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Title: Cox—The Man
Author: Babson, Roger W.
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.
Copyright Status: Not copyrighted in the United States. If you live elsewhere check the laws of your country before downloading this ebook. See comments about copyright issues at end of book.

*** Start of this Doctrine Publishing Corporation Digital Book "Cox—The Man" ***

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    [Illustration: © _Underwood and Underwood_
                   COX--THE MAN]




    COPYRIGHT, 1920

    _All rights reserved_


Never has there been a presidential election when so many voters were
undecided as to what to do. This especially applies to a great group
of Republicans who favor the United States joining the League of
Nations on some such basis as Governor Cox proposes, but who hesitate
to endorse the Democrats on account of associations. These people like
the Democratic platform and the Cox program much better than the
Republican platform and the Harding program; but, not knowing James M.
Cox, they, by instinct, hesitate to endorse him.

In view of this condition, Roger W. Babson, the noted statistician,
presents a study of Mr. Cox’s life. Mr. Babson is not a personal
friend of Mr. Cox but he has known him for some time, and has
carefully studied his work. The following is his story of James M. Cox
as a father, a citizen, and a leader for righteousness. It will be
found both helpful and interesting.
                                         THE PUBLISHERS


    CHAPTER                                      PAGE
       I. BOYHOOD DAYS                              1
      II. EARLY MANHOOD                            12
     III. BUSINESS LIFE                            21
      IV. HOME AFFILIATIONS                        33
       V. PUBLIC CAREER                            41
      VI. WAR RECORD                               52
    VIII. INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS                     71
       X. LEAGUE OF NATIONS                        92
     XII. HIS RECORD                              114




James Middleton Cox was born in Jacksonburg, Ohio, March 31st, 1870,
the son of Gilbert and Eliza A. Cox. Jacksonburg is about six miles
west of Middletown, Ohio, which was the business center for the
district and the place which is today looked upon as the Governor’s
home. The old house is still standing. It is of brick, two stories,
with a pitched roof. Although Jacksonburg is a small village, rather
deserted at the present time, the house looks as if the family was in
average circumstances for those days.


Gilbert Cox, the Governor’s father, operated a small farm which he had
inherited from his father, whose name was also Gilbert. There were
seven children, of which James was the youngest. All seven children
are still living. William keeps a store at Dayton; Scott is in the
office of the _Dayton News_; John is also in Dayton; and Charles works
in the automobile industry in Detroit. Of the two sisters, one is
Anna--the wife of Mr. John Q. Baker--and the other is now Mrs. William
Kroskopp, of Dayton. According to the neighbors, Gilbert Cox was a
severe man and brought up his son to work, although this applies to
most boys brought up on a farm. It was largely all work and no play
for children in those days. From early morning until late at night
boys were then kept busy. Moreover, history shows that such hard work
has hurt very few.

The chief recreation was to go down in the evening to Shafer’s store,
which still exists on the corner. When the weather was good, the boys
used to play outside of the store in the moonlight; but when the wet
and cold weather came, they were allowed inside to talk with the older
men or watch them play checkers. All of the residents remember James
as a boy, and several of them remember his characteristics. When he
got into Shafer’s store, he would either be discussing with the men
political problems, or else would be over in one corner, under the old
kerosene lamp, with his head buried in a good book.

He attended the little red brick schoolhouse of the neighborhood, but
the people say his father often could not let him attend in the fall
until sometime after the classes had begun. It was necessary to keep
him home to help husk the corn. Some of his teachers can still be
found. These teachers speak well of the boy, and one especially
remarked upon his memory. He also seems to have then shown some
interest in questions relating to social justice. While international
problems and industrial problems were not at that time prominent
before the American public, the boy apparently took a keen interest in
the minor events which were reported in the newspapers of their day.

The neighbors like to tell of the boy’s integrity and courage. It
apparently was very noticeable. The Shafers, who owned the country
store, are still alive, and they comment upon the boy’s energy.
Experience has taught me that the elderly are apt to remember only the
good things about their children and grandchildren as the years roll
by. Therefore, one is prepared to hear a good deal of such talk. But
in the case of Cox there is a distinctly impressive earnestness about
these comments of the elders.


When the boy was in his teens, his mother left Jacksonburg and went to
Middletown, Ohio. What the reason for this was I do not know. Later a
formal separation took place and the father married again. He is now
living at Camden, Ohio. Although James has always been fond of his
father and now often motors over to Camden to see him, his real friend
was the mother. The tie between the boy, the man, and the mother was
quite exceptional. She lived to the ripe old age of eighty-one, having
died only three years ago. Mr. Cox says that the greatest pleasure he
ever obtained from being Governor was to have his mother witness his
inauguration. In this connection, I shall mention a story which I
heard in Dayton.

Mr. Cox was nominated for the Presidency at the San Francisco
Convention late on the night of July 6th. He was sitting in the office
of the _Dayton News_ with his wife, watching the press dispatches as
they came over the wire. Finally, the news came that he had been
nominated on the final ballot. He seemed stunned for two or three
minutes, and then rose, went across the room, kissed his wife, took
her by the arm, and the two went home. The people of Dayton knew
nothing about it until they read the papers the next morning.
Therefore, the Governor had a few hours to himself. How did he use
them? I am told that he got up early, ate a light breakfast and went
out to his mother’s grave. There he stayed for a few moments in
meditation and prayer. Then he came quickly back to where the people
already were gathering to meet him. From that moment up to this
writing, he has been in a whirl of excitement, but those few moments
at his mother’s grave apparently gave him a start in the right
direction. This right start has enabled him to meet squarely and
answer honestly the pressing questions which continually come to him.


The United Brethren in Christ have their headquarters in the Otterbein
Press Building at Dayton, Ohio. Bishop A. T. Howard, D. D., and other
prominent men in that denomination live in Dayton and vicinity. There
are a great many adherents to this denomination thruout Ohio and
adjoining states.

The United Brethren is distinctly an American religious sect, which
was originated in the latter half of the Eighteenth Century under the
leadership of Philip William Otterbein. Altho this man was pastor of
the Second Reformed Church in Baltimore and had for his associate
Martin Boehm, a noted Pennsylvanian preacher, the movement worked
westerly to Ohio and Indiana. Otterbein and Boehm did a great work and
their followers and teachings distinctly influenced the early life of
Mr. Cox.

The ecclesiastical policy of the church is Wesleyan; but its theology
is Arminian. Arminius was a Dutch theologian who was one of the first
to oppose the stern teachings of Calvin which had been carried so far
as to almost eliminate the freedom of will. Arminius started a new
sect in Europe which took a much more liberal position, which insisted
that man can have the assistance of God and man, but is of himself
free and able to perform right or wrong.

The United Brethren believe in the sovereignty of God, but that it is
so exercised as to permit the freedom of man. Thus James M. Cox spent
his early years in an atmosphere which was saturated with this spirit
of freedom as opposed to the arbitrary use of force or even
legislation. Without doubt this early teaching influenced Mr. Cox’s
entire life. As one reads his speeches on Internationalism, Industrial
Relations, and especially Prohibition, the theology of Otterbein and
Boehm is quite apparent. Altho he is now attending with his wife the
Episcopal Church, he is still a member of the United Brethren and
instinctively a follower of that religion.


Just before reaching the little village of Jacksonburg, there is an
ancient brick church which James M. Cox’s grandfather and another
relative, James Craig, helped to build. Here James’ father was
superintendent of the Sunday School. It was in this little old church
that the boy received the early religious training to which I have
referred. The pastor was a consecrated man of evangelistic tendencies,
and the boy’s heart was apparently reached early in life. While in his
teens he joined the church. They state he was an active worker for a
boy of his age, although doubtless many other boys have as good or
better record. In addition to his speaking and teaching in Sunday
School, he rang the bell, swept out the church, and did other things
to make himself useful.

When asked about the old church, Mr. Cox said:

    “There were two churches in our township: the Presbyterian and
    the United Brethren. Both father and mother belonged to the
    United Brethren Church and father was trustee. As you know from
    your visit to Jacksonburg, this old United Brethren Church is
    still a running institution. I became a member of it when I was
    about fifteen and was baptized in Elk Creek, a stream two miles
    east of Jacksonburg. I have always felt indebted to the old
    church and have never transferred my membership. The pastors
    when I was a boy were Reverends Mayne, Dunkleberger and
    Kilbourne. The Reverend Fout came after I went to Middletown
    but I remember him as well as the presiding elders, Reverends
    McKee, Burkett and others. I even remember the visits of dear
    old Doctor William J. Shuey, who is well known among the United
    Brethren people altho others may not know him.”

After going to Middletown, he attended there with his mother the
Methodist Church, as no United Brethren Church then existed in
Middletown. He gave to the church and his mother all the time which
his work and study would permit. He was especially interested in the
church library and became its best patron. He was instrumental in
having the church give a dramatic entertainment entitled “The Hoosier
School Master” for the benefit of the church library. Many other
anecdotes are told which show his interest and energy.

In Middletown he lived with his sister Anna, at what is now 105 Third
Street. She married John Q. Baker, who is today postmaster of
Middletown, Ohio. Various stories have been published about the boy’s
poverty and struggles; but these are not justified by the existing
evidence. He had as good an opportunity as most boys brought up on a
farm. He perhaps made better use of them than many boys have; but to
no great extent. The truth probably is that he was sick of farm work
and wanted to get to the city. He also perhaps wanted more schooling
than Jacksonburg provided. He perhaps also wanted to be near his

As a sidelight on his interest in his mother, I will record one more
incident which was told me in Middletown. The day following his
nomination for the Presidency, and after receiving congratulations at
his home in Dayton and speaking to his workmen on the _Dayton News_,
Mr. Cox motored to his old home in Middletown. The friends and
neighbors of his boyhood days insisted on giving him a reception. They
wanted it to be held in the Sorg Opera House; but he suggested that
they have it in front of the old home where he and his mother lived at
the corner of Third and Broad Streets. The good people of Middletown
took the suggestion and erected a platform in front of the old house.
It is now occupied by Kessel’s Clothing Store and law offices. From
this platform the Governor spoke. Strange to say, this old house was
the birthplace of former Governor Campbell of Ohio, who led the Cox
delegates at the San Francisco Convention.

Mr. Baker--the sister’s husband--was somewhat older and was a teacher
at the High School in Amanda, which is three miles south of
Middletown. It was this Amanda School which the boy attended. “If
there ever was a boy who went to school for business, it was Jimmy,”
says Mr. Baker. “Not only did he work very hard at school, but he
continually plied me with questions as we used to walk back and forth
along the Miami Canal.” According to Mr. Baker, his only recreation
seemed to be arguing. “He did like to argue,” says Mr. Baker. “If
there were no debates at school or at the country grocery store, he
would seek the street corner.”


For some reason or other, the boy attended school in Middletown for
only a year. I think he did not graduate. Perhaps they did not have
graduations in those days. The school, however, was the best in that
section of the country. The old farmers tell me it was called the
“Gilt Edge School” by the taxpayers, because it always required so
much money. Certainly it paid good wages for such days, as the records
show that Mr. Baker got one hundred dollars a month. It contained
three large rooms.

In short, Mr. Cox’s boyhood was similar to that of most boys brought
up on a farm. The magazine writers like to embellish it with tales of
misfortune and struggle; but the facts do not justify such stories.
He had a fair chance and was especially fortunate in receiving the
help which came from his brother-in-law, Mr. Baker.



James M. Cox’s earliest recollection is of being set on the kitchen
floor inside of a big old-fashioned horse collar. This enabled him to
play and crawl around without getting into mischief while his mother
did the house work. When I spoke of the incident to one of his own
neighbors, the neighbor grunted and said to me:

“Guess they put Jimmy in the horse collar so he would get used to one.
He was usually getting one on or off an old horse. Certainly if any
boy was brought up to work, Jimmy Cox was.”


Upon leaving the Amanda School, the boy did not go back to the farm.
He was determined to get to work, and was willing to do almost
anything else, honorable, in order to get a start. He earned money at
several odd jobs. He acted as tutor, as janitor, as newsboy and as
printer’s devil. His first regular work after leaving school was
teaching in “the little red school house.” Many thought he would be a
school teacher for life, being so much interested in history,
geography and other subjects. He seemed to have a natural knack for
seeking the truth and teaching it to others. Those who remember him
say that he stood for more liberty than did the other teachers and
allowed the scholars more freedom. On the other hand, they say, he
took much more pains in explaining to the boys and girls what is right
and what is wrong. In those days, school teaching was more of a
physical than an intellectual task. Corporal punishment was in vogue,
and a school teacher was supposed not to argue but to rule with the
aid of a rod. Cox disagreed with this custom and preferred the now
accepted methods of teaching. Instead of relying for discipline upon a
piece of bamboo, he appealed to the hearts and the reason of his

Among the schools in which he taught were the Tytus School, which was
two miles north of Middletown, and the Rockdale School, which is in
Liberty, a township several miles down the valley. These were all
little one-room buildings. Cox taught three terms.

Mr. Cox tells me that he owes much to these early years of school
teaching. His success in leading, rather than driving, men may be due
to these early experiences. Perhaps his attitude on many current
questions was really determined by his experience with his scholars in
the little red school house. He believes that human nature is the same
today as then, and the same in Massachusetts and California as in
Ohio. He believes all men should be educated and led rather than
driven and forced. Hence he is opposed to the use of clubs or bayonets
by either capital or labor so far as possible also he is opposed to
the use of force in solving international questions. He believes in
creating, through religion and education, within the people’s hearts,
a desire for better things.


During the summers and on Saturdays he did newspaper work of various
kinds. The printing press and its product always had a great
fascination for him. I am told he had from the first the natural
instincts of a successful reporter and was exceedingly good at writing
headlines. I asked him why he leaned so to the newspaper business, and
he replied:

“My mother taught me that I should lead others,--that I should be a
worker and a leader, rather than a loafer and a follower. Hence I went
into school teaching, although doubtless I was glad to get a job of
any kind. One day, however, I was impressed with the opportunity of
becoming a much bigger teacher by reaching a great many more people
thru a newspaper. It was with this idea that I went into newspaper
work when the opportunity came and gave up the classroom.”

He was now twenty-one years old. He had reached the time when he must
decide upon his life work. Mr. Baker tells me that he told the boy he
should either be a school teacher or a newspaper man and not try to be
both. Mr. Baker was apparently very strict with him and insisted that
he should keep regular hours and apply himself closely to work. The
boy loved to read and argue, which had a tendency to interfere with
his daily tasks. He spent his Sundays either at church or amidst his
books. He read the classics through and through. He loved biography
and history. His friends tell me that he would read not only the best;
but he would urge them to do likewise.

While James was teaching school, Baker had purchased the _Middletown
News-Signal_. As already stated, the young man worked upon this at odd
times. Now, however, he gave it all his time and served as reporter,
make-up man and pressman or typesetter, as necessity called. In
addition to working for the _Middletown News-Signal_, Cox was also a
country correspondent for the _Cincinnati Enquirer_, the leading
paper of that section.


One day a railroad wreck occurred[1] at Heno, Ohio, a village near
Middletown, and several employees of the National Cash Register
Company of Dayton, Ohio, who were on a picnic, were killed. Altho the
various Cincinnati papers had several correspondents along the line of
the railroad, Cox was apparently the only reporter who got his story
in on time. His energy and versatility apparently so appealed to the
managing editor of the _Cincinnati Enquirer_ that they offered him a
position on the _Enquirer_. Mr. Baker of the _News-Signal_ advised him
to accept it. In speaking about the Cox of those days, one of his
associates says:

    [1] The wreck was on what was then the Cincinnati, Hamilton &
    Dayton Railroad. The line is now owned by the Baltimore & Ohio
    Railroad Company.

“Cox’s success was due to his ability to understand and talk the
language of the average man. He seemed to have the ability to keep in
touch with the aspirations and thoughts of his fellow citizens.”

Jim Falkner, the veteran political editor of the _Cincinnati
Enquirer_, says that Cox’s stories were notable for their simplicity.
They not only told the facts, but they were told in a way which the
average man understood, believing he was getting a square deal.
According to the records, Cox started with the _Cincinnati Enquirer_
at $20.00 a week. That was in 1892. He worked for the _Enquirer_
diligently for two years.

From all accounts, Cox’s work on the _Enquirer_ was satisfactory,
although nothing extraordinary. Altho now in the twenties, he had
risen quite rapidly in newspaper work. From the _News-Signal_, at
$6.00 a week and board, to the regular staff of the _Cincinnati
Enquirer_ was a fair jump. He apparently enjoyed the work, and the
editors apparently liked him. It is said that he might be there today
had it not been for a certain incident. Various accounts are told
regarding this event, but the most authentic account is as follows:

A story was brought in by Cox which reflected on one of the big
railroads operating in Ohio. The story was truthful and well written,
but it was very displeasing to the railroad interests. These
complained to the editor of the _Cincinnati Enquirer_. The editor was
in a quandary as to what to do. He could not discharge Cox because of
the truthfulness and excellence of the story; while he could not
offend the railroad people by keeping Cox at such work against their
wishes. Finally he hit upon the happy idea of promoting Cox to a
different position. According to all reports, this was distinctly a
better position, but the extra money did not appeal to Cox. He
apparently felt that a moral principle was involved. If his newspaper
story was untrue, he was willing to be discharged, but if the story
was true he believed that his editor should reprimand the railroad
company for complaining. Apparently the editor did not agree with him,
and thereupon Cox resigned.


In 1894, Paul J. Sorg, of Middletown, was elected to Congress to fill
an unexpired term of Congressman George W. Houk. For some time Cox
apparently had been desirous of going to Washington to have a larger
opportunity than the newspaper work afforded him. Some of his friends
say that he was disappointed at what he found in the big city
newspaper. One there lacks the freedom of expression which all
red-blooded men love. In the city newspaper he came in conflict with
interests which, while at Middletown, he did not know even existed.
The little country newspaper is a simple community affair, but the
big city daily is by nature a great commercial enterprise. Cox was
perhaps disappointed in the commercialism of it all. Apparently his
desire from the first was to improve conditions and lead his fellow
men toward a healthier, happier and more prosperous life. He had hoped
to do it first thru school teaching, then thru newspaper work, but now
he felt that perhaps his opportunity was to be found in Washington. He
thereupon applied to Congressman Sorg for a position as private
secretary, and went to Washington for this work. Congressman Sorg
talked the matter over with Mr. Baker, and they agreed that it would
be a good undertaking both for the Congressman and for young Cox.

Sorg was a self-made man, who had accumulated considerable money in
the tobacco business by energy and industry. Mr. Cox doubtless had
these same qualities then as he has them today. At any rate, he
appealed to Sorg, and off Cox went to Washington. Sorg finished out
that term and was re-elected. Again Cox went to Washington with him.
Congressman Sorg, however, did not care for political life. His health
began to fail, and with it his mind. After two terms, he did not seek
re-election. He returned to Ohio in 1897 and Cox went back home with
him. Mr. Sorg is now dead, but Mrs. Sorg is still living in
Middletown. She is a woman of very large means. They all returned to
Ohio together in 1897.

In talking with men familiar with Cox in those days, all say that he
was a great worker and had tremendous energy; but he insists he was no
more industrious than are the secretaries of most Congressmen. It is
his experience that they all have to work. The success attained by
many political leaders is due to their secretaries. Mr. Cox himself
owes much of his success in recent years to the very efficient
secretary which he had during his last two terms as Governor. I refer
to Mr. Charles E. Morris.



Congressman Sorg apparently was much pleased with Mr. Cox’s work in
Washington. Cox was doubtless of great benefit to Congressman Sorg, as
the Congressman’s health was very poor. It is generally agreed that
what the Congressman did accomplish in Washington was due largely to
the energy, industry and integrity of his private secretary.

One day the Congressman and young Cox were talking over the future
together. The Congressman explained that he wanted to go back to Ohio,
and Mr. Cox told of his ambitions to go back to Ohio and have a paper
of his own in which he could freely write unhampered by any interests.
This talk was during the business depression of 1897, when many
newspapers, as well as other business enterprises, were in financial
difficulties. Mr. Sorg suggested that if one were to buy a newspaper,
this was a good time to do it. Shortly after this Cox learned that the
_Dayton News_ was on the market and could be purchased cheaply.


The business men of Dayton tell me that the _News_ was then about as
hopeless an enterprise as could be imagined. It was operating at a
loss, its press was falling to pieces and its reputation was nil.
However, Mr. Cox insisted that he could be happier with a bankrupt
paper of his own, than with a great prosperous metropolitan daily
owned by others. Like so many other young newspaper men, he asked
himself, “What shall it profit a man if he gain the whole world and
lose his own soul?” Thus, with the help of Mr. Sorg, Cox purchased
control of the _Dayton News_.

When one visits Dayton today and sees the beautiful and modern
printing plant which this paper now possesses, he respects James M.
Cox. It not only is a monument to his energy and industry, but shows
that success comes from printing the truth unhampered and uncolored.
This has been illustrated in many other cases. Even certain great
metropolitan dailies which today are so allied with the reactionary
interests, won their original success by independently serving the

The _Dayton News_ was the life of James M. Cox. According to all
accounts he “ate, drank and slept” his newspaper. He determined its
policy, he wrote the editorials, he made up the head lines and he
read the proofs. When anybody asked him what he thought on certain
subjects, he would invariably reply, “Read the _Dayton News_. I have
said in that paper what I think and I can say no more.”

Dayton merchants speak well of Mr. Cox; but are not enthusiastic about
him. They look upon him as a successful business man, altho they don’t
especially like his paper. He apparently made many enemies by once
getting into a fight with the National Cash Register Co. which wanted
Dayton to make certain improvements. The _Dayton News_ insisted that
these improvements would be unfair to the rest of the city and fought
them. Much feeling was developed upon both sides. Who was right I
cannot prove; but those who really know Cox cannot help believing that
he was.


A few years later, Cox found another paper for sale in Springfield,
Ohio, and purchased it. This paper was then known as the _Springfield
Press Republic_, but the same has since been changed to the _News_.
This was in 1903. Overnight the _News_ changed its name and its
politics. The circulation of this paper is now about 18,000 daily and
Sunday. The circulation of the _Dayton News_ is about 38,000 daily
and 28,000 on Sunday. Both papers have very beautiful stone buildings,
the Dayton building having been erected in 1908 and the Springfield
building a few years ago. Both are monuments to James M. Cox’s
industry, enterprise and foresight. On the other hand, one is not
surprised at his business success after once working with him. A man
with such energy and good judgment could not help getting on.

James M. Cox is surely a conservative business man. His two papers are
profitable and all with newspaper experience know it requires much
ability to successfully run a newspaper. Moreover, this success
doubtless has been due to his ability to surround himself with able
and conscientious men. He knows men and can select them with great
skill. I was one day talking over his business career with a number of
prominent Middletown business men. I asked: “To what do you ascribe
the Governor’s great business success?”

With one breath they all answered: “To hard work.”

Unlike many business men, Mr. Cox has practically no outside
interests. He has concentrated upon his papers endeavoring to give
them the very best within him. This concentration has also had the
additional advantage of keeping him independent. Although interested
in the Ohio Cities Gas Company, he has no entangling alliances with
railroads, street railways, banks or industrials of any kind. He is
dependent upon prosperity; but he has no favorites. He wants every
industry to prosper. Hence, perhaps, his campaign motto: “Peace,
Progress and Prosperity.”


Cox always had the Crusader’s spirit. He says, however, that he
deserves no credit for it, but crusaded because he enjoyed the
struggle. Apart from his quarrel with the National Cash Register
people, he had a conflict with the Appleyard Traction Syndicate, which
owned the Dayton, Springfield & Urbana Street Railway Company, and
which later built the Central Market Street Railway in Columbus. Being
myself then interested in selling the bonds of these companies, I
personally came into contact at that time with the “crusading” of the
Cox newspapers. The properties had been financed with Boston money,
and we naturally did not like the attitude which Cox then took,
through his papers, against us. Although I felt keenly at the time and
still feel that Cox overstated the case in his fight, I am now
convinced that we were wrong. At any rate, he succeeded, while Mr.
Appleyard has now passed on and the traction business is about gone.

The people of Ohio say that it was Mr. John Q. Baker who made Mr. Cox
the true and courageous man that he is. I once spent a day with Mr.
Baker. We visited together Mr. Cox’s old home at Jacksonburg, and then
motored to his beautiful residence at the outskirts of Dayton. If I am
any judge of men, Mr. Baker is one of the finest God ever made.
Although he has only one child--who is married to Professor Howard, of
the Psychology Department of Northwestern University, Chicago--he is
very fond of boys.

He is a great believer in honesty, work, and promptness. He says that
he always urged “Jimmie” to avoid the loafers. “Don’t hang around the
loafers,” he would say, “they never do anyone any good. Aim
high--always have an aim. He who has no aim in life never amounts to

So James M. Cox had an aim. Mr. Baker gave him biography to read. The
man became infatuated with Jackson, Lincoln, and Jefferson. He
determined to be like them. Hence, when Mr. Sorg offered him the
choice of entering the newspaper or the tobacco business, James Cox
took the former--according to his original purpose--at a much smaller


In addition to possessing great integrity and courage, Mr. Cox is a
wonderful student of human nature. He has remarkable judgment and
intuition. These very necessary and practical traits acquired during
years of business experience he has put into his public work. This has
been especially noticeable in connection with his appointments. Also
in his handling of labor troubles. Also in the work which he has done
with the state institutions, and in interviewing those seeking pardon.

One of the last made a great fight for freedom. Petitions were
circulated in his behalf and many people sought the Governor for his
release. Finally the Governor sent for the man. He also was impressed
by his appearance and was almost on the point of pardoning him when he
noticed that he could not hold the man’s eye. Thereupon the Governor
took him by the hand, looked him in the face and said:

“My friend you can lie to me, but you can never lie to society. You
can secure your freedom from jail, but never your freedom from your
own consciousness. You must always live with yourself. Better be
honest and in jail than dishonest and outside. Are you guilty or not?”

The man hung his head and replied:

“Governor--I am guilty.”

The business career of Mr. Cox has not been confined to the
publication of his newspapers. His business career has been most
intimately interwoven with his public career. That is to say, he
administered his office as Governor in a most business-like way. For
the first time in the history of Ohio, the State business was carried
on in an efficient manner. Four illustrations come to my mind.

During his first term, the state of Ohio was greatly crippled by a
most devastating flood. The water ways of the Miami Valley broke loose
and did untold damage. Several plans were suggested for preventing a
recurrence. Naturally the people preferred the least expensive plan
and the one which would require the least immediate sacrifice. Mr. Cox
took an entirely different position. He insisted that the people of
Ohio had an obligation to those who would be living fifty or a hundred
years hence. With great foresight, he insisted on the adoption of a
remedy which would be permanent. This, however, required a vast amount
of legislation. While urging this legislation, he met with much
opposition. The permanent plan, however, was finally adopted and
Dayton and the Miami Valley are now free from danger.

Governor Cox insisted that the state adopt a budget system. With
politicians, budgets are very unpopular. Altho all large business
enterprises are operated on the budget system, yet few states and
municipalities have them. One of the first things that Mr. Cox did
when governor was to get Ohio to adopt a budget system. He also
introduced more equitable methods of taxation with the purpose of
encouraging improvements and discouraging hoarding of property or
opportunities. With this budget system and readjusted taxes, the state
of Ohio was able to get thru the strain of the war and the
reconstruction period following without the additional taxation of
legitimate business. Probably no state in the union was able to meet
the strains of the war with so little difficulty as Ohio, and this was
due--so far as I can learn--to the state being operated on a business
basis and in a business-like way.

Another simple illustration: Like other states Ohio has a state farm,
upon which it has certain cattle. When Mr. Cox came into office, this
state farm was being operated at a distinct loss and the cattle were
more or less of a nondescript nature. The Governor immediately called
for blooded stock and finally he was given a small appropriation. He
got one good bull and a few good heifers, altho the people of the
state criticised him severely for such “gross extravagance.” Within a
few years, this herd became one of the best and most profitable in the
state, and for the first time the state of Ohio’s farm adventure was
on a paying basis. Today I understand that Ohio has the best state
herd in America, and, if Mr. Cox’s plans are carried out, it will
result in so improving all the live stock in the state that Ohio will
have the best cattle of any state in the union.

In another part of this book, I refer more in detail to his success in
selecting and leading men, with special reference to his handling
labor troubles during the coal and steel strikes which so threatened
industry in Ohio. In this chapter, however, I must refer to the work
which he did in connection with rising costs of living. Mr. Cox,
unlike most liberal leaders, believes in the law of supply and demand.
He does not believe in interference with the law of supply and demand
by the representatives of either labor or capital. On the other hand,
he believes that many of our economic difficulties are due to
interference with this law, especially by the big distributors. He
believes in the use of cold storage plants, but he believes in their
use for the benefit of the people rather than for the benefit of
speculators. Those who are interested in a study of cold storage
plants, in connection with the cost of living, should become
acquainted with what Mr. Cox accomplished while Governor of Ohio.

A severe winter found Ohio without seed corn, and farmers were
required to pay as high as $20 a bushel for seed. Governor Cox sent
agents into other territories where climate and soil conditions were
similar to Ohio, and secured a supply of seed corn at a cost of less
than $3.00 a bushel. The toll of the war and the lure of the city were
depleting farm labor. To meet this need, Governor Cox arranged for a
large purchase of tractors thru private agencies, called a meeting of
farmers at the state capital and conducted a tractor school under the
supervision of experts. Within two weeks’ time, more than 6,000
tractors were put into use within the state. Instead of a labor
shortage, decreasing acreage and crops, the production of the state,
both in acreage and bushels, was actually increased.

These are some simple illustrations of Mr. Cox’s vision. He has that
rare combination of the enthusiastic idealist and the hard-headed
business man. Often we find one of these qualities without the other,
but seldom find them both together. The great need in Washington today
is not for the idealist nor for the hard-headed business man, but
rather for him who can combine these two qualities. Mr. Cox has the
absolute confidence of both the business interests and the wage
workers. The business interests have absolute confidence in him and
the working people have a genuine affection for him. He possesses that
peculiar faculty of getting together those representatives of capital
who furnish employment and the great mass of the employed who are
necessary to keep the wheels of industry moving. That faculty he
combines with integrity, initiative, and courage. This is the essence
of a successful business career.



James M. Cox was always a great pal of his mother and of course very
good to her. He also was very close to his sister Anna, and her
husband, Mr. Baker, his first employer. He seems to have had but
little to do with young ladies, his entire time being devoted to work
and study. The newspaper hours were long and as soon as they were over
he went home and buried himself in his books with a dictionary handy.


His first marriage was to a Cincinnati girl named Harding. It is said
that she was a very pretty girl and is a very attractive woman today.
Altho the Governor has always refused to discuss in any way their life
together, it is said that she was the first girl whom he ever showed
any attention. At any rate, they were engaged, and soon married. The
wedding took place in Cincinnati, May 25, 1893, when he was 23 years
of age. They had four children, three surviving, which were born as
follows: Miss Helen Cox, now Mrs. Daniel Mahoney; Mr. John Cox;
Master James Cox.

It is a very happy family of children. At Mr. Cox’s home at Trailsend,
one notices pictures of the children about the house. One which young
Jimmy had autographed for his “Daddy,” apparently as a Xmas gift, is
especially noticeable. They all are very fond of the Governor and he
is devoted to them. You cannot spend, of course, an hour with him
without hearing of his children.

People think Mr. Cox made a mistake not to have his wife and family
more at Washington with him when he went first as Secretary to
Congressman Sorg, and later as Congressman himself. Political work
kept him very much engrossed at Washington and the three children and
her music kept Mrs. Cox very busy. Neither was interested in the plans
of the other. The neighbors believe that if they had been they would
be living together today. But such is not the case.


When the Governor returned to Dayton from Washington in 1908 and 1909
something seemed lacking. The old love which was so strong in 1893 was
gone. On October 2, 1909, he and Mrs. Cox separated although no
formal action was taken for two years. His wife, Mary Harding Cox, had
in the meantime moved to Cleveland where she established a residence.
Legal proceedings were brought through the Patterson law offices,
American Trust Building, Cleveland, Ohio. Afterwards she went to
Germany remaining there until early in 1914. In the fall of 1914 she
married Mr. Richard H. Lee. Mr. Lee is a much-respected attorney now
of New York City and resides at Pelham Manor with his wife. Although
Mr. Cox had arranged to pay for the support of the children, Mr. Lee
insisted that such money be not so used, but invested for the children
to receive as a future benefit. Many who did not really know Mr. Cox
and his former wife before that time then learned to love and respect
them both.

The petition was filed on May 10, 1911. As is customary in such cases,
_i. e._, when the husband intends to be chivalrous, Mr. Cox permitted
his wife to ask for the divorce. It was granted on June 22, 1911. The
Court decided that the custody of the children should be awarded to
each party equally.

It was a wonderful test for any man or woman. Only persons of the
highest character could handle themselves in such a straightforward
impassionate way. The attitude of both is an example of frankness,
courage and kindness. Everyone who knew them then is enthusiastic in
their praise. Both, of course, today always speak well of the other
and the children are naturally equally fond of mother and father. It
was an unfortunate affair and yet was probably for the best. The
venerable Dayton attorney, Hon. John A. McMahon, was Mr. Cox’s counsel
in the case. All who know Mr. Cox or Mary Harding Cox realize that
they would do only what they thought was best under the circumstances.

The youngest son, now thirteen, is with his mother in New York and the
older son, about sixteen, is a student at the Culver Military Academy
in Indiana. The daughter is married and lives in Dayton, her husband
being in the employ of her father on the _Dayton News_. Mr. Cox
believes in doing the best possible under all circumstances and
trusting the results. He never discusses the case and makes no
explanations. Further light is thrown on the case by the fact that Cox
did not meet his second wife until five years after the divorce was
granted from his first wife.


One day in March, 1916, after a hard season’s work in connection with
publishing his two papers, James Mr. Cox motored down to Hot Springs
for a little rest and change. There he met Miss Margaret Blair who was
stopping at the hotel with her aunt. Both were from Chicago, Miss
Blair being the daughter of Mr. Thomas Blair, a prominent Chicago
business man. Miss Blair apparently had that love for politics and
out-door life which appealed to Mr. Cox. Miss Blair was very athletic,
rather than musical. She could ride, swim, play golf, sail a boat and
loved the rough life of the woods and farm. Mr. Cox stayed at Hot
Springs for a whole month. After that he made many week-end trips to
Chicago, even during his gubernatorial campaign. At the inauguration
ceremonies in January, 1917, Miss Blair was seen in a prominent seat.
She and the Governor were married in September, 1917.

They have recently had one child which has been named Anne. It was
eight months old when Mr. Cox was nominated for the Presidency. Mr.
Cox named it after his oldest sister, Mrs. John Q. Baker, to whom I
have already referred, and who did so much for him in his early days.
Before dropping the subject let me say that Mr. Cox was married to
Miss Blair by the Reverend Washington Gladden, one of the most honored
of Congregational preachers. Gladden died in 1918.

In this connection permit me to add that Mrs. Cox is an earnest
Christian woman and a regular attendant of the Episcopal Church.

While Governor, Mr. Cox has three homes; namely, the Governor’s
mansion at Columbus; Trailsend, a very beautiful country estate of
about 65 acres, two miles from Dayton on the Middletown road; and the
old Homestead where he spent his early boyhood days. This old place
was originally 111 acres and was at one time sold out of the family;
but just as soon as Mr. Cox had the means, he purchased it. He since
has restored it, so far as possible, to its original appearance and
increased the area to 250 acres. He conducts it himself now as a real
farm and is stocking it with a fine grade of Holstein cattle.

Unlike many boys who are born on a farm he still has a love for farm
life. Whenever he gets a half day of freedom, he goes out to his farm
at Jacksonburg and looks at the cattle. He loves them dearly and is
never so happy as when he can be amongst the animals. Mr. Cox feels
that everyone who can possibly afford it should have some active part
in production. He is very much interested in agriculture and the
producing of food stuffs. He believes that the cost of living will be
reduced only by all producing more and consuming less. It seems to be
a matter of principle with him to run his farm and render some real
service, not only in producing food stuffs, but also in improving the
quality of live stock.

He has strong opinions regarding fundamental economic problems. Altho
he makes no pretence to scholarship in economics, he is sound on all
economic questions. This is discussed more fully in the latter part of
this volume but I cannot help now mentioning the matter so far as it
applies to production, both industrially and agriculturally. James M.
Cox believes in everyone working, whether rich or poor, and believes
that not only the cost-of-living problem but also the social problems
will be solved thereby. Absentee ownership and idleness on the part of
both rich and poor are at the bottom of our social troubles. He
insists that this question of production is really a moral question
and should be taken up by all lovers of righteousness. To quote him:

“The need today is more religion, but this religion must be expressed
thru integrity, industry and service, rather than thru blue laws or
verbal resolutions.”


James M. Cox is a member of the Jefferson Masonic Lodge of Middletown,
Ohio. Among the many letters which came to him after his nomination
for the Presidency was one from the lodge which he seemed to prize
most highly. He commented on the fact that the Middletown Lodge had
furnished Ohio two Governors.

Although interested in all forward looking movement for the betterment
of mankind, Mr. Cox is very fond of the old things. The Jacksonburg
farm where he was born has been fixed up by him in a most interesting
way. All the old fire-places have been opened; a mammoth one, eight
feet long and five feet high, is in the dining room; while great four
poster beds are in each chamber. The entire house is--in
fact--furnished with old fashioned furniture. The present care-taker
was about the place when James M. Cox was a boy and he tells me that
he “nursed him.” On the walls in the living room are oil paintings of
his grandmother Graig and grandfather Gilbert Cox, the one who built
the church. One look at the faces of these two fine old people shows
clearly from where he inherits his honesty, courage and energy.



James M. Cox’s public career commenced in a small way when he was
working for his brother-in-law, Mr. Baker, on the _News-Signal_ in
Middletown, Ohio. Political events were always the most important
events in Ohio. Hence to be a successful reporter to an Ohio paper,
required a political sense of fitness and knowledge of things. This
sense young Cox readily developed.

It was this interesting political work which he had in Middletown that
was lacking in Cincinnati. Altho the job on the _Cincinnati Enquirer_
paid much more and would have been preferred by many men, it did not
appeal to Cox on account of it lacking constructive interest. Mr. Cox
never showed much interest in business for the sake of making money.
He seemed always to like to do things--the harder the better.


The political life of James M. Cox really began when he reached
Washington one morning in 1894. This was a real event for him, and
altho disappointing in many ways, gave him an insight into political
life which he had never been able to have before. Washington impressed
him with the great possibilities of service thru holding a public
office but he felt any such office was beyond him. Hence he returned
to Dayton because he believed it gave him greater opportunities for

The first editorials which he wrote for the _Dayton News_ were in the
interests of the people of Ohio. He apparently grasped every
opportunity to fight for legislation which would make the great mass
of people healthier, happier and more prosperous. He was not a part of
the vested interests which were so strong in Ohio. On the other hand
he did not put forth the radical propaganda of which many writers are
guilty. From the time Mr. Cox first reached Washington in 1894, he was
a close student of national political affairs. He however, took no
public part until after returning to Ohio and fully establishing
himself in the newspaper field.


The first office which Mr. Cox sought was as Congressman from the
Third District of Ohio. This was in 1908, about ten years after he
came back from Washington as Secretary to Congressman Sorg. He tells
me that his great difficulty was then in connection with making
speeches. He seemed at first unable to make an extemporaneous speech.
His early speeches were read like Sunday sermons, much to the
amusement of his opponents. Finally, some of his friends used to get
his written speeches away from him and hide them. He was then forced
to talk directly to his audiences. After being thrown overboard, he
apparently was able to swim and he never returned to the written
speeches. Mr. Cox now has a delivery much like the Roosevelt delivery.
It is very vigorous and determined. He grows red in the face and
violently brings down his fist upon the desk or table in front of him.
He is intensely earnest in all he says and convinces his hearers of
his earnestness.

He was first elected to the Sixty First Congress. He was re-elected in
1910 by a majority of 12,809 votes. Under great difficulties he made
himself felt. This was at the time when all important legislation was
put thru by the caucus system and a lone Congressman had very little
opportunity to express himself. In his first campaign, he was opposed
by Frizelle and Eugene Harding; and in his second campaign by Judge
Dustin. The Congressional Directory of those days shows that Mr. Cox
served on the District of Columbia Committee during his first term and
on the Appropriations Committee during the second term. He attracted
attention by his fight against the Payne-Aldrich Bill--which was
afterwards rejected by the people--and for his efforts to have the
Federal Government inaugurate a Children’s Bureau. He was one of the
first to urge Congress to appropriate money for aeroplanes and to
investigate the conduct of the National Military Homes.

While the career of Cox in Congress deserves commendation, the merit
of his work in that body is now being over-emphasized by various
Democratic speakers. The fact is that Cox was not in Congress long
enough to become in any sense an outstanding figure.


One of the most important events of Mr. Cox’s life came with his
determination to run for Governor of Ohio. He was not satisfied with
the opportunity of service which Congress offered. He felt that the
Governorship did present a real opportunity especially in connection
with the new Ohio constitution in which he was greatly interested.
Hence in 1912 he entered the campaign for Governor.

Cox has carried his state three times. No other Democratic Governor
has ever done that in Ohio. On the last occasion, in 1918, like many
other Democratic candidates, he made his race against great odds. Ohio
went Republican. Two-thirds of the Congressional districts went
Republican. The entire state ticket, from Lieutenant-Governor down,
went Republican. Mr. Cox was the single Democrat elected to state
office. Cox ran 75,000 votes ahead of the Congressional ticket.

He made his campaign the first year, in support of a reform program, a
program of amendments to the state constitution. State courts still
recognized the “fellow-servant rule,” “contributory negligence” and
similar rules regarding accidents in industry. Elimination of such
medieval doctrine was one object contemplated by the constitutional
amendments. There were many others. To put the amendments into
practice, there were needed over fifty separate legislative measures
covering a wide range of such matters as reorganization of the school
and taxation systems of the state, a workmen’s compensation law,
provisions for a budget system, etc. It was a task requiring political
skill of a considerable sort to get these various measures into
shape, and to push them thru a critical state legislature. Governor
Cox redeemed the promises of his campaign. He got his measures into
law and he did the job so thoroughly that he met defeat when he came
up for re-election in 1914.

Ohio probably has a larger percentage of independant voters than any
other state. Its citizens are strong minded and fearless. They vote,
to a large extent, according to principle rather than party. Normally
Ohio is a Republican state. Everything else being equal, its people
would elect a Republican Governor. Therefore it was a distinct
compliment to Governor Cox--a Democrat--to be elected three times, in
1912, 1916 and 1918, even although the Republican party was somewhat
split. Only in 1914 was he beaten and that was by Willis. In 1918, the
fight was again between Cox and Willis, the latter having once
defeated Cox and having been beaten by him.


The Democratic leaders in Ohio like to talk about the six Democratic
governors Ohio has chosen to one Republican since 1905. Pattison
defeated Myron T. Herrick in 1905 and Judson Harmon won in 1908 and
1910, the second time by a big majority over Harding. Since 1861, Ohio
twenty-nine times has voted for Governor and nineteen times the
Republicans have won. This means that the score now stands nineteen to
ten in favor of the Republicans, with the Democrats gaining. On the
other hand, the Republicans divided their votes in 1912 between the
straight candidate and the Progressive candidate. The combined vote
amounted to 490,000; Cox won but his total vote was less than 440,000.

Two years later, after Governor Cox had been in Columbus for one term,
Willis defeated him by nearly 30,000 in spite of a progressive vote of
60,000 for a third candidate. In 1916, President Wilson carried the
state by almost 90,000 while Cox’s plurality was less than 7,000. The
statistics of 1918, however, are more favorable to Governor Cox. Then
it was a clean-cut fight with no complications and Cox won over Willis
altho everything else went Republican.

There are many opinions as to the causes which elected Mr. Cox.
Without doubt he got into an unfortunate fight in 1918, with the
agents of the Anti-Saloon League; but everyone who knows him commends
his honesty, industry and courage in this connection. Moreover, the
officers of the Anti-Saloon League state that they were not so much
against Cox as they were for his opponent Willis and that between Mr.
Cox and Mr. Harding they had no choice. Governor Cox was universally
commended for his desire and ability to enforce the law. He always has
not only preached righteousness, but has also practiced it.

Governor Cox clearly demonstrated that he is a man of his word and
does not make promises to forget them. He showed a genuine faith in
democratic ideals. To quote Charles Merz:

“When the steel strike came, when peaceful meetings were prohibited in
the steel towns in Pennsylvania, when mounted troopers rode down
groups of men and women in the streets, when troops were called into
the city of Gary to break the morale of a strike that was fought for
the basic right of recognition, those days freedom of speech and
freedom of assembly ruled undisturbed in every steel town of Ohio. It
is a fact that union organizers, in the towns along the
Pennsylvania-Ohio Line, actually marched across the border to hold
their meetings on the soil of a state whose Governor still had faith
in American tradition. Local public officials in Ohio were instructed
to maintain order against rioting, but to interfere in no way with
union meetings and union organizations. And the result? Violence in
Pennsylvania, men and women hurt, fighting in the streets; in Ohio,
not so much disorder as attends a trolley car strike in New York City.
In all six years of his administration Governor Cox never called out
the state militia to police a strike. He never had the need of so


“This positive quality in Governor Cox seems to me the dominant one.
It represents him--fairly I think--as a man with considerable courage
and a good deal of self-possession. It shows too what is a key to
Cox’s mind in more ways than one; his education in Jeffersonian
principles of government. More faith in these principles he has
retained than most leaders of his party. That is the way, when
representatives of an ostensibly Jeffersonian administration, like
Palmer and Burleson, bludgeoned public opinion, and other
representatives, like Wilson and Baker, stood by in silence, Cox was
willing to hold out against the alarmist press and the persuasive push
of the steel companies. A surviving flare of Jeffersonian politics
distinguishes him.”

James M. Cox is the nearest approach to Grover Cleveland that the
Democratic party has had since the famous Cleveland administration.
Like Cleveland he has been greatly maligned in a most wicked way. But
he is still kindly and of a forgiving spirit. As I was once talking
this over with him at the Governor’s mansion in Columbus, the night
before leaving for his great western trip in September, 1920, he said:

“The country probably needs both strong Republican and Democratic
parties and is perhaps safest when the two are most evenly balanced.
The Republican is the conservative party and has within its membership
most of the great captains of industry. But surely the Democratic
party is the safety valve of the nation and surely we need a safety
valve today.

“With the entire world upset, the United States can avoid danger only
as its leaders attempt to follow the Golden Rule in their dealings
with men and issues. That I intend to do. Furthermore I believe that
the policy prepared by the Republicans is sure to result in disaster,
depression and unemployment, the like of which was never seen in this
country before. Hence, I say that the voters must choose between
voting for our party and the Golden Rule, or for the Republican Party
and the rule of gold.”




    _Vote for Governor_

    Cox (Dem.)            439,323
    Brown (Rep.)          272,500
    Garford (Pro.)        217,903
    Cox plurality         166,823
    Total               1,036,731

    _Vote for President_

    Wilson (Dem.)         424,834
    Taft (Rep.)           278,168
    Roosevelt (Pro.)      229,807
    Wilson’s plurality    146,666
    Total               1,037,094


    _Vote for Governor_

    Cox (Dem.)            493,804
    Willis (Rep.)         523,074
    Garfield (Pro.)        60,904
    Willis’ plurality      29,270
    Total               1,129,223

    _Vote for U. S. Senator_

    Harding (Rep.)        526,115
    Hogan (Dem.)          423,742
    Garford (Pro.)         67,509
    Harding’s plurality   102,373
    Total               1,017,366


    _Vote for Governor_

    Cox (Dem.)            568,218
    Willis (Rep.)         561,602
    Cox’s plurality         6,616
    Total               1,174,057

    _Vote for President_

    Wilson (Dem.)         604,161
    Hughes (Rep.)         514,753
    Wilson’s plurality     89,408
    Total               1,165,086


    _Vote for Governor_
    Cox (Dem.)            486,403
    Willis (Rep.)         474,459
    Cox’s plurality        11,944
    Total                 960,862



Liberal leaders are proud of Cox’s war record. It is a great pleasure
to talk with Ohio men who served as soldiers to France. As Mr. Cox was
the real war Governor of Ohio, his record was very easy to secure. The
returned soldiers speak in the highest terms of what Governor Cox did
for them before they sailed, while they were in France and since their
return. Well they may as he thought of them first, last and all the


Governor Cox went at great length to improve the condition of the Ohio
soldier. He favored all of the legislation presented in the soldiers’
behalf and made numerous trips to Washington and elsewhere in the
interests of these men.

There are three factors in connection with the waging of war. There is
the _government_; there is the _property interests_ of the country;
and lastly, there is the _enlisted and drafted men_. Some men who put
politics before principles would have appealed equally for the
interests of all these three parties; but he did not. Whether he made
a mistake, politically, only the future can tell. He took the
unorthodox position of stating that the interests of the men were
paramount to the interests of wealth or property and equal to the
interests of the government itself. The Governor believed that the
United States should not follow Germany in its error of making the
state greater than those who make up the state. The Governor felt that
a very vital principle was here involved and continually fought to
have the real purpose of the war kept constantly in view.

Consequently both in his speeches and papers he fought for the
“common” people of Ohio--the boys on the farms and in the factories.
Unlike some Senators who were willing to send our boys to Europe to
die but who now are unwilling to give up any of their own power to
prevent future wars, James M. Cox was consistent with his concepts of
true Americanism.


Governor Cox was one of the first to criticize certain Republican
leaders for their misuse of the patriotic appeal. He appealed for true
patriotism. He criticized that patriotism which is of the hurrah boy
style. He does not believe in “America First, Right or Wrong,” which
is the slogan of certain Republican senators. Governor Cox believes
the real protection of the country depends on protecting the
individuals who make up the country, and that all countries must
ultimately prosper or suffer together.

James M. Cox believes the teachings of Jesus should be applied to
classes and nations; that the ultimate safety of the United States
depends not on erecting a high wall about ourselves and letting the
rest of the world go to smash, but rather in pulling down such walls
and saving the rest of the world. Says he:

“America will be prosperous only when the individuals who make up
America are prosperous; and America as a nation will be safe only as
the people of all nations are safe. However we may differ in religion
or politics, economically we are all brothers together and must
ultimately suffer or prosper as one group.”


James M. Cox vigorously and frankly opposed many of the policies of
Great Britain. The Republicans frequently criticize him for this,
referring to quotations from his papers to support their charges.

It appears to me quite evident in looking back over the last five
years, that Cox at one time misunderstood the fundamentals of the
European war. Thus on the 7th of November, 1915, a year and a half
before we entered the war, an editorial in the News declared that
“Victory by Germany was not the worst thing that could happen”; and as
late as the 3rd of September, 1916, the News emphasized the importance
of not relying wholly on Great Britain and the importance of not
fearing her. Surely warnings appeared constantly in one or both of the
Governor’s papers. Certain of his friends deny that the Governor was
acquainted with such statements before they were written, and some go
so far as to state that the editorials did not represent the
Governor’s personal feelings. I cannot believe it.

Senator Harding through his paper at Marion, Ohio, has a similar
record. Furthermore, Senator Harding’s neutrality speech as chairman
of the Republican National Convention in 1916 was along the same lines
as the Cox editorials. Both were keen enough to see the dangers of
hasty intervention and both feared British influence. Later events
failed to justify the position of Cox and Harding, yet fair-minded
men will give credit to both for their moral courage.

Concerning these criticisms, the Governor says:

“All editorials which the Republicans have cited were published before
this country entered the war. They were at a time when feeling
regarding the proper policy for this country to pursue was in a state
of constant fluctuation. At times it even verged on differences with
Great Britain over blockade policies which necessitated the exchange
of important diplomatic notes.”

The Republican leaders once urged Colonel Roosevelt to attack Governor
Cox for his criticism of England in a speech he made at the dedication
of a soldiers’ monument in Columbus; but the Colonel declined with the
declaration that he could not do so as he had already pronounced
Governor Cox “One of America’s greatest war governors.”

James M. Cox was the first Governor to sense the inconsistencies of
Great Britain. He was especially troubled by her attitude on the Irish
question. His heart went out to Ireland from the first. I am convinced
that if he becomes President and the United States is in the League,
he will immediately force Ireland’s case before the League.


The real issue, however, should not be clouded by paragraphs taken
here and there from the newspapers of either Senator Harding or
Governor Cox. The truth is that both of these men at that time stood
for neutrality, as did some of the prominent Senators who afterwards
so violently talked patriotism. Furthermore, both Mr. Cox and Mr.
Harding were rightfully backed in their opinions by a large mass of
thoughtful people throughout the land.

From August 4, 1914, up to a short time before the United States
entered the war, there was a very strong feeling among the liberal
people of this country that the fight was primarily between England
and Germany, and the stakes were primarily the world’s trade and
commerce. Before the war England controlled the seas; Germany was
continually chafing more and more at this control and she finally
broke forth into the world war to seize this control from England. No
right-thinking people backed Germany in her designs, but a great many
good people felt as Jesus did when a mother of Israel came to him
regarding securing inheritances for her son.

As the war progressed and German brutality increased, the great mass
of American people, including Governor Cox, Senator Harding and many
others of us, saw that another factor was developing which
overshadowed the economic factor. When two dogs are fighting over a
bone, a sensible man will keep out of the fight; but when either one
of the dogs becomes so vicious as to bite a by-stander, then it is up
to all good people to pounce upon the vicious dog and put him out of
business. This was the situation which brought us into the war. It is
well enough for bombastic orators to now say that America should have
entered the war just as soon as Germany violated Belgium, but the
simple fact is that no power under Heaven could have got the American
people to have entered the war at that time. Furthermore, it was only
the changed conditions which caused the American people to enter the


I cannot resist the temptation of expressing my feelings in this
chapter. They are as follows: If a referendum of the American people
had been taken in 1915 or 1916, 90 per cent would have voted for
neutrality. Furthermore, it is not yet known when America would have
entered the war had not Germany lost her moral sense and become almost
insane. But under the circumstances there was only one thing to do;
namely, to put Germany under control. After she was put under control,
America felt that it would be time enough to discuss the merits of the
case. This means that we should not only refrain from criticizing
those who stood for neutrality, but it means that now that Germany is
under control we should see that a League of Nations is formed and
that the fourteen points, in consideration of which Germany signed the
Armistice, should so far as we are able be carried out. If we are
truly honest men, it is now up to us all to fulfil the post-war
promises of our representatives. For this James M. Cox is fighting,
believing that the promise of a nation is as sacred as the promise of
an individual.

There is altogether too much loose talk about “patriotism.” Much of
this is put forward by the reactionary interests of this country in
order to block progress and reform. When any one raises his fist to
oppose present wrongs, he is called “unpatriotic.” The flag is being
constantly used, not for the protection of liberty for which it was
designed, but for the protection of the oppressor who is using it as a
cloak. Investigations in Ohio show that both candidates are sane on
this point and Cox with his larger vision is desirous of extending his
democracy to other nations. This probably explains why the great
missionary leaders of the world are so enthusiastic for the League of
Nations and are earnestly praying that James M. Cox may some day be

Mr. Cox also showed the courage of his convictions many years before
the war when he was in Congress. He believed in the United States
having an army and a navy adequate to protect our people, but he did
not believe that the end justifies every means or that the government
is greater than the people who make it up.

Hence, when the Naval Appropriation Bill was under consideration he
made in Congress a bitter attack on the Republican Administration’s
method of obtaining recruits. He produced evidence showing that
recruits were obtained under false pretenses; that boys were
encouraged to state an age older than they really were; and that even
liquor and bad women were used to lure men to enlist. Hence, he
succeeded in attaching to the Appropriation Bill a clause requiring
the production of birth certificates in connection with the recruiting
for the Navy. Every mother and father should bless him for his moral

In talking these things over one day, Mr. Cox said to me:

“I believe not only in international democracy, but also in domestic
democracy. But most of all I believe that reforms can be permanent in
America only as they extend to other nations. I reason the same
relative to financial, industrial and other local problems. I see that
in order for the labor movement not to harm the manufacturer in
America, labor legislation must be international in operation. For the
eight-hour day to permanently succeed in America, it must apply to
Europe and Japan. Otherwise industry here may ultimately suffer in
competition with foreign producers. Notwithstanding Senator Lodge’s
‘America First’ standard, we cannot be ‘first’ in the long run by
being selfish. We all are brothers one of another, rich or poor,
American or European. Sooner or later we must all suffer or prosper
together. We can save ourselves only as we save others. The only way
America can truly come out first is to forget herself as Jesus would
teach us to do. We can save ourselves only as we will forget ourselves
and save others. We must work by the Golden Rule rather than by the
rule of gold.”



I am proud of Governor Cox’s record on prohibition, because both he
and I have been for many years practically teetotalers. I am proud of
his courage in not being scared by the Anti-Saloon League which was
opposed to him and fought him at every turn.

In the gubernatorial campaign between Willis, who is radically dry,
and Governor Cox, the Anti-Saloon League naturally worked with Willis.
But I claim that the Anti-Saloon League of Ohio is tied up with the
Republican Party of that State and controlled by the Republican
leaders. Whatever Mr. Cox’s attitude on prohibition, the Anti-Saloon
League, in the gubernatorial election, would have been opposed to Mr.
Cox. Of course, Mr. Cox stood for a less rigid prohibition program
than did Mr. Willis. No man who was honest with himself could help
doing so. I have always voted for prohibition but I admire Governor
Cox. After the election of Mr. Cox as Governor, moreover, the
Anti-Saloon people so fully recognize his fairness in methods of
enforcing the law that they now take no sides between Mr. Cox and Mr.
Harding as to national matters.

The temperance people of the country feel that the country has gone
prohibition and the only question they ask is whether or not the
Governor will enforce the law. No Governor has a better record for law
enforcement than has Governor Cox.

The history of temperance legislation in Ohio is very peculiar. In
1851 the people of the State adopted an unusual Constitution,
containing an ambiguous clause regarding the sale of intoxicating
liquors. Saloon men and prohibitionists voted in favor of it on
opposite construction of the clause. It was carried by 8982 votes. The
same clause authorized the legislature to provide against the evil
arising from the sale of liquors.

No law was passed until May, 1854. By this law it was forbidden to
sell intoxicating liquors to be drunk on or about the premises or in
an adjoining room. It was made unlawful to sell to minors, persons
intoxicated or in the habit of becoming intoxicated. Places where the
law was violated were declared nuisances. There also was an important
proviso attached to Section 1, that the law should not apply to “wine
manufactured of the pure juice of the grape cultivated in the State
of Ohio, or beer or ale or cider.”

The subject was a continual source of irritation in Ohio and the
legislature was continually harassed for changes as the different
interests obtained power. Under this old Constitution it was held that
a law of regulation, which amounted to license, was invalid. Then
followed the Pond law, the Scott law, the Dow law, the Adair law, the
Rose law and many others providing for county, township, city or city
residence district local option, and finally increasing the tax levied
from $100 to $1000. All of this legislation was in the interests of
the liquor people and tended to nullify the constitution. There was
little Sunday observance in spite of the severe penalties inflicted.
The partnership between the saloon and the then dominant party, the
Republican, was as complete as if signed and sealed by the parties.

The people were disgusted with the entire matter. Hence when the
Constitutional Convention of 1912 met, among other matters submitted
to the people by a separate vote was the following: Shall a license to
sell intoxicating liquors be granted in Ohio. This was submitted as a
separate test vote. The people voted “yes” by a majority of 84,536.
This vote took place September 3, 1912.

Governor Cox was inaugurated for the first time in January 1913, and
it became his duty to enforce and obey all laws passed under the new
Constitution, including the license law. A stringent, high license law
was passed, and was in successful operation when the later vote was
taken during the war, establishing Prohibition in the State. The
provisions of this law were faithfully enforced so far as the Governor
was concerned, including one compelling the observance of Sunday. Ohio
had been noted for wide open saloons on Sunday in the big cities,
especially in Cincinnati, where the partnership between the saloon and
the Republican leaders was most effective. The Governor gave notice
that the law must be observed, and it was. At the next election his
action was resented and his courageous conduct in this regard
contributed largely to his defeat in 1914.

Governor Cox, before prohibition as such became an issue, did sponsor
and secure the passage of a license system which reduced the number of
saloons and provided for self-enforcement of temperance laws by
depriving the law violator of the right to continue in the liquor
business or ever again be engaged in it. The law under the license
amendment was approved by both the Anti-Saloon League and the Liberal

In the period following Governor Cox gave Ohio its first example of
strict law enforcement, the result of which was his defeat for
re-election as a result of a definite deal entered into which would
provide for a little less strict enforcement program. This deal was
made in certain wet centers by dry leaders in behalf of a professional
dry candidate. The spectacle which followed brought definite
recognition of Cox as a law-enforcement official.

In Ohio the Anti-Saloon League has always been the Republican Party
auxiliary, and has always opposed Governor Cox, who has adhered to the
definite principle of recognizing no class of people, holding himself
answerable to all the people in strict conformity with his oath of
office. That was his stand in 1918 and when Ohio voted prohibition
into the state Constitution and re-elected Cox for the third time as
chief executive.


In this connection I was shown the copy of a letter which Governor Cox
wrote to John H. Pollock, a Kansas City attorney. The letter was dated
June 23, 1920, and was in response to a letter which Pollock wrote to
the Governor on this question. The Governor’s reply was as follows:

    “I have read your letter with interest. The question before us
    now is law enforcement. As the constitution and statute stand,
    they are the express mandate of the people and must be respected
    by public officers and citizens as long as they remain. There is
    no difference between neglect of the law by public officers and
    an attack against our institutions by the Bolsheviki. We
    contend, and properly so, that there is no need of revolution in
    this country because we have the government facilities to change
    the existing order by rule of the majority, but we can hardly
    create the proper attitude among aliens, unaccustomed to our
    ways, if public officers close their eyes to their oath and

Investigation shows that Governor Cox signed every piece of
legislation on prohibition enforcement which passed the Ohio
legislature. The Anti-Saloon people themselves state that he was the
first Governor of Ohio who closed the saloons on Sunday. So far as the
amendment of the Federal Constitution goes, this has been passed once
and for all. Moreover, the Governor plainly tells his friends so. “We
must never turn back the hands of the clock. We must go forward and
not backward,” says he.

He knows this and the intelligent brewers know it also. Hence they are
changing over their plants for the manufacture of legitimate products.
Moreover many of them are now making more money than in the old days.
Although some people may vote for Cox with the hope of a more lenient
policy, I am sure they will be much disappointed. Personally, I have
no fears in this direction. No one recognizes the evils of
intemperance more than does James M. Cox. He is earnestly interested
in eliminating these evils. He simply wishes to do what will be best
for humanity in the long run and to avoid making hypocrites of the


James M. Cox’s record on suffrage should be distinctly pleasing to all
who are interested therein. He has worked for the passage and signed
every bill which has been helpful to the suffrage cause. Not only is
this shown by a study of the records, but by the violent opposition
which he is getting from the Anti-Suffrage leaders.

Furthermore, Mr. Cox’s interest in suffrage was not a “death-bed
repentance.” Unlike his opponent (as the Democratic speakers now
insist upon emphasizing) and others who are now for suffrage, he did
not continually fight it until he saw that it was inevitable. From the
first James M. Cox encouraged the suffrage leaders and helped them in
every way.

In the fights in Tennessee and other states for suffrage, Mr. Cox took
a very active part to help the suffragists. In his speech of
acceptance on August 7, 1920, Mr. Cox said:

“The women of America, in emotion and constructive service measured up
during the war to every requirement, and the emergency exacted much of
them. Their initiative, their enthusiasm and their sustained industry,
which carried many of them to the heavy burdens of toil, form an
undying page in the annals of time, while the touch of the mother
heart in camp and hospital gave a sacred color to the tragic picture
that feeble words should not even attempt to portray. They
demonstrated not only willingness but capacity. They helped win the
war, and they are entitled to a voice in the re-adjustment now at

“Their intuition, their sense of the humanitarian in government, their
unquestioned progressive spirit will be helpful in problems that
require public judgment. Therefore they are entitled to the privilege
of voting as a matter of right and because they will be helpful in
maintaining wholesome and patriotic policy.”

All know, however, how the presidential candidates now stand on the
subject. They both favor suffrage. To stand otherwise would mean
certain defeat. But it is worth while to consider how they stood
before suffrage victory was assured. Others can speak for others. Let
me speak for James M. Cox. History shows that he repeatedly placed
himself on record in favor of giving the vote to women. He signed
every bill coming to him intended to enfranchise women in Ohio, and in
a special message to the legislature urged the ratification of the
federal amendment.

After presenting these facts, however, permit me to add that I can not
feel that the record of a candidate on suffrage should ever be used as
campaign material to bid for women votes. Women should cast their
ballots as citizens and not as women, and the fact that Senator
Harding at one time opposed the franchise should not affect their
judgment on present-day issues.



On March 3, 4, and 5, 1919, a conference of governors and mayors was
held at the White House, having been called by the President. The
Honorable W. B. Wilson, Secretary of Labor, was designated as Chairman
of the conference and the writer had the honor of serving as its
Secretary. The proceedings of the conference have been published by
the United States Government and a copy can be obtained without charge
by addressing the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D. C.


After the conference had been in progress one or two sessions, it was
deemed advisable to appoint a committee on resolutions. Almost every
Governor and Mayor had some special things which he desired to have
favorably passed upon. There was a maze of suggestions and counter
suggestions ranging all the way from the conservative teachings of
Governor Sproul of Pennsylvania to the socialistic propositions of
Mayor Hoan of Milwaukee. Therefore, a committee was appointed and of
this committee Governor Cox was appointed chairman. After sifting the
various reports and suggestions, he presented a set of resolutions
which were a wonderful combination of conservatism and vision.

Whatever others may say regarding Cox’s great labor following, I can
vouch that he is fair, and that all legitimate interests will be
absolutely safe in his hands. The days which I spent with him in
Washington at this Governors’ and Mayors’ conference and what I have
since seen of his later work, absolutely convince me of this point.
One incident illustrates what I have in mind. There was a clause in
the resolutions which suggested “that the federal government continue
its helpful offices with the view of averting serious consequences in
financial affairs of public utilities.” There was much interest among
the governors and mayors on the street railway situation thruout their
states and cities. In certain localities there were real conflicts
between the different interests. In some cases the fight was over the
wages and in other cases the fight was over the fares.

Any members of the Conference who were seeking votes would naturally
take the side of the municipalities and object to federal
interference. The fares were already low and federal interference
could result only in increasing and not in decreasing the fares. Just
as soon as the discussion opened, it was evident that it would take
courage for any governor or mayor to defend this portion of the

Governor Cox had the courage not only to write but also to defend and
fight for the resolution in question. He made the point that the end
never justified the means; that two wrongs do not make a right; and
that altho the corporate interests have been wrong in the past this
does not justify the public in doing wrong at the present time. He
emphasized that true progress could come only thru justice and
fairness to all interests whether such justice temporarily hurts or
harms us. Altho the cause of the street railways was most unpopular,
Governor Cox fought for them diligently and whole-heartedly. The
resolution was finally passed with only a few votes against it.


Because Governor Cox would not call out the militia during various
coal strikes and refused to send troops to Cincinnati at the time of
the street car strike and to Steubenville at the time of the steel
strike, some have called him a radical. Such criticism simply shows
ignorance on the part of him who criticises.

Naturally James M. Cox likes the working man and has a friendly
feeling toward him. When Governor he worked hard for the new Ohio
constitution. Before the new constitution was in effect, workmen’s
accident compensation was voluntary; now it is compulsory. As Governor
he went all over the state using his influence to get the voters to
adopt the constitution, having personally visited eighty-eight
counties. Ohio people tell me that the new constitution was adopted
largely on account of Governor Cox’s personal campaign in its behalf.
That service pleased the wage workers of Ohio greatly and they
naturally say so. On the other hand, James M. Cox often gives very
pointed advice.

In talking with the Democratic candidate I was impressed by his sane
and clean understanding of the industrial situation. Yet I cannot say
that I gained from him any hope of a panacea for our labor problems.
He presented no vitally new ideas, and while I confidently believe
that he has the grasp of the situation, in other words the vision, the
hope of an immediate and complete solution of our industrial
difficulties seems little short of absurd. Nor did I find Cox
disposed to sanction campaign orating holding out such hope.

Cox stands for pure Americanism but Americanism of the democratic type
rather than of the imperialistic type. He favors progress and reform
but insists that it must come about thru the ballot and not thru
direct action. What he is saying today along these lines is reported
constantly in the newspapers. Hence, it might be well to refer to what
he said before he had any idea of ever being a candidate for the
Presidency. The following prepared by him, is taken from the
Resolutions above referred to:

“We are living in the most thrilling time in all history, and our
resolves are centered in the contribution to our children and our
children’s children of that measure of human contentment, justice and
opportunity which will record us as the worthy sons of worthy sires.
Confident that we must progress from the fundamental base of American
ideals conceived and vitalized by the founders of the Republic, we
pledge ourselves in firm and harmonious resolution to gain inspiration
from the creed of pure Americanism, rather than from the disordered
doctrines that find expression elsewhere. If peoples from overseas
desire to live with us and become a part of the nation’s life, they
must accept, in the first instance, this condition, namely that
principles of government must change thru the evolution and processes
of calm, human intelligence and that the mind of the majority, rather
than the violence of a minority, must be the determining factor. We
have been thrilled and reassured by the militant declaration made to
this conference by the Secretary of Labor, Hon. William B. Wilson,
that any alien who seeks to invoke force rather than reason against
our form of government must and will be treated as an enemy of our
institutions and sent out of the country.

“It is our expressed belief that any doctrine which inveighs against
both God and government is a poisonous germ in human thought and must
be treated as a menace to the morality and the progress of the world.
It has been insidiously planted in some parts where the discontent
growing out of unemployment brought fertile opportunity. Government,
which derives its power from the people, must keep vigilant watch in
the maintenance of public confidence, and inasmuch as the need most
pressing now is to provide the means of giving every man a chance to
perform the function God intended, we, as the representatives of
States and municipalities, enter most happily into the suggestion that
we coöperate our energies with those of the National Government. Its
perspective is wider. It is guided by a fresher experience in things
that are vital, and from it should come the expression of a dominating
policy and the initiation of such practical methods as will match
preachment with performance....

“Regardless of certain disordered statements by delegates to this
Conference, its outstanding feature, nevertheless, has been a militant
note of confidence in our government and industrial stability. The
world in part is to be rebuilt. The patriotism, resource, ingenuity
and unselfish spirit of our people saved it from destruction, and what
these elements have accomplished in protection they will guarantee in
preservation. We face the future, firm in the belief that the Almighty
intends all things well, and that there remains for us and the
generations to come full compensation for the service given, and the
sacrifice made in support of the ideals of democracy.”


It is said that the best way to get the truth regarding a woman is to
interview her maid. Certainly the best way to get the truth regarding
the employer is to interview his wage workers. Hence, while in
Springfield and Dayton, I endeavored to ascertain how Mr. Cox’s
employees feel toward him.

On the morning following Mr. Cox’s nomination, the employees of the
_Dayton News_ early in the day sent him a huge bouquet of flowers.
Upon receiving it he climbed the steps to the composing rooms of his
newspaper to say a word to his fellow workmen. After the typographical
union chapel of the paper presented him with congratulations and
resolutions of support, he spoke as follows to his workmen:

“The greatest gift that the Almighty God can give to any man in public
life is to permit him to come into the world under circumstances which
enable him to know the life status of the man who works. Providence
was good to me--it was my high privilege to come thru the ranks. I
know the torment of the boy who is without funds and I know his
anxiety as to how he will get an education that will help him achieve
his ambitions. If nomination means election, I will take to the White
House this best equipment for a man in public life--experience in the
ranks of those who toil.”


James M. Cox’s reason for having the confidence of labor is that he
has always consistently carried out his promises. It is a customary
thing for candidates for public office to talk pleasantly to labor
before the election, but to forget their promises after the votes are
counted. The labor leaders of the country have been disappointed so
many times in that way that they are almost discouraged. The various
third party movements have come into being not because the regular
candidates of the old parties would not promise enough, but rather
because they would not carry out their promises.

Integrity is a cardinal trait with Mr. Cox. He believes that a promise
should be kept. He believes that works speak louder than words and
ultimately all of us will be judged according to what we do rather
than according to what we say. In talking with some of the labor
leaders of Ohio and asking them what Governor Cox had really done for
labor, I was given the following:

A model workmen’s compensation act.

A child labor law that has been copied by other States.

A mothers’ pension system.

The initiative and referendum.

A scientific budget system.

A prison reform to provide healthy occupation for convicts, the
compensation for which is given to their dependents.

The elimination of sweatshops.

A reform of the school system.

Consolidation of useless bureaus, resulting in a substantial saving to
the State.


One should be loath in criticizing the intentions of the Wilson
administration. Careful study will convince any man that these
intentions were of the best. Certain inconsistencies, however, were
very apparent. These inconsistencies apply not alone to international
matters but also to domestic affairs. The Wilson administration’s
attitude toward labor was most perplexing even to its friends. James
M. Cox takes a sane middle of the road position believing that the
great function of the government is to protect men in their freedom of
effort and rights of ownership while depending upon religion to
energize men along lines of honesty, responsibility and service. Mr.
Cox stands for production and those vital principles of independence
and freedom which were so dear to the founders of our Republic and
which farsighted employers regret greatly to see interfered with. On
the other hand, Mr. Cox is opposed to the raids and restrictions
imposed by Palmer.

During the steel strike he insisted that the rights of speech be
maintained in the steel towns of his state. Mr. Palmer believed in the
use of violence--when it is the violence of the federal agent. Mr. Cox
surely did not. He did not even believe in the necessity of calling
out militia to break the morale of a strike. He believes that men can
be won better by reason than by bayonets. Governor Cox does not
believe injunctions will mine coal. He believes that the government
should observe law and order as well as the citizens. Let me quote him
on this subject:

“There is some hysteria over the active elements in this country that
are menacing to the government. There is no danger in the situation,
altho it might easily be aggravated if the governmental policy of
restraint and common sense that has endured thru the year were to
become one of force and terrorism.... If government is assailed, its
policy must not become vengeful. Our fathers, in specifying what human
freedom was, and providing guarantees for its preservation, recognized
that among the necessary precautions was the protection of individual
rights against governmental abuse.

“Radicalism is the result of repression. The reason why Russia is the
most radical country today is because of its previous reactionary
rulers. A Republican victory in November, followed by the rule of
Lodge, Penrose and Smoot, may bring about--on a small scale--in this
country what we have seen on a large scale in Russia. The Democratic
Party is the liberal party of America; it is the safety valve of
America. Everyone interested in preserving peace within our nation as
well as throughout the world should vote the Democratic ticket. Altho
we Democrats have not among our adherents the big business interests
and are thus weak in worldly goods, we do have millions of
conscientious people who believe in those fundamentals of
righteousness and freedom and are willing to sacrifice therefor. I do
not say as some do--that the issue is between a League of Money and a
League of Nations; but certainly a great moral issue is involved in
this campaign.”

In short I can truthfully say that no presidential candidate has ever
been before the country with such a clean and satisfactory record on
industrial interests; but he is not the servant of those interests. He
believes in the protection of property; but as a means of developing
humanity and not for any thought that property is greater than
humanity. He is a progressive conservative and a conservative
progressive. I believe him worthy of the utmost trust on the part of
both employers and wage workers and also on the part of investors and
consumers. If more men with Governor Cox’s vision were in office
today, there would be fewer labor troubles, the cost of living would
be lower, and everyone could be healthier, happier and more



James M. Cox was first suggested as a presidential possibility at the
Governors’ and Mayors’ Conference at the White House to which I have
already referred. He from the first made a splendid impression upon
that gathering. Gradually as the months went on the candidates settled
down to William G. McAdoo, Secretary of the Treasury, Governor Cox and
two or three others.


The story of the San Francisco Convention is so recent that little
needs to be said about it. Owing to the fact that the Democratic
nominee must receive a two-thirds vote, it required forty-four ballots
to secure the necessary number to nominate Governor Cox. Altho a large
number of men were voted for, the fight was between the friends of Mr.
McAdoo, Governor Cox and Attorney-General Palmer. Both Mr. McAdoo and
Mr. Cox seemed unable to secure the necessary nomination until the
thirty-eighth ballot, when Attorney-General Palmer withdrew from the

In the turn-over of the Palmer delegates Cox gained the advantage over
William G. McAdoo, his rival for first place since early in the
balloting, and that advantage never was lost. With its choice made,
the convention adjourned to name a candidate for the Vice-Presidency.
The nominee, Mr. Franklin D. Roosevelt, is well known for his work as
Assistant Secretary of the Navy during the war.

Supporters of Governor Cox won a way to the nomination by persistent
battling at the McAdoo and Palmer forces in many states thruout a long
series of shiftings and rallies which left now one and now the other
of the candidates in the lead. It was the most remarkable convention
ever held and its result was very complimentary to Mr. Cox. Let me
quote a correspondent:


With the thirty-seventh ballot, Palmer’s strength took a big drop.
Amidst wild jubilation Chairman Robinson fought for order and let
former Representative Carlin of Virginia, Palmer’s manager, up to the
speaker’s stand. The crowd hushed. It recognized Carlin and knew that
his appearance forecast only one thing, the release of the Palmer
delegates and a break-up in the long deadlock. Men halted where they
stood in the aisles to listen. Corridors poured back hundreds of
loungers to the floor to pack the doorways and jam even the entrances
to the galleries. An electric feeling of expectancy was in the air.

Carlin briefly stated that Attorney General Palmer was not willing
longer to delay a nomination and authorized the complete and
unconditional release of his delegates. A shout went up, only to be
quickly stilled, while Chairman Robinson announced a 20-minute recess
so that delegates might be polled for new alignments and the change in
the situation be considered before another vote was taken.

While the recess was on the galleries sat tense, staring down into the
great pit below, where delegates scrambled and tumbled thru the aisles
conferring to appraise the situation before determining their course.
McAdoo and Cox workers worked up to the maximum effort to take
advantage of the break. The floor hummed like the stock exchange on a
panicky day. Great clusters of Cox and McAdoo workers gathered about
the Palmer groups, struggling for attention and to enlist under their
own standard the army about to be disbanded.


Back in their seats again under the banging urge of the gavel, the
delegates awaited the 39th roll call. The effect of Mr. Palmer’s
release to his friends was noticeable at once. By twos and threes and
larger groups, delegates previously voting unchangingly for him went
to other candidates, each change that brought gain to McAdoo or Cox
let loose a new roar. The faithful Pennsylvanians insisted on casting
one more vote for Palmer as a final tribute to him. The delegation
chairman’s statement went unheeded for the most part and the great
block of votes went down for Palmer amid a surprised hush. The
announcement of the whole ballot, however, started another tumult, led
by Cox adherents. It showed he had outstripped McAdoo in the race for
Palmer delegates and again reached the lead.

The Cox forces scented victory right there. The Cox band trooped into
the gallery and hurled the strains of the Cox battle song, “Ohio,
Ohio,” down into the din below. Again time was required to get quiet
enough to start a new roll-call. When Pennsylvania was reached the
delegation asked for a poll. One by one a big McAdoo majority in the
Pennsylvania ranks was disclosed and the Cox supporters looked a
little disturbed. The drift to the Ohio standard was on, however, and
even the more than two-score Palmer men who joined from the
Pennsylvania forces would not push McAdoo back into the lead. A fight
to adjourn for the night was started by McAdoo supporters, against
shouts of “No, no,” all over the floor. The motion went down on a vote
that left no doubt of the convention’s determination to fight it out
then and there. The 41st ballot was started.


Both McAdoo and Cox gained ground and McAdoo supporters dug themselves
in, grimly determined on a last ditch fight. The 42nd roll call was
started. It showed new drifts to Cox as the votes were shouted back to
the platform from the unsuppressible murmur among the delegates, now
regardless of the fatigue of the prolonged fight, altho the great
galleries above them were by then almost vacant. Great blocks of empty
seats showed where worn-out spectators had given it up by midnight and
gone home expecting another day.

When Georgia was reached the delegation chairman leaped to his chair
and shouted that his state, formerly in McAdoo ranks, would join hands
with Ohio “To name the next President.” He cast the solid Georgia vote
for Cox, and the shout that followed seemed to rock the building.
McAdoo followers were still holding grimly. Again the Texas block of
40 votes went in for him. The western states, which led the way in his
drives, stuck hard, and even the fact that Cox had swept beyond the
first majority vote recorded for any candidate did not shake them

The 43rd roll call began in a riot of noise that made the poll audible
only as the surges of sound paused to let the figures reach the
clerks. Little by little the drift to the Cox column continued gaining
momentum as it ran. “Get into the wagon!” roared a man in the
galleries, and the Cox rooters took it up. Votes for other candidates
than Cox or McAdoo brought yells of “Come out of it!” and “Wake up!”
In the New York delegations a challenge for a poll sent a dozen men
scurrying to argue with the challenger. He was the center of a fire of
argument and objurgation he could not resist. Finally, after a new
move by McAdoo supporters to adjourn in a last desperate effort to
stave off defeat had been roared down, the last ballot--the


The result was forecast with the first vote. Alabama swung solid for
Cox. State by state delegations that had stuck out for McAdoo, with
divided delegations, followed suit. The slide had set in and there was
no stopping it. The convention had its mind set to nominate on that
ballot. Up and up mounted the Ohioan’s total of votes. As it passed
the 700 mark with the necessary two-thirds just ahead, the tumult
increased minute by minute until the last votes were heard only
vaguely on the platform. Pennsylvania went over and the Colorado
chairman leaped to his chair to change the vote of his state to Cox.
Half a dozen other chairmen were waving for recognition to make
similar announcements.

Chairman Robinson hurried to his desk with Sam B. Amidon of Kansas, a
McAdoo chief whom he presented only after a furious assault with the
gavel forced a partial lull in the cheering. Thru a continuous racket
Amidon moved that the rules be suspended and the nomination be made
unanimous. All over the great hall men climbed upon chairs to wave
their hands for silence and then stand poised like college yell
leaders to signal the answer to the question.

Banging his gavel in a final thump, Chairman Robinson put the
question, and the answer roared back at him with all the volume of a
thousand voices in shouting the tremendous “Aye!” that made Governor
Cox the Democratic nominee.

The 44th ballot never was completed. In the chorus of affirmation it
was swept away as unnecessary. Many of the changes which would have
been made had the vote been carried thru were never recorded. And on
the fact of that ballot Governor Cox received officially 702-1/2
votes, but these were never totalled, for he was nominated by the
unanimous voice of the convention.

All those in America who knew James M. Cox were delighted at this
news. They had always loved and respected him; they had always
marveled at his courage and honesty; and now to have him receive this
honor gave us all a new heart. It gives confidence in the fundamental
integrity and good sense of the American people.



James M. Cox is a man of principles; one who has decided opinions with
the courage and energy to fight for them. Altho interested in the wage
workers he has stood for the freedom of the individual; altho
interested in other reforms he has insisted that they be brought about
in accordance with law and order.

He is especially democratic in the old-fashioned sense, and is also a
crusader as his following assailment of the Republican leaders in the
Senate signifies.

“In the midst of war the present Senatorial cabal, led by Senators
Lodge, Penrose and Smoot, was formed. Superficial evidence of loyalty
to President Wilson was given in order that the great rank and file of
their party, faithful and patriotic to the very core, might not be
offended. But underneath this misleading exterior, conspirators
planned and plotted with bigoted zeal. With victory to our arms they
delayed and obstructed the works of peace. If deemed useful to the
work in hand no artifice for interfering with our constitutional
peacemaking authority was rejected.

“Before the country knew, yea, before these men themselves knew the
details of the composite plan formed at the peace table, they declared
their opposition to it. Before the treaty was submitted to the Senate,
in the manner the Constitution provides, they violated every custom
and every consideration of decency by presenting a copy of the
document, procured unblushingly from enemy hands, and passed it into
the printed record of Senatorial proceedings. From that hour the whole
subject was thrown into a technical discussion, in order that the
public might be confused. The plan has never changed in its objective,
but the method has.

“At the outset there was the careful insistence that there was no
desire to interfere with the principle evolved and formalized at
Versailles. Later, it was the form and not the substance that
professedly inspired attack. But pretense was futile when proposals
later came forth that clearly emasculated the basic principle of the
whole peace plan. Senator Lodge finally crystallized his ideas into
what were known as the Lodge reservations, and when Congress adjourned
these reservations held the support of the so-called regular
Republican leaders. From that time the processes have been
interesting. Political expediency in its truest sense dwarfed every
consideration either of the public interest or of the maintenance of
the honor of a great political party. The exclusive question was how
to avoid a rupture in the Republican organization.”


Everyone knows that Senator Johnson has been opposed to the treaty in
any form and objects strongly to us entering the League of Nations in
any way. When Senator Johnson states that the Republican platform is
satisfactory to him and that Senator Harding feels as he does
regarding the League of Nations, it naturally makes the League of
Nations the primary issue of the campaign and places the contest
between Cox who stands for internationalism and Harding, Lodge, Smoot
and Penrose who stand for a strictly nationalistic policy. In this
connection Mr. Cox stated as follows:

“Senator Harding makes this new pledge of policy in behalf of his
party. It is as follows:

“‘_I promise you formal and effective peace so quickly as a Republican
Congress can pass its declaration for a Republican Executive to

“This means but one thing--a separate peace with Germany. This would
be the most disheartening event in civilization since the Russians
made their separate peace with Germany, and infinitely more unworthy
on our part than it was on that of the Russians. They were threatened
with starvation and revolution had swept their country.

“Our soldiers fought side by side with the Allies. So complete was the
coalition of strength and purpose that General Foch was given supreme
command, and every soldier in the Allied cause, no matter what flag he
followed, recognized him as his chief. We fought the war together, and
now before the thing is thru it is proposed to enter into a separate
peace with Germany. In good faith we pledged our strength with our
associates for the enforcement of terms upon offending Powers, and now
it is suggested that this be withdrawn.

“Suppose Germany, recognizing the first break in the Allies, proposes
something we cannot accept. Does Senator Harding intend to send an
army to Germany to press her to our terms? Certainly the Allied army
could not be expected to render aid. If, on the other hand, Germany
should accept the chance we offered of breaking the bond it would be
for the express purpose of insuring a German-American alliance
recognizing that the Allies--in fact, no nation in good standing would
have anything to do with either of us.”


“This plan would not only be a piece of bungling diplomacy, but plain
unadulterated dishonesty, as well. No less an authority than Senator
Lodge said, before the heat of recent controversy, that to make peace
except in company with the Allies would ‘brand us everlastingly with
dishonor and bring ruin to us.’

“Then America, refusing to enter the League of Nations (now already
established by over forty nations) and bearing and deserving the
contempt of the world, should, according to Senator Harding, submit an
entirely new project. This act would either be regarded as arrant
madness or attempted international bossism....

“The League of Nations has claimed the best thought of America for
years. The League to Enforce Peace was presided over by so
distinguished a Republican as ex-President Taft. He, before audiences
in every section, advocated the principle and the plan of the present
league. Regarding Article X, our own Monroe Doctrine is the very
essence of Article X of the Versailles covenant. Skeptics viewed
Monroe’s mandate with alarm, predicting recurring wars in defense of
Central and South American States, whose guardians they alleged we
need not be. Yet not a shot has been fired in almost one hundred years
in preserving sovereign rights on this hemisphere.

“These reactionary Senators hypocritically claim that the League of
Nations will result in our boys being drawn into military service,
when they know that no treaty can override our Constitution, which
reserves to Congress alone the power to declare war. They preach
Americanism with a meaning of their own invention, and artfully appeal
to a selfish and provincial spirit, forgetting that Lincoln fought a
war over the purely moral question of slavery, that McKinley broke the
fetters of our boundary lines for the freedom of Cuba, and carried the
torch of American idealism to the benighted Phillipines. They lose
memory of Garfield’s prophecy that America, under the blessings of
God-given opportunity, would by her moral leadership and coöperation
become a Messiah among the nations of the earth.”


James M. Cox is essentially a man of broad outlook, big-hearted and
anxious to serve. Altho criticized by some as an idealist, his ideals
seem to be of the highest as if propelled by the righteousness of the
causes which he represents. When referring further to the League of
Nations, he said:

“These are fateful times. Organized government has a definite duty all
over the world. The house of civilization is to be put in order. The
supreme issue of the century is before us and the nation that halts
and delays is playing with fire. The finest impulses of humanity,
rising above national lines, merely seek to make another horrible war
impossible. Under the old order of international anarchy war came
overnight, and the world was on fire before we knew it. It sickens our
senses to think of another. We saw one conflict into which modern
science brought new forms of destruction in great guns, submarines,
airships, and poison gases. But scientists tell us that the next war
will be much worse. Chemists have already perfected gases so deadly
that whole cities can be wiped out, armies destroyed, and the crews of
battleships smothered. The public prints are filled with the opinion
of military men that in future wars the method, more effective than
gases or bombs, will be the employment of the germs of diseases,
carrying pestilence and destruction. Any nation prepared under these
conditions, as Germany was equipped in 1914, could conquer the world
in a year.

“The question is whether we shall or shall not join in this practical
and humane movement. President Wilson, as our representative at the
peace table, entered the League in our name, in so far as the
executive authority permitted. Senator Harding, as the Republican
candidate for the Presidency, proposed in plain words that we remain
out of it. As the Democratic candidate, I favor going in.

“To me the Harding proposal means dishonor, world confusion and delay.
It would keep us in permanent company with Germany, Russia, Turkey and
Mexico. It would entail, in the ultimate, more real injury than the
war itself. The Democratic position on the question, as expressed in
the platform, is ‘We advocate immediate ratification of the treaty
without reservations which would impair its essential integrity, but
do not oppose the acceptance of any reservation making clearer or more
specific the obligations of the United States to the League


When discussing with Mr. Cox his attitude on the treaty reservations,
he said:

“The captious may pretend that our platform reference to reservations
is vague and indefinite. Its meaning, in brief, is that we shall
state our interpretation of the covenant as a matter of good faith to
our associates and as a precaution against any misunderstanding in the

As to these “interpretations,” Mr. Cox felt that some statement should
be made and suggested the following two:

(1) _In giving its assent to this treaty the Senate has in mind the
fact that the League of Nations, which it embodies, was devised for
the sole purpose of maintaining peace and comity among the nations of
the earth and preventing the recurrence of such conflicts as that thru
which the world has just passed. The coöperation of the United States
with the League and its continuance as a member thereof, will
naturally depend upon the adherence of the League to that fundamental

(2) _It will, of course, be understood that in carrying out the
purpose of the League the Government of the United States must at all
times act in strict harmony with the terms and intent of the United
States Constitution, which cannot in any way be altered by the
treaty-making power._



I have always found Mr. Cox very sound on economic problems. His ideas
on taxation are not popular with the politicians; but are sound from
the economist point of view. He is opposed to the present form of
taxation which increases prices and retards development. He believes
that present Federal taxes should be repealed and instead constructive
laws should be enacted. He believes in taxation which will tend to
develop improvements rather than retard them; taxation which will tend
to retard consumption rather than increase it; taxation which will
result in reducing waste rather than in encouraging it. On the other
hand he believes that the Government should do all it can to suppress
profiteering, and concerning this he states as follows:


“If I am called to service as President, means will be found, if they
do not already exist, for compelling these exceptions to the great
mass of square-dealing American business men to use the same
yardstick of honesty that governs most of us or else suffer the
penalty of criminal law. To avoid such action on my part these
profiteers are today working for my defeat.”

Concerning industrial disputes, the Governor says:

“Many captains of industry, guided by a most dangerous industrial
philosophy, believe that in controversies between employer and
employee their will should be enforced, even at the point of the
bayonet. I speak knowingly. I have passed thru many serious industrial
troubles. I know something of their psychology, the stages thru which
they pass, and the dangerous attempts that are sometimes made to end
them. Disputes between labor and capital are inevitable. The
disposition to gain the best bargain possible characterizes the whole
field of exchange, whether it be product for product or labor for
money. If strikes are prolonged public opinion always settles them.
Public opinion should determine results in America. Public opinion is
the most interesting characteristic of a democracy, but it is the real
safety valve to the institutions of a free government. It at times is
necessary for the Government to inquire into the facts of a tieup, but
facts, and not conclusions, should be submitted. The determining form
of unprejudiced thought will do the rest. During this process,
governmental agencies must give a vigilant eye to the protection of
life and property, and maintain firmness but absolute impartiality.
This is always the real test, but if official conduct combines courage
and fairness our governmental institutions come out of these affairs
untarnished by distrust.

“Morals cannot easily be produced by statute. The writ of injunction
should not be abused. Intended as a safeguard to person and property,
it could easily by abuse cease to be the protective device it was
intended to be. Capital develops into large units without violence to
public sentiment or injury to public interest--the same principle
should not be denied to labor. Collective bargaining thru the means of
representatives selected by the employer and the employee respectively
will be helpful rather than harmful to the general interest. Besides,
there is no ethical objection that can be raised to it. We should not,
by law, abridge a man’s right either to labor or to quit his
employment. However, neither labor nor capital should at any time or
in any circumstance take action that would put in jeopardy the public

“We need a definite and precise statement of policy as to what
business men and workingmen may do and may not do by way of
combination and collective action. The law is now so nebulous that it
almost turns upon the economic predilections of judge or jury. This
does not make for confidence in the courts nor respect for the laws,
nor for a healthy activity in production and distribution. There
surely will be found ways by which coöperation may be encouraged
without the destruction of enterprise. The rules of business should be
made more certain so that on a stable basis men may move with


James M. Cox is an ardent advocate of education. He believes that the
chief function of government is to protect men in their freedom of
effort and rights of ownership and that other things must be left
largely to the church and the schools. He believes that it is
impossible to make men honest by legislation and only as men’s hearts
are changed can legislation be of any avail. He is especially
interested in the education of the great mass of aliens, negroes and
others in this country who have been attracted here by various causes.
Concerning this he says:

“Unrest has been reinforced in no small degree by the great mass of
unassimilated aliens. Attracted by an unprecedented demand for labor,
they have come to our shores by the thousands. As they have become
acquainted with the customs and opportunities of American life,
thousands of them have become citizens, and are owners of their own
homes. However, the work of assimilation too long was merely
automatic. One million six hundred thousand foreign-born in this
country cannot read or write our language. Our interest in them in the
main has been simply as laborers assembled in the great trade centers,
to meet the demand of the hour. Without home or community ties, many
have been more or less nomadic, creating the problem of excessive
turn-over, which has perplexed manufacturing plants.

“But this has not been the worst phase of the situation; unfamiliar
with law, having no understanding of the principles of our Government,
they have fallen an easy prey to unpatriotic and designing persons.
Public opinion has had no influence upon them because they have been
isolated from the current of opinion, all due to their not being able
to read or write our language. It is the duty of the Federal
Government to stimulate the work of Americanization on the part of
church, school community agencies, State governments and industry

“In the past, many industries that have suffered from chronic
restlessness have been the chief contributors to their own troubles.
The foreigner with European standards of living was welcomed, but too
often no attempt was made to educate him to domestic ideals, for the
simple reason that it adversely affected the ledger. It has been my
observation that the man who learns our language yields to a
controlling public opinion and respects our laws; besides, in
proportion as his devotion to American life develops, his interest in
the impulsive processes of revolution diminishes. We must be patient
in the work of assimilation and studiously avoid oppressive measures
in the face of mere evidence of misunderstanding. We have a composite
nation. The Almighty doubtless intended it to be such. We will not,
however, develop patriotism unless we demonstrate the difference
between despotism and democracy.

“There must be an awakened interest in education. The assumption that
things are all right is an error. There is more or less of a general
idea that because our school system generally is satisfactory and in
most instances excellent, sufficient progress is being made. The plain
facts reveal two startling things: one, a growing decimation in the
ranks of teachers, and the other, the existence of 5,500,000
illiterates. It is true that 1,600,000 of these are foreign born. The
army of instructors has been more or less demoralized thru financial
temptation from other activities which pay much better. We owe too
much to the next generation to be remiss in this matter.

“Very satisfactory progress is being made in several States in the
teaching of native-born illiterates. The moonlight school in Kentucky,
has, in fact, become a historic institution. The practice has spread
in other Commonwealths, and bands of noble men and women are rendering
great service. There should be no encroachment by the Federal
Government on local control. It is the healthful, reasonable
individualism of American national life that has enabled the citizens
of this republic to think for themselves, and, besides, State and
community initiative would be impaired by anything approaching
dependence. The Central Government, however, can inventory the
possibilities of progressive education, and in helpful manner create
an enlarged public interest in this subject.”


From boyhood Mr. Cox has always been interested in the farmers. He
believes that agriculture is the most important form of industry. He
insists it is the basis of industry because upon it depends the food
supply. The drift from countryside into the city carries disquieting
portents. If our growth in manufacturing in the next few years holds
its present momentum, it will be necessary for America to import
foodstuffs. It, therefore, develops upon government, thru intensive
scientific coöperation, to help in maintaining as nearly as possible
the existing balance between food production and consumption. Farming
will not inspire individual effort unless profits, all things
considered, are equal to those in other activities. To check the
depleted ranks in the fields Governor Cox recommends the establishment
of modern state rural school codes. Concerning this and other rural
questions, he says:

“The Federal Government should maintain active sponsorship of such.
Rural parents would be lacking in the elements which make civilization
enduring if they did not desire for their children educational
opportunities comparable to those in the cities.

“The price the consumer pays for foodstuffs is no indication of what
the producer receives. There are too many turn-overs between the two.
Society and Government, particularly local and State, have been remiss
in not modernizing local marketing facilities. Municipalities must in
large measure interest themselves in, if not directly control,
community markets. This is a matter of such importance that the
Federal Government can profitably expend money and effort in helping
to evolve methods and to show their virtues.

“The preservation of foodstuffs by cold storage is a boon to humanity,
and it should be encouraged. However, the time has come for its
vigilant regulation and inasmuch as it becomes a part of interstate
commerce, the responsibility is with the Federal Government. Supplies
are gathered in from the farm in times of plenty. They can easily be
fed out to the consumer in such manner as to keep the demand in excess
of that part of the supply which is released from storage. This is an
unfair practice and should be stopped. Besides, there should be a time
limit beyond which perishable foodstuffs should not be stored.”


I have often referred to Secretary Wilson’s statement that no man was
ever known to hang the red flag of anarchy over his own hearthstone.
Mr. Cox says:

“Multiply our home owners, and you will make the way of the seditious
agitator more difficult. Bring into the picture of American life more
families having a plot of garden and flowers all their own and you
will find new streams running into the national current of
patriotism. Help to equalize the burdens of taxation by making the
holders of hidden wealth pay their share with those whose property is
in sight. In short, remove the penalty imposed upon home-building
thrift and thousands of contented households under the shelter of
their own roof will look upon government with affection, recognizing
that in protecting it they protect themselves.

“Common prudence would suggest that we increase to our utmost our area
of tillable land. The race between increased consumption and added
acreage has been an unequal one. Modern methods of soil treatment have
been helpful, but they have their limitations. There are still vast
empires in extent, in our country, performing no service to humanity.
They require only the applied genius of men to cover them with the
bloom and harvest of human necessities. The Government should turn its
best engineering talent to the task of irrigation projects. Every
dollar spent will yield compensating results.”


A study of James M. Cox’s speeches shows very clearly that he stands
for a budget system, the right of free speech and assembly, the
strengthening of the Federal Reserve System, the re-organization of
our consular service, and some liberal provision for our ambassadors
and foreign officers especially in countries where we have foreign
missionaries together with improvement of the various executive
branches of the government.

Mr. Cox insists that if elected he would surround himself with
unselfish men with highest purposes who are unselfish in their desire
to be of service to all alike. He insists that he will be no “party
President,” but will work for the entire people whatever their creed,
color or political faith. In talks with him and a story of his
records, I believe this is true.

In closing this story of Cox I cannot do better than quote his
concluding remarks to his Acceptance Speech which were as follows:

“How misguided some of our people are: Recognizing that readjustment
must be made, they believe that they will fare better if they cast
their fortunes with those with whom they voted in days gone by. They
do not sense the dangers that threaten. The sort of readjustment which
will appeal to our self respect and ultimately to our general
prosperity is the _honest_ readjustment. Any unfair adjustment simply
delays the ultimate process, and we should remember the lesson of
history that one extreme usually leads to another. We desire
industrial peace. We want our people to have an abiding confidence in
government, but no readjustment made under reactionary auspices will
carry with it the confidence of the country.

“If I were asked to name in these trying days the first essential
overshadowing every other consideration, the response would be
confidence in government. It would be nothing less than a calamity if
the next administration were elected under corrupt auspices. There is
unrest in the country; our people have passed thru a trying
experience. The European war before it engulfed us, aroused every
radical throb in a nation of composite citizenship. The conflict in
which we participated carried anxieties into every community and
thousands upon thousands of homes were touched by tragedy.

“We want to forget war and be free from the troubling thought of its
possibility in the future. We want the dawn and the dews of a new
morning. We want happiness in the land, the feeling that the square
deal among men and between men and Government is not to be interfered
with by a purchased preference. We want a change from the old world of
yesterday, where international intrigue made the people mere pawns in
the chessboard of war. We want a change from the old industrial world
where a man who toiled was assured ‘a full dinner pail’ as his only
lot and portion.

“Now how are we to make the change? Which way shall we go? We stand at
the forks of the road and must choose which to follow. One leads to a
higher citizenship, a freer expression of the individual and a fuller
life for all. The other leads to reaction, the rule of the few over
the many, and the restriction of the average man’s chances to grow
upward. Cunning devices backed by unlimited prodigal expenditures will
be used to confuse and lure.

“I have an abiding faith that the pitfalls will be avoided and the
right road chosen. The leaders opposed to democracy promise to put the
country ‘back to normal.’ This can only mean the so-called normal of
former reactionary administrations, the outstanding feature of which
was a pittance for farm produce and a small wage for a long day of
labor. My vision does not turn backward to the ‘normal’ desired by the
Senatorial oligarchy, but to a future in which all shall have a normal
opportunity to cultivate a higher stature amidst better environments
than that of the past. I am praying toward the sunrise of tomorrow
with its progress and its eternal promise of better things. The
opposition stands in skyline of the setting sun, looking backward, to
the old days of reaction.”



Shortly after his nomination for President in 1920, I told Mr. Cox
that I was writing a story of his life. He answered:

“Well, Babson, please omit all the unessentials and even the things
which I have said, and--so far as possible--confine it to my record
and what I have done.”

Therefore, in this closing chapter, I wish to record some of the
things which he has actually done and for which I am indebted to his
friend and associate, Mr. E. H. Moore. Most of these things Mr. Cox,
either as Congressman or as Governor, actually started, put thru or
consummated. A few of them he simply aided by his influence, but all
he believed in and worked for and saw accomplished.

All classes of citizenship have confidence in Mr. Cox because he
accepts safe counsel and is a careful judge. Among the legislative
measures above referred to, let me enumerate:


A public utilities law providing property revaluation as a basis for
rate making.

Provision for court appeal from the utilities commission decision to
the court of final jurisdiction, preventing delay and loss.

Prohibition against injunction on rate hearing without court

A uniform accounting system applied to public utilities.

A state banking code with close coöperation with the Federal Reserve
system, bringing all private banks under state supervision.

A blue sky act to encourage proper investment and to protect against
fraudulent securities.


A compulsory workmen’s compensation law, admittedly the best in the
Union and which has been accepted as the model by other progressive

A State Industrial Commission with powers to handle all questions
affecting capital and labor, with a state mediator as the keystone.

Complete survey of occupational diseases with recommendation for
health and occupational insurance.

Full switching crew law for all railroad yards.

Legislation strengthening the use in the state of railroad safety

A full-crew law.

A twenty-four-foot caboose law.

Reduction of consecutive hours of employment for electric railroad

Obstruction of fixed signals prohibited.

Safeguarding of accidents in mines by proper illumination.

Extra provision for dependents of men killed in mines.

Increased facilities for mine inspector operation.

Protection of miners working toward abandoned mines.

Elimination of sweatshop labor.

Provision for minimum time per day.

Prohibition of contract labor in workhouses.

Eight-hour working day on all public contracts.

Elimination of the “fellow-servant rule,” “contributory negligence,”
and similar rules as to industrial accidents as a part of the
administration of compulsory workmen’s compensation, re-establishing
faith in the courts.

Verdict by three-fourths jury in civil cases.

Shortened litigation and lessened expense by giving appellate courts
final jurisdiction except in extraordinary cases.

Laws to provide against adulteration of food-stuffs, and prevent
combination to fix prices.


Establishment of a state tuberculosis hospital and district hospitals
thruout the state by county action.

Adoption of health code giving state health commissioner regulatory
power over subdivision officials, with a special appropriation to
combat epidemics and contagious diseases.

Formation of a state-wide social agency committee, bringing into
mutual operation all recognized social agencies of the state (the only
one of its kind in the Union), having complete coöperation with state

Additional provision for care of feeble-minded, including erection and
equipment of a new institution on the cottage plan, with appropriation
for a tuberculosis hospital.

Provision for additional cottages at the hospital for epileptics.

Establishment of a Bureau of Juvenile Research with provision for
thoro mental and physical examinations of all juveniles committed to
the institutions of the state; for final placement in the institution
best fitted for the ward’s needs. This bureau is primarily a mental
hygiene clinic, coöperating with other mental clinics thruout the
state and maintaining a permanent central registration of mental
defectives, looking toward elimination of causes which produce
defective children.

Codification of child laws with establishment of child welfare

Compulsory provision for mothers’ pensions.

Creation of a Board of Clemency, to be in constant session for
consideration of release, parole, and probation of persons under penal

Indeterminate sentence law under which first offenders are given every
opportunity for rehabilitation, so that no men shall be deprived of
the opportunity of making a new beginning.

Purchase of a penitentiary farm and building of a new penitentiary in
the country.

Employment of prisoners in road work, including the manufacture of
road building machinery and material, with compensation of prisoners
for all work done, with earnings over cost of maintenance paid
directly to dependants of prisoners.

Recommendation and passage of state legislation for woman suffrage.


Consolidated schools in excess of 1200, with full high school courses,
have supplanted more than five times that number of one-room school

A complete supervision of school courses and textbooks has been


A law combining all agricultural activities under jurisdiction of an
agricultural commission.

Provision for study of farm credit plans.

Protection against sale of untested fertilizers.

Provision for destruction of and remuneration for diseased cattle.

Compulsory orchard spraying law, with spraying material under license.

Establishment of breeding service at institutional farms, and the
building up of pure-bred herds thruout the state.

Passage of a pure seed bill.

Establishment of producer-to-consumer market bureau.

Enlargement of agricultural aid thru the experiment station and state
agricultural college.


Beginning in 1915, with an annual revenue of three and one-half
million dollars, with a carefully planned system of inter-county and
main-market highways under state supervision with federal aid, the
program for Ohio was extended until now there has been made available
from state sources the sum of thirty million dollars annually for the
maintenance and upkeep of main roads.

Legislation for the use of the split log drag on graveled connecting

Provision for the united action of township, county commissioners and
state highway department on all road work.


In closing let me quote once more from Mr. Cox, mostly from an address
before the Iroquois Club at Chicago, March 25, 1920.

“Public officers are the representatives of government and they
promote or diminish confidence in our institutions either by wisdom or
error. Never before has there been such a pressing necessity for
plain good faith on the part of those in whose hands rests
governmental power as exists today.

“We must give immediate attention to matters of domestic concern. Our
whole economic status seems to be unnatural. Prices are high and they
will remain so until we seriously dedicate our efforts to the wiping
away of things that came with the war.

“A considerable factor in the high cost of living is the continuance
of the excess profits tax. In establishing the selling price of its
product, every business establishment sets aside a reasonable profit
and then adds to it the amount that must be paid to the government.
This is done in turn by the manufacturer, the jobber, the distributor
and the retailer, the inevitable result being a staggering cost to the

“Approximately four billion dollars will be necessary to conduct the
department of government and to meet sinking fund and interest
charges. Almost half of this could be derived by applying a tax of
from one to one and one-half per cent on the volume of business done
by any going concern. It would be a simple matter to collect this tax;
the tax-payer would not be confused by it, and it would be neither
cause nor alibi for excessive prices.

“I favor the abolishment of the federal inheritance tax just as soon
as we can get along without it. This method of taxation should be left
to the states. Tax on inheritance is based upon the principle of
government being compensated for service rendered in conveying
property from one generation to another. A man makes a will and it has
a definite force and effect because the law legalizes it. The right is
given to him by the state and the process of the distribution of his
estate is thru the agency of local government. The federal authority
has nothing to do with it, therefore the compensation for services
rendered should be to the states.

“There is some hysteria over the subject of active elements in this
country that are menacing to the government. There is no immediate
danger in the situation, altho it might easily be aggravated if the
governmental policy of restraint and common sense that has endured
thru the years, were to become one of force and terrorism. There must
be no compromise with treason, but the surest death to Bolshevism is
exposure of the germ of the disease itself to the sunlight of public
view. In the old days, the treatment for scarlet fever consisted of an
intensive attack on the high temperature of fever. The result was a
reaction on vital organs that left permanent affliction. Now the
fever, under restraint, is permitted to run its course and what was
once regarded as a very serious ailment is little more than a simple

“We must protect ourselves against extremes in America. The horrors
and tragedies of revolution can be charged to them. If government is
assailed, its policy must not become vengeful. Our fathers in
specifying human freedom, and providing guarantees for its
preservation, recognized that among the necessary precautions was the
protection of individual right against governmental abuses.

“If the alien, ignorant of our laws and customs, cowers in fear of our
government, he is very apt to believe that things are much the same
the world over, and he may become an easy convert to the doctrines of
resistance. The skies will clear, but meanwhile, government must be
firm yet judicial, uninfluenced by the emotionalism that breeds
extremes. The less government we have, consistent with safety to life
and property, the better for both happiness and morals. A policeman on
every corner would be a bad index to the citizenship of the community,
for it would reflect a foolish concept of conditions by the municipal

“In this, I merely seek to give point to the necessity now that the
war is over, of junking the most of our institutions devoted to war,
and scaling governmental machinery down to the very point of necessity
and efficiency. It is idle to talk of reducing governmental expense if
the nation has to be armed to the teeth, and vast armies and navies
will be necessary if the concerted plan of international peace fails.
The guarantee against war is credit against which a debit charge must
be made, and after all, this is the very crux of the controversy over
the League of Nations.

“Finally, there can be no result worth while unless the nations of the
earth assume a definite obligation one to another. The mere promise of
this country to place its responsibility on the shifting sands of
congressional caprice is a travesty to human intelligence. We are
seeking to shake ourselves free from the cost of war, and yet the task
of readjustment along the line of constructive economy is faced at the
very outset with the question of what our military and naval policy
shall be.

“Let us meet these questions as brave and unselfish men, with our eyes
focused on the star of righteousness. Let us be liberal, but
practical; let us be kind, but firm; let us be patient, but
persistent. The great need today is not more government, but better
government; not government in the interest of any one class, but
government in the interest of all classes, yes, in the interest of all

       *       *       *       *       *

In this little volume, I have attempted a review, as fair minded as
lay in my powers, of salient _facts_ in the life of one of America’s
conspicuous citizens. I can not in my own judgment class Governor Cox
as at present more than that--one of a rather large group of America’s
conspicuous citizens. Not a eulogy of a presidential candidate, but a
record of the _facts_ with which the American public should be
familiar--this was my purpose.

And yet, I shall not deny that in this simple objective I hope for a
further result. That result must come if better knowledge begets
better judgment.

Such a pitiful mass of mere comment we meet everywhere about men in
public life! Campaign pyrotechnics, political bombast, editorial
puffs--or bitter attacks, untruthful insinuations, appeals to blind
prejudice!--and only here and there, amid all such chaff, a kernel of

Hence this presentation of the life of Cox--not opinions about Cox,
not _words_ surrounding Cox, but the facts inherent in Cox, what he
said, what he did, what life he has lived to this day.

I should welcome nothing more than a similar presentation of the life
of Senator Harding, written by a sincere admirer, yet one whose
admiration does not make him blind to objective truths.

That I admire the man Cox is evident from this volume. This admiration
is based partly upon my observations thru personal contact and partly
upon my observation of the things this man has _done_. His record as
governor is truly _remarkable_ and it may be that we shall yet
discover in this simple, plain Ohio newspaper publisher, one of
America’s historically _great_ men.

But far more than in the man Cox am I interested in the principles for
which he stands. He is the exponent today of all our forces of
liberalism. And liberalism in my opinion is a synonym for _true_
Americanism, not the rhetorical Americanism of phrase makers, but
_genuine_ Americanism.

A well-known Boston business man a few days ago accosted me thus:

“Mr. Babson,” he said, “you are known as an adviser for business
interests, an expert on finance, an authority on investments. Why do
you ally yourself with political interests that are hostile to all
our financial interests?”

I answered him by saying:

“I advise investors as honestly as I know how regarding their
investment problems. I also reserve the right and the duty to express
myself to the public as honestly as I know how regarding public
problems. I am not in the slightest allied to any political group; but
my financial interests must not and will not taint my political views.

“Incidentally, I am not publishing advice regarding Mr. Cox. I am
simply a recorder of facts, including facts which are anything but
campaign material in behalf of the governor’s political advancement.

“But if I were to put the proposition on sordid grounds, I might, if
it were not against my principles to mix political views with the pure
routine of business statistics and business forecast, proceed to show
why the financial interests should ally themselves at this hour with
all the forces of liberalism.

“For the question of the hour is not embodied in the issues as they
appear before the public. These issues are but the expressions of the
fundamental issue,--the contest of liberalism and reaction.

“If we have a period of reactionary rule for the next four years, not
only will labor suffer, but all industry must surely soon suffer the
consequences--the consequences of attempting to fight the inevitable
onward march of Father Time.

“Reactionary business men in America do not appear to realize that
they are walking hand in hand with the ultra-radicals. In England, the
financial interests have awakened, for there the ultra-radicals are
plainly on record as opposed above all else to the compromises of
liberalism because as they frankly admit, such liberalism ‘tends to
preserve the present system of society instead of hastening the

“The greatest danger in America today comes from those who, seeing the
steam escaping from the safety valve, are crying loud to shut the

                                     THE END

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