passed Marietta, which had been the extreme point
of our former journey southward, and went on to Atlanta. Here there was
no jail room for us; but before going farther we had to wait all day in
the cars for the evening train. Our arrival was soon noised abroad, and
a larger mob than we had seen before gathered and proclaimed their
intention of hanging us. The guard defended us manfully, and several
persons were seriously injured. But while the disturbance was in
progress, one man succeeded in reaching the window unnoticed and handed
us a paper, using only the single, magical word, "a friend," and then
disappeared in the throng. We read the paper by snatches, as we could do
so secretly, and found it to contain glorious news,--_the capture of New
Orleans_! Other items of news were adroitly wormed out of our guards,
who could not be kept from talking with us, and we were full of hope
that the darkening prospects of the Confederacy would brighten our own
outlook, by rendering the advocates of a declining rebellion more
cautious in their treatment of loyal soldiers. All information was
prohibited to us; but from the common soldiers, the negroes, and often
from the officers of the guard themselves, we managed to pick up items
of intelligence, which gave us a general idea of the course of affairs.

In the evening we left Atlanta, and after a journey not marked by any
notable event reached Madison, in the same State. This was then a
flourishing village, and had a pleasing look as we entered it. Some six,
hundred imprisoned Union soldiers had been already gathered here, and we
freely indulged the hope, which was encouraged by our guards, that we
would be put with them and henceforth treated only as prisoners of war.
But we soon found that the brand of criminality for our daring adventure
was not so easily effaced. We were marched past the dilapidated
cotton-factory, where our fellow-soldiers were confined, to the old
county jail. It was then entirely unoccupied, as all the prisoners had
been released to join the Confederate army. It was a gloomy stone
building, with two rooms, but both were above-ground, and the lower was
entered by an ordinary door. This lower room, in which about half of our
party, including myself and Andrews, were placed, was very dark, and its
heavy stone walls rendered it quite damp. But for our previous
experience at Chattanooga it would have been thought a wretched place.
It was so much better than that, however, that we almost enjoyed it.
Indeed, we could not have endured such confinement as that at
Chattanooga for many weeks longer. Several of our number could scarcely
walk, and all were greatly injured in health by the three horrible weeks
we had spent there. Now we were further from the pernicious influence of
General Leadbetter, and, although we were still kept in irons by his
explicit orders, yet the captain of the guard, in whose direct charge we
were, showed us all the kindness in his power, easing the irons which
pressed too heavily upon swollen limbs, and procuring us abundance of
good water, as well as a better supply of the coarse food, which we ate
in common with our guard.

The citizens of the town were freely admitted to see us, and ranged
themselves--always in the presence of the guard--along one side of the
room, and talked of all the exciting events of the day. We were now in
our true character, and were not likely to be benefited by concealing
our real sentiments. I used to greatly enjoy their surprise and horror
when I avowed myself an abolitionist, and told them that I had always
been one. They had been talking about abolitionists for years, but had
never before seen a man who would admit the justice of the charge. The
citizens expressed much admiration for us and for the daring of our
expedition, contrasting the latter with what they were pleased to call
the cowardice of the Northern armies in general. George D. Wilson one
day earnestly assured them that we were the poorest men in Mitchel's
division, and had only been sent on this expedition because he had no
use for us!

Here occurred one of the romantic incidents of prison-life. We had been
intensely anxious for some direct communication with our own army, but
from our side there was no means of effecting it. One day, however, a
man dressed in a rebel uniform came with the throng of visitors, and
managed to talk quite a while, and, as I thought, in a very disconnected
manner, with Andrews. I also thought I noticed an exchange of signs
between them. As soon as he and the visitors had gone, and we were once
more alone, Andrews told us that the man was a spy in the service of the
United States, and that they had managed, even in the presence of the
guard, and without exciting the least suspicion, to say all that was
necessary, and that we might be assured that our friends on the other
side of the lines would soon know all about us. I was a little
incredulous, thinking that the great anxiety of our leader to
communicate with some one who was a Federal spy, as he himself had been,
had caused him to misunderstand this man, and supposed his signs
recognized when they were not.

But when the captain of our guard brought us supper, he lingered a
little in conversation, and remarked that a most singular thing had
taken place that afternoon, and that after this we would receive no more
visitors. Being pressed for explanations, he finally gave them. He said
that the provost-marshal of Madison had received information that one of
Lincoln's spies was in town, and had even been among our visitors,
though, the captain said, he was glad that the spy had found no
opportunity to reveal himself to us! The marshal at once despatched a
squad to arrest him. They found the suspected stranger at the depot,
just as the cars were coming in. He was boisterously indignant at his
arrest, and told them that he had papers in his pocket which would prove
his character anywhere. They let go their hold on him, so that he might
produce his papers. He lectured them roundly while pretending to search
in his pockets, until he noticed that the train, which was starting, had
attained a good degree of headway, and then, just as the last car swung
by, he suddenly flung the soldiers from him and jumped aboard. There was
no telegraph station at Madison, and no other train that evening, so
that an effective pursuit was out of the question.

The Confederates were very much enraged, and our confinement was
rendered much more strict. But we felt ample compensation in the hope
that our officers would now know just where we were, and be able to make
all possible efforts for our safety. Whether the spy surmounted all
other perils and got safely to our lines, we never heard.

Three days only did we remain at Madison,--days of comparative quiet and
hope, during which we recovered some degree of our wasted strength,
which was sadly needed for future trials. The rebel authorities, having
become convinced that Chattanooga was not in present danger from
General Mitchel, ordered us back to that place. Our destination was not
known to us, and the usual rumors circulated as to being now on our way
for exchange. To move from one prison to another--an experience we had
quite frequently--was always a welcome relief, and served, in some
measure, to mitigate the excessive rigor of our confinement. We went
back over the same road we came, and had again to run the gauntlet of
insulting and jeering mobs. We traveled in rude box-cars, wet and
filthy, and were harassed by the fear of going back to our miserable
prison at Chattanooga. One circumstance rendered the journey more
endurable. Captain Laws, who commanded the guard, and his soldiers also,
had been in close association with us for several days, and had become
really interested in our welfare. While he did not relax any of his
vigilance, he strove to make the hardship of our position more
endurable, and showed a friendly spirit on every occasion. His good will
was especially valuable when we reached Chattanooga.

The remorseless order had been given for our return to the negro prison.
Captain Laws could not change this, but by using his influence with
Colonel Patrick Cleiburne, a man of humanity, who occupied the position
of provost-marshal of Chattanooga for a short time, he got permission
for us to remain in the upper room instead of being forced into the
dungeon below. This was a great relief, for although we were equally
crowded, yet the upper room was above-ground, had three windows instead
of two, and these were of larger size. We had, therefore, a much better
supply of air and light. We were very sorry for the fourteen poor
Tennesseeans who were put below.

Our enemies displayed a wonderful degree of caution in the manner of
guarding us. Even when we were below, where a man, if left alone, could
scarcely have gotten out without assistance, they never raised the
trap-door unprotected by a strong guard. Old Swims remonstrated against
our being in the upper room, and seemed in perpetual terror. He fretted,
and predicted that evil would come from showing the Yankees so much
indulgence. Yet the precautions observed ought to have reassured him.
Before our door was opened a strong guard was always brought up-stairs
into the jailer's room, from which ours was entered, and arrayed in two
lines with levelled bayonets. At the same time the stairway was guarded,
and the whole jail surrounded by a strong force outside of the wall. We
had not yet been relieved of our fetters,--at least, not by Confederate
authority.

Colonel Cleiburne had asked permission to remove our irons, and this
being refused, he gave us, on his own responsibility, an inexpressibly
great indulgence. For an hour or two every fine afternoon he ordered the
guards to bring us out into the jail-yard. This was something to look
forward to all the day, and made our second confinement at Chattanooga
far less irksome and prostrating than the first. To simply sit in the
sunlight and watch the clouds drifting in the blue above, or to walk
back and forth watching the lengthening shadows of the mountains, was
intense enjoyment. We will never cease to be grateful to the brave Irish
soldier who secured us these indulgences, which, simple as they were,
had not been expected.

But we felt that the wearing of irons for so long a period was entirely
unnecessary, and set our wits to work for the removal of such needless
incumbrances. One of the party had managed to secrete a small knife in
his sleeve while being searched, and with this he whittled out rude keys
from the bones of the meat given us, which readily unlocked our
handcuffs. The padlocks on the chains were served in a similar manner.
We did not dare to let any one of the guards know of this expedient, or
appear in public in our new liberty, lest more effectual means should be
devised of securing us. To avoid detection while thus unchained we
always kept some one on the watch. When a footstep was heard on the
outside stairway the signal was given, and a quick rattling of chains
accompanied the adjustment and relocking of our bonds. When the door
opened we would appear all properly chained, but when alone we would
soon be free again. This deception was continued as long as we were kept
in irons.

We here took up the amusement of mock trials. Andrews had been tried,
and the remainder of us expected to be, either in a body or singly. This
may have suggested the diversion, which soon became very popular. One of
the company would be charged with some offence, usually a trifling
breach of our self-imposed prison rules. William Campbell, whose immense
personal strength better enabled him to enforce his decisions, usually
officiated as judge, until at last he got the name of "judge" firmly
fixed upon him. We had ample time for this sport, and the opposing
counsel would make very long and learned speeches. So interesting were
these arguments, and so eloquent were our appeals, that no one of the
auditors was ever known to leave the court-room while they were in
progress! The witnesses were very slippery, and it was often difficult
to reconcile their testimony. Some friends of the prisoners nearly
always attempted to resist the laws and prevent the infliction of
penalties, but in such cases the _personal weight_ of the judge decided
the affair. This resistance would give rise to new arrests and trials,
and thus the work became interminable.

Another and more refined source of enjoyment was found in music. There
were several good singers in the party, and by practising together they
soon acquired great proficiency. Most of the songs, under the leadership
of Marion Ross, were of a tender and sentimental cast, such as "Nettie
Moore," "Carrier Dove," "Twenty Years Ago," "Do they miss me at Home?"
etc. The most frequent time for singing was when twilight began to fall.
Then all other occupations would be laid aside, and in the gathering
darkness the voice of song would roll out as full and sweet as if not
strained through prison-bars. The guards were very fond of our singing,
and frequently groups of citizens also would gather around the high
jail-fence to listen. Words of sympathy and kindness for the "caged
Yankees" became more common, and there were a good many tangible
manifestations of the same feelings. The guards who came in contact with
us,--a considerable number, as one squad replaced another,--together
with many of their officers and many residents of Chattanooga, began to
ask why we were not treated as other prisoners, and the shameful chains
taken off. I do not know whether this produced any essential change in
our fortune. Most likely it was the reason we were not brought to trial
in a town where we would have been sure of so much sympathy, but were
arraigned in a distant place, and before officers who were strangers to
us.

Yet no friendliness on the part of our guards, or mitigation in the
horrors of our treatment, put the thought of escape out of our minds,
although it did divide our counsels and delay an attempt. With many
others, I was convinced that we ought to make a bold push for liberty.
The very strictness of the guard was a challenge to do our best to
overcome it. If there were a few gleams of humanity in the present
treatment, this was merely because our captors had discovered us to be
human beings and not monsters; besides, there was enough still in the
vile nature of our food and rigor of our confinement to justify the most
desperate effort for freedom. If we tried and failed, we might lose our
lives in the attempt; but this was a risk soldiers have to take in every
enterprise; if recaptured, we would be no worse off than we were, for
the charge of attempting to escape could be no more deadly than the old
one of seizing the train. But those who did not wish to make the
attempt, among whom George D. Wilson was foremost, maintained that our
enemies were growing daily kinder, and that we would soon be formally
placed on the footing of prisoners of war; the commander of the guard,
Captain Laws, had become even intimate with Wilson, and had assured him
that our good conduct was producing a profound impression in our favor;
to forfeit this now by a foolhardy attempt to escape might turn the
scale against us. Ross agreed with Wilson. He was a Freemason, and some
members of the fraternity visited him, and gave him assurances of
friendship, together with some small sums of money, which he generously
used to procure us all a little greatly-needed addition to our food. We
no longer made our purchases through Swims, but through Captain Laws,
who did not lose the money intrusted to him.

Finally the majority decided in favor of an attempt to escape. Two plans
were proposed,--the first by the writer. When men who are not expecting
danger are suddenly surprised, there is a moment when they are incapable
of action, and may be at the mercy of a bold adversary. The same plan,
in general outline, was carried out long afterwards with the most
brilliant success. It was simply to have our irons off when the guards
came to feed us in the evening, and then, as the door opened, to make a
simultaneous rush upon the levelled bayonets outside, wrest the muskets
from their holders, and pour down the stairs on the guards below. If we
succeeded in reaching the ground before the guards fully realized what
was going on, a few moments would suffice to disarm them, and then we
could leave the prison-yard in a solid body, run with all our speed to
the ferry-boat which lay on our side of the river, not far distant. Once
over the river, armed with muskets and bayonets, we would have been
comparatively safe.

But Andrews did not like this plan for the same reason that made him so
unwilling to use our arms in desperate fighting during the race on the
train. He proposed another plan, which, as he still had great influence
with us, was adopted. His proposition was that some one--John Wollam, I
think, was selected for the perilous attempt--should conceal himself
under the bed in the jailer's room as we passed through it on our return
from the breathing-spell in the yard, and remain there until all was
quiet at night; then come out and noiselessly unlock the door; after
this we could rush down, seize the guard, and proceed as in our first
plan. The time for this bold attempt was fixed for a moonless night not
far distant.

There were two soldiers of the original twenty-four detailed for our
enterprise who failed to reach the designated rendezvous at Marietta.
One was from the Twenty-first, the other from the Second Ohio Regiment.
They had been suspected and compelled to join a rebel battery,
representing themselves as brothers from Kentucky. In the skirmish at
Bridgeport the member of the Twenty-first found an opportunity to run
across the railroad bridge and join Mitchel. This caused suspicion to
rest on his supposed brother, who was arrested, brought to Chattanooga,
and thrown into the dungeon while we were there. There was some
suspicion that he might have belonged to our party, but we refused to
recognize him, and after confinement for some time he was sent back to
the battery again, and from it, after many remarkable adventures,
succeeded in making good his escape to the Union lines.

There was at this time a great talk of our exchange, and our drooping
hopes revived. A son of General Mitchel's was captured, but the general
held a large number of rebel prisoners, and released one of them--a
lieutenant--on parole, to propose an exchange. This man visited us and
raised the most sanguine hopes in our bosoms. The Confederate officers
encouraged those hopes, but said we must first go through a merely
formal trial to prove that we were really soldiers, after which we
would be included in the exchange which would undoubtedly be made. We
wanted them to refer the question of our soldiership to General Mitchel,
but we have every reason to believe that they not only never asked him
anything about us, but used all the means in their power to prevent him
from obtaining any knowledge of our situation. The exchange was
effected, but we were not included, and the lieutenant was not permitted
to return to the loyal camp.

These delusive hopes had served to delay a little longer our projected
escape, but at last we resolved to end the suspense. The very day we had
fixed upon for the desperate enterprise an event occurred which deranged
the plan in the most unexpected manner by dividing our party. George D.
Wilson, who was very sick, was taken down into the yard closely guarded.
While he was there Captain Laws came to him, and said that he had
received an order for twelve of our number to be taken to Knoxville, to
pass the formal investigation which had been so long talked about, and
which was to fix the character of the whole party as prisoners of war.
Wilson asked who the twelve were to be, and wished that he might be one.
The captain told him that this was easily arranged, as the order called
merely for twelve, without giving names. He further offered Wilson the
privilege of naming eleven others beside himself to go, saying that he
would do well to select the ablest men,--those who could do themselves
most credit on examination. Whether this was a mere incident, or whether
it was a plan laid to have Wilson select the most prominent men of the
party, that they might be tried and put to death, I have never learned.
In the light of the subsequent history, this choice was a matter of
profound importance, and my own opinion is that the names were purposely
left blank, and Wilson induced to make the choice, with the view of his
leaving out the nine who might best be reserved for the exercise of
mercy after the others were capitally punished. If this was the case, I
cannot persuade myself that Captain Laws was in the secret. But poor
Wilson was completely misled. He told me that he considered that those
who went to Knoxville would probably be exchanged first, if any
difference was to be made. So he put down his own name first, and mine
next. Then followed the other two who belonged to our regiment,--the
Second Ohio; then William Campbell, the muscular citizen of Kentucky,
and the list was filled out by the names of Wilson's especial friends
from the other regiments. As we twelve, who were to go to Knoxville,
waited the hour of starting, a shade of gloom fell upon us. For nearly
two months we had been companions in trials and privations such as fall
to the lot of few men, and now our band was to be separated. There was
no certainty of reunion; for, in spite of fair words, the fact remained
that we were in the power of desperate and deadly foes, who would not
hesitate a moment in taking our lives, if they saw it for their own
advantage to do so.

The parting with Andrews, our noble leader, was especially affecting. We
had been accustomed to ask his advice in all emergencies. He had been
already tried by court-martial, and, although no sentence had been
given, the long delay was not a favorable omen. We knew that he was the
first mark for the vengeance of the foe. Officers and visitors, in
bidding us hope, had no words of comfort for him. He bore this like a
hero, as he was, and continued to hope for some deliverance. But now,
after we had sung our songs together for the last time, and came to bid
him farewell, we were all moved to weeping. I will never forget his last
words, as he pressed our hands, with tears in his eyes, and said, in a
low, sad voice that thrilled through my inmost being, "Boys, if I never
see you here again, try to meet me on the other side of Jordan." Never
did we look upon his noble face again!

CHAPTER XII.

THE FIRST TRAGEDY.

We will first narrate the history of the nine soldiers and their leader,
from whom we parted with so much sorrow and foreboding when the
remainder of us were sent to Knoxville. Various reasons have been
conjectured for this separation, one of which has been given in the
preceding chapter. Another that has been entertained by many of the
party, who have had the opportunity of reviewing the facts, is that the
enemy was now ready to proceed in the work of vengeance, and wished to
lessen any possible danger of escape on our part when we had been driven
to desperation by the beginning of the bloody work. If this was their
design, it was not without success, for the attempt to escape, fixed for
the very day of our separation, was in consequence postponed for a time.

A week elapsed, during which nothing occurred to break the monotony of
imprisonment. The plan of escape had been modified to be more easily
within the reach of the diminished numbers of the prisoners. The
jack-knife, which had made keys for unlocking the handcuffs, was again
brought into use. The jail walls consisted of brick, and were lined
inside with heavy plank, reaching to the top of the upper room and
covering the ceiling. Three men leaned against the wall, while a fourth
stood on their shoulders, and with the knife cut into the heavy plank
overhead. It was no light task to cut out a hole large enough to admit
the passage of a man's body into the attic. A small part of each day
only could be devoted to the work, and the utmost vigilance was needed
to prevent discovery. The "singing hour" was especially serviceable, as
then the noise of the knife could not be heard. The cut, when so nearly
completed as to require little more labor, was so filled up as not to
attract notice from below, and attention given to other parts of the
work. Just then an incident occurred which added the energy of
desperation to the efforts for liberty.

Captain Laws entered the prison-yard one day, while our comrades were
enjoying the shade of the prison in the afternoon breathing-spell, which
had been procured by the kindness of Colonel Cleiburne and himself, and
going up to Andrews, with averted face, handed him a paper. Andrews
glanced at it, stood perfectly still a moment, and then silently turned,
and walked up-stairs into the cell, the door of which had been left
open. No one of his comrades said a word, but all felt that something
dreadful had happened. The officer, who seemed hardly able to control
his own emotion, waited for a little time, and then telling the
prisoners very gently that it was time to close up the prison, guarded
them back to their room.

The explanation Andrews then gave was scarcely needed. He had received
his death-sentence! A week from that day had been appointed as the time,
and hanging as the mode of his execution. The sorrow of the brave men
was indescribable. The many noble qualities of our leader had won not
only respect but love. His unselfish regard for every one of his
companions in misfortune, his cheerful, kindly manner under the greatest
sufferings, had made a deep impression even on his guards,--much more on
his comrades.

But there was one gleam of hope. Andrews and his party resolved at once
to carry out their projects for breaking out of the jail. These soldiers
would have dared anything in the hope of saving their leader; besides,
the feeling was general that this execution would be but the beginning.
Some of the number had always maintained that no hope existed save the
gleam that might come from some desperate attempt for liberty, such as
they were now to put forth.

But an additional obstacle was interposed,--Andrews was put down in "the
hole" after receiving his sentence. This required the well-worn knife to
be again used, sparingly but persistently. Notches were sawed in the
planks which held the bolts of the trap-door, and an old blanket or two,
with some articles of clothing, were twisted into ropes. When all this
was done, although the first flush of dawn began to appear in the east,
they dared not risk the chance of their work being discovered the next
day, and accordingly resolved to go at once. Andrews had been drawn up
out of the hole, and it was agreed to give him the first chance for his
life. Andrews and John Wollam were in the loft or attic over the prison
room, while all the others, in their assigned order, were ready to mount
up through the aperture they had cut in the ceiling. A few bricks in the
outside wall had also been removed, and enough of the rude ropes
prepared to allow one by one to descend to the ground. The hope was that
by taking off their boots and moving very cautiously, each one could go
into the loft and out through the hole in the wall, and clamber down the
outside blanket-ropes without disturbing the repose of the guard. Those
who got down first were to wait beside the jail until all their comrades
were on the ground before attempting to dash across the jail-fence and
the guard-line outside.

It was an anxious moment. They could see the dim form of the sentry, and
hear his measured tread, as he paced back and forth not a dozen yards
away. The word was passed from one to another in the prison that all was
ready.

Andrews crept out first and swung over the wall, but in doing so
loosened a piece of mortar or a brick, which fell to the ground with a
loud "thump," and attracted the notice of the sentry outside, who
instantly gave the alarm, firing his gun and calling "Halt! halt!
Corporal of the guard!" The whole guard was instantly aroused, and the
firing became rapid. Andrews, however, dropped to the ground, darted to
the fence, and was over before he could be prevented. Wollam heard the
noise from the inside, and knowing that caution was now needless, sprang
through the wall, and slid with the greatest rapidity to the ground. A
number of shots were fired while he was suspended in the air, but the
dim light and the hurry and confusion were not favorable to a steady
aim, and he, also, got to the ground and over the fence unhurt. Dorsey
was third in order, but was too late. Before he could get into the loft
the guard were ready to make sure work of any who might follow. He
prudently turned to his comrades and said, "It is all up with us!" The
whole town was soon aroused. High officers visited the prison to see how
many had escaped. They found the remaining eight safely ironed as
before, the keys having been brought into use. The natural supposition
was that only the two who were missing had succeeded in getting off
their irons, and that the others had not escaped because too tightly
fettered. They were, however, put down in "the hole" as an additional
security, and all damages to the prison carefully repaired, while the
guard manifested unusual vigilance. The afternoon airing was forbidden,
and all the strictness which had marked the first confinement in
Chattanooga returned. The poor captives were made to feel that they had
now nothing to expect but the sternest dealings.

One consolation was left them in the hope that their comrades had made
good their flight, and that the death-sentence of Andrews could not now
be executed. When the firing was first heard the not unnatural inference
was that both the fugitives had perished, but they knew that _such_ news
would soon have been imparted to them; and as days passed by, their hope
strengthened that two, at least, of their fated company would get back
to the Union lines to tell the story of their adventures and
sufferings. How far these hopes were realized will be seen in the
sequel.

When Andrews left the prison it was nearly day, so that he knew he could
not long continue his flight without detection. He went only a few
hundred yards away from the city, and there finding a dense tree,
climbed, unobserved, into its branches. It was in plain view of the
railroad and the river. All day long he remained in this uncomfortable
position, and saw the trains passing almost under his feet, and heard
his pursuers speculating as to what could possibly have become of him.
The search all over the vicinity was most thorough, but fortunately no
one thought of looking into the tree.

At night he came down and swam the river, but becoming entangled in some
drift-wood, floated down past Chattanooga, and did not disengage himself
until he had lost most of his clothing. His boots had been lost in the
first alarm, and he was thus placed in the most unfavorable position for
escaping, but he journeyed on as well as he could. Though so much
superior, in many particulars, to his followers, yet in trying to escape
in the woods he seems to have been as much inferior. As will be seen,
Wollam, and, at a later period, many others of the number, were far more
skilful or fortunate than he. Early in the morning he crossed an open
field on his way to a tree in which he intended to take shelter as on
the preceding day, but unfortunately he was observed. Immediate pursuit
was made, but he dashed through the woods and regained the river much
lower down than the day before. Here he swam a narrow channel and
reached a small island, where, for a time, he secreted himself among
some drift-wood at the upper end of the island. In all his terrible
struggle he seemed to look to the river and to trees for safety. These
became fixed ideas, and possibly interfered with his seeking refuge in
any other manner. But the loss of clothing at the outset was a fatal
misfortune.

A party with blood-hounds now came over from the mainland to search the
island for him. The dogs came upon him, but he broke away from them, and
ran around the lower end of the island, wading in the shallow water, and
in this way throwing the hounds off the track; then he plunged into the
dense thicket with which the island was covered, and again ascended a
tree. There for a long time he remained securely concealed, while his
pursuers searched the whole island. Frequently they were under the very
tree, whose high foliage effectually screened him from the gaze of dogs
and men. At last they abandoned the search in despair, concluding that
he had by some means left the island. Slowly they took their departure
to devise new plans of search. Two little boys, who came along merely
from curiosity, were all that were left behind.

At length, in their play, one of them looked upward, and said that he
saw a great bunch on a tree. The other looked,--shifted his
position,--looked again, and exclaimed, "Why, it is _a man_!" They were
alarmed and cried aloud, thus announcing their discovery to their
friends on shore. The latter instantly returned, and Andrews, seeing
himself discovered, dropped from the tree, ran to the lower end of the
island, took a small log, with a limb for a paddle, and shoved into the
stream, hoping to reach the opposite shore before he could be overtaken.
But there was another party lower down the river with a skiff, who saw
him and rowed out to meet him. Thus enclosed, he gave over the hopeless
struggle, and surrendered to his fate,--inevitable death! He afterwards
said that he felt a sense almost of relief when the end had come and he
knew the worst. From the time of losing his clothing in the drift-wood
he had but little expectation of ultimate escape. The spectacle of a man
condemned to death, starving and naked, hunted through the woods and
waters by dogs and men, is one of the most pitiable that can be
imagined.

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Alfred Wilson, who was one of the eight who failed to escape, speaks in
feeling terms of the manner in which their leader was brought back to
them on the third day after escaping. He says,--

"At the prison we were startled by a rumor that Andrews had
been taken, but we at first gave little credence to it,
probably because we did not desire to believe it. But, alas!
the rumor was only too true, for soon after, a strong guard of
soldiers, having in charge a prisoner, followed by a rabble of
citizens, approached the prison. It was Andrews! Oh, how our
hearts and hopes sank down within us beyond the power of
expression!... I could have prayed that death had spared me
those painful moments, the most harrowing of my life. He was
the most wretched and pitiable human being I ever saw,--a sight
which horrified us all, and even drew words of compassion from
some of our prison guards. His own brother would scarcely have
been able to recognize him. It did not seem possible that the
short space of three days could have wrought a change so
startling. As he lay there chained to the floor, naked, bloody,
bruised, and speechless, he seemed more dead than alive. He had
not eaten a morsel since he left us,--during which time he had
made the most desperate struggle for liberty and life. He had
swam about seven miles in the river in his efforts to keep
clear of the dogs. His feet were literally torn to shreds by
running over the sharp stones and through the brush. Towards
the last he left blood at every step. His back and shoulders
were sun-blistered almost to the bone, and so completely
exhausted was he that he could hardly move his limbs after he
was brought in. His face was pale, haggard, and emaciated. His
eyes, which were sunken, gave forth a wild, despairing,
unnatural light.

"When we were left to ourselves, we drew around the miserable
man, and, after he had somewhat revived, he told us in that
low, calm tone of voice in which he always spoke, and which
seldom failed to impress the listeners favorably towards the
man, the whole story of his unfortunate attempt to escape. He
told us he had but little time to live, and that now, after
having made every effort to save his life and to rescue us, and
failed, he felt reconciled and resigned to his fate. He said he
was incapable of doing anything more to help himself, and only
regretted that his death could not in some way be instrumental
in saving us, his comrades. He counselled us all against the
fallacy of hoping for an exchange, or for any mercy from those
into whose hands we had fallen. He said his doom foreshadowed
our own, and entreated us to prepare for the worst, and, when
the time came, to prove to them that we were as brave in
confronting an ignominious death for our country's sake as we
had been fearless in doing service for her."

A few more words will finish this pitiful story. Andrews, in Wilson's
opinion, was somewhat of a fatalist, or at least was haunted with a
presentiment of coming doom from the time he had fairly entered upon
this expedition. He had not long to wait. He was put back into "the
hole," but not before a negro blacksmith had welded a pair of heavy
fetters upon his ankles, and connected them with a chain only about
eighteen inches in length. A scaffold was prepared for him in
Chattanooga, but the indications of an advance by Mitchel, and,
possibly, expressions of sympathy on the part of the citizens, induced
the authorities at the last moment to transfer the death-scene to
Atlanta. His comrades were sent with him to that town. On the way to
Atlanta he was taunted with his approaching doom by the crowds, who
surrounded every station.

It was the day appointed for the execution. On reaching Atlanta Andrews
and his eight companions were conducted to a second-story room, not far
from the depot. In a little time a body of soldiers marched up into the
building, an officer appeared at the door, and, while all were silent as
death, said, in a low, almost faltering tone, "Come on now, Mr.
Andrews." He instantly arose, and the low, sad "Farewell, boys," spoken
in his calmest, sweetest tones, mingled with the horrible clanking of
his chains, as he walked out with the short, halting step his irons
compelled. This was the final separation.

The survivors were conducted to the city jail of Atlanta, and there
placed in an iron cage. At meal-time the guards told them how bravely
Andrews died. His fortitude stilled even the clamorous spectators. The
dying agony was protracted by the unskilfulness of the executioner, the
rope stretching so that his feet touched the ground. But the earth was
shovelled away, and the brave spirit set free. Why should the gallows be
accounted infamous when courage and patriotism there meet a hero's
death? The cross was once esteemed more shameful than the gallows now,
but one death has sanctified that instrument forever!

The grave of Andrews at Atlanta was unmarked, and, in the many changes
that have taken place there, it is probably lost forever. The most
diligent search on the part of the writer failed to discover it. But the
rope adjudged by the court-martial, all of whose members have passed
into obscurity with the downfall of the rebellion they served, cannot
desecrate his memory. No flowers can be placed on his unknown grave by
loyal hands, but loving tears will fall freely for him as long as hearts
can feel for the extremity of misfortune that gathered around the last
hours of the man who planned and boldly executed the most romantic and
perilous enterprise of the Great Civil War.

CHAPTER XIII.

A CONFEDERATE COURT-MARTIAL.

Before describing the adventures of Wollam--Andrews' companion in flight
from the Chattanooga prison--we will turn towards the twelve prisoners
destined for Knoxville, where a yet more fearful tragedy was in
preparation.

On parting from our comrades we were escorted to the cars by Colonel
Cleiburne, where we found, much to our gratification, that we were to be
guarded by a party of Morgan's guerrillas, whose exploits were then
greatly celebrated. Cleiburne recommended us to the humane care of these
partisans, saying, "These prisoners are men, like other men, and
gentlemen too, and I want them treated as such." This charge from the
generous Irishman, for such he was, did much to secure courteous
treatment from our guard. Indeed, the position of the irregular soldiers
who served under the guerrilla chief was such as to make them admire
rather than blame the bold enterprise that led to our capture. They were
themselves in citizen's dress, and were not always careful to provide
uniforms before penetrating into the Federal lines. A considerable
number of their comrades had been captured under such circumstances, and
were, by every rule of right, equally liable with ourselves to be
treated as criminals. Indeed, the position of some of their captured
comrades was still more questionable, for they had assumed the United
States uniform whenever they found it to their advantage. The
inconsistency of the rebel government in treating our party so harshly
is conclusively shown by the fact that they had passed laws for the
encouragement of just such irregular warfare.

But we have no complaint to make of these dashing guerrillas. They were
very indignant to see us in irons, and offered to be responsible for our
safe-keeping if these were removed; but this was not allowed.

As was common in our removals from prison to prison, we had been started
without any rations,--not so much, I presume, from wanton cruelty as
because it was no one's especial business to furnish provisions. As the
journey occupied twenty-four hours (and we were hungry to begin with),
our privation would have been considerable but for the generosity of
Morgan's men. They bought pies and whatever else they could find at the
station eating-houses, and literally feasted us. From the time of our
capture we had not experienced such treatment, and only hoped that these
generous enemies might have charge of us as long as we remained in
Confederate territory,--a hope which was not realized. We never met them
again.

We arrived in Knoxville shortly after noon, having spent the night on
the cars, and were marched through the hot, dusty streets to the city
jail,--an old building of peculiar architecture,--solid, square, and
massive, presenting quite an imposing appearance. It was used as a
military prison, and was filled from top to bottom with ragged,
dirty-looking prisoners. Some Union men, and several rebel soldiers who
had been captured while attempting to desert, were with them. These
constituted the less-valued class of prisoners, and were permitted to
range over most of the building, which, however, was completely
encircled outside, and watched in every passage-way, by a strong guard.

The class of prisoners whose offences were considered of a more
aggravated character were shut up in cages. There were five of these
cages, two of which were at once cleared for our reception. The smaller
was seven by nine feet, and four of us were put in it. The larger was
perhaps ten by twelve, and held the remaining eight.

We arrived at Knoxville in the latter part of May, and remained until
June 10. Outside, the weather was intensely warm, but the enormous mass
of iron and stone in the walls of the prison made it comparatively cool
within. The days here spent were not altogether unpleasant. Our food was
scanty and of indifferent quality, but as long as we were allowed hope I
did not feel much disposed to complain of this. Besides, many of the
Union men of Knoxville, who visited us, were liberal in the gift of
money, and by employing the services of those prisoners who were less
strictly guarded, we were able to get many an extra loaf of bread.

We here became acquainted with some Tennesseeans who were long our
companions. One of the most remarkable was an old man named Pierce. He
presented a most peculiar appearance, having at some period of his
history received a terrible blow with a gun-barrel, which left a
permanent gash more than an inch deep clear across the forehead from the
nose to his hair. From this circumstance he was variously known in the
prison as "Forked Head," "Old Gun-barrel," etc. He presented the
singular combination of great piety and great profanity, singing hymns
and cursing the Confederacy with equal zeal. But his friendship for
Union soldiers knew no bounds, and, being very bold, he was able to
render us many valuable services.

Another East Tennesseean, more widely known, was Captain Fry, of
Greenville, a town near the Virginia boundary. He was confined in a
cage, and considered by our guards almost equally criminal with
ourselves. Early in the war he had gathered a number of his neighbors,
and, running the gauntlet of guarded roads, succeeded in reaching our
army in Kentucky. Here he was appointed captain of his recruits, and
remained for some time. When an advance into East Tennessee through
Cumberland Gap was contemplated, the Union general asked him to return
to his home, organize the loyal citizens of that vicinity, burn the
bridges on the Richmond and Knoxville Railroad, and then to keep
possession of the mountainous region till our forces could arrive. With
the most explicit assurances of speedy aid, he departed on his perilous
mission. Success on his part was rapid and complete. He raised fifteen
hundred men, obstructed all communications, burned the bridges, and
seriously threatened Knoxville itself. A very small Union reinforcement
could then have rendered invaluable services, and all the men needed for
the work were assembled not far from Cumberland Gap. But the attention
of the military authorities was then turned in another direction, and
the plan of advancing into East Tennessee was accordingly abandoned. No
word of the change reached Fry, who struggled on alone. But the odds
were too great. An overwhelming force of the enemy was thrown upon him,
and after several contests he and his brave men were forced to disperse.
A few succeeded in reaching the loyal lines, and these mostly enlisted
in our army. Others were captured, and many of them hanged as rebels!
General Leadbetter was very conspicuous in this savage work. Fry himself
passed the whole winter in hiding among the wild mountains of that
section, and in the spring mustered several hundred of those who were
fugitives like himself, and tried to reach the Union lines. Near the
border he was overtaken by a superior rebel force, and after a severe
contest he was defeated, wounded, and taken prisoner. This was on the
5th of March, 1862, and he was kept in solitary confinement until placed
with us on the 11th of June following. Captain Fry's subsequent fortunes
were closely united with those of our party--indeed, with my own--and
will be related in due time.

When I bring back in memory the minute impressions of those eventful
days, I feel surprise that so many hours of comparative pleasure were
found. We had here many persons to converse with. We had light and air,
which we had not at Chattanooga. We procured newspapers with frequency,
no attempt being made to prevent this as in other prisons, and were able
to form some idea of the gigantic contest in which we were so deeply
interested, and which at that time progressed hopefully. We had become
most intimate with each other, and would not allow despondency or
brooding over trouble to take hold upon any one of our number. We also
provided employment for each waking hour, and until those tragic events
occurred which deepened the gloom around us we were comparatively
hopeful and happy. I even managed to take up the thread of my law
studies and prosecute them vigorously. I sent word through a visitor to
a law firm--Baxter & Temple--that I wanted to borrow "Greenleaf on
Evidence," and almost as much to my surprise as pleasure the volumes
were promptly sent. The prison made quite a good study, and the
spectacle of a man reading law in an iron cage seemed to guards and
visitors alike an excellent jest. But I could afford to let them laugh,
for mine was the gain, not only in the knowledge acquired, but in
causing the prison days to pass less wearily.

Before we had been long at Knoxville we were visited by an officer, whom
we had seen frequently in Chattanooga, and who told us that he was
judge-advocate of a court-martial about to convene, and notified us to
prepare for trial. Neither this intelligence nor his manner in giving it
was at all alarming. We knew that we had been ordered to Knoxville for
this very purpose, and were only anxious to have the trial soon over,
that we might be formally declared prisoners of war, and thus be placed
in position to be exchanged, if an opportunity should occur. To this end
we asked the judge-advocate if we would all be put on trial at once, and
when he answered in the negative, we urged the expediency and justice of
that course, assuring him that the cases of all were precisely alike.
But he refused with some curtness. We next asked that he would select
one of our number to be tried, whose award might determine the position
of the whole party, and offering to sign a paper agreeing to this
course. This he also refused, with the declaration that the court knew
its own business, and that every one of us should be tried on his own
merits. The only reason I have ever been able to imagine for this course
is that the intentions towards us were much more serious than we had
been allowed to conjecture, and that it would have looked too absurd to
arraign so large a band of private soldiers from one brigade on the
charge of being spies. We asked him for the charge on which the trial
was to take place, and with some apparent hesitation he gave it,--the
same against all. It was charged, in substance, that we were enemies who
were lurking in and around Confederate camps _as spies_ for the purpose
of obtaining military information. Not one word was said about seizing
the cars or anything that we did or tried to do. Wilson spoke out
boldly, and said, "But you know we are not spies, and have yourself told
us that we cannot be held as such." Then, with what I cannot but
consider as deep deception, he replied that their expectation now was to
obtain a negative verdict, which would justify them in exchanging us. He
further advised us to employ counsel and put our cause in good shape,
but not to make ourselves uneasy. The whole conversation left some
apprehension upon our minds, but in the case of most of us the inherent
hopefulness of youth soon banished it.

Our plan of defence has been partly indicated before. It was to tell
just who we were and what we had done, and to claim that we were United
States soldiers, detailed on a military expedition without our own
consent or knowledge, and simply obeying orders. We were to deny in the
strongest terms that we had been lurking about any camps, or that we had
sought or obtained any military information. No question was to be
answered that would lead to the discovery of the engineer or tend to
show that any one had volunteered for this service. As to evidence
against us, we knew that our recorded confessions, made when we were
first brought to Chattanooga, could be used, and possibly the evidence
of those who first captured us. But no one could say anything about our
lurking around Confederate camps. We had been within the guard-lines at
Big Shanty, but we were no more "lurking" there than a body of cavalry
who might charge into a camp. Indeed, we felt sure that the charge, in
the form it bore, could not be sustained. To make the greatest
impression of candor, our story was sketched in brief, with the approval
of the whole number, and, at a subsequent visit of the judge-advocate,
handed to him. He took our signatures to it, and it was read on the
trials as our confession. It saved our enemies some trouble in the
matter of witnesses, and put our case in what we judged the most
favorable light.

Baxter & Temple, who had so kindly accommodated me with books, were
willing to act as our counsel. They stipulated that, as fast as tried,
we should give them our notes for one hundred and fifty dollars each.
They did not care for the money, and, indeed, the prospect of obtaining
it was not very favorable. But their own safety required that their help
should appear to be purely professional. They assured me privately that
they were loyal to our government and would do us any favor they dared.
They did promote our comfort by the secret gift of some money.

The story of the trials may soon be told. The charges and specifications
of William Campbell were first handed in. He was a citizen of Kentucky
in reality, but claimed to be a member of Company K, Second Ohio, and we
were careful to endorse his statement. It was never suspected that he
stood in any different relation from his comrades. After the overthrow
of the Confederacy the writer obtained copies of these charges and
specifications, together with many other papers from the rebel archives.
They are still on file at Washington. With the exception of the change
of names and position in the army, the charges were precisely alike in
all the cases.

"_Charge._--Violation of Section 2d of the 101st Article of the
Rules and Articles of War.

"_Specification 1st._--In that the said William Campbell,
private Company 'K,' Second Ohio Regiment, U.S.A., not owing
allegiance to the Confederate States of America, and being in
the service and army of the United States, then and now at war
with the Confederate States of America, did, on or about the
7th day of April, 1862, leave the army of the United States,
then lying near Shelbyville, Tennessee, and with a company of
about twenty other soldiers of the United States army, all
dressed in citizen's clothes, repair to Chattanooga, Tennessee,
entering covertly within the lines of the Confederate forces at
that post, and did thus, on or about the 11th day of April,
1862, lurk as a spy in and about the encampment of said forces,
representing himself as a citizen of Kentucky going to join the
Southern army.

"_Specification 2d._--And the said William Campbell, private
Company 'K,' Second Ohio Regiment, U.S.A., thus dressed in
citizen's clothes, and representing himself as a citizen of
Kentucky going to join the Southern army, did proceed by
railroad to Marietta, Georgia,--thus covertly pass through the
lines of the Confederate forces stationed at Chattanooga,
Dalton, and Camp McDonald, and did thus, on or about the 11th
day of April, 1862, lurk as a spy in and about the said
encampments of the Confederate forces at the places stated
aforesaid."

All mention of the capture of the train, with the terrible chase that
followed, is entirely omitted from this paper. Could this be for any
other reason than that this sequel would disprove the fact of "lurking
as a spy," on which the whole charge is made to turn, and make the whole
expedition appear of a distinctive military character? The whole charge
of "lurking as a spy" was constructive--not real. No evidence could be
adduced to show that any one of us had lingered for a single hour at any
one of the three Confederate encampments mentioned. Neither was there
any evidence that our false stories were told inside of any encampment.

With charges which were simply a recital of a small part of our own
admissions and some inference from them, the trials were very simple and
brief. William Campbell was taken out first, the above paper read to
him, and he responded, "Not true, so far as lurking in any camp or being
a spy is concerned." The plea of "not guilty" was then entered for him,
our own confession read, one or two minor witnesses called, and he
returned to prison. The next day another man was taken to the court and
the same story rehearsed. Thus each day one trial only took place, and
no pleadings were heard by the prisoner, either for or against himself,
and no sentence was given. The time occupied in each session of the
court was not much more than an hour. The table around which the court
sat was covered with bottles, newspapers, and novels, and the members
occupied themselves during the proceedings in discussing these. All this
was very well if the object was, as they assured us, merely to put
formally on record our true character as prisoners of war; but it was
most heartless if the trial was in earnest, and a matter of life or
death.

Wilson related to me a ludicrous incident that occurred when he was on
trial. No instance of his being anywhere within the guard-lines was
proved. A young lieutenant requested to be placed on the witness-stand
to testify of one occasion when he knew that the prisoner had passed
their picket-lines. His offer was gladly accepted. On being sworn, he
stated that he had commanded a picket-post which included the
Chattanooga ferry, and this ferry the prisoner admitted passing.
Immediately the president of the court arose and said that the young
gentleman was mistaken, as he himself commanded the guard that day, and
that _no guard was placed at the ferry_. The whole court was thrown into
a roar of laughter, and the confusion of our would-be convictor may be
imagined.

Our lawyers visited us frequently in the prison for the purpose of
consultation, and expressed themselves as delighted with the turn
matters were taking. No evidence had been found to discredit or go
beyond our own statements. They said that all the plans of the
prosecution had been deranged, and that if convicted now, it would be
through mere prejudice and perjury on the part of the court.

There was one feature of the trial, however, which I did not like, and
against which we protested with all our power. No one who was tried was
allowed to be present to hear the pleading of counsel on either side. We
could neither hear what the judge-advocate urged against us nor what our
lawyers said in our favor. Even at the trial of Andrews, in Chattanooga,
he had not been debarred this privilege. But in this, and one other
particular to be narrated later, the rebels used our soldiers with less
show of justice than had been accorded to Andrews himself.

After three or four of our number had been tried, one of our lawyers
read to us the plea, which he said he had read after the trial of each
man, and would continue to read. It appeared to me to be a paper of
great ability, and I cannot conceive how it could be successfully
answered. Judge-Advocate-General Holt officially speaks of it as "This
just and unanswerable presentation of the case." It was contended that
our being dressed in citizen's clothes instead of Federal uniforms,
which was the only unmilitary incident in the whole history, ought not
to weigh against us, because this was nothing more than the Confederate
government had expressly authorized in the case of their own soldiers,
and that making war without uniform was practised by all the guerrillas
in the Confederate service,--by some from necessity, and by others
because they were thus able better to escape detection, and inflict more
damage upon the enemy. A special instance was cited in which General
Morgan had dressed a detachment of his partisans in Federal uniform, and
passed them off as belonging to the Eighth Pennsylvania Cavalry, by
which means he had succeeded in reaching and damaging a railroad within
the Federal lines. Some of these very men were captured by the Federal
government, and were, up to the present, held as prisoners of war. To
decide that we were spies because we were captured without our uniform
would not only provoke retaliation, but establish a principle far more
dangerous to the Confederate than to the Federal forces. It was urged
that we had stated the object of our expedition, which was a purely
military one, and as such entirely within the laws of war. No evidence
had been adduced to show that we were other than what we claimed. The
plea closed by asking what good purpose could be served by sacrificing
ignominiously the lives of so many brave men on a charge which had been
conclusively disproved by the evidence, and which every member of the
court knew to be really untrue. We were not spies in fact, and to call
us such against their own convictions, and on merely technical and
constructive grounds, would be as unwise as it was cruel. The plea did
_not_ embrace one argument which added very much to our hopefulness,
and which our lawyers considered likely to have a great weight with the
court, though they dared not formally state it. McClellan had not yet
been repulsed before Richmond, and the collapse of the Rebellion seemed
imminent. The same rigid construction which was necessary to make us
spies would assuredly render them all liable to the punishment of
treason, and they were not in a position to make it prudent to invoke
the utmost severities and extreme penalties of the laws of war. As I
glance back over the lapse of twenty years it still seems to me strange
that the decision of the court-martial in our favor could have been for
a moment doubtful. But, alas! reason and sound judgment do not always
rule in human affairs. Though we knew it not then, the life of every man
in that Knoxville prison was trembling in the balance.

For one whole week--seven days--the trials went on, the same forms being
used in the case of each man, who was taken out for an hour and
returned, knowing nothing of his sentence, having heard no pleading
against himself, and being treated in no sense differently after his
trial. On the seventh day we read that General Mitchel had advanced to
Chattanooga and was shelling the town across the river, and also, that
the Federal General Morgan was advancing from Cumberland Gap, and
threatening Knoxville. We fervently hoped that the latter would settle
the question of our fate by capturing the town while we were still in
it. This would have done away with all further perplexity as to the
decision of the court-martial!

This advance did prevent all further trials. The officers of the court
were hurried off to their regiments to resist the enemy. From the
newspapers, which some prisoners managed to obtain every day, and then
loaned or read to all the others, we were kept well informed as to the
progress of events. Some of the intelligence they brought thrilled us to
our souls. More than a week before this we read of the escape of
Andrews and Wollam from the Chattanooga prison. We greatly rejoiced,
believing firmly that our leader would be sure to get to our lines, and
then use all his influence to secure some form of help for us. The news
of his recapture overthrew all these hopes and filled us with anxious
apprehension, although we were ignorant of his being sentenced to death.
Of the fate of Wollam nothing was stated.

But a more terrible blow was in store. One day a newspaper was silently
passed up to our cage by some friend outside, and, glancing at it, the
first thing that arrested our attention was an account of _the execution
of Andrews_! With equal silence we sent it into the other cage. Just
before this deadly intelligence came we had been engaged in
story-telling and in various games, for we were always merry, refusing
to indulge in gloomy forebodings. But this was the sudden opening of an
awful gulf at our feet. All noise and merriment were suspended, and we
passed the whole day in mourning. We could not talk to our guards as
lightly as we had done before, for there was now blood between us. We
all loved Andrews, and would have undergone any peril to save him, but
there was no possibility now even of vengeance. And, although his fate
was governed by different principles from ours, we could not help
feeling more distrustful of our own position.

An extra guard, bearing a great number of ropes, came in the morning
after the last trial, and we were called out of our cages. This was
startling, as we had no hint of their purpose, and the word was even
passed around that we were all to be taken out and hanged immediately.
But one of the outside prisoners found an opportunity to inform us that
he had overheard the commander saying that he was to remove us to
prevent our capture in case of a sudden Federal dash upon Knoxville.
This convinced us that we were only to have another of our frequent
changes of prisons.

In our cages here we had not been ironed, and, as our fetters had been
used on some prisoners sent to Richmond, we were now obliged to content
ourselves with a most liberal allowance of cotton rope. It was this
provision for tying us which at first excited our apprehensions.

While we were being securely bound I had an amusing passage-at-words
with the adjutant, who was superintending that operation. I said to him,
as politely as I could,--

"I suppose, sir, our destination is not known?"

"It is not known to you at any rate, sir," was the gruff rejoinder.

This was noticed by the whole party, and I felt rather beaten; but a
moment later came my chance for revenge. He turned again to me, and
said, in a dictatorial manner,--

"Who was it that run your engine through?"

I bowed, and returned in the blandest tone, "_That is not known to you
at any rate, sir_."

All the prisoners around roared with laughter, and the adjutant,
reddening to the eyes, turned away, muttering that he believed I was the
engineer myself!

When the process of tying was completed to the adjutant's satisfaction,
we took our departure southward, and passed through Chattanooga once
more, but, to our satisfaction, did not stop there. We continued
southward, in the direction of Atlanta. No rations were taken for us, as
usual, and having on this occasion no guerrillas to buy us supplies, we
were obliged to fast the whole time. At various stations the populace
taunted us with Andrews' death, and charitably hoped we might soon meet
the same fate. The remark was often made that we were going to Atlanta
to be hanged there, as he had been! Captain Fry, Pierce, and a few other
of the East Tennesseeans were taken along with us. Before we reached
Chattanooga, we had, as I thought, an excellent chance to effect our
escape. The journey was so slow that night came on, and our guard,
wearied with the frequent delays, had relaxed their vigilance, and most
of them slept by our sides. They exceeded us in numbers, and were armed,
while we were tied. But our two months' experience had made us adepts in
some of the poor, pitiful arts prisoners soon learn. We could
communicate without exciting the suspicions of the soldiers, who were
sitting in the very seats with us, and scarcely one of our number had
failed to so "settle himself" in the cotton ropes that they could have
been thrown off at a moment's notice. To be ready at a signal, to dash
out the two lights that burned in our car, each of us to seize the
musket of the man nearest us while the train was in motion, to secure
the doors, and let no one get out, or make any alarm, seemed to me easy
enough. Then we could have uncoupled our car, and, _with the arms of our
guard_, have started across the country towards the Union lines, which
could not have been more than thirty or forty miles west of us. But
George D. Wilson opposed the project with all his energy. He thought we
might succeed, but some would probably be killed in the scuffle, and all
might be captured outside, and then our case be made much worse, while
by simply remaining quiet, we were sure of a speedy exchange. He had
talked for hours with the captain of our guard, who was certain that our
case had been virtually decided in our favor. He encouraged Wilson by
saying that he had heard officers high in authority say that it had been
necessary to execute Mr. Andrews, as he was a Confederate citizen, and
as an example; but that this was enough, and that no other would suffer
anything worse than possibly, if no favorable exchange could be
arranged, the penalty of being kept to the close of the war. This, in
Wilson's opinion, was not far distant. Wilson's opposition made us
regretfully yield the attempt. Could the future have been foreseen our
decision would undoubtedly have been reversed.

Atlanta, we found, was our destination. Here, almost in the centre of
the rebel States, the Confederates were as yet free from interruption by
Union armies. Andrews had already perished in this city, and here our
own fate was to be determined. As we marched, with ropes bound tightly
round our hands and pinioning our arms, from the depot to the Atlanta
city jail, a crowd gathered around us, as usual, and a man, calling
himself the mayor of the city, addressed himself first to Captain Fry,
telling him that he knew his history and would soon have the pleasure of
hanging him. Then turning to us, he boasted that he had put the rope
around Andrews' neck and was waiting and anxious to do the same for us!

The city prison was much smaller than that at Knoxville, but was quite a
large edifice. The lower story was occupied by the jailer and family.
The upper story contained four rooms, two on each side of an entry, into
which the staircase from below led. We, in company with Captain Fry,
were given one of these rooms. The other Tennesseeans brought from
Knoxville with us were put into another, just across the entry from us.
Our comrades, who had been left behind at Chattanooga, had been in this
building ever since the death of Andrews, and in the third room. The
fourth room was on the same side as our own, and had a succession of
occupants,--frequently negroes who had been in search of the North Star.
This jail was to be our home for many eventful months.

For some days our food was comparatively good and abundant. Turner, the
jailer, was a kind man, and, in a mild way, of Union sentiments. He
showed us all the favor in his power, and, indeed, became so much
suspected that an odious old man named Thoer was sent to watch him. The
change in our condition was at once manifest. Our fare became worse and
more scanty than in any former prison. The constant vigilance of this
spy kept the jailer from doing anything to mitigate our sufferings. But
in this prison we had one great relief. Our ropes were removed and no
chains or handcuffs put upon us. Within our prison-cell we were free.
Here we remained in quiet for a week, thinking the worst of our trials
now over. Little did we imagine how fearful a storm was about to burst
over us.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE CROWNING HORROR.

The event described in this chapter will never be effaced from the
memory of any witness. Nothing more terrible or more gratuitously
barbarous is recorded in the annals of civilized war. The seven men of
whose death I am now to write were all young,--from eighteen to
twenty-five. With good prospects, and well connected, they had entered
the army at the bidding of patriotism, ready to endure every peril to
insure the triumph of the old flag. Their only offence, when stripped of
all technicality, was that of accepting a dangerous service proposed by
their own officers. They had entered on this service in the same spirit
that they would have obeyed an order to head a desperate charge on the
enemy's fortifications. Had they perished in the enterprise itself,
their fate would have been but the common fortune of war. But more than
two months had passed since they had been in the power of their enemies,
who had repeatedly testified admiration for their heroism, as well as
for their gallant bearing in captivity. Prominent officers had held
friendly conversations with them and assured them of ultimate safety.
Now, without a moment's warning----. But I must not anticipate the
narration.

One day--the 18th of June, 1862--while amusing ourselves with games and
stories in our prison-cell, we saw through the barred window a squadron
of cavalry approaching. This only excited a languid curiosity at first,
for it was a common thing to see bodies of horsemen in the streets; but
soon we saw them halt before the gate of the high prison-wall and throw
a line of soldiers completely round the building. This was no ordinary
occurrence. What could it portend?

A moment after we heard the clink of the officers' swords as they
ascended the prison stairway in unusual numbers, while we waited the
event with deep solicitude. They paused at our door, which was unlocked
by the jailer, and the names of the seven who had been tried at
Knoxville were called over, one by one, and each man as he was called
led out of the room. Samuel Robinson was very sick with fever, and was
not able to rise without assistance, but two guards helped him to his
feet, and he was taken out with the others. Then the door opposite to
ours, on the other side of the hall, was opened, and the Tennesseeans in
that room put with us, while our comrades, with the whole number of
officers, went into the vacated room, and the door was closed.

With throbbing veins we asked one another the meaning of these strange
proceedings. A confused sound was heard through the closed door
opposite, as of some one reading, but we could distinguish no words.
Some of us supposed they were taken in there to receive their acquittal;
others, still more sanguine, maintained that they were now being
paroled, preparatory to an exchange.

I was also suffering with malarial fever at that time, but rose to my
feet oppressed with a nameless fear. A half-idiotic man who was among
the Tennessee prisoners came to me and wanted to play a game of cards. I
struck the greasy pack out of his hands, and bade him leave me.

Our terrible suspense was not of long duration. The door opened and
George D. Wilson entered first, his hands and arms firmly bound, and his
face pale as death, but with form erect and firm step. Some one asked in
a whisper a solution of the dreadful mystery, for his countenance had
appalled every one.

"_We are to be executed immediately!_" was the awful reply, whispered
with thrilling distinctness.

Behind him came the others, all tied, ready for the scaffold! They were
to be hanged at once. Not a day nor an hour was given for preparation.
From their hopefulness and fancied security they were snatched in a
moment to die as felons! Surely no rule of war, no military necessity,
no consideration of policy, required such frightful and murderous haste.
I have never heard a word in defence of this military massacre. Even
Andrews, our leader, was given a week for preparation before the
execution of his sentence. The most atrocious criminals are always
allowed a short respite. For a long time I cherished the belief that
some misunderstanding of orders, some terrible error, and not deliberate
cruelty, led to this frightful haste. But the following death-sentence
seems to leave no room for doubt. In the very centre of the Confederacy,
with hundreds of troops at their disposal for guards, there could have
been no military necessity for hurling these poor men into eternity
without one hour's warning!

The following is a literal copy of the death-sentence read to the doomed
men during the few minutes they were separated from us:

"HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT EAST TENNESSEE,
"KNOXVILLE, June 14, 1862.

"_General Orders, No. 54. VII._

"At a general court-martial held at Knoxville by virtue of
General Orders Nos. 21 and 34 (Department Headquarters, April
15 and May 10, 1862), whereof Lieutenant-Colonel J. B. Bibb, of
the Twenty-third Regiment Alabama Volunteers, was president,
was tried George D. Wilson, private Company 'B,' Second Ohio
Regiment, on the following charge and specifications, to wit:

"_Charge._--Violation of Section 2d of the 101st Article of the
Rules and Articles of War.

"_Specification 1st._--In this, that the said George D. Wilson,
private Company 'B,' Second Ohio Regiment, not owing allegiance
to the Confederate States of America, and being in the service
and army of the United States, then and now at war with the
Confederate States of America, did, on or about the 7th day of
April, 1862, leave the army of the United States, then lying
near Shelbyville, Tennessee, and with a company of about twenty
other soldiers of the United States army, all dressed in
citizen's clothes, repair to Chattanooga, Tennessee, entering
covertly within the lines of the Confederate forces at that
post, and did thus, on or about the 11th day of April, 1862,
lurk as a spy in and about the encampment of said forces,
representing himself as a citizen of Kentucky going to join the
Southern army.

"_Specification 2d._--And the said George D. Wilson, private
Company 'B,' Second Ohio Regiment, U.S.A., thus dressed in
citizen's clothes, and representing himself as a citizen of
Kentucky going to join the Southern army, and did proceed by
railroad to Marietta, Georgia,--thus covertly pass through the
lines of the Confederate forces stationed at Chattanooga,
Dalton, and Camp McDonald, and did thus, on or about the 11th
day of April, 1862, lurk as a spy in and about the said
encampments of the Confederate forces at the places stated
aforesaid.

"To which charge and specifications the prisoner plead 'Not
Guilty.'

"The court, after mature deliberation, find the accused as
follows: Of the 1st specification of the charge, 'Guilty.' Of
the 2d specification of the charge, 'Guilty,' and 'Guilty of
the Charge.' And the court do therefore sentence the accused,
the said George D. Wilson, private Company 'B,' Second Ohio
Regiment (two-thirds of the members concurring therein), as
soon as this order shall be made public, 'to be hung by the
neck until he is dead.'

"The proceedings in the foregoing case of George D. Wilson,
private Company 'B,' Second Ohio Regiment, are approved.

"The sentence of the court will be carried into effect between
the 15th and 22d days of June, inst., at such time and place as
may be designated by the commanding officer at Atlanta,
Georgia, who is charged with the arrangements for the proper
execution thereof.

"By command of
"Major-General E. KIRBY SMITH.
"J. F. BRETON, A.A.A.G.

"To Commanding Officer of post at Atlanta, Ga."

It will be noticed that the sentence was to be executed as soon as made
public. The time fixed was between the 15th and 22d days of June. This
was the 18th. The sentence had been received the preceding day, and the
time employed in clearing a spot of wooded ground then lying east of the
city cemetery, but since included in its bounds, and in erecting a
scaffold there. But no word of the awful preparations had been allowed
to reach us. According to the orders of General E. Kirby Smith, several
days' respite might have been allowed; but in a communication to the
Confederate Secretary of War, Colonel G. I. Foreacre, post-commander at
Atlanta, says, "General Smith only sent from Knoxville instructions and
orders to have seven of them hung, which was promptly attended to by
myself."

After the sentences had been read came the farewells,--which, in their
full meaning, we could scarcely realize,--farewells with no hope of
meeting again in this world! Our comrades were dear as brothers to us,
and to stand helpless while they were dragged away to the scaffold froze
our blood and crushed our hearts.

These doomed men were brave. On the battle-field they had never faltered
in the presence of danger. They were ready to die, if need were, for
their country; but to die on the scaffold,--to die as murderers
die,--this was almost too much for human nature to endure.

Then, too, they were destitute of the best support a man can have in the
presence of death. Although most of them had been of excellent moral
character, yet they had no firmly-grounded religious hope. The near
prospect of eternity, into which they were thus to be hurled without a
moment's preparation, was black and appalling. Wilson had been a
professed disbeliever in revelation, and many a time had argued with me
for hours at a time. But in this awful moment he said to me, "Pittenger,
I believe you are right now! Oh, try to be better prepared, when your
turn comes to die, than I am!" Then laying his hand on my head, with a
muttered "God bless you!" we parted. I saw no more the one I had loved
and trusted as few others in the world.

Shadrack was profane in speech and reckless in action, but withal
exceeding kind-hearted, lovable, and always merry. Now turning to us
with a voice the forced calmness of which was more affecting than a wail
of agony, he said, "Boys, I am not prepared to meet my Jesus." When
asked by some of us, in tears, to trust in His mercy, and to think of
heaven, he answered, still in tones of thrilling calmness, "I'll try!
I'll try! But I know I am not prepared."

Samuel Slavens, who was a man of immense strength and iron resolution,
turned to his friend Buffum, and could only articulate,
"Wife--children--tell--" when utterance failed.

John Scott had been married only three days before he came to the army,
and the thought of his young and sorrowing wife nearly drove him to
despair. He could only clasp his hands in silent agony.

William Campbell smiled grimly as we pressed his bound hands, and said
in response to our declarations, "Yes, boys, this _is_ hard."

Marion Ross bore himself most firmly of all. He had been more gloomy and
depressed than any other member of the party previously, and did not
seem to share fully in our hopes. Now his eyes beamed with unnatural
light, and there was not a tremor in his voice as he said, in full,
clear tones, "Tell them at home, if any of you should escape, that I
died for my country, and did not regret it."

These parting words occupied but a moment, and even then the officers
standing in the door seemed impatient to finish their horrible work!

In this manner the poor men were hurried to their doom. Several of them,
in passing, had the privilege of shaking hands with our comrades in the
other room. Robinson, though too sick to walk, was dragged away with
them.

Thus we parted. The rough wagon, with a wood-rack for a bed, drove off
with our comrades, surrounded by cavalry. In about an hour it came back,
_empty_. The deed of shame was done.

Later in the evening the provost-marshal came to our door, and, in
response to eager questions, informed us that our friends "had met their
fate as brave men should die everywhere."

The next day we obtained from the guards, who, in the absence of their
officers, were always willing to talk with us, full particulars of the
sevenfold murder.

When all had been mounted on the scaffold Wilson asked permission to say
a few words, which was granted,--probably in the hope of hearing some
kind of a confession. If such was the expectation, they were much
disappointed. It was a strange scene,--a dying speech to a desperate
audience, and under the most terrible circumstances conceivable.

But Wilson was equal to the occasion, and when he had once begun to
speak, the force of his words was such that the mob remained silent,
making no attempt to interrupt him. Unterrified by the near approach of
death, he spoke his mind freely. He told the rebels that they were all
in the wrong, that he had no hard feelings towards the Southern people
for what they were about to do, because they had been duped by their
leaders, and induced by them to engage in the work of rebellion. He also
said that though he had been condemned as a spy, yet he was none, and
they well knew it. He was only a soldier in the performance of the work
he had been detailed to do; that he did not regret to die for his
country, but only regretted the manner of his death. He concluded by
assuring them in prophetic words that they would yet live to regret the
part they had taken in this rebellion, and would see the flag of our
country wave in triumph over the very ground occupied by his scaffold.

This address made a deep impression on the minds of all who listened,
and I often afterwards heard it spoken of in terms of deepest
admiration. When he ceased the signal was given, and the traps fell!

Then followed one of the disgusting exhibitions which so often disgrace
all kinds of public executions. Five only remained dangling in the air.
Campbell and Slavens, being very heavy, broke their ropes, and fell to
the ground insensible. When they revived, they asked and received a
drink of water. Then they requested an hour to pray before entering the
future world. This most reasonable petition, which would not have been
denied to the most hardened murderer under civilized rule, was sternly
denied, as if they wished to do their utmost to murder both soul and
body. As soon as the ropes could be readjusted they were compelled to
mount the scaffold once more, and were again turned off.

CHAPTER XV.

PRISON RELIGION.

The afternoon following the execution of our brave comrades was one of
indescribable sorrow, gloom and fear. We knew not how soon we might be
compelled to follow in the same path and drink the same bitter cup. As
has been before narrated, we had offered at Knoxville to accept the
award of the court in one of the cases as the sentence of all, since
there was not the slightest difference among us. At that time, however,
we were confident of acquittal. Now that confidence had utterly
vanished, and no one of our number anticipated anything but speedy death
on the scaffold.

But even without the addition of apprehension for ourselves, the parting
from our loved friends, whose voices were still ringing in our ears,
while they themselves had passed beyond the gates of death into the
unknown land of shadows, was enough to rend the stoutest heart. Few
words were spoken, but tears and sobs were frequent.

I could not shed a tear. A fierce fever burned in my veins, and my head
seemed as if on fire. For hours I scarcely knew where I was, or the loss
I had sustained. Every glance around the room, which revealed the vacant
place of our friends, would bring our sorrow in a new wave upon us
again. Slowly the afternoon wore on in grief too deep for words, and
despair too black for hope.

At last some voice suggested prayer. We had no chaplain, and few of us
were professedly religious, but the very thought of prayer seemed to
bring relief, and was eagerly accepted. We knelt around the bare
prison-walls, as so many prisoners have done before, and tried to draw
near to God. We felt as if already cut off from the world. Captain Fry
first prayed aloud. His voice was broken by sobs, but he did not now
pray for the first time, and we felt our faith leaning on his as he
poured out strong supplications for that Almighty help we so sorely
needed. He prayed that God's love might be revealed to us, and that we
might be able to trust the Saviour even on the gallows. When he ceased
another took up the thread of petition. After him, another and another
followed, until all but two had prayed aloud, and even these were
kneeling and sobbing with the rest. As the twilight deepened, our
devotional exercises grew more solemn. In the lonely shadow of coming
night, with eternity thus tangibly open before us, and standing on its
very brink, we prayed with inconceivable fervor. These exercises
continued far into the night, and wrought their effect deeply in our
hearts. From that night I recognized God's right to my allegiance. I did
accept Christ as my Saviour, and determined to confess His name before
men, whether I lived or died. This resolution in my own case--and I
doubt not the same result was produced in other hearts--restored the
fortitude that had been so rudely shaken, and I felt nerved for any
fate. Strangely enough, with this resignation to the worst came the
glimmer of a hope, unfelt before, that possibly life might yet be
spared.

This hour wrought a complete and permanent change in the routine of our
prison-life. Games, sports, and stories were no longer our leading
pursuits. The cards we had been accustomed to play for pastime only--an
old greasy pack obtained from the compassion of some soldier on
guard--were thrown out of the window, and that game given up forever.
Each morning and each evening we had a prayer-meeting,--not simply a
single prayer, but all praying in turn. We asked for and obtained a
Bible from the jailer, and read a chapter or more as part of our
exercises, and sang hymns, so that our meetings became as much like
those we had witnessed in the distant but never forgotten days of
freedom as we could make them. There was wonderful pathos in the very
rudeness of the singing, for our sweetest voices were silent in death.
The remark was often made, "If Ross was only here to lead the singing!"
The one who read the Bible lesson was considered the leader of the
meeting, and, for a time, we took this position by turns. In place of
"Do they miss me at Home?" we sang the more inspiring and helpful
"Jesus, Lover of my Soul," and "Rock of Ages." The jailer, the guards,
and all who came near the prison noticed the great change.

I had one peculiar difficulty which, to many readers, will appear almost
whimsical, but to me was most real. Our hope of ever regaining liberty,
or even preserving our lives much longer, was but slight; yet my
greatest difficulty in finding satisfactory religious consolation had
reference to a possible release. I had been a diligent law student, and
had managed to continue the study even in the army and in prison. But
now it was impressed upon my mind, with daily increasing force, that I
must submit the decision of my future career to God. If I took this
matter into my own hands, I could not feel that I was completely true to
Him. Underlying this feeling was the further conviction that if I made
such a submission of my future profession to God I would be led into the
ministry, and the thought of this was very repulsive. Yet the longer the
struggle continued the plainer duty became. If I gave myself to Christ,
it seemed a necessary consequence that I should accept any work He gave
me to do. If I feared that He would guide me in a certain direction,
this was sure proof that I was not resigned to His will, and, according
to my views, not a true Christian. At last the choice was made,--I
resolved to follow my sense of duty, no matter where that should
lead,--to the ministry or anywhere else. When this conflict was over
there was no great emotional excitement,--only a sense of peace and
rest. I could wait calmly in the prison until led forth to die, if such
should be my doom, and then go forth out of life feeling that I was
loyal to God, and that I should remain His, into whatever worlds the
gate of death should open. If, contrary to all probability, the
prison-gate should open for my passage back into the free world, from
which I seemed almost as effectually separated as if death had already
intervened, I promised still to be loyal to Him. This was the essence of
the inward change I date from that time. My standard of action before
had been pleasure, inclination, the world's notion of honor and
morality. Even this had not been held too strictly, as the reader of
these pages has discovered. But afterwards, however imperfectly
maintained, my standard became the will of God, as revealed in the
Bible, and my own sense of duty as enlightened by His Spirit. No great
joy, such as is often expressed in conversion, came at first. But it was
even better than any joy to feel that I now had a strong arm upon which
I could lean,--that there was one person to whom I could go at any
time, and who was not indifferent to my fate.

I now read the Bible with a clear purpose, and with a light on its pages
that never before beamed there. Its very history was full of new
meaning. Its grand beginning, the growth of wandering tribes into great
empires, the pathos of the Psalms, the sublimity and eternal hope of the
prophecies, and, above all, the life and death of that loving and lowly
man who was greater than Psalmist or Prophet,--all these passed before
me in the old Atlanta jail, until the place seemed like a new isle of
Patmos. I had a strong bent towards scepticism, though I had not yielded
to it, and found it hard to exercise simple faith in all the Word of
God. But, little by little, my doubts became weaker and my conviction of
truth clearer.

For a considerable time the whole of our party took turns in the
leadership of our devotions, but finally this work devolved on the
writer, and, after some months, the guards and other prisoners began to
call me the "preacher," though, as yet, I was a member of no church,
unless our prison band can be dignified by that title.

Two Southern ministers visited us at this period. The first requested
permission of the guard, and was allowed to enter with the express
provision that his conversation should be confined to religious topics.
His name was Scott, but I am not sure what denomination he belonged to,
and his conversation gave no clue. His first question did not contribute
to a good understanding. He asked how we could be so wicked as to enter
the Federal army, to fight against the Southern people and free their
negroes? We were sorry enough about many things, but had not yet
repented of those particular sins, and therefore answered a little
tartly, by asking how he and his friends could be so wicked as to rebel
against a good government? A heated dispute followed. Our visitor talked
so loudly and vehemently that the officer of the guard entered and told
him that he "had given those men religious counsel enough for one time
and had better leave." He never came again, and we were not sorry.

Our jailer, Mr. Turner, had a very kindly feeling towards us, and
hearing us so often singing and praying, asked if we would not like to
talk with a minister. Knowing that ministers were not all alike, we
assented. Rev. George G. N. MacDonell, of the M. E. Church South, then
visited us. We were glad to see him, and a very profitable conversation
took place. A little offence was occasioned by his first prayer, in
which he petitioned that our lives might be spared, if consistent with
_the interests of the Confederacy_. But we made no comment, and were
richly rewarded for our complacency. He not only gave us Christian
sympathy and counsel above all value, but on leaving sent us some
excellent books. When the first lot of books was finished--of which we
took the best of care, reading most of them aloud--we returned them, and
received others,--continuing the process of borrowing until we had
perused nearly the whole of the good man's library. Only those who know
what a terrible trial it is to pass day after day with no definite
employment, no company, and no means of diverting thought from one
never-ending round, can form any idea of the great boon thus bestowed
upon us. The Christian kindness and disinterested benevolence of this
minister will never be forgotten. But even these books were not
sufficient. I sold my vest--not expecting to live until cold
weather--and my pocket-book,--which my captors had left when they took
all its contents,--and with the proceeds the jailer bought me three
little books--all gems,--"Paradise Lost," "Pilgrim's Progress," and
Pollok's "Course of Time." These I deliberately set to work to memorize.
It was a pleasant and profitable employment, helping very much to
shorten those interminable days.

Our room was of greater size than that in Chattanooga; the windows
larger, and our number reduced; yet the heat was fearfully oppressive.
One of the party, Mark Wood, was very sick. He had been prostrated with
fever for nearly a month, and at this time his life was despaired of.
This was not thought by the others to be any great misfortune to him,
and they accordingly administered consolation in a style worthy the best
of Job's friends. They would say, "Now, Wood, I wouldn't try to get
well, if I were in your place. They will only hang you if you do. Better
try to die and save them the trouble." Wood, however, did not relish
this counsel, and, becoming contrary, he recovered, "just for spite," as
he often declared.

The black waiters of the prison were very friendly. They assisted us by
every means in their power, and seemed willing to take any personal risk
on our behalf. It was not long before they found that we desired few
things so much as to read the news, and they tasked their ingenuity to
gratify us. Newspapers were prohibited, as they had not been at
Knoxville. But the waiters would watch until the jailer or some of the
guard had finished reading a paper and laid it down, when they would
slyly purloin it, put it into the bottom of the pan in which our food
was brought, and thus hand it to us unsuspected. It had to be returned
in the same way to avoid suspicion. Our ministerial friend also, as he
acquired confidence in us, gave us reason to think that he was not so
much devoted to the Confederacy as his first prayer (made in hearing of
the guard) indicated. He asked permission of the jailer to give us some
old files of religious papers, and sent in a bundle weekly, or oftener.
They were acceptable, but their value greatly increased when we found
that an old religious paper might have a new daily folded carefully
inside! These acts of friendship were deeply grateful to us, and
lightened many a weary hour.

One morning our jailer came to our door and asked if we knew John
Wollam. We were startled, and hesitated to answer. For three weeks we
had heard nothing of Wollam, and hoped that one member of our devoted
band had escaped. Now we knew that the jailer was in possession of some
news, and while we burned to hear it, we feared the possibility of doing
Wollam an injury by acknowledging the acquaintance. But while we
deliberated John himself came up, and put an end to our doubts by
greeting us heartily. The door was unlocked, and he entered. All the
survivors of our party were now together, as those who had been
separated from us at Chattanooga were put into our room immediately
after the execution of our comrades. Our number, including Captain Fry,
who remained in our room, was fifteen.

The first thing in order, when left alone, was for John to tell us all
his adventures from the time he and Andrews had broken out of the
Chattanooga dungeon. He was fired upon while still suspended in the air
by the blankets upon which he was descending, but fortunately the hands
of the guards were too unsteady to inflict any injury. He succeeded in
getting safely to the ground, and then out of the prison-yard and
through the guard-line.

In his efforts to escape Wollam displayed qualities which would have
done credit to an Indian. A few moments' running brought him down to the
river-side in advance of all pursuers. Finding no means of crossing, the
brilliant thought struck him of making his enemies believe he had
crossed. This idea was instantly acted on. He threw off his coat and
vest, dropping them on the bank of the river, and then walked a few rods
in the water to throw any hounds that might be following off his track.
He next slipped quietly back and hid in a dense thicket of canes and
rushes. He heard his pursuers on the bank above him, and all around,
talking of their various plans. At last they found the clothes, and at
once concluded that he had taken to the river. Accordingly they ferried
the blood-hounds to the other side, and searched for the place of his
exit from the water. As might be expected, the dogs were unable to find
that, and after a due time spent in consultation, the Confederates
concluded that he had been drowned and gave over the search.

Wollam spent the day in great anxiety, but night gave him the
opportunity of leaving his hiding-place. He made his way cautiously down
the river on the Chattanooga side for some miles. At length he found a
canoe, in which he drifted down the stream by night, while hiding it and
himself in the bushes by day. On two occasions he would have been saved
if he had only known it. General Mitchel had captured a steamboat and
fitted it up as a cruiser, with which he patrolled the river as far as
his lines extended. In his night-voyaging Wollam passed this
extemporized gunboat twice, but fearing that it was some rebel craft, he
crept quietly by in the shadow of the shore without discovery.

At length he felt sure that he was inside the Union lines, and beyond
the probable danger of capture, and therefore ventured boldly forward in
the daytime. This was a fatal mistake. The danger of capture is never so
great as in the debatable ground between two armies, where both exercise
their utmost vigilance. This boundary in most cases is also a shifting
one. It was so in this instance. A band of rebel cavalry on the shore
saw the lonely voyager, and, riding on ahead, procured a boat and came
out to meet him. He was unable to escape, and thus the poor fellow was
captured on the very brink of safety. As usual, he tried to persuade
them that he was a Confederate, but unfortunately a certain Lieutenant
Edwards, who had assisted in his previous capture, happened to be
present, and at once recognized him by his bold and reckless bearing. He
was then taken to join us at Atlanta.

Our provisions here became worse and less, until the starvation point
was very nearly reached. Constant hunger was one of the torments of our
life. We only received a very small fragment of half-baked corn-bread,
without salt, and a morsel of pork,--the latter always spoiled, and
frequently covered with maggots. But none of it was wasted! Several had
very little appetite, because of malarial or intermittent fever. The
allowance of _such_ food was abundant for these, but the others ate all
that the sick spared. Many a Barmecide feast was spread by the
description of rich dainties that would be enjoyed if "at home" once
more; and what was even worse, the same banquets would be spread in
dreams, from which the tantalized sleepers awoke more hungry and
miserable than ever. I am not sure that the aching head and burning
fever were more painful than the constant pangs of unsatisfied hunger.
However, I need not linger over these details. In the mere matter of
starving I presume we suffered no more than thousands of our
fellow-soldiers in Andersonville and other prisons. Alfred Wilson, whose
iron constitution bore up well under all hardships, and whose appetite
was always good enough for all the rations of every kind he could get,
felt these privations most keenly. He says of the food that it was
"almost enough to convulse the stomach of a hungry dog. I have found by
experience, and I think I will be corroborated by all the men who have
been in rebel prisons and have suffered the protracted pangs of hunger
and starvation, that man, when forced to it, is as ravenous, reckless,
unreasonable, and brutish in his appetite as the lowest order of animal
creation." In other prisons, it was not uncommon for the inmates to
fight over their miserable allowance; but our common sympathy and
discipline were so strong that few disputes arose, and these were
quickly settled by the general voice. The religious influence that had
grown up in our midst also tended powerfully to prevent any
interference of the stronger with the rights of the weaker.

Indeed, the completeness of our voluntary discipline and the systematic
manner in which we employed our time was little less than marvellous. To
sleep was always in order, when possible, but the disposal of waking
hours was not left to the will of each person. The only game permitted
was that of checkers or drafts, and over the rude board carved on the
floor eager players bent during all the hours allotted to amusement.
Then we had a couple of hours daily for debating, and discussed
questions of every kind. No little ingenuity and skill were thus
exercised. Often great political questions occupied our attention, and
evoked real and strong differences of opinion. Strange as it may seem,
there were but two of us--Buffum and myself--who avowed ourselves out
and out abolitionists. The name had not yet lost all its reproach, but
we held our own in argument, especially when we pointed out the natural
result of slavery in making men barbarous and inhuman even to whites, as
illustrated in our condition. _That_ argument never failed to give us
the advantage!

We also set aside two hours in the forenoon and two in the afternoon for
reading. During this time not so much as a whisper was permitted, and
few schools have kept better discipline. Any one not wishing to read was
permitted to sleep or occupy himself in any quiet manner. Frequently
some one was selected to read aloud for a time, but this only took place
by general consent, that those who wished to read silently might be
undisturbed. The extraordinary character of these exercises will be
better appreciated when it is remembered that we had no "light reading,"
but mainly theological works, with a few volumes of travels, biography,
and poetry,--just what the good minister's library could furnish, for we
read everything we could get. The Bible was not forgotten. When the
supply of books ran short, we resorted to our memories. All the
prominent incidents of our lives had been told in our terribly close
association, and we next began to repeat for the common benefit the
books we had read so far as we could remember them. One night about dark
I began to tell something about a weird book I had read a few months
previously. A few questions elicited fuller detail, and it was after
midnight before the story was finished. Buffum, especially, was so
deeply impressed that when released he took the earliest opportunity of
getting and reading the volume, but he gave me a great compliment by
saying that the original was not half so good as the copy. The changed
circumstances, perhaps, made a more natural, if less flattering,
explanation of his diminished interest. We also had our regular hours
for gymnastic exercise,--wrestling, boxing, acrobatic feats, etc. One of
our party, Hawkins, having once been connected with a circus, now
trained us in all the exercises that our enfeebled condition and close
quarters permitted. Much of the health and vigor that we retained during
so long an imprisonment was due to our systematic and diversified
employments.

This careful division of time, and endeavor after constant employment,
was, doubtless, of great advantage, but it could not change the fact
that we were close prisoners in a stifling room, and far from our home.
Those summer days, as month after month glided away, were terribly long
and oppressive. The tediousness and vain longing for action pressed upon
us more and more closely. We fought the dreadful weight with all the
strength of our wills, but even will-power grew feebler. The engineer
Brown, who was one of the most restless of mortals, all nerve and fire
in action, capable of enduring tremendous hardship if it were only of an
active character, would pace the floor back and forth like a caged
tiger; when this, too, grew unendurable, he would stop at the door,
shake its woven iron bars till they rang again, and say in the most
piteous tones (of course, meant only for _us_ to hear), "Oh, kind sir,
please let me out! I want to go home!" The feeling he expressed was
shared by all. Never before could I realize the full value of liberty
and the horror of confinement. In previous prisons the novelty of our
situation, the frequent removals, the painful excitement of trials,
prevented the blank monotony of imprisonment from settling down upon us
as it did here, after the first few weeks of our stay in Atlanta rolled
by, and no whisper regarding our probable fate reached us. It was like
the stillness and death that brood over the Dead Sea!

We would sit at the windows in the sultry noon and look out through the
bars at the free birds as they flew past, seemingly so full of joyous
life, and foolishly wish that we were birds, that we, too, might fly far
away and be free.

At long intervals, two of us at a time would be permitted to go down
into the jail-yard to do some washing for ourselves and the party. This
great privilege came round to me at last. It was then three months since
I had stepped out of that prison room, and the unobscured vision of open
air and sky made it seem like another world. I remember looking up at
the snowy clouds, my eyes dazzled by the unusual light, and wondering,
as I gazed in admiration upon their beautiful and changing forms,
whether beyond them lay a world of rest in which there were neither wars
nor prisons. Oh, how I longed for freedom! to be where I could look up
at the sky every day and go where I wished! Yet with the thought came a
great fear. If I was ever removed from the pressure of immediate danger,
and allowed to mingle in the interests and cares of the thronging world,
might I not forget my prison-made vows and lose my claim to the world
beyond the clouds and stars? Such a sense of weakness and helplessness
came over me that I felt greatly relieved when, my task being done, I
was conducted back to the dark and narrow prison room, where the
contrast between freedom and bondage was less palpable!

All this time we hardly permitted ourselves to indulge a hope of getting
home again. The friends we had known in happier days were separated from
us by an impassable gulf; and when fancy called round us the loved
scenes and friends at home, it was like treading upon forbidden ground.
But when the long day had dragged its hours away, when we were weary
with fighting against weariness, the night removed every restraint, and
for a few golden hours love and freedom were ours again.

Often in dreams have I seen the streets and buildings of my own town
rise before me, and have felt a thrilling pleasure in contemplating each
feature of the landscape around as I wended my way in fancy towards the
old log cabin forever consecrated by affection. But the waking from such
dreams of earthly paradise was sad beyond measure. The evening hour,
when the burning heat had abated, and when we were settling to
rest,--though it was on the bare floor, and without even a stone like
that upon which Jacob pillowed his head,--was our happiest time. Then
prayer and song and more cheerful conversation prepared us for rest and
often for happy dreams. But the morning hours, when we wakened, hungry,
sore, unrefreshed, with no food but our miserable bit of vile bread and
spoiled meat, and a long day to look forward to,--these were always
dreary. After prayers, and our apology for a breakfast, we grew more
cheerful, and again took up the task of living.

An anecdote here will fitly illustrate the affection and exaggerated
reverence felt for what we, to the great annoyance of the guards and
citizens, persisted in calling "God's country." I had been reading aloud
a sermon of Bishop Bascom's, from a book loaned us by our friend, the
minister. The topic was "The Joys of Heaven." All listened with delight
to his magnificent descriptions, but when the reading closed, engineer
Brown, who was of a matter-of-fact disposition, asked, "Now, candidly,
boys, would you rather be in heaven, safe from all harm, if it is as
good as the preacher says, or be in Cincinnati?" This roused a very
animated discussion, but at its conclusion, when we took a vote on the
subject, the majority decided, honestly, no doubt, that they would
rather be in Cincinnati,--for a while, at least!

The expedients to which the tobacco-chewers of our party were driven to
obtain a supply of "the weed" were at once amusing and pathetic. They
were even more eager for it than for their food. They begged from the
negroes, jailer, guards, visitors,--anybody who could supply the valued
article. The little they got was husbanded with the utmost care. One
chewing was not sufficient. No "quids" were thrown away, but carefully
laid up, dried, and again used. When no more narcotic could be so
extracted, they were once more dried and smoked in cob pipes!

When Andrews broke out of the Chattanooga jail, he gave Hawkins a large,
fine coat, which was too heavy to be carried. This was now sold to the
jailer, and the proceeds furnished quite a treat of provisions.

We found some diversion in opening secret communication with every room
in the prison. Those on the opposite side of the entry were reached by
means of a small stick, which was shot from the crack under one door to
the corresponding crack under the other. Each door was double,--one
thickness of heavy wood, which was shut only at night, and precluded all
communication; the other of light iron bars. A string tied to the stick
pulled over any message we might desire to send. Between our room and
the other on the same side of the hall there was an unused chimney, into
which stove-pipes led on each side. By removing the elbows we could talk
through, but there was the danger of being overheard. To remedy that, a
long lath was forced off the side of our room in such a way that it
could be put back again when desired, and this was used in passing notes
back and forth through this concealed passage. This "telegraph" was very
useful when we afterwards undertook an escape.

I can preserve no order of time in relating the events of these tedious
months, which slowly rolled away their ponderous length. It was an
almost perfect isolation from the world, with little hope of ever again
mingling in its busy currents. As each month closed, we were startled by
the thought that we were still alive,--that the thunderbolt had not yet
descended,--and we surmised and wondered how much longer it could be
delayed. At last a small ray of hope began to rise, very feeble at
first, and based only upon the incomprehensible reprieve we were
enjoying. As week after week glided away eventless--marked only by the
monotony that is more wearying to heart and brain than the most severe
anguish--this hope grew stronger; though it was so little assured that
the most trifling circumstance--such as the strengthening of the guard,
or the visit of an army official--was sufficient for the time to
overturn it. It was the 12th of June when we entered that room. It was
the 18th of October before we left it amid events of the most startling
character, which will form a fit topic for a new chapter.

CHAPTER XVI.

LIBERTY OR DEATH?

One morning the guard brought up four Federal soldiers, who were shut up
in the front room. As soon as we were alone we resorted to our usual
method of telegraphing to learn who they were. To our great surprise and
pleasure we found that two of them--Coleman and Helbling--were of the
Tenth Wisconsin, a regiment of our own brigade. They gave us many most
interesting items of news,--among others, that our comrades had long
since given us up for dead, and were vowing vengeance on our behalf.
They were greatly surprised to find so many of us still alive. The other
two were of the regular army, who had been captured on the coast of
Florida. They remained with us until we were taken to Richmond long
after. From them we gained a complete detail of the movements of our
army since our departure. We were greatly grieved to find the military
situation far less favorable than it had been four months before. The
transfer of General Mitchel from Tennessee to the Atlantic coast we also
regarded as unfavorable to our interests. These soldiers were the means
shortly of leading us to a desperate resolution.

We frequently talked and plotted about escape. This is the one topic
that prisoners never weary of. We long before resolved that if any
movement was made towards a court-martial, we would make one desperate
effort for life; for the result of the trials in the case of Andrews and
our poor comrades assured us that this formality would not be undertaken
for any other purpose than that of putting us to death, under a show of
law. After the lapse of a considerable time we had hopes that they
would not dispense with this ceremony, and that we would thus have
warning which might be useful. But many of our number--those especially
who were vigorous in health, and, therefore, were more ready for
action--wished to make the attempt at any rate. But time rolled on, and
the dreaded preparations for a trial were not made. Why we were left in
this uncertain condition for four months we could not tell. It might be
that, in the rush of military events, we were forgotten, or it might be
that the rebel authorities considered the hanging of eight men as
sufficient to show their estimate of the enormity of our crime. This
latter view grew upon the minds of some to such a degree that we boldly
resolved to test it, even if it did bring our fate more swiftly upon
us,--resolving that if our action should result in calling a
court-martial we would then break from our prison or die in the attempt.
Indeed, the scanty fare, the uncertainty, and the longing for liberty
had become so completely unendurable, that the prospects of perishing on
the bayonets of the guard had little terror. But our resolution was to
write a letter directly to Jefferson Davis, the President of the
Confederacy, reciting our case, and asking to be put on the footing of
prisoners of war. I acted as scribe, and used language as strong and yet
respectful as possible. While writing, the whole party gathered around,
and volunteered suggestions. Said Brown, "Be very humble to him,
Pittenger. We can take all back, if we get out." Buffum raised quite a
laugh by saying, "Tell him, Pittenger, that 'all we ask is to be let
alone.'" This was an extract from one of Jefferson Davis' own addresses.
But it did not go in the letter. The following is a copy of the
document, obtained from the Confederate archives:

"ATLANTA JAIL, August 17, 1862.
"TO HIS EXCELLENCY JEFFERSON DAVIS,
"President Confederate States of America.

"RESPECTED SIR,--We are United States soldiers regularly
detailed from our command to obey the orders of Andrews. He
was a stranger to us, and we ignorant of his design, but, of
course, we obeyed our officers. You are no doubt familiar with
all we did, or can find it recorded in the trial of our
comrades. Since then, Andrews himself and seven of us have been
executed, and fourteen survive. Is this not enough for
vengeance and for a warning to others? Would mercy in our case
be misplaced? We have already been closely confined for more
than four months. Will you not, sir, display a noble generosity
by putting us on the same footing as prisoners of war, and
permitting us to be exchanged, and thus show that in this
terrible war the South still feels the claim of mercy and
humanity?

"If you will be so good as to grant this request we will ever
be grateful to you.

"Please inform us of your decision as soon as convenient."

Signed by all the survivors,--eight of the Twenty-first Ohio, one of the
Second, and five of the Thirty-third, all of Sill's brigade, Mitchel's
division.

This paper was forwarded from one officer to another in an ascending
grade, and the indorsements on it, and the correspondence which
followed, shed much light upon the position and fortunes of our party.
But this light did not come to us until long after.

The letter was marked (erroneously as to its address), as follows:

"Petition from the survivors of Andrews' party, who took the
engine on the Georgia State Railroad in April last, to
Major-General Bragg, commanding Department No. 2."

The first indorsement is that of Colonel Lee, provost-marshal at
Atlanta:

"Respectfully forwarded to General Staughton.
"G. W. LEE,
"Commanding Post."

"HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT NO. 2,
"CHATTANOOGA, August 21, 1862
"ADJUTANT-GENERAL C. S. ARMY, Richmond, Va.

"SIR,--I have the honor to inclose herewith the petition of W.
W. Brown and others, soldiers of the Twenty-first and Second
Ohio Regiments, U.S.A., and to request information in the
matter. I am, sir, very respectfully,

"Your obedient servant,
"BRAXTON BRAGG,
"General Commanding."

The next indorsement shows a favorable disposition--at least in part:

[Indorsement.]

"Respectfully submitted to the President.

"I recommend that they be respited until further orders, and
detained as hostages for our own people in the hands of the
enemy.

"G. W. RANDOLPH,
"Secretary of War."

The Secretary of War seems to have had the impression that we had been
also tried, and that sentence of death was pending over us. Under such
circumstances a respite would have been a valuable boon.

But President Davis is inflexible:

[Indorsement.]

"Secretary of War, inquire whether there is anything to justify
a discrimination between them and others who were executed for
the same offence. J. D."

The inquiry thus ordered was at once begun:

[Indorsement.]

"Write to Major G. W. Lee, provost-marshal at Atlanta, and
inquire why fourteen of the engine thieves were respited while
the others were executed, and whether there is anything
distinguishing their case.

"G. W. RANDOLPH,
"Secretary of War."

Only the responses to these inquiries were preserved on file at
Richmond, and are now in Washington. They show the degree of confusion
and misunderstanding which prevailed at the rebel capital:

"HEADQUARTERS, ATLANTA, GA., Sept. 16, 1862.
"HON. G. W. RANDOLPH, Secretary of War, Richmond, Va.

"SIR,--Your communication of the 11th inst. is duly to hand. In
reply, I have respectfully to say that the arrest,
incarceration, trial, and execution of the prisoners you refer
to occurred before I took charge of this post by your order. I
found a number of prisoners on my arrival, and among them the
men named in the petition transmitted.

"Inclosed I transmit the papers handed over to me by my
predecessor. Since the reception of your letter I have
endeavored to find Captain Foreacre, and ascertain something
more, explaining what I was not conversant with in the
transaction, but as his business takes him away from the city,
I have not as yet had an interview with him. I will still seek
occasion to find him, and give you all the information learned
from him. You will please find inclosed the names of the
engine-stealers and bridge-burners who are confined in the jail
of this city. It is entirely out of my power to answer you as
to 'why fourteen of the engine thieves were respited while the
others were executed, and whether or not there is anything to
justify a discrimination in their favor?' as I am not informed
in relation to the proceedings of the court-martial that tried
the men.

"I am, sir,
"Respectfully your obt. servt.,
"G. W. LEE,
"Commanding Post, and Provost-Marshal."

The inclosures consist of the seven death-sentences, one of which has
already been given, and the following lists, which show a number of
glaring errors. According to the first we had all been court-martialled,
but only the seven sentenced. The second is wrong in the placing of
several names. The manner in which the word "spies" is interlined in the
"charges" of the first list is also suggestive.

_"List of Prisoners sent to Atlanta, Ga., June 13, 1862, from
Knoxville, Tenn., by command of Major-General E. Kirby Smith:_

Names. Residence. Charges:
Spies,
1. Wilson Brown Ohio. Court- and Engine
martialled sentenced. stealing.
2. Marion Ross " " " "
3. W. H. Campbell " " " "
4. John Scott " " " "
5. Perry G. Shadrach " " " "
6. G. D. Wilson " " " "
7. Samuel Slavens " " " "
8. S. Robinson " " " "
9. E. H. Mason " " "
10. Wm. Knight " " "
11. Robt. Buffins " " "
12. Wm. Pettinger " " "
13. Captain David Fry Green Co., Tenn. Bridge-burning and
recruiting for Federal
army.
14. G. W. Barlow Washington Co., Tenn. Obstructing railroad
track.
15. Thos. McCoy Morgan Co., " }
} Prisoners of war--
} Federal soldiers.
Peter Pierce Campbell Co., " }
John Barker Estill Co., " }
Bennet Powers Lincoln Co., " }

Names. Residence. Charges:
Political prisoners.
Ransom White Morgan Co., Tenn. } Citizen aiding the enemy.
John Walls Blount Co., " } Trying to go to Kentucky.
John Green Union Co., " } Rebellion.
John Thompkins Washington Co.," } "
Henry Miller Sullivan Co., " } Suspected as a spy.
William Thompson Arrested at Bristol "

"Respectfully submitted by order.
"WM. M. CHURCHWELL,
"Colonel, and Provost-Marshal."

"_List of Prisoners in Atlanta City Jail, September 16, 1862._

ENGINE-STEALERS.

M. J. Hawkins, W. Reddick,
J. Parrott, D. A. Dorsey,
W. Bensinger, J. K. Porter,
A. Wilson, M. Wood,
E. H. Mason, W. W. Brown,
W. Knight, R. Bufman,
W. Pettinger, David Fry,
J. J. Barker.

BRIDGE-BURNERS.

T. McCoy, P. Pierce,
B. Powers, Jno. Walls,
Jno. Green, R. White,
H. Mills, J. Tompkins,
G. D. Barlow, Jno. Wollam."

The next day Provost-Marshal Lee wrote again as follows:

"HEADQUARTERS, ATLANTA, GA.,
"September 17, 1862.
"HON. G. W. RANDOLPH, Secretary of War, Richmond, Va.

"SIR,--I respectfully forward to you hereby all that I have
been enabled to obtain from my predecessor, Captain Foreacre.

"The documents relating to the cases, so far as I know anything
about them, were forwarded to you on yesterday.

"I am, sir, very respectfully,
"Your obedient servant,
"G. W. LEE,
"Commanding Post, and Provost-Marshal."

The following letter, inclosed from Captain Foreacre, is wrong in saying
that some of the party had been tried but not sentenced. Yet this was
the obvious belief of the Confederate authorities:

"ATLANTA, GA., September 16, 1862.
"HON. G. W. RANDOLPH, Secretary of War, Richmond, Va.

"DEAR SIR,--Your letter of September 11, 1862, to Major Lee,
provost-marshal, has been shown me by him, and, as far as I am
acquainted with the matter, General Smith only sent from
Knoxville instructions and orders to have seven of them hung,
which was promptly attended to by myself.

"The remaining fourteen were reported to this office only for
safe-keeping,--some having been tried, but not sentenced, and
others not tried. The only office which can properly answer
your inquiry is that of Major-General E. K. Smith.

"I have the honor to remain,
"Your obedient servant,
"G. I. FOREACRE."

No record of any further inquiry remains. Whether the matter was there
dropped, or orders issued for opening the whole question by a
court-martial, remains uncertain. But these documents make it almost
certain that all the party, or at least the twelve who were sent to
Knoxville, were destined to be tried and condemned; that at the abrupt
breaking up of the court, no record was put on file of the cause of the
interruption; and that the authorities at Atlanta and Richmond expected
the court at Knoxville, which they assumed to have finished its work, to
give orders for our disposal. That court never reconvened. Its members
were dispersed all over the South. The commanding general, E. Kirby
Smith, was transferred to a distant department. We were forgotten, and
thus the strange respite we enjoyed is explained. But would it continue?

Some of the Confederate officers had formed a theory of their own to
account for the death of seven of our number and the sparing of the
remainder. They assumed that those put to death were volunteers, while
the others were detailed by their officers. But there were no grounds
for such a supposition.

While this correspondence was in progress, Colonel Lee came to our door
one day, and had a long talk with us about our expedition and prison
experiences. He finally told us of receiving a letter from the
Secretary of War at Richmond asking why we had not all been executed!
He asked us the reason, and one of the party, who had not totally
forgotten his experience of duplicity in the early part of our
enterprise, said that it had been thought that there were some
mitigating circumstances in our case. The marshal said that he could
give no reason, but had referred the Secretary to the court-martial at
Knoxville, and that he was now awaiting orders concerning us. On our
request he promised to visit us again when he should receive an answer
from Richmond. We told him of the manner in which our comrades had been
put to death without warning. He admitted the wrong, but disclaimed
responsibility for it, as it occurred before he came into command.

We waited anxiously for his return for several days, but waited in vain.
It was urged that we had heard enough already, and that now, if ever, we
ought to strike for life. But I was of another opinion. The enterprise
of escaping was of enormous difficulty, and success, at the best,
doubtful. I did not think that, in our enfeebled condition, after six
months of terrible hardship and partial starvation, we were the men we
had been. It was my judgment that nothing but the certainty of death on
the one hand could give the necessary vigor, spring, and desperation to
command success on the other. Despair might nerve us to throw ourselves
with resistless fury on the bayonets of the guards, but this fury would
come only when the last hope was dead. My reasoning prevailed, and we
waited a little longer.

But evidence came soon that ended hesitation. More of the guard was kept
on duty at once, and greater vigilance was everywhere apparent. We
fancied that the old jailer regarded us with unusual compassion. But
through the stove-pipe, from our friends in the other room, came the
decisive information. The prisoners there saw the provost-marshal ride
up to the gate, have the jailer called out, and heard him give orders
to watch those engine-thieves closely, as he had been notified that a
court was ordered for their trial. The same evening the jailer said to
them that he was very sorry for the poor Yankees in the other room, for
every man of them would be hung! This word was conveyed to us, and
longer doubt would have been folly.

We were now ready for the emergency, and had fully discussed and settled
our plans. We were in the upper story of the jail. Our room was entered
by a double door,--one of heavy plank, and one of iron slats. If this
was opened, we would only be in the entry, and would have still to go
down-stairs into a hall and pass another door before we could gain the
jail-yard. This, in turn, was surrounded by a board fence eight or ten
feet high, and having but a single gate, which was usually closed. Seven
fully-armed soldiers were constantly on guard, with an unknown reserve
close at hand. We could depend on help from no one of the prisoners
except Captain Fry, so that we were but fifteen, and even two or three
of these were too sick to be of great value in a fight. Then we were in
the skirts of the town, fully a mile from the nearest woods. One
advantage, and the only one on which I relied, was that of surprise. We
knew what we were to do, and the strong motive that impelled it.

All plans looking to sawing out and swinging to the ground at night, as
in Chattanooga, had been canvassed and rejected. What we meant to do was
to break out in open daylight and overpower the guards. The most
favorable time was when the doors were opened for bringing in our
supper, which was a little before sundown, as by starting then we would
soon have the cover of darkness. It was arranged to seize the jailer
when he came to remove the pans in which our supper was brought, and to
keep him perfectly quiet while all the doors were being unlocked, for we
wished to release all the other prisoners. At the same moment the other
members of the party, divided into two squads, were to cautiously
descend the stairway, pounce upon the guards, and take their guns from
them. If this was done in _perfect quiet_, the guards were to be locked
up, and we, taking their arms, would march out on our homeward journey.
As soon as discovered we were to break into parties of two and strike
out for Union territory by widely-diverging lines.

All our plans were completed. We had patched our clothes as well as
possible, and made cloth moccasins to protect our feet, many of our
shoes being worn out. We only waited the coming of the appointed hour.

Slowly the sun sunk down the west; slowly the shadows lengthened in the
east, till the gloomy shade of the jail had nearly reached the crest of
the hill that usually marked our supper-time. We bade each other a
solemn farewell, for we knew not if we should ever meet again on earth,
or how many of us might be cold and lifeless before the stars shone out.
We prayed fervently, though we dared not kneel or speak aloud. Captain
Fry, who was tender-hearted as a child, wept at the parting. He had two
large coats, and as he could not take both with him in the expected
rush, he generously gave one to me. I needed it extremely, for I was
very nearly destitute of clothing. He and I were to be companions,
according to a previous arrangement.

Everything was put in readiness. I had carefully piled in a corner such
of the books belonging to the minister as we still retained, and had
written him a note of thanks for them. Anything that could be used as a
weapon was now put within reach.

At last the supper-hour came. We could not afford to lose a morsel of
the scanty food, and ate it in silence. The jailer was not accustomed to
come into the room, but merely opened the door and admitted the negroes
who bore the pans filled with corn-bread. Old Thoer, the watchman whom
everybody hated, was fortunately away. It was well, or he might have
suffered. Turner we respected, and were determined not to injure if we
could help it. After the jailer had given their food to the inmates of
the other rooms he came back to ours and swung open the creaking door to
remove the food-pans. This was the signal.

It was a thrilling moment! On the action of the next few seconds
hung the issues of life or death. I confess that for one instant
the blood flowed to my heart with a sharp, piercing throb, and
there came a sudden and terrible fear lest the fever-weakened body
would not in this crisis obey the dictates of will. But this ceased
before the door had swung wide enough open to admit the passage of a
man. The others were pale but determined, and a single glance told me
that there would be no faltering. As for Captain Fry, who was to
initiate the movement,--supported by myself,--and whom I had seen
weeping a few minutes before, he was perfectly calm, and his face wore
a pleasant smile! As soon as the door had swung far enough he stepped
adroitly through it as if this were the most natural thing in the world,
and said, very quietly,--

"A pleasant evening, Mr. Turner."

"Yes,--rather--pleasant," responded the jailer, looking bewildered by
this movement, as he no doubt was.

"We feel like taking a little walk this evening," continued the captain,
while the door was forced clear back, and three of us stood abreast in
it ready to spring.

The astonishment of the jailer now knew no bounds. "What?--how?--where?"
he gasped, in broken ejaculations.

Fry's countenance grew darker as he clasped the old man in his arms, and
said,--

"We have stayed as long as we can stand it, and are now going to leave
and let the other prisoners out; so give up the keys, and make no
noise about it, or it will be the worse for you!"

[Illustration: LIBERTY OR DEATH.
Page 255.]

Turner tightened his grasp on the keys, whispered, hoarsely, "You can't
do that," then threw himself back and began in a loud tone, "Guar--"
when my hand closed across his mouth and stifled the incipient call for
help. He bit my finger, but did no great damage.

Then came the rush of the prisoners,--quick, stealthy, cat-like. Not a
sound was audible a dozen yards away. The negroes huddled in a corner of
the room in stupid fright, but had sense enough to be quiet. Turner
struggled violently, for he was a man of great strength, but Fry and I
kept him mute; the keys were twisted from him, and Buffum was soon at
work on the locks of the other doors. Quietly the assaulting column
descended the stairway and burst out upon the guards outside. If they
committed a fault, it was in being too quick. In one minute Buffum would
have had the other doors unlocked, and then, throwing aside the disarmed
jailer, Fry, Buffum, and myself, reinforced by all the prisoners who
chose to go with us, would have stood by their side in the second
charge. This trifling circumstance did make a considerable difference in
the result,--at least, to some of us.

Seven sentinels were on duty,--three in the back yard, four in the front
yard. The charge upon the former was completely successful, their guns
being wrested from them before they knew their danger, and they were
kept perfectly quiet under the threat--which would have been
executed--of instant death.

The attack in the front yard was made with equal gallantry and skill,
but not with equal success. Two rebels stood near the front door of the
prison, and these were secured in the same manner as their comrades at
the rear, and held in silence. Had the remaining two been close at hand,
I have no doubt they would have fared as their comrades, and thus the
unparalleled feat of twelve unarmed prisoners taking the loaded muskets
from seven guards on their post would have been accomplished. But,
unfortunately, the last two stood at the open gate. Their conduct was
not brave but it was wise, for, without firing a shot, they ran out
through the gate, screaming the alarm in tones that roused the whole
neighborhood. The reserve guard was close at hand, and at once rushed to
the rescue.

The whole action, from the time Fry stepped out of the door until the
wild cry was raised at the gate, was probably less than sixty seconds.
Fry and myself were preparing to secure the jailer, for we knew not yet
that the attack was made. Buffum had opened two doors, and was working
at the third when the wild, thrilling cry of alarm arose from below.
Those within adjured him to open, and the brave man, though his own
chances of life were lessening each second, worked till the door opened,
and then violently flung it wide, with an impatient "_there!_" while he
bounded down the stairway like a hunted deer.

All secrecy was at an end, and the only remaining hope was in headlong
flight. Our comrades in the yard saw their peril, and were in a little
better position than those of us who were still inside the jail. They
let go their terrified enemies, flung away the guns, which now could
only impede their flight, and, scaling the board fence, made for the
woods nearly a mile away. Even for the foremost of them it was a fearful
race. Rebel bullets whistled around their ears, but none of them was
hit. Indeed, I am inclined to think that it was a fortunate thing for
our comrades that the rebels had guns to carry, and stopped to fire
whenever they came near a fugitive. Otherwise hundreds of fresh,
vigorous soldiers--for there were soon hundreds on the scene--could have
run down a dozen half-starved prisoners.

Fry and myself started down-stairs together as soon as Buffum had opened
the last door,--only a moment after the alarm had been given, but
moments were more precious then than common months. The captain was a
little in advance. His eagle eye took in the situation, as in two leaps
he cleared the stairway. He saw there was no chance in the front yard,
now filled with armed rebels, and darted to the back door, found a
passage to the yard fence, scaled it just before a complete guard was
stretched around the prison, was fired at on the fence, but descended in
safety, and run in a different direction from the other fugitives.
Finally, a soldier levelled his musket at him, and he fell. One of our
own men who saw this, and no more, reported that he was killed, and we
long mourned the brave man as dead. But this was only a stratagem to
gain his breath for a moment. His pursuers turned towards other game,
and he rose, and, after a second hard chase, gained the cover of the
woods. Thirty days after he had reached Nashville in safety.

I was to have been his companion, according to the allotment we made
before leaving the prison, and our boys almost envied me the advantage
of being with so experienced a mountain traveller. But a moment's
misfortune made this advantage unavailing, and doomed me to further
sufferings. My eyes have always been defective, and especially sensitive
to sudden variations of light. When I came from the dark prison room
(the hall was equally dark) into full light, for a moment I could see
nothing distinctly. I lost sight of Fry. It would not do to stand still,
and I rushed for the prison-gate. Many a time defective vision has been
a source of annoyance and vexation, but never so much as then. Before
getting to the gate I could see better, and was confronted by two
soldiers, who were tossing their guns about in a distracted manner, and
crying, "What shall we do? Oh, what shall we do?" They did not look
dangerous, and I ran by; but just in the gate I met a stream of fresh
guards coming on the run. Of course they halted me, and equally, of
course, I did not halt, but turned back towards the jail. There were
other guards around, one of whom snapped his gun at me when not two
yards away. I eluded them, got into the jail again, and out at the back
door. This time I reached the top of the yard fence, but a dozen muskets
were lifted from the outside to fire. To jump down on that side was
inevitable death. One chance only remained. Possibly the gate now was
not watched! I sprang back into the yard, and other guards were after
me. The prison-door was open, and I entered, seeking to pass through it
as before, and get outside the gate for a clear race. But the front door
was now guarded also, and, as I turned, I found my pursuers in the back
door. I was fairly trapped,--back in the prison again! It was a terrible
situation. If I could crush between the two men who stood with loaded
muskets in the door, their comrades were outside, and it was simply
death to attack them. In sheer desperation, I turned my back upon them,
not caring whether they fired or not, and walked up-stairs to a window,
from which I could see something of the fearful race still going on, and
note the streams of troops pouring towards the prison. My guards pointed
their guns at me, but did not offer to come near, and when I walked from
the hall window into a room,--not our own, but another which commanded a
better view,--I found in it the four Federal soldiers, its former
occupants, who had made no attempt to get away, the alarm and the rapid
firing which followed convincing them that it was safer to remain where
they were.

Parrott and Reddick were recaptured inside the wall, like myself. Buffum
got over the wall about the same time as Captain Fry, but was less
fortunate. A soldier singled him out, and squarely ran him down. When
hardly able to drag another step, and with the inexorable armed runner
within a rod of him, Buffum tried a "Yankee trick." (He was a native of
Massachusetts.) Sinking down exhausted, he said, "I surrender. You can
go on and get that other fellow," pointing to one a few rods away.
"No," answered the man, with a great oath, "I've got _you_, and I mean
to _keep_ you." So he stood with his gun aimed until some of his
comrades arrived, and poor Buffum was marched back to jail. Had the man
taken his advice, and looked for a bird in the bush, the one in hand
would doubtless have flown. Mason and Bensinger were also captured
outside of the wall, making a recapture of six and an escape of nine,--a
better result than I had supposed probable when we planned the attempt.

From the window of the front room where I then was I had a good view of
the proceedings below. In a short time a large body of troops, including
a regiment of cavalry, were drawn up in front of the jail. I heard
Colonel Lee give his orders. He said, "Don't take one of the villains
alive. Shoot them down wherever you find them," with many similar
expressions, which were possibly meant for the benefit of those inside
the prison as well as for the troops. He also ordered pickets to be
placed at the ferries of the Chattahoochee, along the railroad, and also
at all cross-roads,--an arrangement that pleased me, for we had agreed
to avoid those very places. Our intention had been to travel in the
night-time through the woods, and to cross the rivers on logs as far
from ferries as possible.

Hearing some confused sounds of distress from the room of the
Tennesseeans, I inquired the cause, and learned that a young man, named
Barlow, who alone of their number had attempted to escape, had broken
his ankle. This injury was received in jumping from the outside fence.
He was driven back to the prison room, where surgical aid was refused,
and he finally died after great suffering.

Of all who were up-stairs at the time the alarm was given, only Fry and
one other man succeeded in escaping. The latter was a deserter from the
rebel army, and being very active and fleet, reached the shelter of the
woods in advance of all the fugitives.

From the window I could hear the guards, all night long, talking over
their adventures. Generally they praised their own bravery liberally,
but occasionally some one who had arrived later would suggest that it
was not much to their credit to let unarmed men snatch their guns from
them; but such suggestions were not kindly received, and the work of
self-glorification went on. One of them expressed astonishment at the
speed of the Yankees, who had been so long kept in jail; another
accounted for it by the abundant practice in running Yankee soldiers had
received in battle!

All night long I lay in a hammock which one of the regular soldiers had
swung by the window, but now kindly resigned to me, and listened to the
boastful conversation below.

"Sadly I thought of the morrow."

There was little reason to doubt that full vengeance would be dealt to
each man who remained in the enemy's power. The news we had received,
and which we had agreed in crediting, was the end of all hope. Death,
which had stared us in the face so often, could not be far distant now.
Another escape would scarcely be left by the aroused vigilance of the
enemy within the realms of possibility. And such a death! No vision of
glory to dazzle the sight, and hide the grim monster from view, or
wreathe him in flowers. No eye of friends to behold the last struggle.
No sympathy,--nothing but ignominy and an impenetrable darkness, beyond
which no loving eye might ever pierce! But even as the cold horror of
the scaffold, and the vision of the heartless, jeering crowd rose
freshly before me, I looked out in the clear night, and up to the
shining stars, and remembered that I had one Friend,--a Friend who would
not fear to stand with me on the scaffold, and who had Himself tasted
the bitterness of a public execution. Was it for me he had died,--to
show me that no outward shame is too great to be borne by the true
heart? With the thought came a still and heavenly peace, while my hope,
finding no place on this side, overleaped the darkness of death and
dwelt upon the scenes of promised happiness beyond. It is in such hours
that the value and supporting power of religion is fully realized.

The next morning the jailer put me back into the room formerly occupied.
When all had gathered, we were only six in number,--Mason, Buffum,
Bensinger, Reddick, Parrott, and myself. We had enough to talk over for
many hours. The jailer, too, had his story to tell. He said that some
man put his hand over his mouth and nearly smothered him, but added,
with great satisfaction, "I bit his finger terribly, and gave the rascal
a mark he will carry to the grave with him." However, though he did bite
hard, his teeth were not so sharp as he thought, and he had only managed
to inflict a slight bruise. I kept my hand out of sight in his presence
for a day or two, and he had no idea that I was the person of whom he
complained, as his fright prevented his clearly distinguishing anything.
He was rather cross for a while, and always brought up the guards when
he came to feed us.

About the middle of the day some officers came to see us, and talked
very roughly. With many threats, they demanded to know what direction
our comrades had intended to travel. I was glad of this, as it assured
me that some were still at large. They professed to have killed several,
and declared that they meant to kill the others as fast as they were
taken. In answer to their demand I told them the truth, as I thought
that would do them as little good as anything else. I said,--

"They intend to try to get to the Union lines; and they said that it
made little difference which way they went, for our forces have you so
completely surrounded, that travelling in _any_ course will do equally
well."

Being unable to get anything more definite, they retired.

Not until our own release did we learn with certainty the fate of our
eight comrades. Nothing in this whole story seems more wonderful than
their adventures and ultimate success. Two went South, two West, and
four others, in two groups, went Northward. To recite the adventures of
all would detain us too long, but the reader will expect some account.
We will give two of the four narratives in some detail, and the others
more briefly.

CHAPTER XVII.

ROMANTIC ESCAPES.

J. R. Porter and John Wollam kept in company when they ran for the
woods. The latter will be remembered as having previously escaped from
Chattanooga in company with Andrews, and eluded his pursuers for a long
time.

It was October 16 when they started, and they reached the Federal lines
at Corinth, Mississippi, November 18, being thus two days over a month
on the way. They endured the greatest hardships. When in wooded country
they travelled both night and day, subsisting on wild grapes, chestnuts,
hickory-nuts, walnuts, and some few sweet potatoes. In a few instances
they got a little morsel of corn-bread from some negroes. This was not
always a gift. Several times they slipped into the fields where the
negroes were at work and stole their scanty dinners. Necessity knew no
law. For one whole week they had no bread, nor any other food, except
the nuts gathered in the woods.

Their sufferings with cold were also very great, as their clothes were
light and almost worn out, and the nights very chill. Twice only they
slept in houses. One night they travelled till they were chilled and
weary, and almost perishing with cold, when they fortunately discovered
a nest of hogs. It was no time to be choice; so routing out the inmates,
they took possession of the warm bed, and slept soundly till morning!

They found many streams on the way, which they were obliged to wade, or
float across on logs. Porter was a man of clear religious faith and
great constancy, while Wollam was full of resources, though somewhat
reckless. He longed for the Tennessee River, down which he had floated
alone once before, and somewhere on which he knew Federal troops were to
be found. It was twenty-two days, however, before this stream was
reached, at a point forty miles west of Chattanooga. The worst of their
trials were now over. They pressed a canoe into the service, and used it
as Wollam had done before, paddling and floating down stream at night,
and hiding it and themselves, in the most secret place they could find,
during the day. Two persons under such circumstances have great
advantages over a solitary traveller. Not only does companionship assist
in keeping hope alive in each breast, but one can watch while the other
rests, and thus their resources are husbanded. The voyagers met with no
remarkable adventures until they reached the head of Muscle Shoals,
which they could not pass on account of low water. Abandoning their
canoe here, they made a circuit of forty miles by land, and came back to
the river below the Shoals. Here they "borrowed" a skiff, and continued
their journey until within twelve miles of Pittsburg Landing, where they
finally left the river. Twelve miles of travel brought them to
Corinth,--a post occupied by Union troops,--where they were received
with all the welcome that could be given to comrades long considered
dead. They had passed over three hundred miles in a straight
line,--probably double that distance by reason of the circuits they
made, and this without assistance, and while shunning all about them as
foes.

Engineer Brown, W. J. Knight, and E. H. Mason were thrown together in
the hurry of escape, although only the former two had intended to travel
in company. Mason's intended comrade was recaptured. Dorsey and Hawkins
were also, at first, in the same squad. The first night, while hiding in
the woods, Mason became very sick, and for two days remained within a
short distance of Atlanta. This was very dangerous, and he finally told
Brown and Knight to leave him and make good their own escape. This the
heroic boys refused to do, but, on the contrary, took him to a house, as
he was growing rapidly worse. They were well received, and given some
food in the kitchen. Just as they had finished it, three men, who had
probably seen their arrival, came in at the front door to arrest them.
This was an almost unique incident in the history of our
expedition,--the attempt to arrest any members of the party without
having an overwhelming superiority in numbers,--and, as might have been
expected, it miscarried. Our comrades did not deny being escaped
prisoners, but when told that they must surrender and go back to
Atlanta, Brown, who hardly knew the meaning of fear, gave in his soft,
silvery voice the very decided reply, "No, we won't; now see if we do,"
and with Knight sprang through the back door. There was no alternative
but to abandon Mason; but the other two were the strongest and most
agile of our number,--had always been our leaders in all athletic
sports, and were able to give a good account of themselves either in a
race or fight. They ran round the end of the house and then struck
towards a piece of woods half a mile away, keeping under the shelter of
a fence which extended towards the woods. The Confederates ran out at
the front door with their shot-guns just as the fugitives were flying
along the fence. Not wishing to try a foot-race, the former mounted
their horses and galloped out from the house down a lane that led to
the main road, attempting thus to head them off, while the owner of the
house where they had stayed unloosed his pack of hounds, which were soon
on the trail in full cry. The fugitives changed their course to avoid
the chance of a shot from the road, and to keep at right angles with it.
Before the woodland could be reached, the dogs closed in upon them, and
the struggle which followed was short and decisive. Brown and Knight,
seeing the dogs gaining upon them, selected a place where loose stones
were abundant, and gave their barking foes a reception which must have
astonished them. Stones weighing a pound or more, hurled at close
quarters by the strong arms of desperate men, are not to be despised by
the most savage of blood-hounds. The whole pack were soon crippled or
driven into hasty flight.

[Illustration: LIEUTENANT WILSON W. BROWN
(Union Engineer.) Page 264.]

But by this time the horsemen were near, and our hunted comrades were
obliged to run again at full speed, changing their course, with the
purpose of eluding their armed pursuers. They got into some brushwood,
and by "seesawing and tacking" hoped to get out of sight of the
horsemen. But the dogs still followed the trail, though they dared not
come near, and the brave pair would no doubt have been run down in time,
by the aid of dogs and horses, had they not found a little creek, in
which they waded long enough to throw the dogs off the scent; then the
expanse of timber about the creek soon hid them from their human foes.

That day they reached Stone Mountain, about eighteen miles east of
Atlanta, and afterwards travelled only at night, due north, with the
North Star for their guide. From their daytime hiding-places they
frequently saw parties of patrollers, but were never discovered.

Mason was taken without resistance and sent back to Atlanta, where he
joined us, being the sixth and last man recaptured.

Brown and Knight did not venture again to a house, and suffered greatly
for want of food. From the house they had left so precipitately they
travelled six days with nothing to eat save what the woods furnished.
They even chewed brush to appease the gnawings of hunger. On the seventh
day they obtained a great feast by catching a goose, which they ate raw,
and also procured a little of the corn left in a field by the huskers.
Two days after, they found a tree of apples, very poor, but precious to
them, and, after having devoured as many as they could, carried a supply
with them. Before night, however, they had still better fortune. They
discovered a drove of half-grown pigs. To get one was not easy, but
these men were not readily baffled. Their plan was soon laid: Knight hid
behind a tree with a club, while Brown tolled a confiding member of the
drove by biting off bits of apple and throwing towards him. He backed
past the tree where Knight was concealed, and when the pig in following
came near enough, the latter felled it with one powerful blow, and they
bore it away in triumph. That night they found a burnt brush-heap, and,
as some of the coals were not extinct, they made a fire and feasted on
roast pig. They carried off what they could not eat, and it took the
edge from famine for a long while.

When ten days out they crossed the Chattahoochee on a raft made of rails
tied together with bark. At length they came into the mountains, where
travel at night for famishing men was intolerably difficult. But, though
they knew it not, they were near friends. The border country between
Tennessee and North Carolina was always predominantly loyal. Accident
led to the discovery of those who were glad to give them help. In
crossing an old clearing, which seemed deserted, they came out
unexpectedly in front of a lonely looking log house, where two men stood
on the porch. Brown and Knight were so hungry that they resolved to take
the risk of asking for dinner. As there were only two men, they thought
they could not be arrested, especially if they first got something to
eat. They pretended to be rebel soldiers, who had been sick and were
now trying to get back to their regiments. The mistress of the house
gave them food, but eyed them closely, and soon accused them of being
"Yankees." Denial was useless, and they "soon found each other out."
These Union people put them on the Southern branch of the Underground
Railroad, and they arrived at Somerset, Kentucky, on the 25th of
November,--a month and nine days after leaving Atlanta.

The course of the next pair, Dorsey and Hawkins, was also northward, and
in nearly the same track. In the early part it presents marked
peculiarities, especially in the fact that much help was obtained from
the negroes. These sympathized with all fugitives on general principles,
and still more when the fugitives were Union soldiers. The latter part
of this narrative passes over the same ground as the former. It is a
trifling but noticeable coincidence that four of the eight who escaped
came to the town of Somerset, Kentucky, and two others to the ship
"Somerset."

Dorsey shall tell his own story, with a few abridgments. He hurt his
ankle in the first terrible run, and this caused him great suffering. He
also met a countryman just before reaching the woods, but having armed
himself with a large stone in each hand, and looking dangerous, he was
not stopped. The rapid firing of the enemy led him to believe that many
of our number were killed. We take up his story at the entrance of the
forest. The first touch is very graphic.

"Passing a little way into the woods, I found Brown and Knight
leaning against a tree, gasping for breath. I leaned against
the same tree. None of us could speak. I thought for a moment
or two that each breath would be my last. As we recovered a
little, one gasped, 'Guess we'd better go, boys.' On we went,
but not so fast as before, for none of our pursuers were now in
sight. We were soon joined by Hawkins, Mason, and the escaped
deserter, so that we were six in all. We lay in an open field
that night, judging it to be safer than the woods, and huddled
together as a partial protection from the cold. All night long
we heard the baying of the hounds and the frequent discharge
of firearms. The distance from which these sounds came
indicated that the pursuers were beyond us, and that our best
chance was in hiding and allowing them to pass still farther
ahead. The next day we were fortunate enough to discover some
luscious wild grapes, which we devoured with the greatest
relish. Our mouths afterwards were very sore, and the grapes
may possibly have been the cause of the injury. The same day we
were surprised by some citizens with shot-guns, but outran them
and escaped.

"Brown, Mason, and Knight left us, the latter being sick. The
deserter continued with us a day longer. He then wished to
visit a house for food, but we, though very hungry, did not
think it advisable, and parted with all good wishes. I have
heard that he got safely to Washington, D. C., but, returning
to his home in Northern Georgia, was arrested and executed as a
deserter from the Confederate army, into which he had been
conscripted at first.

"On the fourth day out we met two of our pursuers, who were
apparently coming back discouraged, but easily eluded them by
hiding under some bushes. We now began to travel more rapidly,
hiding by day and continuing on our way by night, directed by
the stars, which Hawkins understood very well.

"On the eighth day out we came to the ferry of the
Chattahoochee River, far to the northeast of Atlanta. We took
rails from a neighboring fence, and began to build a raft, when
we observed a lighted torch approaching the opposite side of
the river. When it came nearer we saw that the party
accompanying it were negroes, two in number, with four dogs.
Hawkins, who had spent some years in the South, and understood
the disposition of the negroes, felt disposed to trust them.
Accordingly, we asked them to ferry us over, which they readily
did, we giving them a little tobacco we had, and which we could
not use because of our sore mouths. They professed themselves
Unionists, and we told them that we were Union soldiers. The
fact of belonging to the railroad party we did not disclose
until we were within the Union lines. One went for provisions,
while the other remained with us, as if to allay any suspicions
we might entertain. They told us that we were forty-eight miles
northeast of Atlanta, in the region of deserted gold-mines, and
proposed to hide us in one of those mines, supply us with
quilts and provisions until we were well rested, and then
direct us on our northward way. It would probably have been
better to have accepted their kind offer, which I think Hawkins
wished to do, but I had some fear; so we declined.

"The one who had gone for provisions returned with a goodly
supply of boiled pork and beans, mashed Irish potatoes, sweet
potatoes, and corn-bread. What a feast! It was the first food
worthy the name we had eaten for six long months! We did it
ample justice, and what was left carried away with us. Our
African friends also gave us a piece of a broken butcher-knife,
that was of great service. They also gave us invaluable
directions, telling us where the rebel troops lay, and where we
could find a colored slave, who would ferry us over the
Hiawassee (which runs down from North Carolina into the
Tennessee), as they had done over the Chattahoochee. We assured
them that they would soon be free, and parted with a mutual
'God bless you!'

"With thankful hearts we pressed on, made a good night's
journey, and then laid by until evening of the next day. Seeing
a house on the edge of the woods, we watched it until assured
that only an old man and woman were there, when we went boldly
up to it and asked for supper, which was given with some
reluctance.

"Early in the evening journey we came to a small stream, and
attempting to cross on a fallen tree, I fell into the water,
and was thoroughly soaked. From this cause I suffered greatly
with cold. Some hours after we came to a barn, the mows of
which were filled with corn-blades. We were glad to bury
ourselves out of sight in the fodder, where we grew warm, and
slept all day. It was comfortable, but we paid for it by a
terrible fright. Some cavalrymen came into the stable under the
mows and took out their horses. We could hear their
conversation and the jingle of their spurs, and scarcely dared
to breathe. But they left us in safety. We stayed a day longer,
as the bed was the best we had found since our first capture.
But a negro boy came up to hunt eggs, and found us. He was so
frightened that we could not pacify him, and, fearing an alarm,
we hastened to the woods once more. Some negroes were again
met, starting on their favorite amusement,--an opossum-hunt. On
application they gave us a magnificent treat,--a hatful of
apples, a half 'pone,' and two or three pounds of boiled beef
on a bone. This supply lasted for several days.

"On the night journey we were much annoyed by the barking of
dogs at the houses we passed. Once we were seen, but,
pretending to be rebels on the way to our regiments, we
succeeded so well in lulling suspicion that an old man sent a
message to his son, who was in the rebel army, by us, and added
some corn-bread for the messengers.

"I here became more lame than ever, by reason of an unfortunate
misstep, and had to walk by leaning part of my weight upon my
faithful comrade. We came to a wide river we could not cross,
and, going back into the fields, lay on the damp ground till
morning. If I ever _tasted_ cold, it was then. Hawkins became
reckless from suffering, and was disposed to go to a house,
even at the risk of capture. But I demurred, and we waited for
an opportunity to communicate with the ever-faithful negroes.
We found a hut, and, watching it some time, saw none but a
black woman there. She readily responded to our appeal for
help, gave us a hot breakfast, a fire to warm by, and some
parched corn to carry on our journey. She also directed us to a
ford. Thanking her from our hearts, we returned to the river,
got over, and concealed ourselves in the woods on the other
side.

"With the coming of night we once more took up our weary way.
Towards morning we saw a large encampment of whites and colored
people. All were asleep except one of the latter. We
approached, and, in a whisper, asked him who they were. He told
us of the retreat of Bragg's army from Kentucky, and that these
were a band of fugitives coming South with their slaves to
avoid the Union army. To us this was a serious matter. A large
army, with all its baggage, and the country full of pickets,
directly in our front, was a great addition to our danger. The
colored man gave us all the scanty information he possessed
about the position of the army. Hawkins, spying a covered
skillet near the fire, winked at our friend, got an assenting
nod, and reached for it. It had two baked sweet potatoes, which
we appropriated, and departed as noiselessly as we had
advanced. Twenty-four hours after, we had reached the Hiawassee
River. We called lustily for the ferryman, and, to our
exceeding delight, were answered by the very slave our colored
friends on the Chattahoochee had said would be willing to ferry
us over.

"With his counsel, for we trusted him with the secret of our
being escaped prisoners, we resolved to go down the Hiawassee
to its junction with the Tennessee. To do this, however, it
would be necessary to pass round the rebel camp at Charleston,
a few miles farther down the river. This was Friday, and, by
waiting until Saturday, the young man could get a pass good
until Monday, and could pilot us around Charleston. We resolved
to wait. He treated us royally,--shared his scanty allowance of
food with us, for he had only a slave's rations, doctored my
ankle, kept us in his best bed--_a feather one_--overnight,
though, for prudential reasons, we hid in the woods during the
day, and, on starting, gave us a bottle of molasses and a piece
of pork. We floated down near camp in a 'dug-out' canoe, then
left the river and _surrounded_ the enemy. Our pilot was
obliged to leave us before we got back to the river below the
town, but he put us on the banks of a small stream, which we
had only to follow down to its mouth. This we reached by two
P.M., and amused ourselves by cracking walnuts and hickory-nuts
in a solitary place until dark, when we hunted up an old
dilapidated canoe. It was a miserable boat, and gave us enough
to do in bailing as well as paddling it. We soon saw a better
craft, with good paddles, tied up, and, as the owner was not
there, we 'traded' without difficulty.

"The stars were shining brightly when we again pushed off, and
the water was as clear as crystal, though not deep. We dried
our wet clothes, and felt very much more comfortable. Save an
occasional whisper between us and the soft ripple of the oars,
silence was unbroken. This was the most peaceful and
satisfactory night's travel we had yet made.

"At daybreak we hid the boat and nestled away in some dry
leaves, and after the sun got high enough to warm us, slept by
turns till afternoon. Then we noticed an island half a mile
farther down the river, and, as we had seen nobody the whole
day, and the place appeared perfectly solitary, we resolved to
explore it. Nothing was found, but we saw a house on the east
bank, which we watched until sundown, and seeing only women
about it, resolved to try for supper. We got a good square
meal, but judge our dismay at finding a good number of ladies,
and, soon after, a few men, also, at the place. It was a
'quilting,' and they were to dance that evening. But we told a
new story. We had been working at a saw-mill in the mountains,
were now out of employment, and were going to Chattanooga to
look for a job. They warned us that we would be arrested at
Chattanooga, and would have to go to jail or join the army.
They seemed to care nothing for the war, and to have no
disposition to molest us. We assured them that we would be all
right in Chattanooga, as we were _personally acquainted with
General Leadbetter_. They looked doubtful, and in parting they
said, in a rather insinuating manner, that they wished us a
safe journey to _Chattanooga_. Probably they were Unionists,
but we dared not risk a discovery. I tried, unsuccessfully, to
steal a quilt, which we greatly needed. The night was overcast,
the water was very shallow in places, and some tree-tops were
in the way. We had to get out, pull our boat out of these
obstructions and into deeper water, and then, wet to the skin,
to re-embark and paddle on.

"About midnight we came to what seemed to be a ferry, where the
river was deeper and wider than it had been before. Suddenly
two shots were fired at us. We lay down in the bottom of the
boat, and, taking in our paddles, let her float down stream,
while we did not move a muscle. I suppose it was a picket of
the enemy, who, after firing once, concluded that our boat was
only a floating log, and took no further trouble. After
getting, as we supposed, out of danger, we again seized the
paddles, and an hour of vigorous work brought us to the river's
mouth, and out on the broader Tennessee.

"We were very reluctant to abandon the river navigation, but it
was manifestly dangerous to continue it further, and useless as
well, unless we were prepared to take the risk of running by
Chattanooga. So we rowed to the north side of the Tennessee,
and turned our trusty craft adrift, while we started across the
mountains. The first road we crossed gave evidence of the
passage of a large body of troops, and thus warned us that we
were probably in danger of becoming entangled in the scouts and
detachments of Bragg's army, now on its retreat from Kentucky.
Two boys we found by a fire in a school-house--they had been
out 'coon'-hunting--confirmed this report. Soon we saw their
camp-fires, and ascending a mountain, where we supposed we
would be safer than in the valleys, waited for morning. When it
came, an appalling sight met our view,--a large division of
Bragg's army, with its seemingly endless baggage-trains, well
guarded by cavalry, was spread out beneath us. All day long
we watched their movements from our eyrie with breathless
anxiety. We resolved at night to turn to the northeast instead
of keeping due north, as we had intended. Before we had gone
far, Hawkins whispered in my ear, 'Dorsey, we mustn't crack any
corn to-night.' Rebel pickets and scouts were no doubt on every
side of us. The mountain-side was steep and covered with loose
stones, where travelling, even by day, would have been
difficult; at night, in the presence of the enemy, it was
terrible! We came to a picket, and were only saved from running
right into it by the snuffling of a horse. We slipped away a
short distance from the road, and lay down. Soon a squad of
cavalry passed up the road, and we crossed it right behind
them, anxious to get out of that dangerous neighborhood while
the sound of their hoofs drowned any noise we might make. We
moved very cautiously, again ascended the mountain-side, and
near daybreak came to a halt and went into camp,--that is, hid
in the brush.

"When the light came we could see the enemy no more, but heard
his wagons rumbling off in the distance. The immediate danger
from that source was over. Our stock of provision, which was
only a little parched corn, was almost exhausted; and as the
mountain seemed to be uninhabited, we resolved to move forward
in the afternoon. We found a negro, who, for a wonder, could
not or would not give any provisions or information. Late in
the night we rested, tying some bushes together to make a rude
shelter, and both sleeping, for nature was almost overcome.
Food and water were also very low, but in the morning we
pressed on, halting when our waning strength failed, and going
on when strength allowed.

"Very impressive were some of the hours spent in watching on
the Cumberland Mountains. One of us would sleep in perfect
trust, while the other watched and thought. The lofty peaks,
the wide landscape, and the rising and setting sun were doubly
solemn in the profound silence, and amid the mighty forests of
that region. I can never forget the beauty of nature associated
with so much of peril.

"But there were other hours of very prosaic toil. Once we had
to force our way on hands and knees through a mass of briers a
quarter of a mile wide. Several times we hunted persimmons by
moonlight,--Hawkins shaking them off, while I crawled on hands
and knees _feeling_ for them. Many adventures similar to those
already narrated were encountered. Near a ford of the
Sequatchie River we found a quilted skirt hanging out, which we
appropriated, tore in two, and, making a hole in the middle of
each piece for our heads, found ourselves possessed of passable
undershirts, which we needed sorely, as it was now colder than
ever. The ford was waded with our clothes taken off and tied on
our heads.

"For two days more we travelled and rested alternately in the
mountains, hungry, wet with the rain that now began to fall,
and as solitary as if we were the only inhabitants of the
globe. Near sundown of the second day we heard some
wood-choppers far below us. We were so weak that we repeatedly
fell as we descended the mountain-side. Hunger was so extreme
that we resolved to try for food from them, using the best
story we could frame. We told them we were Confederate
soldiers, who had been left in a hospital, from which we had
run away, and were now trying to get to our regiments; also
that we were without money, and wanted food. They refused to do
anything for us; said that soldiers had already eaten them
nearly out. This reception encouraged us. To test them further
we talked of _our cause_, its justice, certainty of success,
etc. They did not pretend to agree with us, and, finally, told
us that we were in what had been called 'Lincoln District,'
because only two votes were cast there for secession. The
conversation led them to a flat avowal that they were Union
men. We then cautiously revealed the fact that we were soldiers
on the same side, and the hospitality which had been denied
before was now readily extended."

[Illustration: DORSEY AND HAWKINS IN THE CUMBERLAND MOUNTAINS.
Page 272.]

This proved to be a station on the "Underground Railroad," which had
been organized since the opening of the war for the escape of Union men
and prisoners to the Union lines in Kentucky. After the fugitives had
completely proved their character, they were put under the conduct of a
local celebrity, known as "Red Fox," from his skill in eluding the
enemy. He conducted them for some distance, and gave them directions to
the next point, and from this they were directed to another. Thus they
were forwarded swiftly and in comparative safety. Dorsey dwells with
great gusto upon the good food and generous treatment received from
these loyal mountaineers, who had no hope of a reward, but were glad to
do anything for their loved and imperilled country. His expressions of
gratitude are also frequent and hearty. One man gave them the only
dollar he had, and would not hear of a refusal. Some very narrow escapes
were run even after they were thus among friends, but they finally
reached Somerset, Kentucky. At first they were received with some
suspicion by the Union officials, but, as soon as their true character
was established, they enjoyed the enthusiastic welcome accorded to each
one of the railroad party who returned from "the valley of the shadow of
death."

CHAPTER XVIII.

FROM ATLANTA TO THE GULF.

No fugitives passed through more romantic adventures than Wood and
Wilson. The southward course they took saved them from an energetic
pursuit, but their unwillingness to trust the negroes exposed them to
imminent peril of starvation. The idea that any of our party would seek
for the Gulf blockading squadron probably never entered the head of any
pursuer. It was well that this route was chosen by Wilson, for in no
other way could he possibly have succeeded in carrying his sick comrade
with him. The manner in which poor Wood, who had been for months
suffering from fever, and was scarcely able to walk about the jail, was
taken from "Atlanta to the sea" by a starving comrade, would seem a most
improbable invention if met in a work of fiction. I extract the complete
account of the escape, with a few unimportant omissions, from "The
Adventures of Alf. Wilson," written by himself, and first published in
book form in Toledo, 1880. The account begins in the Atlanta jail-yard.
The necessity for immediate flight was first seen by Wood, who
exclaimed,--

"'Alf, come on, quick! the boys are getting over the fence at
the back of the jail; hurry up, for there's a company of guards
coming double-quick.'

"This was my old comrade, Mark Wood, and his voice was the
first warning I had of the danger that threatened me, or of the
necessary change in our programme.

"'Then bounce that fence!' I yelled. We both reached the top of
the high fence at the same instant, and not a second too soon,
for, as I glanced over my shoulder from the fence-top, I saw
the guards with gleaming muskets pouring in at the gate, and
before I could throw my leg over and spring off a volley was
fired, the balls rattling and whizzing all about us. One bullet
struck the picket under my thigh, and so close that the
splinters lacerated my flesh, and as my feet struck the ground
on the outside, I said to Mark, 'I am hit.'

"'Get up and run like----!' exclaimed Mark.

"I was on my feet in an instant, not knowing whether my thigh
was shattered or not. As I ran I clapped my hand there to see
if it bled freely. I pulled away a lot of splinters, and had
the satisfaction of finding that I had received only a slight
flesh wound made by the picket splinters. Never did I make
better use of my legs; there was need of it, too, for the balls
were spatting about us in the dirt uncomfortably near. They
came so thick and closely at one time that I was almost certain
that one or both of us would be hit; but we answered their
cries of 'Halt! halt!' by springing forward with all the speed
we could command.

"It was about a mile before we struck the cover of woods, and
then the trees were so scattering that they afforded only a
doubtful place for concealment. It was now every man for
himself, and, like the Duke of Wellington at Waterloo, we
longed for darkness or some other friendly interposition in our
behalf. Wood had come up with me, and we dodged stealthily from
one thicket to another until it began to grow quite dark, when
we breathed easier and acted more deliberately, although we
well knew we were not out of danger yet.

"About this time, we became aware that we were approaching a
public road. We soon had warning that it was much better to
halt, and not attempt to cross the road. The sound of galloping
horsemen in great numbers and the clanking of sabres could be
heard near by. We were so nearly out of breath that we could
run no farther for the present, and, on looking hastily about,
discovered a low, scrubby pine-bush surrounded with shrubbery.
We both darted under its protecting shelter, and lay flat on
the ground on our faces, neither having spoken a word to the
other for some minutes, on account of our great exhaustion. We
were so near the road that we could plainly see all the
movements of the rebel cavalry, who were deploying their line
something in the manner of skirmishers.

"This presented an unexpected difficulty in our way. If we had
reached the road two minutes sooner we might have crossed
without being seen, but we could not have been there an instant
sooner than we were, unless we had had wings, for we had both
run until we were ready to fall in our tracks. We had become
separated from the rest of the party, but could still hear the
reports of muskets, and knew that the pursuit was still going
on, but how many of the escaping party had been killed was
beyond our knowledge, though I had seen Captain Fry reeling and
stumbling in a manner that led me to fear he was shot. We were
thus compelled to lie quietly for some time. While we were
waiting here the cavalry was relieved by infantry, and formed
into squads to scour the woods.

"The place where we lay was not over fifteen steps from where
the infantry sentinel was stationed. We could hear every word
he spoke to the man on the next post. Their comments on the
affair at the jail would have been amusing to us under less
serious circumstances, and I wish I could give their words
exactly now, for they were ludicrous enough.

"Some time late in the evening, while we were still lying under
the bush, we became aware that some one was approaching us very
quietly. In the dark we could recognize the dim outlines of two
men, and we felt certain, as they came so near us that we could
have almost touched them, that it was two of our comrades; but
we dare not even whisper to them, lest we should cause them to
betray themselves, and, perhaps, us too. They were, evidently,
from the cautious manner in which they moved, aware that they
were very close to the rebel guards. These men, I afterwards
learned, were Porter and Wollam.

"After waiting a short time to see if they were discovered, and
hearing nothing of them, we began to crawl out, concluding that
there was no probability of the guards leaving that night. I
should judge the sentries were stationed about thirty paces
apart, and to get out there was no alternative but to pass
between them. I selected a place and crawled to the other side
of the road safely, and then lay perfectly still, while Mark
did the same. My hair fairly stood on end as he wriggled along,
for it seemed to me once or twice as if one of the sentries
would certainly discover him before he would reach me. This was
one of our most narrow escapes.

"We were no more than safely across the road when a new and
unseen obstacle, in the shape of a high fence, presented
itself, over which we must climb before we could breathe free.
We crawled carefully to the fence, and by great patience and
much care, one at a time, managed to get over without
attracting the attention of the guards. We felt as if we had
accomplished quite an achievement when at last we had escaped
beyond the fence a few steps and found ourselves in an open
field, where we could push ahead noiselessly, and when, at
last, we got away entirely out of hearing, we struck out on a
full run. At the far side of the field we came to a small
stream, in which we travelled some distance in the water, to
take precaution against pursuit by dogs. Soon after, we struck
a thick piece of woods on the slope of a hill-side, which we
continued to ascend under the thick foliage for some time. But,
at last, exhausted Nature asserted her full sway, and we were
compelled to lie down and rest out of sheer inability to go
farther.

"Up to this time, I think, neither of us had spoken any more
than if we had been dumb. As we threw ourselves on the ground,
without breath or strength to go farther, we began to realize
the weak, helpless condition we were in. It did not appear as
if our limbs were strong enough to carry us five miles a day.
When we looked forward to the long journey ahead of us, the
hunger and fatigue, it looked a little discouraging. I think,
however, a portion of this sense of physical prostration was
caused by the sudden relaxation from the great mental strain
and excitement which had been upon us from the time of the
jail-break and immediately preceding it. This, with the intense
exertion in running, in our enfeebled condition, had wellnigh
unnerved us. We were wild, too, almost, with joy at our escape.

"But we had but little time to rest, rejoice, or feel thankful
in. Many contingencies yet stood between us and the goal of our
hopes. Many armed enemies; many long, weary miles of travel;
many rivers lay across our path, and many days of hunger and
many sleepless nights, if we would succeed.

"Before we escaped from the prison I studied over the subject
of routes very carefully. I had seen enough of night travel in
the mountains about Chattanooga and along the Tennessee River,
and well knew that the probabilities of our being picked up,
should we go in that direction, would be very much greater. I
therefore decided in my own mind that I would strike out for
the Gulf, and try to reach some of the vessels of the Federal
blockading squadron. While this would be much the longest
route,--the distance, as near as I could calculate, being over
three hundred miles,--I thought there would be less vigilance
and liability of pursuit in that direction. In this conjecture
it turned out that I was correct. The country was entirely
unknown to me, except a slight general idea I had of it from
the school geographies. I only knew that the waters of the
Chattahoochee River, which flowed west of Atlanta, entered the
Gulf.

"While we rested on the hill-side I communicated, in a whisper,
to Mark my views, and he readily agreed that he would go in any
direction I thought best. Accordingly, we rose up and walked to
an open place where we could see the stars, and soon determined
our course, which was to be slightly south of west, and at once
we set out as fast as we could travel. We spoke no words as we
walked on, and went as noiselessly as possible, for we were on
the lookout for scouting parties of cavalrymen that might be
prowling about.

"We soon came to the railroad track leading from Atlanta to
Columbus, and knew from this that our course was about right.
Our march led us through some rough country, and we were
compelled to rest quite frequently, so that when it began to
grow light in the east we estimated that we were about eight
miles from the prison. We sought out a secluded retreat for the
day, and after getting each of us a stout stick, which would
answer either as a weapon or a walking-stick, we lay down and
slept until late in the afternoon. We woke up much rested, but
were so lame and our feet were so sore that we could hardly
take a step without excruciating pain. We were hungry, and the
scanty morsel of corn-bread we had brought from the prison the
previous evening did not go far towards satisfying our sharp
appetites. But it was all we had, and we ate it and were
thankful, although we did not know where or when we would get
our next rations.

"I now saw a difficulty in this attempt to get away that we did
not encounter in our first attempt to reach the Federal lines.
Our clothes had become dirty and ragged, and we had a sort of
jail-bird look, that it seemed to me would betray us if we were
seen. I was brought to a realization of this fact as I looked
at Wood, when we sat together in silence beneath the great tree
where we had taken shelter, waiting for the friendly mantle of
darkness to shield our movements. And I suppose my own
appearance was no more prepossessing than his. The miserable
garments he wore did not cover his nakedness. His face was
begrimed with dirt almost set in the skin. He had become thin
and emaciated with fever, and had a ravenous appetite; his eyes
were sunken in his head and seemed to have the wild, unnatural
glare of a madman, which at times almost made me shudder. The
poor fellow's pitiable appearance, as he sat there despondently
and longingly gazing down on the beautiful valley below, was
such as to appeal to a heart of stone. Yet I knew that it was
unsafe for us to go to a house, and we agreed not to be seen by
a human being if we could avoid it. I felt certain that if we
should meet any one, our appearance would at once betray us. We
were in a country where we could not expect to find a friend,
unless, possibly, it might be the negroes, of whom, as a class,
we knew but very little. We were so weak, and the mental strain
and long-continued anxiety, in which we had lived from day to
day, had had the effect of making us, I may say, foolishly
suspicious and timid of everything. We were startled at every
sudden noise, and crouched like sneaking wolves from the sight
of man.

"While in the midst of unpleasant thoughts, Mark broke the long
silence by raising his head and saying, 'Alf, it is time for us
to go.'

"Our journey that night took us through a corn-field, where we
pulled a few ears of corn and chewed it as we went along. I
remember it was hard and made my jaws very tired, but it helped
to quiet my gnawing hunger. It was much better than nothing.
After a toilsome night's journey, guided by the stars, and over
a very rough county, in which we entirely avoided roads, we
again secreted ourselves as the streaks of gray began to appear
in the east, and, after scraping up a pile of leaves, lay down
for the day. When we awoke, late in the afternoon, we found
that our feet were so bruised and sore, and that we were
otherwise so lame, and withal so weak from hunger, that it
taxed our endurance to the utmost to take a single step. We
each took from our pockets an ear of corn, and after crunching
and swallowing what we could, we put the rest in our clothes
and hobbled off, making but very slow time for the first mile
or so. It was in the month of October, and the nights were
pretty cool, which, in our poorly-clad condition, compelled
us to keep moving all the time to keep comfortably warm.

"The next morning came and still we had not reached the river.
Again we hid ourselves and slept through the day. When night
came and we tried to walk, we found our feet in such a
deplorable condition that it did not seem possible for us to go
farther. Mark crawled some distance on his hands and knees,
and, looking back at me, said in an appealing tone, 'Alf,
what's a fellow's life but a curse to him when he has to drag
it out in this way? I would rather be dead and done with it.'

"I encouraged him, telling him the worst was over and we would
soon reach the river. I suppose we had shaped our course a
little too far south, and thus made the distance longer than it
would otherwise have been. We struggled on for some time,
crawling where the ground was stony, and stopping very often to
temporarily quell the pain in our feet. I was a little ahead,
and, as the breeze fanned my aching temples, I thought I heard
to our right the lull of running water. I told Mark and cheered
him up. We forgot our tortures for the time being and scrambled
on quite lively, and soon after had the satisfaction of
standing on the banks of the Chattahoochee.

"De Soto did not feel more joy when he first discovered the
Mississippi, the great Father of Waters, nor was the ecstasy of
Balboa greater, when, from the cloud-capped summits of Darien,
his eyes first beheld the vast expanse of water which he named
the Pacific Ocean. Like that great discoverer, we waded out
into the water, carrying neither naked sword nor the banner of
our country like he, to take possession of our discovery in the
name of our rulers, but to bathe our painful feet and cool our
parched throats.

"We made certain of the direction the river current ran, and
started southward in high hopes, although the temptation to go
northward to our friends was very strong. We now wanted a boat,
and, not long after we started, fortune had another pleasant
surprise in store for us, for we came upon a skiff safely
moored, with lock and chain, to a tree. After carefully
inspecting the surroundings to see that no prying eyes were
peering on us, we 'loosened' the lock with a stone, and in a
few minutes after were smoothly gliding down the current of the
great river, and I doubt if two more joyful mortals ever
navigated a canoe than we two, with that stolen little craft.

"What a happy change! Our weary limbs and painful feet now had
a rest, and yet we were gliding noiselessly on our journey.
What wonderful teachers hardship and stern necessity are!
Discontented mortals do not half appreciate the blessings they
have until they have been pupils in the school of adversity. I
felt as if this chilly night's ride, in a little stolen boat,
on a strange river, whose shores were hidden by Plutonian
shadows, was the best and most grateful that I ever had, or
ever expected to enjoy.

"We pulled off our old boots and bathed our lacerated feet in
the water, and quenched the tormenting thirst caused by the
indigestible hard corn, which was now our only nourishment. We
kept our paddles pretty busy, as we wished to get as far away
as possible from where we took the boat before the dawn of day.
When daylight began to appear, we paddled our craft into a
bayou, safe from view, and secreted ourselves in a thicket for
the day.

"Four days and nights had now passed since we had eaten food,
except the morsel of corn-bread we brought out of the prison.
We lay down to sleep the day away, but between our great hunger
and the swarms of mosquitoes we could get but little rest. I
could, while sleeping, see in my dreams tables spread and
groaning with loads of good things to eat; bread, meat, cheese,
coffee, biscuit, and butter were all within my reach, and were
vanishing before my ravenous appetite, when, in the midst of
the great pleasures of this feast, I would suddenly waken to a
sense of the reality of the case, and what a maddening
disappointment I would feel. With this disturbed sort of rest
we worried through the day, the demands of hunger and our
stomachs getting the better of nature's demand for rest, until
at last we grew desperate, and at early twilight, in the
evening, pulled out of the little bayou, determined on a raid
of some sort on a house for food.

"We spied a house some distance from the river-bank, which we
thought from appearances we could capture with a plausible
story or by force.

"On approaching, we saw in its immediate vicinity quite a
number of negro cabins, and in the yard surrounding the house
about twenty blood-hounds chained to the fence, indicating that
these were the premises of an extensive planter. The only
occupants of the house were an old man and woman. We apologized
for disturbing them, and told them we were soldiers who had
been on furlough returning to our regiments at Atlanta, and
wished directions to the ferry (we had discovered a ferry as we
came down); also, that we were hungry and wanted to get
something to eat, provided they felt like feeding hungry
soldiers without money, as we had had no pay for some time, and
were both moneyless and in bad health, Mark's appearance
proving this latter assertion. It was quite dark, however, and
they could not see us very distinctly, but they evidently
credited our story, for they told us to be seated and we would
soon be made welcome to such food as they had.

"They were a couple of quite intelligent but unsophisticated
old people, in comfortable circumstances, living, as most
Southerners did, away from any highway, and we gained their
confidence so far as to feel ourselves assured from suspicion.
I had been in Dixie so long that I had acquired, from the
guards and citizens, their vernacular of speech quite
perfectly; besides this, we had learned the names of officers
and the number of different regiments, such as the Eighth
Georgia Cavalry, Fifth Tennessee Infantry, etc., until we
were able to tell quite a plausible story, if not too closely
questioned.

"We asked the old man if there was any late news. He said,
'Nothing, except that the Yankee raiders had seized the Atlanta
jailer, overpowered the guards, and a number of them escaped
and had not yet been caught.' We expressed great surprise that
such a piece of audacity could be made successful in Atlanta.
The old man said, 'They were a desperate, dangerous lot of
scoundrels, who ought to have been hung long ago.' He said many
of them stood up and fought the soldiers with clubs and bricks,
even after the guards had shot them through, and finally they
jumped the high fence and ran like deer.

"In the mean time we had devoured everything the good woman had
set before us on the table. We were ashamed, but our hunger was
so much stronger than our sense of shame that we could not
leave off, and, if we had not been in a hurry, we would have
waited for her to have prepared another meal for us. She said
she regretted that she had not more cooked to set before us,
but we told her she had been very kind, and thanked them, at
the same time bidding them good-night, when we started off, as
they supposed, for the ferry. A short time afterwards we were
in our boat pulling down-stream with more vigorous energy than
we had before. We kept up a steady stroke of the paddles for
some hours, feeling that each stroke placed so much more
distance between us and the prison.

"While we were thus moving along with steady, cautious stroke,
high in the hopes of the future, I suddenly, quicker than a
flash, found myself lying flat on my back in the river. What on
earth had happened I did not know, the accident had been so
sudden. I thought of earthquakes, whales, sharks, torpedoes,
and many other things. Luckily, one of my feet caught on the
side of the boat, and I drifted with it until Mark came to my
assistance and pulled me out. The cause of my mishap had been a
ferry-boat wire, which was stretched across the river, and hung
just low enough to catch me fairly as I sat in the stern of the
boat. It struck Mark, but he sat in the middle, and fell into
the bottom of the boat. We were going at a good speed, and the
collision came so suddenly that it is a wonder we did not fare
worse. Fortunately, there were no guards at the ferry, so we
had no cause to apprehend discovery or molestation. My greatest
mishap was a thorough wetting, for the night was frosty and
cold, and caused me to chill.

"This was followed in the after part of the night by a stupor
that I could not shake off, and my continued efforts at the
paddle had wellnigh exhausted me. Mark could not manage the
boat very well, as he had tried it a number of times. But I
felt that I must have rest and sleep, and so gave the boat over
into his hands, enjoining him to keep it in the current. I lay
down in the bottom of the boat, and soon sank into a state of
forgetfulness and sleep. I do not know how long I had slept,
but some time in the night Mark aroused me, and told me we
could go no farther, as we had come 'to the end of the river.'
It was some time before he could awaken me fully to
consciousness, so that I could comprehend our situation.

"At last I began to look around, to determine what Mark's 'end
of the river' meant. I soon discovered that he had run the boat
away under a ledge of the mountain, and a dim light could only
be seen in one direction. All else around us was impenetrable
darkness. I took the paddle, and worked the boat in the
direction of the light, and in a little while we emerged from
beneath this overhanging mountain ledge, and again reached the
current of the river, down which the boat was soon rapidly
gliding. Mark now discovered that the 'end of the river' had
not yet been reached, but he did not care to take charge of the
boat again.

"Shortly after this adventure we perceived that we were not to
have smooth sailing all the way. The river began to grow rough,
and the water ran over benches and ledges of rocks, and, in
places, with great velocity, so much so that we narrowly
escaped being 'broken up' on several occasions during this
night's journey. We passed over a number of places that we
would not have dared to risk in daylight, when we could have
seen the danger. It seemed to grow worse and worse as we went
on, when daylight warned us that it was time to tie up and
hide, which we did, and, the day being warm and pleasant, we
had a comfortable rest,--the best since our escape.

"On the following night we came to a mill-dam, where the water,
judging from the noise, poured over in great volume and force.
We manoeuvred around for some time above it, not knowing what
to do, but finally discovered what appeared to be an apron near
the centre of the dam, and decided to risk running it.
Accordingly, we rowed up-stream some distance to get under good
headway, then turning the head of the boat down-stream, we bent
to our paddles with all our might. We came down with the
velocity of an express-train. What we supposed might have been
an apron, was nothing but a break in the dam, and over it we
shot like an arrow, shutting our eyes and holding our breath.
In an instant after, we landed (luckily right side up) away
below in the midst of the angry, foaming torrent, and plying
our paddles right vigorously, and keeping the bow of our boat
down-stream, we rode out safely, but then and there 'swore off'
on running mill-dams in the night.

"We continued our journey, though the river was still rough and
growing worse. We were constantly among rocks and foaming,
headlong torrents of water, while steep rocky walls confined
the stream to very narrow limits, and dark, shadowy mountain
peaks loomed up in the background, reminding us of the
Tennessee about Chattanooga. We went on from bad to worse,
until at last, during the latter part of the night, we were
incautiously drawn into a gorge, where it seemed that the
destruction of our boat was inevitable. Such was the force and
velocity of the water, that we lost all control of the boat,
and in one instant would be spinning around in a furious eddy
until our heads were fairly dizzy, and in the next we would be
dashed against the rocks until it seemed as if our boat would
be splintered to pieces. We regarded our escape here as the
narrowest we had made, and as quick as we could do so with
safety we landed on the rocks and, with many regrets, abandoned
our little craft to begin a tedious, toilsome land journey of
three days and nights over rocky hills, bluffs, and mountains
along the river.

"Just as we landed from the boat Mark started to walk out, and,
losing his balance, fell headlong into the river. With
considerable difficulty I fished him out, and, the early
morning being quite cool, the poor fellow was chilled through
and through, and it was with the greatest difficulty that I
finally succeeded in getting him up into the mountains, and
continued to exercise him by walking, so as to get up a good
circulation of his blood. But he became so benumbed that I
finally let him lie down, and gathered a lot of cedar boughs
and piled them thickly over him, and then crawled in with him
myself, and kept him as warm as possible. Here we slept and
rested until late in the afternoon of that day, which became
very warm under the bright rays of the sun.

"Our progress was very slow, and towards the last extremely
painful. The old bruises and blisters on our feet, which were
not entirely healed, came back worse than ever, and much of the
time we crept along on the rocks on our hands and knees,
believing that if once we could get below this range of
mountains, we would find navigable waters. We came in sight of
several isolated cabins in these wild, rocky hills, where we
managed to beg a little food on two different occasions, which
helped us very much. The suffering we endured on our last
night's travel I cannot describe. It seemed as if we must give
up and die where we were. But at last, when daylight came, to
our great delight we saw the spires and smoke-stacks of a town
in the distance. We knew this to be Columbus, Georgia, and that
when we got below it the river was navigable clear to the Gulf.

"We now deemed it prudent to hide ourselves for the day, which
we had not done in the mountains, and wait for the friendly
cloak of darkness. When night came we made a long, careful
detour away out around the suburbs of the town, and at last had
the satisfaction of again reaching the river-bank, below the
town, where we found good shelter among the dense grapevines
and drift-wood. By this time it was nearly morning again, and,
like beasts of prey, we betook ourselves to a safe
hiding-place.

"During all the time we had been in the vicinity of the town we
had heard a constant clattering sound, as of a hundred workmen
with hammers. This noise came from near the river, where there
appeared also to be a great light. When daylight came the noise
still continued, and we were near enough so that we could see
that it was caused by a large number of workmen engaged on a
vessel, which they were covering with iron. The boat appeared
to be very large and of great strength, and evidently was
intended for a warlike purpose. On closer inspection the
following night I found that she was a powerfully-built
gunboat, which they were evidently in great haste to complete,
as the hammers of the workmen never ceased on her, night or
day, nor for a single moment.

"This gunboat was none other than the rebel ram
'Chattahoochee,' a formidable iron monster, built as an engine
of destruction for the blockading fleet in Appalachicola Bay.
The first knowledge the Navy Department had of her was through
Wood and myself. The ram, on her first downward trip, blew up
near the mouth of Flint River, and never reached the Gulf.

"Our great anxiety now was to secure a boat. Wood was so lame
he could not walk, and I was not much better. This delayed us
here two days and nights. During the nights I was prowling
about, up and down, trying to discover some sort of a craft
that would float. In my reconnoitring about the gunboat I had
discovered an old skiff chained to a stump quite near and in
plain sight of the workmen, to some of whom, no doubt, it
belonged. I secured a stout stick for a lever, and crept to the
stump to which the boat was chained, when, watching my
opportunity, I got a pry in such a manner as to break the lock
on the chain. The lights shone so brightly that I could plainly
see the men's eyes, and I very much feared they would notice
me. However, I worked off with the boat carefully, and half an
hour after I had Mark aboard, and we were pulling rapidly
down-stream. We found our prize to be a leaky old concern, and
one of us was constantly busy keeping her bailed out.

"After we had drifted down some miles, we spied three boats
tied to the shore on the Alabama side of the river, and as we
had been giving our attention entirely to the Georgians all
along, we concluded to trade boats on that side of the river,
provided we could secure a better boat. Just as we had loosened
the one we selected, three men with a pack of dogs came down
the hill towards us, and the head man, evidently the owner,
began hallooing to us and calling us slanderous names, such as
thieves and the like. We did not stop to bandy words with the
fellows, but speedily shoved all the boats into the river, and
took a course up the river, as though we were going towards
Columbus. They rent the air with curses upon our heads. In the
course of fifteen or twenty minutes they had secured the boats
we shoved into the stream, and with the lights they carried we
could distinctly see that they were bent on pursuing us. We
took a wide circuit, and then headed downward under cover of
the willows, behind several small islands near the Georgia
shore, and came out in the main stream far below the islands,
while we had the satisfaction of seeing the lights of our
pursuers disappearing up the river and prowling about the upper
end of the islands, which we were now leaving far behind. We
soon lost sight of them, and the strong presumption is that
they never succeeded in finding their boat.

"We increased our speed, and kept under the shadows of the
wooded shores as much as possible, congratulating each other on
our lucky boat trade. With a good boat and an open river we
felt now that our chances of escape were exceedingly good, and
our spirits were buoyant and hopes high, although our stomachs
were craving food. But on we swept, hour after hour, down the
broad river, happy in the thought that we were fast placing
scores of miles between us and the hated prison. The rest given
our feet had much allayed the pain we suffered, and when
morning came and we had secreted ourselves for the day, we
slept well, but awoke in the afternoon ravenously desperate for
want of something to eat.

"We went out, and, reconnoitring a little, discovered a
corn-field. Making sure that there was no one about, we stole
into the field and found plenty of corn and pumpkins. The hard
corn and river water did not go well together, and proved to be
an unpleasant diet to us, so we broke up the pumpkins, ate
freely of the seed, and filled our pockets with more for lunch,
each of us taking also a few ears of corn. By the time we got
back it was nearly dark, and we pulled out. The pumpkin-seed
diet, poor as it was, helped us wonderfully, and we made a big
night's journey, passing a steamboat upward bound, which we
dodged by pulling under the shadows of the timber and
low-hanging bushes.

"Thus we progressed, travelling by boat at night and laying by
in the daytime. If any reader of this story has ever made a
trip on the lower end of the Chattahoochee River, I think he or
she will agree with me when I say that the river scenery is
peculiarly monotonous and causes a sense of loneliness. It is a
vast water-path through dense forests of cypress and other
swamp-growing timber. On either side, to the right and left,
were endless swamps covered with water, and the river-channel
was only observable by its being free from logs and gigantic
trees. Great festoons of gray and sombre moss hung suspended
from even the topmost limbs of these trees, reaching clear down
to the water, and floated and swung to the music of the sighing
winds. Perhaps it was the circumstances in our case that made
us feel so, but I remember it as a dismal, lonesome journey.
Sometimes we would not see a sign of civilization for
forty-eight hours at a stretch.

"Besides the torments of hunger, our nights were made almost
unendurable by the swarms of blood-thirsty mosquitoes, which
came upon us in clouds. I did think that I had learned
considerable about mosquitoes in my boyhood days in the Black
Swamp of Northwestern Ohio, but for numbers, vocal powers, and
ferocity I will 'trot' the Chattahoochee swamp fellows out
against any others I have ever 'met up with.' The ragged
clothing, which yet clung to our backs, did not much more
than half cover us; especially was this the case with Wood, who
was, I may truthfully say, half naked, and was thus doubly
annoyed by the omnipresent 'skeeters.' And my own condition was
but little better. To protect ourselves from the pests, we
thatched our bodies all over with great skeins of moss, and two
more comical-looking beings than we were, thus rigged out, it
would be hard to find, but it baffled the bills of our
tormentors.

"We had two other annoyances,--moccasin-snakes and alligators.
The latter, with which the water swarmed as we went farther
towards the Gulf, were a terror to me. They were a ferocious,
hungry, dangerous-looking beast at best. We knew but little of
their habits. The largest water inhabitant I had ever seen was
a Maumee River cat-fish, and the most dangerous, a Black Swamp
massasauger. Night or day these 'gators," as the Southern
negroes call them, like the mosquitoes, were always within
sight and hearing. Sometimes during the day, in order to keep
out of the water, we would take shelter in a pile of
drift-wood. When we would wake up, after a short nap, every old
log and hommock about us would be covered with 'gators.' They
would lie listlessly and lazily, with eyes almost shut, looking
hungrily and quizzically out of one corner of their wicked
peepers, as if waiting for us to leave, or for a chance to nab
one of us by the leg or arm and run. Mark grew superstitious of
these creatures. He said he had read of wolves following a
famished buffalo in the same manner, and that sharks would
hover around a ship from which a corpse was to be cast
overboard, and that, too, even days before death had occurred
or was even suspected by the sailors. But the 'gators' were
cowardly fellows, and, on the least demonstration on our part,
would scramble into the water. Still we feared that they might
steal upon and lay hold of us with their powerful jaws while we
were asleep. We had learned that they were not apt to attack,
except when the object of their voracious appetites lay quiet;
but, when once they did lay hold, that they were hard to beat
off. They will drag their victim, be it man or beast, instantly
under the water, where the struggle soon ends.

"After enduring hunger as long as we possibly could, we were
finally forced a second time since leaving Columbus to go in
search of something to eat. This, I think, was about five or
ten miles above Chattahoochee landing. It is not necessary to
relate the particulars of our search for a human habitation,
and the story of deception we told. It was a little before dark
when we struck out on foot so weak, hungry, and faint that we
could not walk many steps without resting, in search of
something or anything we could devour. We were successful, or
partially so, at least, and came back safely, much
strengthened, as well as elated over our good luck, when, to
our great dismay and chagrin, we found that our boat had been
stolen during our absence.

"It was evident some one had seen us land and watched until
we left, and then taken the boat. I cannot describe our
feelings. We scarcely knew what to do. The night was very dark,
and it rained incessantly. We waded about in the water, tall
grass and cane, and after a while found a little mound or
hommock, which projected above the water, and on which we
perched ourselves for the night. Such a dismal, long, rainy
night as it was, too! It did seem as if the mosquitoes would
carry us away piecemeal towards morning, when the rain had
ceased. Had it not been for the food we had eaten, I believe we
would have given up in despair. When morning came, we waded up
and down in the cane and grass all forenoon, and about the only
discovery we made was that another river came in just below us,
and we could not go farther without a boat.

"During the afternoon I descried something on the far side of
the river that looked like a boat partly sunk in the water, one
end only of which was out. The next trouble was to get to it,
as the river was about three-quarters of a mile wide, as near
as we could judge. We found an old piece of plank, which we
lashed on three flat rails with a grape-vine, and with a piece
of narrow stave for a paddle and to fight off 'gators,' I
twined my legs firmly around the centre of the frail craft,
while Mark pushed it off into the stream and stood at the edge
of the grass watching me. The raft sunk down until the water
came about my waist, but I stuck to it, and after about an
hour's hard work I effected a landing on the far side, and not
long after found myself rewarded in the possession of a much
better boat than the one we had lost the night before. I was
not long in bailing out the water and rowing her back to where
Mark was, whose gratitude found expression in tears and hearty
hand-shaking, as he crept into the boat with me.

"We now plied our paddles energetically for a while, until we
felt sure we had passed out of reach of the owners of the boat,
when we put into the cane and secreted ourselves until night.
After this mishap in losing our boat, we resolved that we would
not both leave again while our journey lasted, starve or no
starve. During the following day, while we were laid up waiting
for night and fighting mosquitoes, I went out, skulking about
to see what I could see, and in passing through an old field
found some fish-hooks and lines in an old vacant cabin. I
appropriated them, and we found them a godsend to us, for they
proved the means of keeping us from actual starvation.

"We must have had a touch of scurvy, for our mouths and gums
had become feverish, and our teeth were loose, and would bleed
constantly when we attempted to chew the corn. This was the
condition we were in when, providentially, we became possessed
of the fish-hooks and lines.

"And now for a feast on raw cat-fish, of which we caught a
plentiful supply as we journeyed on in the night. I have
previously neglected to mention that I had with me an old
one-bladed knife without any back, which was our only weapon,
defensive or offensive. This old knife I had secreted when we
were in the Atlanta prison, and had kept it with me as a
precious treasure during all our wanderings. With this knife
and our fingers we managed to skin and dress the fish, which we
ate raw with our soaked corn. Matches we had none, nor had we
been able to get any, and so we had no fire. I could eat only a
mouthful or two of the raw fish at a time. My stomach was weak
and feverish, and rebelled against the flesh. Still it tasted
palatable.

"Mark, poor, hungry fellow, tore it from the bones in great
mouthfuls, like a ravenous wolf, until I would beg of him to
desist, fearing the results. He would sit and crunch the bloody
flesh, and look at me with a wild, strange stare, and never
speak a word. His eyes were sunken away in his head, almost out
of sight, and as he would seize a fresh piece the pupils of his
eyes would dilate with the gloating, ferocious expression of a
panther or other carnivorous wild beast. I had frequently heard
of men losing their reason and going mad from the effects of
protracted hunger, and I sometimes shuddered as I looked at its
telling effects on poor Mark's wasted frame, and the unnatural
glare of his eyes. He would mutter and groan in his sleep, and
sometimes scream out as if pierced by a knife, when he would
suddenly start up and call my name. Towards the last of our
journey his condition was much of the time a cause of great
anxiety to me. Still, after we began to eat the fish he seemed
much better, and I only feared the unnatural quantities of the
raw flesh would kill him.

"We were now nearing the bay, as was plain to be seen, for on
each succeeding morning the river had grown wider. Finally we
became well satisfied that we were nearing a large town, which
afterwards proved to be Appalachicola, and this made us anxious
to learn something of the state of affairs below,--whether
there were rebel picket-boats, or obstructions, such as
torpedo-boats and the like.

"About this time we discovered a cabin some distance from the
shore, and, to have a plausible excuse, I took an old pipe Mark
had, and filled it with a few crumbs of tobacco which I fished
from my old coat-linings, and then taking a piece of rotten
wood which would retain fire, I left Mark with the boat and
walked over to the house to get a light for my pipe. The
occupants of the cabin proved to be an old Scotchman and his
wife. He was very inquisitive, and asked more questions than I
cared to answer. But I managed to evade suspicion, and at the
same time gained considerable information. I learned that we
were about five miles above Appalachicola, and that the Federal
blockading squadron was stationed at the mouth of the bay,
eighteen miles below the city. I hurried back to the boat, and
found Mark rejoicing over a little armful of sweet potatoes he
had stolen from a negro's canoe, which he had discovered in my
absence.

"We got into the boat and at once paddled to the other side
of the bay or river, where we entered into an inlet or creek,
up which we ran for some distance, when we came to a dense
canebrake. Here we secreted ourselves and built a little fire,
roasted fish and potatoes, parched corn, and dined in right
royal style, although we felt the need of a little salt. Two
hungry wolves never ate more ravenously than we did, although
we were obliged to restrain ourselves, and leave off while yet
hungry. It was with the utmost difficulty that I absolutely
forced Mark to quit. After eating enough for four men, as I
thought, he still begged for more. I finally induced him to go
to sleep, and stored away some of the cooked fish and sweet
potatoes for the next day.

"The information we had gained was invaluable to us, although I
felt I had obtained it at some risk. When night came on we
pulled out and passed down on the opposite side of the bay from
the city, slowly and cautiously. We had moss in the bottom, on
the sides, and in the seats of our boat for our comfort. As
soon as we had gone well past the city, whose bright lights we
could plainly see, we crossed the bay to the city side below
the city, in the hope of finding a more sea-worthy boat. We
were unable to find any other boat, however, and pulled on down
the bay as fast as we could. While going down the bay that
evening, we ran along in the midst of a large school of huge
fish of some description, from which we apprehended danger
every instant. These monsters would swim along on all sides of
us, with great fins sticking more than a foot out of the water,
and extended like a great fan. One of these fish could easily
have wrecked our boat with its huge body. We hoped to reach the
blockading fleet before daylight, but the night grew cloudy and
we were unable to tell what course we were running, as the bay
grew wider and wider as we went out. We decided the best thing
we could do was to pull for land, which we reached after
midnight, pretty well exhausted with our hard work at the
paddles. We tied up our boat and went to a thicket near by and
slept soundly.

"When we awoke in the morning, we were cheered by the beautiful
surroundings,--all just as nature had fashioned them, for the
habitation or handiwork of man was nowhere to be seen. Our
couch had been a bed of prickly grass, that caused a stinging,
itching sensation all over our bodies. We had slept in a wild
orange grove.

"We made a hasty breakfast on our fish and potatoes left from
the night previous, and started for our boat; but imagine our
surprise when we found it distant at least two hundred yards
from the water. Mark, who had lived in the old country,
explained to me that this was the effect of the ocean tide,
which had gone out since we landed, and would not come in again
until that night. There was no safe course left us but to drag
our boat to the water, which we did, after tugging at it for
about an hour.

"When we were again on the water we could see the spires and
high buildings of the city we had passed, but no sight of ships
could we see. We took our course as well as we could, and
pulled for the open sea. A little boat, which seemed to be a
fishing-smack under full sail, passed away to the leeward of
us, coming out from the city, and caused us no little concern,
but she passed off, and either did not notice us or care to
inquire who we were. We plied our paddles industriously until
about the middle of the afternoon, when we spied an island away
in the distance. We had been out of sight of land for some time
and the view of the island cheered us up a little, for we knew
if a rough sea came on that our little boat was liable to get
swamped. This island was much farther away than we had
supposed. As we neared it we were in some doubt as to whether
we should pass to the right or left of it, when our decision
was made by the discovery to the left and away in the distance
of something that had the appearance of dead trees.

"In the same direction, and right in our course, was something
that appeared like a bar or gravel-bank. We supposed the old
trees stood on another low island or bar beyond. But as we
neared this bar, that which at first seemed to be dead trees
began to take the shape of ship-masts, and we imagined that we
could see something that looked like the dark outlines of black
smoke-stacks in the blue, hazy distance. This made us quite
nervous, and we pulled away at the paddles with renewed vigor
and strength. Before we were scarcely conscious of it we were
close upon the bar, and began to be puzzled how we should get
by or around it, for it was longer than it appeared to be when
first seen. Presently we discovered a narrow, shallow channel
through it, and we were not long in getting our boat through.
As we were going through, Mark gathered in a lot of rough,
muddy-looking lumps, which I supposed were boulders, and soon
called for my old broken-backed knife, after which I saw him
open-one of the muddy chunks and eat something from it. Says I,
'Mark! you starving Yank! what in thunder are you at now?'
'Taste this,' says he, as he opened another muddy chunk, and I
lapped up from the dirty shell the sweetest oyster I had ever
tasted.

"We were in the midst of a great oyster-bed, the like of which
I had never before seen. I had never, in fact, seen an oyster
in the shell before. Mark gathered up as many as he could as
the boat passed along, and when we reached the still water we
made quite a little feast on them as we paddled on. I think I
never tasted anything so delicious. We were still very hungry,
and the moist, rich, salty flavor of the oysters seemed to suit
our weak, famished stomachs to a nicety.

"But our little feast was soon cut short by the certain
discovery that the dead trees were nothing less than the masts
of vessels. We could now plainly see the yards, cross-trees,
and great smoke-stacks. We dropped the oysters in the bottom of
the boat, and, though quite exhausted, the sight of the vessels
so renewed our strength that we made the little boat scud over
the still water at a lively rate. Soon we could see the long,
graceful streamers waving from the peaks of the masts, and
the outlines of the dark, sombre-looking hulls of the ships.

[Illustration: SAVED AT SEA.
Page 290.]

"We were now nearing the ships very fast, and were a little
anxious to see their colors, as we had become so suspicious of
everybody and everything that we half feared running into the
clutches of our enemies. But we were not long in suspense, for
suddenly a little breeze sprang up, and I shall never forget my
joy on seeing the old flag, the glorious old stars and stripes,
as they unfolded to the ocean breeze, and seemed to extend
their beneficent protection over us, after nearly eight months
of terrible bondage. We could see the field of blue, studded
with its golden stars, and the stripes of white and red! Yes,
it was our flag, old _E Pluribus Unum_! We threw down our
paddles in the boat, and stood up and yelled and screamed and
cried like a couple of foolish boys lost in the woods. We could
not restrain ourselves. Mark wanted to jump overboard and swim
to the ships, although we were yet, perhaps, nearly a mile
away,--at least too far to swim in his condition. After we
recovered our senses a little, we picked up the paddles and
began rowing again, directing our course towards the largest
vessel.

"It seems now like a dream to me,--that joyful day,--the most
joyful, I was about to say, of my life. I believe there were
three vessels in sight. In steering for the largest one,
although it was the most distant, we had to pass some distance
in front of the bow of a smaller ship or boat. We were now
getting so close that we could plainly see the officers and men
on the decks in their neat, blue uniforms. We could see the
port-holes in the sides of the ships, and the black muzzles of
the cannon projecting out. This gave us much assurance, and we
said to ourselves, 'Good-by, rebs! We are out of your clutches
at last!'

"We were rowing our insignificant-looking little boat right
along, just as though we intended to capture the biggest vessel
in the fleet, when a gruff voice from the ship, whose bow we
were passing, commanded us to 'Come to, there!' At the same
time we saw a grim-looking old sea-dog, in nice uniform,
leaning over the rail, motioning us in with his hand. We turned
the bow of our little boat towards him, and, when we came
within better speaking distance, he interrogated us, in
stentorian voice, about as follows:

"'Who in ---- are you, and what are you paddling under my guns
in this manner for?'

"We were half-terrified by the old fellow's angry, stern
manner, and did not know but we had at last fallen into the
hands of a rebel cruiser under false colors. We did not know
what to say to this unexpected, angry interrogation. We paddled
on very slowly, while the sailors and officers began to gather
in little squads, and look at us with mingled curiosity and
merriment.

"Presently, the officer hailed us again, with about the same
questions. I now stood up in our boat, and answered that we
were two men trying to get back to God's country, among
friends. I was now quite uneasy, and suspicious of the
situation, and kept my eyes on the officer, for I perceived he
was the commander. I shall never forget his stern but puzzled
look as we came up under the bow of his vessel. We had been so
overjoyed and excited that we had forgotten to pull the old
moss, which covered our nakedness and protected us from the
sun, from our backs, and we must have looked like scare-crows
or swamp-dragons. I cannot speak so well of my own appearance
then, but can see Mark Wood, just as he was on that joyful day,
and a more comical, forlorn, starved-looking being cannot well
be imagined.

"In our boat were a few cat-fish partly skinned, some oysters
in the shell, some ears of scorched corn, a lot of moss, and
our old boots, for our feet were yet sore, and we went
bare-footed when in the boat.

"After scrutinizing us in silence for some little time, as we
drifted up closer and closer, he again demanded of us some
account of our strange conduct and appearance. I told him we
were enlisted Federal soldiers, and belonged to the command of
General O. M. Mitchel, in Tennessee, to which he growled
something about our being 'a ---- long ways from camp.' I then
explained to him briefly that we were fugitives, and the causes
that led to it; that we were nearly famished with hunger, and
that, after skulking through mountains and river by night, we
had at last sought protection under the old flag and the guns
of his ship.

"I could see that his manner towards us had changed. He plainly
saw the indications of our distress. He said he had heard of
the raiding expedition we spoke of, and commanded us to row up
to the ladder and come up the ship's side. We did so, and Wood
went up the steps first. The poor fellow's agitation and joy
were so great, and he was so weak, that he could scarcely raise
his feet from step to step on the ladder or stairs. The
commander, seeing his weak, faltering condition, leaned over
the rail, as Wood came up, and, reaching out, took hold to
assist him, and, as he did so, the rotten bit of old moss,
which covered Mark's shoulder and back, all pulled off, and
exposed his emaciated, bony skeleton, which, in truth, was
nothing but skin and bones. The well-fed, sleek-looking sailors
seemed to look on in horror, but not more so than the
generous-hearted commander, who was moved almost to tears as he
was reaching over to help me as I came to the top of the
step-ladder. They stared at us in silent wonderment, while the
sailors looked down into our little boat with comical
curiosity."

We need not linger over the royal reception the poor fugitives met, or
their joy as they partook of the hospitality of the commander, or even
their still greater joy when they returned to friends and comrades, who
had long mourned them as dead. From the bright termination of their
sufferings we must turn, with deep reluctance, to the story of the
unfortunate six, still in the power of the enemy.

CHAPTER XIX.

FROM ATLANTA TO RICHMOND.

"When we resolved to break jail it was our firm belief that failure or
recapture meant death. Yet no sooner was the excitement over, and we
quietly back in prison, than hope began to whisper once more. Possibly
there was some mistake in the report which led to our desperate effort,
or, if it was indeed true, the escape of the larger part of the band
might derange the plan, or change the purpose of holding another
court-martial. It is sure that our anticipations of worse treatment were
not realized. I cannot account for the agreeable surprise we experienced
in this particular. Those who are convinced that the mitigations of our
lot were caused by any representations made by the Union authorities at
Washington after our comrades had escaped must be mistaken, because the
change took place _before one of the fugitives had reached the Union
lines_. Wilson and Wood at Washington, as well as the others of our
number who escaped, did make prompt representations to our government,
which may afterwards have been of service to us. But these could
scarcely have affected us during our stay in Atlanta, as the time was
not sufficient. Possibly, it was thought by the Confederates that the
little remnant of the band, which had already suffered so much, was not
worth persecuting further. However it is explained, the succeeding two
months we remained in Atlanta, after the attempted escape, was the least
rigorous imprisonment endured by us in the South.

Colonel Lee thought the jail no longer safe, and ordered us to be taken
to the city barracks. These were in the centre of Atlanta, looking out
on one of its busiest public squares. Our room was also far better than
had been given to us before. It was large, well lighted, and provided
with a great open fireplace, in which a fire was kept continually
burning. Our door was never closed, but a sentinel stood in it, watching
us, and the gas was burned all the night. The Confederate soldiers
roomed all around us, and the whole large house--a former hotel, I
think--was surrounded by a line of sentinels. We were in the second
story, and our windows were not barred. We could stand by them, and
watch the busy throng outside for hours at a time. All our surroundings
were now of a soldierly and civilized character. Our treatment was also
more courteous and considerate than formerly.

Probably much, if not all, of this change for the better may be
attributed to the character of the man in whose charge we were now
placed. Jack Wells, as he was familiarly called, had been a lieutenant
in the regular army of the United States before the war, and had not
forgotten the traditions of the service. He had no feeling of resentment
against us; on the contrary, would come around to our room and talk by
the hour, telling us some great stories of his adventures and receiving
as great in return. His worst fault was intemperance, being frequently
half drunk and not seldom going beyond that point. In these cases, and
when in a communicative mood, he would tell us that he did not care a
cent which side whipped in the war,--that he only held his present
position to avoid being conscripted, and because he preferred having a
commission as a volunteer to being compelled to fight as a private
conscript. But he was an excellent disciplinarian, and we nowhere had
less chance of escape than from under his watchful eye and among his
well-drilled soldiers. He would allow no trifling with his authority,
and was ready to punish with fearful severity, as some of our Tennessee
comrades--who were citizens, not soldiers--found. In fact, he seemed to
care very little for those who were not soldiers.

One of these men--Mr. Pierce, who had accompanied us from Knoxville--one
day threw his allowance of provisions back again into the tray in which
it was being passed around, with a gesture of contempt, but without a
word being spoken. The supply was very scanty and bad; but, as we could
get no better, we only thought that the old man was very foolish thus to
give up the little that he was offered. But this was not the end. In a
few minutes a file of guards entered, took Pierce out, and tied his
hands before his knees, with a stick inserted across under the knees and
over the arms, in that most uncomfortable position known to soldiers as
"bucking." They left him in the cold hall all night. He was able to eat
his morning allowance without difficulty!

The next Tennessee sufferer was a Mr. Barker. One of the guards often
used to tease the prisoners by asking them how they liked being shut up
in a prison, "playing checkers with their noses on the windows," etc. A
complaint to the commander would probably have caused a cessation of
such taunts, which it was foolish to notice in any way. But Barker
answered, that _he_ need not feel so proud, for he would certainly be
driven before long to work like a slave in the cotton-fields, to help
pay the expenses of the war. The guard reported the insult, and Barker
was taken to the punishment-room and there suspended, head downwards,
till he fainted. This was repeated two or three times, and he was then
put into a dark cell, only four feet square, without food, for
twenty-four hours.

I was personally very fortunate here in receiving the favor of the
commander, which I used to the advantage of my comrades as well as I was
able. Having nothing to read, for the kind minister had not visited us
since the attempted escape, and being determined not to be idle, I began
to practise short-hand regularly each day. I had learned it before, and
now wrote with a pencil on any scraps of paper I could find. Wells
watched me while thus engaged, made a good deal of sport of the "spider
tracks," but came in the next day and asked if I would not do a little
writing for him. I was perfectly willing, provided it was not contrary
to my allegiance to the United States. He laughed at the qualification,
and showed me that it was the daily prison reports that he wanted made
out. I did not see that this kind of work would do any harm, and
undertook it. His office adjoined the prison room, and he gave orders
that I was to be allowed to go from one room to the other at pleasure,
but no farther. In fact, when in the office, there was always a special
guard standing at the door. A hundred schemes of escape flashed through
my brain, founded upon the additional privileges I now had; but I soon
found that the guards were instructed to watch me all the more closely
on account of my license. Wells himself laughed, and said that he would
ask no pledges of me, for it was his business to keep us, and ours to
get away--if we could! The qualification was well put. The only time the
eye of a guard was off me day or night was while in the office, and that
had only one door, by which the guard who brought me to the office
always stood till ready to take me back to the common prison room. Yet I
hoped something might occur by which I could help my comrades and
myself.

One day I had the heartfelt pleasure of saving a man's life. While I was
in Wells' office writing a requisition for provisions a person dressed
in the uniform of a rebel officer was brought in under arrest. He
appeared to be very drunk, but remonstrated so very hard against being
put into the rooms which had common prisoners that Wells consented to
let him stay in his office, to get sober enough to give an account of
himself. He had five hundred dollars in gold, which had been taken from
him,--a marvellous possession, which Wells asked me to feel the weight
of,--but as the officer furiously demanded his money, it was given back
to him. As the charge against him had not yet been made known, Wells
believed that it was only that of drunkenness,--an offence with which he
had great sympathy. When the man got his money he sank down on a lounge
in a drunken stupor. Wells had some business to transact, and soon went
out. Sergeant White, the second in command, was with us, but he, too,
soon took his departure. I was busy writing, but, hearing a step, I
looked up and saw the stranger approaching me. A startling change had
taken place. No trace of drunkenness was visible, but in place of it a
terrible expression of anxiety and determination. I glanced about the
desk to see that the heavy inkstand was in easy reach, for I had never
seen a more desperate face. He leaned over my chair, and whispered, "You
are a prisoner?"

"Yes, sir."

"One they call engine thieves?"

I nodded assent.

"I know you," said he; "I know all about you. I was here when your
comrades were hung. Brave men they were, and the cruel deed will yet be
avenged. I am not afraid to trust you. The commander here don't know who
I am yet, but he will soon learn, and then I will have to _die_, for I
am a spy from the Federal army." Then he added, with a most appealing
look, "Can't you help me to escape, before it is too late?"

I was amazed, and for a moment doubtful; but a few hasty questions, put
to test his knowledge of the Federal army and his present character,
set my doubts at rest. Then I asked, "What can I do for you?"

He answered, "Can't you write me a pass and sign the commander's name to
it?"

I shook my head. If a pass written in such circumstances had been worth
anything, I would probably have written one for myself and comrades
before that time. Wells, who did not trust me at all, had guarded that
very point in his orders.

Then my new friend proposed that we together break past the guard and
run for it. I had no wish for such a trial with only one to help. There
was my guard at the office-door; two more guards in the hall; a
barrack-room, with always a dozen or more soldiers in it, at the head of
the stairway; two guards at the front door; and a line of sentinels
around the whole building.

But as I glanced around the room my eye rested on a fine overcoat of
Wells' lying on the foot of the office bed, and an idea struck me. The
prisoner was a short, thick man, about the same size and build of Wells.
Said I, "Take that overcoat," pointing to it, "and throw it around you,
and just walk out as independently as though you owned the entire
establishment. It is now nearly dark, and the chances are that you will
not be halted at all."

His countenance lighted at once. "I'll do it!" he exclaimed, with
suppressed eagerness. To fold himself in the cloak, nearly crush my hand
as he said "Thank you! Thank you!" and to open the door and walk out,
was the work of but a moment. I listened as his firm step died away
along the hall, but there was no challenge, no sound that betokened any
discovery. The soldiers, seeing the familiar coat, must have supposed
its rightful owner in it, and allowed it to pass unhindered. A moment
after Sergeant White came in. I feared he would notice the prisoner's
absence, but he did not. I got him engaged in story-telling as soon as
possible, to postpone any inquiries. For some five minutes I succeeded
very well, when Wells entered, cast an uneasy glance about the room, and
at once exclaimed, "Sergeant, where is that officer? Did you put him in
another room?"

The sergeant answered that he had been out, and that when he returned he
saw nothing of the man.

It was Wells' turn to be startled now. He sprang over to me and demanded
sternly, "Pittenger, where's that officer?"

I was not in the least terrified. In fact, I was greatly amused, and for
the moment forgetting the purpose formed two months before, of always
avoiding untruth as well as all other evil things, I answered, "What
officer?"

"That officer I put in here."

"Oh! that drunken fellow?"

"Yes; where is he?"

"The last I saw of him, he picked up his coat and said he was going to
supper."

"Going to supper, was he? Ho! I see! Sergeant, run to the guards and
tell them if they let him out I'll have every one of them hung up by the
heels."

Wells was in a towering passion at once. The alarm was sounded, and for
a few minutes a terrible commotion prevailed, but nothing was seen of
the drunken fugitive, whose importance began to be known. Soon Wells
returned, and demanded in a peremptory tone, "Pittenger, why did not you
give the alarm when he started?'"

I answered carelessly, "Oh! I did not know that my business in the South
was to guard prisoners."

"Of course not," he returned; "but I wish you had called me this time."

Then after a moment's silence, he continued, "You said he took his coat.
Had he a coat?"

"I suppose so, sir," I returned, "or he would not have taken it."

"He brought none in. Where did he get it?"

"Off the foot of that bed."

Wells sprang to his feet as quickly as if he had been galvanized, kicked
the chair on which he had been sitting clear across the room, and
exclaimed, "_My overcoat!_ sure as ----! Worth eighty dollars! The
villain!"

No intelligence of this spy reached Atlanta while we remained there.
Wells told me that there was no doubt he had gotten entirely away.

While in this place, I had the opportunity of learning that there were
many lovers of the old Union in Atlanta. These visited us, and, although
always in the presence of the guards, managed to express their kindness
in very tangible ways. They told us much of their hopes, and of the
strength they numbered. A certain Dr. Scott was very liberal in his
contributions to our wants. I had afterwards the pleasure of repaying
his kindness, when he had been forced to flee for his life, and arrived
destitute in the North. The money we thus obtained, together with some
small presents Captain Wells bestowed, when pleased with the writing I
did for him, gave us the means of living almost luxuriously. One dainty
I remember with especial delight. Sweet potatoes were very abundant and
cheap, and we were allowed to buy as many as our means permitted, and
roast them in the ashes of the wood fire which always glowed on our
hearth. The great mealy potatoes, raked out and dusted off and eaten
hot, constituted a feast good enough for a king! I have never since
found any sweet potatoes equal to those we devoured by the bushel in the
old Atlanta barracks. This abundant living made some amends for the six
months of famine that preceded it, and gave strength, which was still to
be sorely tested before the day of deliverance. The memory of those
beautiful autumnal days, when we could look from our unbarred windows
upon the sky and the street, when we could gather around the fire and
under the gas-jet in the evening, when hunger no longer pinched, and
when health, which I had long missed, came back, when some consideration
was shown for us even by our guards, and when visitors often whispered
words or gave signs of sympathy for our cause as well as for ourselves,
is not altogether unpleasant. True, we were still prisoners, and our
fate as uncertain as ever; but it was easy to persuade ourselves that
these more pleasant surroundings were the promise of still greater good.

Our religious exercises were here continued as persistently and publicly
as in the jail. There were serious difficulties to overcome. Some of our
own party seemed to consider that our release from the dark cells of a
criminal prison removed the necessity of morning and evening prayer. We
were not alone, and the soldiers who were "off duty" came to our door
when it was first reported that "the Yankees were having
prayer-meeting," and greatly annoyed us by interruptions and by a
continual series of comments upon the exercises. We endured this for a
time, but at last I appealed to Wells. He gave us protection from the
guard, saying that he could not stand praying himself, but if we could
get any good out of it we were welcome, and should not be disturbed. The
opposition of the prisoners soon gave way also, and our morning and
evening devotions were seasons of great interest. Even prisoners from
other rooms came to their open doors that they might hear the reading
and prayers, and join with us in song. Faith, hope, and courage were
sustained by this recognition of God more than by all other agencies
combined.

An effort was here made to get recruits out of the prison for the
Confederate army. Especially were the regular soldiers who were in our
company importuned. But our band were not asked. I presume they thought
we could not be trusted. Had the offer now been made I would not have
accepted, though I would have done so without hesitation at any time
preceding the death of our friends. Now my religious principles would
have prevented me from taking the oath of allegiance to the Confederacy
for the mere purpose of breaking it by desertion. But I was glad the
temptation was not offered to any of our band.

At length there came to us most startling news,--a court-martial was
again convened! This was the first since the ever-memorable one at
Knoxville, and we awaited its action with breathless interest. A week of
sickening suspense passed and no summons came for us. Had we been
ordered out for trial we had resolved to try again to escape, even if
the effort only resulted in throwing us on the bayonets of the
surrounding guards. But when news came that the court had adjourned, we
were as much rejoiced as we had been fearful before. It did look as if
they intended to persecute the feeble remnant of our party no further;
and passing from the extreme of despondency to that of hope, we began
once more to indulge the blissful expectations of exchange. But our time
had not yet come.

The weeks rolled on. Few things worthy of note occurred. The same
monotony which makes prison-life so dreary robs it of interest when
recorded. We would rise in the morning from our hard bed--the floor--and
wash ourselves by pouring water on each other's hands; then eat our
scanty rations when brought. Then the effort was to kill time until
dinner came, which was about four o'clock. It was not abundant, but if
we had a bundle of roasted sweet potatoes to add from our own stores, as
often happened, it was not so bad. Then we did anything to keep busy
until the gas was lit. This was kept burning all night, not from any
favor to us, but only that the guards might see that we were not
arranging any plan for escaping.

This was the most cheerful hour of the day, for under the soft
inspiration of the gaslight conversation flowed freely, and all the
incidents of our past lives were rehearsed. Wells or some other rebel
officer would often enter and talk with us. Arguments and discussion on
all manner of subjects were introduced, and often continued until the
midnight bells were striking in the town. Then would come our evening
prayers as we lay down to dream often of home and friends and freedom.
In the morning the same round recommenced. Thus days glided into weeks,
and weeks passed into months. The golden hues of autumn deepened into
the sombre colors of early winter, and still we were in Atlanta. It
almost seemed as if we would never be anywhere else.

At length there came a day of wonderful joy. A number of officers,
including the provost-marshal, came to the barracks, and, inquiring out
our room, had us all drawn up in line. One of them stepped forth and
addressed us, saying that he had good news to communicate, which they
had been hoping to receive for some time past. He continued, "You have
all been exchanged, and all that now remains is to send you out of our
territory by way of Richmond and City Point."

Each of them then came along our line and shook hands with us,--the
Tennesseeans and regular soldiers included, twenty in all,--offering
congratulations on the happy terminations of our trials, and wishing us
much joy on our arrival at home.

Our feelings were indescribable, but strangely mingled. There was an
overwhelming rush of emotions which forbade utterance,--rapture
exceedingly great, and yet mingled with a deep touch of sorrow that our
seven dead--murdered--comrades were not with us to share the joy of this
hour. And the eight also who had managed to get out of the clutches of
the rebels by their own daring,--we were uneasy about them. Only a day
or two before we had seen in an Atlanta paper, obtained, as usual,
through the negroes, who were waiters here as well as at the jail, an
article clipped from the _Cincinnati Commercial_, telling of the arrival
of Porter and Wollam at Corinth, as narrated above. Of the others we
had received no reliable information, but supposed that some of them at
least had perished. The provost-marshal told us that three had been shot
and left in the woods, but we did not fully credit him.

Notwithstanding all this, the prospect of liberty was enough to make our
hearts overflow with gratitude to God. I was so agitated that when Wells
asked me to write a requisition for provisions for the trip to Richmond
I could not do it, and had to transfer the work to more steady hands. It
was nine o'clock in the morning when we received the glad news, and we
were to start for home--_via_ Richmond--at seven in the evening. As the
time for departure drew near, we again lit the gas, and made up a fire,
the ruddy blaze of which was an emblem of cheerfulness, to take a
farewell view of the room in which we had spent so many not altogether
unhappy hours. Often afterwards did we remember that bright hour of
expectation.

We were forbidden to take any blankets with us, being told that we would
soon be where blankets were plenty. The pieces of carpet we had managed
to secure as blankets were therefore left behind, with the exception of
two small strips, which were afterwards very serviceable. A great
surprise met us when we were ordered to start. We were not tied! This
was the first journey on which we had been sent so carelessly, and it
afforded the strongest presumption that the exchange was a reality.

All was now in readiness for our departure, and we took a last look at
rebel Atlanta. The guards fell in on each side of us, and we wended our
way along the dark streets. Wells, even drunker than usual, accompanied
us to the cars, where he hiccoughed an affectionate farewell. I carried
away one good article of dress,--a nice felt hat. The day before Wells
clapped it on my head, telling me that I looked better in it than in my
own shabby cap. I supposed that it was only a freak, and that he would
reclaim it again, but he did not. It was much out of suit with my other
garments, but I wore it until I had a chance to sell it for a great
price--in Confederate money!

Sergeant White commanded our escort. He had always been kind to us, and,
like his superior, did not care which side came out best in the war, so
long as he was not hurt. The guard were only ten in number, while we
were twenty and unbound,--a ridiculous falling off from former
precautions.

We were crowded into box-cars, and soon began to suffer severely with
cold, for the night air was most piercing. It was the 3rd of December,
and we had only summer clothing, which was, in addition, very ragged.
About three o'clock in the morning we left the train at Dalton to wait
for another train to Cleveland, as we were not to go through
Chattanooga. This was our last passage over the railroad we had so much
wished to destroy nine months before.

The stars were sparkling in night and frosty brilliancy. When we
stopped, and the keen and icy wind cut almost through us. We nearly
perished before the train arrived, and enabled us to continue our
journey.

In the morning we found that our three days' rations, which were to last
to Richmond, were barely sufficient for breakfast. We ate everything,
and trusted to buying something with the remaining money our Atlanta
Union friends had given us. When that failed we had our old
resource,--the endurance of hunger.

During this day's ride on the cars, we discussed the question as to
whether it would not be best to capture the guard and escape. The task
did not seem hard. The guards were very careless, and we could at any
time have had as many guns as they had. They sat on the same seats with
us, and were often asleep. Several times on the trip we awakened the
sentinels by the doors as the corporal approached, thus saving them from
punishment. Once Sergeant White laughingly told us that we could escape
if we tried, but that he thought it would be more pleasant for us to
ride around by way of Richmond rather than to walk over the mountains on
our own responsibility. This very security lulled our suspicions, and
made us shrink from undertaking an escape which would have involved
severe hardship in mountain travel, if nothing worse. Besides, we no
longer had the same homogeneous party as in Atlanta.

In the afternoon we passed Knoxville, and were glad to keep right on.
Then came the town of Greenville, the home of our former companion, the
heroic Captain Fry. About nightfall we reached the Virginia line, and
ran steadily on. It was a beautiful night; the moon shone over the pale,
frosty hills with a mellow radiance which made the whole landscape
enchanting. The shifting scenes of mountain, stream, or ghostly wood
seemed to me like a panorama of human life. The morning dawned upon us,
still steaming slowly through the romantic valleys of Virginia.

The next day was wet and dreary. Our car leaked, our fire went out, and
we were thoroughly uncomfortable. By evening we had reached the mountain
city of Lynchburg, and discovered that we had missed the railroad
connection. This led to a delay of twenty-four hours, which we greatly
regretted, being very anxious to get speedily through to our own lines.
We had all our plans laid for the happy day of our arrival at
Washington.

We were quartered in a large bare room belonging to the barracks, where
some of the worst criminals of the Confederacy were also confined. There
was a great stove in the centre of the room, but, as no fire was put in
it, we had to endure another night of dampness and cold. The only
consolation was found in the thought that we would not have many more
such nights to spend before reaching home. I paced the floor till nearly
morning, and saw a good many amusing incidents. Many of the rebels were
drunk and disposed to mischief. One man diverted himself by walking
around the room on the forms of those who were trying to sleep. In his
round he stepped on Bensinger,--one of our party. The infliction was
patiently endured the first time, but as the sot came again, Bensinger
was on the lookout, and, springing to his feet, gave him a blow that
stretched him out on the floor. Some of his companions rushed forward to
resent the just punishment, but Bensinger's friends also were prepared,
and there was a good prospect of a general fray. But, as soon as the
ruffians understood the position, they retired to their own side of the
room.

In the raw and chill morning I found here some of the most virulent
enemies of the Union I had yet seen. A prisoner loudly declared that no
quarter ought to be given in the war,--said that he had advocated
raising the black flag from the first, asserting that "if it had been
raised the war would have been over long since."

"No doubt of it," I replied. "In that case the whole Southern race would
have been exterminated long before this."

That mode of ending the war had not entered his mind, and he did not
appear pleased with the suggestion.

A little before dark the next evening we again started, and now had
good, comfortable cars,--the best we had enjoyed on the route. But we
only ran a short distance to the junction, where we had to leave them
and wait the arrival of another train. Here was the best chance of
escape we had yet found. The night was pitchy dark, and so cold that the
guards built a great fire on the border of a strip of woodland, and
allowed us to help in gathering withered sticks to replenish it. They
scarcely appeared to notice us, and all that was necessary for escape
was to give the word and run for it. Nothing held us but the absolute
confidence of a speedy exchange, and, depending upon that, the golden
opportunity was neglected. Of course, the perils and hardships of
wandering through the Virginia mountains in the depth of winter would
have been severe, but the start would have been mere child's play. Oh!
how bitterly we afterwards regretted that we had not darted into the
depths of the forest and sought to effect our own exchange!

CHAPTER XX.

LIBBY AND CASTLE THUNDER.

In a few hours the train for which we waited arrived, and, passing
onward without further noticeable events, long before morning we were in
Richmond. There was the same intense and piercing cold which had been
the main element in our suffering during this journey, but the sky was
clear, and the rebel capital was distinctly seen in the sparkling
moonlight. Everything looked grim and silent through the frosty air, and
our teeth chattered fast and loud as we walked up a street of the
sleeping city.

But the sergeant in command of our party did not know what to do with
us. We hoped that some arrangements had been made for forwarding us
directly to City Point, the place of exchange, so that we might that
very day behold once more the stars and stripes. Yet we knew it was more
probable that some detention would occur. The sergeant left us where we
were while he started in search of the provost-marshal's office for
instructions. We endeavored to shelter ourselves as best we could from
the unbearable cold, which really threatened to prove fatal. Two pieces
of ragged carpet were all the protection we had, in addition to our
well-worn summer clothing, and we spread these over our heads as we
huddled together in a solid mass in the angle of a brick wall. It was
astonishing what a relief this afforded,--especially to those who were
in the inside of the _pack_, where I happened to be. Here we shivered
till the sergeant returned. He had found the headquarters of the prison
department and conducted us thither.

Several streets were threaded in the moonlight, and when the office was
reached, to add to our discomfort, it was destitute of fire. We stood in
the empty room, looking at the grim portraits of rebel generals for an
hour or two, until the marshal entered. He did not deign to speak to us,
but broke open a sealed letter Sergeant White handed him and read aloud
that ten disloyal Tennesseeans, four prisoners of war, and _six engine
thieves_ were hereby forwarded to Richmond by order of General
Beauregard. The old name applied to us was no small shock. We had hoped
that the title of "engine thieves" had been left behind, and that from
henceforth we would be only called "prisoners of war." But we still
trusted to be soon beyond their lines, and it would make no real
difference what name they exchanged us under. The marshal then gave his
orders, and we were conducted onward.

By this time it was daylight, December 7, 1862. Richmond looked still
more cheerless in the cold morning than in the moonlight.

A long march through a number of streets brought us to the banks of the
James River, where we halted in front of a most desolate-looking but
very large brick building, situated near the water, and surrounded by a
formidable circle of guards. This we supposed to be a prison, and soon
learned that we were right. It was the famous LIBBY.

We entered, were conducted up a flight of steps, and reached a vast,
open room, where we saw, almost for the first time since our capture,
the old, familiar United States uniform, and were soon in the midst of
over a hundred United States soldiers.

Our greeting at first was not very friendly, as we still wore the
ragged clothing that had served us all summer; but as soon as our true
character and history were known, a most cordial welcome was extended.
There was only one small stove in the cold, empty room, around which
part of the inmates were huddled. But with the characteristic courtesy
and chivalry of the American soldier they cleared a place beside it for
us. When I got warm I had leisure to look around.

The prospect was not very cheerful. Above, the floor had been taken out,
leaving only the rafters between us and the roof. The window-sashes were
all removed, and the cold wind whistled in from the river far more
sharply than was consistent with comfort. Only a very scanty amount of
fuel was allowed per day, and when that was exhausted they had to endure
the freezing as best they could. The room was too large and open to be
warmed throughout, and only a few could gather around the stove. The
food was neither better nor worse than in other Southern prisons.
Probably among all the prisoners, past and present, we were the only
ones who were glad to be there. We regarded it as the sure pledge that
our foes had not deceived us in their promise of an exchange, for these
men, with whom we found ourselves, were actually going northward on the
next truce-boat, which was daily expected. What mattered the cold wind
or the bare floor with such a hope? We felt that we were no longer held
as criminals, but were now in the common prison, with other soldiers,
sure that the day of final release could not be far off. What wonder if
our joy was too deep for words, and we could only turn it over in our
minds, and tremble lest it should prove too delightful to be realized?
The vision of freedom was so warm and vivid that all hardships were
forgotten.

It was also very agreeable to talk with our comrades who had recently
been captured, and get news of the progress of the war from a Federal
stand-point. All the intelligence we had obtained for a long period
came colored by Southern prejudices. In such communion with friends who
were still confident of success in the great conflict the time passed
rapidly.

But in the midst of our conversation, probably two hours after our
entrance, an officer came to the door and called for the men who had
just been admitted. Every one in the room but ourselves had taken the
customary oath of parole, not to serve against the Confederacy until
regularly exchanged; and supposing that omission in our case was about
to be supplied, we gladly responded. The guard led us down to the
entrance hall and called over our names. The four prisoners of war who
had come from Atlanta with us were sent up-stairs again, while we were
turned into an immense, but dark and low, room on the left of the
stairway and the door locked behind us.

This was an awful moment. The full meaning of this separation burst upon
us. We had been taken away from those who were to be exchanged and put
in a room reserved for those regarded as criminals. We had been bitterly
deceived, and our hopes at once fell from the highest heaven to which
they had soared. A cold sense of misery and despair came over us. No
wonder we looked at each other with pale, troubled countenances in the
dim light, and asked questions none were prepared to solve.

But for one moment only were we thus crushed; the next we eagerly sought
an avenue for hope. Perhaps they did not choose to recognize us as
soldiers, and merely wished to exchange us as civilians,--a matter of
perfect indifference to us, provided we were exchanged at all. We looked
around to see what foundation we could build on for this pleasant
conjecture.

Our present apartment contained even more prisoners than that up-stairs.
They were not Northern soldiers, but were from all parts of the South.
Some of them had been in prison ever since the war broke out, while a
few had been arrested for supposed anti-slavery sentiments even before
that event, and had lived in loathsome dungeons ever since. There had
been a reign of terror in the Southern States preceding the war, as well
as after the opening of the contest, which differed from the similar
terror in the French revolution mainly in being less theatrical, and in
striking humbler victims. A few Northern soldiers were here who had been
put in for attempting to escape or for other breaches of prison
discipline. Every man in the room had some kind of "a charge" against
him. These facts were not calculated to strengthen hopes of exchange, or
even weaken fears of further punishment.

In the mean time breakfast was brought in. It consisted of a small
quantity of thin soup and a very scanty allowance of bread. To our
delight the latter was made of wheat flour instead of corn-meal; and all
the time we remained in Richmond we received good bread, though it was
very deficient in quantity.

While we were talking with our new room-mates an officer again entered,
and inquired for the men who had last come in. We responded promptly,
for hope was again whispering in our hearts that probably there had been
some mistake, which would now be rectified, and we be taken up-stairs
again. But no such good fortune was in store,--rather the reverse. We
were taken out of doors, where a guard waited to remove us to another
prison. Again our hearts sank.

We crossed the street and marched westward, halting at a
desolate-looking building, a few hundred yards from Libby, which we
afterwards learned was "CASTLE THUNDER," the far-famed Bastile of the
South. Through a guarded door we entered a reception-room and waited for
some time. In this interval a fierce-looking, black-whiskered, bustling
individual, who I afterwards learned was Chillis, the prison commissary,
came by and, looking at us, exclaimed,--

"Bridge-burners, are they? They ought to hang, every man of them; so
ought everybody who does anything against the Confederacy." The latter
proposition, with the change of one word, precisely suited my own
feeling then.

Soon we were ordered up-stairs. Up we went, passing by a room filled
with a howling and yelling multitude, who made such an outrageous racket
that I was compelled to put my hands to my ears. A score of voices
brawled with all the power of their lungs, "Fresh fish! Fresh fish!" The
same exclamations greeted every new arrival.

Here we were searched, as usual, to see if we had anything contraband,
or rather, anything worth taking from us. I had obtained a large knife
in Atlanta, which I managed to slip up my sleeve, and by carefully
turning my arm when they felt for concealed weapons, succeeded in
keeping it out of the way.

The examination over, I supposed they would put us in the bedlam we had
just passed. They did no better, for we were put into a _stall_ beside
the large room. I use the word "stall" advisedly, for no other is so
appropriate. It was one of a range partitioned off from the room in
which were the noisy miscreants, and from each other, by boards nailed
to the upright timbers, with cracks wide enough to let the wind
circulate freely everywhere. Most of the windows of the large room were
out, which greatly increased the cold. Our stall was only eight or nine
feet wide, and perhaps sixteen in length. It was perfectly bare of
furniture,--not having even a bench or any means of making a fire. It
was in the third story, and had one redeeming quality,--it commanded a
view of the street, but there was a guard below, who had orders to shoot
at any head that might be protruded from the window.

In this cheerless place our party of six, with nine
Tennesseeans,--fifteen in all,--were confined during the months of
December and January. The first day our spirits sank lower than ever
before. All our bright hopes were dashed to the ground, and there
seemed every reason to believe that we were doomed to this dreary abode
for the whole duration of the war, if, indeed, we escaped sharing with
our murdered friends the horrors of a scaffold. It was too disheartening
for philosophy, and that day was one of the blackest gloom. We seldom
spoke, and when we did, it was to denounce our own folly in suffering
ourselves to be deluded to Richmond by falsehood. I cannot say at this
time whether the false declaration concerning the exchange was intended
to deceive or was only the result of some misunderstanding; but then we
had no doubt it was deliberate treachery. Not being able to spare enough
guards to make us secure, we felt that they had deceived us to this
terrible prison, which we might have avoided by seizing one of the many
opportunities for escape our journey afforded. But it was no use
lamenting; all we could do was to register a vow never to be so deceived
again. One resource remained. It was my turn to lead our devotions,
which we had continued faithfully. If I ever prayed with fervor it was
in this hour of disappointment and dread. I tried to roll our cares upon
the Lord, and at least partly succeeded, for I rose from my knees
convinced that we had one Friend who had not forsaken us, and who had
often made His children rejoice in worse situations than ours. The next
morning we awoke quite cheerful and nerved for any fate that might yet
be in store.

The routine of prison-life here differed but little from that in
Atlanta, though our condition was far less comfortable. In the morning
we were taken down to the court (the building was square and built with
an open space in the centre) to wash, and were immediately taken back to
our stall and locked up. The principal difference arose from our lack of
fire. No other physical suffering I endured in the whole imprisonment
was more intolerable than this perpetual freezing. We had no opportunity
for those pleasant fireside chats which had done so much to make our
days endurable in the Atlanta barracks. In their stead, as the darkness
and coldness of night drew on, we were compelled to pace the floor,
trying to keep warm; and, when sleep became a necessity, we would all
pile down in a huddle, as pigs sometimes do, and spread over us the thin
protection of our two bits of carpet. Thus we would lie until the cold
could be endured no longer, then rise and resume our walk. When the
weather became warmer than usual we would sleep much, to make up for
wakefulness during the colder nights.

We never omitted our public prayers. For a while the crowd outside in
the large room, which was composed of the very scum of Southern society,
such as deserters from the army, gamblers, and cut-throats from the
large cities, gave us all the annoyance in their power, by shouting all
kinds of derisive epithets through the cracks in the board partition
while we were kneeling; but, finding their efforts ineffectual, they
finally gave over, and left us to pursue our own way in peace. We found,
afterwards, when, for a short time, we were put in with them, that they
respected us all the more for our perseverance.

A few days after our arrival we noticed a great stir at Libby Prison,
which was in plain view. A truce-boat had arrived at the place of
exchange. Soon a body of prisoners were marched up the street by us, and
our four Atlanta companions with them. As they passed by they waved
their hands to us in farewell and continued their journey to freedom.
They were not disappointed, and, as I have since learned, they were soon
with their friends at home. The representations made at Atlanta were
true as regarded these four men; the falsehood was in making us believe
that _we_ stood on the same footing. We felt glad for their sakes; but
the parting, to us, was very painful, and we turned away from the window
with something of the gloom that had darkened the first day of our abode
in this prison.

One great privilege we had here,--a delightful oasis in the dead
sameness that settled over our days. This was found in reading the daily
newspapers. We were not now forbidden their perusal, and some one in the
large room had always money enough to buy a paper and charity enough to
lend it. As soon as we received it, all the party would gather around
while it was read aloud. Each item of importance was eagerly discussed.
The news was often exciting, as the Union commander, Burnside, had just
made an advance, and we breathed hearty prayers that he would be
successful in reaching Richmond. Probably our enemies would, in that
case, try to remove us farther South; but we had firmly resolved to
escape in such a contingency or die in the attempt. We would not allow
ourselves again to be moved from one prison to another without risking
everything for freedom.

But soon came the sad news of Burnside's bloody repulse at
Fredericksburg,--sad to us, but causing the greatest rejoicing among our
enemies, who felt that they had escaped a great danger. If Union defeats
diffused gloom throughout the whole of the loyal States, there was yet
no place where they were so regretfully and bitterly felt as in Southern
prisons.

Here I sold the hat I had obtained from Commander Wells in Atlanta, and
made an effort to invest the money in books, for which I was more hungry
than for bread. But the volumes I wanted were not to be found in
Richmond. Chillis, the cross commissary who wished us hung on our first
arrival, but who was, nevertheless, the kindest official in the prison,
made the effort to obtain them; but when he failed, we took instead some
very small cakes, at ten cents each. These were a great addition to our
rations for a day or two.

The desire to escape once more became intense. Being in the third story,
we could only get out by passing at each door successive relays of
guards, all of whom had reserves ready to co-operate with them in case
of alarm. Our room was nearest the jailer's office, and on the other
side there ran a row of rooms filled with all kinds of prisoners,--some
held as spies and others as murderers.

The nearest of these rooms to our own was occupied by Federal soldiers
accused of various offences. Captain Webster was one of these. He had on
one occasion been sent to capture a notorious guerrilla captain named
Simpson, who was then hiding within the Union lines. When he was found,
Webster summoned him to surrender. Instead of doing so he fired his
pistol and started to run, but Webster also fired and mortally wounded
him.

When Webster was afterwards captured by the Confederates, he was charged
with the murder of Simpson, and confined in the room next our own. He
was finally hanged, but in the official report the offence was changed,
in a manner not uncommon with Confederate authorities, for the more
plausible one of violating his parole.

At this time Webster was very anxious for an attempt at escape. A plan
was soon arranged, and the evening before Christmas selected as the
time. The citizen prisoners in the room below were more favorably
situated than ourselves for beginning the enterprise. We had opened
secret communications with them, and the ramifications of the plot
reached every room in the prison. The signal agreed upon was the cry of
"fire!" When this alarm--always startling, but doubly so in a crowded
prison--was given, we were to rush upon the guards and overpower them.
They only numbered about thirty, while we had over a hundred and fifty
men in the plot. After capturing the guard, we still had the very
serious task of getting out of the guarded and fortified city. It is not
probable that a very great number could have succeeded in doing this.

That Christmas-eve was not much like Christmas at home. We made
everything ready, and anxiously waited for the thrilling alarm of
"fire!" which we would have echoed at the top of our voices, and then
burst off the door of our stall and flung ourselves on the guard. I had
no doubt that we could thus break open the strongest prison in the
Confederacy; but as to any large number escaping to the Union lines I
was less confident. The hours rolled on and midnight came,--the hour
fixed for the attack. But we waited in vain. No signal was given. The
inmates in the room below had failed in courage at the critical moment
and resolved to postpone the attempt.

Not yet discouraged, we determined to make another trial the very next
night. Captain Webster was appointed leader, as we felt sure that he
would not falter. The locks were taken off all the side rooms except
ours, which was so near the station of the guard that it could not be
removed without great danger of discovery. We cared but little for this.
A long board which supported our water-bucket afforded a convenient
battering-ram, with which we felt sure of being able to deal with our
door.

Some of the inmates did not wish to run the fearful hazard, but were
very kind to those of us who did, supplying us with serviceable shoes
and taking our worn-out ones in return.

Again we waited for the signal. Four of us held the long board, and felt
sure that one blow would dash our door into the middle of the room.

The other small rooms were soon vacated, the movement being concealed
from the observation of the guards by the inmates of the large room,
into which all the others entered, crowding up around the doors.

For an instant all was silent. We lifted our hearts in mental prayer to
God that he would be with us and preserve us through the coming strife,
and if consistent with his high will, permit us to regain our liberty.

What can cause the delay? Minute after minute passes, and the dead
silence is broken only by the throbbing of our own hearts. We have
counted the cost, and are ready for the strife which shall lead us to
grapple, with naked arms, the shining bayonets of the guards. Some will
certainly fall, but we trust that others will regain the unutterable
blessing of liberty.

But now we see our friends _creeping back to their rooms_! We grind our
teeth with rage and chagrin, but soon hear the explanation, which makes
us believe that the Lord is indeed watching over us.

Just as the leader was ready to give the signal, a friend pressed to his
side and informed him that we were betrayed, and that the enemy were on
the watch for us. From a window in the far corner of the room a force of
at least eighty men could be seen drawn up before the prison-door. The
story continued that orders had been given to shoot down every one who
attempted to escape, while another detachment was to close in behind and
make an indiscriminate massacre. Had we carried out our plan, the guard
would have yielded before our rush until we had been fully drawn into
the trap, when they hoped to make such a slaughter as would be a
perpetual warning to prison-breakers.

When I first heard this account I thought it the invention of some
weak-nerved individual who wished to avoid the danger of our scheme. But
it was perfectly true. The next day the newspapers of Richmond contained
a full _exposé_ of the whole affair, and Captain Alexander, the tyrant
who commanded the prison, threatened to have every one engaged in it
tied up and whipped. But he finally changed his mind. A nominal
prisoner, who was really a spy in the service of the authorities, had
contrived to get into the plot, and had reported it to his employers.
This was the last attempt at prison-breaking in which I was concerned.

In Richmond there was a pretence of allowing prisoners to correspond
with their friends in the North,--of course, subject to the inspection
of the prison officials. From Libby Prison some letters did go safely.
We also tried writing, making our expressions very guarded, but, so far
as I have ever heard, none of our correspondence was forwarded beyond
the lines. I was providentially afforded a better opportunity. Some of
the prisoners captured at the battle of Murfreesborough were brought to
Richmond for exchange, and were kept overnight in a room in the basement
of Castle Thunder. When in the court as usual in the morning, I asked a
good-natured Irishman of their number if he would carry a letter and
mail it for me after getting to loyal territory. He cheerfully
consented, and I pencilled a note to my father on the fly-leaf of a book
and, watching an opportunity when unobserved, gave it to him. He
concealed it until out of rebel power, and duly committed it to the
mail. The sensation may be imagined which it produced among my own
friends and those of other members of the party, as nothing had been
heard from us since the October escape, and we had long been given over
as dead. Though the note was very hastily written, I copy it here
without change, as showing the feeling experienced at that time.
Something of the hopefulness and lightness of the tone resulted from the
wish to cheer those addressed.

"RICHMOND, VA., January 6, 1863.

"DEAR FATHER,--I take this opportunity of writing by a paroled
prisoner to let you know that I am well and doing as well as
could be expected. I have seen some rather hard times, but the
worst is past. Our lives are now safe, but we will be kept
during the war, unless something lucky turns up for us. There
are six of our original railroad party here yet. Seven were
executed in June, and eight escaped in October.

"I stand the imprisonment pretty well. The worst of it is to
hear of our men [this refers to the Union army] getting whipped
so often. I hear all the news here: read three or four papers a
day. I even know that Bingham was beat in the last election,
for which I am very sorry.

"The price of everything here is awful. It costs thirty cents
to send a letter. This will account for my not writing to all
my friends I Give my sincere love to them, and tell them to
write to me.

"You may write by leaving the letter unsealed, putting in
nothing that will offend the Secesh, and directing to Castle
Thunder, Va. I want to know the private news,--how many of my
friends have fallen. Also tell me who has been drafted in our
neighborhood, who married, and who like to be. Also, if you
have a gold dollar at hand, slip it into the letter,--not more,
as it might tempt the Secesh to _hook_ it. I have tried to send
word through to you several times, but there is now a better
chance of communicating since we came from Atlanta to Richmond.

"No doubt you would all like to see me again, but let us have
patience. Many a better man than I am has suffered more, and
many parents are mourning for their children without the hope
of seeing them again. So keep your courage up, and do not be
uneasy about me. Write as soon as you can, and tell all my
friends to do the same.

"Ever yours,
"WILLIAM PITTENGER.

"To THOMAS PITTENGER,
"New Somerset, Jefferson Co., Ohio."

The belief expressed in the above letter of imprisonment during the war
was thought by the writer to be most probable. No word was spoken either
of exchange or of court-martial. The prices referred to were in
Confederate money, which was now greatly depreciated. The little we had
brought from Atlanta rapidly melted away, procuring us very little
addition to our meagre fare. We still hoped for great Union victories
and a speedy termination of the war. But at the opening of the year 1863
the prospect was dark indeed.

About the 1st of February the range of side rooms in which we were
confined was wanted for hospital purposes. The prison hospital had been
located in the garret above, but disease increased to such an extent
that its accommodations were no longer sufficient. These chill and
comfortless rooms had but little adaptation to their new purpose, and
hastened the release of many a poor unfortunate by the mercy of death.
Disease was now making fearful havoc. The hardships of prison-life and
the starvation diet prepared the way for every contagion. Smallpox broke
out, and prevailed to such an extent that the whole town was alarmed.
The prisoners were vaccinated by the wholesale, but this necessary
precaution caused great additional suffering. Men died in every room,
and the visiting physician came each morning to remove to the hospitals
those who showed marks of the dreaded pestilence. It would scarcely be
believed that some prisoners actually counterfeited smallpox in order to
be sent to the smallpox hospital, where they would have a better
opportunity for escape. But escaping had become a regular mania, and all
possible means were employed to effect it.

No one of our party of six took the pestilence, though two suffered very
severely from the vaccine virus. But the prevalence of disease did us a
good service in securing our removal from the narrow stall to the
comparative freedom of the room outside.

This was a great change, and did seem like freedom by contrast. From
this time the isolation of our prison-life was at an end. I have spoken
of the "room," but the term is scarcely accurate. The partitions had
been taken out or never inserted in this upper floor, and the prisoners
could go from one end of the building to the other, but with guards
stationed at every door and watching every window outside. In a far
corner there was a stove,--the first fire we had felt since leaving
Libby two months before. It did not suffice to warm half the people
around it, and these were very quarrelsome, but it was a great luxury to
be occasionally warm.

The amusements of the hundreds who had been gathered into this
receptacle of humanity were very _striking_, if not elegant. When a
dense crowd had gathered around the stove, some person outside--usually
one of a large group of very mischievous Irish-men--would cry,
"Char-rge, me boys!" and a solid column of perhaps fifty men would rush
against the group around the stove, knocking men in all directions,
endangering limbs, and raising a perfect storm of profanity. Fights were
very frequent, and it only needed the addition of intoxicating liquor to
make the place a perfect pandemonium. As it was, the interference of the
guard was often required to preserve order. Our party, however, always
stood together, and were thus able to protect themselves.

The evenings were a compensation for the turmoil and quarrelling of the
day. After all who possessed blankets had rolled themselves up and laid
down to rest on the floor, some of the worst rowdies, who had been
annoying and persecuting their fellow-prisoners all day, would gather
around the stove and appear in a new character,--that of story-tellers.
Old Irish legends, and some of the finest fairy-tales to which I have
ever listened, were brought forth, and the greater part of the night was
often passed in such discourse. But the approach of day put an end to
the romantic disposition of these rude bards and left them ill ruffians
as before.

We soon wearied of this perpetual ferment and excitement, and learning
that there was one room in the prison occupied principally by Union men,
petitioned to be placed with them. To our surprise this request was
granted, and we were taken down to the ground floor, and placed in a
large, dingy room on the level of the street. The windows were not only
secured by crossing bars, but additionally darkened by fine woven wire.
The refuse tobacco-stems--the building was an old tobacco
manufactory--had been thrown into this room, and were now gathered into
a great heap in one corner, occupying more than a fourth part of the
entire apartment. This filthy stuff--for such it was, having been
trodden underfoot for years--was not without its uses for the
tobacco-lovers of the party.

But this dungeon had ample compensations for its darkness and dinginess.
It contained a stove, and was kept quite warm. Thus the terrible
suffering from cold was now ended. There was also good society
here,--nearly a hundred Union men from different parts of the
South,--all intensely patriotic, and many of them possessing great
intelligence. The rude, wild element which dominated in the third floor
was in complete subordination on the first.

It would be easy to fill a volume with stories told us by the loyal
citizens confined in this room. One or two may serve as specimens. I
became very intimate with a Scotchman named Miller, from Texas. He told
me of the beginning of the reign of terror, which prepared the way for
secession. The rumor, in Miller's neighborhood, was first spread of an
intended slave insurrection. Weapons, and in some cases poison, were
secreted, to be afterwards found at the right time. Some slaves were
next whipped until, under the torture, they would confess to the
intended insurrection, and implicate the most prominent opponents of
secession. This was enough to drive the populace to madness. The fear of
servile insurrections has always aroused the worst passions of
slaveholding countries. Slaves and white Unionists were now hung up to
the same trees, and the work went on until all who opposed the
withdrawal of the State from the old Union were treated as criminals. It
is not strange that slavery thus furnished the means as well as the
occasion of rebellion.

Miller, being an outspoken opponent of secession, was seized, and sent
eastward, accused of treason against the Confederacy. Twice he made his
escape, and when recaptured told, each time, a different story. At
Richmond, when brought up for examination, he merely said, "I told you
all about my case before." The examining officer, who was very busy and
a little in liquor, took him at his word and ordered him back to prison.
At length he was included with many others in a special exchange.

A few Union soldiers, besides ourselves, were in this room. There was a
young and adventurous scout from the Potomac army, Charlie Marsh by
name, who had been sent a short distance inside the rebel lines to burn
an important bridge. While on his way, with a gray coat--the rebel
color--thrown over his own uniform, he managed to get some important
information regarding the enemy, which he committed to writing. In this
perilous position he was captured, and the papers, which he was not able
to destroy, determined his character as a spy. A drum-head court-martial
convicted him, and he was sent with a strong guard to Richmond for
execution. While on the way the sergeant in charge got an opportunity to
drink, and soon became very careless. Marsh could not escape; but,
watching his chance, slipped from the sergeant's pocket the package
containing the report of the trial and sentence, and dropped them,
unobserved, into a ditch by the wayside.

When he arrived in Richmond, the sergeant could give the prison
authorities no information further than that his prisoner was a Yankee
he had been told to bring to them. The drunkard was reprimanded, and the
authorities sent back to the army for the missing information. Pending
its arrival, Marsh was put into our room, instead of being confined
separately and securely, as would have been the case if his sentence had
been known. When the evidence against him arrived, the commanding
officer entered the room with a guard and called his name. This was
Charlie's last chance for life, and shrewdly was it improved! A man had
died in the prison the night before, and the body had not yet been
removed. Charlie promptly responded, "Oh, that fellow is dead?" pointing
to the corpse.

"Died, has he? the rascal! We'd 'a hung him this week and saved him the
trouble if he had only held on," growled the officer.

No prisoner felt called upon to expose the deception, and the officer
departed and reported accordingly. Marsh continued to answer whenever
the dead man's name was called, and was finally exchanged in his place.
I once met him since the close of the war. He was then in congenial
employment as a government detective.

CHAPTER XXI.

SICKNESS AND LIBERTY.

In February the attempt was made to persuade the Union men of our prison
room to enlist in the rebel army. Over twenty recruits were obtained.
They were loyal in heart to the old government, but so worn down and
dispirited by suffering that they could resist no longer. The refusal of
the remainder to take the same step seemed to exasperate the prison
officials, and new hardships were devised for us. Captain Alexander, the
tyrant who had charge of the prison, issued an order for taking out a
working-party to perform menial service each day. At first volunteers
were called for, and the desire to be in the open air was so great that
they were readily obtained, notwithstanding the conditions of the work
were far from being pleasant. As soon as no more volunteers offered, a
list was prepared, and a certain number of the names called daily for
service. This was putting the matter in another light. One of the first
called was a frank, brave Tennesseean named McCoy. He answered boldly,
"I'm not going."

"What's the matter now?" demanded the officer who was calling the list.

"I didn't come here to work, and if you can't board me without, you may
send me home," replied the fearless man.

"Well! well! You'll be attended to," growled the officer, and proceeded
with the roll. Four others on the list likewise refused. In a short time
a guard entered the room and seized them. We feared that one of the
terrible floggings, which were only too common in the case of prison
insubordination, was going to take place. But another mode of punishment
was devised. The four were taken before Captain Alexander, who ordered
them to "the cell." This was a windowless place, beside the open court,
only about four feet wide by six or seven in length. It had no floor but
the damp earth, and was dark at mid-day. They were informed that they
should remain here until they consented to work.

We found another alternative for them. There was a piece of file and a
scrap of stove-pipe in our room, which we secreted, and, buying a piece
of candle from the commissary, found an opportunity, when taken to wash
in the prison-court, of slipping the articles into the cell. Thus
provided, our friends began to dig their way out under the wall. All day
and night they worked, but did not get through. We furnished another
candle and they worked on. Towards morning of the second night they
broke upward through the crust of the ground outside of the wall. The
foremost wormed his way out and glided off. He was never heard of
afterwards, and, I presume, reached the Union army. The next man was
just under the wall, when the barking of a dog that happened to be
prowling around drew the attention of the guard that way, and the hole
was closed. This incident prevented the confinement of any others in the
cell.

Yet the attempt to secure workers from the prison was not given up. I
happened to be on the next list prepared. To work with a guard carrying
a musket to enforce obedience did not seem to me a part of my business
as a United States soldier. Carefully counting the cost, I determined to
go any length in resistance.

On our refusal, we were ordered into the jail-yard. It was a very cold,
windy day in February, with abundant rain. We were nearly naked, having
only the remnant of the rags that had already outserved their time. The
bottoms were out of my shoes, and the water stood in the yard several
inches deep. The yard itself was only a vacant corner in the building
inclosed by high brick walls, on the top of which guards walked. The
cold, wet wind swept down with biting sharpness, and almost robbed us of
sensation. We paced the narrow bounds, through the mud and water, until
too weary to walk any more, and then resigned ourselves to our misery.
If this exposure had come earlier, when we were accustomed to the
endurance of cold, it might have been less serious. But for several
weeks we had been in a close, warm room, and the contrast was almost
unbearable.

Here we remained from early in the morning until nearly dark in the
evening. They told us we would have to stay there till we agreed to work
or froze to death! The first we had resolved never to do. The latter
seemed only too probable. I do not think any of us could have survived
the night. We resolved as soon as it was fairly dark to scale the wall
and seek our own deliverance, feeling that it could not be worse to die
by the bullet than by exposure.

But we had help from an unexpected source. The old commissary, Chillis,
had come out of his room, which was near by, several times during the
day to observe us, and each time went away muttering and grumbling. We
thought he enjoyed our suffering, but were greatly mistaken. In the
evening he went to Captain Alexander and remonstrated with him in the
strongest terms. Said he,--

"If you want to kill the men, do it at once! The rascals deserve it.
Hanging is the best way. But don't leave them out there to die by
inches, for it will disgrace us all over the world."

His remonstrance was heeded, and we were remanded back to our room,
which, with its warm fire, never seemed more agreeable. We soon sank
into a pleasant stupor, from which all awoke very ill. One poor fellow
died within a few hours, and several more after a short interval. I was
the only one of our railroad party who had been thus exposed. That day
of freezing does not seem a worse hardship than many endured previously,
but coming when already enfeebled, it was far more injurious. Pneumonia
followed, and when I grew better a distressing cough continued, which
has never left me. Ever since I have been a confirmed invalid. But the
attempt to make us work was relinquished.

One day we were summoned into line, and the names of our railroad party,
with a few others, called over. One of the prisoners who had not been
called, asked the reason of the omission. The officer replied,--

"We can't tell, for this list came from Yankee-land."

This speech set wild conjectures afloat. Why should a list be sent from
the North? Was it for the purpose of exchange? Had the Federal
government made some arrangement at last which applied especially to us,
and not to the mass of Union men in the prison? We could not tell, but
it was pleasant to believe that we were not utterly forgotten.

It was soon discovered that a special exchange of political
prisoners--prisoners whose offences were of a civil and not a military
character--was in contemplation. Soldiers were being exchanged
frequently from the Libby on the other side of the way, but it had
seemed as if we were altogether forsaken. Now the rumor was current that
a large number on each side who were held for various offences were to
be massed into one general exchange, and the including of our names in a
list sent from the loved loyal States was sufficient fuel to rekindle
the almost extinct fire of hope.

But the delay was long, and we grew very weary of waiting. Truce-boat
after truce-boat went off, and week after week slid away, leaving us
still in our dark and irksome prison. So completely did this damp our
hopes that if any one referred to exchange he was laughed into silence.

One day, however, we received a most welcome token of governmental
remembrance. An officer bustled into the prison and asked for the name
of every one there who claimed United States protection. There, was a
general rush towards him, for, although we did not know how our
government could protect us while in rebel hands, we were resolved not
to lose anything for want of claiming it. It then transpired that the
authorities at Washington, in order to relieve the sufferings of the
Richmond prisoners, had offered to furnish a supply of clothing for
them. The offer was accepted, and some of the clothing reached its
destination,--not nearly all, as I judge from comparing the accounts
given on the opposite sides of the line. My own portion was a pair of
boots, which were sorely needed. We did not obtain a complete supply,
but what we did get was very grateful, as a token that we were not
forgotten, but that a great nation still cared for us.

I have said but little for some time past of our religious exercises. It
must not be inferred that we had lost the zeal enkindled during the dark
hours in Atlanta. Up-stairs we continued to pray, sing, and repeat Bible
lessons morning and evening. When we first came into the room below,
where we were strangers, and where the whole current of opinion seemed
utterly irreligious, I did feel as if it would be impossible for us in
the common room to worship publicly as before. At the arrival of the
usual hour I was sorely perplexed, and almost persuaded to wait a day or
two for better acquaintance with our new room-mates. But the matter was
settled providentially for us. Mr. Pierce, who had accompanied us all
the way from Knoxville, and who was very profane in speech, had never
shown any interest in our prayers beyond remaining silent when we were
thus employed. But now he stepped on a box, and calling and stamping
until he had the attention of everybody in the room, he said,--

"I have a matter to propose for our general interest. We have some
preachers with us who are accustomed to sing and pray and read the Bible
every morning and evening. Now, I am wicked enough myself, but I like to
have something good going on; so I propose that we invite them to go
ahead as they have done in other prisons. All that favor the motion say
'aye!'"

The response was most hearty. In a prison a proposition for anything
which will break the monotony for even a little time is sure of favor.
No one voted in the negative, and Pierce, turning to me, said, "Go
ahead."

There were no preachers in our party, but, under such circumstances, we
gladly embraced the providential opportunity. The majority of the
prisoners gathered around in respectful silence, and seemed greatly
pleased to hear, in that gloomy place, the voice of prayer and sacred
song. Even the guards drew near the open door, and stood in reverent
attention. But a small company of the more reckless of the prisoners
regarded the whole matter in the light of a burlesque. One I especially
noticed, who seemed to be their leader. He was quite young, had a
confident bearing, and uttered great oaths on the smallest occasion. He
watched us without making any disturbance while we read and sang, but,
when we knelt for prayer, he knelt too, and became very noisy in his
mock devotions, responding "amen" with more than Methodistic fervor and
at the most inopportune places. This we endured patiently for that
evening, but I resolved to win him over, feeling sure that we would thus
do good and secure ourselves from interruption. On the next day I
managed to get into conversation with him, told him the story of our
adventures, which always commanded attention, and asked the reason of
his imprisonment. He gave the story, and I afterwards asked after his
friends in his far-off Canadian home. He told me that he had no near
relatives except a sister, and his blue eyes filled with tears as he
spoke of his longing to see her once more. There were no interruptions
to our evening service; and I learned that my friend had taken occasion
to say that those Ohioans were good fellows, and that anybody who
disturbed them would have to reckon with him. A number of other
religious persons made themselves known when the way was thus open,
though each one had supposed himself alone before. We formed quite a
church when all assembled, though there was a great mixture of creeds, a
Roman Catholic being one of the most devoted of the number.

A day now approached that had been longed for ever since we first tasted
the bitter cup of captivity,--a day which yet shines golden and glorious
in the light of memory,--a day which I never recall without a mental
ejaculation of thanksgiving to Almighty God. To have assured its coming
I would at anytime during the preceding eleven months have unshrinkingly
sacrificed my right hand!

On the evening of the 17th of March, 1863, when we were sitting around
the stove, discussing quietly but not indifferently the siege of
Vicksburg, an officer stepped within the door and shouted the strange
order, "All who want to go to the _United States_ come to the office!"

No more plans were laid for capturing Vicksburg that night! We thought
we were in the United States all the while, but had no objection to be
still more so, and at once fell into line, and walked out, between two
files of soldiers, to the office. It seemed like a dream. For a moment a
delicious hope thrilled through my veins,--a vision of happiness and
home, dazzling as a flash of summer lightning,--but it instantly faded
before the remembrance of the manner in which we had been deceived in
Atlanta. I did not doubt that an exchange had been arranged for some of
the inmates of our room, but feared that the good fortune would not
reach so far as our proscribed band. The oath of parole, binding each
man not to serve against the Confederacy until regularly exchanged, was
being signed as fast as the names could be written and the oath
administered. To end the suspense, I pressed forward, gave my name, and
held my breath, while fully expecting to hear "The engine thieves can't
go,"--but no objection was made. I wrote my name, and watched each of my
five comrades do the same, with growing hope, as still no objection was
made. Then came the remembrance that our names were the first on the
list, read a few days before, which, as we had been told, came from
"Yankee-land,"--and I suspected, what I afterwards learned to be the
fact,--that our government, in arranging this exchange, had specially
stipulated that we should be included. Although a sickening fear would
still intrude itself now and then, there was really no reason to doubt
that all the preliminaries of our exchange were actually arranged.

When all the prisoners had signed the papers we were ordered to return
to our room, and be ready to start for the North at four o'clock next
morning. We could have been ready in four seconds! but we really needed
the quiet night hours to realize the full magnitude of our deliverance.
The wild excitement of that evening can never be fully described. The
majority of paroled men acted as if bereft of reason. The joyousness of
some found vent in vociferous shouts,--in dancing and bounding over the
floor,--in embracing each other, and in pledging kind remembrances. Some
seemed stupefied by their good fortune, others sat down and wept in
silence, and still others laughed for minutes together. But in the room
there were a few not permitted to go, and my heart bled for them. I
remembered the hour when we had been left by our comrades on first
arriving in Richmond, and now these friends sat cheerless and alone,
seeming more wretched than ever amid the general joy.

But there was one expression of joy which it would have been the basest
ingratitude for us to omit. It was near midnight before we became calm
enough to offer up our usual evening devotions. But when all were
wearied out by the very excess of joy, when the quietness which ever
follows overwhelming emotion had settled upon us, we knelt in prayer,--a
prayer of deep, strong, fervent thankfulness. We implored that we might
not be deceived in our vivid hopes and dashed back from our anticipated
paradise. Yet, if such should be God's mysterious will, and we should
see these hopes fade, as others had faded before them, we asked for
strength to bear the trial. Then, with solemn trust, we tried to commit
the whole matter to the wisdom and the mercy of God, and lay down to
sleep, if we could, and to await the event.

Few eyes closed during the entire night. Fancy was too busy peopling her
fairy landscapes,--picturing the groups that awaited us, beyond that
boundary which for nearly a year seemed to us as impassable as the river
of death. But even as we muse we find that hope is not the only painter
at work. What unbidden fears spring up to darken the prospect and stain
the brightness of our joy! How many of those dear friends we were hoping
to meet may now be no more! For a year not a whisper from them has
reached us,--no letter or message from any friend, and we tremble as we
think of the ravages of time and of battle. These and a hundred other
thoughts whirled through our brains during that ever-memorable night. It
seemed but a few moments after lying down until we heard the voice of an
officer, who stood by the open door, and gave the thrilling order
to--_prepare for our journey_!

Hurriedly we thronged to our feet. It was yet long before daylight, but
the guard were in readiness, and they did not need to wait long for us.
The visions of the night were swept away, but in their stead was the
blessed reality. It was true! Freedom once more! Our terrible captivity
ended! Oh joy! _joy!_--wild and delirious JOY!

There was a hurrying around in the darkness, illumined by the flashing
of torch-lights,--a discordant calling of names,--a careful inspection
of each man to see that none went except those who had been chosen;
then, forming two lines in the court-yard, with bounding hearts we
passed outward through the dreaded portals of Castle Thunder,--the same
portals we had passed inward more than three months before!--passed out
into the cool but _free_ night air, and stood in the dark and silent
street.

Beside us rose the tall, square, and ugly outline of the prison we had
left. Not far away on the left was the shadowy form of the twin
prison,--the Libby,--fit emblems, in their frowning blackness, of that
system of oppression which had shed rivers of blood in a vain war, and
was soon to pass away forever. But we could not pause to moralize even
upon such a theme. As soon as all were out of the gate, and the column
of prisoners duly formed, with guards on either hand, we marched onward
through the muddy streets for many squares. There were with us a number
of sick, who were too weak to walk unassisted, and yet unwilling to be
left behind. As no conveyances were provided for them, we placed each of
them between two friends, on whose shoulders they leaned, and they were
thus able to totter the weary distance. A few had to be carried
altogether by those who were themselves far from strong, but hope, and
the exultation of liberty, made everything possible. After we were
seated in the cars, which were waiting at the depot, and had begun to
glance around with happy faces in the dim morning light, some Richmond
papers were procured. Looking over them we found the very interesting
news that "a large number of _engine thieves_, bridge-burners,
murderers, robbers, and traitors will leave this morning for the United
States. The Confederacy may well congratulate itself on this good
riddance." The item was handed from one to another, and we recognized
the names applied with quiet joy. Our congratulations were not less
fervid than theirs, but we could not help thinking that the riddance
might have been made long before!

With the rising sun we glided out of Richmond, and, passing
fortifications and rifle-pits, soon reached Petersburg. Then, with but
short detention and no notable incidents, we continued on to City Point,
on the James River,--the place of exchange. It was not far from noon
when we came within sight of the most glorious and fascinating object on
the American continent!--the "Stars and Stripes," which we had not seen
before for eleven months, floating in proud beauty over the truce-boat
"State of Maine." It was a glorious vision. Cheer after cheer arose from
the cars. The guard ordered the noise stopped, but the command was
unheeded, and the officers did not try to enforce it.

The memories of that hour are indistinct from their very brightness. I
seem to see again the great boat with its beautiful flag, the line of
Federal guards with their bright blue uniforms, the gray-clad company
for whom we were to be exchanged, and who did not seem nearly so glad as
ourselves, and my own tattered and starved companions, some three
hundred in number. I hear once more the seemingly interminable reading
of names, the checking of lists, the wrangling over trifles, and at last
the order--which needed no repetition--to go on board. There was still a
sense of trembling and apprehension until the boat actually pushed off
and we were on our way down the James.

Then our delight was boundless. We had awakened from a hideous
nightmare-dream to find that all its shapes of horror and grinning
fiends had passed away and left us in the sunlight once more. Our hearts
kept time with the glad threshing of our wheels on the water, and sang
within us, knowing that each ponderous stroke was placing a greater
distance between us and our dreaded foes.

The hearty, cheerful welcome we met on board was no small element in our
pleasure. We were hungry--no wonder after a year's fasting--and we were
fed,--the only difficulty being to avoid hurtful excess. With a full
supply of provisions and a large tin cup of coffee--I am not sure that
so good a cup of coffee has been made since--I sat down and ate slowly,
as if I could never have enough. Then I wandered all over the boat, from
the upper deck and the cabin down to the hold, in the mere wantonness of
liberty. To go about with no guard watching me was as strange as it was
delightful. The act of going up to, and passing unchecked through a
door, was a great pleasure! I saw little of the country through which we
passed, for the mind was too busy. No emotion on earth has the same
sweep and intensity as the throbbing sensations that rush through the
bosom of the liberated captive!

I have no recollection whatever of the lower James, of Fortress Monroe,
of the Chesapeake. In all my memoranda no word occurs of these things.
Whether the hours were spent in sleep or waking, whether the monotony of
happiness obliterated memory, or nature, weakened by disease and
exhausted by too great a multiplicity of sensations, refused to receive
new impressions, I know not; but not until we were near Washington can I
again recall passing events. Then we thronged to the vessel's side, and
bent loving eyes upon the snowy front of our beautiful Capitol. It
seemed a far more grand and fitting emblem of our country's power now
than when I had first looked upon it, an inexperienced boy, in the
far-away opening of the war, though only two years had elapsed since
that time. In those two years the whole country had learned many
lessons, and to me they were an age!

Here a brief controversy arose with the commander of the truce-boat. He
had orders to forward all the exchanged soldiers to the parole camp at
Annapolis, and wished to send our party with them. I demurred, feeling
that it was right for us to report at Washington, at military
headquarters. General Mitchel, who sent us forth upon our expedition,
was dead. Our leader, Andrews, was no more. How many of our officers had
fallen in the sanguinary battles of the West we knew not; possibly we
had been reported as dead and our places filled. This, we afterwards
learned, was actually the case. The right place for us to report, in
order that everything might be put in proper shape, was at Washington,
and to the Secretary of War, Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, in person. Our case,
as the rebels had been showing to our cost for the past year, was not
that of ordinary prisoners of war, and we thought ourselves entitled to
claim the same distinction on Federal soil. I therefore informed the
commander that we had urgent business with Secretary Stanton, and must
be sent to him. He was a little incredulous at first, but as soon as I
gave my reasons he gracefully yielded.

Our reception in Washington was even more cordial than it had been on
the truce-boat. We were provided with most comfortable quarters, and
literally feasted on the best the city afforded. Secretary Stanton asked
us to go before Judge-Advocate-General Holt and there give our
deposition, that the full particulars of what he was pleased to consider
our extraordinary adventures might be given to the world on an
unquestionable basis. Our first visit to Judge Holt was merely friendly,
at which Major-General Hitchcock and Mr. J. C. Wetmore, Ohio State
Agent, were also present. We were invited to come again on the morrow,
when we found a justice of the peace and a phonographer to take our
testimony. I was questioned first, and the examination covered all the
outlines of the story. All were sworn except Mason, who was unable from
illness to be present. The result of the examination, together with
Judge Holt's comments upon it, were published in the _Army and Navy
Gazette_ of that date.

General Hitchcock then accompanied us in our call upon Secretary
Stanton, where we enjoyed a most delightful interview. At its close he
brought out six medals which had been prepared according to a recent act
of Congress and left to his disposal. He said that they were the first
given to private soldiers in this war. Jacob Parrot, the boy who had
endured the terrible beating, received, as he well deserved, the first
one.

Secretary Stanton next presented us one hundred dollars each from the
secret service fund as pocket-money, and gave orders for payment to us
of all arrearages, and for refunding the full value of the money and
arms taken from us at our capture. This was not all. He tendered us,
each one, a commission in the regular army, and on our expressing a
preference for the volunteer service, he requested Governor Tod, of
Ohio, to give us equivalent promotion in our own regiments. These
commissions were promptly given, but through ill health, some of our
number, myself included, were not able to be mustered as officers.

Stanton praised the bravery of Mitchel in the highest terms, and stated
that he had been aware of our expedition, but, until the escape of our
eight comrades in October, had supposed that we had all perished; that
he had then threatened retaliation in case any more of us were executed,
and had demanded to know the reason for the execution of the seven who
had been put to death. It was answered that the Confederate government
had no knowledge of the death of any member of the party. Since that
time he had been most anxious to effect our exchange, and by special
effort had at last succeeded in arranging it.

We were then escorted to the Executive Mansion, and had a most pleasing
interview with President Lincoln. We told him many incidents of prison
experience and received his sympathizing comments in return.

After taking our leave of the President we received transportation at
government expense to our homes. The joy of our reception in our own
Ohio and among our own kindred I will not attempt to describe.

APPENDIX.

No. I.

EXTRACTS FROM THE REPORT OF JUDGE-ADVOCATE-GENERAL HOLT TO THE SECRETARY
OF WAR.

"JUDGE-ADVOCATE-GENERAL'S OFFICE,
"March 27, 1863.

"SIR,--I have the honor to transmit for your consideration the
accompanying depositions of Sergeant William Pittenger, Company G,
Second Regiment, Ohio Volunteers; Private Jacob Parrot, Company K,
Thirty-third Regiment, Ohio Volunteers; Private Robert Buffum, Company
H, Twenty-first Ohio Volunteers; Corporal William Reddick, Company B,
Thirty-third Regiment, Ohio Volunteers; and Private William Bensinger,
Company G, Twenty-first Regiment, Ohio Volunteers; taken at this office
on the 25th instant, in accordance with your written instructions; from
which the following facts will appear:

"These non-commissioned officers and privates belonged to an expedition
set on foot in April, 1862, at the suggestion of Mr. J. J. Andrews, a
citizen of Kentucky, who led it, and under the authority and direction
of General O. M. Mitchel, the object of which was to destroy the
communications on the Georgia State Railroad between Atlanta and
Chattanooga.

"The mode of operation proposed was to reach a point on the road where
they could seize a locomotive and train of cars, and then dash back in
the direction of Chattanooga, cutting the telegraph wires and burning
the bridges behind them as they advanced, until they reached their own
lines. The expedition consisted of twenty-four men, who, with the
exception of its leader, Mr. Andrews, and another citizen of
Kentucky,--who acted on the occasion as the substitute of a
soldier,--had been selected from the different companies for their known
courage and discretion. They were informed that the movement was to be a
secret one, and they doubtless comprehended something of its perils, but
Mr. Andrews and Mr. Reddick alone seem to have known anything of its
precise direction or object. They, however, voluntarily engaged in it,
and made their way, in parties of two or three, in citizen's dress, and
carrying only their side-arms, to Chattanooga, the point of rendezvous
agreed upon, where twenty-two out of the twenty-four arrived safely.
Here they took passage, without attracting observation, for Marietta,
which they reached at twelve o'clock on the night of the 11th of April.
On the following morning they took the cars back again towards
Chattanooga, and at a place called Big Shanty, while the engineer and
passengers were breakfasting, they detached the locomotive and three
box-cars from the train and started at full speed for Chattanooga. They
were now upon the field of the operations proposed by the expedition,
but suddenly encountered unforeseen obstacles. According to the schedule
of the road, of which Mr. Andrews had possessed himself, they should
have met but a single train on that day, whereas they met three, two of
them being engaged on extraordinary service. About an hour was lost in
waiting to allow these trains to pass, which enabled their pursuers to
press closely upon them. They removed rails, threw out obstructions on
the road, and attained, when in motion, a speed of sixty miles an hour;
but the time lost could not be regained. After having run about one
hundred miles they found their supply of wood, water, and oil exhausted,
while the rebel locomotive which had been chasing them was in sight.
Under these circumstances they had no alternative but to abandon their
cars and fly to the woods, which they did, under the orders of Mr.
Andrews, each one endeavoring to save himself as best he might.

"The expedition thus failed from causes which reflected neither upon the
genius by which it was planned, nor upon the intrepidity and discretion
of those engaged in executing it. But for the accident of meeting these
trains,--which could not have been anticipated,--the movement would have
been a complete success, and the whole aspect of the war in the South
and the Southwest would have been at once changed. The expedition
itself, in the daring of its conception, had the wildness of a romance;
while in the gigantic and overwhelming results which it sought, and was
likely to accomplish, it was absolutely sublime.

"The twenty-two captives, when secured, were thrust into the negro jail
of Chattanooga. They occupied a single room, half under ground, and but
thirteen feet square, so that there was not space enough for them all to
lie down together, and a part of them were, in consequence, obliged to
sleep sitting and leaning against the walls. The only entrance was
through a trap-door in the ceiling, that was raised twice a day to let
down their scanty meals, which were lowered in a bucket. They had no
other light or ventilation than that which came through two small,
triple-grated windows. They were covered with swarming vermin, and the
heat was so oppressive that they were often obliged to strip themselves
entirely of their clothes to bear it. Add to this, they were all
handcuffed, and, with trace-chains secured around their necks by
padlocks, were fastened to each other in companies of twos and threes.
Their food, which was doled out to them twice a day, consisted of a
little flour wet with water and baked in the form of bread, and spoiled
pickled beef. They had no opportunity of procuring supplies from the
outside, nor had they any means of doing so,--their pockets having been
rifled of their last cent by the Confederate authorities, prominent
among whom was a rebel officer wearing the uniform of a major. No part
of the money thus basely taken was ever returned."

[The report narrates the continued sufferings of the adventurers in
prison substantially as they are given in the preceding pages, and
concludes:]

"So they remained until a few days since, when they were exchanged; and
thus, at the end of eleven months, terminated their pitiless
persecutions in the prisons of the South,--persecutions begun and
continued amid indignities and sufferings on their part, and atrocities
on the part of their traitorous foes, which illustrate far more
faithfully than any human language could express it the demoniac spirit
of a revolt, every throb of whose life is a crime against the very race
to which we belong.

"Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

"J. HOLT,
"_Judge-Advocate-General_.

"HON. EDWIN M. STANTON,
"_Secretary of War_."

No. II.

A SOUTHERN ESTIMATE.

The following extracts from an editorial published in the Atlanta
_Southern Confederacy_ of April 15, 1862, will serve to show the intense
excitement of the hour:

"THE GREAT RAILROAD CHASE!

"THE MOST EXTRAORDINARY AND ASTOUNDING ADVENTURE OF THE WAR!!

"THE MOST DARING UNDERTAKING THAT YANKEES EVER PLANNED OR ATTEMPTED
TO EXECUTE!

"_Stealing an Engine--Tearing up the Track--Pursued on Foot, on
Hand-Cars, and Engines--Overtaken--A Scattering--The
Capture--The Wonderful Energy of Messrs. Fuller, Murphy, and
Cain--Some Reflections, Etc., Etc._

"Since our last issue we have obtained full particulars of the most
thrilling railroad adventure that ever occurred on the American
continent, as well as the mightiest and most important in its results,
if successful, that has been conceived by the Lincoln government since
the commencement of this war. Nothing on so grand a scale has been
attempted, and nothing within the range of possibility could be
conceived that would fall with such a tremendous, crushing force upon us
as the accomplishment of the plans which were concocted and dependent
upon the execution of the one whose history we now proceed to narrate.

"Its _reality_--_what was actually done_--excels all the extravagant
_conceptions_ of the Arrowsmith hoax, which fiction created such a
profound sensation in Europe.

"To make the matter more complete and intelligible, we will take our
readers over the same history of the case we related in our last, the
main features of which are correct, but lacking in details which have
since come to hand.

"We will begin at the breakfast-table of the Big Shanty Hotel at Camp
McDonald, where several regiments of soldiers are now encamped. The
morning mail and passenger train had left here at four A.M. on last
Saturday morning as usual, and had stopped there for breakfast. The
conductor, William A. Fuller, the engineer, J. Cain,--both of this
city,--and the passengers were at the table, when the eight men, having
uncoupled the engine and three empty box-cars next to it from the
passenger and baggage-cars, mounted the engine, pulled open the valve,
put on all steam, and left conductor, engineer, passengers, spectators,
and the soldiers in the camp hard by, all lost in amazement, and
dumbfounded at the strange, startling, and daring act.

"This unheard-of act was doubtless undertaken at that time and place
upon the presumption that pursuit could not be made by an engine short
of Kingston, some thirty miles above, or from this place; and by cutting
down the telegraph wires as they proceeded the adventurers could
calculate on at least three or four hours the start of any pursuit it
was reasonable to expect. This was a legitimate conclusion, and but for
the will, energy, and quick good judgment of Mr. Fuller and Mr. Cain,
and Mr. Anthony Murphy, the intelligent and practical foreman of the
wood department of the State Road shop, who accidentally went on the
train from this place that morning, their calculations would have worked
out as originally contemplated, and the results would have been obtained
long ere this reaches the eyes of our readers,--the most terrible to us
of any we can conceive as possible, and unequalled by anything attempted
or conceived since this war commenced.

"Now for the chase!"

[The account, which fills a whole page of the paper, is omitted, as it
differs in no essential particular from that given in the foregoing
pages. In concluding, the editor gives his estimate of the purpose and
magnitude of the expedition.]

"We do not know what Governor Brown will do in this case, or what is his
custom in such matters, but, if such a thing is admissible, we insist on
Fuller and Murphy being promoted to the highest honors on the road,--if
not by actually giving them the highest position, at least let them be
promoted by _brevet_. Certainly their indomitable energy and quick
correct judgment and decision in the many difficult contingencies
connected with this unheard-of emergency has saved all the railroad
bridges above Ringgold from being burned; the most daring scheme that
this revolution has developed has been thwarted, and the tremendous
results, which, if successful, can scarcely be imagined, much less
described, have been averted. Had they succeeded in burning the bridges,
the enemy at Huntsville would have occupied Chattanooga before Sunday
night. Yesterday they would have been in Knoxville, and thus had
possession of all East Tennessee. Our forces at Knoxville, Greenville,
and Cumberland Gap would ere this have been in the hands of the enemy.
Lynchburg, Virginia, would have been moved upon at once. This would have
given them possession of the valley of Virginia, and Stonewall Jackson
would have been attacked in the rear. They would have had possession of
the railroad leading to Charlottesville and Orange Court-House, as well
as the South Side Railroad leading to Petersburg and Richmond. They
might have been able to unite with McClellan's forces and attack Joe
Johnston's army front and flank. It is not by any means improbable that
our army in Virginia would have been defeated, captured, or driven out
of the State this week.

"Then reinforcements from all the eastern and southeastern portion of
the country would have been cut off from Beauregard. The enemy have
Huntsville now, and with all these designs accomplished his army would
have been effectually flanked. The mind and heart shrink back appalled
at the bare contemplation of the awful consequences which would have
followed the success of this one act. When Fuller, Murphy, and Cain
started from Big Shanty _on foot to catch that fugitive engine_, they
were involuntarily laughed at by the crowd, serious as the matter
was,--and to most observers it was indeed most ludicrous; but _that
foot-race saved us_, and prevented the consummation of all these
tremendous consequences.

"We doubt if the victory of Manassas or Corinth were worth as much to us
as the frustration of this grand _coup d'état_. It is not by any means
certain that the annihilation of Beauregard's whole army at Corinth
would be so fatal a blow to us as would have been the burning of the
bridges at that time and by these men.

"When we learned by a private telegraph dispatch a few days ago that the
Yankees had taken Huntsville, we attached no great importance to it. We
regarded it merely as a dashing foray of a small party to destroy
property, tear up the road, etc., _à la_ Morgan. When an additional
telegram announced the force there to be from seventeen to twenty
thousand, we were inclined to doubt it,--though coming from a perfectly
upright and honorable gentleman, who would not be likely to seize upon a
wild report to send here to his friends. The coming to that point with a
large force, where they would be flanked on either side by our army, we
regarded as a most stupid and unmilitary act. We now understand it all.
They were to move upon Chattanooga and Knoxville as soon as the bridges
were burnt, and press on into Virginia as far as possible, and take all
our forces in that State in the rear. It was all the deepest-laid
scheme, and on the grandest scale, that ever emanated from the brains
of any number of Yankees combined. It was one, also, that was entirely
practicable for almost any day for the last year. There were but two
miscalculations in the whole programme: they did not expect men to start
out afoot to pursue them, and they did not expect these pursuers on foot
to find Major Cooper's old 'Yonah' standing there already fired up.
Their calculations on every other point were dead certainties.

"This would have eclipsed anything Captain Morgan ever attempted. To
think of a parcel of Federal soldiers--officers and privates--coming
down into the heart of the Confederate States,--for they were here in
Atlanta and at Marietta (some of them got on the train at Marietta that
morning, and others were at Big Shanty); of playing such a serious game
on the State road, which is under the control of our prompt, energetic,
and sagacious governor, known as such all over America; to seize the
passenger train on his road, right at Camp McDonald, where he has a
number of Georgia regiments encamped, and run off with it; to burn the
bridges on the same road, and go safely through to the Federal
lines,--all this would have been a feather in the cap of the man or men
who executed it."

No. III.

A FRENCHMAN'S VIEW OE THE CHATTANOOGA RAILROAD EXPEDITION.

The following extract from the "History of the Civil War in America," by
the Comte de Paris (vol. ii. pp. 187, 188), is suggestive and
characteristic, though erroneous in many particulars. The numbers of
those who escaped and of those who perished are reversed, and the cause
assigned for the failure of the expedition is purely imaginary; but the
local coloring is exquisite:

"Among the expeditions undertaken by Mitchel's soldiers at this period,
we must mention one which, despite its tragic termination, shows what a
small band of daring men could attempt in America; it will give an idea
of the peculiar kind of warfare which served as an interlude to the
regular campaigns of large armies. An individual named Andrews, employed
in the secret service of Buell, and twenty-two soldiers selected by him,
went to Chattanooga under different disguises, and thence to Marietta,
in Georgia, which had been assigned them as a place of rendezvous, and
which was situated in the very centre of the enemy's country. Once
assembled, they got on board a train of cars loaded with Confederate
troops and ammunition. During the trip this train stopped, as usual,
near a lonely tavern close to the track; everybody got out, and both
engineer and fireman went quietly to breakfast. Andrews took advantage
of their absence to jump upon the locomotive, which was detached by his
men, with three cars, from the rest of the train; they started off at
full speed, leaving their fellow-travellers in a state of stupefaction.
At the stations where they stopped they quietly answered that they were
carrying powder to Beauregard's army. Presently they began the work of
destruction which they had projected; they cut the telegraph wires, tore
up the rails behind them, and proceeded to fire the bridges which they
reached on their way to Chattanooga. They hoped to arrive at that city
before the news of their expedition had spread abroad, to pass rapidly
through it, and join Mitchel at Huntsville. But it was necessary to
avoid the trains running in the opposite direction. One of these trains,
which they had just passed on the way, after exchanging the most
satisfactory explanations, reached an embankment, where Andrews had torn
up the rails and made every preparation to throw the cars off the track.
The conductor discovered the trap in time, and backed his engine
instantly, in order to overtake those who laid it. At his approach the
Federals made off in great haste, throwing out of the cars everything
that could embarrass their flight. They at first got a little ahead, and
the few occupants of log huts lying contiguous to the railway track
looked on without understanding this strange pursuit. But, being short
of fuel, they soon began to lose ground; they could not stop long enough
to tear up rails; they tried in vain to keep up the fire of their
engine; they were about to be overtaken; their oil had given out; the
axle-boxes were melted by the friction. The game was lost; they stopped
the engine and rushed into the woods, where they hoped to conceal
themselves. Meanwhile, the telegraph had everywhere announced their
presence, and the entire population started in pursuit. A regular hunt
was organized in these vast forests, and Andrews was captured with all
his men. The majority of them were shut up in narrow iron cages and
publicly exhibited at Knoxville, to intimidate the Union men, after
which fifteen of them were hung; the remaining eight were spared, and
had the good fortune to survive and relate their strange adventures."

No. IV.

OLD SCENES REVISITED.

Nearly twenty years after the events narrated in the preceding pages the
writer passed over the same ground again. Many of the prisons in which
he had been confined were no more. In some cases even their sites had
been so changed by the altering and grading of streets as to be
undiscoverable. But the railroad from Chattanooga to Atlanta continued
to be one of the most important in the whole South, and the memory of
the captured train and the stirring events connected with it had become
a cherished local tradition. The principal pursuers were also found,
some of them being still in the employ of the same railroad, and others
located in Atlanta. From these former enemies nothing but kindness was
experienced. The very locomotive which had been captured was repaired
and continued in use, the writer having the pleasure of once more riding
over the road on a train drawn by it. The same stations were passed.
Many of the smaller towns were externally almost unchanged. Yet
everywhere there was a new atmosphere. War and slavery had vanished, and
the enterprises of peace were in the ascendant. Chattanooga and Atlanta
displayed wonderful improvement, having become like Northern towns in
the rush of their business and the character of their population,--the
latter city, however, to a less degree than the former.

But a still deeper and more melancholy interest was felt in seeking for
the bodies of those who had perished so tragically in Atlanta while
rebellion was still in the plenitude of its power. Of the grave of
Andrews, himself, no trace could be found. Many old citizens could point
out the spot where his scaffold had been erected, and near which he had
been buried. But that portion of the town had been entirely burnt by
Sherman, and when rebuilt the streets had been raised to a higher level
and rearranged, so that the precise location of the grave is probably
forever lost.

The scaffold of the seven soldiers was erected in a little wood directly
east of the Atlanta city cemetery, about an acre of ground being cleared
for that purpose. On this spot, which is now included within the bounds
of the cemetery, the terrible tragedy took place. The heart of the
writer was almost overwhelmed as he stood there on a peaceful Sabbath
afternoon and brought back in recollection that hour of horror! When the
work of death was completed the bodies were placed side by side in a
wide trench at the foot of the scaffold and covered over. So profound
was the impression made by their heroism that the place of burial could
not be forgotten, and was often visited by sympathizing friends even
during the continuance of the war. But this rude grave is now empty, and
for a time the writer could not ascertain what disposition had been made
of its contents. An old man formerly connected with the cemetery at
length supplied the information that the bodies had been removed, not to
the Federal cemetery at Marietta, as had been first conjectured, but to
the more distant and larger one at Chattanooga. Here, in probably the
most beautiful of all the National cemeteries, the graves were found. In
Section H, placed in the open space about the centre, which is usually
assigned to commissioned officers, the seven heroes have obtained a
final resting-place. There is a headstone, with name and rank, at each
grave, and the seven are arranged in the form of a semicircle. This part
of the cemetery overlooks a long stretch of the Georgia State Railroad,
the great prize they struggled to seize for their country and thus lost
their lives. From this spot the frequent trains are distinctly visible.
Watched by the mountains and undisturbed by the passing tide of human
activity, they rest here as peacefully as if death had stolen upon them
in the midst of friends at home instead of rushing down amid the gloom
and horror of that memorable Atlanta scaffold.

THE END.

* * * * *

Transcriber's Notes

Obvious punctuation errors repaired.

Hyphen removed: thunder[-]bolt (page 243), look[-]out (page 277).

List of Illustrations: For illustration 13, "260" changed to "290".

Page 220: "Knoxvile" changed to "Knoxville" (than that at Knoxville).

Page 248: "predecesssor" changed to "predecessor" (handed over to me by
my predecessor).

Page 290: Page number restored in the caption of the illustration.

Page 324: "examing" changed to "examining" (The examining officer).

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Capturing a Locomotive - A History of Secret Service in the Late War." ***

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