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Title: The Bābur-nāma in English - Memoirs of Bābur
Author: Babur, Emperor of Hindustan
Language: English
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Copyright Status: Not copyrighted in the United States. If you live elsewhere check the laws of your country before downloading this ebook. See comments about copyright issues at end of book.

*** Start of this Doctrine Publishing Corporation Digital Book "The Bābur-nāma in English - Memoirs of Bābur" ***

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      +-------------------------------------------------------------+
      | Transcriber's note:                                         |
      |                                                             |
      | Many Turki, Arabic and Persian names have various spellings |
      | in the text. There are about 700 occurrences of hyphenated  |
      | unhyphenated and spaced words. Correcting those for the     |
      | sake of consistency would be risky in many cases and would  |
      | mean a major change in the printed text which already has   |
      | many typographical errors.                                  |
      |                                                             |
      | Two wide tables have been split into narrower sections.     |
      +-------------------------------------------------------------+



THE BĀBUR-NĀMA IN ENGLISH

(MEMOIRS OF BĀBUR).

Translated from the original Turki Text of

Z̤ahiru'd-dīn Muḥammad Bābur Pādshāh _Ghāzī_

by

Annette Susannah Beveridge

First Printed   1922



  [Illustration:

   _This work

   is dedicate to

   Bābur's

   fame._]



TABLE OF CONTENTS


   PREFACE: Introductory.—Cap. I. Babur's exemplars in the
   Arts of peace, p. xxvii.—Cap. II. Problems of the mutilated
   Babur-nama, p. xxxi.—Cap. III. The Turki MSS. and
   work connecting with them, p. xxxviii.—Cap. IV.
   The Leyden and Erskine "Memoirs of Baber", p. lvii.—Postscript
   of Thanks, p. lx.


   SECTION I.—FARGHĀNA

   899 AH.—Oct. 12th 1493 to Oct. 2nd 1494 AD.—Bābur's age at
   the date of his accession—+Description of Farghāna+
   (pp. 1 to 12)—Death and biography of `Umar Shaikh
   (13 to 19 and 24 to 28)—Biography of Yūnas _Chaghatāī_
   (18 to 24)—Bābur's uncles Aḥmad _Mīrān-shāhī_ and
   Maḥmūd _Chaghatāī_ (The Khān) invade Farghāna—Death
   and biography of Aḥmad—Misdoings of his successor, his
   brother Maḥmūd                                                    1-42

   900 AH.—Oct. 2nd 1494 to Sep. 21st 1495 AD.—Invasion of
   Farghāna continued—Bābur's adoption of orthodox
   observance—Death and biography of Maḥmūd
   _Mīrān-shāhī_—Samarkand affairs—revolt of Ibrāhīm _Sārū_
   defeated—Bābur visits The Khān in Tāshkīnt—tribute collected
   from the Jīgrak tribe—expedition into Aūrātīpā                   43-56

   901 AH.—Sep. 21st 1495 to Sep. 9th 1496 AD.—Ḥusain
   _Bāī-qarā's_ campaign against Khusrau Shāh—Bābur receives
   Aūzbeg sulṯāns—Revolt of the Tarkhāns in Samarkand—Bābur's
   first move for Samarkand                                         57-64

   902 AH.—Sep. 9th 1496 to Aug. 30th 1497 AD.—Bābur's second
   move for Samarkand—Dissensions of Ḥusain _Bāī-qarā_ and
   his sons—Dissensions between Khusrau Shāh and Mas`ūd
   _Mīrān-shāhī_                                                    65-71

   903 AH.—Aug. 30th 1497 to Aug. 19th 1498 AD.—Bābur's
   second attempt on Samarkand is successful—+Description
   of Samarkand+ (pp. 74 to 86)—his action there—Mughūls
   demand and besiege Andijān for Bābur's half-brother
   Jahāngīr—his mother and friends entreat his help—he
   leaves Samarkand in his cousin `Alī's hands—has a relapse
   of illness on the road and is believed dying—on the news
   Andijān is surrendered by a Mughūl to the Mughūl faction—Having
   lost Samarkand and Andijān, Bābur is hospitably
   entertained by the Khujandīs—he is forced to dismiss
   Khalīfa—The Khān (his uncle) moves to help him but is
   persuaded to retire—many followers go to Andijān where
   were their families—he is left with 200-300 men—his
   mother and grandmother and the families of his men sent
   to him in Khujand—he is distressed to tears—The Khān
   gives help against Samarkand but his troops turn back on
   news of Shaibānī—Bābur returns to Khujand—speaks of
   his ambition to rule—goes in person to ask The Khān's
   help to regain Andijān—his force being insufficient, he
   goes back to Khujand—Affairs of Khusrau Shāh and the
   Tīmūrid Mīrzās—Affairs of Ḥusain _Bāī-qarā_ and his
   sons—Khusrau Shāh blinds Bābur's cousin Mas`ūd—Bābur
   curses the criminal                                              72-96

   904 AH.—Aug. 19th 1498 to Aug. 8th 1499 AD.—Bābur borrows
   Pashāghar for the winter and leaves Khujand—rides 70-80
   miles with fever—a winter's tug-of-war with Samarkand—his
   force insufficient, he goes back to Khujand—unwilling
   to burthen it longer, goes into the summer-pastures of
   Aūrātīpā—invited to Marghīnān by his mother's uncle
   `Alī-dost—a joyful rush over some 145 miles—near
   Marghīnān prudent anxieties arise and are stilled—he is
   admitted to Marghīnān on terms—is attacked vainly by
   the Mughūl faction—accretions to his force—helped by
   The Khān—the Mughūls defeated near Akhsī—Andijān
   recovered—Mughūls renew revolt—Bābur's troops beaten
   by Mughūls—Taṃbal attempts Andijān                             97-107

   905 AH.—Aug. 8th 1499 to July 28th 1500 AD.—Bābur's campaign
   against Ahmad _Taṃbal_ and the Mughūl faction—he takes
   Māzū—Khusrau Shāh murders Bāī-sunghar _Mīrānshāhī_—Biography
   of the Mīrzā—Bābur wins his first ranged battle, from Taṃbal
   supporting Jahāngīr, at Khūbān—winter-quarters—minor
   successes—the winter-camp broken up by Qaṃbar-i-`alī's taking
   leave—Bābur returns to Andijān—The Khān persuaded by Taṃbal's
   kinsmen in his service to support Jahāngīr—his troops retire
   before Bābur—Bābur and Taṃbal again opposed—Qaṃbar-i-`alī
   again gives trouble—minor action and an accommodation made
   without Bābur's wish—terms of the accommodation—The
   self-aggrandizement of `Alī-dost _Mughūl_—Bābur's first
   marriage—a personal episode—Samarkand affairs—`Alī quarrels
   with the Tarkhāns—The Khān sends troops against
   Samarkand—Mīrzā Khān invited there by a Tarkhān—`Alī defeats
   The Khān's Mughūls—Bābur invited to Samarkand—prepares to
   start and gives Jahāngīr rendezvous for the attempt—Taṃbal's
   brother takes Aūsh—Bābur leaves this lesser matter aside and
   marches for Samarkand—Qaṃbar-i-`alī punishes himself—Shaibānī
   reported to be moving on Bukhārā—Samarkand begs wait on
   Bābur—the end of `Alī-dost—Bābur has news of Shaibānī's
   approach to Samarkand and goes to Kesh—hears there that `Alī's
   Aūzbeg mother had given Samarkand to Shaibānī on
   condition of his marriage with herself                         108-126

   906 AH.—July 28th 1500 to July 17th 1501 AD.—Shaibānī murders
   `Alī—a son and two grandsons of Aḥrārī's murdered—Bābur leaves
   Kesh with a number of the Samarkand begs—is landless and
   isolated—takes a perilous mountain journey back into
   Aūrātīpā—comments on the stinginess shewn to himself by
   Khusrau Shāh and another—consultation and resolve to attempt
   Samarkand—Bābur's dream-vision of success—he takes the town by
   a surprise attack—compares this capture with Ḥusain
   _Bāī-qarā's_ of Herī—his affairs in good position—birth of his
   first child—his summons for help to keep the Aūzbeg
   down—literary matters—his force of 240 grows to allow him to
   face Shaibānī at Sar-i-pul—the battle and his defeat—Mughūls
   help his losses—he is besieged in Samarkand—a long
   blockade—great privation—no help from any quarter—Futile
   proceedings of Taṃbal and The Khān                            127-145

   907 AH.—July 17th 1501 to July 7th 1502 AD.—Bābur surrenders
   Samarkand—his sister Khān-zāda is married by Shaibānī—incidents
   of his escape to Dīzak—his 4 or 5 escapes from
   peril to safety and ease—goes to Dikh-kat in Aūrātīpā—incidents
   of his stay there—his wanderings bare-head, bare-foot—sends
   gifts to Jahāngīr, and to Taṃbal a sword which
   later wounds himself—arrival from Samarkand of the
   families and a few hungry followers—Shaibānī Khān raids
   in The Khān's country—Bābur rides after him fruitlessly—Death
   of Nuyān Kūkūldāsh—Bābur's grief for his friend—he
   retires to the Zar-afshān valley before Shaibānī—reflects
   on the futility of his wanderings and goes to The Khān in
   Tāshkīnt—Mughūl conspiracy against Taṃbal _Mughūl_—Bābur
   submits verses to The Khān and comments on his
   uncle's scant study of poetic idiom—The Khān rides out
   against Taṃbal—his standards acclaimed and his army
   numbered—of the _Chīngīz-tūrā_—quarrel of Chīrās and
   Begchīk chiefs for the post of danger—Hunting—Khujand-river
   reached                                                        146-156


   908 AH.—July 7th 1502 to June 26th 1503 AD.—Bābur comments on
   The Khān's unprofitable move—his poverty and despair in
   Tāshkīnt—his resolve to go to Khitāī and ruse for getting
   away—his thought for his mother—his plan not accepted by The
   Khān and Shāh Begīm—The Younger Khān (Aḥmad) arrives from
   Kāshghar—is met by Bābur—a half-night's family talk—gifts to
   Bābur—the meeting of the two Khāns—Aḥmad's characteristics and
   his opinion of various weapons—The Khāns march into Farghāna
   against Jahāngīr's supporter Taṃbal—they number their
   force—Bābur detached against Aūsh, takes it and has great
   accretions of following—An attempt to take Andijān frustrated
   by mistake in a pass-word—Author's Note on pass-words—a second
   attempt foiled by the over-caution of experienced begs—is
   surprised in his bivouac by Taṃbal—face to face with
   Taṃbal—his new _gosha-gīr_—his dwindling company—wounded—left
   alone, is struck by his gift-sword—escapes to Aūsh—The Khān
   moves from Kāsān against Andijān—his disposition of Bābur's
   lands—Qaṃbar-i-`alī's counsel to Bābur rejected—Bābur is
   treated by the Younger Khān's surgeon—tales of Mughūl
   surgery—Qaṃbar-i-`alī flees to Taṃbal in fear through his
   unacceptable counsel—Bābur moves for Akhsī—a lost chance—minor
   actions—an episode of Pāp—The Khāns do not take Andijān—Bābur
   invited into Akhsī—Taṃbal's brother Bāyazīd joins him with
   Nāṣir _Mīrān-shāhī_—Taṃbal asks help from Shaibānī—On news of
   Shaibānī's consent the Khāns retire from Andijān—Bābur's
   affairs in Akhsī—he attempts to defend it—incidents of the
   defence—Bābur wounded—unequal strength of the opponents—he
   flees with 20-30 men—incidents of the flight—Bābur left
   alone—is overtaken by two foes—his perilous position—a
   messenger arrives from Taṃbal's brother Bāyazīd—Bābur
   expecting death, quotes Niz̤āmī—(the narrative breaks off in
   the middle of the verse)                                       157-182

   +Translator's Note.+—908 to 909 AH.—1503 to 1504 AD.—Bābur
   will have been rescued—is with The Khāns in
   the battle and defeat by Shaibānī at Archīān—takes refuge
   in the Asfara hills—there spends a year in misery and
   poverty—events in Farghāna and Tāshkīnt—Shaibānī
   sends the Mughūl horde back to Kāshghar—his disposition
   of the women of The Khān's family—Bābur plans to go to
   Ḥusain _Bāī-qarā_ in Khurāsān—changes his aim for Kābul        182-185

   [+End of Translator's Note.+]



   SECTION II.—KĀBUL

   910 AH.—June 14th 1504 to June 4th 1505 AD.—Bābur halts on an
   alp of Ḥiṣār—enters his 22nd (lunar) year—delays his march in
   hope of adherents—writes a second time of the stinginess of
   Khusrau Shāh to himself—recalls Sherīm̤ T̤aghāī _Mughūl's_
   earlier waverings in support—is joined by Khusrau Shāh's
   brother Bāqī Beg—they start for Kābul—Accretions of
   force—their families left in Fort Ajar (Kāhmard)—Jahāngīr
   marries a cousin—Bāqī advises his dismissal to Khurāsān—Bābur
   is loyal to his half-brother—Jahāngīr is seduced, later, by
   disloyal Begchīk chiefs—Ḥusain _Bāī-qarā_ summons help against
   Shaibānī—Despair in Bābur's party at Ḥusain's plan of
   "defence, not attack"—Qaṃbar-i-`alī dismissed to please
   Bāqī—Khusrau makes abject submission to Bābur—Mīrzā Khān
   demands vengeance on him—Khusrau's submission having been on
   terms, he is let go free—Bābur resumes his march—first sees
   Canopus—is joined by tribesmen—Khusrau's brother Walī flees to
   the Aūzbegs and is executed—Risks run by the families now
   fetched from Kāhmard—Kābul surrendered to Bābur by Muqīm
   _Arghūn_—Muqīm's family protected—+Description of Kābul+ (pp.
   199 to 277)—Muqīm leaves for Qandahār—Allotment of
   fiefs—Excess levy in grain—Foray on the Sulṯān Mas`ūdī
   Hazāra—Bābur's first move for Hindūstān—Khaibar
   traversed—Bīgrām visited—Bāqī Beg prevents crossing the
   Sind—and persuades for Kohāt—A plan for Bangash, Bannū and
   thence return to Kābul—Yār-i-ḥusain _Daryā-khānī_ asks for
   permission to raise a force for Bābur, east of the Sind—Move
   to Thāl, Bannū, and the Dasht—return route varied without
   consulting Bābur—Pīr Kānū's tomb visited—through the
   Pawat-pass into Dūkī—horse-food fails—baggage left behind—men
   of all conditions walk to Ghaznī—spectacle of the
   Āb-istāda—mirage and birds—Jahāngīr is Bābur's host in
   Ghaznī—heavy floods—Kābul reached after a disastrous
   expedition of four months—Nāṣir's misconduct abetted by two
   Begchīk chiefs—he and they flee into Badakhshān—Khusrau Shāh's
   schemes fail in Herāt—imbroglio between him and Nāṣir—Shaibānī
   attempts Ḥiṣār but abandons the siege on his brother's
   death—Khusrau attempts Ḥiṣār and is there killed—his followers
   revolt against Bābur—his death quenches the fire of sedition   188-245


   911 AH.—June 4th 1505 to May 24th 1506 AD.—Death of
   Bābur's mother—Bābur's illness stops a move for Qandahār—an
   earth-quake—campaign against and capture of Qalāt-i-ghilzāī—Bāqī
   Beg dismissed towards Hindūstān—murdered
   in the Khaibar—Turkmān Hazāra raided—Nijr-aū
   tribute collected—Jahāngīr misbehaves and runs
   away—Bābur summoned by Ḥusain _Bāī-qarā_ against
   Shaibānī—Shaibānī takes Khwārizm and Chīn Ṣūfī is
   killed—Death and biography of Ḥusain _Bāī-qarā_ (256 to
   292)—his burial and joint-successors                           246-293

   912 AH.—May 24th 1506 to May 13th 1507 AD.—Bābur, without news
   of Ḥusain _Bāī-qarā's_ death, obeys his summons and leaves
   Kābul—Jahāngīr flees from Bābur's route—Nāṣir defeats
   Shaibānī's men in Badakhshān—Bābur, while in Kāhmard, hears of
   Ḥusain's death—continues his march with anxious thought for
   the Tīmūrid dynasty—Jahāngīr waits on him and accompanies him
   to Herāt—Co-alition of Khurāsān Mīrzās against Shaibānī—their
   meeting with Bābur—etiquette of Bābur's reception—an
   entertainment to him—of the _Chīngīz-tūrā_—Bābur claims the
   ceremonial observance due to his military
   achievements—entertainments and Bābur's obedience to
   Muḥammadan Law against wine—his reflections on the
   Mīrzās—difficulties of winter-plans (300, 307)—he sees the
   sights of Herī—visits the Begīms—the ceremonies observed—tells
   of his hitherto abstention from wine and of his present
   inclination to drink it—Qasīm Beg's interference with those
   pressing Bābur to break the Law—Bābur's poor carving—engages
   Ma`ṣūma in marriage—leaves for Kābul—certain retainers stay
   behind—a perilous journey through snow to a wrong pass out of
   the Herīrud valley—arrival of the party in Yakaaūlāng—joy in
   their safety and comfort—Shibr-tū traversed into
   Ghūr-bunḍ—Turkmān Hazāra raided—News reaches Bābur of
   conspiracy in Kābul to put Mīrzā Khān in his place—Bābur
   concerts plans with the loyal Kābul garrison—moves on through
   snow and in terrible cold—attacks and defeats the
   rebels—narrowly escaped death—attributes his safety to
   prayer—-deals mercifully, from family considerations, with the
   rebel chiefs—reflects on their behaviour to him who has
   protected them—asserts that his only aim is to write the
   truth—letters-of-victory sent out—Muḥ. Ḥusain _Dūghlāt_ and
   Mīrzā Khān banished—Spring excursion to Koh-dāman—Nāṣir,
   driven from Badakhshān, takes refuge with Bābur                294-322


   913 AH.—May 13th 1507 to May 2nd 1508 AD.—Raid on the Ghiljī
   Afghāns—separation of the Fifth (_Khams_)—wild-ass,
   hunting—Shaibānī moves against Khurāsān—Irresolution of the
   Tīmūrid Mīrzās—Infatuation of Ẕū'n-nūn _Arghūn_—Shaibānī takes
   Herī—his doings there—Defeat and death of two _Bāī-qarās_—The
   Arghūns in Qandahār make overtures to Bābur—he starts to join
   them against Shaibānī—meets Ma`ṣūma in Ghaznī on her way to
   Kābul—spares Hindūstān traders—meets Jahāngīr's widow and
   infant-son coming from Herāt—The Arghūn chiefs provoke attack
   on Qandahār—Bābur's army—organization and terminology—wins the
   battle of Qandahār and enters the fort—its spoils—Nāṣir put in
   command—Bābur returns to Kābul rich in goods and fame—marries
   Ma`ṣūma—Shaibānī lays siege to Qandahār—Alarm in Kābul at his
   approach—Mīrzā Khān and Shāh Begīm betake themselves to
   Badakhshān—Bābur sets out for Hindūstān leaving `Abdu'r-razzāq
   in Kābul—Afghān highwaymen—A raid for food—Māhchuchak's
   marriage—Hindūstān plan abandoned—Nūr-gal and Kūnār
   visited—News of Shaibānī's withdrawal from Qandahār—Bābur
   returns to Kābul—gives Ghaznī to Nāṣir—assumes the title of
   Pādshāh—Birth of Humāyūn, feast and chronogram                 323-344

   914 AH.—May 2nd 1508 to April 21st 1509 AD.—Raid on the
   Mahmand Afghāns—Seditious offenders reprieved—Khusrau Shāh's
   former retainers march off from Kābul—`Abdu'r-razzāq comes
   from his district to near Kābul—not known to have joined the
   rebels—earlier hints to Bābur of this "incredible"
   rebellion—later warnings of an immediate rising                345-346

   +Translator's Note.+—914 to 925 AH.—1508 to 1519 AD.—Date of
   composition of preceding narrative—Loss of matter here seems
   partly or wholly due to Bābur's death—Sources helping to fill
   the Gap—Events of the remainder of 914 AH.—The mutiny swiftly
   quelled—Bābur's five-fold victory over hostile champions—Sa`īd
   _Chaghatāī_ takes refuge with him in a quiet Kābul—Shaibānī's
   murders of Chaghatāī and Dūghlāt chiefs                        347-366

   915 AH.—April 21st 1509 to April 11th 1510 AD.—Beginning of
   hostilities between Ismā`īl _Ṣafawī_ and Shaibānī—Ḥaidar
   _Dūghlāt_ takes refuge with Bābur.

   916 AH.—April 11th 1510 to March 31st 1511 AD.—Ismā`īl defeats
   the Aūzbegs near Merv—Shaibānī is killed—20,000 Mughūls he
   had migrated to Khurāsān, return to near Qūndūz—Mīrzā Khān
   invites Bābur to join him against the Aūzbegs—Bābur goes to
   Qūndūz—The 20,000 Mughūls proffer allegiance to their
   hereditary Khān Sa`īd—they propose to set Bābur aside—Sa`īd's
   worthy rejection of the proposal—Bābur makes Sa`īd The Khān of
   the Mughūls and sends him and his Mughūls into
   Farghāna—significance of Bābur's words, "I made him
   Khān"—Bābur's first attempt on Ḥiṣār where were Ḥamza and
   Mahdī _Aūzbeg_—beginning of his disastrous intercourse with
   Ismā`īl _Ṣafawī_—Ismā`īl sends Khān-zāda Begīm back to
   him—with thanks for the courtesy, Bābur asks help against the
   Aūzbeg—it is promised under dangerous conditions.

   917 AH.—March 31st 1511 to March 19th 1512 AD.—Bābur's
   second attempt on Ḥiṣār—wins the Battle of Pul-i-sangīn—puts
   Ḥamza and Mahdī to death—his Persian reinforcement
   and its perilous cost—The Aūzbegs are swept across the
   Zar-afshān—The Persians are dismissed from Bukhārā—Bābur
   occupies Samarkand after a nine-year's absence—he
   gives Kābul to Nāṣir—his difficult position in relation to
   the Shī`a Ismā`īl—Ismā`īl sends Najm S̤ānī to bring him
   to order.

   918 AH.—March 19th 1512 to March 9th 1513 AD.—The Aūzbegs
   return to the attack—`Ubaid's vow—his defeat of Bābur at
   Kūl-i-malik—Bābur flees from Samarkand to Ḥiṣār—his
   pursuers retire—Najm S̤ānī from Balkh gives him rendezvous
   at Tīrmīẕ—the two move for Bukhārā—Najm perpetrates
   the massacre of Qarshī—Bābur is helpless to prevent
   it—Najm crosses the Zar-afshān to a disadvantageous
   position—is defeated and slain—Bābur, his reserve, does
   not fight—his abstention made a reproach at the Persian
   Court against his son Humāyūn (1544 AD.?)—his arrow-sped
   message to the Aūzbeg camp—in Ḥiṣār, he is attacked
   suddenly by Mughūls—he escapes to Qūndūz—the retributive
   misfortunes of Ḥiṣār—Ḥaidar on Mughūls—Ayūb _Begchīk's_
   death-bed repentance for his treachery to Bābur—Ḥaidar returns
   to his kinsfolk in Kāshghar.

   919 AH.—March 9th 1513 to Feb. 26th 1514 AD.—Bābur may
   have spent the year in Khishm—Ismā`īl takes Balkh from
   the Aūzbegs—surmised bearing of the capture on his later
   action.

   920 AH.—Feb. 26th 1514 to Feb. 15th 1515 AD.—Ḥaidar's
   account of Bābur's misery, patience and courtesy this year
   in Qūndūz—Bābur returns to Kābul—his daughter Gulrang
   is born in Khwāst—he is welcomed by Nāṣir who
   goes back to Ghaznī.

   921 AH.—Feb. 15th 1515 to Feb. 5th 1516 AD.—Death of
   Nāṣir—Riot in Ghaznī led by Sherīm T̤aghāī _Mughūl_—quiet
   restored—many rebels flee to Kāshghar—Sherīm
   refused harbourage by Sa`īd Khān and seeks Bābur's
   protection—Ḥaidar's comment on Bābur's benevolence.

   922 AH.—Feb. 5th 1516 to Jan. 24th 1517 AD.—A quiet year
   in Kābul apparently—Birth of `Askarī.

   923 AH.—Jan. 24th 1517 to Jan. 13th 1518 AD.—Bābur visits
   Balkh—Khwānd-amīr's account of the affairs of Muhammad-i-zamān
   Mīrza _Bāī-qarā_—Bābur pursues the Mīrzā—has him brought to
   Kābul—gives him his daughter Ma`ṣūma in marriage—An expedition
   to Qandahār returns fruitless, on account of his illness—Shāh
   Beg's views on Bābur's persistent attempts on Qandahār—Shāh
   Beg's imprisonment and release by his slave Saṃbal's means.

   924 AH.—Jan. 13th 1518 to Jan. 3rd 1519 AD.—Shāh Beg's son
   Ḥasan flees to Bābur—stays two years—date of his return
   to his father—Bābur begins a campaign in Bajaur against
   Ḥaidar-i-`alī _Bajaurī_—takes two forts.

   [+End of Translator's Note.+]

   925 AH.—Jan. 3rd to Dec. 23rd 1519 AD.—Bābur takes the Fort of
   Bajaur—massacres its people as false to Islām—Khwāja Kalān
   made its Commandant—an excessive impost in grain—a raid for
   corn—Māhīm's adoption of Dil-dār's unborn child—Bābur marries
   Bībī Mubārika—Repopulation of the Fort of Bajaur—Expedition
   against Afghān tribesmen—Destruction of the tomb of a heretic
   qalandar—Bābur first crosses the Sind—his long-cherished
   desire for Hindūstān—the ford of the Sind—the Koh-i-jūd
   (Salt-range)—his regard for Bhīra, Khūsh-āb, Chīn-ab and
   Chīnīūt as earlier possessions of the Turk, now therefore his
   own—the Kalda-kahār lake and subsequent location on it of the
   Bāgh-i-ṣafā—Assurance of safety sent to Bhīra as a Turk
   possession—History of Bhīra _etc._ as Turk
   possessions—Author's Note on Tātār Khān _Yūsuf-khail_—envoys
   sent to Balūchīs in Bhīra—heavy floods in camp—Offenders
   against Bhīra people punished—Agreed tribute collected—Envoy
   sent to ask from Ibrāhīm _Lūdī_ the lands once dependent on
   the Turk—Daulat Khān arrests and keeps the envoy who goes
   back later to Bābur _re infectâ_—news of Hind-āl's birth and
   cause of his name—description of a drinking-party—Tātār Khān
   _Kakar_ compels Minūchihr Khān _Turk_, going to wait on Bābur,
   to become his son-in-law—Account of the Kakars—excursions and
   drinking-parties—Bhīra appointments—action taken against Hātī
   Khān _Kakar_—Description and capture of Parhāla—Bābur sees the
   saṃbal plant—a tiger killed—Gūr-khattrī visited—Loss of a
   clever hawk—Khaibar traversed—mid-day halt in the
   Bāgh-i-wafā—Qarā-tū garden visited—News of Shāh Beg's capture
   of Kāhān—Bābur's boys carried out in haste to meet
   him—wine-parties—Death and biography of Dost Beg—Arrival of
   Sulṯānīm _Bāī-qarā_ and ceremonies observed on meeting her—A
   long-imprisoned traitor released—Excursion to Koh-dāman—Hindū
   Beg abandons Bhīra—Bābur has (intermittent) fever—Visitors
   from Khwāst—Yūsuf-zāī chiefs wait on Bābur—Khalīfa's son sends
   a wedding-gift—Bābur's amusement when illness keeps him from
   an entertainment—treatment of his illness—A Thursday reading
   of theology (_see_ Add. Note p. 401)—Swimming—Envoy from Mīrzā
   Khān—Tribesmen allowed to leave Kābul for wider
   grazing-grounds—Bābur sends his first _Dīwān_ to Pūlād
   _Aūzbeg_ in Samarkand—Arrivals and departures—Punitive
   expedition against the `Abdu'r-rahman Afghāns—punishment
   threatened and inflicted (p. 405) on defaulters in help to an
   out-matched man—Description of the Rustam-maidān—return to
   Kābul—Excursion to Koh-dāman—snake incident—Tramontane begs
   warned for service—fish-drugging—Bābur's non-pressure to
   drink, on an abstainer—wine-party—misadventure on a
   raft—toothpicks gathered—A new retainer—Bābur shaves his
   head—Hind-āl's guardian appointed—Aūzbeg raiders defeated in
   Badakhshān—Various arrivals—Yūsuf-zāī campaign—Bābur
   dislocates his wrist—_Varia_—Dilah-zāk chiefs wait on him—Plan
   to store corn in Hash-nagar—Incidents of the road—Khaibar
   traversed—Bārā urged on Bābur as a place for corn—Kābul river
   forded at Bārā—little corn found and the Hash-nagar plan
   foiled—Plan to store Pashāwar Fort—return to `Alī-masjid—News
   of an invasion of Badakhshān hurries Bābur back through the
   Khaibar—The Khiẓr-khail Afghāns punished—Bābur first writes
   since dislocating his wrist—The beauty and fruits of the
   Bāgh-i-wafā—incidents of the return march to Kābul—Excursion
   to the Koh-dāman—beauty of its harvest crops and autumnal
   trees—a line offensive to Khalīfa (_see_ Add. Note p.
   416)—Humāyūn makes a good shot—Beauty of the harvest near
   Istālīf and in the Bāgh-i-pādshāhī—Return to Kābul—Bābur
   receives a white falcon in gift—pays a visit of consolation to
   an ashamed drinker—Arrivals various—he finishes copying
   `Alī-sher's four _Dīwāns_—An order to exclude from future
   parties those who become drunk—Bābur starts for Lāmghān        367-419

   926 AH.—Dec. 23rd 1519 to Dec. 12th 1520 AD.—Excursion to
   Koh-dāman and Kohistān—incidents of the road—Bābur shoots with
   an easy bow, for the first time after the dislocation of his
   wrist—Nijr-aū tribute fixed—Excursions in Lāmghān—Kāfir
   head-men bring goat-skins of wine—Halt in the Bāgh-i-wafā—its
   oranges, beauty and charm—Bābur records his wish and intention
   to return to obedience in his 40th year and his consequent
   excess in wine as the end approached—composes an air—visits
   Nūr-valley—relieves Kwāja Kalān in Bajaur—teaches a talisman
   to stop rain—his opinion of the ill-taste and disgusting
   intoxication of beer—his reason for summoning Khwāja Kalān,
   and trenchant words to Shāh Hasan relieving him—an old beggar
   loaded with gifts—the raft strikes a rock—Description of the
   Kīndīr spring—Fish taken from fish-ponds—Hunting—Accident to a
   tooth—Fishing with a net—A murderer made over to the avengers
   of blood—A Qoran chapter read and start made for Kābul—(here
   the diary breaks off)                                          420-425

   +Translator's Note.+—926 to 932 AH.—1520 to 1525 AD.—Bābur's
   activities in the Gap—missing matter less interesting than
   that lost in the previous one—its distinctive mark is
   biographical—_Dramatis personæ_—Sources of information 426-444

   926 AH.—Dec. 23rd 1519 to Dec. 12th 1520 AD.—Bābur's five
   expeditions into Hindūstān—this year's cut short by menace
   from Qandahār—Shāh Beg's position—particulars of his menace
   not ascertained—+Description of Qandahār-fort+—Bābur's various
   sieges—this year's raised because of pestilence within the
   walls—Shāh Beg pushes out into Sind.

   927 AH.—Dec. 12th 1520 to Dec. 1st 1521 AD.—Two accounts of
   this year's siege of Qandahār—(i) that of the
   _Ḥabību's-siyar_—(ii) that of the _Tārīkh-i-sind_—concerning
   the dates involved—Mīrzā Khān's death.


   928 AH.—Dec. 1st 1521 to Nov. 20th 1522 AD.—Bābur and Māhīm
   visit Humāyūn in Badakhshān—Expedition to Qandahār—of the duel
   between Bābur and Shāh Beg—the Chihil-zīna monument of
   victory—Death of Shāh Beg and its date—Bābur's literary work
   down to this year.

   929 AH.—Nov. 20th 1522 to Nov. 10th 1523 AD.—Hindūstān
   affairs—Daulat Khān _Lūdī_, Ibrāhīm _Lūdī_ and Bābur—Dilawār
   (son of Daulat Khān) goes to Kābul and asks help against
   Ibrāhīm—Bābur prays for a sign of victory—prepares for the
   expedition—`Ālam Khān _Lūdī_ (apparently in this year) goes to
   Kābul and asks Bābur's help against his nephew Ibrāhīm—Birth
   of Gul-badan.

   930 AH.—Nov. 10th 1523 to Oct. 27th 1524 AD.—Bābur's fourth
   expedition into Hindūstān—differs from earlier ones by its
   concert with malcontents in the country—Bābur defeats Bihār
   Khān _Lūdī_ near Lāhor—Lāhor occupied—Dībalpūr stormed,
   plundered and its people massacred—Bābur moves onward from
   Sihrind but returns on news of Daulat Khān's doings—there may
   have been also news of Aūzbeg threat to Balkh—The Panj-āb
   garrison—Death of Ismā`īl _Ṣafawī_ and of Shāh Beg—Bābur turns
   for Kābul—plants bananas in the Bāgh-i-wafā.

   931 AH.—Oct. 29th 1524 to Oct. 18th 1525 AD.—Daulat Khān's
   large resources—he defeats `Ālam Khān at Dībalpūr—`Ālam Khān
   flees to Kābul and again asks help—Bābur's conditions of
   reinforcement—`Ālam Khān's subsequent proceedings detailed
   _s.a._ 932 AH.—Bābur promises to follow him speedily—is
   summoned to Balkh by its Aūzbeg menace—his arrival raises the
   siege—he returns to Kābul in time for his start to Hindūstān
   in 932                                                         426-444

   [+End of Translator's Note.+]


   SECTION III—HINDŪSTĀN

   932 AH.—Oct. 18th 1525 to Oct. 8th 1526 AD.—Bābur starts on
   his fifth expedition into Hindūstān—is attacked by illness at
   Gandamak—Humāyūn is late in coming in from
   Badakh-shān—Verse-making on the Kābul-river—Bābur makes a
   satirical verse such as he had forsworn when writing the
   _Mubīn_—attributes a relapse of illness to his breach of
   vow—renews his oath—Fine spectacle of the lighted camp at
   Alī-masjid—Hunting near Bīgrām—Preparations for ferrying the
   Sind—Order to make a list of all with the army, and to count
   them up—continuation of illness—Orders sent to the Lāhor begs
   to delay engagement till Bābur arrived—The Sind ferried (for
   the first time) and the army tale declared as 12,000 good and
   bad—The eastward march—unexpected ice—Rendezvous made with the
   Lāhor begs—Jat and Gūjūr thieves—a courier sent again to the
   begs—News that `Ālam Khān had let Ibrāhīm _Lūdī_ defeat him
   near Dihlī—particulars of the engagement—he takes refuge with
   Bābur—The Lāhor begs announce their arrival close at
   hand—Ibrāhīm's troops retire before Bābur's march—Daulat Khān
   _Lūdī_ surrenders Milwat (Malot)—waits on Bābur and is
   reproached—Ghāzī Khān's abandonment of his family
   censured—Jaswān-valley—Ghāzī Khān pursued—Bābur advances
   against Ibrāhīm _Lūdī_—his estimate of his adversary's
   strength—`Ālam Khān's return destitute to Bābur—Bābur's march
   leads towards Pānīpat—Humāyūn's first affair
   succeeds—reiterated news of Ibrāhīm's approach—Bābur's success
   in a minor encounter—he arrays and counts his effective
   force—finds it under the estimate—orders that every man in the
   army shall collect carts towards Rūmī defence—700 carts
   brought in—account of the defences of the camp close to the
   village of Pānīpat—Bābur on the futility of fear; his excuses
   for the fearful in his army—his estimate of Ibrāhīm's army and
   of its higher possible numbers—Author's Note on the Aūzbeg
   chiefs in Ḥiṣār (918 AH. 1512 AD.)—Preliminary
   encounters—Battle and victory of Pānīpat—Ibrāhīm's body
   found—Dihlī and Āgra occupied by Bābur—he makes the circuit of
   a Farghāna-born ruler in Dihlī—visits other tombs and sees
   sights—halts opposite Tūghlūqābād—the _khuṯba_ read for him in
   Dihlī—he goes to Āgra—Author's Note on rulers in Gūālīār—The
   (Koh-i-nūr) diamond given by the Gūālīār family to
   Humāyūn—Bābur's dealings with Ibrāhīm's mother and her
   entourage—+Description of Hindūstān+ (pp. 478 to 521)—Revenues
   of Hind (p. 521)—Āgra treasure distributed—local disaffection
   to Bābur—discontent in his army at remaining in Hindūstān—he
   sets the position forth to his Council—Khwāja Kalān decides to
   leave—his and Bābur's verses on his desertion—Bābur's force
   grows locally—action begun against rebels to Ibrāhīm in the
   East—Gifts made to officers, and postings various—Bīban
   _Jalwānī_ revolts and is beaten—The Mīr of Bīāna
   warned—Mention of Rānā Sangā's failure in his promise to act
   with Bābur—Sangā's present action—Decision in Council to leave
   Sangā aside and to march to the East—Humāyūn leads out the
   army—Bābur makes garden, well and mosque near Āgra—Progress of
   Humāyūn's campaign—News of the Aūzbegs in Balkh and
   Khurāsān—Affairs of Gujrāt                                     445-535

   933 AH.—Oct. 8th 1526 to Sep. 27th 1527 AD.—Birth announced of
   Bābur's son Fārūq—incomplete success in casting a large
   mortar—_Varia_—Humāyūn summoned from the East to act against
   Sangā—Plundering expedition towards Bīāna—Tahangar, Gūālīār
   and Dūlpūr obtained—Ḥamīd Khān _Sārang-khānī_ defeated—Arrival
   of a Persian embassy—Ibrāhīm's mother tries to poison
   Bābur—+Copy of Bābur's letter detailing the affair+—his
   dealings with the poisoner and her agents—Humāyūn's return to
   Āgra—Khw. Dost-i-khawānd's arrival from Kābul—Reiterated news
   of the approach of Rānā Sangā—Bābur sends an advance force to
   Bīāna—Ḥasan Khān _Miwātī_—Tramontane matters disloyal to
   Bābur—Trial-test of the large mortar (p. 536)—Bābur leaves
   Āgra to oppose Sangā—adverse encounter with Sangā by Bīāna
   garrison—Alarming reports of Rājpūt prowess—Spadesmen sent
   ahead to dig wells in Madhākūr _pargana_—Bābur halts
   there—arrays and moves to Sīkrī—various joinings and
   scoutings—discomfiture of a party reconnoitring from Sīkrī—the
   reinforcement also overcome—The enemy retires at sight of a
   larger troop from Bābur—defence of the Sīkrī camp Rūmī
   fashion, with ditch besides—Continued praise of Rājpūt
   prowess—Further defence of the camp made to hearten Bābur's
   men—20-25 days spent in the above preparations—arrival of 500
   men from Kābul—also of Muḥ. Sharīf an astrologer who augurs
   ill for Bābur's success—Archers collected and Mīwāt
   over-run—Bābur reflects that he had always wished to cease
   from the sin of wine—verses about his then position—resolves
   to renounce wine—details of the destruction of wine and
   precious vessels, and of the building of a commemorative well
   and alms-house—his oath to remit a tax if victorious is
   recalled to him—he remits the _tamghā_—Shaikh Zain writes the
   _farmān_ announcing the two acts—Copy of the _farmān_—Great
   fear in Bābur's army—he adjures the Ghāzī spirit in his men
   who vow to stand fast—his perilous position—he moves forward
   in considerable array—his camp is laid out and protected by
   ditch and carts—An omen is taken and gives hope—Khalīfa
   advising, the camp is moved—While tents were being set up, the
   enemy appears—The battle and victory of Kānwa—described in a
   copy of the Letter-of-victory—Bābur inserts this because of
   its full particulars (pp. 559 to 574)—assumes the title of
   Ghāzī—Chronograms of the victory and also of that in Dībalpūr
   (930 AH.)—pursuit of the fugitive foe—escape of Sangā—the
   falsely-auguring astrologer banished with a gift—a small
   revolt crushed—a pillar of heads set up—Bābur visits
   Bīāna—Little water and much heat set aside plan to invade
   Sangā's territory—Bābur visits Mīwāt—give some historical
   account of it—Commanders rewarded—Alwār visited—Humāyūn and
   others allowed to leave Hindūstān—Despatch of the
   Letter-of-victory—Various excursions—Humāyūn bidden
   farewell—Chandwār and Rāprī recovered—Apportionment of
   fiefs—Bīban flees before Bābur's men—Dispersion of troops for
   the Rains—Misconduct of Humāyūn and Bābur's grief—Embassy to
   `Irāq—Tardī Beg _khāksār_ allowed to return to the
   darwesh-life—Bābur's lines to departing friends—The
   Ramẓān-feast—Playing-cards—Bābur ill (seemingly with
   fever)—visits Dūlpūr and orders a house excavated—visits Bārī
   and sees the ebony-tree—has doubt of Bāyazīd _Farmūlī's_
   loyalty—his remedial and metrical exercises—his Treatise on
   Prosody composed—a relapse of illness—starts on an excursion
   to Kūl and Saṃbal                                              536-586

   934 AH.—Sep. 27th 1527 to Sep. 15th 1528 AD.—Bābur visits Kūl
   and Saṃbal and returns to Āgra—has fever and ague
   intermittently for 20-25 days—goes out to welcome kinswomen—a
   large mortar bursts with fatal result—he visits Sīkrī—starts
   for Holy War against Chandīrī—sends troops against Bāyazīd
   _Farmūlī_—incidents of the march to Chandīrī—account of
   Kachwa—account of Chandīrī—its siege—Meantime bad news arrives
   from the East—Bābur keeping this quiet, accomplishes the work
   in hand—Chandīrī taken—change of plans enforced by defeat in
   the East—return northwards—Further losses in the East—Rebels
   take post to dispute Bābur's passage of the Ganges—he orders a
   pontoon-bridge—his artillery is used with effect, the bridge
   finished and crossed and the Afghāns worsted—Tukhta-būghā
   _Chaghatāī_ arrives from Kāshgar—Bābur visits Lakhnau—suffers
   from ear-ache—reinforces Chīn-tīmūr against the
   rebels—Chīn-tīmūr gets the better of Bāyazīd _Farmūlī_—Bābur
   settles the affairs of Aūd (Oude) and plans to hunt near       587-602


   +Translator's Note.+ (part of 934 AH.)—On the _cir._
   half-year's missing matter—known events of the Gap:—Continued
   campaign against Bīban and Bāyazīd—Bābur at Jūnpūr, Chausa and
   Baksara—swims the Ganges—bestows Sarūn on a Farmūlī—orders a
   Chār-bāgh made—is ill for 40 days—is inferred to have visited
   Dūlpūr, recalled `Askarī from Multān, sent Khw. Dost-i-khāwand
   to Kābul on family affairs which were causing him much
   concern—Remarks on the Gap and, incidentally, on the Rāmpūr
   Dīwān and verses in it suiting Bābur's illnesses of 934 AH.

   [+End of Translator's Note.+]

   935 AH. Sep. 15th 1528 to Sep. 5th 1529 AD.—`Askarī reaches
   Āgra from Multān—Khwānd-amīr and others arrive from
   Khurāsān—Bābur prepares to visit Gūālīār—bids farewell to
   kinswomen who are returning to Kābul—marches out—is given an
   unsavoury medicament—inspects construction-work in
   Dūlpūr—reaches Gūālīār—+Description of Gūālīār+ (p. 607 to p.
   614)—returns to Dūlpūr—suffers from ear-ache—inspects work in
   Sīkrī and reaches Āgra—visit and welcomes to kinswomen—sends
   an envoy to take charge of Rantanbhūr—makes a levy on
   stipendiaries—sends letters to kinsfolk in Khurāsān—News
   arrives of Kāmrān and Dost-i-khāwand in Kābul—of T̤ahmāsp
   _Safawī's_ defeat at Jām of `Ubaidu'l-lāh _Aūzbeg_—of the
   birth of a son to Humāyūn, and of a marriage by Kāmrān—he
   rewards an artificer—is strongly attacked by fever—for his
   healing translates Aḥrārī's _Wālidiyyah-risāla_—account of the
   task—Troops warned for service—A long-detained messenger
   returns from Humāyūn—Accredited messengers-of-good-tidings
   bring the news of Humāyūn's son's birth—an instance of rapid
   travel—Further particulars of the Battle of Jām—Letters
   written and summarized—+Copy of one to Humāyūn inserted
   here+—Plans for an eastern campaign under `Askarī—royal
   insignia given to him—Orders for the measurement, stations and
   up-keep of the Āgra-Kābul road—the _Mubīn_ quoted—A feast
   described—`Askarī bids his Father farewell—Bābur visits Dūlpūr
   and inspects his constructions—Persian account of the Battle
   of Jām—Bābur decides contingently to go to the East—Balūchī
   incursions—News reaches Dūlpūr of the loss of Bihār (town) and
   decides Bābur to go East—News of Humāyūn's action in
   Badakhshān—Bābur starts from Āgra—honoured arrivals in the
   assembly-camp—incidents of the march—congratulations and
   gifts sent to Kāmrān, Humāyūn and others—also specimens of the
   Bāburī-script, and copies of the translation of the
   _Wālidiyyah-risāla_ and the Hindūstān Poems—commends his
   building-work to his workmen—makes a new ruler for the better
   copying of the _Wālidiyyah-risāla_ translation—letters
   written—+Copy of one to Khwāja Kalān inserted here+—Complaints
   from Kītīn-qarā _Aūzbeg_ of Bābur's begs on the Balkh
   frontier—Bābur shaves his head—Māhīm using his style, orders
   her own escort from Kābul to Āgra—Bābur watches
   wrestling—leaves the Jumna, disembarks his guns, and goes
   across country to Dugdugī on the Ganges—travels by
   litter—`Askarī and other Commanders meet him—News of Bīban,
   Bāyazīd and other Afghāns—Letters despatched to meet Māhīm on
   her road—Bābur sends a copy of his writings to
   Samarkand—watches wrestling—hears news of the Afghāns—(here a
   surmised survival of record displaced from 934 AH.)—fall of a
   river-bank under his horse—swims the Ganges—crosses the Jumna
   at Allahābād (Piag) and re-embarks his guns—wrestling
   watched—the evil Tons—he is attacked by boils—a Rūmī remedy
   applied—a futile attempt to hunt—he sends money-drafts to the
   travellers from Kābul—visits places on the Ganges he had seen
   last year—receives various letters below Ghāzīpūr—has news
   that the Ladies are actually on their way from Kābul—last
   year's eclipse recalled—Hindu dread of the Karmā-nāśā
   river—wrestling watched—Rūmī remedy for boils used again with
   much discomfort—fall of last year's landing-steps at
   Baksara—wrestling—Negociations with an envoy of Naṣrat Shāh of
   Bengal—Examination into Muḥammad-i-zāman's objections to a
   Bihār appointment—despatch of troops to Bihār
   (town)—Muḥammad-i-zamān submits requests which are granted—a
   small success against Afghāns—Royal insignia given to
   Muḥammad-i-zamān, with leave to start for Bihār—Bābur's
   boats—News of the Bengal army—Muḥammad-i-zāman recalled
   because fighting was probable—Dūdū Bībī and her son Jalāl
   escape from Bengal to come to Bābur—Further discussions with
   the Bengal envoy—Favourable news from Bihār—Bābur in
   Arrah—Position of the Bengal army near the confluence of Gang
   and Sārū (Ganges and Gogrā)—Bābur making further effort for
   peace, sends an envoy to Naṣrat Shāh—gives Naṣrat's envoy
   leave to go conveying an ultimatum—Arrival of a servant from
   Māhīm west of the Bāgh-i-ṣafā—Bābur visits lotus-beds near
   Arrah—also Munīr and the Son—Distance measured by counting a
   horse's paces—care for tired horses—Bābur angered by Junaid
   _Barlās'_ belated arrival—Consultation and plans made for the
   coming battle—the Ganges crossed (by the Burh-ganga channel)
   and move made to near the confluence—Bābur watches `Alī-qulī's
   stone-discharge—his boat entered by night—Battle and victory
   of the Gogrā—Bābur praises and thanks his Chaghatāī cousins
   for their great services—crosses into the Nirhun _pargana_—his
   favours to a Farmūlī—News of Bīban and Bāyazīd—and of the
   strange deaths in Saṃbal—Chīn-tīmūr sends news from the west
   of inconveniences caused by the Ladies' delay to leave
   Kābul—and of success against the Balūchī—he is ordered to
   Āgra—Settlement made with the Nuḥānī Afghāns—Peace made with
   Naṣrat Shāh—Submissions and various guerdon—Bīban and Bāyazīd
   pursued—Bābur's papers damaged in a storm—News of the rebel
   pair as taking Luknūr(?)—Disposition of Bābur's boats—move
   along the Sārū—(a surmised survival of the record of 934
   AH.)—Account of the capture of Luknūr(?)—Dispositions against
   the rebel pair—fish caught by help of a lamp—incidents of the
   march to Adampūr on the Jumna—Bīban and Bāyazīd flee to
   Mahūba—Eastern Campaign wound up—Bābur's rapid ride to Āgra
   (p. 686)—visits kinswomen—is pleased with Indian-grown
   fruits—Māhīm arrives—her gifts and Humāyūn's set before
   Bābur—porters sent off for Kābul to fetch fruits—Account of
   the deaths in Saṃbal brought in—sedition in Lāhor—wrestling
   watched—sedition of Raḥīm-dād in Gūālīār—Mahdī Khwāja comes to
   Āgra                                                           605-689

   936 AH.—Sep. 5th 1529 to Aug. 25th 1530 AD.—Shaikh Ghaus comes
   from Gūālīār to intercede for Raḥīm-dād—Gūālīār taken over         690

   +Translator's Note.+—936 and 937 AH.—1529 and 1530 AD.—Sources
   from which to fill the Gap down to Bābur's death (December
   26th 1530)—Humāyūn's proceedings in Badakhshān—Ḥaidar
   _Dūghlāt's_ narrative of them—Humāyūn deserts his post, goes
   to Kābul, and, arranging with Kāmrān, sends Hind-āl to
   Badakhshān—goes on to Āgra and there arrives unexpected by his
   Father—as he is unwilling to return, Sulaimān _Mīrān-shāhī_ is
   appointed under Bābur's suzerainty—Sa`īd Khān is warned to
   leave Sulaimān in possession—Bābur moves westward to support
   him and visits Lāhor—waited on in Sihrind by the Rāja of
   Kahlūr—received in Lāhor by Kāmrān and there visited from
   Kābul by Hind-āl—leaves Lāhor (March 4th 1530 AD.)—from
   Sihrind sends a punitive force against Mundāhir Rājpūts—hunts
   near Dihlī—appears to have started off an expedition to
   Kashmīr—family matters fill the rest of the year—Humāyūn falls
   ill in Saṃbal and is brought to Āgra—his disease not yielding
   to treatment, Bābur resolves to practise the rite of
   intercession and self-surrender to save his life—is urged
   rather to devote the great diamond (Koh-i-nūr) to pious
   uses—refuses the substitution of the jewel for his own
   life—performs the rite—Humāyūn recovers—Bābur falls ill and is
   bedridden till death—his faith in the rite unquestionable,
   belief in its efficacy general in the East—Plan to set Bābur's
   sons aside from the succession—The _T̤abaqāt-i-akbarī_ story
   discussed (p. 702 to 708)—suggested basis of the story (p.
   705)—Bābur's death (Jūmāda I. 5th 937 AH.—Dec. 26th 1530 AD.)
   and burial first, near Āgra, later near Kābul—Shāh-jahān's
   epitaph inscribed on a tablet near the grave—Bābur's wives and
   children—Mr. Erskine's estimate of his character              691-716


   [+End of Translator's Note.+]


  APPENDICES

   A. Site and disappearance of old Akhsī.
   B. The birds Qīl-qūyīrūgh and Bāghrī-qarā.
   C. On the _gosha-gīr_.
   D. The Rescue-passage.
   E. Nagarahār and Nīng-nahār.
   F. The name Dara-i-nūr.
   G. On the names of two Dara-i-nūr wines.
   H. On the counter-mark Bih-būd of coins.
   I. The weeping-willows of f. 190_b_.
   J. Bābur's excavated chamber at Qandahār.
   K. An Afghān Legend.
   L. Māhīm's adoption of Hind-āl.
   M. On the term Bahrī-quṯās.
   N. Notes on a few birds.
   O. Notes by Humāyūn on some Hindūstān fruits.
   P. Remarks on Bābur's Revenue List.
   Q. On the Rāmpūr Dīwān.
   R. Plans of Chandīrī and Gūālīār.
   S. The Bābur-nāma dating of 935 AH.
   T. On L:knū (Lakhnau) and L:knūr (Lakhnur _i.e._ Shahābād
   in Rāmpūr).
   U. The Inscriptions in Bābur's Mosque at Ajodhya (Oude).
   V. Bābur's Gardens in and near Kābul.


   Indices:—I. Personal, II. Geographical, III. General, p. 717
   _et seq._

   Omissions, Corrigenda, Additional Notes.


   LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.


   Plane-tree Avenue in Babur's (later)
     Burial-garden[1]                                   _facing_ p. xxvii

   View from above his grave and Shah-jahan's
     Mosque[1]                                            _facing_ p. 367

   His Grave[2]                                           _facing_ p. 445

   Babur in Prayer[3]                                     _facing_ p. 702

   His Signature                                              App. Q, lxi

   Plans of Chandiri and Gualiar                            App. R, lxvii


  [Illustration: Plane-tree Avenue in Babur's (later)
  Burial-garden.]


  PREFACE.

   O Spring of work! O Source of power to Be!
   Each line, each thought I dedicate to Thee;
   Each time I fail, the failure is my own,
   But each success, a jewel in Thy Throne.

   JESSIE E. CADELL.



INTRODUCTORY.

This book is a translation of Babur Padshah's Autobiography, made from
the original Turki text. It was undertaken after a purely-Turki
manuscript had become accessible in England, the Haidarabad Codex (1915)
which, being in Babur's _ipsissima verba_, left to him the control of
his translator's diction—a control that had been impracticable from the
time when, under Akbar (1589), his book was translated into Persian.
What has come down to us of pure text is, in its shrunken amount, what
was translated in 1589. It is difficult, here and there, to interpret
owing to its numerous and in some places extensive _lacunae_, and
presents more problems than one the solution of which has real
importance because they have favoured suggestions of malfeasance by
Babur.

My translation has been produced under considerable drawback, having
been issued in four _fasciculi_, at long intervals, respectively in June
1912, May 1914, October 1917, and September 1921. I have put with it of
supplementary matter what may be of service to those readers whom
Babur's personality attracts and to those who study Turki as a
linguistic entertainment, but owing to delays in production am unable to
include the _desiderata_ of maps.


CHAPTER I.

BABUR'S EXEMPLARS IN THE ARTS OF PEACE.


Babur's civilian aptitudes, whether of the author and penman, the maker
of gardens, the artist, craftsman or sportsman, were nourished in a
fertile soil of family tradition and example. Little about his teaching
and training is now with his mutilated book, little indeed of any kind
about his præ-accession years, not the date of his birth even, having
escaped destruction.[4] Happily Haidar Mirza (_q.v._) possessed a more
complete Codex than has come down to us through the Timurid libraries,
and from it he translated many episodes of Baburiana that help to bridge
gaps and are of special service here where the personalities of Bābur's
early environment are being named.

Babur's home-milieu favoured excellence in the quiet Arts and set before
its children high standard and example of proficiency. Moreover, by
schooling him in obedience to the Law, it planted in him some of Art's
essentials, self-restraint and close attention. Amongst primal
influences on him, his mother Qut-luq-nigar's ranked high; she,
well-born and a scholar's daughter, would certainly be educated in Turki
and Persian and in the home-accomplishments her governess possessed
_(ātūn_ q.v.). From her and her mother Aisan-daulat, the child would
learn respect for the attainments of his wise old grandfather Yunas
Khan. Aisan-daulat herself brought to her grandson much that goes to the
making of a man; nomad-born and sternly-bred, she was brave to obey her
opinion of right, and was practically the boy's ruling counsellor
through his early struggle to hold Farghana. With these two in fine
influence must be counted Khan-zada, his five-years elder sister who
from his birth to his death proved her devotion to him. Her life-story
tempts, but is too long to tell; her girlish promise is seen fulfilled
in Gul-badan's pages. `Umar Shaikh's own mother Shah Sultan Begim
brought in a type of merit widely differing from that of Aisan-daulat
Begim; as a town-lady of high Tarkhan birth, used to the amenities of
life in a wealthy house of Samarkand, she was, doubtless, an
accomplished and cultured woman.

`Umar Shaikh's environment was dominated for many years by two great
men, the scholar and lover of town-life Yunas Khan and the saintly
Ahrari (_i.e._ Khwaja `Ubaidu'l-lah) who were frequently with him in
company, came at Babur's birth and assisted at his naming. Ahrari died
in 895-1491 when the child was about seven years old but his influence
was life-long; in 935-1529 he was invoked as a spiritual helper by the
fever-stricken Babur and his mediation believed efficacious for recovery
(pp. 619, 648). For the babe or boy to be where the three friends held
social session in high converse, would be thought to draw blessing on
him; his hushed silence in the presence would sow the seed of reverence
for wisdom and virtue, such, for example, as he felt for Jami (_q.v._).
It is worth while to tell some part at least of Yunas' attainments in
the gentler Arts, because the biography from which they are quoted may
well have been written on the information of his wife Aisan-daulat, and
it indicates the breadth of his exemplary influence. Yunas was many
things—penman, painter, singer, instrumentalist, and a past master in
the crafts. He was an expert in good companionship, having even temper
and perfect manners, quick perception and conversational charm. His
intellectual distinction was attributed to his twelve years of wardship
under the learned and highly honoured Yazdi (Sharafu'd-din 'Ali), the
author of the _Zafar-nama_ [Timur's Book of Victory]. That book was in
hand during four years of Yunas' education; he will thus have known it
and its main basis Timur's Turki _Malfūzāt_ (annals). What he learned of
either book he would carry with him into `Umar Shaikh's environment,
thus magnifying the family stock of Timuriya influence. He lived to be
some 74 years old, a length of days which fairly bridged the gap between
Timur's death [807-1404] and Babur's birth (888-1483). It is said that
no previous Khan of his (Chaghatai) line had survived his 40th year; his
exceptional age earned him great respect and would deepen his influence
on his restless young son-in-law `Umar Shaikh. It appears to have been
in `Umar's 20th year (_cir._) that Yunas Khan began the friendly
association with him that lasted till Yunas' death (892-1483), a
friendship which, as disparate ages would dictate, was rather that of
father and son than of equal companionship. One matter mentioned in the
Khan's biography would come to Babur's remembrance in the future days
when he, like Yunas, broke the Law against intoxicants and, like him,
repented and returned.

That two men of the calibre and high repute of Ahrari and Yunas
maintained friendly guidance so long over `Umar cannot but be held an
accreditment and give fragrance of goodness to his name. Apart from the
high justice and generosity his son ascribes to him, he could set other
example, for he was a reader of great books, the Qoran and the _Masnawi_
being amongst his favourites. This choice, it may be, led Abu'l-faẓl to
say he had the darwesh-mind. Babur was old enough before `Umar's death
to profit by the sight of his father enjoying the perusal of such books.
As with other parents and other children, there would follow the happy
stilling to a quiet mood, the piquing of curiosity as to what was in the
book, the sight of refuge taken as in a haven from self and care, and
perhaps, Babur being intelligent and of inquiring mind and `Umar a
skilled reciter, the boy would marvel at the perennial miracle that a
lifeless page can become eloquent—gentle hints all, pointers of the way
to literary creation.

Few who are at home in Baburiana but will take Timur as Babur's great
exemplar not only as a soldier but as a chronicler. Timur cannot have
seemed remote from that group of people so well-informed about him and
his civilian doings; his Shahrukhi grandchildren in Samarkand had
carried on his author-tradition; the 74 years of Yunas Khan's life had
bridged the gap between Timur's death in 807-1405 and Babur's birth in
888-1483. To Babur Timur will have been exemplary through his grandson
Aulugh Beg who has two productions to his credit, the _Char-ulus_ (Four
Hordes) and the Kurkani Astronomical Tables. His sons, again, Babur
(_qalandar_) and Ibrahim carried on the family torch of letters, the
first in verse and the second by initiating and fostering Yazdi's
labours on the _Zafar-nama_. Wide-radiating and potent influence for the
Arts of Peace came forth from Herat during the reign of that Sultan
Husain Mirza whose Court Babur describes in one of the best supplements
to his autobiography. Husain was a Timurid of the elder branch of
Bai-qara, an author himself but far more effective as a Macænas; one man
of the shining galaxy of competence that gave him fame, set pertinent
example for Babur the author, namely, the Andijani of noble Chaghatai
family, 'Ali-sher _Nawa'i_ who, in classic Turki verse was the master
Babur was to become in its prose. That the standard of effort was high
in Herat is clear from Babur's dictum (p. 233) that whatever work a man
took up, he aspired to bring it to perfection. Elphinstone varies the
same theme to the tune of equality of excellence apart from social
status, writing to Erskine (August, 1826), that "it gives a high notion
of the time to find" (in Babur's account of Husain's Court) "artists,
musicians and others, described along with the learned and great of the
Age".

My meagre summary of Babur's exemplars would be noticeably incomplete if
it omitted mention of two of his life-long helpers in the gentler Arts,
his love of Nature and his admiration for great architectural creations.
The first makes joyous accompaniment throughout his book; the second is
specially called forth by Timur's ennoblement of Samarkand. Timur had
built magnificently and laid out stately gardens; Babur made many a
fruitful pleasaunce and gladdened many an arid halting-place; he built a
little, but had small chance to test his capacity for building greatly;
never rich, he was poor in Kabul and several times destitute in his
home-lands. But his sword won what gave wealth to his Indian Dynasty,
and he passed on to it the builder's unused dower, so that Samarkand was
surpassed in Hindustan and the spiritual conception Timur's creations
embodied took perfect form at Sikandra where Akbar lies entombed.


CHAPTER II.

PROBLEMS OF THE MUTILATED BABUR-NAMA.

Losses from the text of Babur's book are the more disastrous because it
truly embodies his career. For it has the rare distinction of being
contemporary with the events it describes, is boyish in his boyhood,
grows with his growth, matures as he matured. Undulled by retrospect, it
is a fresh and spontaneous recital of things just seen, heard or done.
It has the further rare distinction of shewing a boy who, setting a
future task before him—in his case the revival of Timurid power,—began
to chronicle his adventure in the book which through some 37 years was
his twinned comrade, which by its special distinctions has attracted
readers for nearly a half-millennium, still attracts and still is a
thing apart from autobiographies which look back to recall dead years.

Much circumstance makes for the opinion that Babur left his life-record
complete, perhaps repaired in places and recently supplemented, but
continuous, orderly and lucid; this it is not now, nor has been since it
was translated into Persian in 1589, for it is fissured by _lacunæ_, has
neither Preface nor Epilogue,[5] opens in an oddly abrupt and
incongruous fashion, and consists of a series of fragments so
disconnected as to demand considerable preliminary explanation. Needless
to say, its dwindled condition notwithstanding, it has place amongst
great autobiographies, still revealing its author playing a man's part
in a drama of much historic and personal interest. Its revelation is
however now like a portrait out of drawing, because it has not kept the
record of certain years of his manhood in which he took momentous
decisions,(1) those of 1511-12 (918) in which he accepted
reinforcement—at a great price—from Isma`il the Shi`a Shah of Persia,
and in which, if my reading be correct, he first (1512) broke the Law
against the use of wine,[6] (2) those of 1519-1525 [926-932], in which
his literary occupations with orthodox Law (_see Mubin_) associated with
cognate matters of 932 AH. indicate that his return to obedience had
begun, in which too was taken the decision that worked out for his fifth
expedition across the Indus with its sequel of the conquest of Hind.—The
loss of matter so weighty cannot but destroy the balance of his record
and falsify the drawing of his portrait.


a. _Problem of Titles._

As nothing survives to decide what was Babur's chosen title for his
autobiography, a modern assignment of names to distinguish it from its
various descendants is desirable, particularly so since the revival of
interest in it towards which the Facsimile of its Haidarabad Codex has
contributed.[7]

_Babur-nama_ (History of Babur) is a well-warranted name by which to
distinguish the original Turki text, because long associated with this
and rarely if ever applied to its Persian translation.[8] It is not
comprehensive because not covering supplementary matter of biography
and description but it has use for modern readers of classing
Babur's with other Timuriya and Timurid histories such as the
_Zafar-Humayun-Akbar-namas_.

_Waqi`āt-i-baburi_ (Babur's Acts), being descriptive of the book and in
common use for naming both the Turki and Persian texts, might usefully
be reserved as a title for the latter alone.

Amongst European versions of the book _Memoirs of Baber_ is Erskine's
peculium for the Leyden and Erskine Perso-English translation—_Mémoires
de Baber_ is Pavet de Courteille's title for his French version of the
Bukhara [Persified-Turki] compilation—_Babur-nama in English_ links the
translation these volumes contain with its purely-Turki source.


b. _Problems of the Constituents of the Books._

Intact or mutilated, Babur's material falls naturally into three
territorial divisions, those of the lands of his successive rule,
Farghana (with Samarkand), Kabul and Hindustan. With these are distinct
sub-sections of description of places and of obituaries of kinsmen.

The book might be described as consisting of annals and diary, which
once met within what is now the gap of 1508-19 (914-925). Round this
gap, amongst others, bristle problems of which this change of literary
style is one; some are small and concern the mutilation alone, others
are larger, but all are too intricate for terse statement and all might
be resolved by the help of a second MS. _e.g._ one of the same strain as
Haidar's.

Without fantasy another constituent might be counted in with the three
territorial divisions, namely, the grouped _lacunæ_ which by their
engulfment of text are an untoward factor in an estimate either of Babur
or of his book. They are actually the cardinal difficulty of the book as
it now is; they foreshorten purview of his career and character and
detract from its merits; they lose it perspective and distort its
proportions. That this must be so is clear both from the value and the
preponderating amount of the lost text. It is no exaggeration to say
that while working on what survives, what is lost becomes like a
haunting presence warning that it must be remembered always as an
integral and the dominant part of the book.

The relative proportions of saved and lost text are highly
significant:—Babur's commemorable years are about 47 and 10 months,
_i.e._ from his birth on Feb. 14th 1483 to near his death on Dec. 26th
1530; but the aggregate of surviving text records some 18 years only,
and this not continuously but broken through by numerous gaps. That
these gaps result from loss of pages is frequently shewn by a broken
sentence, an unfinished episode. The fragments—as they truly may be
called—are divided by gaps sometimes seeming to remove a few pages only
(cf. _s.a._ 935 AH.), sometimes losing the record of 6 and _cir._ 18
months, sometimes of 6 and 11 years; besides these actual clefts in the
narrative there are losses of some 12 years from its beginning and some
16 months from its end. Briefly put we now have the record of _cir._ 18
years where that of over 47 could have been.[9]


c. _Causes of the gaps._

Various causes have been surmised to explain the _lacunæ_; on the plea
of long intimacy with Babur's and Haidar's writings, I venture to say
that one and all appear to me the result of accident. This opinion rests
on observed correlations between the surviving and the lost record,
which demand complement—on the testimony of Haidar's extracts, and
firmly on Babur's orderly and persistent bias of mind and on the
prideful character of much of the lost record. Moreover occasions of
risk to Babur's papers are known.

Of these occasions the first was the destruction of his camp near Hisar
in 1512 (918; p. 357) but no information about his papers survives; they
may not have been in his tent but in the fort. The second was a case of
recorded damage to "book and sections" (p. 679) occurring in 1529 (935).
From signs of work done to the Farghana section in Hindustan, the damage
may be understood made good at the later date. To the third exposure to
damage, namely, the attrition of hard travel and unsettled life during
Humayun's 14 years of exile from rule in Hindustan (1441-1555) it is
reasonable to attribute even the whole loss of text. For, assuming—as
may well be done—that Babur left (1530) a complete autobiography, its
volume would be safe so long as Humayun was in power but after the
Timurid exodus (1441) his library would be exposed to the risks detailed
in the admirable chronicles of Gul-badan, Jauhar and Bayazid (_q.v._).
He is known to have annotated his father's book in 1555 (p. 466 n. 1)
just before marching from Kabul to attempt the re-conquest of Hindustan.
His Codex would return to Dihli which he entered in July 1555, and there
would be safe from risk of further mutilation. Its condition in 1555 is
likely to have remained what it was found when `Abdu'r-rahim translated
it into Persian by Akbar's orders (1589) for Abu'l-faẓl's use in the
_Akbar-nama_. That Persian translation with its descendant the _Memoirs
of Baber_, and the purely-Turki Haidarabad Codex with its descendant the
_Babur-nama in English_, contain identical contents and, so doing, carry
the date of the mutilation of Babur's Turki text back through its years
of safety, 1589 to 1555, to the period of Humayun's exile and its
dangers for camel-borne or deserted libraries.


d. _Two misinterpretations of lacunæ._

Not unnaturally the frequent interruptions of narrative caused by
_lacunæ_ have been misinterpreted occasionally, and sometimes
detractory comment has followed on Babur, ranking him below the
accomplished and lettered, steadfast and honest man he was. I select two
examples of this comment neither of which has a casual origin.

The first is from the _B.M. Cat. of Coins of the Shahs of Persia_ p.
xxiv, where after identifying a certain gold coin as shewing vassalage
by Babur to Isma`il _Safawi_, the compiler of the Catalogue notes, "We
can now understand the omission from Babar's 'Memoirs' of the
occurrences between 914 H. and 925 H." Can these words imply other than
that Babur suppressed mention of minting of the coins shewing
acknowledgment of Shi`a suzerainty? Leaving aside the delicate topic of
the detraction the quoted words imply, much negatives the surmise that
the gap is a deliberate "omission" of text:—(1) the duration of the
Shi`a alliance was 19-20 months of 917-918 AH. (p. 355), why omit the
peaceful or prideful and victorious record of some 9-10 years on its
either verge? (2) Babur's Transoxus campaign was an episode in the
struggle between Shaibaq Khan (Shaibani) _Auzbeg_ and Shah
Isma`il—between Sunni and Shi`a; how could "omission" from his book,
always a rare one, hide what multitudes knew already? "Omission" would
have proved a fiasco in another region than Central Asia, because the
Babur-Haidar story of the campaign, vassal-coinage included,[10] has
been brought into English literature by the English translation of the
_Tarikh-i rashidi_. Babur's frank and self-judging habit of mind would,
I think, lead him to write fully of the difficulties which compelled the
hated alliance and certainly he would tell of his own anger at the
conduct of the campaign by Isma`il's Commanders. The alliance was a
tactical mistake; it would have served Babur better to narrate its
failure.

The second misinterpretation, perhaps a mere surmising gloss, is
Erskine's (_Memoirs_ Supp. p. 289) who, in connection with `Alam Khan's
request to Babur for reinforcement in order to oust his nephew Ibrahim,
observes that "Babur probably flattered `Alam Khan with the hope of
succession to the empire of Hindustan." This idea does not fit the
record of either man. Elphinstone was angered by Erskine's remark which,
he wrote (Aug. 26th 1826) "had a bad effect on the narrative by
weakening the implicit confidence in Babur's candour and veracity which
his frank way of writing is so well-calculated to command."
Elphinstone's opinion of Babur is not that of a reader but of a student
of his book; he was also one of Erskine's staunchest helpers in its
production. From Erskine's surmise others have advanced on the
detractor's path saying that Babur used and threw over `Alam Khan
(_q.v._).


e. _Reconstruction._

Amongst the problems mutilation has created an important one is that of
the condition of the beginning of the book (p. 1 to p. 30) with its
plunge into Babur's doings in his 12th year without previous mention of
even his day and place of birth, the names and status of his parents, or
any occurrences of his præ-accession years. Within those years should be
entered the death of Yunas Khan (1487) with its sequent obituary notice,
and the death of [Khwaja `Ubaidu'l-lah] Ahrari (1491). Not only are
these customary entries absent but the very introductions of the two
great men are wanting, probably with the also missing account of their
naming of the babe Babur. That these routine matters are a part of an
autobiography planned as Babur's was, makes for assured opinion that the
record of more than his first decade of life has been lost, perhaps by
the attrition to which its position in the volume exposed it.

Useful reconstruction if merely in tabulated form, might be effected in
a future edition. It would save at least two surprises for readers, one
the oddly abrupt first sentence telling of Babur's age when he became
ruler in Farghana (p. 1), which is a misfit in time and order, another
that of the sudden interruption of `Umar Shaikh's obituary by a fragment
of Yunas Khan's (p. 19) which there hangs on a mere name-peg, whereas
its place according to Babur's elsewhere unbroken practice is directly
following the death. The record of the missing præ-accession years will
have included at the least as follows:—Day of birth and its place—names
and status of parents—naming and the ceremonial observances proper for
Muhammadan children—visits to kinsfolk in Tashkint, and to Samarkand
(æt. 5, p. 35) where he was betrothed—his initiation in school
subjects, in sport, the use of arms—names of teachers—education in the
rules of his Faith (p. 44), appointment to the Andijan Command _etc._,
_etc._

There is now no fit beginning to the book; the present first sentence
and its pendent description of Farghana should be removed to the
position Babur's practice dictates of entering the description of a
territory at once on obtaining it (cf. Samarkand, Kabul, Hindustan). It
might come in on p. 30 at the end of the topic (partly omitted on p. 29
where no ground is given for the manifest anxiety about Babur's safety)
of the disputed succession (Haidar, trs. p. 135) Babur's partisan begs
having the better of Jahangir's (_q.v._), and having testified
obeisance, he became ruler in Farghana; his statement of age (12 years),
comes in naturally and the description of his newly acquired territory
follows according to rule. This removal of text to a later position has
the advantage of allowing the accession to follow and not precede
Babur's father's death.

By the removal there is left to consider the historical matter of pp.
12-13. The first paragraph concerns matter of much earlier date than
`Umar's death in 1494 (p. 13); it may be part of an obituary notice,
perhaps that of Yunas Khan. What follows of the advance of displeased
kinsmen against `Umar Shaikh would fall into place as part of Babur's
record of his boyhood, and lead on to that of his father's death.

The above is a bald sketch of what might be effected in the interests of
the book and to facilitate its pleasant perusal.


CHAPTER III.

THE TURKI MSS. AND WORK CONNECTING WITH THEM.

This chapter is a literary counterpart of "Babur Padshah's Stone-heap,"
the roadside cairn tradition says was piled by his army, each man laying
his stone when passing down from Kabul for Hindustan in the year of
victory 1525 (932).[11]

For a title suiting its contents is "Babur Padshah's Book-pile," because
it is fashioned of item after item of pen-work done by many men in
obedience to the dictates given by his book. Unlike the cairn, however,
the pile of books is not of a single occasion but of many, not of a
single year but of many, irregularly spacing the 500 years through which
he and his autobiography have had Earth's immortality.


Part I. The MSS. themselves.

_Preliminary._—Much of the information given below was published in the
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society from 1900 onwards, as it came into
my possession during a search for reliable Turki text of the
_Babur-nama_. My notes were progressive; some MSS. were in distant
places, some not traceable, but in the end I was able to examine in
England all of whose continued existence I had become aware. It was
inevitable that some of my earlier statements should be superseded
later; my Notes (_see s.n._ JRAS.) need clearing of transitory matter
and summarizing, in particular those on the Elphinstone Codex and
Klaproth's articles. Neither they nor what is placed here makes claim to
be complete. Other workers will supplement them when the World has
renewed opportunity to stroll in the bye-paths of literature.

Few copies of the _Babur-nama_ seem to have been made; of the few I have
traced as existing, not one contains the complete autobiography, and one
alone has the maximum of dwindled text shewn in the Persian translation
(1589). Two books have been reputed to contain Babur's authentic text,
one preserved in Hindustan by his descendants, the other issuing from
Bukhara. They differ in total contents, arrangement and textual worth;
moreover the Bukhara book compiles items of divers diction and origin
and date, manifestly not from one pen.

The Hindustan book is a record—now mutilated—of the Acts of Babur alone;
the Bukhara book as exhibited in its fullest accessible example, Kehr's
Codex, is in two parts, each having its preface, the first reciting
Babur's Acts, the second Humayun's.

The Bukhara book is a compilation of oddments, mostly translated from
compositions written after Babur's death. Textual and circumstantial
grounds warrant the opinion that it is a distinct work mistakenly
believed to be Babur's own; to these grounds was added in 1903 the
authoritative verdict of collation with the Haidarabad Codex, and in
1921 of the colophon of its original MS. in which its author gives his
name, with the title and date of his compilation (JRAS. 1900, p. 474).
What it is and what are its contents and history are told in Part III of
this chapter.


Part II. Work on the Hindustan MSS.

BABUR'S ORIGINAL CODEX.

My latest definite information about Babur's autograph MS. comes from
the _Padshah-nama_ (Bib. Ind. ed. ii, 4), whose author saw it in
Shah-i-jahan's private library between 1628 and 1638. Inference is
justified, however, that it was the archetype of the Haidarabad Codex
which has been estimated from the quality of its paper as dating _cir._
1700 (JRAS. 1906, p. 97). But two subsequent historic disasters
complicate all questions of MSS. missing from Indian libraries, namely,
Nadir Shah's vengeance on Dihli in 1739 and the dispersions and fires of
the Mutiny. Faint hope is kept alive that the original Codex may have
drifted into private hands, by what has occurred with the Rampur MS. of
Babur's Hindustan verses (App. J), which also appears once to have
belonged to Shah-i-jahan.


I

Amongst items of work done during Babur's life are copies of his book
(or of the Hindustan section of it) he mentions sending to sons and
friends.


II

The _Tabaqat-i-baburi_ was written during Babur's life by his Persian
secretary Shaikh Zainu'd-din of Khawaf; it paraphrases in rhetorical
Persian the record of a few months of Hindustan campaigning, including
the battle of Panipat.

  TABLE OF THE HINDUSTAN MSS. OF THE BABUR-NAMA.[12]


  ----------------------+---------------+--------------------+-----------+
                        |    Date of    |   Folio-standard   |           |
          Names.        |  completion.  |      382.[13]      |Archetype. |
  ----------------------+---------------+--------------------+-----------+
  1. Babur's Codex.     |1530.          |Originally much     |      --   |
                        |               |over 382.           |           |
                        |               |                    |           |
  2. Khwaja Kalan       |1529.          |Undefined 363(?),   |No. 1.     |
     _Ahraris_ Codex.   |               |p. 652.             |           |
                        |               |                    |           |
                        |               |                    |           |
  3. Humayun's Codex    |1531(?).       |Originally = No. 1  |No. 1.     |
     = (commanded       |               |(unmutilated).      |           |
     and annotate?).[14]|               |                    |           |
                        |               |                    |           |
  4. Muhammad Haidar    |Between 1536   |No. 1 (unmutilated).|No. 1 or   |
     _Dughlat's_ Codex. |and 40(?).     |                    |No. 2.     |
                        |               |                    |           |
  5. Elphinstone Codex. |Between 1556   |In 1816 and 1907,   |No. 3.     |
                        |and 1567.      |286 ff.             |           |
                        |               |                    |           |
  6. British Museum MS. |1629.          |97 (fragments).     |Unknown.   |
                        |               |                    |           |
                        |               |                    |           |
  7. Bib. Lindesiana MS.|Scribe living  |71 (an extract).    |Unknown.   |
     [now John Rylands] |in 1625.       |                    |           |
                        |               |                    |           |
                        |               |                    |           |
  8. Haidarabad Codex.  |Paper indicates|382.                |(No. 1)    |
                        |_cir._ 1700.   |                    |mutilated. |
                        |               |                    |           |
  ----------------------+---------------+--------------------+-----------+

  ----------------------+-------------+------------------+----------------
                        |             |    Latest known  |
          Names.        |   Scribe.   |      location.   |      Remarks.
  ----------------------+-------------+------------------+----------------
  1. Babur's Codex.     |Babur.       |Royal Library     |Has disappeared.
                        |             |between 1628-38.  |
                        |             |                  |
  2. Khwaja Kalan       |Unknown.     |Sent to Samarkand |Possibly still
     _Ahraris_ Codex.   |             |1529.             |in Khwaja
                        |             |                  |Kalan's family.
                        |             |                  |
  3. Humayun's Codex    |`Ali'u-'l-   |Royal Library     |Seems the
     = (commanded       |  katib(?).  |between 1556-1567.|archetype of
     and annotate?).[14]|             |                  |No. 5.
                        |             |                  |
  4. Muhammad Haidar    |Haidar(?)    |Kashmir 1540-47.  |Possibly now in
     _Dughlat's_ Codex. |             |                  |Kashghar.
                        |             |                  |
  5. Elphinstone Codex. |Unknown.     |Advocates' Library|Bought in
                        |             |(1816 to 1921).   |Peshawar 1810.
                        |             |                  |
  6. British Museum MS. |`Ali'u'l-    |British Museum.   |  --
                        |  _kashmiri_.|                  |
                        |             |                  |
  7. Bib. Lindesiana MS.|Nur-muhammad |John Rylands      |  --
     [now John Rylands] |(nephew of   |Library.          |
                        |`Abu'l-fazl).|                  |
                        |             |                  |
  8. Haidarabad Codex.  |No colophon. |The late Sir      |Centupled in
                        |             |Salar-jang's      |facsimile, 1905.
                        |             |Library.          |
  ----------------------+-------------+------------------+----------------


  III

  During the first decade of Humayun's reign (1530-40) at least
  two important codices seem to have been copied.

  The earlier (_see_ Table, No. 2) has varied circumstantial
  warrant. It meets the need of an archetype, one marginally
  annotated by Humayun, for the Elphinstone Codex in which a few
  notes are marginal and signed, others are pell-mell,
  interpolated in the text but attested by a scrutineer as having
  been marginal in its archetype and mistakenly copied into its
  text. This second set has been ineffectually sponged over. Thus
  double collation is indicated (i) with Babur's autograph MS. to
  clear out extra Babur matter, and (ii) with its archetype, to
  justify the statement that in this the interpolations were
  marginal.—No colophon survives with the much dwindled Elph.
  Codex, but one, suiting the situation, has been observed, where
  it is a complete misfit, appended to the Alwar Codex of the
  second Persian translation, (estimated as copied in 1589). Into
  the incongruities of that colophon it is not necessary to
  examine here, they are too obvious to aim at deceit; it appears
  fitly to be an imperfect translation from a Turki original,
  this especially through its odd fashion of entitling "Humayun
  Padshah." It can be explained as translating the colophon of
  the Codex (No. 2) which, as his possession, Humayun allowably
  annotated and which makes it known that he had ordered
  `Ali'u-'l-katib to copy his father's Turki book, and that it
  was finished in February, 1531, some six weeks after Babur's
  death.[15]

  The later copy made in Humayun's first decade is Haidar Mirza's
  (_infra_).


  IV

  Muhammad Haidar Mirza _Dughlat's_ possession of a copy of the
  Autobiography is known both from his mention of it and through
  numerous extracts translated from it in his _Tarikh-i-rashidi_.
  As a good boy-penman (p. 22) he may have copied down to 1512
  (918) while with Babur (p. 350), but for obtaining a transcript
  of it his opportunity was while with Humayun before the
  Timurid exodus of 1541. He died in 1551; his Codex is likely to
  have found its way back from Kashmir to his ancestral home in
  the Kashghar region and there it may still be. (_See_ T.R. trs.
  Ney Elias' biography of him).


  V

  The Elphinstone Codex[16] has had an adventurous career. The
  enigma of its archetype is posed above; it may have been copied
  during Akbar's first decade (1556-67); its, perhaps first,
  owner was a Bai-qara rebel (d. 1567) from amongst whose
  possessions it passed into the Royal Library, where it was
  cleared of foreign matter by the expunction of Humayun's
  marginal notes which its scribe had interpolated into its text.
  At a date I do not know, it must have left the Royal Library
  for its fly-leaves bear entries of prices and in 1810 it was
  found and purchased in Peshawar by Elphinstone. It went with
  him to Calcutta, and there may have been seen by Leyden during
  the short time between its arrival and the autumn month of the
  same year (1810) when he sailed for Java. In 1813 Elphinstone
  in Poona sent it to Erskine in Bombay, saying that he had
  fancied it gone to Java and had been writing to `Izzatu'l-lah
  to procure another MS. for Erskine in Bukhara, but that all the
  time it was on his own shelves. Received after Erskine had
  dolefully compared his finished work with Leyden's (tentative)
  translation, Erskine sadly recommenced the review of his own
  work. The Codex had suffered much defacement down to 908 (1502)
  at the hands of "a Persian Turk of Ganj" who had interlined it
  with explanations. It came to Scotland (with Erskine?) who in
  1826 sent it with a covering letter (Dec. 12th, 1826), at its
  owner's desire, to the Advocates' Library where it now is. In
  1907 it was fully described by me in the JRAS.


  VI

  Of two _Waqi'at-i-baburi_ (Pers. trs.) made in Akbar's reign,
  the earlier was begun in 1583, at private instance, by two
  Mughuls Payanda-hasan of Ghazni and Muhammad-quli of Hisar.
  The Bodleian and British Museum Libraries have copies of it,
  very fragmentary unfortunately, for it is careful, likeable,
  and helpful by its small explanatory glosses. It has the great
  defect of not preserving autobiographic quality in its diction.


  VII

  The later _Waqi'at-i-baburi_ translated by `Abdu'r-rahim Mirza
  is one of the most important items in Baburiana, both by its
  special characteristics as the work of a Turkman and not of a
  Persian, and by the great service it has done. Its origin is
  well-known; it was made at Akbar's order to help Abu'l-faẓl in
  the Akbar-nāma account of Babur and also to facilitate perusal
  of the _Babur-nama_ in Hindustan. It was presented to Akbar, by
  its translator who had come up from Gujrat, in the last week of
  November, 1589, on an occasion and at a place of admirable
  fitness. For Akbar had gone to Kabul to visit Babur's tomb, and
  was halting on his return journey at Barik-ab where Babur had
  halted on his march down to Hindustan in the year of victory
  1525, at no great distance from "Babur Padshah's Stone-heap".
  Abu'l-faẓl's account of the presentation will rest on
  `Abdu'r-rahim's information (A.N. trs. cap. ci). The diction of
  this translation is noticeable; it gave much trouble to Erskine
  who thus writes of it (_Memoirs_ Preface, lx), "Though simple
  and precise, a close adherence to the idioms and forms of
  expression of the Turki original joined to a want of
  distinctness in the use of the relatives, often renders the
  meaning extremely obscure, and makes it difficult to discover
  the connexion of the different members of the sentence.[17] The
  style is frequently not Persian.... Many of the Turki words are
  untranslated."

  Difficult as these characteristics made Erskine's
  interpretation, it appears to me likely that they indirectly
  were useful to him by restraining his diction to some extent in
  their Turki fettering.—This Turki fettering has another aspect,
  apart from Erskine's difficulties, _viz_. it would greatly
  facilitate re-translation into Turki, such as has been
  effected, I think, in the Farghana section of the Bukhara
  compilation.[18]


  VIII

  This item of work, a harmless attempt of Salim (_i.e_. Jahangir
  Padshah; 1605-28) to provide the ancestral autobiography with
  certain stop-gaps, has caused much needless trouble and
  discussion without effecting any useful result. It is this:—In
  his own autobiography, the _Tuzuk-i-jahangiri s.a_. 1607, he
  writes of a Babur-nama Codex he examined, that it was all in
  Babur's "blessed handwriting" except four portions which were
  in his own and each of which he attested in Turki as so being.
  Unfortunately he did not specify his topics; unfortunately also
  no attestation has been found to passages reasonably enough
  attributable to his activities. His portions may consist of the
  "Rescue-passage" (App. D) and a length of translation from the
  _Akbar-nāma_, a continuous part of its Babur chapter but broken
  up where only I have seen it, _i.e._ the Bukhara compilation,
  into (1) a plain tale of Kanwa (1527), (2) episodes of Babur's
  latter months (1529)—both transferred to the first person—and
  (3) an account of Babur's death (December 26th, 1530) and
  Court.

  Jahangir's occupation, harmless in itself, led to an imbroglio
  of Langlés with Erskine, for the former stating in the
  _Biographie Universelle_ art. Babour, that Babour's
  Commentaries "_augmentés par Jahangir_" were translated into
  Persian by `Abdu'r-rahim. Erskine made answer, "I know not on
  what authority the learned Langlés hazarded this assertion,
  which is certainly incorrect" (_Memoirs_, Preface, p. ix). Had
  Langlés somewhere met with Jahangir's attestations? He had
  authority if he had seen merely the statement of 1607, but
  Erskine was right also, because the Persian translation
  contains no more than the unaugmented Turki text. The royal
  stop-gaps are in Kehr's MS. and through Ilminski reached De
  Courteille, whence the biting and thorough analysis of the
  three "Fragments" by Teufel. Both episodes—the Langlés and the
  Teufel ones—are time-wasters but they are comprehensible in
  the circumstances that Jahangir could not foresee the
  consequences of his doubtless good intentions.

  If the question arise of how writings that had had place in
  Jahangir's library reached Bukhara, their open road is through
  the Padshah's correspondence (App. Q and references), with a
  descendant of Ahrari in whose hands they were close to
  Bukhara.[19]

  It groups scattered information to recall that Salim (Jahangir)
  was `Abdu'r-rahim's ward, that then, as now, Babur's
  Autobiography was the best example of classic Turki, and that
  it would appeal on grounds of piety—as it did appeal on some
  sufficient ground—to have its broken story made good. Also that
  for three of the four "portions" Abu'l-fazl's concise matter
  was to hand.


  IX

  My information concerning Baburiana under Shah-i-jahan Padshah
  (1628-58) is very meagre. It consists of (1) his attestation of
  a signature of Babur (App. Q and photo), (2) his possession of
  Babur's autograph Codex (_Padshah-nama_, Bib. Ind. ed., ii, 4),
  and (3) his acceptance, and that by his literary entourage, of
  Mir Abu-talib _Husaini's_ Persian translation of Timur's
  Annals, the _Malfuzat_ whose preparation the _Zafar-nama_
  describes and whose link with Babur's writings is that of the
  exemplar to the emulator.[20]


  X

  The Haidarabad Codex may have been inscribed under Aurang-zib
  Padshah (1655-1707). So many particulars about it have been
  given already that little needs saying here.[21] It was the
  _grande trouvaille_ of my search for Turki text wherewith to
  revive Babur's autobiography both in Turki and English. My
  husband in 1900 saw it in Haidarabad; through the kind offices
  of the late Sayyid Ali _Bilgrami_ it was lent to me; it proved
  to surpass, both in volume and quality, all other Babur-nama
  MSS. I had traced; I made its merits known to Professor Edward
  Granville Browne, just when the E. J. Wilkinson Gibb Trust was
  in formation, with the happy and accordant result that the best
  prose book in classic Turki became the first item in the
  Memorial—_matris ad filium_—of literary work done in the name
  of the Turkish scholar, and Babur's very words were safeguarded
  in hundred-fold facsimile. An event so important for
  autobiography and for Turki literature may claim more than the
  bald mention of its occurrence, because sincere autobiography,
  however ancient, is human and social and undying, so that this
  was no mere case of multiplying copies of a book, but was one
  of preserving a man's life in his words. There were, therefore,
  joyful red-letter days in the English story of the
  Codex—outstanding from others being those on which its merits
  revealed themselves (on Surrey uplands)—the one which brought
  Professor Browne's acceptance of it for reproduction by the
  Trust—and the day of pause from work marked by the accomplished
  fact of the safety of the _Babur-nama._


  XI

  The period from _cir._ 1700, the date of the Haidarabad Codex,
  and 1810, when the Elphinstone Codex was purchased by its
  sponsor at Peshawar, appears to have been unfruitful in work on
  the Hindustan MSS. Causes for this may connect with historic
  events, _e.g._ Nadir Shah's desolation of Dihli and the rise of
  the East India Company, and, in Baburiana, with the
  disappearance of Babur's autograph Codex (it was unknown to the
  Scots of 1800-26), and the transfer of the Elphinstone Codex
  from royal possession—this, possibly however, an accident of
  royal travel to and from Kabul at earlier dates.

  The first quarter of the nineteenth century was, on the
  contrary, most fruitful in valuable work, useful impulse to
  which was given by Dr. John Leyden who in about 1805 began to
  look into Turki. Like his contemporary Julius Klaproth
  (_q.v._), he was avid of tongues and attracted by Turki and by
  Babur's writings of which he had some knowledge through the
  `Abdu'r-rahim (Persian) translation. His Turki text-book would
  be the MS. of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,[22] a part-copy of
  the Bukhara compilation, from which he had the India Office MS.
  copied. He took up Turki again in 1810, after his return from
  Malay and whilst awaiting orders in Calcutta for departure to
  Java. He sailed in the autumn of the year and died in August
  1811. Much can be learned about him and his Turki occupations
  from letters (_infra_ xiii) written to Erskine by him and by
  others of the Scottish band which now achieved such fine
  results for Babur's Autobiography.

  It is necessary to say something of Leyden's part in producing
  the _Memoirs_, because Erskine, desiring to "lose nothing that
  might add to Leyden's reputation", has assigned to him an undue
  position of collaboration in it both by giving him premier
  place on its title-page and by attributing to him the beginning
  the translation. What one gleans of Leyden's character makes an
  impression of unassumption that would forbid his acceptance of
  the posthumous position given to him, and, as his translation
  shews the tyro in Turki, there can be no ground for supposing
  he would wish his competence in it over-estimated. He had, as
  dates show, nothing to do with the actual work of the _Memoirs_
  which was finished before Erskine had seen in 1813 what Leyden
  had set down before he died in 1811. As the _Memoirs_ is now a
  rare book, I quote from it what Erskine says (Preface, p. ix)
  of Leyden's rough translation:—"This acquisition (_i.e_. of
  Leyden's trs.) reduced me to rather an awkward dilemma. The two
  translations (his own and Leyden's) differed in many important
  particulars; but as Dr. Leyden had the advantage of translating
  from the original, I resolved to adopt his translation as far
  as it went, changing only such expressions in it as seemed
  evidently to be inconsistent with the context, or with other
  parts of the _Memoirs_, or such as seemed evidently to
  originate in the oversights that are unavoidable in an
  unfinished work.[23] This labour I had completed with some
  difficulty, when Mr. Elphinstone sent me the copy of the
  _Memoirs of Baber_ in the original Tūrkī (_i.e._ The
  Elphinstone Codex) which he had procured when he went to
  Peshawar on his embassy to Kabul. This copy, which he had
  supposed to have been sent with Dr. Leyden's manuscripts from
  Calcutta, he was now fortunate enough to recover (in his own
  library at Poona). The discovery of this valuable manuscript
  reduced me, though heartily sick of the task, to the necessity
  of commencing my work once more."

  Erskine's Preface (pp. x, xi) contains various other references
  to Leyden's work which indicate its quality as tentative and
  unrevised. It is now in the British Museum Library.


  XII

  Little need be said here about the _Memoirs of Baber_.[24]
  Erskine worked on a basis of considerable earlier acquaintance
  with his Persian original, for, as his Preface tells, he had
  (after Leyden's death) begun to translate this some years
  before he definitely accepted the counsel of Elphinstone and
  Malcolm to undertake the _Memoirs_. He finished his translation
  in 1813, and by 1816 was able to dedicate his complete volume
  to Elphinstone, but publication was delayed till 1826. His was
  difficult pioneer-work, and carried through with the drawback
  of working on a secondary source. It has done yeoman service,
  of which the crowning merit is its introduction of Babur's
  autobiography to the Western world.


  XIII

  Amongst Erskine's literary remains are several bound volumes of
  letters from Elphinstone, Malcolm, Leyden, and others of that
  distinguished group of Scots who promoted the revival of
  Babur's writings. Erskine's grandson, the late Mr. Lestocq
  Erskine, placed these, with other papers, at our disposal, and
  they are now located where they have been welcomed as
  appropriate additions:—Elphinstone's are in the Advocates'
  Library, where already (1826) he, through Erskine, had
  deposited his own Codex—and with his letters are those of
  Malcolm and more occasional correspondents; Leyden's letters
  (and various papers) are in the Memorial Cottage maintained in
  his birthplace Denholm (Hawick) by the Edinburgh Border
  Counties Association; something fitting went to the Bombay
  Asiatic Society and a volume of diary to the British Museum.
  Leyden's papers will help his fuller biography; Elphinstone's
  letters have special value as recording his co-operation with
  Erskine by much friendly criticism, remonstrance against delay,
  counsels and encouragement. They, moreover, shew the estimate
  an accomplished man of modern affairs formed of Babur Padshah's
  character and conduct; some have been quoted in Colebrooke's
  _Life of Elphinstone_, but there they suffer by detachment from
  the rest of his Baburiana letters; bound together as they now
  are, and with brief explanatory interpolations, they would make
  a welcome item for "Babur Padshah's Book-pile".


  XIV

  In May 1921 the contents of these volumes were completed,
  namely, the _Babur-nama in English_ and its supplements, the
  aims of which are to make Babur known in English diction
  answering to his _ipsissima verba_, and to be serviceable to
  readers and students of his book and of classic Turki.


  XV

  Of writings based upon or relating to Babur's the following
  have appeared:—

   Denkwurdigkeiten des Zahir-uddin Muhammad Babar—A. Kaiser
   (Leipzig, 1828). This consists of extracts translated from the
   Memoirs.

   An abridgement of the Memoirs—R. M. Caldecott (London, 1844).

   History of India—Baber and Humayun—W. Erskine (Longmans,
   1854).

   Babar—Rulers of India series—Stanley Lane-Poole (Oxford,
   1899).

   Tuzuk-i-babari or Waqi`at-i-babari (_i.e._ the Persian
   trs.)—Elliot and Dowson's History of India, 1872, vol. iv.

   Babur Padshah _Ghazi_—H. Beveridge (Calcutta Review, 1899).

   Babur's diamond, was it the Koh-i-nur?—H. Beveridge, Asiatic
   Quarterly Review, April, 1899.

   Was `Abdu'r-rahim the translator of Babur's Memoirs? (_i.e._
   the _Babur-nama_)—H. Beveridge, AQR., July and October, 1900.

   An Empire-builder of the 16th century, Babur—Laurence F. L.
   Williams (Allahabad, 1918).

   Notes on the MSS. of the Turki text (_Babur-nāma_)—A. S.
   Beveridge, JRAS. 1900, 1902, 1921, 1905, and Part II 1906,
   1907, 1908, p. 52 and p. 828, 1909 p. 452 (_see_ Index, _s.n._
   A. S. B. for topics).

[For other articles and notes by H. B. _see_ Index _s.n._]


Part III. The "Bukhara Babur-nama".

This is a singular book and has had a career as singular as its
characteristics, a very comedy of (blameless) errors and mischance. For
it is a compilation of items diverse in origin, diction, and age,
planned to be a record of the Acts of Babur and Humayun, dependent
through its Babur portion on the `Abdu'r-rahim Persian translation for
re-translation, or verbatim quotation, or dove-tailing effected on the
tattered fragments of what had once been Kamran's Codex of the
Babur-nama proper, the whole interspersed by stop-gaps attributable to
Jahangir. These and other specialities notwithstanding, it ranked for
nearly 200 years as a reproduction of Babur's authentic text, as such
was sent abroad, as such was reconstructed and printed in Kasan (1857),
translated in Paris (1871), catalogued for the Petrograd Oriental School
(1894), and for the India Office (1903).[25]

Manifest causes for the confusion of identity are, (1) lack of the
guidance in Bukhara and Petrograd of collation with the true text, (2)
want of information, in the Petrograd of 1700-25, about Babur's career,
coupled with the difficulties of communication with Bukhara, (3) the
misleading feature in the compiled book of its author's retention of the
autobiographic form of his sources, without explanation as to whether he
entered surviving fragments of Kamran's Codex, patchings or extracts
from `Abdu'r-rahim's Persian translation, or quotations of Jahangir's
stop-gaps. Of these three causes for error the first is dominant,
entailing as it does the drawbacks besetting work on an inadequate
basis.

It is necessary to enumerate the items of the Compilation here as they
are arranged in Kehr's autograph Codex, because that codex (still in
London) may not always be accessible,[26] and because the imprint does
not obey its model, but aims at closer agreement of the Bukhara
Compilation with Ilminski's gratefully acknowledged guide—_The Memoirs
of Baber_. Distinction in commenting on the Bukhara and the Kasan
versions is necessary; their discrepancy is a scene in the comedy of
errors.[27][28][29][30]


OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE COMPILATION.

An impelling cause for the production of the Bukhara compilation is
suggested by the date 1709 at which was finished the earliest example
known to me. For in the first decade of the eighteenth century Peter the
Great gave attention to Russian relations with foreign states of Central
Asia and negociated with the Khan of Bukhara for the reception of a
Russian mission.[31] Political aims would be forwarded if envoys were
familiar with Turki; books in that tongue for use in the School of
Oriental Languages would be desired; thus the Compilation may have been
prompted and, as will be shown later, it appears to have been produced,
and not merely copied, in 1709. The Mission's despatch was delayed till
1719;[32] it arrived in Bukhara in 1721; during its stay a member of its
secretariat bought a Compilation MS. noted as finished in 1714 and on a
fly-leaf of it made the following note:—

"_I, Timur-pulad son of Mirza Rajab son of Pay-chin, bought this book
Babur-nama after coming to Bukhara with [the] Russian Florio Beg
Beneveni, envoy of the Padshah ... whose army is numerous as the
stars.... May it be well received! Amen! O Lord of both Worlds!_"

Timur-pulad's hope for a good reception indicates a definite recipient,
perhaps a commissioned purchase. The vendor may have been asked for a
history of Babur; he sold one, but "Babur-nama" is not necessarily a
title, and is not suitable for the Compilation; by conversational
mischance it may have seemed so to the purchaser and thus have initiated
the mistake of confusing the "Bukhara Babur-nama" with the true one.

Thus endorsed, the book in 1725 reached the Foreign Office; there in
1737 it was obtained by George Jacob Kehr, a teacher of Turki, amongst
other languages, in the Oriental School, who copied it with meticulous
care, understanding its meaning imperfectly, in order to produce a Latin
version of it. His Latin rendering was a fiasco, but his reproduction of
the Arabic forms of his archetype was so obedient that on its sole basis
Ilminski edited the Kasan Imprint (1857). A collateral copy of the
Timur-pulad Codex was made in 1742 (as has been said).

In 1824 Klaproth (who in 1810 had made a less valuable extract perhaps
from Kehr's Codex) copied from the Timur-pulad MS. its purchaser's note,
the Auzbeg?(?) endorsement as to the transfer of the "Kamran-docket" and
Babur's letter to Kamran (_Mémoires relatifs à l'Asie_ Paris).

In 1857 Ilminski, working in Kasan, produced his imprint, which became
de Courteille's source for _Les Mémoires de Baber_ in 1871. No worker in
the above series shews doubt about accepting the Compilation as
containing Babur's authentic text. Ilminski was in the difficult
position of not having entire reliance on Kehr's transcription, a
natural apprehension in face of the quality of the Latin version, his
doubts sum up into his words that a reliable text could not be made from
his source (Kehr's MS.), but that a Turki reading-book could—and was. As
has been said, he did not obey the dual plan of the Compilation Kehr's
transcript reveals, this, perhaps, because of the misnomer Babur-nama
under which Timur-pulad's Codex had come to Petrograd; this, certainly,
because he thought a better history of Babur could be produced by
following Erskine than by obeying Kehr—a series of errors following the
verbal mischance of 1725. Ilminski's transformation of the items of his
source had the ill result of misleading Pavet de Courteille to
over-estimate his Turki source at the expense of Erskine's Persian one
which, as has been said, was Ilminski's guide—another scene in the
comedy. A mischance hampering the French work was its falling to be done
at a time when, in Paris 1871, there can have been no opportunity
available for learning the contents of Ilminski's Russian Preface or for
quiet research and the examination of collateral aids from abroad.[33]


THE AUTHOR OF THE COMPILATION.

The Haidarabad Codex having destroyed acquiescence in the phantasmal
view of the Bukhara book, the question may be considered, who was its
author?

This question a convergence of details about the Turki MSS. reputed to
contain the _Babur-nama_, now allows me to answer with some semblance of
truth. Those details have thrown new light upon a colophon which I
received in 1900 from Mr. C. Salemann with other particulars concerning
the "_Senkovski Babur-nama_," this being an extract from the
Compilation; its archetype reached Petrograd from Bukhara a century
after Kehr's [_viz._ the Timur-pulad Codex]; it can be taken as a direct
copy of the Mulla's original because it bears his colophon.[34] In 1900
I accepted it as merely that of a scribe who had copied Senkovski's
archetype, but in 1921 reviewing the colophon for this Preface, it seems
to me to be that of the original autograph MS. of the Compilation and to
tell its author's name, his title for his book, and the year (1709) in
which he completed it.


TABLE OF BUKHARA REPUTED-BABUR-NAMA MSS. (_Waqi`nama-i-padshahi?_).

  --------------------+-----------------+-------------------+
   Names.             |     Date of     |      Scribe.      |
                      |   completion.   |                   |
  --------------------+-----------------+-------------------+
                      |                 |                   |
  1. Waqi`nama-i-     | 1121-1709. Date |`Abdu'l-wahhab     |
     padshahi _alias_ | of colophon of  | _q.v._            |
     Babur-nama.      | earliest known  | Taken to be also  |
                      | example.        | the author.       |
                      |                 |                   |
  2. Nazar Bai        | Unknown.        | Unknown.          |
     Turkistani's MS. |                 |                   |
                      |                 |                   |
                      |                 |                   |
                      |                 |                   |
                      |                 |                   |
  3. F. O. Codex      | 1126-1714.      | Unknown.          |
     (Timurpulad's    |                 |                   |
      MS.).           |                 |                   |
                      |                 |                   |
                      |                 |                   |
  4. Kehr's Autograph | 1737.           | George Jacob      |
     Codex.           |                 | Kehr.             |
                      |                 |                   |
                      |                 |                   |
  5. Name not learned.| 1155-1742.      | Unknown.          |
                      |                 |                   |
                      |                 |                   |
  6. (Mysore) A.S.B.  | Unknown. JRAS.  | Unknown.          |
     Codex.           | 1900, Nos. vii  |                   |
                      | and viii.       |                   |
                      |                 |                   |
  7. India Office     | Cir. 1810.      | Unknown.          |
     Codex (Bib.      |                 |                   |
     Leydeniana).     |                 |                   |
                      |                 |                   |
  8. "The Senkovski   | 1824.           | J. Senkovski.     |
     Babur-nama."     |                 |                   |
                      |                 |                   |
                      |                 |                   |
                      |                 |                   |
  9. Pet. University  | 1839?           | Mulla Faizkhanov? |
     Codex.           |                 |                   |
  --------------------+-----------------+-------------------+

  --------------------+-------------------+-------------+--------------
   Names.             |    Last known     | Archetype.  |   Remarks.
                      |     location.     |             |
  --------------------+-------------------+-------------+--------------
                      |                   |             |
  1. Waqi`nama-i-     | Bukhara.          | Believed to | _See_
     padshahi _alias_ |                   | be the      | Part III.
     Babur-nama.      |                   | original    |
                      |                   | compilation.|
                      |                   |             |
  2. Nazar Bai        | In owner's        | No. 1, the  | Senkovski's
     Turkistani's MS. | charge in         | colophon of | archetype who
                      | Petrograd, 1824.  | which it    | copied its
                      |                   | reproduces. | (transferred)
                      |                   |             | colophon.
                      |                   |             |
  3. F. O. Codex      | F.O. Petrograd,   | Not stated, | Bought in
     (Timurpulad's    | where copied in   | an indirect | Bukhara,
      MS.).           | 1742.             | copy of     | brought to
                      |                   | No. 1.      | Petro. 1725.
                      |                   |             |
  4. Kehr's Autograph | Pet. Or. School,  | No. 3.      | _See_
     Codex.           | 1894.             |             | Part III.
                      | London T.O. 1921. |             |
                      |                   |             |
  5. Name not learned.| Unknown.          | No. 3.      | Archetype
                      |                   |             | of 9.
                      |                   |             |
  6. (Mysore) A.S.B.  | Asiatic Society   | Unknown.    |    --
     Codex.           | of Bengal.        |             |
                      |                   |             |
                      |                   |             |
  7. India Office     | India Office,     | No. 6.      | Copied for
     Codex (Bib.      | 1921.             |             | Leyden.
     Leydeniana).     |                   |             |
                      |                   |             |
  8. "The Senkovski   | Pet. Asiatic      | No. 2.      | Bears a copy
     Babur-nama."     | Museum, 1900.     |             | of the
                      |                   |             | colophon of
                      |                   |             | No. 1.
                      |                   |             |
  9. Pet. University  | Pet. Univ.        | No. 5 (?).  |    --
     Codex.           | Library.          |             |
  --------------------+-------------------+-------------+--------------

Senkovski brought it over from his archetype; Mr. Salemann sent it to me
in its original Turki form. (JRAS. 1900, p. 474). Senkovski's own
colophon is as follows:—

"_J'ai achevé cette copie le 4 Mai, 1824, à St. Petersburg; elle a éte
faite d'àpres un exemplaire appartenant à Nazar Bai Turkistani,
négociant Boukhari, qui etait venu cette année à St. Petersburg. J.
Senkovski._"

The colophon Senkovski copied from his archetype is to the following
purport:—

"_Known and entitled Waqi`nama-i-padshahi (Record of Royal Acts), [this]
autograph and composition (bayad u navisht) of Mulla `Abdu'l-wahhāb the
Teacher, of Ghaj-davan in Bukhara—God pardon his mistakes and the
weakness of his endeavour!—was finished on Monday, Rajab 5, 1121 (Aug.
31st, 1709).—Thank God!_"

It will be observed that the title Waqi`nama-i-padshahi suits the plan
of dual histories (of Babur and Humayun) better than does the
"Babur-nama" of Timur-pulad's note, that the colophon does not claim for
the Mulla to have copied the elder book (1494-1530) but to have written
down and composed one under a differing title suiting its varied
contents; that the Mulla's deprecation and thanks tone better with
perplexing work, such as his was, than with the steadfast patience of a
good scribe; and that it exonerates the Mulla from suspicion of having
caused his compilation to be accepted as Babur's authentic text. Taken
with its circumstanding matters, it may be the dénoument of the play.


CHAPTER IV.

THE LEYDEN AND ERSKINE MEMOIRS OF BABER.

The fame and long literary services of the _Memoirs of Baber_ compel me
to explain why these volumes of mine contain a verbally new English
translation of the _Babur-nama_ instead of a second edition of the
_Memoirs_. My explanation is the simple one of textual values, of the
advantage a primary source has over its derivative, Babur's original
text over its Persian translation which alone was accessible to Erskine.

If the _Babur-nama_ owed its perennial interest to its valuable
multifarious matter, the _Memoirs_ could suffice to represent it, but
this it does not; what has kept interest in it alive through some four
centuries is the autobiographic presentment of an arresting personality
its whole manner, style and diction produce. It is characteristic
throughout, from first to last making known the personal quality of its
author. Obviously that quality has the better chance of surviving a
transfer of Babur's words to a foreign tongue when this can be effected
by imitation of them. To effect this was impracticable to Erskine who
did not see any example of the Turki text during the progress of his
translation work and had little acquaintance with Turki. No blame
attaches to his results; they have been the one introduction of Babur's
writings to English readers for almost a century; but it would be as
sensible to expect a potter to shape a vessel for a specific purpose
without a model as a translator of autobiography to shape the new verbal
container for Babur's quality without seeing his own. Erskine was the
pioneer amongst European workers on Baburiana—Leyden's fragment of
unrevised attempt to translate the Bukhara Compilation being a
negligible matter, notwithstanding friendship's deference to it; he had
ready to his hand no such valuable collateral help as he bequeathed to
his successors in the Memoirs volume. To have been able to help in the
renewal of his book by preparing a second edition of it, revised under
the authority of the Haidarabad Codex, would have been to me an act of
literary piety to an old book-friend; I experimented and failed in the
attempt; the wording of the Memoirs would not press back into the Turki
mould. Being what it is, sound in its matter and partly representative
of Babur himself, the all-round safer plan, one doing it the greater
honour, was to leave it unshorn of its redundance and unchanged in its
wording, in the place of worth and dignity it has held so long.

Brought to this point by experiment and failure, the way lay open to
make bee-line over intermediaries back to the fountain-head of
re-discovered Turki text preserved in the Haidarabad Codex. Thus I have
enjoyed an advantage no translator has had since `Abdu'r-rahim in 1589.

Concerning matters of style and diction, I may mention that three
distinct impressions of Babur's personality are set by his own,
Erskine's and de Courteille's words and manner. These divergencies,
while partly due to differing textual bases, may result mainly from the
use by the two Europeans of unsifted, current English and French. Their
portrayal might have been truer, there can be no doubt, if each had
restricted himself to such under-lying component of his mother-tongue as
approximates in linguistic stature to classic Turki. This probability
Erskine could not foresee for, having no access during his work to a
Turki source and no familiarity with Turki, he missed their lessoning.

Turki, as Babur writes it—terse, word-thrifty, restrained and
lucid,—comes over neatly into Anglo-Saxon English, perhaps through
primal affinities. Studying Babur's writings in verbal detail taught me
that its structure, idiom and vocabulary dictate a certain mechanism for
a translator's imitation. Such are the simple sentence, devoid of
relative phrasing, copied in the form found, whether abrupt and brief
or, ranging higher with the topic, gracious and dignified—the retention
of Babur's use of "we" and "I" and of his frequent impersonal
statement—the matching of words by their root-notion—the strict
observance of Babur's limits of vocabulary, effected by allotting to one
Turki word one English equivalent, thus excluding synonyms for which
Turki has little use because not shrinking from the repeated word;
lastly, as preserving relations of diction, the replacing of Babur's
Arabic and Persian aliens by Greek and Latin ones naturalized in
English. Some of these aids towards shaping a counterpart of Turki may
be thought small, but they obey a model and their aggregate has power to
make or mar a portrait.

(1) Of the uses of pronouns it may be said that Babur's "we" is neither
regal nor self-magnifying but is co-operative, as beseems the chief
whose volunteer and nomad following makes or unmakes his power, and who
can lead and command only by remittent consent accorded to him. His "I"
is individual. The _Memoirs_ varies much from these uses.

(2) The value of reproducing impersonal statements is seen by the
following example, one of many similar:—When Babur and a body of men,
making a long saddle-journey, halted for rest and refreshment by the
road-side; "There was drinking," he writes, but Erskine, "I drank"; what
is likely being that all or all but a few shared the local _vin du
pays_.

(3) The importance of observing Babur's limits of vocabulary needs no
stress, since any man of few words differs from any man of many.
Measured by the Babur-nama standard, the diction of the _Memoirs_ is
redundant throughout, and frequently over-coloured. Of this a pertinent
example is provided by a statement of which a minimum of seven
occurrences forms my example, namely, that such or such a man whose life
Babur sketches was vicious or a vicious person (_fisq_, _fāsiq_).
Erskine once renders the word by "vicious" but elsewhere enlarges to
"debauched, excess of sensual enjoyment, lascivious, libidinous,
profligate, voluptuous". The instances are scattered and certainly
Erskine could not feel their collective effect, but even scattered, each
does its ill-part in distorting the Memoirs portraiture of the man of
the one word.[35]


POSTSCRIPT OF THANKS.

I take with gratitude the long-delayed opportunity of finishing my book
to express the obligation I feel to the Council of the Royal Asiatic
Society for allowing me to record in the Journal my Notes on the Turki
Codices of the _Babur-nama_ begun in 1900 and occasionally appearing
till 1921. In minor convenience of work, to be able to gather those
progressive notes together and review them, has been of value to me in
noticeable matters, two of which are the finding and multiplying of the
Haidarabad Codex, and the definite clearance of the confusion which had
made the Bukhara (reputed) _Babur-nama_ be mistaken for a reproduction
of Babur's true text.

Immeasurable indeed is the obligation laid on me by the happy community
of interests which brought under our roof the translation of the
biographies of Babur, Humayun, and Akbar. What this has meant to my own
work may be surmised by those who know my husband's wide reading in many
tongues of East and West, his retentive memory and his generous
communism in knowledge. One signal cause for gratitude to him from those
caring for Baburiana, is that it was he made known the presence of the
Haidarabad Codex in its home library (1899) and thus led to its
preservation in facsimile.

It would be impracticable to enumerate all whose help I keep in grateful
memory and realize as the fruit of the genial camaraderie of letters.

   ANNETTE S. BEVERIDGE.

   PITFOLD, SHOTTERMILL, HASLEMERE.
   _August, 1921._



THE MEMOIRS OF BABUR

SECTION I. FARGHĀNA.


   In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate.


In[36] the month of Ramẓān of the year 899 (June 1494) and [Sidenote:
Ḥaidarābād MS. fol. 1b.] in the twelfth year of my age,[37] I became
ruler[38] in the country of Farghāna.


(_a. Description of Farghāna._)

Farghāna is situated in the fifth climate[39] and at the limit of
settled habitation. On the east it has Kāshghar; on the west, Samarkand;
on the south, the mountains of the Badakhshān border; on the north,
though in former times there must have been towns such as Ālmālīgh,
Ālmātū and Yāngī which in books they write Tarāz,[40] at the present
time all is desolate, no settled population whatever remaining, because
of the Mughūls and the Aūzbegs.[41]

Farghāna is a small country,[42] abounding in grain and fruits. It is
girt round by mountains except on the west, _i.e._ towards Khujand and
Samarkand, and in winter[43] an enemy can enter only on that side.

[Sidenote: Fol. 2.] The Saiḥūn River (_daryā_) commonly known as the
Water of Khujand, comes into the country from the north-east, flows
westward through it and after passing along the north of Khujand and the
south of Fanākat,[44] now known as Shāhrukhiya, turns directly north and
goes to Turkistān. It does not join any sea[45] but sinks into the
sands, a considerable distance below [the town of] Turkistān.

Farghāna has seven separate townships,[46] five on the south and two on
the north of the Saiḥūn.

Of those on the south, one is Andijān. It has a central position and is
the capital of the Farghāna country. It produces much grain, fruits in
abundance, excellent grapes and melons. In the melon season, it is not
customary to sell them out at the beds.[47] Better than the Andijān
_nāshpātī_,[48] there is none. After Samarkand and Kesh, the fort[49] of
Andijān is the largest in Mawārā'u'n-nahr (Transoxiana). It has three
gates. Its citadel (_ark_) is on its south side. Into it water goes by
nine channels; out of it, it is strange that none comes at even a single
place.[50] Round the outer edge of the ditch[51] runs a gravelled
highway; the width of this highway divides the fort from the suburbs
surrounding it.

Andijān has good hunting and fowling; its pheasants grow [Sidenote: Fol.
2b.] so surprisingly fat that rumour has it four people could not
finish one they were eating with its stew.[52]

Andijānīs are all Turks, not a man in town or bāzār but knows Turkī. The
speech of the people is correct for the pen; hence the writings of Mīr
`Alī-shīr _Nawā'ī_,[53] though he was bred and grew up in Hīrī (Harāt),
are one with their dialect. Good looks are common amongst them. The
famous musician, Khwāja Yūsuf, was an Andijānī.[54] The climate is
malarious; in autumn people generally get fever.[55]

Again, there is Aūsh (Ūsh), to the south-east, inclining to east, of
Andijān and distant from it four _yīghāch_ by road.[56] It has a fine
climate, an abundance of running waters[57] and a most beautiful spring
season. Many traditions have their rise in its excellencies.[58] To the
south-east of the walled town (_qūrghān_) lies a symmetrical mountain,
known as the Barā Koh;[59] on the top of this, Sl. Maḥmūd Khān built a
retreat (_ḥajra_) and lower down, on its shoulder, I, in 902AH.
(1496AD.) built another, having a porch. Though his lies the higher,
mine is the better placed, the whole of the town and the suburbs being
at its foot.

The Andijān torrent[60] goes to Andijān after having traversed
[Sidenote: Fol. 3.] the suburbs of Aūsh. Orchards (_bāghāt_)[61] lie
along both its banks; all the Aūsh gardens (_bāghlār_) overlook it;
their violets are very fine; they have running waters and in spring are
most beautiful with the blossoming of many tulips and roses.

On the skirt of the Barā-koh is a mosque called the Jauza Masjid (Twin
Mosque).[62] Between this mosque and the town, a great main canal flows
from the direction of the hill. Below the outer court of the mosque lies
a shady and delightful clover-meadow where every passing traveller takes
a rest. It is the joke of the ragamuffins of Aūsh to let out water from
the canal[63] on anyone happening to fall asleep in the meadow. A very
beautiful stone, waved red and white[64] was found in the Barā Koh in
`Umar Shaikh Mīrzā's latter days; of it are made knife handles, and
clasps for belts and many other things. For climate and for
pleasantness, no township in all Farghāna equals Aūsh.

Again there is Marghīnān; seven _yīghāch_[65] by road to the west of
Andijān,—a fine township full of good things. Its apricots (_aūrūk_) and
pomegranates are most excellent. One sort of pomegranate, they call the
Great Seed (_Dāna-i-kalān_); its sweetness has a little of the pleasant
flavour of the small apricot (_zard-alū_) and it may be thought better
than the Semnān pomegranate. [Sidenote: Fol. 3b.] Another kind of
apricot (_aūrūk_) they dry after stoning it and putting back the
kernel;[66] they then call it _subḥānī_; it is very palatable. The
hunting and fowling of Marghīnān are good; _āq kīyīk_[67] are had close
by. Its people are Sārts,[68] boxers, noisy and turbulent. Most of the
noted bullies (_jangralār_) of Samarkand and Bukhārā are Marghīnānīs.
The author of the Hidāyat[69] was from Rashdān, one of the villages of
Marghīnān.

Again there is Asfara, in the hill-country and nine _yīghāch_[70] by
road south-west of Marghīnān. It has running waters, beautiful little
gardens (_bāghcha_) and many fruit-trees but almonds for the most part
in its orchards. Its people are all Persian-speaking[71] Sārts. In the
hills some two miles (_bīrshar`ī_) to the south of the town, is a piece
of rock, known as the Mirror Stone.[72] It is some 10 arm-lengths
(_qārī_) long, as high as a man in parts, up to his waist in others.
Everything is reflected by it as by a mirror. The Asfara district
(_wilāyat_) is in four subdivisions (_balūk_) in the hill-country, one
Asfara, one Warūkh, one Sūkh and one Hushyār. When Muḥammad _Shaibānī_
Khān defeated Sl. Maḥmūd Khān and Alacha Khān and took Tāshkīnt and
Shāhrukhiya,[73] I went into the Sūkh and Hushyār [Sidenote: Fol. 4.]
hill-country and from there, after about a year spent in great misery, I
set out _(`azīmat_) for Kābul.[74]

Again there is Khujand,[75] twenty-five _yīghāch_ by road to the west
of Andijān and twenty-five _yīghāch_ east of Samarkand.[76] Khujand is
one of the ancient towns; of it were Shaikh Maṣlaḥat and Khwāja
Kamāl.[77] Fruit grows well there; its pomegranates are renowned for
their excellence; people talk of a Khujand pomegranate as they do of a
Samarkand apple; just now however, Marghīnān pomegranates are much met
with.[78] The walled town (_qūrghān_) of Khujand stands on high ground;
the Saiḥūn River flows past it on the north at the distance, may be, of
an arrow's flight.[79] To the north of both the town and the river lies
a mountain range called Munūghul;[80] people say there are turquoise and
other mines in it and there are many snakes. The hunting and
fowling-grounds of Khujand are first-rate; _āq kīyīk_,[81]
_būghū-marāl_,[82] pheasant and hare are all had in great plenty. The
climate is very malarious; in autumn there is much fever;[83] people
rumour it about that the very sparrows get fever and say that the cause
of the malaria is the mountain range on the north (_i.e._ Munūghul).

Kand-i-badām (Village of the Almond) is a dependency of Khujand; though
it is not a township (_qaṣba_) it is rather a good approach to one
(_qaṣbacha_). Its almonds are excellent, hence its name; they all go to
Hormuz or to Hindūstān. It is five or [Sidenote: Fol. 4b.] six
_yīghāch_[84] east of Khujand.

Between Kand-i-badām and Khujand lies the waste known as Hā Darwesh. In
this there is always (_hamesha_) wind; from it wind goes always
(_hameshā_) to Marghīnān on its east; from it wind comes continually
(_dā'im_) to Khujand on its west.[85] It has violent, whirling winds.
People say that some darweshes, encountering a whirlwind in this
desert,[86] lost one another and kept crying, "Hāy Darwesh! Hāy
Darwesh!" till all had perished, and that the waste has been called Hā
Darwesh ever since.

Of the townships on the north of the Saiḥūn River one is Akhsī. In books
they write it Akhsīkīt[87] and for this reason the poet As̤iru-d-dīn is
known as _Akhsīkītī_. After Andijān no township in Farghāna is larger
than Akhsī. It is nine _yīghāch_[88] by road to the west of Andijān.
`Umar Shaikh Mīrzā made it his capital.[89] The Saiḥūn River flows below
its walled town (_qūrghān_). This stands above a great ravine (_buland
jar_) and it has deep ravines (_`uṃiq jarlār_) in place of a moat. When
`Umar Shaikh Mīrzā made it his capital, he once or twice cut other
ravines from the outer ones. In all Farghāna no fort is so strong as
Akhsī. *Its suburbs extend some two miles further [Sidenote: Fol. 5.]
than the walled town.* People seem to have made of Akhsī the saying
(_mis̤al_), "Where is the village? Where are the trees?" (_Dih kujā?
Dirakhtān kujā?_) Its melons are excellent; they call one kind Mīr
Tīmūrī; whether in the world there is another to equal it is not known.
The melons of Bukhārā are famous; when I took Samarkand, I had some
brought from there and some from Akhsī; they were cut up at an
entertainment and nothing from Bukhārā compared with those from Akhsī.
The fowling and hunting of Akhsī are very good indeed; _āq kīyīk_ abound
in the waste on the Akhsī side of the Saihūn; in the jungle on the
Andijān side _būghū-marāl_,[90] pheasant and hare are had, all in very
good condition.

Again there is Kāsān, rather a small township to the north of Akhsī.
From Kāsān the Akhsī water comes in the same way as the Andijān water
comes from Aūsh. Kāsān has excellent air and beautiful little gardens
(_bāghcha_). As these gardens all lie along the bed of the torrent
(_sā'ī_) people call them the "fine front of the coat."[91] Between
Kāsānīs and Aūshīs there is rivalry about the beauty and climate of
their townships.

In the mountains round Farghāna are excellent summer-pastures (_yīlāq_).
There, and nowhere else, the _tabalghū_[92]grows, a tree (_yīghāch_)
with red bark; they make staves of it; they [Sidenote: Fol. 5b.] make
bird-cages of it; they scrape it into arrows;[93] it is an excellent
wood (_yīghāch_) and is carried as a rarity[94] to distant places. Some
books write that the mandrake[95] is found in these mountains but for
this long time past nothing has been heard of it. A plant called _Āyīq
aūtī_[96] and having the qualities of the mandrake (_mihr-giyāh_), is
heard of in Yītī-kīnt;[97] it seems to be the mandrake (_mihr-giyāh_)
the people there call by this name (_i.e._ _āyīq aūtī_). There are
turquoise and iron mines in these mountains.

If people do justly, three or four thousand men[98] may be maintained by
the revenues of Farghāna.


(_b. Historical narrative resumed._)[99]

As `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā was a ruler of high ambition and great pretension,
he was always bent on conquest. On several occasions he led an army
against Samarkand; sometimes he was beaten, sometimes retired against
his will.[100] More than once he asked his father-in-law into the
country, that is to say, my grandfather, Yūnas Khān, the then Khān of
the Mughūls in the camping ground (_yūrt_) of his ancestor, Chaghatāī
Khān, the second son of Chīngīz Khān. Each time the Mīrzā brought The
Khān into the Farghāna country he gave him lands, but, partly owing to
his misconduct, partly to the thwarting of the [Sidenote: Fol. 6.]
Mughūls,[101] things did not go as he wished and Yūnas Khān, not being
able to remain, went out again into Mughūlistān. When the Mīrzā last
brought The Khān in, he was in possession of Tāshkīnt, which in books
they write Shash, and sometimes Chāch, whence the term, a Chāchī,
bow.[102] He gave it to The Khān, and from that date (890AH.-1485AD.)
down to 908AH. (1503AD.) it and the Shāhrukhiya country were held by the
Chaghatāī Khāns.

At this date (_i.e._, 899AH.-1494AD.) the Mughūl Khānship was in Sl.
Maḥ=mūd Khān, Yūnas Khān's younger son and a half-brother of my mother.
As he and `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā's elder brother, the then ruler of
Samarkand, Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā were offended by the Mīrzā's behaviour, they
came to an agreement together; Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā had already given a
daughter to Sl. Maḥmūd Khān;[103] both now led their armies against
`Umar Shaikh Mīrzā, the first advancing along the south of the Khujand
Water, the second along its north.

Meantime a strange event occurred. It has been mentioned [Sidenote: Fol.
6b] that the fort of Akhsī is situated above a deep ravine;[104] along
this ravine stand the palace buildings, and from it, on Monday, Ramẓān
4, (June 8th.) `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā flew, with his pigeons and their
house, and became a falcon.[105]

He was 39 (lunar) years old, having been born in Samarkand, in 860AH.
(1456AD.) He was Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā's fourth son,[106] being younger
than Sl. Aḥmad M. and Sl. Muḥammad M. and Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā. His father,
Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā, was the son of Sl. Muḥammad Mīrzā, son of Tīmūr
Beg's third son, Mīrān-shāh M. and was younger than `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā,
(the elder) and Jahāngīr M. but older than Shāhrukh Mīrzā.


_c. `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā's country._

His father first gave him Kābul and, with Bābā-i-Kābulī[107] for his
guardian, had allowed him to set out, but recalled him from the Tamarisk
Valley[108] to Samarkand, on account of the Mīrzās' Circumcision Feast.
When the Feast was over, he gave him Andijān with the appropriateness
that Tīmūr Beg had given Farghāna (Andijān) to his son, the elder `Umar
Shaikh Mīrzā. This done, he sent him off with Khudāī-bīrdī _Tūghchī
Tīmūr-tāsh_[109] for his guardian.


_d. His appearance and characteristics._

He was a short and stout, round-bearded and fleshy-faced [Sidenote: Fol.
7.] person.[110] He used to wear his tunic so very tight that to fasten
the strings he had to draw his belly in and, if he let himself out after
tying them, they often tore away. He was not choice in dress or food. He
wound his turban in a fold (_dastar-pech_); all turbans were in four
folds (_chār-pech_) in those days; people wore them without twisting
and let the ends hang down.[111] In the heats and except in his Court,
he generally wore the Mughūl cap.


_e. His qualities and habits._

He was a true believer (_Ḥanafī maẕhablīk_) and pure in the Faith, not
neglecting the Five Prayers and, his life through, making up his
Omissions.[112] He read the Qur'ān very frequently and was a disciple of
his Highness Khwāja `Ubaidu'l-lāh (_Aḥrārī_) who honoured him by visits
and even called him son. His current readings[113] were the two Quintets
and the _Mas̤nawī_;[114] of histories he read chiefly the _Shāh-nāma_.
He had a poetic nature, but no taste for composing verses. He was so
just that when he heard of a caravan returning from Khitāī as
overwhelmed by snow in the mountains of Eastern Andijān,[115] and that
of its thousand heads of houses (_awīlūq_) two only had escaped, he sent
his overseers to take charge of all goods and, though no heirs were
[Sidenote: Fol. 7b.] near and though he was in want himself, summoned
the heirs from Khurāsān and Samarkand, and in the course of a year or
two had made over to them all their property safe and sound.

He was very generous; in truth, his character rose altogether to the
height of generosity. He was affable, eloquent and sweet-spoken, daring
and bold. Twice out-distancing all his braves,[116] he got to work with
his own sword, once at the Gate of Akhsī, once at the Gate of
Shāhrukhiya. A middling archer, he was strong in the fist,—not a man but
fell to his blow. Through his ambition, peace was exchanged often for
war, friendliness for hostility.

In his early days he was a great drinker, later on used to have a party
once or twice a week. He was good company, on occasions reciting verses
admirably. Towards the last he rather preferred intoxicating
confects[117] and, under their sway, used to lose his head. His
disposition[118] was amorous, and he bore many a lover's mark.[119] He
played draughts a good deal, sometimes even threw the dice.


_f. His battles and encounters._

He fought three ranged battles, the first with Yūnas Khān, [Sidenote:
Fol. 8.] on the Saiḥūn, north of Andijān, at the Goat-leap,[120] a
village so-called because near it the foot-hills so narrow the flow of
the water that people say goats leap across.[121] There he was beaten
and made prisoner. Yūnas Khān for his part did well by him and gave him
leave to go to his own district (Andijān). This fight having been at
that place, the Battle of the Goat-leap became a date in those parts.

His second battle was fought on the Urūs,[122] in Turkistān, with
Aūzbegs returning from a raid near Samarkand. He crossed the river on
the ice, gave them a good beating, separated off all their prisoners and
booty and, without coveting a single thing for himself, gave everything
back to its owners.

His third battle he fought with (his brother) Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā at a
place between Shāhrukhiya and Aūrā-tīpā, named Khwāṣ.[123] Here he was
beaten.


_g. His country._

The Farghāna country his father had given him; Tāshkīnt and Sairām, his
elder brother, Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā gave, and they were in his possession for
a time; Shāhrukhiya he took by a ruse and held awhile. Later on,
Tāshkīnt and Shāhrukhiya passed out of his hands; there then remained
the Farghāna country and Khujand,—some do not include Khujand in
[Sidenote: Fol. 8b.] Farghāna,—and Aūrā-tīpā, of which the original name
was Aūrūshnā and which some call Aūrūsh. In Aūrā-tīpā, at the time Sl.
Aḥmad Mīrzā went to Tāshkīnt against the Mughūls, and was beaten on the
Chīr[124] (893AH.-1488AD.) was Ḥafiẓ Beg _Dūldāī_; he made it over to
`Umar Shaikh M. and the Mīrzā held it from that time forth.


_h. His children._

Three of his sons and five of his daughters grew up. I, Z̤ahīru'd-dīn
Muḥammad Bābur,[125] was his eldest son; my mother was Qūtlūq-nigār
Khānīm. Jahāngīr Mīrzā was his second son, two years younger than I; his
mother, Fāṯima-sulṯān by name, was of the Mughūl _tūmān_-begs.[126]
Nāṣir Mīrzā was his third son; his mother was an Andijānī, a
mistress,[127] named Umīd. He was four years younger than I.

`Umar Shaikh Mīrzā's eldest daughter was Khān-zāda Begīm,[128] my full
sister, five years older than I. The second time I took Samarkand
(905AH.-1500AD.), spite of defeat at Sar-i-pul,[129] I went back and
held it through a five months' siege, but as no sort of help or
reinforcement came from any beg or ruler thereabouts, I left it in
despair and got away; in that throneless time (_fatrat_) Khān-zāda Begīm
fell[130] to Muḥammad _Shaibānī_ Khān. She had one child by him, a
pleasant boy,[131] [Sidenote: Fol. 9.] named Khurram Shāh. The Balkh
country was given to him; he went to God's mercy a few years after the
death of his father (916AH.-1510AD.). Khān-zāda Begīm was in Merv when
Shāh Ismā`īl (_Ṣafawī_) defeated the Aūzbegs near that town
(916AH.-1510AD.); for my sake he treated her well, giving her a
sufficient escort to Qūndūz where she rejoined me. We had been apart for
some ten years; when Muḥammadī _kūkūldāsh_ and I went to see her,
neither she nor those about her knew us, although I spoke. They
recognized us after a time.

Mihr-bānū Begīm was another daughter, Nāṣir Mīrzā's full-sister, two
years younger than I. Shahr-bānū Begīm was another, also Nāṣir Mīrzā's
full-sister, eight years younger than I. Yādgār-sulṯān Begīm was
another, her mother was a mistress, called Āghā-sulṯān. Ruqaiya-sulṯān
Begīm was another; her mother, Makhdūm-sulṯān Begīm, people used to call
the Dark-eyed Begīm. The last-named two were born after the Mīrzā's
death. Yādgār-sulṯān Begīm was brought up by my grandmother,
Aīsān-daulat Begīm; she fell to `Abdu'l-laṯīf Sl., a son of Ḥamza Sl.
when Shaibānī Khān took Andijān and Akhsī (908AH.-1503AD.). She rejoined
me when (917AH.-1511AD.) in Khutlān I defeated Ḥamza Sl. and other
sulṯāns and took Ḥiṣār. Ruqaiya-sulṯān Begīm fell in that [Sidenote:
Fol. 9b.] same throneless time (_fatrat_) to Jānī Beg Sl. (_Aūzbeg_). By
him she had one or two children who did not live. In these days of our
leisure (_furṣatlār_)[132] has come news that she has gone to God's
mercy.


_i. His ladies and mistresses._

Qūtlūq-nigār Khānīm was the second daughter of Yūnas Khān and the eldest
(half-) sister of Sl. Maḥmūd Khān and Sl. Aḥmad Khān.


(_j. Interpolated account of Bābur's mother's family._)

Yūnas Khān descended from Chaghatāī Khān, the second son of Chīngīz Khān
(as follows,) Yūnas Khān, son of Wais Khān, son of Sher-`alī _Aūghlān_,
son of Muḥammad Khān, son of Khiẓr Khwāja Khān, son of Tūghlūq-tīmūr
Khān, son of Aīsān-būghā Khān, son of Dāwā Khān, son of Barāq Khān, son
of Yīsūntawā Khān, son of Mūātūkān, son of Chaghatāī Khān, son of
Chīngīz Khān.

Since such a chance has come, set thou down[133] now a summary of the
history of the Khāns.

Yūnas Khān (d. 892 AH.-1487 AD.) and Aīsān-būghā Khān (d. 866 AH.-1462
AD.) were sons of Wais Khān (d. 832 AH.-1428 AD.).[134] Yūnas Khān's
mother was either a daughter or a grand-daughter of Shaikh Nūru'd-dīn
Beg, a Turkistānī Qīpchāq favoured by Tīmūr Beg. When Wais Khān died,
the Mughūl horde split in two, one portion being for Yūnas Khān, the
greater for Aīsān-būghā Khān. For help in getting the upper hand in the
horde, Aīrzīn (var. Aīrāzān) one of the Bārīn _tūmān_-begs and Beg Mīrik
_Turkmān_, one of the Chīrās _tūmān_-begs, took Yūnas Khān (aet. 13) and
with him [Sidenote: Fol. 10.] three or four thousand Mughūl heads of
houses (_awīlūq_), to Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā (_Shāhrukhī_) with the
fittingness that Aūlūgh Beg M. had taken Yūnas Khān's elder sister for
his son, `Abdu'l-`azīz Mīrzā. Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā did not do well by them;
some he imprisoned, some scattered over the country[135] one by one. The
Dispersion of Aīrzīn became a date in the Mughūl horde.

Yūnas Khān himself was made to go towards `Irāq; one year he spent in
Tabrīz where Jahān Shāh _Barānī_ of the Black Sheep Turkmāns was ruling.
From Tabrīz he went to Shīrāz where was Shāhrukh Mīrzā's second son,
Ibrāhīm Sulṯān Mīrzā.[136] He having died five or six months later
(Shawwal 4, 838 AH.-May 3rd, 1435 AD.), his son, `Abdu'l-lāh Mīrzā sat
in his place. Of this `Abdu'l-lāh Mīrzā Yūnas Khān became a retainer and
to him used to pay his respects. The Khān was in those parts for 17 or
18 years.

In the disturbances between Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā and his sons, Aīsān-būghā
Khān found a chance to invade Farghāna; he plundered as far as
Kand-i-badām, came on and, having plundered Andijān, led all its people
into captivity.[137] Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā, after seizing the throne of
Samarkand, led an army out to beyond Yāngī (Tarāz) to Aspara in
Mughūlistān, [Sidenote: Fol. 10b.] there gave Aīsān-būghā a good beating
and then, to spare himself further trouble from him and with the
fittingness that he had just taken to wife[138] Yūnas Khān's elder
sister, the former wife of `Abdu'l-`azīz Mīrzā (_Shāhrukhī_), he invited
Yūnas Khān from Khurāsān and `Irāq, made a feast, became friends and
proclaimed him Khān of the Mughūls. Just when he was speeding him forth,
the Sāghārīchī _tūmān_-begs had all come into Mughūlistān, in anger with
Aīsān-būghā Khān.[139] Yūnas Khān went amongst them and took to wife
Aīsān-daulat Begīm, the daughter of their chief, `Alī-shīr Beg. They
then seated him and her on one and the same white felt and raised him to
the Khānship.[140]

By this Aīsān-daulat Begīm, Yūnas Khān had three daughters. Mihr-nigār
Khānīm was the eldest; Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā set her aside[141] for his
eldest son, Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā; she had no child. In a throneless time (905
AH.) she fell to Shaibānī Khān; she left Samarkand[142] with Shāh Begīm
for Khurāsān (907 AH.) and both came on to me in Kābul (911 AH.). At the
time Shaibānī Khān was besieging Nāṣir Mīrzā in Qandahār and I set out
for Lamghān[143] (913 AH.) they went to Badakhshān with Khān Mīrzā
(Wais).[144] When Mubārak Shāh invited Khān Mīrzā into Fort
Victory,[145] they were [Sidenote: Fol. 11.] captured, together with the
wives and families of all their people, by marauders of Ābā-bikr
_Kāshgharī_ and, as captives to that ill-doing miscreant, bade farewell
to this transitory world (_circa_ 913 AH.-1507 AD.).

Qūtlūq-nigār Khānīm, my mother, was Yūnas Khān's second daughter. She
was with me in most of my guerilla expeditions and throneless times. She
went to God's mercy in Muḥarram 911 AH. (June 1505 AD.) five or six
months after the capture of Kābul.

Khūb-nigār Khānīm was his third daughter. Her they gave to Muḥammad
Ḥusain _Kūrkān Dūghlāt_ (899 AH.). She had one son and one daughter by
him. `Ubaid Khān (_Aūzbeg_) took the daughter (Ḥabība).[146] When I
captured Samarkand and Bukhārā (917 AH.-1511 AD.), she stayed
behind,[147] and when her paternal uncle, Sayyid Muḥammad _Dūghlāt_ came
as Sl. Sa`īd Khān's envoy to me in Samarkand, she joined him and with
him went to Kāshghar where (her cousin), Sl. Sa`īd Khān took her.
Khūb-nigār's son was Ḥaidar Mīrzā.[148] He was in my service for three
or four years after the Aūzbegs slew his father, then (918 AH.-1512 AD.)
asked leave to go to Kāshghar to the presence of Sl. Sa`īd Khān.

   "Everything goes back to its source.
    Pure gold, or silver or tin."[149]

People say he now lives lawfully (_tā'ib_) and has found the right way
(_ṯarīqā_).[150] He has a hand deft in everything, penmanship and
painting, and in making arrows and arrow-barbs [Sidenote: Fol. 11b.] and
string-grips; moreover he is a born poet and in a petition written to
me, even his style is not bad.[151]

Shāh Begīm was another of Yūnas Khān's ladies. Though he had more, she
and Aīsān-daulat Begīm were the mothers of his children. She was one of
the (six) daughters of Shāh Sulṯān Muḥammad, Shāh of Badakhshān.[152]
His line, they say, runs back to Iskandar Fīlkūs.[153] Sl. Abū-sa`īd
Mīrzā took another daughter and by her had Ābā-bikr Mīrzā.[154] By this
Shāh Begīm Yūnas Khān had two sons and two daughters. Her first-born
but younger than all Aīsān-daulat Begīm's daughters, was Sl. Maḥmūd
Khān, called Khānika Khān[155] by many in and about Samarkand. Next
younger than he was Sl. Aḥmad Khān, known as Alacha Khān. People say he
was called this because he killed many Qālmāqs on the several occasions
he beat them. In the Mughūl and Qālmāq tongues, one who will kill
(_aūltūrgūchī_) is called _ālāchī_; Alāchī they called him therefore and
this by repetition, became Alacha.[156] As occasion arises, the acts and
circumstances of these two Khāns will find mention in this history
(_tārīkh_).

Sulṯān-nigār Khānīm was the youngest but one of Yūnas Khān's children.
Her they made go forth (_chīqārīb īdīlār_) [Sidenote: Fol. 12.] to Sl.
Maḥmūd Mīrzā; by him she had one child, Sl. Wais (Khān Mīrzā), mention
of whom will come into this history. When Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā died (900
AH.-1495 AD.), she took her son off to her brothers in Tāshkīnt without
a word to any single person. They, a few years later, gave her to Adik
(Aūng) Sulṯān,[157] a Qāzāq sulṯān of the line of Jūjī Khān, Chīngīz
Khān's eldest son. When Shaibānī Khān defeated the Khāns (her brothers),
and took Tāshkīnt and Shāhrukhiya (908 AH.), she got away with 10 or 12
of her Mughūl servants, to (her husband), Adik Sulṯān. She had two
daughters by Adik Sulṯān; one she gave to a Shaibān sulṯān, the other to
Rashīd Sulṯān, the son of (her cousin) Sl. Sa`īd Khān. After Adik
Sulṯān's death, (his brother), Qāsim Khān, Khān of the Qāzāq horde, took
her.[158] Of all the Qāzāq khāns and sulṯāns, no one, they say, ever
kept the horde in such good order as he; his army was reckoned at
300,000 men. On his death the Khānīm went to Sl. Sa`īd Khān's presence
in Kāshghar. Daulat-sulṯān Khānīm was Yūnas Khān's youngest child.
[Sidenote: Fol. 12b.] In the Tāshkīnt disaster (908 AH.) she fell to
Tīmūr Sulṯān, the son of Shaibānī Khān. By him she had one daughter;
they got out of Samarkand with me (918 AH.-1512 AD.), spent three or
four years in the Badakhshān country, then went (923 AH.-1420 AD.) to
Sl. Sa`īd Khān's presence in Kāshghar.[159]


(_k. Account resumed of Bābur's father's family._)

In `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā's _ḥaram_ was also Aūlūs Āghā, a daughter of
Khwāja Ḥusain Beg; her one daughter died in infancy and they sent her
out of the _ḥaram_ a year or eighteen months later. Fāṯima-sulṯān Āghā
was another; she was of the Mughūl _tūmān_-begs and the first taken of
his wives. Qarāgūz (Makhdūm sulṯān) Begīm was another; the Mīrzā took
her towards the end of his life; she was much beloved, so to please him,
they made her out descended from (his uncle) Minūchihr Mīrzā, the elder
brother of Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā. He had many mistresses and concubines;
one, Umīd Āghāchā died before him. Latterly there were also Tūn-sulṯān
(var. Yun) of the Mughūls and Āghā Sulṯān.


_l. `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā's Amīrs._

There was Khudāī-bīrdī _Tūghchī Tīmūr-tāsh_, a descendant of the brother
of Āq-būghā Beg, the Governor of Hīrī (Herāt, for Timūr Beg.) When Sl.
Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā, after besieging Jūkī Mīrzā (_Shāhrukhī_) in Shāhrukhiya
(868AH.-1464AD.) gave the Farghāna country to `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā, he put
this Khudāī-bīrdī [Sidenote: Fol. 13.] Beg at the head of the Mīrzā's
Gate.[160] Khudāī-bīrdī was then 25 but youth notwithstanding, his
rules and management were very good indeed. A few years later when
Ibrāhīm _Begchīk_ was plundering near Aūsh, he followed him up, fought
him, was beaten and became a martyr. At the time, Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā was in
the summer pastures of Āq Qāchghāī, in Aūrā-tīpā, 18 _yīghāch_ east of
Samarkand, and Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā was at Bābā Khākī, 12 _yīghāch_ east
of Hīrī. People sent the news post-haste to the Mīrzā(s),[161] having
humbly represented it through `Abdu'l-wahhāb _Shaghāwal_. In four days
it was carried those 120 _yīghāch_ of road.[162]

Ḥāfiẓ Muḥammad Beg _Dūldāī_ was another, Sl. Malik _Kāshgharī's_ son and
a younger brother of Aḥmad Ḥājī Beg. After the death of Khudāī-bīrdī
Beg, they sent him to control `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā's Gate, but he did not
get on well with the Andijān begs and therefore, when Sl. Abū-sa`īd
Mīrzā died, went to Samarkand and took service with Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā. At
the time of the disaster on the Chīr, he was in Aūrā-tīpā and made it
over to `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā when the Mīrzā passed through on his way to
Samarkand, himself taking [Sidenote: Fol. 13b.] service with him. The
Mīrzā, for his part, gave him the Andijān Command. Later on he went to
Sl. Maḥmūd Khān in Tāshkīnt and was there entrusted with the
guardianship of Khān Mīrzā (Wais) and given Dīzak. He had started for
Makka by way of Hind before I took Kābul (910AH. Oct. 1504AD.), but he
went to God's mercy on the road. He was a simple person, of few words
and not clever.

Khwāja Ḥusain Beg was another, a good-natured and simple person. It is
said that, after the fashion of those days, he used to improvise very
well at drinking parties.[163]

Shaikh Mazīd Beg was another, my first guardian, excellent in rule and
method. He must have served (_khidmat qīlghān dūr_) under Bābur Mīrzā
(_Shāhrukhī_). There was no greater beg in `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā's
presence. He was a vicious person and kept catamites.

`Alī-mazīd _Qūchīn_ was another;[164] he rebelled twice, once at Akhsī,
once at Tāshkīnt. He was disloyal, untrue to his salt, vicious and
good-for-nothing.

Ḥasan (son of) Yaq`ūb was another, a small-minded, good-tempered, smart
and active man. This verse is his:—

   "Return, O Huma, for without the parrot-down of thy lip,
    The crow will assuredly soon carry off my bones."[165]

[Sidenote: Fol. 14.] He was brave, a good archer, played polo
(_chaughān_) well and leapt well at leap-frog.[166] He had the control
of my Gate after `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā's accident. He had not much sense,
was narrow-minded and somewhat of a strife-stirrer.

Qāsim Beg _Qūchīn_, of the ancient army-begs of Andijān, was another. He
had the control of my Gate after Ḥasan Yaq`ūb Beg. His life through, his
authority and consequence waxed without decline. He was a brave man;
once he gave some Aūzbegs a good beating when he overtook them raiding
near Kāsān; his sword hewed away in `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā's presence; and
in the fight at the Broad Ford (Yāsī-kījīt _circa_ 904AH.-July, 1499AD.)
he hewed away with the rest. In the guerilla days he went to Khusrau
Shāh (907AH.) at the time I was planning to go from the Macha
hill-country[167] to Sl. Maḥmūd Khān, but he came back to me in 910AH.
(1504AD.) and I shewed him all my old favour and affection. When I
attacked the Turkmān Hazāra raiders in Dara-i-khwush (911AH.) he made
better advance, spite of his age, than the younger men; I gave him
Bangash as a reward and later on, after returning to Kābul, made him
Humāyūn's guardian. He went to God's mercy [Sidenote: Fol. 14b.] about
the time Zamīn-dāwar was taken (_circa_ 928AH.-1522AD.). He was a pious,
God-fearing Musalmān, an abstainer from doubtful aliments; excellent in
judgment and counsel, very facetious and, though he could neither read
nor write (_ummiy_), used to make entertaining jokes.

Bābā Beg's Bābā Qulī (`Alī) was another, a descendant of Shaikh `Alī
_Bahādur_.[168] They made him my guardian when Shaikh Mazīd Beg died. He
went over to Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā when the Mīrzā led his army against Andijān
(899AH.), and gave him Aūrā-tīpā. After Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā's death, he
left Samarkand and was on his way to join me (900AH.) when Sl. `Alī
Mīrzā, issuing out of Aūrā-tīpā, fought, defeated and slew him. His
management and equipment were excellent and he took good care of his
men. He prayed not; he kept no fasts; he was like a heathen and he was a
tyrant.

`Alī-dost T̤aghāī[169] was another, one of the Sāghārīchī _tumān_-begs
and a relation of my mother's mother, Aīsān-daulat Begīm. I favoured him
more than he had been favoured in `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā's time. People
said, "Work will come from his hand." But in the many years he was
in my presence, no work to speak of[170] came to sight. He must have
served Sl. [Sidenote: Fol. 15.] Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā. He claimed to have
power to bring on rain with the jade-stone. He was the Falconer
(_qūshchī_),worthless by nature and habit, a stingy, severe,
strife-stirring person, false, self-pleasing, rough of tongue and
cold-of-face.

Wais _Lāgharī_,[171] one of the Samarkand _Tūghchī_ people, was another.
Latterly he was much in `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā's confidence; in the guerilla
times he was with me. Though somewhat factious, he was a man of good
judgment and counsel.

Mīr Ghiyās̤ T̤aghāi was another, a younger brother of `Ali-dost T̤aghāī.
No man amongst the leaders in Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā's Gate was more to the
front than he; he had charge of the Mīrzā's square seal[172] and was
much in his confidence latterly. He was a friend of Wais _Lāgharī_. When
Kāsān had been given to Sl. Maḥmūd Khān (899AH.-1494AD. ), he was
continuously in The Khān's service and was in high favour. He was a
laugher, a joker and fearless in vice.

`Ali-darwesh _Khurāsānī_ was another. He had served in the Khurāsān
Cadet Corps, one of two special corps of serviceable young men formed by
Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā when he first began [Sidenote: Fol. 15b.] to arrange
the government of Khurāsān and Samarkand, and, presumably, called by him
the Khurāsān Corps and the Samarkand Corps. `Alī-darwesh was a brave
man; he did well in my presence at the Gate of Bīshkārān.[173] He wrote
the _naskh ta`līq_ hand clearly.[174] His was the flatterer's tongue and
in his character avarice was supreme.

Qaṃbar-`alī _Mughūl_ of the Equerries (_akhtachī_) was another. People
called him The Skinner because his father, on first coming into the
(Farghāna) country, worked as a skinner. Qaṃbar-`alī had been Yūnas
Khān's water-bottle bearer,[175] later on he became a beg. Till he was a
made man, his conduct was excellent; once arrived, he was slack. He was
full of talk and of foolish talk,—a great talker is sure to be a foolish
one,—his capacity was limited and his brain muddy.


(_l. Historical narrative._)

At the time of `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā's accident, I was in the Four Gardens
(_Chār-bāgh_) of Andijān.[176] The news reached Andijān on Tuesday,
Ramẓan 5 (June 9th); I mounted at once, with my followers and retainers,
intending to go into the fort but, on our getting near the Mīrzā's Gate,
Shīrīm T̤aghāī[177] took hold of my bridle and moved off towards the
Praying Place.[178] It had crossed his mind that if a great ruler like
Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā came in force, the Andijān begs would make over to him
[Sidenote: Fol. 16.] me and the country,[179] but that if he took me to
Aūzkīnt and the foothills thereabouts, I, at any rate, should not be
made over and could go to one of my mother's (half-) brothers, Sl.
Maḥmūd Khān or Sl. Aḥmad Khān.[180] When Khwāja Maulānā-i-qāẓī[181] and
the begs in the fort heard of (the intended departure), they sent after
us Khwāja Muḥammad, the tailor,[184] an old servant (_bāyrī_) of my
father and the foster-father of one of his daughters. He dispelled our
fears and, turning back from near the Praying [Sidenote: Fol. 16b.]
Place, took me with him into the citadel (_ark_) where I dismounted.
Khwāja Maulānā-i-qāẓī and the begs came to my presence there and after
bringing their counsels to a head,[185] busied themselves in making good
the towers and ramparts of the fort.[186] A few days later, Ḥasan, son
of Yaq`ūb, and Qāsim _Qūchīn_, arrived, together with other begs who had
been sent to reconnoitre in Marghīnān and those parts.[187] They also,
after waiting on me, set themselves with one heart and mind and with
zeal and energy, to hold the fort.

   (_Author's note on Khwāja Maulānā-i-qāẓī._) He was the son of
   Sl. Aḥmad Qāẓī, of the line of Burhānu'd-dīn `Alī
   _Qīlīch_[182] and through his mother, traced back to Sl. Aīlīk
   _Māẓī_.[183] By hereditary right (_yūsūnlūq_) his high family
   (_khānwādalār_) must have come to be the Refuge (_marji`_) and
   Pontiffs (_Shaikhu'l-islām_) of the (Farghāna) country.

Meantime Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā took Aūrā-tīpā, Khujand and Marghīnān, came on
to Qabā,[188] 4 _yīghāch_ from Andijān and there made halt. At this
crisis, Darwesh Gau, one of the Andijān notables, was put to death on
account of his improper proposals; his punishment crushed the rest.

Khwāja Qāẓī and Aūzūn (Long) Ḥasan,[189] (brother) of Khwāja Ḥusain,
were then sent to Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā to say in effect that, as he himself
would place one of his servants in the country and as I was myself both
a servant and (as) a son, he would attain his end most readily and
easily if he entrusted the service to me. He was a mild, weak man, of
few words who, without his begs, decided no opinion or compact (_aun_),
action or move; they paid attention to our proposal, gave it a harsh
answer and moved forward.

But the Almighty God, who, of His perfect power and without mortal aid,
has ever brought my affairs to their right issue, made such things
happen here that they became disgusted at having advanced (_i.e._ from
Qabā), repented indeed that they had ever set out on this expedition and
turned back with nothing done.

One of those things was this: Qabā has a stagnant, morass-like
Water,[190] passable only by the bridge. As they were many, there was
crowding on the bridge and numbers of horses and [Sidenote: Fol. 17.]
camels were pushed off to perish in the water. This disaster recalling
the one they had had three or four years earlier when they were badly
beaten at the passage of the Chīr, they gave way to fear. Another thing
was that such a murrain broke out amongst their horses that, massed
together, they began to die off in bands.[191] Another was that they
found in our soldiers and peasants a resolution and single-mindedness
such as would not let them flinch from making offering of their
lives[192] so long as there was breath and power in their bodies. Need
being therefore, when one _yīghāch_ from Andijān, they sent Darwesh
Muḥammad Tarkhān[193] to us; Ḥasan of Yaq'ūb went out from those in the
fort; the two had an interview near the Praying Place and a sort of
peace was made. This done, Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā's force retired.

Meantime Sl. Maḥmūd Khān had come along the north of the Khujand Water
and laid siege to Akhsī.[194] In Akhsī was Jahāngīr Mīrzā (aet. 9) and
of begs, `Alī-darwesh Beg, Mīrzā Qulī _Kūkūldāsh_, Muḥ. Bāqir Beg and
Shaikh `Abdu'l-lāh, Lord of the Gate. Wais _Lāgharī_ and Mīr Ghiyās̤
T̤aghāī had been there too, but being afraid of the (Akhsī) begs had
gone off to Kāsān, Wais _Lāgharī's_ district, where, he being Nāṣir
Mīrzā's guardian, the Mīrzā was.[195] They went over to Sl. Maḥmūd Khān
when he got near Akhsī; Mīr Ghiyās̤ entered his service; [Sidenote: Fol.
17b.] Wais _Lāgharī_ took Nāṣir Mīrzā to Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā, who entrusted
him to Muh. Mazīd Tarkhān's charge. The Khān, though he fought several
times near Akhsī, could not effect anything because the Akhsī begs and
braves made such splendid offering of their lives. Falling sick, being
tired of fighting too, he returned to his own country (_i.e._ Tāshkīnt).

For some years, Ābā-bikr _Kāshgharī Dūghlāt_,[196] bowing the head to
none, had been supreme in Kāshgar and Khutan. He now, moved like the
rest by desire for my country, came to the neighbourhood of Aūzkīnt,
built a fort and began to lay the land waste. Khwāja Qāzī and several
begs were appointed to drive him out. When they came near, he saw
himself no match for such a force, made the Khwāja his mediator and, by
a hundred wiles and tricks, got himself safely free.

Throughout these great events, `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā's former begs and
braves had held resolutely together and made daring offer of their
lives. The Mīrzā's mother, Shāh Sulṯān Begīm,[197] and Jaḥāngīr Mīrzā
and the _ḥaram_ household and the begs came from Akhsī to Andijān; the
customary mourning was fulfilled and food and victuals spread for the
poor and destitute.[198]

[Sidenote: Fol. 18.] In the leisure from these important matters,
attention was given to the administration of the country and the
ordering of the army. The Andijān Government and control of my Gate were
settled (_mukarrar_) for Ḥasan (son) of Yaq'ūb; Aūsh was decided on
(_qarār_) for Qāsim _Qūchīn_; Akhsī and Marghīnān assigned (_ta'īn_) to
Aūzun Ḥasan and `Alī-dost T̤aghāī. For the rest of `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā's
begs and braves, to each according to his circumstances, were settled
and assigned district (_wilāyat_) or land (_yīr_) or office (_mauja_) or
charge (_jīrga_) or stipend (_wajh_).

When Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā had gone two or three stages on his return-march,
his health changed for the worse and high fever appeared. On his
reaching the Āq Sū near Aūrā-tīpā, he bade farewell to this transitory
world, in the middle of Shawwāl of the date 899 (mid July 1494 AD.)
being then 44 (lunar) years old.


_m. Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā's birth and descent._

He was born in 855 AH. (1451 AD.) the year in which his father took the
throne (_i.e._ Samarkand). He was Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā's eldest son; his
mother was a daughter of Aūrdū-būghā Tarkhān (_Arghūn_), the elder
sister of Darwesh Muḥammad Tarkhān, and the most honoured of the Mīrzā's
wives.


_n. His appearance and habits._

He was a tall, stout, brown-bearded and red-faced man. He had beard on
his chin but none on his cheeks. He had very [Sidenote: Fol. 18b.]
pleasing manners. As was the fashion in those days, he wound his turban
in four folds and brought the end forward over his brows.


_o. His characteristics and manners._

He was a True Believer, pure in the Faith; five times daily, without
fail, he recited the Prayers, not omitting them even on drinking-days.
He was a disciple of his Highness Khwāja `Ubaidu'l-lāh (_Aḥrārī_), his
instructor in religion and the strengthener of his Faith. He was very
ceremonious, particularly when sitting with the Khwāja. People say he
never drew one knee over the other[199] at any entertainment of the
Khwāja. On one occasion contrary to his custom, he sat with his feet
together. When he had risen, the Khwāja ordered the place he had sat in
to be searched; there they found, it may have been, a bone.[200] He had
read nothing whatever and was ignorant (_`amī_), and though town-bred,
unmannered and homely. Of genius he had no share. He was just and as his
Highness the Khwāja was there, accompanying him step by step,[201] most
of his affairs found lawful settlement. He was true and faithful to his
vow and word; nothing was ever seen to the contrary. He had courage, and
though he never happened to get in his own hand to work, gave sign of
it, they say, in some of his encounters. [Sidenote: Fol. 19.] He drew a
good bow, generally hitting the duck[202] both with his arrows (_aūq_)
and his forked-arrows (_tīr-giz_), and, as a rule, hit the gourd[203] in
riding across the lists (_maidān_). Latterly, when he had grown stout,
he used to take quail and pheasant with the goshawks,[204] rarely
failing. A sportsman he was, hawking mostly and hawking well; since
Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā, such a sporting _pādshāh_ had not been seen. He was
extremely decorous; people say he used to hide his feet even in the
privacy of his family and amongst his intimates. Once settled down to
drink, he would drink for 20 or 30 days at a stretch; once risen, would
not drink again for another 20 or 30 days. He was a good drinker;[205]
on non-drinking days he ate without conviviality (_basīṯ_). Avarice was
dominant in his character. He was kindly, a man of few words whose will
was in the hands of his begs.


_p. His battles._

He fought four battles. The first was with Ni'mat _Arghūn_, Shaikh Jamāl
_Arghūn's_ younger brother, at Āqār-tūzī, near Zamīn. This he won. The
second was with `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā at Khwaṣ; this also he won. The third
affair was when he encountered Sl. Maḥmūd Khān on the Chīr, near
Tāshkīnt [Sidenote: Fol. 19b.](895 AH.-1469 AD.). There was no real
fighting, but some Mughūl plunderers coming up, by ones and twos, in his
rear and laying hands on his baggage, his great army, spite of its
numbers, broke up without a blow struck, without an effort made,
without a coming face to face, and its main body was drowned in the
Chīr.[206] His fourth affair was with Ḥaidar _Kūkūldāsh_ (_Mughūl_),
near Yār-yīlāq; here he won.


_q. His country._

Samarkand and Bukhārā his father gave him; Tāshkīnt and Sairām he took
and held for a time but gave them to his younger brother, `Umar Shaikh
Mīrzā, after `Abdu'l-qadūs (_Dūghlāt_) slew Shaikh Jamāl (_Arghūn_);
Khujand and Aūrātīpā were also for a time in his possession.


_r. His children._

His two sons did not live beyond infancy. He had five daughters, four by
Qātāq Begīm.[207]

Rābi`a-sulṯān Begīm, known as the Dark-eyed Begīm, was his eldest. The
Mīrzā himself made her go forth to Sl. Maḥmūd Khān;[208] she had one
child, a nice little boy, called Bābā Khān. The Aūzbegs killed him and
several others of age as unripe as his when they martyred (his father)
The Khān, in Khujand, (914 AH.-1508 AD.). At that time she fell to Jānī
Beg Sulṯān (_Aūzbeg_). [Sidenote: Fol. 20.]

Ṣāliḥa-sulṯān (Ṣalīqa) Begīm was his second daughter; people called her
the Fair Begīm. Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā, after her father's death, took her for
his eldest son, Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā and made the wedding feast (900 AH.).
Later on she fell to the Kāshgharī with Shāh Begīm and Mihr-nigār
Khānim.

`Āyisha-sulṯān Begīm was the third. When I was five and went to
Samarkand, they set her aside for me; in the guerilla times[209] she
came to Khujand and I took her (905 AH.); her one little daughter, born
after the second taking of Samarkand, went in a few days to God's mercy
and she herself left me at the instigation of an older sister.

Sulṯānīm Begīm was the fourth daughter; Sl. `Alī Mīrzā took her; then
Tīmūr Sulṯān (_Aūzbeg_) took her and after him, Mahdī Sulṯān (_Aūzbeg_).

Ma`sūma-sulṯān Begīm was the youngest of Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā's daughters.
Her mother, Ḥabība-sulṯān Begīm, was of the Arghūns, a daughter of Sl.
Ḥusain _Arghūn's_ brother. I saw her when I went to Khurāsān (912
AH.-1506 AD.), liked her, asked for her, had her brought to Kābul and
took her (913 AH.-1507 AD.). She had one daughter and there and then,
went to God's mercy, through the pains of the birth. Her name was at
once given to her child.


_s. His ladies and mistresses._

Mihr-nigār Khānīm was his first wife, set aside for him by his father,
Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā. She was Yūnas Khān's eldest [Sidenote: Fol. 20b.]
daughter and my mother's full-sister.

Tarkhān Begīm of the Tarkhāns was another of his wives.

Qātāq Begīm was another, the foster-sister of the Tarkhān Begīm just
mentioned. Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā took her _par amours_ (_`āshiqlār bīlā_): she
was loved with passion and was very dominant. She drank wine. During the
days of her ascendancy (_tīrīklīk_), he went to no other of his _ḥaram_;
at last he took up a proper position (_aūlnūrdī_) and freed himself from
his reproach.[210]

Khān-zāda Begīm, of the Tīrmīẕ Khāns, was another. He had just taken her
when I went, at five years old, to Samarkand; her face was still veiled
and, as is the Turkī custom, they told me to uncover it.[211]

Laṯīf Begīm was another, a daughter's child of Aḥmad Ḥājī Beg _Dūldāī_
(_Barlās_). After the Mīrzā's death, Ḥamza Sl. took her and she had
three sons by him. They with other sulṯāns' children, fell into my hands
when I took Ḥiṣār (916 AH.-1510 AD.) after defeating Ḥamza Sulṯān and
Tīmūr Sulṯān. I set all free.

Ḥabība-sulṯān Begīm was another, a daughter of the brother of Sl. Ḥusain
_Arghūn_.


_t. His amīrs._

Jānī Beg _Dūldāī_ (_Barlās_) was a younger brother of Sl. Malik
_Kāshgharī_. Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā gave him the Government of Samarkand
and Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā gave him the control of his own Gate.[212] He must
have had singular habits and [Sidenote: Fol. 21.] manners;[213] many
strange stories are told about him. One is this:—While he was Governor
in Samarkand, an envoy came to him from the Aūzbegs renowned, as it
would seem, for his strength. An Aūzbeg, is said to call a strong man a
bull (_būkuh_). "Are you a _būkuh_?" said Jānī Beg to the envoy, "If you
are, come, let's have a friendly wrestle together (_kūrāshālīng_)."
Whatever objections the envoy raised, he refused to accept. They
wrestled and Jānī Beg gave the fall. He was a brave man.

Aḥmad Ḥājī (_Dūldāī Barlās_) was another, a son of Sl. Malik
_Kāshgharī_. Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā gave him the Government of Hīrī (Harāt)
for a time but sent him when his uncle, Jānī Beg died, to Samarkand
with his uncle's appointments. He was pleasant-natured and brave. Wafā'ī
was his pen-name and he put together a dīwān in verse not bad. This
couplet is his:

   "I am drunk, Inspector, to-day keep your hand off me,
   "Inspect me on the day you catch me sober."

Mīr `Alī-sher Nāwā'ī when he went from Hīrī to Samarkand, was with Aḥmad
Ḥājī Beg but he went back to Hīrī when Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā (Bāī-qarā)
became supreme (873 AH.-1460 AD.) and he there received exceeding
favour.

[Sidenote: Fol. 21b.] Aḥmad Ḥājī Beg kept and rode excellent
_tīpūchāqs_,[214] mostly of his own breeding. Brave he was but his power
to command did not match his courage; he was careless and what was
necessary in his affairs, his retainers and followers put through. He
fell into Sl. `Alī Mīrzā's hands when the Mīrzā defeated Bāī-sunghar
Mīrzā in Bukhārā (901 AH.), and was then put to a dishonourable death on
the charge of the blood of Darwesh Muḥammad Tarkhān.[215]

Darwesh Muḥammad Tarkhān (_Arghūn_) was another, the son of Aūrdū-būghā
Tarkhān and full-brother of the mother of Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā and Sl. Maḥmūd
Mīrzā.[216] Of all begs in Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā's presence, he was the
greatest and most honoured. He was an orthodox Believer, kindly and
darwesh-like, and was a constant transcriber of the Qu'rān.[217] He
played chess often and well, thoroughly understood the science of
fowling and flew his birds admirably. He died in the height of his
greatness, with a bad name, during the troubles between Sl. `Alī Mīrzā
and Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā.[218]

`Abdu'l-`alī Tarkhān was another, a near relation of Darwesh Muḥammad
Tarkhān, possessor also of his younger sister,[219] that is to say, Bāqī
Tarkhān's mother. Though both by the Mughūl rule (_tūrā_) and by his
rank, Darwesh Muḥammad Tarkhān was the superior of `Abdu'l-`alī
Tarkhān, this Pharoah regarded him not at all. For some years he had the
Government of Bukhārā. His retainers were reckoned at [Sidenote: Fol.
22.] 3,000 and he kept them well and handsomely. His gifts
(_bakhshīsh_), his visits of enquiry (_purshīsh_), his public audience
(_dīwān_), his work-shops (_dast-gāh_), his open-table (_shīlān_) and
his assemblies (_majlis_) were all like a king's. He was a strict
disciplinarian, a tyrannical, vicious, self-infatuated person. Shaibānī
Khān, though not his retainer, was with him for a time; most of the
lesser (Shaibān) sulṯāns did themselves take service with him. This same
`Abdu'l-`alī Tarkhān was the cause of Shaibānī Khān's rise to such a
height and of the downfall of such ancient dynasties.[220]

Sayyid Yūsuf, the Grey Wolfer[221] was another; his grandfather will
have come from the Mughūl horde; his father was favoured by Aūlūgh Beg
Mīrzā (_Shāhrukhī_). His judgment and counsel were excellent; he had
courage too. He played well on the guitar (_qūbuz_). He was with me when
I first went to Kābul; I shewed him great favour and in truth he was
worthy of favour. I left him in Kābul the first year the army rode out
for Hindūstān; at that time he went to God's mercy.[222]

Darwesh Beg was another; he was of the line of Aīku-tīmūr Beg,[223] a
favourite of Tīmūr Beg. He was a disciple of his Highness Khwāja
`Ubaidu'l-lāh (_Aḥrārī_), had knowledge of the science of music, played
several instruments and was naturally [Sidenote: Fol. 22b.] disposed to
poetry. He was drowned in the Chīr at the time of Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā's
discomfiture.

Muḥammad Mazīd Tarkhān was another, a younger full-brother of Darwesh
Muḥ. Tarkhān. He was Governor in Turkistān for some years till Shaibānī
Khān took it from him. His judgment and counsel were excellent; he was
an unscrupulous and vicious person. The second and third times I took
Samarkand, he came to my presence and each time I shewed him very great
favour. He died in the fight at Kūl-i-malik (918 AH.-1512 AD.).

Bāqī Tarkhān was another, the son of `Abdu'l-`alī Tarkhān and Sl. Aḥmad
Mīrzā's aunt. When his father died, they gave him Bukhārā. He grew in
greatness under Sl. `Alī Mīrzā, his retainers numbering 5 or 6,000. He
was neither obedient nor very submissive to Sl. `Alī Mīrzā. He fought
Shaibānī Khān at Dabūsī (905 AH.) and was crushed; by the help of this
defeat, Shaibānī Khān went and took Bukhārā. He was very fond of
hawking; they say he kept 700 birds. His manners and habits were not
such as may be told;[224] he grew up with a Mīrzā's state and splendour.
Because his father had shewn favour to Shaibānī Khān, he went to the
Khān's presence, but that inhuman ingrate made him no sort of return in
favour and kindness. [Sidenote: Fol. 23.] He left the world at Akhsī, in
misery and wretchedness.

Sl. Ḥusain _Arghūn_ was another. He was known as Qarā-kūlī because he
had held the Qarā-kūl government for a time. His judgment and counsel
were excellent; he was long in my presence also.

Qulī Muḥammad _Būghdā_[225] was another, a _qūchīn_; he must have been a
brave man.

`Abdu'l-karīm _Ishrit_[226] was another; he was an Aūīghūr, Sl. Aḥmad
Mīrzā's Lord of the Gate, a brave and generous man.


(_u. Historical narrative resumed._)

After Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā's death, his begs in agreement, sent a courier by
the mountain-road to invite Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā.[227]

Malik-i-Muḥammad Mīrzā, the son of Minūchihr Mīrzā, Sl. Abū-sa`īd
Mīrzā's eldest brother, aspired for his own part to rule. Having drawn a
few adventurers and desperadoes to himself, they dribbled away[228] from
(Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā's) camp and went to Samarkand. He was not able to
effect anything, but he brought about his own death and that of several
innocent persons of the ruling House.

At once on hearing of his brother's death, Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā went off to
Samarkand and there seated himself on the throne, without difficulty.
Some of his doings soon disgusted and alienated high and low, soldier
and peasant. The first of these was that he sent the above-named
Malik-i-Muḥammad to the [Sidenote: Fol. 23b.] Kūk-sarāī,[229] although
he was his father's brother's son and his own son-in-law.[230] With him
he sent others, four Mīrzās in all. Two of these he set aside;
Malik-i-Muḥammad and one other he martyred. Some of the four were not
even of ruling rank and had not the smallest aspiration to rule; though
Malik-i-Muḥammad Mīrzā was a little in fault, in the rest there was no
blame whatever. A second thing was that though his methods and
regulations were excellent, and though he was expert in revenue matters
and in the art of administration, his nature inclined to tyranny and
vice. Directly he reached Samarkand, he began to make new regulations
and arrangements and to rate and tax on a new basis. Moreover the
dependants of his (late) Highness Khwāja `Ubaid'l-lāh, under whose
protection formerly many poor and destitute persons had lived free from
the burden of dues and imposts, were now themselves treated with
harshness and oppression. On what ground should hardship have touched
them? Nevertheless oppressive exactions were made from them, indeed from
the Khwāja's very children. Yet another thing was that just as he was
vicious and tyrannical, so were his begs, small and great, and his
retainers and followers. The Ḥiṣārīs and in particular the followers of
Khusrau Shāh engaged themselves unceasingly with wine and fornication.
Once one of them enticed and took away a certain man's wife. [Sidenote:
Fol. 24.]When her husband went to Khusrau Shāh and asked for justice, he
received for answer: "She has been with you for several years; let her
be a few days with him." Another thing was that the young sons of the
townsmen and shopkeepers, nay! even of Turks and soldiers could not go
out from their houses from fear of being taken for catamites. The
Samarakandīs, having passed 20 or 25 years under Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā in ease
and tranquillity, most matters carried through lawfully and with justice
by his Highness the Khwāja, were wounded and troubled in heart and soul,
by this oppression and this vice. Low and high, the poor, the destitute,
all opened the mouth to curse, all lifted the hand for redress.

   "Beware the steaming up of inward wounds,
    For an inward wound at the last makes head;
    Avoid while thou canst, distress to one heart,
    For a single sigh will convulse a world."[231]

By reason of his infamous violence and vice Sl. Maḥmud Mīrzā did not
rule in Samarkand more than five or six months.


900 AH.-OCT. 2ND. 1494 TO SEP. 21ST. 1495 AD.[232]

This year Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā sent an envoy, named `Abdu'l-qadūs Beg,[233]
to bring me a gift from the wedding he had made with splendid festivity
for his eldest son, Mas`ūd Mīrzā with (Ṣāliḥa-sulṯān), the Fair Begīm,
the second daughter of his elder brother, Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā. They had sent
gold and silver almonds and pistachios.

There must have been relationship between this envoy and Ḥasan-i-yaq`ūb,
and on its account he will have been the man sent to make
Ḥasan-i-yaq`ūb, by fair promises, look towards Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā.
Ḥasan-i-yaq`ūb returned him a smooth answer, made indeed as though won
over to his side, and gave him leave to go. Five or six months later,
his manners changed entirely; he began to behave ill to those about me
and to others, and he carried matters so far that he would have
dismissed me in order to put Jahāngīr Mīrzā in my place. Moreover his
conversation with the whole body of begs and soldiers was not what
should be; every-one came to know what was in his mind. Khwāja-i-Qāzī
and (Sayyid) Qāsim _Qūchīn_ and `Alī-dost T̤aghāī met other well-wishers
of mine in the presence of my grandmother, Āīsān-daulat Begīm and
decided to give quietus to Ḥasan-i-yaq`ūb's disloyalty by his
deposition.

Few amongst women will have been my grandmother's equals for judgment
and counsel; she was very wise and far-sighted and most affairs of mine
were carried through under her advice. She and my mother were (living)
in the Gate-house of the outer fort;[234] Ḥasan-i-yaq`ūb was in the
citadel.

When I went to the citadel, in pursuance of our decision, he had ridden
out, presumably for hawking, and as soon as he had [Sidenote: Fol. 25.]
our news, went off from where he was towards Samarkand. The begs and
others in sympathy with him,[235] were arrested; one was Muḥammad Bāqir
Beg; Sl. Maḥmud _Dūldāī_, Sl. Muḥammad _Dūldāī's_ father, was another;
there were several more; to some leave was given to go for Samarkand.
The Andijān Government and control of my Gate were settled on (Sayyid)
Qāsim _Qūchīn_.

A few days after Ḥasan-i-yaq`ūb reached Kand-i-badām on the Samarkand
road, he went to near the Khūqān sub-division (_aūrchīn_) with
ill-intent on Akhsī. Hearing of it, we sent several begs and braves to
oppose him; they, as they went, detached a scouting party ahead; he,
hearing this, moved against the detachment, surrounded it in its
night-quarters[236] and poured flights of arrows (_shība_) in on it. In
the darkness of the night an arrow (_aūq_), shot by one of his own men,
hit him just (_aūq_) in the vent (_qāchār_) and before he could take
vent (_qāchār_),[237] he became the captive of his own act.

   "If you have done ill, keep not an easy mind,
    For retribution is Nature's law."[238]

This year I began to abstain from all doubtful food, my obedience
extended even to the knife, the spoon and the table-cloth;[239] also the
after-midnight Prayer (_taḥajjud_) was [Sidenote: Fol. 25b.] less
neglected.


(_a. Death of Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā._)

In the month of the latter Rabī` (January 1495 AD.), Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā
was confronted by violent illness and in six days, passed from the
world. He was 43 (lunar) years old.


_b. His birth and lineage._

He was born in 857 AH. (1453 AD.), was Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā's third son
and the full-brother of Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā.[240]


_c. His appearance and characteristics._

He was a short, stout, sparse-bearded and somewhat ill-shaped person.
His manners and his qualities were good, his rules and methods of
business excellent; he was well-versed in accounts, not a _dinār_ or a
_dirhām_[241] of revenue was spent without his knowledge. The pay of his
servants was never disallowed. His assemblies, his gifts, his open
table, were all good. Everything of his was orderly and
well-arranged;[242] no soldier or peasant could deviate in the slightest
from any plan of his. Formerly he must have been hard set (_qātīrār_) on
hawking but latterly he very frequently hunted driven game.[243] He
carried violence and vice to frantic excess, was a constant wine-bibber
and kept many catamites. If anywhere in his territory, there was a
handsome boy, he used, by whatever means, to have him brought for a
catamite; of his begs' sons and of his sons' begs' sons he made
catamites; and laid command for this service on [Sidenote: Fol. 26.] his
very foster brothers and on their own brothers. So common in his day was
that vile practice, that no person was without his catamite; to keep one
was thought a merit, not to keep one, a defect. Through his infamous
violence and vice, his sons died in the day of their strength (_tamām
juwān_).

He had a taste for poetry and put a _dīwān_[244] together but his verse
is flat and insipid,—not to compose is better than to compose verse such
as his. He was not firm in the Faith and held his Highness Khwāja
`Ubaidu'l-lāh (_Aḥrārī_) in slight esteem. He had no heart (_yūruk_) and
was somewhat scant in modesty,—several of his impudent buffoons used to
do their filthy and abominable acts in his full Court, in all men's
sight. He spoke badly, there was no understanding him at first.


_d. His battles._

He fought two battles, both with Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā (_Bāīqarā_). The first
was in Astarābād; here he was defeated. The second was at Chīkman
(Sarāī),[245] near Andikhūd; here also he was defeated. He went twice to
Kāfiristān, on the [Sidenote: Fol. 26b.] south of Badakhshān, and made
Holy War; for this reason they wrote him Sl. Maḥmūd _Ghāzī_ in the
headings of his public papers.


_e. His countries._

Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā gave him Astarābād.[246] After the `Irāq disaster
(_i.e._, his father's death,) he went into Khurāsān. At that time,
Qaṃbar-`alī Beg, the governor of Ḥiṣār, by Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā's orders,
had mobilized the Hindūstān[247] army and was following him into `Irāq;
he joined Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā in Khurāsān but the Khurāsānīs, hearing of
Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's approach, rose suddenly and drove them out of the
country. On this Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā went to his elder brother, Sl. Aḥmad
Mīrzā in Samarkand. A few months later Sayyid Badr and Khusrau Shāh and
some braves under Aḥmad _Mushtāq_[248] took him and fled to Qaṃbar-`alī
in Ḥiṣār. From that time forth, Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā possessed the countries
lying south of Quhqa (Quhlugha) and the Kohtin Range as far as the
Hindū-kush Mountains, such as Tīrmīẕ, Chaghānīān, Ḥiṣār, Khutlān, Qūndūz
and Badakhshān. He also held Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā's lands, after his
brother's death.


_f. His children._

He had five sons and eleven daughters.

Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā was his eldest son; his mother was Khān-zāda [Sidenote:
Fol 27.] Begīm, a daughter of the Great Mīr of Tīrmīẕ. Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā
was another; his mother was Pasha (or Pāshā) Begīm. Sl. `Alī Mīrzā was
another; his mother was an Aūzbeg, a concubine called Zuhra Begī Āghā.
Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā was another; his mother was Khān-zāda Begīm, a
grand-daughter of the Great Mīr of Tīrmīẕ; he went to God's mercy in his
father's life-time, at the age of 13. Sl. Wais Mīrzā (Mīrzā Khān) was
another; his mother, Sulṯān-nigār Khānīm was a daughter of Yūnas Khān
and was a younger (half-) sister of my mother. The affairs of these four
Mīrzās will be written of in this history under the years of their
occurrence.

Of Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā's daughters, three were by the same mother as
Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā. One of these, Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā's senior, Sl. Maḥmūd
Mīrzā made to go out to Malik-i-muḥammad Mīrzā, the son of his paternal
uncle, Minūchihr Mīrzā.[249]

       *       *       *       *       *

Five other daughters were by Khān-zāda Begīm, the grand-daughter of the
Great Mīr of Tīrmīẕ. The oldest of these, (Khān-zāda Begīm)[250] was
given, after her father's death, to Abā-bikr [Sidenote: Fol. 27b.]
(_Dūghlāt_) _Kāshgharī_. The second was Bega Begīm. When Sl. Ḥusain
Mīrzā besieged Ḥiṣār (901 AH.), he took her for Ḥaidar Mīrzā, his son by
Pāyanda Begīm, Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā's daughter, and having done so, rose
from before the place.[251] The third daughter was Āq (Fair) Begīm; the
fourth[252]—,was betrothed to Jahāngīr Mīrzā (_aet._ 5, _circa_ 895 AH.)
at the time his father, `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā sent him to help Sl. Maḥmūd
Mīrzā with the Andijān army, against Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā, then attacking
Qūndūz.[253] In 910 AH. (1504 AD.) when Bāqī _Chaghānīānī_[254] waited
on me on the bank of the Amū (Oxus), these (last-named two) Begīms were
with their mothers in Tīrmīẕ and joined me then with Bāqī's family. When
we reached Kahmard, Jahāngīr Mīrzā took —-- Begīm; one little daughter
was born; she now[255] is in the Badakhshān country with her
grandmother. The fifth daughter was Zainab-sulṯān Begīm; under my
mother's insistence, I took her at the time of the capture of Kābul (910
AH.-Oct. 1504 AD.). She did not become very congenial; two or three
years later, she left the world, through small-pox. Another daughter was
Makhdūm-sulṯān Begīm, Sl. `Alī Mīrzā's full-sister; she is now in the
Badakhshān country. Two others of his daughters, Rajab-sulṯān and
Muḥibb-sulṯān, were by mistresses (_ghūnchachī_).


_g. His ladies_ (_khwātīnlār_) _and concubines_ (_sarārī_).

His chief wife, Khān-zāda Begīm, was a daughter of the [Sidenote: Fol.
28.] Great Mīr of Tirmīẕ; he had great affection for her and must have
mourned her bitterly; she was the mother of Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā. Later on,
he took her brother's daughter, also called Khān-zāda Begīm, a
grand-daughter of the Great Mīr of Tīrmīẕ. She became the mother of
five of his daughters and one of his sons. Pasha (or Pāshā) Begīm was
another wife, a daughter of `Alī-shukr Beg, a Turkmān Beg of the Black
Sheep Bahārlū Aīmāq.[256] She had been the wife of Jahān-shāh (_Barānī_)
of the Black Sheep Turkmāns. After Aūzūn (Long) Ḥasan Beg of the White
Sheep had taken Āẕar-bāījān and `Irāq from the sons of this Jahān-shāh
Mīrzā (872 AH.-1467 AD.), `Alī-shukr Beg's sons went with four or five
thousand heads-of-houses of the Black Sheep Turkmāns to serve Sl.
Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā and after the Mīrzā's defeat (873 AH. by Aūzūn Ḥasan),
came down to these countries and took service with Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā.
This happened after Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā came to Ḥiṣār from Samarkand, and
then it was he took Pasha Begīm. She became the mother of one of his
sons and three of his daughters. Sulṯān-nigār Khānīm was another of his
ladies; her descent has been mentioned already in the account of the
(Chaghatāī) Khāns. [Sidenote: Fol. 28b.]

He had many concubines and mistresses. His most honoured concubine
(_mu`atabar ghūma_) was Zuhra Begī Āghā; she was taken in his father's
life-time and became the mother of one son and one daughter. He had many
mistresses and, as has been said, two of his daughters were by two of
them.


_h. His amirs._

Khusrau Shāh was of the Turkistānī Qīpchāqs. He had been in the intimate
service of the Tarkhān begs, indeed had been a catamite. Later on he
became a retainer of Mazīd Beg (Tarkhān) _Arghūn_ who favoured him in
all things. He was favoured by Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā on account of services
done by him when, after the `Irāq disaster, he joined the Mīrzā on his
way to Khurāsān. He waxed very great in his latter days; his retainers,
under Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā, were a clear five or six thousand. Not only
Badakhshān but the whole country from the Amū to the Hindū-kush
Mountains depended on him and he devoured its whole revenue (_darobast
yīr īdī_). His open table was good, so too his open hand; though he was
a rough getter,[257] what he got, he spent liberally. He waxed
exceeding great after Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā's death, in whose sons' time his
retainers approached 20,000. Although he prayed and abstained from
forbidden aliments, yet was he black-souled and vicious, [Sidenote: Fol.
29.] dunder-headed and senseless, disloyal and a traitor to his salt.
For the sake of this fleeting, five-days world,[258] he blinded one of
his benefactor's sons and murdered another. A sinner before God,
reprobate to His creatures, he has earned curse and execration till the
very verge of Resurrection. For this world's sake he did his evil deeds
and yet, with lands so broad and with such hosts of armed retainers, he
had not pluck to stand up to a hen. An account of him will come into
this history.

Pīr-i-muḥammad _Aīlchī-būghā[259] Qūchīn_ was another. In Hazārāspī's
fight[260] he got in one challenge with his fists in Sl. Abū-sa`īd
Mīrzā's presence at the Gate of Balkh. He was a brave man, continuously
serving the Mīrzā (Maḥmūd) and guiding him by his counsel. Out of
rivalry to Khusrau Shāh, he made a night-attack when the Mīrzā was
besieging Qūndūz, on Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā, with few men, without arming[261]
and without plan; he could do nothing; what was there he could do
against such and so large a force? He was pursued, threw himself into
the river and was drowned.

Ayūb (_Begchīk Mughūl_)[262] was another. He had served in Sl. Abū-sa`īd
Mīrzā's Khurāsān Cadet Corps, a brave man, Bāīsunghar Mīrzā's guardian.
He was choice in dress and food; a jester and talkative, nicknamed
Impudence, perhaps because the Mīrzā called him so. [Sidenote: Fol.
29b.]

Walī was another, the younger, full-brother of Khusrau Shāh. He kept his
retainers well. He it was brought about the blinding of Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā
and the murder of Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā. He had an ill-word for every-one
and was an evil-tongued, foul-mouthed, self-pleasing and dull-witted
mannikin. He approved of no-one but himself. When I went from the Qūndūz
country to near Dūshī (910 AH.-1503 AD.), separated Khusrau Shāh from
his following and dismissed him, this person (_i.e._, Walī) had come to
Andar-āb and Sīr-āb, also in fear of the Aūzbegs. The Aīmāqs of those
parts beat and robbed him[263] then, having let me know, came on to
Kābul. Walī went to Shaibānī Khān who had his head struck off in the
town of Samarkand.

Shaikh `Abdu'l-lāh _Barlās_[264] was another; he had to wife one of the
daughters of Shāh Sulṯān Muḥammad (_Badakhshī_) _i.e._, the maternal
aunt of Abā-bikr Mīrzā (_Mīrān-shāhī_) and of Sl. Maḥmūd Khān. He wore
his tunic narrow and _pur shaqq_[265]; he was a kindly well-bred man.

Maḥmūd _Barlās_ of the Barlāses of Nūndāk (Badakhshān) was another. He
had been a beg also of Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā and had surrendered Karmān to
him when the Mīrzā took the `Irāq countries. When Abā-bikr Mīrzā
(_Mīrān-shāhī_) came [Sidenote: Fol. 30.] against Ḥiṣār with Mazīd Beg
Tarkhān and the Black Sheep Turkmāns, and Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā went off to
his elder brother, Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā in Samarkand, Maḥmūd _Barlās_ did not
surrender Ḥiṣār but held out manfully.[266] He was a poet and put a
_dīwān_ together.


(_i. Historical narrative resumed_).

When Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā died, Khusrau Shāh kept the event concealed and
laid a long hand on the treasure. But how could such news be hidden? It
spread through the town at once. That was a festive day for the
Samarkand families; soldier and peasant, they uprose in tumult against
Khusrau Shāh. Aḥmad Ḥājī Beg and the Tarkhānī begs put the rising down
and turned Khusrau Shāh out of the town with an escort for Ḥiṣār.

As Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā himself after giving Ḥiṣār to Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā and
Bukhārā to Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā, had dismissed both to their governments,
neither was present when he died. The Ḥiṣār and Samarkand begs, after
turning Khusrau Shāh out, agreed to send for Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā from
Bukhārā, brought him to Samarkand and seated him on the throne. When he
thus became supreme (_pādshāh_), he was 18 (lunar) years old.

At this crisis, Sl. Maḥmūd Khān (_Chaghatāī_), acting on the [Sidenote:
Fol. 30b.] word of Junaid _Barlās_ and of some of the notables of
Samarkand, led his army out to near Kān-bāī with desire to take that
town. Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā, on his side, marched out in force. They fought
near Kān-bāī. Ḥaidar _Kūkūldāsh_, the main pillar of the Mughūl army,
led the Mughūl van. He and all his men dismounted and were pouring in
flights of arrows (_shība_) when a large body of the mailed braves of
Ḥiṣār and Samarkand made an impetuous charge and straightway laid them
under their horses' feet. Their leader taken, the Mughūl army was put to
rout without more fighting. Masses (_qālīn_) of Mughūls were wiped out;
so many were beheaded in Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā's presence that his tent was
three times shifted because of the number of the dead.

At this same crisis, Ibrāhīm _Sārū_ entered the fort of Asfara, there
read Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā's name in the _Khuṯba_ and took up a position of
hostility to me.

   (_Author's note._) Ibrāhīm _Sārū_ is of the Mīnglīgh
   people;[267] he had served my father in various ways from his
   childhood but later on had been dismissed for some fault.

[Sidenote: Fol. 31.] The army rode out to crush this rebellion in the
month of Sha'bān (May) and by the end of it, had dismounted round
Asfara. Our braves in the wantonness of enterprise, on the very day of
arrival, took the new wall[268] that was in building outside the fort.
That day Sayyid Qāsim, Lord of my Gate, out-stripped the rest and got in
with his sword; Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_ and Muḥammad-dost T̤aghāī got theirs
in also but Sayyid Qāsim won the Champion's Portion. He took it in
Shāhrukhiya when I went to see my mother's brother, Sl. Maḥmūd Khān.

   (_Author's note._) The Championship Portion[269] is an ancient
   usage of the Mughūl horde. Whoever outdistanced his tribe and
   got in with his own sword, took the portion at every feast and
   entertainment.

My guardian, Khudāī-bīrdī Beg died in that first day's fighting, struck
by a cross-bow arrow. As the assault was made without armour, several
bare braves (_yīkīt yīlāng_)[270] perished and many were wounded. One of
Ibrāhīm _Sārū's_ cross-bowmen was an excellent shot; his equal had never
been seen; he it was hit most of those wounded. When Asfara had been
taken, he entered my service.

As the siege drew on, orders were given to construct head-strikes[271]
in two or three places, to run mines and to make every [Sidenote: Fol.
31b.] effort to prepare appliances for taking the fort. The siege lasted
40 days; at last Ibrāhīm _Sārū_ had no resource but, through the
mediation of Khwāja Moulānā-i-qāẓī, to elect to serve me. In the month
of Shawwāl (June 1495 A.D.) he came out, with his sword and quiver
hanging from his neck, waited on me and surrendered the fort.

Khujand for a considerable time had been dependent on `Umar Shaikh
Mīrzā's Court (_dīwān_) but of late had looked towards Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā
on account of the disturbance in the Farghāna government during the
interregnum.[272] As the opportunity offered, a move against it also
was now made. Mīr Mughūl's father, `Abdu'l-wahhāb _Shaghāwal_[273] was
in it; he surrendered without making any difficulty at once on our
arrival.

Just then Sl. Maḥmūd Khān was in Shāhrukhiya. It has been said already
that when Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā came into Andijān (899 AH.), he also came and
that he laid siege to Akhsī. It occurred to me that if since I was so
close, I went and waited on him, he being, as it were, my father and my
elder brother, and if bye-gone resentments were laid aside, it would be
good hearing and seeing for far and near. So said, I went.

I waited on The Khān in the garden Ḥaidar _Kūkūldāsh_ had made outside
Shāhrukhiya. He was seated in a large four-doored [Sidenote: Fol. 32.]
tent set up in the middle of it. Having entered the tent, I knelt three
times,[274] he for his part, rising to do me honour. We looked one
another in the eyes;[275] and he returned to his seat. After I had
kneeled, he called me to his side and shewed me much affection and
friendliness. Two or three days later, I set off for Akhsī and Andijān
by the Kīndīrlīk Pass.[276] At Akhsī I made the circuit of my Father's
tomb. I left at the hour of the Friday Prayer (_i.e._, about midday)
and reached Andijān, by the Band-i-sālār Road between the Evening and
Bedtime Prayers. This road _i.e._ the Band-i-sālār, people call a nine
_yīghāch_ road.[277]

One of the tribes of the wilds of Andijān is the Jīgrāk[278] a numerous
people of five or six thousand households, dwelling in the mountains
between Kāshghar and Farghāna. They have many horses and sheep and also
numbers of yāks (_qūtās_), these hill-people keeping yāks instead of
common cattle. As their mountains are border-fastnesses, they have a
fashion of not paying tribute. An army was now sent against them under
(Sayyid) Qāsim Beg in order that out of the tribute taken from them
something might reach the soldiers. He took about 20,000 of their sheep
and between 1000 and 1500 of their horses and shared all out to the men.

After its return from the Jīgrāk, the army set out for Aūrā-tīpā.
[Sidenote: Fol. 34.] Formerly this was held by `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā but it
had gone out of hand in the year of his death and Sl. `Alī Mīrzā was now
in it on behalf of his elder brother, Bāīsunghar Mīrzā. When Sl. `Alī
Mīrzā heard of our coming, he went off himself to the Macha
hill-country, leaving his guardian, Shaikh Ẕū'n-nūn _Arghūn_ behind.
From half-way between Khujand and Aūrā-tīpā, Khalīfa[279] was sent as
envoy to Shaikh Ẕū'n-nūn but that senseless mannikin, instead of giving
him a plain answer, laid hands on him and ordered him to death. For
Khalīfa to die cannot have been the Divine will; he escaped and came to
me two or three days later, stripped bare and having suffered a hundred
_tūmāns_ (1,000,000) of hardships and fatigues. We went almost to
Aūrā-tīpā but as, winter being near, people had carried away their corn
and forage, after a few days we turned back for Andijān. After our
retirement, The Khān's men moved on the place when the Aūrā-tīpā
person[280] unable to make a stand, surrendered and came out. The Khān
then gave it to Muḥammad Ḥusain _Kūrkān Dūghlāt_ and in his hands it
remained till 908 AH. (1503).[281]



901 AH.—SEP. 21ST. 1495 TO SEP. 9TH. 1496 AD.[282]

(_a. Sulṯān Ḥusain Mīrzā's campaign against Khusrau Shāh_).

In the winter of this year, Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā led his army out of
Khurāsān against Ḥiṣār and went to opposite Tīrmīẕ. Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā,
for his part, brought an army (from Ḥiṣār) and sat down over against him
in Tīrmīẕ. Khusrau Shāh strengthened himself in Qūndūz and to help Sl.
Mas`ūd Mīrzā sent his younger brother, Walī. They (_i.e._, the opposed
forces) spent most of that winter on the river's banks, no crossing
being effected. Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā was a shrewd and experienced commander;
he marched up the river,[283] his face set for Qūndūz and by this having
put Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā off his guard, sent `Abdu'l-laṯīf _Bakhshī_
(pay-master) with 5 or 600 serviceable men, down the river to the Kilīf
ferry. These crossed and had entrenched themselves on the other bank
before Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā had heard of their movement. When he did hear of
it, whether because of pressure put upon him by Bāqī _Chaghānīānī_ to
spite (his half-brother) Walī, or whether from his own want of heart, he
did not march against those who had crossed but disregarding Walī's
urgency, at once broke up his camp and turned for Ḥiṣār.[284]

Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā crossed the river and then sent, (1) against Khusrau
Shāh, Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā and Ibrāhīm Ḥusain Mīrzā with Muḥammad Walī
Beg and Ẕū'n-nūn _Arghūn_, and [Sidenote: Fol. 33b.] (2) against
Khutlān, Muz̤affar Ḥusain Mīrzā with Muḥammad _Barandūq Barlās_. He
himself moved for Ḥiṣār.

When those in Ḥiṣār heard of his approach, they took their precautions;
Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā did not judge it well to stay in the fort but went off
up the Kām Rūd valley[285] and by way of Sara-tāq to his younger
brother, Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā in Samarkand. Walī, for his part drew off to
(his own district) Khutlān. Bāqī _Chaghānīānī_, Maḥmūd _Barlās_ and Qūch
Beg's father, Sl. Aḥmad strengthened the fort of Ḥiṣār. Ḥamza Sl. and
Mahdī Sl. (_Aūzbeg_) who some years earlier had left Shaibānī Khān for
(the late) Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā's service, now, in this dispersion, drew off
with all their Aūzbegs, for Qarā-tīgīn. With them went Muḥammad
_Dūghlāt_[286] and Sl. Ḥusain _Dūghlāt_ and all the Mughūls located in
the Ḥiṣār country.

Upon this Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā sent Abū'l-muḥsin Mīrzā after Sl. Mas`ūd
Mīrzā up the Kām Rūd valley. They were not strong enough for such work
when they reached the defile.[287] There Mīrzā Beg _Fīringī-bāz_[288]
got in his sword. In pursuit of Ḥamza Sl. into Qarā-tīgīn, Sl. Ḥusain
Mīrzā sent Ibrāhīm Tarkhān and Yaq`ūb-i-ayūb. They overtook the sulṯāns
and [Sidenote: Fol. 33.] fought. The Mīrzā's detachment was defeated;
most of his begs were unhorsed but all were allowed to go free.


(_b. Bābur's reception of the Aūzbeg sulṯāns._)

As a result of this exodus, Ḥamza Sl. with his son, Mamāq Sl., and Mahdī
Sl. and Muḥammad _Dūghlāt_, later known as _Ḥiṣārī_ and his brother, Sl.
Ḥusain _Dūghlāt_ with the Aūzbegs dependent on the sulṯāns and the
Mughūls who had been located in Ḥiṣār as (the late) Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā's
retainers, came, after letting me know (their intention), and waited
upon me in Ramẓān (May-June) at Andijān. According to the custom of
Tīmūriya sulṯāns on such occasions, I had seated myself on a raised seat
(_tūshāk_); when Ḥamza Sl. and Mamāq Sl. and Mahdī Sl. entered, I rose
and went down to do them honour; we looked one another in the eyes and I
placed them on my right, _bāghīsh dā_.[289] A number of Mughūls also
came, under Muḥammad _Ḥiṣārī_; all elected for my service.


(_c. Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's affairs resumed_).

Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā, on reaching Ḥiṣār, settled down at once to besiege it.
There was no rest, day nor night, from the labours of mining and attack,
of working catapults and mortars. Mines were run in four or five places.
When one had gone well forward towards the Gate, the townsmen,
countermining, struck it and forced smoke down on the Mīrzā's men; they,
in turn, [Sidenote: Fol. 34b.] closed the hole, thus sent the smoke
straight back and made the townsmen flee as from the very maw of death.
In the end, the townsmen drove the besiegers out by pouring jar after
jar of water in on them. Another day, a party dashed out from the town
and drove off the Mīrzā's men from their own mine's mouth. Once the
discharges from catapults and mortars in the Mīrzā's quarters on the
north cracked a tower of the fort; it fell at the Bed-time Prayer; some
of the Mīrzā's braves begged to assault at once but he refused, saying,
"It is night." Before the shoot of the next day's dawn, the besieged had
rebuilt the whole tower. That day too there was no assault; in fact, for
the two to two and a half months of the siege, no attack was made except
by keeping up the blockade,[290] by mining, rearing head-strikes,[291]
and discharging stones.

When Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā and whatever (_nī kīm_) troops had been sent
with him against Khusrau Shāh, dismounted some 16 m. (3 to 4 _yīghāch_)
below Qūndūz,[292] Khusrau Shāh arrayed whatever men (_nī kīm_) he had,
marched out, halted one night on the way, formed up to fight and came
down upon the Mīrzā and his men. The Khurāsānīs may not have been twice
as many as his men but what question is there they were half [Sidenote:
Fol. 35.] as many more? None the less did such Mīrzās and such
Commander-begs elect for prudence and remain in their entrenchments!
Good and bad, small and great, Khusrau Shāh's force may have been of 4
or 5,000 men!

This was the one exploit of his life,—of this man who for the sake of
this fleeting and unstable world and for the sake of shifting and
faithless followers, chose such evil and such ill-repute, practised such
tyranny and injustice, seized such wide lands, kept such hosts of
retainers and followers,—latterly he led out between 20 and 30,000 and
his countries and his districts (_parganāt_) exceeded those of his own
ruler and that ruler's sons,[293]—for an exploit such as this his name
and the names of his adherents were noised abroad for generalship and
for this they were counted brave, while those timorous laggards, in the
trenches, won the resounding fame of cowards.

Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā marched out from that camp and after a few stages
reached the Alghū Mountain of Tāliqān[294] and there made halt. Khusrau
Shāh, in Qūndūz, sent his brother, Walī, with serviceable men, to
Ishkīmīsh, Fulūl and the hill-skirts thereabouts to annoy and harass the
Mīrzā from outside also. Muḥibb-`alī, the armourer, (_qūrchī_) for his
part, came down [Sidenote: Fol. 35b.] (from Walī's Khutlān) to the bank
of the Khutlān Water, met in with some of the Mīrzā's men there,
unhorsed some, cut off a few heads and got away. In emulation of this,
Sayyidīm `Alī[295] the door-keeper, and his younger brother, Qulī Beg
and Bihlūl-i-ayūb and a body of their men got to grips with the
Khurāsānīs on the skirt of `Aṃbar Koh, near Khwāja Changāl but, many
Khurāsānīs coming up, Sayyidīm `Alī and Bābā Beg's (son) Qulī Beg and
others were unhorsed.

At the time these various news reached Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā, his army was
not without distress through the spring rains of Ḥiṣār; he therefore
brought about a peace; Maḥmūd _Barlās_ came out from those in the fort;
Ḥājī Pīr the Taster went from those outside; the great commanders and
what there was (_nī kīm_) of musicians and singers assembled and the
Mīrzā took (Bega Begīm), the eldest[296] daughter of Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā by
Khān-zāda Begīm, for Ḥaidar Mīrzā, his son by Pāyanda Begīm and through
her the grandson of Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā. This done, he rose from before
Ḥiṣār and set his face for Qūndūz.

At Qūndūz also Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā made a few trenches and took up the
besieger's position but by Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā's intervention peace at
length was made, prisoners were exchanged and the Khurāsānīs retired.
The twice-repeated[297] attacks made by Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā on Khusrau Shāh
and his unsuccessful retirements were the cause of Khusrau Shāh's
[Sidenote: Fol. 36.] great rise and of action of his so much beyond his
province.

When the Mīrzā reached Balkh, he, in the interests of [M.]ā
warā'u'n-nahr gave it to Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā, gave Badī`u'z-zamān
Mīrzā's district of Astarābād to (a younger son), Muz̤affar Ḥusain Mīrzā
and made both kneel at the same assembly, one for Balkh, the other for
Astarābād. This offended Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā and led to years of
rebellion and disturbance.[298]


(_d. Revolt of the Tarkhānīs in Samarkand_).

In Ramẓān of this same year, the Tarkhānīs revolted in Samarkand. Here
is the story:—Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā was not so friendly and familiar with
the begs and soldiers of Samarkand as he was with those of Ḥiṣār.[299]
His favourite beg was Shaikh `Abdu'l-lāh _Barlās_[300] whose sons were
so intimate with the Mīrzā that it made a relation as of Lover and
Beloved. These things displeased the Tarkhāns and the Samarkandī begs;
Darwesh Muḥammad Tarkhān went from Bukhārā to Qarshī, brought Sl. `Alī
Mīrzā to Samarkand and raised him to be supreme. People then went to the
New Garden where Bāī-sunghar [Sidenote: Fol. 36b.] Mīrzā was, treated
him like a prisoner, parted him from his following and took him to the
citadel. There they seated both mīrzās in one place, thinking to send
Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā to the Gūk Sarāī close to the Other Prayer. The Mīrzā,
however, on plea of necessity, went into one of the palace-buildings on
the east side of the Bū-stān Sarāī. Tarkhānīs stood outside the door and
with him went in Muḥammad Qulī _Qūchīn_ and Ḥasan, the sherbet-server.
To be brief:—A gateway, leading out to the back, must have been bricked
up for they broke down the obstacle at once. The Mīrzā got out of the
citadel on the Kafshīr side, through the water-conduit (_āb-mūrī_),
dropped himself from the rampart of the water-way (_dū-tahī_), and went
to Khwājakī Khwāja's[301] house in Khwāja Kafshīr. When the Tarkhānīs,
in waiting at the door, took the precaution of looking in, they found
him gone. Next day the Tarkhānīs went in a large body to Khwājakī
Khwāja's gate but the Khwāja said, "No!"[302] and did not give him up.
Even they could not take him by force, the Khwāja's dignity was too
great for them to be able to use force. A few days later, Khwāja
Abu'l-makāram[303] and Aḥmad Ḥājī Beg and other begs, great and
[Sidenote: Fol. 37.] small, and soldiers and townsmen rose in a mass,
fetched the Mīrzā away from the Khwāja's house and besieged Sl. `Ali
Mīrzā and the Tarkhāns in the citadel. They could not hold out for even
a day; Muḥ. Mazīd Tarkhān went off through the Gate of the Four Roads
for Bukhārā; Sl. `Alī Mīrzā and Darwesh Muḥ. Tarkhān were made
prisoner.

Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā was in Aḥmad Ḥājī Beg's house when people brought
Darwesh Muḥammad Tarkhān in. He put him a few questions but got no good
answer. In truth Darwesh Muḥammad's was a deed for which good answer
could not be made. He was ordered to death. In his helplessness he clung
to a pillar[304] of the house; would they let him go because he clung to
a pillar? They made him reach his doom (_siyāsat_) and ordered Sl. `Alī
Mīrzā to the Gūk Sarāī there to have the fire-pencil drawn across his
eyes.

   (_Author's note._) The Gūk Sarāī is one of Tīmūr Beg's great
   buildings in the citadel of Samarkand. It has this singular
   and special characteristic, if a Tīmūrid is to be seated on
   the throne, here he takes his seat; if one lose his head,
   coveting the throne, here he loses it; therefore the name Gūk
   Sarāī has a metaphorical sense (_kināyat_) and to say of any
   ruler's son, "They have taken him to the Gūk Sarāī," means, to
   death.[305]

To the Gūk Sarāī accordingly Sl. `Alī Mīrzā was taken but when the
fire-pencil was drawn across his eyes, whether by the surgeon's choice
or by his inadvertence, no harm was done. [Sidenote: Fol. 37b.] This the
Mīrzā did not reveal at once but went to Khwāja Yahya's house and a few
days later, to the Tarkhāns in Bukhārā.

Through these occurrences, the sons of his Highness Khwāja `Ubaidu'l-lāh
became settled partisans, the elder (Muḥammad `Ubaidu'l-lāh, Khwājakī
Khwāja) becoming the spiritual guide of the elder prince, the younger
(Yahya) of the younger. In a few days, Khwāja Yahya followed Sl. `Alī
Mīrzā to Bukhārā.

Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā led out his army against Bukhārā. On his approach, Sl.
`Alī Mīrzā came out of the town, arrayed for battle. There was little
fighting; Victory being on the side of Sl. `Alī Mīrzā, Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā
sustained defeat. Aḥmad Ḥājī Beg and a number of good soldiers were
taken; most of the men were put to death. Aḥmad Ḥājī Beg himself the
slaves and slave-women of Darwesh Muḥammad Tarkhān, issuing out of
Bukhārā, put to a dishonourable death on the charge of their master's
blood.


(_e. Bābur moves against Samarkand._)

These news reached us in Andijān in the month of Shawwāl (mid-June to
mid-July) and as we (_act._ 14) coveted Samarkand, we got our men to
horse. Moved by a like desire, Sl. Mas'ūd Mīrzā, his mind and Khusrau
Shāh's mind set at ease by Sl. [Sidenote: Fol. 38.] Ḥusain Mīrzā's
retirement, came over by way of Shahr-i-sabz.[306] To reinforce him,
Khusrau Shāh laid hands (_qāptī_) on his younger brother, Walī. We
(three mīrzās) beleaguered the town from three sides during three or
four months; then Khwāja Yahya came to me from Sl. `Alī Mīrzā to mediate
an agreement with a common aim. The matter was left at an interview
arranged (_kūrūshmak_); I moved my force from Soghd to some 8m. below
the town; Sl. `Alī Mīrzā from his side, brought his own; from one bank,
he, from the other, I crossed to the middle of[307] the Kohik water,
each with four or five men; we just saw one another (_kūrūshūb_), asked
each the other's welfare and went, he his way, I mine.

I there saw, in Khwāja Yahya's service, Mullā _Binā'ī_ and Muḥammad
Ṣāliḥ;[308] the latter I saw this once, the former was long in my
service later on. After the interview (_kūrūshkān_) with Sl. `Alī Mīrzā,
as winter was near and as there was no great scarcity amongst the
Samarkandīs, we retired, he to Bukhārā, I to Andijān.

Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā had a penchant for a daughter of Shaikh `Abdu'l-lāh
_Barlās_, she indeed was his object in coming to Samarkand. He took her,
laid world-gripping ambition aside [Sidenote: Fol. 38b.] and went back
to Ḥiṣār.

When I was near Shīrāz and Kān-bāī, Mahdī Sl. deserted to Samarkand;
Ḥamza Sl. went also from near Zamīn but with leave granted.



902 AH.—SEP. 9TH. 1496 TO AUG. 30TH. 1497 AD.[309]

(_a. Bābur's second attempt on Samarkand._)

This winter, Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā's affairs were altogether in a good way.
When `Abdu'l-karīm _Ushrit_ came on Sl. `Alī Mīrzā's part to near Kūfīn,
Mahdī Sl. led out a body of Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā's troops against him. The
two commanders meeting exactly face to face, Mahdī Sl. pricked
`Abdu'l-karīm's horse with his Chirkas[310] sword so that it fell, and
as `Abdu'l-karīm was getting to his feet, struck off his hand at the
wrist. Having taken him, they gave his men a good beating.

These (Aūzbeg) sulṯāns, seeing the affairs of Samarkand and the Gates of
the (Tīmūrid) Mīrzās tottering to their fall, went off in good time
(_āīrtā_) into the open country (?)[311] for Shaibānī.

Pleased[312] with their small success (over `Abdu'l-karīm), the
Samarkandīs drew an army out against Sl. `Alī Mīrzā; Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā
went to Sar-i-pul (Bridge-head), Sl. `Alī Mīrzā to Khwāja Kārzūn.
Meantime, Khwāja Abū'l-makāram, at the instigation of Khwāja Munīr of
Aūsh, rode light against [Sidenote: Fol. 39.] Bukhārā with Wais
_Lāgharī_ and Muḥammad Bāqir of the Andijān begs, and Qāsim _Dūldāī_ and
some of the Mīrzā's household. As the Bukhāriots took precautions when
the invaders got near the town, they could make no progress. They
therefore retired.

At the time when (last year) Sl. `Alī Mīrzā and I had our interview, it
had been settled[313] that this summer he should come from Bukhārā and I
from Andijān to beleaguer Samarkand. To keep this tryst, I rode out in
Ramẓān (May) from Andijān. Hearing when close to Yār Yīlāq, that the
(two) Mīrzās were lying front to front, we sent Tūlūn Khwāja
_Mūghūl_[314] ahead, with 2 or 300 scouting braves (_qāzāq yīkītlār_).
Their approach giving Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā news of our advance, he at once
broke up and retired in confusion. That same night our detachment
overtook his rear, shot a mass (_qālīn_) of his men and brought in
masses of spoil.

Two days later we reached Shīrāz. It belonged to Qāsim Beg _Dūldāī_; his
_dārogha_ (Sub-governor) could not hold it and surrendered.[315] It was
given into Ibrāhīm _Sārū's_ charge. After making there, next day, the
Prayer of the Breaking of the Fast (_`Īdu'l-fiṯr_), we moved for
Samarkand and dismounted in the reserve (_qūrūgh_) of Āb-i-yār (Water of
Might). That day waited on me with 3 or 400 men, Qāsim _Dūldāī_,
[Sidenote: Fol. 39b.] Wais _Lāgharī_, Muḥammad Sīghal's grandson,
Ḥasan,[316] and Sl. Muḥammad Wais. What they said was this: 'Bāī-sunghar
Mīrzā came out and has gone back; we have left him therefore and are
here for the _pādshāh's_ service,' but it was known later that they must
have left the Mīrzā at his request to defend Shīrāz, and that the Shīrāz
affair having become what it was, they had nothing for it but to come to
us.

When we dismounted at Qarā-būlāq, they brought in several Mughūls
arrested because of senseless conduct to humble village elders coming in
to us.[317] Qāsim Beg _Qūchīn_ for discipline's sake (_siyāsat_) had
two or three of them cut to pieces. It was on this account he left me
and went to Ḥiṣār four or five years later, in the guerilla times, (907
AH.) when I was going from the Macha country to The Khān.[318]

Marching from Qarā-būlāq, we crossed the river (_i.e._ the Zar-afshān)
and dismounted near Yām.[319] On that same day, our men got to grips
with Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā's at the head of the Avenue. Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_
was struck in the neck by a spear but not unhorsed. Khwājakī
Mullā-i-ṣadr, Khwāja-i-kalān's eldest brother, was pierced in the nape
of the neck[320] by an arrow and went straightway to God's mercy. An
excellent soldier, my father before me had favoured him, making him
Keeper of the Seal; he was a student of theology, had great [Sidenote:
Fol. 40.] acquaintance with words and a good style; moreover he
undertook hawking and rain-making with the jade-stone.

While we were at Yām, people, dealers and other, came out in crowds so
that the camp became a bazar for buying and selling. One day, at the
Other Prayer, suddenly, a general hubbub arose and all those Musalmān
(traders) were plundered. Such however was the discipline of our army
that an order to restore everything having been given, the first watch
(_pahār_) of the next day had not passed before nothing, not a tag of
cotton, not a broken needle's point, remained in the possession of any
man of the force, all was back with its owners.

Marching from Yām, it was dismounted in Khān Yūrtī (The Khān's Camping
Ground),[321] some 6 m. (3 _kuroh_) east of Samarkand. We lay there for
40 or 50 days. During the time, men from their side and from ours
chopped at one another (_chāpqū-lāshtīlār_) several times in the Avenue.
One day when Ibrāhīm _Begchīk_ was chopping away there, he was cut on
the face; thereafter people called him _Chāpūk_ (_Balafré_). Another
time, this also in the Avenue, at the Maghāk (Fosse) Bridge[322]
Abū'l-qāsim (_Kohbur Chaghatāī_) got in with his mace. Once, again
[Sidenote: Fol. 40b.] in the Avenue, near the Mill-sluice, when Mīr Shāh
_Qūchīn_ also got in with his mace, they cut his neck almost
half-through; most fortunately the great artery was not severed.

While we were in Khān Yūrtī, some in the fort sent the deceiving
message,[323] 'Come you to-night to the Lovers' Cave side and we will
give you the fort.' Under this idea, we went that night to the Maghāk
Bridge and from there sent a party of good horse and foot to the
rendezvous. Four or five of the household foot-soldiers had gone forward
when the matter got wind. They were very active men; one, known as Ḥājī,
had served me from my childhood; another people called Maḥmūd
_Kūndūr-sangak_.[324] They were all killed.

While we lay in Khān Yūrtī, so many Samarkandīs came out that the camp
became a town where everything looked for in a town was to be had.
Meantime all the forts, Samarkand excepted, and the Highlands and the
Lowlands were coming in to us. As in Aūrgūt, however, a fort on the
skirt of the Shavdār (var. Shādwār) range, a party of men held
fast[325], of necessity we moved out from Khān Yūrtī against them. They
could not maintain themselves, and surrendered, making [Sidenote: Fol.
41.] Khwāja-i-qāẓī their mediator. Having pardoned their offences
against ourselves, we went back to beleaguer Samarkand.


(_b. Affairs of Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā and his son, Badī`u'z-zamān
Mīrzā._)[326]

This year the mutual recriminations of Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā and
Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā led on to fighting; here are the particulars:—Last
year, as has been mentioned, Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā and Muz̤affar Ḥusain
Mīrzā had been made to kneel for Balkh and Astarābād. From that time
till this, many envoys had come and gone, at last even `Alī-sher Beg had
gone but urge it as all did, Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā would not consent to
give up Astarābād. 'The Mīrzā,' he said, 'assigned[327] it to my son,
Muḥammad Mū`min Mīrzā at the time of his circumcision.' A conversation
had one day between him and `Alī-sher Beg testifies to his acuteness and
to the sensibility of `Alī-sher Beg's feelings. After saying many things
of a private nature in the Mīrzā's ear, `Alī-sher Beg added, 'Forget
these matters.'[328] 'What matters?' rejoined the Mīrzā instantly.
`Alī-sher Beg was much affected and cried a good deal.

At length the jarring words of this fatherly and filial discussion went
so far that _his_ father against his father, and _his_ son against his
son drew armies out for Balkh and Astarābād.[329]

Up (from Harāt) to the Pul-i-chirāgh meadow, below Garzawān,[330] went
Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā; down (from Balkh) came [Sidenote: Fol. 41b.]
Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā. On the first day of Ramẓān (May 2nd.) Abū'l-muḥsin
Mīrzā advanced, leading some of his father's light troops. There was
nothing to call a battle; Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā was routed and of his
braves masses were made prisoner. Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā ordered that all
prisoners should be beheaded; this not here only but wherever he
defeated a rebel son, he ordered the heads of all prisoners to be struck
off. And why not? Right was with him. The (rebel) Mīrzās were so given
over to vice and social pleasure that even when a general so skilful and
experienced as their father was within half-a-day's journey of them, and
when before the blessed month of Ramẓān, one night only remained, they
busied themselves with wine and pleasure, without fear of their father,
without dread of God. Certain it is that those so lost (_yūtkān_) will
perish and that any hand can deal a blow at those thus going to
perdition (_aūtkān_). During the several years of Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā's
rule in Astarābād, his coterie and his following, his bare (_yālāng_)
braves even, were in full splendour[4] and adornment. He had many gold
and silver drinking cups [Sidenote: Fol. 42.] and utensils, much silken
plenishing and countless tīpūchāq horses. He now lost everything. He
hurled himself in his flight down a mountain track, leading to a
precipitous fall. He himself got down the fall, with great difficulty,
but many of his men perished there.[331]

After defeating Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā, Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā moved on to
Balkh. It was in charge of Shaikh `Alī T̤aghāī; he, not able to defend
it, surrendered and made his submission. The Mīrzā gave Balkh to Ibrāhīm
Ḥusain Mīrzā, left Muḥammad Walī Beg and Shāh Ḥusain, the page, with him
and went back to Khurāsān.

Defeated and destitute, with his braves bare and his bare
foot-soldiers[332], Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā drew off to Khusrau Shāh in
Qūndūz. Khusrau Shāh, for his part, did him good service, such service
indeed, such kindness with horses and camels, tents and pavilions and
warlike equipment of all sorts, both for himself and those with him,
that eye-witnesses said between this and his former equipment the only
difference might be in the gold and silver vessels.


(_c. Dissension between Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā and Khusrau Shāh._)

Ill-feeling and squabbles had arisen between Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā and
Khusrau Shāh because of the injustices of the one and the
self-magnifyings of the other. Now therefore Khusrau Shāh joined his
brothers, Walī and Bāqī to Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā and sent the three
against Ḥiṣār. They could not even [Sidenote: Fol. 42b.] get near the
fort, in the outskirts swords were crossed once or twice; one day at the
Bird-house[333] on the north of Ḥiṣār, Muḥibb-`alī, the armourer
(_qūrchī_), outstripped his people and struck in well; he fell from his
horse but at the moment of his capture, his men attacked and freed him.
A few days later a somewhat compulsory peace was made and Khusrau Shāh's
army retired.

Shortly after this, Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā drew off by the mountain-road
to Ẕū'n-nūn _Arghūn_ and his son, Shujā` _Arghūn_ in Qandahār and
Zamīn-dāwar. Stingy and miserly as Ẕū'n-nūn was, he served the Mīrzā
well, in one single present offering 40,000 sheep.

Amongst curious happenings of the time one was this: Wednesday was the
day Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā beat Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā; Wednesday was the day
Muz̤affar Ḥusain Mīrzā beat Muḥammad Mū`min Mīrzā; Wednesday, more
curious still, was the name of the man who unhorsed and took prisoner,
Muḥammad Mū`min Mīrzā.[334]



903 AH.—AUG. 30TH. 1497 TO AUG. 19TH. 1498 AD.[335]

(_a. Resumed account of Bābur's second attempt on Samarkand._)

When we had dismounted in the Qulba (Plough) meadow,[336] behind the
Bāgh-i-maidān (Garden of the plain), the Samarkandīs came out in great
numbers to near Muḥammad Chap's [Sidenote: Fol. 43.] Bridge. Our men
were unprepared; and before they were ready, Bābā `Alī's (son) Bābā Qulī
had been unhorsed and taken into the fort. A few days later we moved to
the top of Qulba, at the back of Kohik.[337] That day Sayyid Yūsuf,[338]
having been sent out of the town, came to our camp and did me obeisance.

The Samarkandīs, fancying that our move from the one ground to the other
meant, 'He has given it up,' came out, soldiers and townsmen in alliance
(through the Turquoise Gate), as far as the Mīrzā's Bridge and, through
the Shaikh-zāda's Gate, as far as Muḥammad Chap's. We ordered our braves
to arm and ride out; they were strongly attacked from both sides, from
Muḥammad Chap's Bridge and from the Mīrzā's, but God brought it right!
our foes were beaten. Begs of the best and the boldest of braves our men
unhorsed and brought in. Amongst them Ḥāfiẓ _Dūldāī's_ (son) Muḥammad
_Mīskin_[339] was taken, after his index-finger had been struck off;
Muḥammad Qāsim _Nabīra_ also was unhorsed and brought in by his own
younger brother, Ḥasan _Nabīra_.[340] There were many other such
soldiers and known men. Of the town-rabble, were brought in Diwāna, the
tunic-weaver and _Kālqāshūq_,[341] headlong leaders both, in brawl and
tumult; they [Sidenote: Fol. 43b.] were ordered to death with torture in
blood-retaliation for our foot-soldiers, killed at the Lovers'
Cave.[342] This was a complete reverse for the Samarkandīs; they came
out no more even when our men used to go to the very edge of the ditch
and bring back their slaves and slave-women.

The Sun entered the Balance and cold descended on us.[343] I therefore
summoned the begs admitted to counsel and it was decided, after
discussion, that although the towns-people were so enfeebled that, by
God's grace, we should take Samarkand, it might be to-day, it might be
to-morrow, still, rather than suffer from cold in the open, we ought to
rise from near it and go for winter-quarters into some fort, and that,
even if we had to leave those quarters later on, this would be done
without further trouble. As Khwāja Dīdār seemed a suitable fort, we
marched there and having dismounted in the meadow lying before it, went
in, fixed on sites for the winter-houses and covered shelters,[344] left
overseers and inspectors of the work and returned to our camp in the
meadow. There we lay during the few days before the winter-houses were
finished.

Meantime Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā had sent again and again to ask help from
Shaibānī Khān. On the morning of the very day on which, our quarters
being ready, we had moved into Khwāja Dīdār, the Khān, having ridden
light from Turkistān, [Sidenote: Fol. 44.] stood over against our
camping-ground. Our men were not all at hand; some, for winter-quarters,
had gone to Khwāja Rabāṯī, some to Kabud, some to Shīrāz. None-the-less,
we formed up those there were and rode out. Shaibānī Khān made no stand
but drew off towards Samarkand. He went right up to the fort but because
the affair had not gone as Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā wished, did not get a good
reception. He therefore turned back for Turkistān a few days later, in
disappointment, with nothing done.

Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā had sustained a seven months' siege; his one hope had
been in Shaibānī Khān; this he had lost and he now with 2 or 300 of his
hungry suite, drew off from Samarkand, for Khusrau Shāh in Qūndūz.

When he was near Tīrmīẕ, at the Amū ferry, the Governor of Tīrmīẕ,
Sayyid Ḥusain Akbar, kinsman and confidant both of Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā,
heard of him and went out against him. The Mīrzā himself got across the
river but Mīrīm Tarkhān was drowned and all the rest of his people were
captured, together with his baggage and the camels loaded with his
personal effects; even his page, Muḥammad T̤āhir, falling into Sayyid
Ḥusain Akbar's hands. Khusrau Shāh, for his part, looked kindly on the
Mīrzā.

[Sidenote: Fol. 44b.] When the news of his departure reached us, we got
to horse and started from Khwāja Dīdār for Samarkand. To give us
honourable meeting on the road, were nobles and braves, one after
another. It was on one of the last ten days of the first Rabī` (end of
November 1497 AD.), that we entered the citadel and dismounted at the
Bū-stān Sarāī. Thus, by God's favour, were the town and the country of
Samarkand taken and occupied.


(_b. Description of Samarkand._)[345]

Few towns in the whole habitable world are so pleasant as Samarkand. It
is of the Fifth Climate and situated in lat. 40° 6' and long. 99°.[346]
The name of the town is Samarkand; its country people used to call Mā
warā'u'n-nahr (Transoxania).

They used to call it _Baldat-i-maḥfūẓa_ because no foe laid hands on it
with storm and sack.[347] It must have become[348] Musalmān in the time
of the Commander of the Faithful, his Highness `Usmān. Qus̤am ibn
`Abbās, one of the Companions[349] must have gone there; his
burial-place, known as the Tomb of Shāh-i-zinda (The Living Shāh,
_i.e._, Fāqīr) is outside the Iron Gate. Iskandar must have founded
Samarkand. The Turk and Mughūl hordes call it Sīmīz-kīnt.[350] Tīmūr Beg
made it his capital; no ruler so great will ever have made it a capital
before (_qīlghān aīmās dūr_). I ordered people to pace round the
ramparts of the walled-town; it came out at 10,000 steps.[351]
Samarkandīs are all orthodox (_sunnī_), pure-in-the Faith, law-abiding
and religious. The number of Leaders [Sidenote: Fol. 45.] of Islām said
to have arisen in Mā warā'u'n-nahr, since the days of his Highness the
Prophet, are not known to have arisen in any other country.[352] From
the Mātarīd suburb of Samarkand came Shaikh Abū'l-manṣūr, one of the
Expositors of the Word.[353] Of the two sects of Expositors, the
Mātarīdiyah and the Ash`ariyah,[354] the first is named from this
Shaikh Abū'l-manṣūr. Of Mā warā'u'n-nahr also was Khwāja Ismā`īl
_Khartank_, the author of the _Ṣāḥiḥ-i-bukhārī_.[355] From the Farghāna
district, Marghīnān—Farghāna, though at the limit of settled habitation,
is included in Mā warā'u'n-nahr,—came the author of the _Hidāyat_,[356]
a book than which few on Jurisprudence are more honoured in the sect of
Abū Ḥanīfa.

On the east of Samarkand are Farghāna and Kāshghar; on the west, Bukhārā
and Khwārizm; on the north, Tāshkīnt and Shāhrukhiya,—in books written
Shāsh and Banākat; and on the south, Balkh and Tīrmīẕ.

The Kohik Water flows along the north of Samarkand, at the distance of
some 4 miles (2 _kuroh_); it is so-called because it comes out from
under the upland of the Little Hill (_Kohik_)[357] lying between it and
the town. The Dar-i-gham Water (canal) flows along the south, at the
distance of some two miles (1 _sharī`_). This is a large and swift
torrent,[358] indeed it is like a large river, cut off from the Kohik
Water. All the gardens and suburbs and some of the _tūmāns_ of Samarkand
are cultivated by it. By the Kohik Water a stretch of from 30 to 40
_yīghāch_,[359] by road, is made habitable and cultivated, as far as
Bukhārā and Qarā-kūl. Large as the river is, it is not too large for
its dwellings and its culture; during three or four months of the
[Sidenote: Fol. 45b.] year, indeed, its waters do not reach
Bukhārā.[360] Grapes, melons, apples and pomegranates, all fruits
indeed, are good in Samarkand; two are famous, its apple and its
_ṣāḥibī_ (grape).[361] Its winter is mightily cold; snow falls but not
so much as in Kābul; in the heats its climate is good but not so good as
Kābul's.

In the town and suburbs of Samarkand are many fine buildings and gardens
of Tīmur Beg and Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā.[362]

In the citadel,[363] Tīmūr Beg erected a very fine building, the great
four-storeyed kiosque, known as the Gūk Sarāī.[364] In the walled-town,
again, near the Iron Gate, he built a Friday Mosque[365] of stone
(_sangīn_); on this worked many stone-cutters, brought from Hindūstān.
Round its frontal arch is inscribed in letters large enough to be read
two miles away, the Qu'rān verse, _Wa az yerfa` Ibrāhīm al Qawā`id alī
akhara_.[366] This also is a very fine building. Again, he laid out two
gardens, on the east of the town, one, the more distant, the
Bāgh-i-bulandī,[367] the other and nearer, the Bāgh-i-dilkushā.[368]
From Dilkushā to the Turquoise Gate, he planted an Avenue of White
Poplar,[369] and in the garden itself erected a great kiosque, painted
inside [Sidenote: Fol. 46.] with pictures of his battles in Hindūstān.
He made another garden, known as the Naqsh-i-jahān (World's Picture), on
the skirt of Kohik, above the Qarā-sū or, as people also call it, the
Āb-i-raḥmat (Water-of-mercy) of Kān-i-gil.[370] It had gone to ruin when
I saw it, nothing remaining of it except its name. His also are the
Bāgh-i-chanār,[371] near the walls and below the town on the south,[372]
also the Bāgh-i-shamāl (North Garden) and the Bāgh-i-bihisht (Garden of
Paradise). His own tomb and those of his descendants who have ruled in
Samarkand, are in a College, built at the exit (_chāqār_) of the
walled-town, by Muḥammad Sulṯān Mīrzā, the son of Tīmūr Beg's son,
Jahāngīr Mīrzā.[373]

Amongst Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā's buildings inside the town are a College and a
monastery (_Khānqāh_). The dome of the monastery is very large, few so
large are shown in the world. Near these two buildings, he constructed
an excellent Hot Bath (_ḥammām_) known as the Mīrzā's Bath; he had the
pavements in this made of all sorts of stone (? mosaic); such another
bath is not known in Khurāsān or in Samarkand.[374] [Sidenote: Fol.
46b.] Again;—to the south of the College is his mosque, known as the
Masjid-i-maqaṯa` (Carved Mosque) because its ceiling and its walls are
all covered with _islīmī_[375] and Chinese pictures formed of segments
of wood.[376] There is great discrepancy between the _qibla_ of this
mosque and that of the College; that of the mosque seems to have been
fixed by astronomical observation.

Another of Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā's fine buildings is an observatory, that is,
an instrument for writing Astronomical Tables.[377] This stands three
storeys high, on the skirt of the Kohik upland. By its means the Mīrzā
worked out the Kūrkānī Tables, now used all over the world. Less work is
done with any others. Before these were made, people used the Aīl-khānī
Tables, put together at Marāgha, by Khwāja Naṣīr _Tūsī_,[378] in the
time of Hulākū Khān. Hulākū Khān it is, people call _Aīl-khānī_.[379]

   (_Author's note._) Not more than seven or eight observatories
   seem to have been constructed in the world. Māmūm Khalīfa[380]
   (Caliph) made one with which the _Mamūmī_ Tables were written.
   Batalmūs (Ptolemy) constructed another. Another was made, in
   Hindūstān, in the time of Rājā Vikramāditya _Hīndū_, in Ujjain
   and Dhar, that is, the Mālwa country, now known as Māndū. The
   Hindūs of Hindūstān use the Tables of this Observatory. They
   were put together 1,584 years ago.[381] [Sidenote: Fol. 47.]
   Compared with others, they are somewhat defective.

Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā again, made the garden known as the Bāgh-i-maidān
(Garden of the Plain), on the skirt of the Kohik upland. In the middle
of it he erected a fine building they call Chihil Sitūn (Forty Pillars).
On both storeys are pillars, all of stone (_tāshdīn_).[382] Four
turrets, like minarets, stand on its four corner-towers, the way up into
them being through the towers. Everywhere there are stone pillars, some
fluted, some twisted, some many-sided. On the four sides of the upper
storey are open galleries enclosing a four-doored hall (_chār-dara_);
their pillars also are all of stone. The raised floor of the building is
all paved with stone.

He made a smaller garden, out beyond Chihil Sitūn and towards Kohik,
also having a building in it. In the open gallery of this building he
placed a great stone throne, some 14 or 15 yards (_qārī_) long, some 8
yards wide and perhaps 1 yard high. They brought a stone so large by a
very long road.[383] There is a crack in the middle of it which people
say must have come after it was brought here. In the same [Sidenote:
Fol. 47b.] garden he also built a four-doored hall, know as the
Chīnī-khāna (Porcelain House) because its _īzāra_[384] are all of
porcelain; he sent to China for the porcelain used in it. Inside the
walls again, is an old building of his, known as the Masjid-i-laqlaqa
(Mosque of the Echo). If anyone stamps on the ground under the middle of
the dome of this mosque, the sound echoes back from the whole dome; it
is a curious matter of which none know the secret.

In the time also of Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā the great and lesser begs laid out
many gardens, large and small.[385] For beauty, and air, and view, few
will have equalled Darwesh Muḥammad Tarkhān's Chār-bāgh (Four
Gardens).[386] It lies overlooking the whole of Qulba Meadow, on the
slope below the Bāgh-i-maidān. Moreover it is arranged symmetrically,
terrace above terrace, and is planted with beautiful _nārwān_[387] and
cypresses and white poplar. A most agreeable sojourning place, its one
defect is the want of a large stream.

Samarkand is a wonderfully beautified town. One of its specialities,
perhaps found in few other places,[388] is that the different trades are
not mixed up together in it but each has its own _bāzār_, a good sort of
plan. Its bakers and its cooks are good. The best paper in the world is
made there; the water for the paper-mortars[389] all comes from
Kān-i-gil,[390] a meadow on the banks of the Qarā-sū (Blackwater) or
Āb-i-raḥmat (Water of Mercy). [Sidenote: Fol. 48.] Another article of
Samarkand trade, carried to all sides and quarters, is cramoisy velvet.

Excellent meadows lie round Samarkand. One is the famous Kān-i-gil, some
2 miles east and a little north of the town. The Qarā-sū or Āb-i-raḥmat
flows through it, a stream (with driving power) for perhaps seven or
eight mills. Some say the original name of the meadow must have been
Kān-i-ābgīr (Mine of Quagmire) because the river is bordered by
quagmire, but the histories all write Kān-i-gil (Mine of clay). It is an
excellent meadow. The Samarkand sulṯans always made it their
reserve,[391] going out to camp in it each year for a month or two.

Higher up (on the river) than Kān-i-gil and to the s.e. of it is a
meadow some 4 miles east of the town, known as Khān Yūrtī (Khān's
Camping-ground). The Qarā-sū flows through this meadow before entering
Kān-i-gil. When it comes to Khān Yūrtī it curves back so far that it
encloses, with a very narrow outlet, enough ground for a camp. Having
noticed these advantages, we camped there for a time during [Sidenote:
Fol. 48b.] the siege of Samarkand.[392]

Another meadow is the Būdana Qūrūgh (Quail Reserve), lying between
Dil-kushā and the town. Another is the Kūl-i-maghāk (Meadow of the deep
pool) at some 4 miles from the town. This also is a round[393] meadow.
People call it Kul-i-maghāk meadow because there is a large pool on one
side of it. Sl. `Alī Mīrzā lay here during the siege, when I was in Khān
Yūrtī. Another and smaller meadow is Qulba (Plough); it has Qulba
Village and the Kohik Water on the north, the Bāgh-i-maidān and Darwesh
Muḥammad Tarkhān's Chār-bāgh on the south, and the Kohik upland on the
west.

Samarkand has good districts and _tūmāns_. Its largest district, and one
that is its equal, is Bukhārā, 25 _yīghāch_[394] to the west. Bukhārā in
its turn, has several _tūmāns_; it is a fine town; its fruits are many
and good, its melons excellent; none in Mā warā'u'n-nahr matching them
for quality and quantity. Although the Mīr Tīmūrī melon of Akhsī[395] is
sweeter and more delicate than any Bukhārā melon, still in Bukhārā many
kinds of melon are good and plentiful. The Bukhārā plum is famous; no
other equals it. They skin it,[396] dry it and [Sidenote: Fol. 49.]
carry it from land to land with rarities (_tabarrūklār bīla_); it is an
excellent laxative medicine. Fowls and geese are much looked after
(_parwārī_) in Bukhārā. Bukhārā wine is the strongest made in Mā
warā'u'n-nahr; it was what I drank when drinking in those countries at
Samarkand.[397]

Kesh is another district of Samarkand, 9 _yīghāch_[398] by road to the
south of the town. A range called the Aītmāk Pass (_Dābān_)[399] lies
between Samarkand and Kesh; from this are taken all the stones for
building. Kesh is called also Shahr-i-sabz (Green-town) because its
barren waste (_ṣahr_) and roofs and walls become beautifully green in
spring. As it was Tīmūr Beg's birth-place, he tried hard to make it his
capital. He erected noble buildings in it. To seat his own Court, he
built a great arched hall and in this seated his Commander-begs and his
Dīwān-begs, on his right and on his left. For those attending the Court,
he built two smaller halls, and to seat petitioners to his Court, built
quite small recesses on the four sides of the Court-house.[400] Few
arches so fine can be shown in the world. It is said to be higher than
the Kisrī Arch.[401] Tīmūr Beg also built in Kesh a college and a
mausoleum, in which are the tombs of Jahāngīr Mīrzā and others of his
descendants.[402] As Kesh did not offer the same facilities as
[Sidenote: Fol. 49b.] Samarkand for becoming a town and a capital, he
at last made clear choice of Samarkand.

Another district is Qarshī, known also as Nashaf and Nakhshab.[403]
Qarshī is a Mughūl name. In the Mughūl tongue they call a _kūr-khāna_
Qarshī.[404] The name must have come in after the rule of Chīngīz Khān.
Qarshī is somewhat scantily supplied with water; in spring it is very
beautiful and its grain and melons are good. It lies 18 _yīghāch_[405]
by road south and a little inclined to west of Samarkand. In the
district a small bird, known as the _qīl-qūyīrūgh_ and resembling the
_bāghrī qarā_, is found in such countless numbers that it goes by the
name of the Qarshī birdie (_murghak_).[406]

Khozār is another district; Karmīna another, lying between Samarkand and
Bukhārā; Qarā-kūl another, 7 _yīghāch_[407] n.w. of Bukhārā and at the
furthest limit of the water.

Samarkand has good _tūmāns_. One is Soghd with its dependencies. Its
head Yār-yīlāq, its foot Bukhārā, there may be not one single _yīghāch_
of earth without its village and its cultivated lands. So famous is it
that the saying attributed to Tīmūr Beg, 'I have a garden 30 _yīghāch_
long,[408] must have been spoken of Soghd. Another _tūmān_ is Shāvdār
(var. Shādwār), an excellent one adjoining the town-suburbs. On one side
it has the range (Aītmāk Dābān), lying between Samarkand and [Sidenote:
Fol. 50.] Shahr-i-sabz, on the skirts of which are many of its villages.
On the other side is the Kohik Water (_i.e._ the Dar-i-gham canal).
There it lies! an excellent _tūmān_, with fine air, full of beauty,
abounding in waters, its good things cheap. Observers of Egypt and Syria
have not pointed out its match.

Though Samarkand has other _tūmāns_, none rank with those enumerated;
with so much, enough has been said.

Tīmūr Beg gave the government of Samarkand to his eldest son, Jahāngīr
Mīrzā (in 776 AH.-1375 AD.); when Jahāngīr Mīrzā died (805 AH.-1403
AD.), he gave it to the Mīrzā's eldest son, Muḥammad Sulṯān-i-jahāngīr;
when Muḥammad Sulṯān Mīrzā died, it went to Shāh-rukh Mīrzā, Tīmūr Beg's
youngest son. Shāh-rukh Mīrzā gave the whole of Mā warā'u'n-nahr (in 872
AH.-1467 AD.) to his eldest son, Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā. From him his own son,
`Abdu'l-laṯīf Mīrzā took it, (853 AH.-1449 AD.), for the sake of this
five days' fleeting world martyring a father so full of years and
knowledge.

The following chronogram gives the date of Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā's death:—

   Aūlūgh Beg, an ocean of wisdom and science,
   The pillar of realm and religion,
   Sipped from the hand of `Abbās, the mead of martyrdom,
   And the date of the death is _`Abbās kasht_ (`Abbās slew).[409]

Though `Abdu'l-laṯīf Mīrzā did not rule more than five or six months,
the following couplet was current about him:—

   Ill does sovereignty befit the parricide;
   Should he rule, be it for no more than six months.[410]

This chronogram of the death of `Abdu'l-laṯīf Mīrzā is also well done:—

   `Abdu'l-laṯīf, in glory a Khusrau and Jamshīd, [Sidenote: Fol. 50b.]
   In his train a Farīdūn and Zardusht,
   Bābā Ḥusain slew on the Friday Eve,
   With an arrow. Write as its date, _Bābā Ḥusain kasht_ (Bābā
     Ḥusain slew).[411]

After `Abdu'l-laṯīf Mīrzā's death, (Jumāda I, 22, 855 AH.-June 22nd.
1450 AD.), (his cousin) `Abdu'l-lāh Mīrzā, the grandson of Shāh-rukh
Mīrzā through Ibrāhīm Mīrzā, seated himself on the throne and ruled for
18 months to two years.[412] From him Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā took it (855
AH.-1451 AD.). He in his life-time gave it to his eldest son, Sl. Aḥmad
Mīrzā; Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā continued to rule it after his father's death
(873 AH.-1469 AD.). On his death (899 AH.-1494 AD.) Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā was
seated on the throne and on his death (900 AH.-1495 AD.) Bāī-sunghar
Mīrzā. Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā was made prisoner for a few days, during the
Tarkhān rebellion (901 AH.-1496 AD.), and his younger brother, Sl. `Alī
Mīrzā was seated on the throne, but Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā, as has been
related in this history, took it again directly. From Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā
I took it (903 AH.-1497 AD.). Further details will be learned from the
ensuing history.


(_c. Bābur's rule in Samarkand._)

When I was seated on the throne, I shewed the Samarkand begs precisely
the same favour and kindness they had had before. I bestowed rank and
favour also on the begs with me, [Sidenote: Fol. 51.] to each according
to his circumstances, the largest share falling to Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_;
he had been in the household begs' circle; I now raised him to that of
the great begs.

We had taken the town after a seven months' hard siege. Things of one
sort or other fell to our men when we got in. The whole country, with
exception of Samarkand itself, had come in earlier either to me or to
Sl. `Alī Mīrzā and consequently had not been over-run. In any case
however, what could have been taken from districts so long subjected to
raid and rapine? The booty our men had taken, such as it was, came to an
end. When we entered the town, it was in such distress that it needed
seed-corn and money-advances; what place was this to take anything from?
On these accounts our men suffered great privation. We ourselves could
give them nothing. Moreover they yearned for their homes and, by ones
and twos, set their faces for flight. The first to go was Bayān Qulī's
(son) Khān Qulī; Ibrāhīm _Begchīk_ was another; all the Mughūls went off
and, a little later, Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_.

Aūzūn Ḥasan counted himself a very sincere and faithful friend of
Khwāja-i-qāẓī; we therefore, to put a stop to these desertions, sent the
Khwāja to him (in Andijān) so that they, [Sidenote: Fol. 51b.] in
agreement, might punish some of the deserters and send others back to
us. But that very Aūzūn Ḥasan, that traitor to his salt, may have been
the stirrer-up of the whole trouble and the spur-to-evil of the
deserters from Samarkand. Directly Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_ had gone, all the
rest took up a wrong position.


(_d. Andijān demanded of Bābur by The Khān, and also for Jahāngīr
Mīrzā._)

Although, during the years in which, coveting Samarkand, I had
persistently led my army out, Sl. Maḥmūd Khān[413] had provided me with
no help whatever, yet, now it had been taken, he wanted Andijān.
Moreover, Aūzūn Ḥasan and Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_, just when soldiers of ours
and all the Mughūls had deserted to Andijān and Akhsī, wanted those two
districts for Jahāngīr Mīrzā. For several reasons, those districts could
not be given to them. One was, that though not promised to The Khān, yet
he had asked for them and, as he persisted in asking, an agreement with
him was necessary, if they were to be given to Jahāngīr Mīrzā. A further
reason was that to ask for them just when deserters from us had fled to
them, was very like a command. If the matter had been brought forward
earlier, some way of tolerating a command might have been found. At
[Sidenote: Fol. 52.] the moment, as the Mughūls and the Andijān army and
several even of my household had gone to Andijān, I had with me in
Samarkand, beg for beg, good and bad, somewhere about 1000 men.

When Aūzūn Ḥasan and Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_ did not get what they wanted,
they invited all those timid fugitives to join them. Just such a
happening, those timid people, for their own sakes, had been asking of
God in their terror. Hereupon, Aūzūn Ḥasan and Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_,
becoming openly hostile and rebellious, led their army from Akhsī
against Andijān.

Tūlūn Khwāja was a bold, dashing, eager brave of the Bārīn (Mughūls). My
father had favoured him and he was still in favour, I myself having
raised him to the rank of beg. In truth he deserved favour, a
wonderfully bold and dashing brave! He, as being the man I favoured
amongst the Mughūls, was sent (after them) when they began to desert
from Samarkand, to counsel the clans and to chase fear from their hearts
so that [Sidenote: Fol. 52b.] they might not turn their heads to the
wind.[414] Those two traitors however, those false guides, had so
wrought on the clans that nothing availed, promise or entreaty, counsel
or threat. Tūlūn Khwāja's march lay through Aīkī-sū-ārāsī,[415] known
also as Rabāṯik-aūrchīnī. Aūzūn Ḥasan sent a skirmishing party against
him; it found him off his guard, seized and killed him. This done, they
took Jahāngīr Mīrzā and went to besiege Andijān.


(_e. Bābur loses Andijān._)

In Andijān when my army rode out for Samarkand, I had left Aūzūn Ḥasan
and `Alī-dost T̤aghāī (Ramẓān 902 AH.-May 1497 AD.). Khwāja-i-qāẓī had
gone there later on, and there too were many of my men from Samarkand.
During the siege, the Khwāja, out of good-will to me, apportioned 18,000
of his own sheep to the garrison and to the families of the men still
with me. While the siege was going on, letters kept coming to me from my
mothers[416] and from the Khwāja, saying in effect, 'They are besieging
us in this way; if at our cry of distress you do not come, things will
go all to ruin. Samarkand was taken [Sidenote: Fol. 53.] by the strength
of Andijān; if Andijān is in your hands, God willing, Samarkand can be
had again.' One after another came letters to this purport. Just then I
was recovering from illness but, not having been able to take due care
in the days of convalescence, I went all to pieces again and this time,
became so very ill that for four days my speech was impeded and they
used to drop water into my mouth with cotton. Those with me, begs and
bare braves alike, despairing of my life, began each to take thought for
himself. While I was in this condition, the begs, by an error of
judgment, shewed me to a servant of Aūzūn Ḥasan's, a messenger come with
wild proposals, and then dismissed him. In four or five days, I became
somewhat better but still could not speak, in another few days, was
myself again.

Such letters! so anxious, so beseeching, coming from my mothers, that is
from my own and hers, Aīsān-daulat Begīm, and from my teacher and
spiritual guide, that is, Khwāja-i-maulānā-i-qāẓī, with what heart would
a man not move? We left Samarkand for Andijān on a Saturday in Rajab
(Feb.-March), when I had ruled 100 days in the town. It was [Sidenote:
Fol. 53b.] Saturday again when we reached Khujand and on that day a
person brought news from Andijān, that seven days before, that is on the
very day we had left Samarkand, `Alī-dost T̤aghāī had surrendered
Andijān.

These are the particulars;—The servant of Aūzūn Ḥasan who, after seeing
me, was allowed to leave, had gone to Andijān and there said, 'The
_pādshāh_ cannot speak and they are dropping water into his mouth with
cotton.' Having gone and made these assertions in the ordinary way, he
took oath in `Alī-dost T̤aghāī's presence. `Alī-dost T̤aghāī was in the
Khākān Gate. Becoming without footing through this matter, he invited
the opposite party into the fort, made covenant and treaty with them,
and surrendered Andijān. Of provisions and of fighting men, there was no
lack whatever; the starting point of the surrender was the cowardice of
that false and faithless manikin; what was told him, he made a pretext
to put himself in the right.

When the enemy, after taking possession of Andijān, heard of my arrival
in Khujand, they martyred Khwāja-i-maulānā-i-qāẓī by hanging him, with
dishonour, in the Gate of the citadel. [Sidenote: Fol. 54.] He had come
to be known as Khwāja-maulānā-i-qāẓī but his own name was `Abdu'l-lāh.
On his father's side, his line went back to Shaikh Burhānu'd-dīn `Alī
_Qīlīch_, on his mother's to Sl. Aīlīk _Māẓī_. This family had come to
be the Religious Guides (_muqtadā_) and pontiff (_Shaikhu'l-islām_) and
Judge (_qāẓī_) in the Farghāna country.[417] He was a disciple of his
Highness `Ubaidu'l-lāh (_Aḥrārī_) and from him had his upbringing. I
have no doubt he was a saint (_walī_); what better witnesses to his
sanctity than the fact that within a short time, no sign or trace
remained of those active for his death? He was a wonderful man; it was
not in him to be afraid; in no other man was seen such courage as his.
This quality is a further witness to his sanctity. Other men, however
bold, have anxieties and tremours; he had none. When they had killed
him, they seized and plundered those connected with him, retainers and
servants, tribesmen and followers.

In anxiety for Andijān, we had given Samarkand out of our hands; then
heard we had lost Andijān. It was like the saying, 'In ignorance, made
to leave this place, shut out from that' (_Ghafil az īn jā rānda, az ān
jā mānda_). It was very hard and vexing to me; for why? never since I
had ruled, had I been cut [Sidenote: Fol. 54b.] off like this from my
retainers and my country; never since I had known myself, had I known
such annoyance and such hardship.


(_f. Bābur's action from Khujand as his base._)

On our arrival in Khujand, certain hypocrites, not enduring to see
Khalīfa in my Gate, had so wrought on Muḥammad Ḥusain Mīrzā _Dūghlāt_
and others that he was dismissed towards Tāshkīnt. To Tāshkīnt also
Qāsim Beg _Qūchīn_ had been sent earlier, in order to ask The Khān's
help for a move on Andijān. The Khān consented to give it and came
himself by way of the Ahangarān Dale,[418] to the foot of the Kīndīrlīk
Pass.[419] There I went also, from Khujand, and saw my Khān dādā.[420]
We then crossed the pass and halted on the Akhsī side. The enemy for
their part, gathered their men and went to Akhsī.

Just at that time, the people in Pāp[421] sent me word they had made
fast the fort but, owing to something misleading in The Khān's advance,
the enemy stormed and took it. Though The Khān had other good qualities
and was in other ways businesslike, he was much without merit as a
soldier and commander. Just when matters were at the point that if he
made one more march, it was most probable the country would be had
without fighting, at such a time! he gave ear to what the enemy said
with alloy of deceit, spoke of peace and, as his messengers, sent them
Khwāja Abū'l-makāram and his own [Sidenote: Fol. 55.] Lord of the Gate,
Beg _Tilba_ (Fool), _Taṃbal's_ elder brother. To save themselves those
others (_i.e._ Ḥasan and Taṃbal) mixed something true with what they
fabled and agreed to give gifts and bribes either to The Khān or to his
intermediaries. With this, The Khān retired.

As the families of most of my begs and household and braves were in
Andijān, 7 or 800 of the great and lesser begs and bare braves, left us
in despair of our taking the place. Of the begs were `Alī-darwesh Beg,
`Alī-mazīd _Qūchīn_, Muḥammad Bāqir Beg, Shaikh `Abdu'l-lāh, Lord of the
Gate and Mīrīm _Lāgharī_. Of men choosing exile and hardship with me,
there may have been, of good and bad, between 200 and 300. Of begs there
were Qāsim _Qūchīn_ Beg, Wais _Lāgharī_ Beg, Ibrāhīm _Sārū Mīnglīgh_
Beg, Shīrīm T̤aghāī, Sayyidī Qarā Beg; and of my household, Mīr Shāh
_Qūchīn_, Sayyid Qāsim _Jalāīr_, Lord of the Gate, Qāsim-`ajab,
`Alī-dost T̤aghāī's (son) Muḥammad-dost, Muḥammad-`alī _Mubashir_,[422]
Khudāī-bīrdī _Tūghchī Mughūl_, Yārīk T̤aghāī, Bābā `Alī's (son) Bābā
Qulī, Pīr Wais, Shaikh Wais, [Sidenote: Fol. 55b.] Yār-`alī
_Balāl_,[423] Qāsim _Mīr Akhwūr_ (Chief Equerry) and Ḥaidar _Rikābdār_
(stirrup-holder).

It came very hard on me; I could not help crying a good deal. Back I
went to Khujand and thither they sent me my mother and my grandmother
and the families of some of the men with me.

That Ramẓān (April-May) we spent in Khujand, then mounted for Samarkand.
We had already sent to ask The Khān's help; he assigned, to act with us
against Samarkand, his son, Sl. Muḥammad (Sulṯānīm) Khānika and (his
son's guardian) Aḥmad Beg with 4 or 5000 men and rode himself as far as
Aūrā-tīpā. There I saw him and from there went on by way of Yār-yīlāq,
past the Būrka-yīlāq Fort, the head-quarters of the sub-governor
(_dārogha_) of the district. Sl. Muḥammad Sulṯān and Aḥmad Beg, riding
light and by another road, got to Yār-yīlāq first but on their hearing
that Shaibānī Khān was raiding Shīrāz and thereabouts, turned back.
There was no help for it! Back I too had to go. Again I went to Khujand!

As there was in me ambition for rule and desire of conquest, I did not
sit at gaze when once or twice an affair had made no progress. Now I
myself, thinking to make another move for [Sidenote: Fol. 56.] Andijān,
went to ask The Khān's help. Over and above this, it was seven or eight
years since I had seen Shāh Begīm[424] and other relations; they also
were seen under the same pretext. After a few days, The Khān appointed
Sayyid Muḥammad Ḥusain (_Dūghlāt_) and Ayūb _Begchīk_ and Jān-ḥasan
_Bārīn_ with 7 or 8000 men to help us. With this help we started, rode
light, through Khujand without a halt, left Kand-i-badām on the left and
so to Nasūkh, 9 or 10 _yīghāch_ of road beyond Khujand and 3 _yīghāch_
(12-18 m.) from Kand-i-badām, there set our ladders up and took the
fort. It was the melon season; one kind grown here, known as Ismā`īl
Shaikhī, has a yellow rind, feels like shagreen leather, has seeds like
an apple's and flesh four fingers thick. It is a wonderfully delicate
melon; no other such grows thereabout. Next day the Mughūl begs
represented to me, 'Our fighting men are few; to what would holding this
one fort lead on?' In truth they were right; of what use was it to make
that fort fast and stay there? Back once more to Khujand!


(_f. Affairs of Khusrau Shāh and the Tīmūrid Mīrzās_.)[425]

This year Khusrau Shāh, taking Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā with him, led his army
(from Qūndūz) to Chaghānīān and with false and treacherous intent, sent
this message to Ḥiṣār for Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā, 'Come, betake yourself to
Samarkand; if [Sidenote: Fol. 56b.] Samarkand is taken, one Mīrzā may
seat himself there, the other in Ḥiṣār.' Just at the time, the Mīrzā's
begs and household were displeased with him, because he had shewn
excessive favour to his father-in-law, Shaikh `Abdu'l-lāh _Barlās_ who
from Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā had gone to him. Small district though Ḥiṣār is,
the Mīrzā had made the Shaikh's allowance 1,000 _tūmāns_ of _fulūs_[426]
and had given him the whole of Khutlān in which were the holdings of
many of the Mīrzā's begs and household. All this Shaikh `Abdu'l-lāh had;
he and his sons took also in whole and in part, the control of the
Mīrzā's gate. Those angered began, one after the other, to desert to
Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā.

By those words of false alloy, having put Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā off his
guard, Khusrau Shāh and Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā moved light out of Chaghānīān,
surrounded Ḥiṣār and, at beat of morning-drum, took possession of it.
Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā was in Daulat Sarāī, a house his father had built in
the suburbs. Not being able to get into the fort, he drew off towards
Khutlān with Shaikh `Abu'l-lāh _Barlās_, parted from him half-way,
crossed the river at the Aūbāj ferry and betook himself to Sl. Ḥusain
Mīrzā. Khusrau Shāh, having taken Ḥiṣār, set Bāī-sunghar [Sidenote: Fol.
57.] Mīrzā on the throne, gave Khutlān to his own younger brother, Walī
and rode a few days later, to lay siege to Balkh where, with many of his
father's begs, was Ibrāhīm Ḥusain Mīrzā (_Bāī-qarā_). He sent Naẕar
_Bahādur_, his chief retainer, on in advance with 3 or 400 men to near
Balkh, and himself taking Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā with him, followed and laid
the siege.

Walī he sent off with a large force to besiege Shabarghān and raid and
ravage thereabouts. Walī, for his part, not being able to lay close
siege, sent his men off to plunder the clans and hordes of the Zardak
Chūl, and they took him back over 100,000 sheep and some 3000 camels. He
then came, plundering the Sān-chīrīk country on his way, and raiding and
making captive the clans fortified in the hills, to join Khusrau Shāh
before Balkh.

One day during the siege, Khusrau Shāh sent the Naẕar _Bahādur_ already
mentioned, to destroy the water-channels[427] of [Sidenote: Fol. 57b.]
Balkh. Out on him sallied Tīngrī-bīrdī _Samānchī_,[428] Sl. Ḥusain
Mīrzā's favourite beg, with 70 or 80 men, struck him down, cut off his
head, carried it off, and went back into the fort. A very bold sally,
and he did a striking deed.


(_g. Affairs of Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā and Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā._)

This same year, Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā led his army out to Bast and there
encamped,[429] for the purpose of putting down Ẕū'n-nūn _Arghūn_ and his
son, Shāh Shujā`, because they had become Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā's
retainers, had given him a daughter of Ẕū'n-nūn in marriage and taken up
a position hostile to himself. No corn for his army coming in from any
quarter, it had begun to be distressed with hunger when the sub-governor
of Bast surrendered. By help of the stores of Bast, the Mīrzā got back
to Khurāsān.

Since such a great ruler as Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā had twice led a splendid
and well-appointed army out and twice retired, without taking Qūndūz, or
Ḥiṣār or Qandahār, his sons and his begs waxed bold in revolt and
rebellion. In the spring of this year, he sent a large army under
Muḥammad Walī Beg to put down (his son) Muḥammad Ḥusain Mīrzā who,
supreme in Astarābād, had taken up a position hostile to himself. While
Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā was still lying in the Nīshīn meadow (near Harāt), he
was surprised by Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā and Shāh Shujā` Beg (_Arghūn_). By
unexpected good-fortune, he had been [Sidenote: Fol. 58.] joined that
very day by Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā, a refugee after bringing about the loss of
Ḥiṣār,[430] and also rejoined by a force of his own returning from
Astarābād. There was no question of fighting. Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā and
Shāh Beg, brought face to face with these armies, took to flight.

Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā looked kindly on Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā, made him kneel as a
son-in-law and gave him a place in his favour and affection.
None-the-less Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā, at the instigation of Bāqī
_Chaghānīānī_, who had come earlier into Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's service,
started off on some pretext, without asking leave, and went from the
presence of Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā to that of Khusrau Shāh!

Khusrau Shāh had already invited and brought from Ḥiṣār, Bāī-sunghar
Mīrzā; to him had gone Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā's son,[431] Mīrān-shāh Mīrzā
who, having gone amongst the Hazāra in rebellion against his father, had
been unable to remain amongst them because of his own immoderate acts.
Some short-sighted persons were themselves ready to kill these three
(Tīmūrid) Mīrzās and to read Khusrau Shāh's name in the _khuṯba_ but he
himself did not think this combination desirable. The ungrateful
[Sidenote: Fol. 58b.] manikin however, for the sake of gain in this five
days' fleeting world,—it was not true to him nor will it be true to any
man soever,—seized that Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā whom he had seen grow up in his
charge from childhood, whose guardian he had been, and blinded him with
the lancet.

Some of the Mīrzā's foster-brethren and friends of affection and old
servants took him to Kesh intending to convey him to his (half)-brother
Sl. `Alī Mīrzā in Samarkand but as that party also (_i.e._ `Alī's)
became threatening, they fled with him, crossed the river at the Aūbāj
ferry and went to Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā.

A hundred thousand curses light on him who planned and did a deed so
horrible! Up to the very verge of Resurrection, let him who hears of
this act of Khusrau Shāh, curse him; and may he who hearing, curses not,
know cursing equally deserved!

This horrid deed done, Khusrau Shāh made Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā ruler in
Ḥiṣār and dismissed him; Mīrān-shāh Mīrzā he despatched for Bāmīān with
Sayyid Qāsim to help him.



904 AH.—AUG. 19TH. 1498 TO AUG. 8TH. 1499 AD.[432]

(_a. Bābur borrows Pashāghar and leaves Khujand._)

Twice we had moved out of Khujand, once for Andijān, once for Samarkand,
and twice we had gone back to it because our work was not opened
out.[433] Khujand is a poor place; a man with 2 or 300 followers would
have a hard time there; with [Sidenote: Fol. 59.] what outlook would an
ambitious man set himself down in it?

As it was our wish to return to Samarkand, we sent people to confer with
Muḥammad Ḥusain _Kūrkān Dūghlāt_ in Aūrā-tīpā and to ask of him the loan
for the winter of Pashāghar where we might sit till it was practicable
to make a move on Samarkand. He consenting, I rode out from Khujand for
Pashāghar.

   (_Author's note on Pashāghar._) Pashāghar is one of the
   villages of Yār-yīlāq; it had belonged to his Highness the
   Khwāja,[434] but during recent interregna,[435] it had become
   dependent on Muḥammad Ḥusain Mīrzā.

I had fever when we reached Zamīn, but spite of my fever we hurried off
by the mountain road till we came over against Rabāṯ-i-khwāja, the
head-quarters of the sub-governor of the Shavdār _tūmān_, where we hoped
to take the garrison at unawares, set our ladders up and so get into the
fort. We reached it at dawn, found its men on guard, turned back and
rode without halt to Pashāghar. The pains and misery of fever
notwithstanding, I had ridden 14 or 15 _yīghāch_ (70 to 80 miles).

After a few days in Pashāghar, we appointed Ibrāhīm _Sārū_, [Sidenote:
Fol. 59b.] Wais _Lāgharī_, Sherīm T̤aghāī and some of the household and
braves to make an expedition amongst the Yār-yīlāq forts and get them
into our hands. Yār-yīlāq, at that time was Sayyid Yūsuf Beg's,[436] he
having remained in Samarkand at the exodus and been much favoured by Sl.
`Ali Mīrzā. To manage the forts, Sayyid Yūsuf had sent his younger
brother's son, Aḥmad-i-yūsuf, now[437] Governor of Sialkot, and
Aḥmad-i-yūsuf was then in occupation. In the course of that winter, our
begs and braves made the round, got possession of some of the forts
peacefully, fought and took others, gained some by ruse and craft. In
the whole of that district there is perhaps not a single village without
its defences because of the Mughūls and the Aūzbegs. Meantime Sl. `Alī
Mīrzā became suspicious of Sayyid Yūsuf and his nephew on my account and
dismissed both towards Khurāsān.

The winter passed in this sort of tug-of-war; with the oncoming
heats,[438] they sent Khwāja Yaḥya to treat with me, while they, urged
on by the (Samarkand) army, marched out to near Shīrāz and Kabud. I may
have had 200 or 300 soldiers (_sipāhī_); powerful foes were on my every
side; Fortune had [Sidenote: Fol. 60.] not favoured me when I turned to
Andijān; when I put a hand out for Samarkand, no work was opened out. Of
necessity, some sort of terms were made and I went back from Pashāghar.

Khujand is a poor place; one beg would have a hard time in it; there we
and our families and following had been for half a year[439] and during
the time the Musalmāns of the place had not been backward in bearing our
charges and serving us to the best of their power. With what face could
we go there again? and what, for his own part, could a man do there? 'To
what home to go? For what gain to stay?'[440]

In the end and with the same anxieties and uncertainty, we went to the
summer-pastures in the south of Aūrā-tīpā. There we spent some days in
amazement at our position, not knowing where to go or where to stay, our
heads in a whirl. On one of those days, Khwāja Abū'l-makāram came to see
me, he like me, a wanderer, driven from his home.[441] He questioned us
about our goings and stayings, about what had or had not been done and
about our whole position. He was touched with compassion for our state
and recited the _fātiḥa_ for me before he left. I also was much touched;
I pitied him.


(_b. Bābur recovers Marghīnān._)

Near the Afternoon Prayer of that same day, a horseman appeared at the
foot of the valley. He was a man named Yūl-chūq, presumably `Ali-dost
T̤aghāī's own servant, and had been sent with this written message,
'Although many great misdeeds have had their rise in me, yet, if you
will do me the [Sidenote: Fol. 60b.] favour and kindness of coming to
me, I hope to purge my offences and remove my reproach, by giving you
Marghīnān and by my future submission and single-minded service.'

Such news! coming on such despair and whirl-of-mind! Off we hurried,
that very hour,—it was sun-set,—without reflecting, without a moment's
delay, just as if for a sudden raid, straight for Marghīnān. From where
we were to Marghīnān may have been 24 or 25 _yīghāch_ of road.[442]
Through that night it was rushed without delaying anywhere, and on next
day till at the Mid-day Prayer, halt was made at Tang-āb (Narrow-water),
one of the villages of Khujand. There we cooled down our horses and gave
them corn. We rode out again at beat of (twilight-) drum[443] and on
through that night till shoot of dawn, and through the next day till
sunset, and on through that night till, just before dawn, we were one
_yīghāch_ from Marghīnān. Here Wais Beg and others represented to me
with some anxiety what sort of an evil-doer `Ali-dost was. 'No-one,'
they said, 'has come and gone, time and again, between him and us; no
terms and compact have been made; trusting to what are we going?' In
truth their fears were just! After waiting awhile to consult, we at last
agreed that [Sidenote: Fol. 61.] reasonable as anxiety was, it ought to
have been earlier; that there we were after coming three nights and two
days without rest or halt; in what horse or in what man was any strength
left?—from where we were, how could return be made? and, if made, where
were we to go?—that, having come so far, on we must, and that nothing
happens without God's will. At this we left the matter and moved on, our
trust set on Him.

At the Sunnat Prayer[444] we reached Fort Marghīnān. `Alī-dost T̤aghāī
kept himself behind (_arqa_) the closed gate and asked for terms; these
granted, he opened it. He did me obeisance between the (two) gates.[445]
After seeing him, we dismounted at a suitable house in the walled-town.
With me, great and small, were 240 men.

As Aūzūn Ḥasan and Taṃbal had been tyrannical and oppressive, all the
clans of the country were asking for me. We therefore, after two or
three days spent in Marghīnān, joined to Qāsim Beg over a hundred men of
the Pashāgharīs, the new retainers of Marghīnān and of `Alī-dost's
following, and sent them to bring over to me, by force or fair words,
such hill-people of the south of Andijān as the Ashpārī, Tūrūqshār,
[Sidenote: Fol. 61b.] Chīkrāk and others roundabout. Ibrāhīm Sārū and
Wais _Lāgharī_ and Sayyidī Qarā were also sent out, to cross the
Khujand-water and, by whatever means, to induce the people on that side
to turn their eyes to me.

Aūzūn Ḥasan and Taṃbal, for their parts, gathered together what soldiers
and Mughūls they had and called up the men accustomed to serve in the
Andijān and Akhsī armies. Then, bringing Jahāngīr Mīrzā with them, they
came to Sapān, a village 2 m. east of Marghīnān, a few days after our
arrival, and dismounted there with the intention of besieging Marghīnān.
They advanced a day or two later, formed up to fight, as far as the
suburbs. Though after the departure of the Commanders, Qāsim Beg,
Ibrāhīm _Sārū_ and Wais _Lāgharī_, few men were left with me, those
there were formed up, sallied out and prevented the enemy from advancing
beyond the suburbs. On that day, Page Khalīl, the turban-twister, went
well forward and got his hand into the work. They had come; they could
do nothing; on two other days they failed to get near the fort.
[Sidenote: Fol. 62.]

When Qāsim Beg went into the hills on the south of Andijān, all the
Ashpārī, Tūrūqshār, Chīkrāk, and the peasants and highland and lowland
clans came in for us. When the Commanders, Ibrāhīm _Sārū_ and Wais
_Lāgharī_, crossed the river to the Akhsī side, Pāp and several other
forts came in.

Aūzūn Ḥasan and Taṃbal being the heathenish and vicious tyrants they
were, had inflicted great misery on the peasantry and clansmen.
One of the chief men of Akhsī, Ḥasan-dīkcha by name,[446] gathered
together his own following and a body of the Akhsī mob and rabble,
black-bludgeoned[447] Aūzūn Ḥasan's and Taṃbal's men in the outer fort
and drubbed them into the citadel. They then invited the Commanders,
Ibrāhīm _Sārū_, Wais _Lāgharī_ and Sayyidī Qarā and admitted them into
the fort.

Sl. Maḥmūd Khān had appointed to help us, Ḥaidar _Kūkūldāsh's_ (son)
Banda-`alī and Ḥājī Ghāzī _Manghīt_,[448] the latter just then a
fugitive from Shaibānī Khān, and also the Bārīn _tūmān_ with its begs.
They arrived precisely at this time.

[Sidenote: Fol. 62b.] These news were altogether upsetting to Aūzūn
Ḥasan; he at once started off his most favoured retainers and most
serviceable braves to help his men in the citadel of Akhsī. His force
reached the brow of the river at dawn. Our Commanders and the (Tāshkīnt)
Mughūls had heard of its approach and had made some of their men strip
their horses and cross the river (to the Andijān side). Aūzūn Ḥasan's
men, in their haste, did not draw the ferry-boat up-stream;[449] they
consequently went right away from the landing-place, could not cross for
the fort and went down stream.[450] Here-upon, our men and the
(Tāshkīnt) Mughūls began to ride bare-back into the water from both
banks. Those in the boat could make no fight at all. Qārlūghāch (var.
Qārbūghāch) _Bakhshī_ (Pay-master) called one of Mughūl Beg's sons to
him, took him by the hand, chopped at him and killed him. Of what use
was it? The affair was past that! His act was the cause why most of
those in the boat went to their death. Instantly our men seized them all
(_arīq_) and killed all (but a few).[451] Of Aūzūn Ḥasan's confidants
escaped Qārlūghāch _Bakhshī_ and Khalīl _Dīwān_ and Qāẓī _Ghulām_, the
last getting off by pretending to be a slave (_ghulām_); and of his
trusted braves, Sayyid `Alī, now in trust in my own service,[452] and
Ḥaidar-i-qulī and Qilka _Kāshgharī_ escaped. Of his 70 or 80 men, no
more than this [Sidenote: Fol. 63.] same poor five or six got free.

On hearing of this affair, Aūzūn Ḥasan and Taṃbal, not being able to
remain near Marghīnān, marched in haste and disorder for Andijān. There
they had left Nāṣir Beg, the husband of Aūzūn Ḥasan's sister. He, if not
Aūzūn Ḥasan's second, what question is there he was his third?[453] He
was an experienced man, brave too; when he heard particulars, he knew
their ground was lost, made Andijān fast and sent a man to me. They
broke up in disaccord when they found the fort made fast against them;
Aūzūn Ḥasan drew off to his wife in Akhsī, Taṃbal to his district of
Aūsh. A few of Jahāngīr Mīrzā's household and braves fled with him from
Aūzūn Ḥasan and joined Taṃbal before he had reached Aūsh.


(_c. Bābur recovers Andijān._)

Directly we heard that Andijān had been made fast against them, I rode
out, at sun-rise, from Marghīnān and by mid-day was in Andijān.[454]
There I saw Nāṣir Beg and his two sons, that is to say, Dost Beg and
Mīrīm Beg, questioned them and uplifted their heads with hope of favour
and kindness. In this way, by God's grace, my father's country, lost to
me for two years, was regained and re-possessed, in the month Ẕū'l-qa`da
of [Sidenote: Fol. 63b.] the date 904 (June 1498).[455]

Sl. Aḥmad Taṃbal, after being joined by Jahāngīr Mīrzā, drew away for
Aūsh. On his entering the town, the red rabble (_qīzīl ayāq_) there, as
in Akhsī, black-bludgeoned (_qarā tīyāq qīlīb_) and drubbed his men out,
blow upon blow, then kept the fort for me and sent me a man. Jahāngīr
and Taṃbal went off confounded, with a few followers only, and entered
Aūzkīnt Fort.

Of Aūzūn Ḥasan news came that after failing to get into Andijān, he had
gone to Akhsī and, it was understood, had entered the citadel. He had
been head and chief in the rebellion; we therefore, on getting this
news, without more than four or five days' delay in Andijān, set out for
Akhsī. On our arrival, there was nothing for him to do but ask for peace
and terms, and surrender the fort.

We stayed in Akhsī[456] a few days in order to settle its affairs and
those of Kāsān and that country-side. We gave the Mughūls who had come
in to help us, leave for return (to Tāshkīnt), then went back to
Andijān, taking with us Aūzūn Ḥasan and his family and dependants. In
Akhsī was left, for a time, Qāsim-i-`ajab (Wonderful Qāsim), formerly
one of the household circle, now arrived at beg's rank.


(_d. Renewed rebellion of the Mughūls._)

As terms had been made, Aūzūn Ḥasan, without hurt to life [Sidenote:
Fol. 64.] or goods, was allowed to go by the Qarā-tīgīn road for Ḥiṣār.
A few of his retainers went with him, the rest parted from him and
stayed behind. These were the men who in the throneless times had
captured and plundered various Musalmān dependants of my own and of the
Khwāja. In agreement with several begs, their affair was left at
this;—'This very band have been the captors and plunderers of our
faithful Musalmān dependants;[457] what loyalty have they shown to their
own (Mughūl) begs that they should be loyal to us? If we had them seized
and stripped bare, where would be the wrong? and this especially because
they might be going about, before our very eyes, riding our horses,
wearing our coats, eating our sheep. Who could put up with that? If, out
of humanity, they are not imprisoned and not plundered, they certainly
ought to take it as a favour if they get off with the order to give back
to our companions of the hard guerilla times, whatever goods of theirs
are known to be here.'

In truth this seemed reasonable; our men were ordered to take what they
knew to be theirs. Reasonable and just though the order was, (I now)
understand that it was a little hasty. [Sidenote: Fol. 64b.] With a
worry like Jahāngīr seated at my side, there was no sense in frightening
people in this way. In conquest and government, though many things may
have an outside appearance of reason and justice, yet 100,000
reflections are right and necessary as to the bearings of each one of
them. From this single incautious order of ours,[458] what troubles!
what rebellions arose! In the end this same ill-considered order was
the cause of our second exile from Andijān. Now, through it, the Mughūls
gave way to anxiety and fear, marched through Rabāṯik-aūrchīnī, that is,
Aīkī-sū-ārāsī, for Aūzkīnt and sent a man to Taṃbal.

In my mother's service were 1500 to 2000 Mughūls from the horde; as many
more had come from Ḥiṣār with Ḥamza Sl. and Mahdī Sl. and Muḥammad
_Dūghlāt Ḥiṣārī_.[459] Mischief and devastation must always be expected
from the Mughūl horde. Up to now[460] they have rebelled five times
against me. It must not be understood that they rebelled through not
getting on with me; they have done the same thing with their own Khāns,
again and again. Sl. Qulī _Chūnāq_[461] brought me the news. His late
father, Khudāī-bīrdī _Būqāq_[462] I had favoured amongst the Mughūls; he
was himself with the (rebel) Mughūls [Sidenote: Fol. 65.] and he did
well in thus leaving the horde and his own family to bring me the news.
Well as he did then however, he, as will be told,[463] did a thing so
shameful later on that it would hide a hundred such good deeds as this,
if he had done them. His later action was the clear product of his
Mughūl nature. When this news came, the begs, gathered for counsel,
represented to me, 'This is a trifling matter; what need for the pādshāh
to ride out? Let Qāsim Beg go with the begs and men assembled here.' So
it was settled; they took it lightly; to do so must have been an error
of judgment. Qāsim Beg led his force out that same day; Taṃbal meantime
must have joined the Mughūls. Our men crossed the Aīlāīsh river[464]
early next morning by the Yāsī-kījīt (Broad-crossing) and at once came
face to face with the rebels. Well did they chop at one another
(_chāpqūlāshūrlār_)! Qāsim Beg himself came face to face with Muḥammad
_Arghūn_ and did not desist from chopping at him in order to cut off his
head.[465] Most of our braves exchanged [Sidenote: Fol. 65b.] good blows
but in the end were beaten. Qāsim Beg, `Alī-dost T̤aghāī, Ibrāhīm
_Sārū_, Wais _Lāgharī_, Sayyidī Qarā and three or four more of our begs
and household got away but most of the rest fell into the hands of the
rebels. Amongst them were `Alī-darwesh Beg and Mīrīm _Lāgharī_ and
(Sherīm?) T̤aghāī Beg's (son) Tūqā[466] and `Alī-dost's son,
Muḥammad-dost and Mīr Shāh _Qūchīn_ and Mīrīm Dīwān.

Two braves chopped very well at one another; on our side, Samad, Ibrāhīm
_Sārū's_ younger brother, and on their side, Shāh-suwār, one of the
Ḥiṣārī Mughūls. Shāh-suwār struck so that his sword drove through
Samad's helm and seated itself well in his head; Samad, spite of his
wound, struck so that his sword cut off Shāh-suwār's head a piece of
bone as large as the palm of a hand. Shāh-suwār must have worn no helm;
they trepanned his head and it healed; there was no one to trepan
Samad's and in a few days, he departed simply through the wound.[467]

Amazingly unseasonable was this defeat, coming as it did just in the
respite from guerilla fighting and just when we had regained the
country. One of our great props, Qaṃbar-`alī _Mughūl_ (the Skinner) had
gone to his district when Andijān [Sidenote: Fol. 66.] was occupied and
therefore was not with us.


(_e. Taṃbal attempts to take Andijān._)

Having effected so much, Taṃbal, bringing Jahāngīr Mīrzā with him, came
to the east of Andijān and dismounted 2 miles off, in the meadow lying
in front of the Hill of Pleasure (`Aīsh).[468]

Once or twice he advanced in battle-array, past Chihil-dukhterān[469]
to the town side of the hill but, as our braves went out arrayed to
fight, beyond the gardens and suburbs, he could not advance further and
returned to the other side of the hill. On his first coming to those
parts, he killed two of the begs he had captured, Mīrīm _Lāgharī_ and
Tūqā Beg. For nearly a month he lay round-about without effecting
anything; after that he retired, his face set for Aūsh. Aūsh had been
given to Ibrāhīm _Sārū_ and his man in it now made it fast.



905 AH. AUG. 8TH. 1499 TO JULY 28TH. 1500 AD.[470]

(_a. Bābur's campaign against Aḥmad Taṃbal Mughūl._)


Commissaries were sent gallopping off at once, some to call up the horse
and foot of the district-armies, others to urge return on Qaṃbar-`alī
and whoever else was away in his own district, while energetic people
were told off to get together mantelets (_tūra_), shovels, axes and the
what-not of war-material and stores for the men already with us.

As soon as the horse and foot, called up from the various districts to
join the army, and the soldiers and retainers who had been scattered to
this and that side on their own affairs, were gathered together, I went
out, on Muḥarram 18th. (August 25th.), putting my trust in God, to Ḥāfiẓ
Beg's Four-gardens [Sidenote: Fol. 66b.] and there stayed a few days in
order to complete our equipment. This done, we formed up in array of
right and left, centre and van, horse and foot, and started direct for
Aūsh against our foe.

On approaching Aūsh, news was had that Taṃbal, unable to make stand in
that neighbourhood, had drawn off to the north, to the Rabāṯ-i-sarhang
sub-district, it was understood. That night we dismounted in Lāt-kīnt.
Next day as we were passing through Aūsh, news came that Taṃbal was
understood to have gone to Andijān. We, for our part, marched on as for
Aūzkīnt, detaching raiders ahead to over-run those parts.[471] Our
opponents went to Andijān and at night got into the ditch but being
discovered by the garrison when they set their ladders up against the
ramparts, could effect no more and retired. Our raiders retired also
after over-running round about Aūzkīnt without getting into their hands
anything worth their trouble.

Taṃbal had stationed his younger brother, Khalīl, with 200 or 300 men,
in Māḏū,[472] one of the forts of Aūsh, renowned in that centre (_ārā_)
for its strength. We turned back (on the [Sidenote: Fol. 67.] Aūzkīnt
road) to assault it. It is exceedingly strong. Its northern face stands
very high above the bed of a torrent; arrows shot from the bed might
perhaps reach the ramparts. On this side is the water-thief,[473] made
like a lane, with ramparts on both sides carried from the fort to the
water. Towards the rising ground, on the other sides of the fort, there
is a ditch. The torrent being so near, those occupying the fort had
carried stones in from it as large as those for large mortars.[474] From
no fort of its class we have ever attacked, have stones been thrown so
large as those taken into Māḏū. They dropped such a large one on
`Abdu'l-qāsim _Kohbur_, Kitta (Little) Beg's elder brother,[475] when he
went up under the ramparts, that he spun head over heels and came
rolling and rolling, without once getting to his feet, from that great
height down to the foot of the glacis (_khāk-rez_). He did not trouble
himself about it at all but just got on his horse and rode off. Again, a
stone flung from the double water-way, hit Yār-`alī _Balāl_ so hard on
the head that in the end it had to be trepanned.[476] Many of our men
perished by their stones. The assault began at dawn; the water-thief
[Sidenote: Fol. 67b.] had been taken before breakfast-time;[477]
fighting went on till evening; next morning, as they could not hold out
after losing the water-thief, they asked for terms and came out. We took
60 or 70 or 80 men of Khalīl's command and sent them to Andijān for
safe-keeping; as some of our begs and household were prisoners in their
hands, the Māḏū affair fell out very well.[478]

From there we went to Unjū-tūpa, one of the villages of Aūsh, and there
dismounted. When Taṃbal retired from Andijān and went into the
Rabāṯ-i-sarhang sub-district, he dismounted in a village called
Āb-i-khān. Between him and me may have been one _yīghāch_ (5 m.?). At
such a time as this, Qaṃbar-`alī (the Skinner) on account of some
sickness, went into Aūsh.

It was lain in Unjū-tūpa a month or forty days without a battle, but day
after day our foragers and theirs got to grips. All through the time our
camp was mightily well watched at night; a ditch was dug; where no ditch
was, branches were set close together;[479] we also made our soldiers go
out in their mail [Sidenote: Fol. 68.] along the ditch. Spite of such
watchfulness, a night-alarm was given every two or three days, and the
cry to arms went up. One day when Sayyidī Beg T̤aghāī had gone out with
the foragers, the enemy came up suddenly in greater strength and took
him prisoner right out of the middle of the fight.


(_b. Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā murdered by Khusrau Shāh._)

Khusrau Shāh, having planned to lead an army against Balkh, in this same
year invited Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā to go with him, brought him[480] to
Qūndūz and rode out with him for Balkh. But when they reached the Aubāj
ferry, that ungrateful infidel, Khusrau Shāh, in his aspiration to
sovereignty,—and to what sort of sovereignty, pray, could such a no-body
attain? a person of no merit, no birth, no lineage, no judgment, no
magnanimity, no justice, no legal-mindedness,—laid hands on Bāī-sunghar
Mīrzā with his begs, and bowstrung the Mīrzā. It was upon the 10th. of
the month of Muḥarram (August 17th.) that he martyred that scion of
sovereignty, so accomplished, so sweet-natured and so adorned by birth
and lineage. He killed also a few of the Mīrzā's begs and household.


(_c. Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā's birth and descent._)

He was born in 882 (1477 AD.), in the Ḥiṣār district. He was Sl. Maḥmūd
Mīrzā's second son, younger than Sl. Mas`ud M. and older than Sl. `Alī
M. and Sl. Ḥusain M. and Sl. Wais M. known as Khān Mīrzā. His mother was
Pasha Begīm. [Sidenote: Fol. 68b.]


(_d. His appearance and characteristics._)

He had large eyes, a fleshy face[481] and Turkmān features, was of
middle height and altogether an elegant young man (_aet._ 22).


(_e. His qualities and manners._)

He was just, humane, pleasant-natured and a most accomplished scion of
sovereignty. His tutor, Sayyid Maḥmūd,[482] presumably was a Shī`a;
through this he himself became infected by that heresy. People said that
latterly, in Samarkand, he reverted from that evil belief to the pure
Faith. He was much addicted to wine but on his non-drinking days, used
to go through the Prayers.[483] He was moderate in gifts and liberality.
He wrote the _naskh-ta`līq_ character very well; in painting also his
hand was not bad. He made `Ādilī his pen-name and composed good verses
but not sufficient to form a _dīwān_. Here is the opening couplet
(_maṯla`_) of one of them[484];—

   Like a wavering shadow I fall here and there;
   If not propped by a wall, I drop flat on the ground.

In such repute are his odes held in Samarkand, that they are to be found
in most houses.


(_f. His battles._)

He fought two ranged battles. One, fought when he was first seated on
the throne (900 AH.-1495 AD.), was with Sl. Maḥmūd Khān[485] who,
incited and stirred up by Sl. Junaid _Barlās_ and others to desire
Samarkand, drew an army out, [Sidenote: Fol. 69.] crossed the Āq-kutal
and went to Rabāṯ-i-soghd and Kān-bāī. Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā went out from
Samarkand, fought him near Kān-bāī, beat him and beheaded 3 or 4000
Mughūls. In this fight died Ḥaidar _Kūkūldāsh_, the Khān's looser and
binder (_ḥall u`aqdī_). His second battle was fought near Bukhārā with
Sl. `Alī Mīrzā (901 AH.-1496 AD.); in this he was beaten.[486]


(_g. His countries._)

His father, Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā, gave him Bukhārā; when Sl. Maḥmūd M. died,
his begs assembled and in agreement made Bāī-sunghar M. ruler in
Samarkand. For a time, Bukhārā was included with Samarkand in his
jurisdiction but it went out of his hands after the Tarkhān rebellion
(901 AH.-1496 AD.). When he left Samarkand to go to Khusrau Shāh and I
got possession of it (903 AH.-1497 AD.), Khusrau Shāh took Ḥiṣār and
gave it to him.


(_h. Other details concerning him._)

He left no child. He took a daughter of his paternal uncle, Sl. Khalīl
Mīrzā, when he went to Khusrau Shāh; he had no other wife or concubine.

He never ruled with authority so independent that any beg was heard of
as promoted by him to be his confidant; his begs [Sidenote: Fol. 69b.]
were just those of his father and his paternal uncle (Aḥmad).


(_i. Resumed account of Bābur's campaign against Taṃbal._)

After Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā's death, Sl. Aḥmad _Qarāwal_,[487] the father of
Qūch (Qūj) Beg, sent us word (of his intention) and came to us from
Ḥiṣār through the Qarā-tīgīn country, together with his brethren, elder
and younger, and their families and dependants. From Aūsh too came
Qaṃbar-`alī, risen from his sickness. Arriving, as it did, at such a
moment, we took the providential help of Sl. Aḥmad and his party for a
happy omen. Next day we formed up at dawn and moved direct upon our foe.
He made no stand at Āb-i-khān but marched from his ground, leaving many
tents and blankets and things of the baggage for our men. We dismounted
in his camp.

That evening Taṃbal, having Jahāngīr with him, turned our left and went
to a village called Khūbān (var. Khūnān), some 3 _yīghāch_ from us (15
m.?) and between us and Andijān. Next day we moved out against him,
formed up with right and left, centre and van, our horses in their mail,
our men in theirs, and with foot-soldiers, bearing mantelets, flung to
the front. Our right was `Alī-dost and his dependants, our left Ibrāhīm
_Sārū_, Wais _Lāgharī_, Sayyidī Qarā, Muḥammad-`alī _Mubashir_, and
Khwāja-i-kalān's elder brother, Kīchīk Beg, with several of [Sidenote:
Fol. 70.] the household. In the left were inscribed[488] also Sl. Aḥmad
_Qarāwal_ and Qūch Beg with their brethren. With me in the centre was
Qāsim Beg _Qūchīn_; in the van were Qaṃbar-`alī (the Skinner) and some
of the household. When we reached Sāqā, a village two miles east of
Khūbān, the enemy came out of Khūbān, arrayed to fight. We, for our
part, moved on the faster. At the time of engaging, our foot-soldiers,
provided how laboriously with the mantelets! were quite in the rear! By
God's grace, there was no need of them; our left had got hands in with
their right before they came up. Kīchīk Beg chopped away very well; next
to him ranked Muḥammad `Alī _Mubashir_. Not being able to bring equal
zeal to oppose us, the enemy took to flight. The fighting did not reach
the front of our van or right. Our men brought in many of their braves;
we ordered the heads of all to be struck off. Favouring caution and good
generalship, our begs, Qāsim Beg and, especially, `Alī-dost did not
think it advisable to send far in pursuit; for [Sidenote: Fol. 70b.]
this reason, many of their men did not fall into our hands. We
dismounted right in Khūbān village. This was my first ranged battle; the
Most High God, of His own favour and mercy, made it a day of victory and
triumph. We accepted the omen.

On the next following day, my father's mother, my grandmother, Shāh
Sulṯān Begīm[489] arrived from Andijān, thinking to beg off Jahāngīr
Mīrzā if he had been taken.


(_j. Bābur goes into winter-quarters in Between-the-two-rivers._)

As it was now almost winter and no grain or fruits[490] remained in the
open country, it was not thought desirable to move against (Taṃbal in)
Aūzkīnt but return was made to Andijān. A few days later, it was settled
after consultation, that for us to winter in the town would in no way
hurt or hamper the enemy, rather that he would wax the stronger by it
through raids and guerilla fighting; moreover on our own account, it was
necessary that we should winter where our men would not become enfeebled
through want of grain and where we could straiten the enemy by some sort
of blockade. For these desirable [Sidenote: Fol. 71.] ends we marched
out of Andijān, meaning to winter near Armiyān and Nūsh-āb in the
Rabāṯik-aūrchīnī, known also as Between-the-two-rivers. On arriving in
the two villages above-mentioned, we prepared winter-quarters.

The hunting-grounds are good in that neighbourhood; in the jungle near
the Aīlāīsh river is much _būghū-marāl_[491] and pig; the small
scattered clumps of jungle are thick with hare and pheasant; and on the
near rising-ground, are many foxes[492] of fine colour and swifter than
those of any other place. While we were in those quarters, I used to
ride hunting every two or three days; we would beat through the great
jungle and hunt _būghū-marāl_, or we would wander about, making a circle
round scattered clumps and flying our hawks at the pheasants. The
pheasants are unlimited[493] there; pheasant-meat was abundant as long
as we were in those quarters.

While we were there, Khudāī-bīrdī _Tūghchī_, then newly-favoured with
beg's rank, fell on some of Taṃbal's raiders and brought in a few heads.
Our braves went out also from Aūsh and Andijān and raided untiringly on
the enemy, driving in his herds of horses and much enfeebling him. If
the whole winter had been passed in those quarters, the more probable
thing is [Sidenote: Fol. 71b.] that he would have broken up simply
without a fight.


(_k. Qaṃbar-`alī again asks leave._)

It was at such a time, just when our foe was growing weak and helpless,
that Qaṃbar-`alī asked leave to go to his district. The more he was
dissuaded by reminder of the probabilities of the position, the more
stupidity he shewed. An amazingly fickle and veering manikin he was! It
had to be! Leave for his district was given him. That district had been
Khujand formerly but when Andijān was taken this last time, Asfara and
Kand-i-badām were given him in addition. Amongst our begs, he was the
one with large districts and many followers; no-one's land or following
equalled his. We had been 40 or 50 days in those winter-quarters. At his
recommendation, leave was given also to some of the clans in the army.
We, for our part, went into Andijān.


(_l. Sl. Maḥmūd Khān sends Mughūls to help Taṃbal._)

Both while we were in our winter-quarters and later on in Andijān,
Taṃbal's people came and went unceasingly between him and The Khān in
Tāshkīnt. His paternal uncle of the full-blood, Aḥmad Beg, was guardian
of The Khān's son, Sl. Muḥammad Sl. and high in favour; his elder
brother of the full-blood, Beg Tīlba (Fool), was The Khān's Lord of the
Gate. After all the comings and goings, these two brought The Khān to
the point of reinforcing Taṃbal. Beg Tīlba, leaving his wife and
domestics and family in Tāshkīnt, came on ahead of the [Sidenote: Fol.
72.] reinforcement and joined his younger brother, Taṃbal,—Beg Tīlba!
who from his birth up had been in Mughūlistān, had grown up amongst
Mughūls, had never entered a cultivated country or served the rulers of
one, but from first to last had served The Khāns!

Just then a wonderful (_`ajab_) thing happened;[494] Qāsim-i-`ajab
(wonderful Qāsim) when he had been left for a time in Akhsī, went out
one day after a few marauders, crossed the Khujand-water by Bachrātā,
met in with a few of Taṃbal's men and was made prisoner.

When Taṃbal heard that our army was disbanded and was assured of The
Khān's help by the arrival of his brother, Beg Tīlba, who had talked
with The Khān, he rode from Aūzkīnt into Between-the-two-rivers.
Meantime safe news had come to us from Kāsān that The Khān had appointed
his son, Sl. Muḥ. Khānika, commonly known as Sulṯānīm,[495] and Aḥmad
Beg, with 5 or 6000 men, to help Taṃbal, that they had crossed by the
Archa-kīnt road[496] and were laying siege to Kāsān. Hereupon we,
without delay, without a glance at our absent men, just with those there
were, in the hard cold of winter, put our [Sidenote: Fol. 72b.] trust in
God and rode off by the Band-i-sālār road to oppose them. That night we
stopped no-where; on we went through the darkness till, at dawn, we
dismounted in Akhsī.[497] So mightily bitter was the cold that night
that it bit the hands and feet of several men and swelled up the ears of
many, each ear like an apple. We made no stay in Akhsī but leaving there
Yārak T̤aghāī, temporarily also, in Qāsim-i-`ajab's place, passed on for
Kāsān. Two miles from Kāsān news came that on hearing of our approach,
Aḥmad Beg and Sulṯānīm had hurried off in disorder.


(_m. Bābur and Taṃbal again opposed._)

Taṃbal must have had news of our getting to horse for he had hurried to
help his elder brother.[498] Somewhere between the two Prayers of the
day,[499] his blackness[500] became visible towards Nū-kīnt. Astonished
and perplexed by his elder brother's light departure and by our quick
arrival, he stopped short. Said we, 'It is God has brought them in this
fashion! here they have come with their horses' necks at full
stretch;[501] if we join hands[502] and go out, and if God bring it
right, not a man of them will get off.' But Wais _Lāgharī_ and some
others said, 'It is late in the day; even if we do not go out today,
where can they go tomorrow? Wherever it is, we will meet [Sidenote: Fol.
73.] them at dawn.' So they said, not thinking it well to make the joint
effort there and then; so too the enemy, come so opportunely, broke up
and got away without any hurt whatever. The (Turkī) proverb is, 'Who
does not snatch at a chance, will worry himself about it till old age.'

   _(Persian) couplet._  Work must be snatched at betimes,
                         Vain is the slacker's mistimed work.

Seizing the advantage of a respite till the morrow, the enemy slipped
away in the night, and without dismounting on the road, went into Fort
Archīān. When a morrow's move against a foe was made, we found
no foe; after him we went and, not thinking it well to lay close
siege to Archīān, dismounted two miles off (one _shar`ī_) in
Ghazna-namangān.[503] We were in camp there for 30 or 40 days, Taṃbal
being in Fort Archīān. Every now and then a very few would go from our
side and come from theirs, fling themselves on one another midway and
return. They made one night-attack, rained arrows in on us and retired.
As the camp was encircled by a ditch or by branches close-set, and as
watch was kept, they could effect no more.


(_n. Qaṃbar-`alī, the Skinner, again gives trouble._)

Two or three times while we lay in that camp, Qaṃbar-`alī, [Sidenote:
Fol. 73b.] in ill-temper, was for going to his district; once he even
had got to horse and started in a fume, but we sent several begs after
him who, with much trouble, got him to turn back.


(_o. Further action against Taṃbal and an accommodation made._)

Meantime Sayyid Yūsuf of Macham had sent a man to Taṃbal and was looking
towards him. He was the head-man of one of the two foot-hills of
Andijān, Macham and Awīghūr. Latterly he had become known in my Gate,
having outgrown the head-man and put on the beg, though no-one ever had
made him a beg. He was a singularly hypocritical manikin, of no standing
whatever. From our last taking of Andijān (June 1499) till then (Feb.
1500), he had revolted two or three times from Taṃbal and come to me,
and two or three times had revolted from me and gone to Taṃbal. This was
his last change of side. With him were many from the (Mughūl) horde and
tribesmen and clansmen. 'Don't let him join Taṃbal,' we said and rode in
between them. We got to Bīshkhārān with one night's halt. Taṃbal's men
must have come earlier and entered the fort. A party of our begs,
`Alī-darwesh Beg and Qūch Beg, with his brothers, went close up to the
Gate of [Sidenote: Fol. 74.] Bīshkhārān and exchanged good blows with
the enemy. Qūch Beg and his brothers did very well there, their hands
getting in for most of the work. We dismounted on a height some two
miles from Bīshkhārān; Taṃbal, having Jahāngīr with him, dismounted with
the fort behind him.

Three or four days later, begs unfriendly to us, that is to say,
`Alī-dost and Qaṃbar-`alī, the Skinner, with their followers and
dependants, began to interpose with talk of peace. I and my well-wishers
had no knowledge of a peace and we all[504] were utterly averse from the
project. Those two manikins however were our two great begs; if we gave
no ear to their words and if we did not make peace, other things from
them were probable! It had to be! Peace was made in this fashion;—the
districts on the Akhsī side of the Khujand-water were to depend on
Jahāngīr, those on the Andijān side, on me; Aūzkīnt was to be left in my
jurisdiction after they had removed their families from it; when the
districts were settled and I and Jahāngīr had made our agreement, we
(_bīz_) should march together against Samarkand; and when I was in
possession of Samarkand, Andijān was to be given to Jahāngīr. So the
affair was settled. [Sidenote: Fol. 74b.] Next day,—it was one of the
last of Rajab, (end of Feb. 1500) Jahāngīr Mīrzā and Taṃbal came and did
me obeisance; the terms and conditions were ratified as stated above;
leave for Akhsī was given to Jahāngīr and I betook myself to Andijān.

On our arrival, Khalīl-of-Taṃbal and our whole band of prisoners were
released; robes of honour were put on them and leave to go was given.
They, in their turn, set free our begs and household, _viz._ the
commanders[505] (Sherīm?) T̤aghāī Beg, Muḥammad-dost, Mīr Shāh _Qūchīn_,
Sayyidī Qarā Beg, Qāsim-i-`ajab, Mīr Wais, Mīrīm _Dīwān_, and those
under them.


(_p. The self-aggrandizement of `Alī-dost T̤aghāī._)

After our return to Andijān, `Alī-dost's manners and behaviour changed
entirely. He began to live ill with my companions of the guerilla days
and times of hardship. First, he dismissed Khalīfa; next seized and
plundered Ibrāhīm _Sārū_ and Wais _Lāgharī_, and for no fault or cause
deprived them of their districts and dismissed them. He entangled
himself with Qāsim Beg and _he_ was made to go; he openly declared,
'Khalīfa and Ibrāhīm are in sympathy about Khwāja-i-qāẓī; they will
avenge him on me.'[506] His son, Muḥammad-dost set himself up on a regal
footing, starting receptions and a public table and a [Sidenote: Fol.
75.] Court and workshops, after the fashion of sulṯāns. Like father,
like son, they set themselves up in this improper way because they had
Taṃbal at their backs. No authority to restrain their unreasonable
misdeeds was left to me; for why? Whatever their hearts desired, that
they did because such a foe of mine as Taṃbal was their backer. The
position was singularly delicate; not a word was said but many
humiliations were endured from that father and that son alike.


(_q. Bābur's first marriage._)

`Āyisha-sulṯān Begīm whom my father and hers, _i.e._ my uncle, Sl. Aḥmad
Mīrzā had betrothed to me, came (this year) to Khujand[507] and I took
her in the month of Sha`bān. Though I was not ill-disposed towards her,
yet, this being my first marriage, out of modesty and bashfulness, I
used to see her once in 10, 15 or 20 days. Later on when even my first
inclination did not last, my bashfulness increased. Then my mother
Khānīm used to send me, once a month or every 40 [Sidenote: Fol. 75b.]
days, with driving and driving, dunnings and worryings.


(_r. A personal episode and some verses by Bābur._)

In those leisurely days I discovered in myself a strange inclination,
nay! as the verse says, 'I maddened and afflicted myself' for a boy in
the camp-bazar, his very name, Bāburī, fitting in. Up till then I had
had no inclination for any-one, indeed of love and desire, either by
hear-say or experience, I had not heard, I had not talked. At that time
I composed Persian couplets, one or two at a time; this is one of the
them:—

   May none be as I, humbled and wretched and love-sick;
   No beloved as thou art to me, cruel and careless.

From time to time Bāburī used to come to my presence but out of modesty
and bashfulness, I could never look straight at him; how then could I
make conversation (_ikhtilāṯ_) and recital (_hikāyat_)? In my joy and
agitation I could not thank him (for coming); how was it possible for me
to reproach him with going away? What power had I to command the duty of
service to myself?[508] One day, during that time of desire and passion
when I was going with companions along a lane and suddenly met him face
to face, I got into such a state of confusion that I almost went right
off. To look straight at him [Sidenote: Fol. 76.] or to put words
together was impossible. With a hundred torments and shames, I went on.
A (Persian) couplet of Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ's[509] came into my mind:—

   I am abashed with shame when I see my friend;
   My companions look at me, I look the other way.

That couplet suited the case wonderfully well. In that frothing-up of
desire and passion, and under that stress of youthful folly, I used to
wander, bare-head, bare-foot, through street and lane, orchard and
vineyard. I shewed civility neither to friend nor stranger, took no care
for myself or others.

   (_Turkī_) Out of myself desire rushed me, unknowing
             That this is so with the lover of a fairy-face.

Sometimes like the madmen, I used to wander alone over hill and plain;
sometimes I betook myself to gardens and the suburbs, lane by lane. My
wandering was not of my choice, not I decided whether to go or stay.

   (_Turkī_) Nor power to go was mine, nor power to stay;
             I was just what you made me, o thief of my heart.


(_s. Sl. `Alī Mīrzā's quarrels with the Tarkhāns._)

In this same year, Sl. `Alī Mīrzā fell out with Muḥammad Mazīd Tarkhān
for the following reasons;—The Tarkhāns had risen to over-much
predominance and honour; Bāqī had taken the whole revenue of the Bukhārā
Government and gave not a [Sidenote: Fol. 76b.] half-penny (_dāng_)[510]
to any-one else; Muḥammad Mazīd, for his part, had control in Samarkand
and took all its districts for his sons and dependants; a small sum only
excepted, fixed by them, not a farthing (_fils_) from the town reached
the Mīrzā by any channel. Sl. `Alī Mīrzā was a grown man; how was he to
tolerate such conduct as theirs? He and some of his household formed a
design against Muḥ. Mazīd Tarkhān; the latter came to know of it and
left the town with all his following and with whatever begs and other
persons were in sympathy with him,[511] such as Sl. Ḥusain _Arghūn_, Pīr
Aḥmad, Aūzūn Ḥasan's younger brother, Khwāja Ḥusain, Qarā _Barlās_,
Ṣāliḥ Muḥammad[512] and some other begs and braves.

At the time The Khān had joined to Khān Mīrzā a number of Mughūl begs
with Muḥ. Ḥusain _Dūghlāt_ and Aḥmad Beg, and had appointed them to act
against Samarkand.[513] Khān Mīrzā's guardians were Ḥāfiẓ Beg _Dūldāī_
and his son, T̤āhir Beg; because of relationship to them, (Muḥ.
Sīghal's) grandson, Ḥasan and Hindū Beg fled with several braves from
Sl. `Alī [Sidenote: Fol. 77.] Mīrzā's presence to Khān Mīrzā's.

Muḥammad Mazīd Tarkhān invited Khān Mīrzā and the Mughūl army, moved to
near Shavdār, there saw the Mīrzā and met the begs of the Mughūls. No
small useful friendlinesses however, came out of the meeting between his
begs and the Mughūls; the latter indeed seem to have thought of making
him a prisoner. Of this he and his begs coming to know, separated
themselves from the Mughūl army. As without him the Mughūls could make
no stand, they retired. Here-upon, Sl. `Alī Mīrzā hurried light out of
Samarkand with a few men and caught them up where they had dismounted in
Yār-yīlāq. They could not even fight but were routed and put to flight.
This deed, done in his last days, was Sl. `Alī Mīrzā's one good little
affair.

Muḥ. Mazīd Tarkhān and his people, despairing both of the Mughūls and of
these Mīrzās, sent Mīr Mughūl, son of `Abdu'l-wahhāb _Shaghāwal_[514] to
invite me (to Samarkand). Mīr Mughūl had already been in my service; he
had risked his life in good accord with Khwāja-i-qāẓī during the siege
of Andijān (903 AH.-1498 AD.).

This business hurt us also[515] and, as it was for that purpose we had
made peace (with Jahāngīr), we resolved to move on Samarkand. We sent
Mīr Mughūl off at once to give rendezvous[516] [Sidenote: Fol. 77b.] to
Jahāngīr Mīrzā and prepared to get to horse. We rode out in the month
of Ẕū'l-qa`da (June) and with two halts on the way, came to Qabā and
there dismounted.[517] At the mid-afternoon Prayer of that day, news
came that Taṃbal's brother, Khalīl had taken Aūsh by surprise.

The particulars are as follows;—As has been mentioned, Khalīl and those
under him were set free when peace was made. Taṃbal then sent Khalīl to
fetch away their wives and families from Aūzkīnt. He had gone and he
went into the fort on this pretext. He kept saying untruthfully, 'We
will go out today,' or 'We will go out tomorrow,' but he did not go.
When we got to horse, he seized the chance of the emptiness of Aūsh to
go by night and surprise it. For several reasons it was of no advantage
for us to stay and entangle ourselves with him; we went straight on
therefore. One reason was that as, for the purpose of making ready
military equipment, all my men of name had scattered, heads of houses to
their homes, we had no news of them because we had relied on the peace
and were by this off our guard against the treachery and falsity of the
other party. Another reason was that for some time, as has been
[Sidenote: Fol. 78.] said, the misconduct of our great begs, `Alī-dost
and Qaṃbar-`alī had been such that no confidence in them was left. A
further reason was that the Samarkand begs, under Muḥ. Mazīd Tarkhān had
sent Mīr Mughūl to invite us and, so long as a capital such as Samarkand
stood there, what would incline a man to waste his days for a place like
Andijān?

From Qabā we moved on to Marghīnān (20 m.). Marghīnān had been given to
Qūch Beg's father, Sl. Aḥmad _Qarāwal_, and he was then in it. As he,
owing to various ties and attachments, could not attach himself to
me,[518] he stayed behind while his son, Qūch Beg and one or two of his
brethren, older and younger, went with me.

Taking the road for Asfara, we dismounted in one of its villages, called
Mahan. That night there came and joined us in Mahan, by splendid chance,
just as if to a rendezvous, Qāsim Beg _Qūchīn_ with his company,
`Alī-dost with his, and Sayyid Qāsim with a large body of braves. We
rode from Mahan by the Khasbān (var. Yasān) plain, crossed the Chūpān
(Shepherd)-bridge and so to Aūrā-tīpā.[519]


(_t. Qaṃbar-`alī punishes himself._)

Trusting to Taṃbal, Qaṃbar-`alī went from his own district (Khujand) to
Akhsī in order to discuss army-matters with him. [Sidenote: Fol. 78b.]
Such an event happening,[520] Taṃbal laid hands on Qaṃbar-`alī, marched
against his district and carried him along. Here the (Turkī) proverb
fits, 'Distrust your friend! he'll stuff your hide with straw.' While
Qaṃbar-`alī was being made to go to Khujand, he escaped on foot and
after a hundred difficulties reached Aūrā-tīpā.

News came to us there that Shaibānī Khān had beaten Bāqī Tarkhān in
Dabūsī and was moving on Bukhārā. We went on from Aūrā-tīpā, by way of
Burka-yīlāq, to Sangzār[521] which the sub-governor surrendered. There
we placed Qaṃbar-`alī, as, after effecting his own capture and betrayal,
he had come to us. We then passed on.


(_u. Affairs of Samarkand and the end of `Alī-dost._)

On our arrival in Khān-yūrtī, the Samarkand begs under Muḥ. Mazīd
Tarkhān came and did me obeisance. Conference was held with them as to
details for taking the town; they said, 'Khwāja Yaḥya also is wishing
for the _pādshāh_;[522] with his consent the town may be had easily
without fighting or disturbance.' The Khwāja did not say decidedly to
our messengers that he had resolved to admit us to the town but at the
same time, he said nothing likely to lead us to despair.

Leaving Khān-yūrtī, we moved to the bank of the Dar-i-gham (canal) and
from there sent our librarian, Khwāja Muḥammad [Sidenote: Fol. 79.] `Alī
to Khwāja Yaḥya. He brought word back, 'Let them come; we will give them
the town.' Accordingly we rode from the Dar-i-gham straight for the
town, at night-fall, but our plan came to nothing because Sl. Muḥammad
_Dūldāī's_ father, Sl. Maḥmūd had fled from our camp and given such
information to (Sl. `Alī's party) as put them on their guard. Back we
went to the Dar-i-gham bank.

While I had been in Yār-yīlāq, one of my favoured begs, Ibrāhīm _Sārū_
who had been plundered and driven off by `Alī-dost,[523] came and did me
obeisance, together with Muḥ. Yūsuf, the elder son of Sayyid Yūsuf
(_Aūghlāqchī_). Coming in by ones and twos, old family servants and begs
and some of the household gathered back to me there. All were enemies of
`Alī-dost; some he had driven away; others he had plundered; others
again he had imprisoned. He became afraid. For why? Because with
Taṃbal's backing, he had harassed and persecuted me and my well-wishers.
As for me, my very nature sorted ill with the manikin's! From shame and
fear, he could stay no longer with us; he asked leave; I took it as a
personal favour; I gave it. On this leave, he and his son, Muḥammad-dost
went to Taṃbal's presence. They became his intimates, [Sidenote: Fol.
79b.] and from father and son alike, much evil and sedition issued.
`Alī-dost died a few years later from ulceration of the hand.
Muḥammad-dost went amongst the Aūzbegs; that was not altogether bad but,
after some treachery to his salt, he fled from them and went into the
Andijān foot-hills.[524] There he stirred up much revolt and trouble. In
the end he fell into the hands of Aūzbeg people and they blinded him.
The meaning of 'The salt took his eyes,' is clear in his case.[525]

After giving this pair their leave, we sent Ghūrī _Barlās_ toward
Bukhārā for news. He brought word that Shaibānī Khān had taken Bukhārā
and was on his way to Samarkand. Here-upon, seeing no advantage in
staying in that neighbourhood, we set out for Kesh where, moreover, were
the families of most of the Samarkand begs.

When we had been a few weeks there, news came that Sl. `Alī Mīrzā had
given Samarkand to Shaibānī Khān. The particulars are these;—The Mīrzā's
mother, Zuhra Begī Āghā (_Aūzbeg_), in her ignorance and folly, had
secretly written to [Sidenote: Fol. 80.] Shaibānī Khān that if he would
take her (to wife) her son should give him Samarkand and that when
Shaibānī had taken (her son's) father's country, he should give her son
a country.[526] Sayyid Yūsuf _Arghūn_ must have known of this plan,
indeed will have been the traitor inventing it.



906 AH.—JULY 28TH. 1500 TO JULY 17TH. 1501 AD.[527]

(_a. Samarkand in the hands of the Aūzbegs._)


When, acting on that woman's promise, Shaibānī Khān went to Samarkand,
he dismounted in the Garden of the Plain. About mid-day Sl. `Alī Mīrzā
went out to him through the Four-roads Gate, without a word to any of
his begs or unmailed braves, without taking counsel with any-one soever
and accompanied only by a few men of little consideration from his own
close circle. The Khān, for his part, did not receive him very
favourably; when they had seen one another, he seated him on his less
honourable hand.[528] Khwāja Yaḥya, on hearing of the Mīrzā's departure,
became very anxious but as he could find no remedy,[529] went out also.
The Khān looked at him without rising and said a few words in which
blame had part, but when the Khwāja rose to leave, showed him the
respect of rising.

As soon as Khwāja `Alī[530] Bāy's[531] son, Jān-`alī heard in
Rabāṯ-i-khwāja of the Mīrzā's going to Shaibānī Khān, he also went. As
for that calamitous woman who, in her folly, gave her son's [Sidenote:
Fol. 80b.] house and possessions to the winds in order to get herself a
husband, Shaibānī Khān cared not one atom for her, indeed did not regard
her as the equal of a mistress or a concubine.[532]

Confounded by his own act, Sl. `Alī Mīrzā's repentance was extreme. Some
of his close circle, after hearing particulars, planned for him to
escape with them but to this he would not agree; his hour had come; he
was not to be freed. He had dismounted in Tīmūr Sulṯān's quarters; three
or four days later they killed him in Plough-meadow.[533] For a matter
of this five-days' mortal life, he died with a bad name; having entered
into a woman's affairs, he withdrew himself from the circle of men of
good repute. Of such people's doings no more should be written; of acts
so shameful, no more should be heard.

The Mīrzā having been killed, Shaibānī Khān sent Jān-`alī after his
Mīrzā. He had apprehensions also about Khwāja Yaḥya and therefore
dismissed him, with his two sons, Khwāja Muḥ. Zakarīya and Khwāja Bāqī,
towards Khurāsān.[534] A few Aūzbegs followed them and near Khwāja
Kārdzan martyred both the Khwāja and his two young sons. Though
Shaibānī's [Sidenote: Fol. 81.] words were, 'Not through me the Khwāja's
affair! Qaṃbar Bī and Kūpuk Bī did it,' this is worse than that! There
is a proverb,[535] 'His excuse is worse than his fault,' for if begs,
out of their own heads, start such deeds, unknown to their Khāns or
Pādshāhs, what becomes of the authority of khānship and sovereignty?


(_b. Bābur leaves Kesh and crosses the Mūra pass._)

Since the Aūzbegs were in possession of Samarkand, we left Kesh and went
in the direction of Ḥiṣār. With us started off Muḥ. Mazīd Tārkhān and
the Samarkand begs under his command, together with their wives and
families and people, but when we dismounted in the Chultū meadow of
Chaghānīān, they parted from us, went to Khusrau Shāh and became his
retainers.

Cut off from our own abiding-town and country,[536] not knowing where
(else) to go or where to stay, we were obliged to traverse the very
heart of Khusrau Shāh's districts, spite of what measure of misery he
had inflicted on the men of our dynasty!

One of our plans had been to go to my younger Khān dādā, _i.e._ Alacha
Khān, by way of Qarā-tīgīn and the Alāī,[537] but this was not managed.
Next we were for going up the valley of the Kām torrent and over the
Sara-tāq pass (_dābān_). When we were near Nūnḍāk, a servant of Khusrau
Shāh brought me one set of nine horses[538] and one of nine pieces of
cloth. When we dismounted at the mouth of the Kām valley, Sher-`alī.
[Sidenote: Fol. 81b.] the page, deserted to Khusrau Shāh's brother, Walī
and, next day, Qūch Beg parted from us and went to Ḥiṣār.[539]

We entered the valley and made our way up it. On its steep and narrow
roads and at its sharp and precipitous saddles[540] many horses and
camels were left. Before we reached the Sara-tāq pass we had (in 25 m.)
to make three or four night-halts. A pass! and what a pass! Never was
such a steep and narrow pass seen; never were traversed such ravines and
precipices. Those dangerous narrows and sudden falls, those perilous
heights and knife-edge saddles, we got through with much difficulty and
suffering, with countless hardships and miseries. Amongst the Fān
mountains is a large lake (Iskandar); it is 2 miles in circumference, a
beautiful lake and not devoid of marvels.[541]

News came that Ibrāhīm Tarkhān had strengthened Fort Shīrāz and was
seated in it; also that Qaṃbar-`alī (the Skinner) and Abū'l-qāsim
_Kohbur_, the latter not being able to stay in Khwāja Dīdār with the
Aūzbegs in Samarkand,—had both come into Yār-yīlāq, strengthened its
lower forts and occupied them.

Leaving Fān on our right, we moved on for Keshtūd. The head-man of Fān
had a reputation for hospitality, generosity, [Sidenote: Fol. 82.]
serviceableness and kindness. He had given tribute of 70 or 80 horses to
Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā at the time the Mīrzā, when Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā made
attack on Ḥiṣār, went through Fān on his way to his younger brother,
Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā in Samarkand. He did like service to others. To me he
sent one second-rate horse; moreover he did not wait on me himself. So
it was! Those renowned for liberality became misers when they had to do
with me, and the politeness of the polite was forgotten. Khusrau Shāh
was celebrated for liberality and kindness; what service he did
Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā has been mentioned; to Bāqī Tarkhān and other begs
he shewed great generosity also. Twice I happened to pass through his
country;[542] not to speak of courtesy shewn to my peers, what he shewed
to my lowest servants he did not shew to me, indeed he shewed less
regard for us than for them.

   (_Turkī_) Who, o my heart! has seen goodness from worldlings?
             Look not for goodness from him who has none.

Under the impression that the Aūzbegs were in Keshtūd, we made an
excursion to it, after passing Fān. Of itself it seemed [Sidenote: Fol.
82b.] to have gone to ruin; no-one seemed to be occupying it. We went on
to the bank of the Kohik-water (Zar-afshān) and there dismounted. From
that place we sent a few begs under Qāsim _Qūchīn_ to surprise
Rabāṯ-i-khwāja; that done, we crossed the river by a bridge from
opposite Yārī, went through Yārī and over the Shunqār-khāna
(Falcons'-home) range into Yār-yīlāq. Our begs went to Rabāṯ-i-khwāja
and had set up ladders when the men within came to know about them and
forced them to retire. As they could not take the fort, they rejoined
us.


(_c. Bābur renews attack on Samarkand._)

Qaṃbar-`alī (the Skinner) was (still) holding Sangzār; he came and saw
us; Abū'l-qāsim _Kohbur_ and Ibrāhīm Tarkhān showed loyalty and
attachment by sending efficient men for our service. We went into
Asfīdik (var. Asfīndik), one of the Yār-yīlāq villages. At that time
Shaibāq Khān lay near Khwāja Dīdār with 3 or 4000 Aūzbegs and as many
more soldiers gathered in locally. He had given the Government of
Samarkand to Jān-wafā, and Jān-wafā was then in the fort with 500 or 600
men. Ḥamza Sl. and Mahdī Sl. were lying near the fort, in the
Quail-reserve. Our men, good and bad were 240. [Sidenote: Fol. 83.]

Having discussed the position with all my begs and unmailed braves, we
left it at this;—that as Shaibānī Khān had taken possession of Samarkand
so recently, the Samarkandīs would not be attached to him nor he to
them; that if we made an effort at once, we might do the thing; that if
we set ladders up and took the fort by surprise, the Samarkandīs would
be for us; how should they not be? even if they gave us no help, they
would not fight us for the Aūzbegs; and that Samarkand once in our
hands, whatever was God's will, would happen.

Acting on this decision, we rode out of Yār-yīlāq after the Mid-day
Prayer, and on through the dark till mid-night when we reached
Khān-yūrtī. Here we had word that the Samarkandīs knew of our coming;
for this reason we went no nearer to the town but made straight back
from Khān-yūrtī. It was dawn when, after crossing the Kohik-water below
Rabāṯ-i-khwāja, we were once more in Yār-yīlāq.

One day in Fort Asfīdik a household party was sitting in my presence;
Dost-i-nāṣir and Nuyān[543] _Kūkūldāsh_ and Khān-qulī-i-Karīm-dād and
Shaikh Darwesh and Mīrīm-i-nāṣir were all there. Words were crossing
from all sides when (I said), 'Come now! say when, if God bring it
right, we shall take [Sidenote: Fol. 83b.] Samarkand.' Some said, 'We
shall take it in the heats.' It was then late in autumn. Others said,
'In a month,' 'Forty days,' 'Twenty days.' Nuyān _Kūkūldāsh_ said, 'We
shall take it in 14.' God shewed him right! we did take it in exactly 14
days.

Just at that time I had a wonderful dream;—His Highness Khwāja
`Ubaid'l-lāh (_Aḥrārī_) seemed to come; I seemed to go out to give him
honourable meeting; he came in and seated himself; people seemed to lay
a table-cloth before him, apparently without sufficient care and, on
account of this, something seemed to come into his Highness Khwāja's
mind. Mullā Bābā (? _Pashāgharī_) made me a sign; I signed back, 'Not
through me! the table-layer is in fault!' The Khwāja understood and
accepted the excuse.[544] When he rose, I escorted him out. In the hall
of that house he took hold of either my right or left arm and lifted me
up till one of my feet was off the ground, saying, in Turkī, 'Shaikh
Maṣlaḥat has given (Samarkand).'[545] I really took Samarkand a few days
later.


(_d. Bābur takes Samarkand by surprise._)

In two or three days move was made from Fort Asfīdik to Fort Wasmand.
Although by our first approach, we had let [Sidenote: Fol. 84.] our plan
be known, we put our trust in God and made another expedition to
Samarkand. It was after the Mid-day Prayer that we rode out of Fort
Wasmand, Khwāja Abū'l-makāram accompanying us. By mid-night we reached
the Deep-fosse-bridge in the Avenue. From there we sent forward a
detachment of 70 or 80 good men who were to set up ladders opposite the
Lovers'-cave, mount them and get inside, stand up to those in the
Turquoise Gate, get possession of it and send a man to me. Those braves
went, set their ladders up opposite the Lovers'-cave, got in without
making anyone aware, went to the Gate, attacked Fāẓil Tarkhān, chopped
at him and his few retainers, killed them, broke the lock with an axe
and opened the Gate. At that moment I came up and went in.

   (_Author's note on Fāẓil Tarkhān._) He was not one of those
   (Samarkand) Tarkhāns; he was a merchant-tarkhān of Turkistān.
   He had served Shaibānī Khān in Turkistān and had found favour
   with him.[546]

Abū'l-qāsim _Kohbur_ himself had not come with us but had sent 30 or 40
of his retainers under his younger brother, Aḥmad-i-qāsim. No man of
Ibrāhīm Tarkhān's was with us; his younger brother, Aḥmad Tarkhān came
with a few retainers after I had entered the town and taken post in the
Monastery. [Sidenote: Fol. 84b.]

The towns-people were still slumbering; a few traders peeped out of
their shops, recognized me and put up prayers. When, a little later, the
news spread through the town, there was rare delight and satisfaction
for our men and the towns-folk. They killed the Aūzbegs in the lanes and
gullies with clubs and stones like mad dogs; four or five hundred were
killed in this fashion. Jān-wafā, the then governor, was living in
Khwāja Yaḥya's house; he fled and got away to Shaibāq Khān.[547]

On entering the Turquoise Gate I went straight to the College and took
post over the arch of the Monastery. There was a hubbub and shouting of
'Down! down!' till day-break. Some of the notables and traders, hearing
what was happening, came joyfully to see me, bringing what food was
ready and putting up prayers for me. At day-light we had news that the
Aūzbegs were fighting in the Iron Gate where they had made themselves
fast between the (outer and inner) doors. With 10, 15 or 20 men, I at
once set off for the Gate but before I came up, the town-rabble, busy
ransacking every corner of the newly-taken town for loot, had driven the
Aūzbegs out through [Sidenote: Fol. 85.] it. Shaibāq Khān, on hearing
what was happening, hurried at sun-rise to the Iron Gate with 100 or 140
men. His coming was a wonderful chance but, as has been said, my men
were very few. Seeing that he could do nothing, he rode off at once.
From the Iron Gate I went to the citadel and there dismounted, at the
Bū-stān palace. Men of rank and consequence and various head-men came to
me there, saw me and invoked blessings on me.

Samarkand for nearly 140 years had been the capital of our dynasty. An
alien, and of what stamp! an Aūzbeg foe, had taken possession of it! It
had slipped from our hands; God gave it again! plundered and ravaged,
our own returned to us.

Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā took Harāt[548] as we took Samarkand, by surprise, but
to the experienced, and discerning, and just, it will be clear that
between his affair and mine there are distinctions and differences, and
that his capture and mine are things apart.

Firstly there is this;—He had ruled many years, passed through much
experience and seen many affairs.

Secondly;—He had for opponent, Yādgār Muḥ. Nāṣir Mīrzā, [Sidenote: Fol.
85b.] an inexperienced boy of 17 or 18.

Thirdly;—(Yādgār Mīrzā's) Head-equerry, Mīr `Alī, a person
well-acquainted with the particulars of the whole position, sent a man
out from amongst Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's opponents to bring him to surprise
them.

Fourthly;—His opponent was not in the fort but was in the
Ravens'-garden. Moreover Yādgār Muḥ. Nāṣir Mīrzā and his followers are
said to have been so prostrate with drink that three men only were in
the Gate, they also drunk.

Fifthly;—he surprised and captured Harāt the first time he approached
it.

On the other hand: firstly;—I was 19 when I took Samarkand.

Secondly;—I had as my opponent, such a man as Shaibāq Khān, of mature
age and an eye-witness of many affairs.

Thirdly;—No-one came out of Samarkand to me; though the heart of its
people was towards me, no-one could dream of coming, from dread of
Shaibāq Khān.

Fourthly;—My foe was in the fort; not only was the fort taken but he was
driven off.

Fifthly;—I had come once already; my opponent was on his guard about me.
The second time we came, God brought it right! Samarkand was won.

In saying these things there is no desire to be-little the reputation of
any man; the facts were as here stated. In [Sidenote: Fol. 86.] writing
these things, there is no desire to magnify myself; the truth is set
down.

The poets composed chronograms on the victory; this one remains in my
memory;—Wisdom answered, 'Know that its date is the _Victory_ (_Fatḥ_)
_of Bābur Bahādur_.'

Samarkand being taken, Shavdār and Soghd and the _tūmāns_ and nearer
forts began, one after another, to return to us. From some their Aūzbeg
commandants fled in fear and escaped; from others the inhabitants drove
them and came in to us; in some they made them prisoner, and held the
forts for us.

Just then the wives and families of Shaibāq Khān and his Aūzbegs arrived
from Turkistān;[549] he was lying near Khwāja Dīdār and `Alī-ābād but
when he saw the forts and people returning to me, marched off towards
Bukhārā. By God's grace, all the forts of Soghd and Miyān-kāl returned
to me within three or four months. Over and above this, Bāqī Tarkhān
seized this opportunity to occupy Qarshī; Khuzār and Qarshī (? Kesh)
both went out of Aūzbeg hands; Qarā-kūl [Sidenote: Fol. 86b.] also was
taken from them by people of Abū'l-muḥsin Mīrzā (_Bāī-qarā_), coming up
from Merv. My affairs were in a very good way.


(_e. Birth of Bābur's first child._)

After our departure (last year) from Andijān, my mothers and my wife and
relations came, with a hundred difficulties and hardships, to Aūrātīpā.
We now sent for them to Samarkand. Within a few days after their
arrival, a daughter was born to me by `Āyisha-sulṯān Begīm, my first
wife, the daughter of Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā. They named the child
Fakhru'n-nisā' (Ornament of women); she was my first-born, I was 19. In
a month or 40 days, she went to God's mercy.


(_f. Bābur in Samarkand._)

On taking Samarkand, envoys and summoners were sent off at once, and
sent again and again, with reiterated request for aid and reinforcement,
to the khāns and sulṯāns and begs and marchers on every side. Some,
though experienced men, made foolish refusal; others whose relations
towards our family had been discourteous and unpleasant, were afraid for
themselves and took no notice; others again, though they sent help, sent
it insufficient. Each such case will be duly mentioned.

When Samarkand was taken the second time, `Alī-sher Beg [Sidenote: Fol.
87.] was alive. We exchanged letters once; on the back of mine to him I
wrote one of my Turkī couplets. Before his reply reached me, separations
(_tafarqa_) and disturbances (_ghūghā_) had happened.[550] Mullā Binā'ī
had been taken into Shaibāq Khān's service when the latter took
possession of Samarkand; he stayed with him until a few days after I
took the place, when he came into the town to me. Qāsim Beg had his
suspicions about him and consequently dismissed him towards Shahr-i-sabz
but, as he was a man of parts, and as no fault of his came to light, I
had him fetched back. He constantly presented me with odes (_qaṣīda u
ghazal_). He brought me a song in the Nawā mode composed to my name and
at the same time the following quatrain;—[551]

   No grain (_ghala_) have I by which I can be fed (_noshīd_);
   No rhyme of grain (_mallah_, nankeen) wherewith I can be
     clad (_poshīd_);
   The man who lacks both food and clothes,
   In art or science where can he compete (_koshīd_)?

In those days of respite, I had written one or two couplets but had not
completed an ode. As an answer to Mullā Binā'ī I made up and set this
poor little Turkī quatrain;—[552]

   As is the wish of your heart, so shall it be (_būlghūsīdūr_);
   For gift and stipend both an order shall be made (_buyurūlghūsīdūr_);
   I know the grain and its rhyme you write of;
   The garments, you, your house, the corn shall fill (_tūlghūsīdūr_).

The Mullā in return wrote and presented a quatrain to me in [Sidenote:
Fol. 87b.] which for his refrain, he took a rhyme to (the _tūlghūsīdūr_
of) my last line and chose another rhyme;—

   Mīrzā-of-mine, the Lord of sea and land shall be (_yīr būlghūsīdūr_);
   His art and skill, world o'er, the evening tale shall be
     (_samar būlghūsīdūr_);
   If gifts like these reward one rhyming (_or_ pointless) word;
   For words of sense, what guerdon will there be (_nilār būlghūsīdūr_)?

Abū'l-barka, known as _Farāqi_ (Parted), who just then had come to
Samarkand from Shahr-i-sabz, said Binā'ī ought to have rhymed. He made
this verse;—

   Into Time's wrong to you quest shall be made (_sūrūlghūsīdūr_);
   Your wish the Sulṯān's grace from Time shall ask (_qūlghūsīdūr_);
   O Ganymede! our cups, ne'er filled as yet,
   In this new Age, brimmed-up, filled full shall be (_tūlghūsīdūr_).

Though this winter our affairs were in a very good way and Shaibāq
Khān's were on the wane, one or two occurrences were somewhat of a
disservice; (1) the Merv men who had taken Qarā-kūl, could not be
persuaded to stay there and it went back into the hands of the Aūzbegs;
(2) Shaibāq Khān besieged Ibrāhīm Tarkhān's younger brother, Aḥmad in
Dabūsī, stormed the place and made a general massacre of its inhabitants
before the army we were collecting was ready to march.

With 240 proved men I had taken Samarkand; in the next [Sidenote: Fol.
88.] five or six months, things so fell out by the favour of the Most
High God, that, as will be told, we fought the arrayed battle of
Sar-i-pul with a man like Shaibāq Khān. The help those round-about gave
us was as follows;—From The Khān had come, with 4 or 5000 Bārīns, Ayūb
_Begchīk_ and Qashka Maḥmūd; from Jahāngīr Mīrzā had come Khalīl,
Taṃbal's younger brother, with 100 or 200 men; not a man had come from
Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā, that experienced ruler, than whom none knew better the
deeds and dealings of Shaibāq Khān; none came from Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā;
none from Khusrau Shāh because he, the author of what evil done,—as has
been told,—to our dynasty! feared us more than he feared Shaibāq Khān.


(_g. Bābur defeated at Sar-i-pul._)

I marched out of Samarkand, with the wish of fighting Shaibāq Khān, in
the month of Shawwāl[553] and went to the New-garden where we lay four
or five days for the convenience of gathering our men and completing our
equipment. We took the precaution of fortifying our camp with ditch and
branch. From the New-garden we advanced, march by march, to beyond
Sar-i-pul (Bridge-head) and there dismounted. [Sidenote: Fol. 88b.]
Shaibāq Khān came from the opposite direction and dismounted at Khwāja
Kārdzan, perhaps one _yīghāch_ away (? 5 m.). We lay there for four or
five days. Every day our people went from our side and his came from
theirs and fell on one another. One day when they were in unusual force,
there was much fighting but neither side had the advantage. Out of that
engagement one of our men went rather hastily back into the
entrenchments; he was using a standard; some said it was Sayyidī Qarā
Beg's standard who really was a man of strong words but weak sword.
Shaibāq Khān made one night-attack on us but could do nothing because
the camp was protected by ditch and close-set branches. His men raised
their war-cry, rained in arrows from outside the ditch and then retired.

In the work for the coming battle I exerted myself greatly and took all
precautions; Qaṃbar-`alī also did much. In Kesh lay Bāqī Tarkhān with
1000 to 2000 men, in a position to join us after a couple of days. In
Diyūl, 4 _yīghāch_ off (? 20 m.), lay Sayyid Muḥ. Mīrzā _Dūghlāt_,
bringing me 1000 to 2000 men from my Khān dādā; he would have joined me
at [Sidenote: Fol. 89.] dawn. With matters in this position, we hurried
on the fight!

   Who lays with haste his hand on the sword,
   Shall lift to his teeth the back-hand of regret.[554]

The reason I was so eager to engage was that on the day of battle, the
Eight stars[555] were between the two armies; they would have been in
the enemy's rear for 13 or 14 days if the fight had been deferred. I now
understand that these considerations are worth nothing and that our
haste was without reason.

As we wished to fight, we marched from our camp at dawn, we in our mail,
our horses in theirs, formed up in array of right and left, centre and
van. Our right was Ibrāhīm _Sārū_, Ibrāhīm Jānī, Abū'l-qāsim _Kohbur_
and other begs. Our left was Muḥ. Mazīd Tarkhān, Ibrāhīm Tarkhān and
other Samarkandī begs, also Sl. Ḥusain _Arghūn_, Qarā (Black) _Barlās_,
Pīr Aḥmad and Khwāja Ḥusain. Qāsim Beg was (with me) in the centre and
also several of my close circle and household. In the van were inscribed
Qaṃbar-`alī the Skinner, Banda-`alī, Khwāja `Alī, Mīr Shāh _Qūchīn_,
Sayyid Qāsim, Lord of the Gate,—Banda-`alī's younger brother Khaldar
(mole-marked) and Ḥaidar-i-qāsim's son Qūch, together with all the good
braves there were, and the rest of the household.

Thus arrayed, we marched from our camp; the enemy, also in array,
marched out from his. His right was Maḥmūd and Jānī and Tīmūr Sulṯāns;
his left, Ḥamza and Mahdī and some [Sidenote: Fol. 89b.] other sulṯāns.
When our two armies approached one another, he wheeled his right towards
our rear. To meet this, I turned; this left our van,—in which had been
inscribed what not of our best braves and tried swordsmen!—to our right
and bared our front (_i.e._ the front of the centre). None-the-less we
fought those who made the front-attack on us, turned them and forced
them back on their own centre. So far did we carry it that some of
Shaibāq Khān's old chiefs said to him, 'We must move off! It is past a
stand.' He however held fast. His right beat our left, then wheeled
(again) to our rear.

(As has been said), the front of our centre was bare through our van's
being left to the right. The enemy attacked us front and rear, raining
in arrows on us. (Ayūb _Begchīk's_) Mughūl army, come for our help! was
of no use in fighting; it set to work forthwith to unhorse and plunder
our men. Not this [Sidenote: Fol. 90.] once only! This is always the way
with those ill-omened Mughūls! If they win, they grab at booty; if they
lose, they unhorse and pilfer their own side! We drove back the Aūzbegs
who attacked our front by several vigorous assaults, but those who had
wheeled to our rear came up and rained arrows on our standard. Falling
on us in this way, from the front and from the rear, they made our men
hurry off.

This same turning-movement is one of the great merits of Aūzbeg
fighting; no battle of theirs is ever without it. Another merit of
theirs is that they all, begs and retainers, from their front to their
rear, ride, loose-rein at the gallop, shouting as they come and, in
retiring, do not scatter but ride off, at the gallop, in a body.

Ten or fifteen men were left with me. The Kohik-water was close by,—the
point of our right had rested on it. We made straight for it. It was the
season when it comes down in flood. We rode right into it, man and horse
in mail. It was just fordable for half-way over; after that it had to be
swum. For more than an arrow's flight[556] we, man and mount in mail!
made our horses swim and so got across. Once out of the water, we cut
off the horse-armour and let it lie. By thus [Sidenote: Fol. 90b.]
passing to the north bank of the river, we were free of our foes, but at
once Mughūl wretches were the captors and pillagers of one after another
of my friends. Ibrāhīm Tarkhān and some others, excellent braves all,
were unhorsed and killed by Mughūls.[557] We moved along the north bank
of the Kohik-river, recrossed it near Qulba, entered the town by the
Shaikh-zāda's Gate and reached the citadel in the middle of the
afternoon.

Begs of our greatest, braves of our best and many men perished in that
fight. There died Ibrāhīm Tarkhān, Ibrāhīm _Sārū_ and Ibrāhīm Jānī;
oddly enough three great begs named Ibrāhīm perished. There died also
Ḥaidar-i-qāsim's eldest son, Abū'l-qāsim _Kohbur_, and Khudāī-bīrdī
_Tūghchī_ and Khalīl, Taṃbal's younger brother, spoken of already
several times. Many of our men fled in different directions;
Muḥ. Mazīd Tarkhān went towards Qūndūz and Ḥiṣār for Khusrau Shāh.
[Sidenote: Fol. 91.] Some of the household and of the braves, such as
Karīm-dad-i-Khudāī-bīrdī _Turkmān_ and Jānaka _Kūkūldāsh_ and Mullā Bābā
of Pashāghar got away to Aūrā-tīpā. Mullā Bābā at that time was not in
my service but had gone out with me in a guest's fashion. Others again,
did what Sherīm T̤aghāī and his band did;—though he had come back with
me into the town and though when consultation was had, he had agreed
with the rest to make the fort fast, looking for life or death within
it, yet spite of this, and although my mothers and sisters, elder and
younger, stayed on in Samarkand, he sent off their wives and families to
Aūrā-tīpā and remained himself with just a few men, all unencumbered.
Not this once only! Whenever hard work had to be done, low and
double-minded action was the thing to expect from him!


(_h. Bābur besieged in Samarkand._)

Next day, I summoned Khwāja Abū'l-makāram, Qāsim and the other begs, the
household and such of the braves as were admitted to our counsels, when
after consultation, we resolved to make the fort fast and to look for
life or death within it. I and Qāsim Beg with my close circle and
household were the reserve. For convenience in this I took up quarters
in the middle of the town, in tents pitched on the roof of Aūlūgh Beg
[Sidenote: Fol. 91b.] Mīrzā's College. To other begs and braves posts
were assigned in the Gates or on the ramparts of the walled-town.

Two or three days later, Shaibāq Khān dismounted at some distance from
the fort. On this, the town-rabble came out of lanes and wards, in
crowds, to the College gate, shouted good wishes for me and went out to
fight in mob-fashion. Shaibāq Khān had got to horse but could not so
much as approach the town. Several days went by in this fashion. The mob
and rabble, knowing nothing of sword and arrow-wounds, never witnesses
of the press and carnage of a stricken field, through these incidents,
became bold and began to sally further and further out. If warned by the
braves against going out so incautiously, they broke into reproach.

One day when Shaibāq Khān had directed his attack towards the Iron Gate,
the mob, grown bold, went out, as usual, daringly and far. To cover
their retreat, we sent several braves towards the Camel's-neck,[558]
foster-brethren and some of the close household-circle, such as Nuyān
_Kūkūldāsh_, Qul-naẕar (son of Sherīm?) T̤aghāī Beg, and Mazīd. An
Aūzbeg or two [Sidenote: Fol. 92.] put their horses at them and with
Qul-naẕar swords were crossed. The rest of the Aūzbegs dismounted and
brought their strength to bear on the rabble, hustled them off and
rammed them in through the Iron Gate. Qūch Beg and Mīr Shāh _Qūchīn_ had
dismounted at the side of Khwāja Khiẓr's Mosque and were making a stand
there. While the townsmen were being moved off by those on foot, a party
of mounted Aūzbegs rode towards the Mosque. Qūch Beg came out when they
drew near and exchanged good blows with them. He did distinguished work;
all stood to watch. Our fugitives below were occupied only with their
own escape; for them the time to shoot arrows and make a stand had gone
by. I was shooting with a slur-bow[559] from above the Gate and some of
my circle were shooting arrows (_aūq_). Our attack from above kept the
enemy from advancing beyond the Mosque; from there he retired.

During the siege, the round of the ramparts was made each night;
sometimes I went, sometimes Qāsim Beg, sometimes one of the household
Begs. Though from the Turquoise to the Shaikh-zāda's Gate may be ridden,
the rest of the way must be [Sidenote: Fol. 92b.] walked. When some men
went the whole round on foot, it was dawn before they had finished.[560]

One day Shaibāq Khān attacked between the Iron Gate and the
Shaikh-zāda's. I, as the reserve, went to the spot, without anxiety
about the Bleaching-ground and Needle-makers' Gates. That day, (?) in a
shooting wager (_aūq aūchīdā_), I made a good shot with a slur-bow, at a
Centurion's horse.[561] It died at once (_aūq bārdī_) with the arrow
(_aūq bīla_). They made such a vigorous attack this time that they got
close under the ramparts. Busy with the fighting and the stress near the
Iron Gate, we were entirely off our guard about the other side of the
town. There, opposite the space between the Needle-makers' and
Bleaching-ground Gates, the enemy had posted 7 or 800 good men in
ambush, having with them 24 or 25 ladders so wide that two or three
could mount abreast. These men came from their ambush when the attack
near the Iron Gate, by occupying all our men, had left those other posts
empty, and quickly set up their ladders between the two Gates,
[Sidenote: Fol. 93.] just where a road leads from the ramparts to Muḥ.
Mazīd Tarkhān's houses. That post was Qūch Beg's and Muḥammad-qulī
_Qūchīn's_, with their detachment of braves, and they had their quarters
in Muḥ. Mazīd's houses. In the Needle-makers' Gate was posted Qarā
(Black) _Barlās_, in the Bleaching-ground Gate, Qūtlūq Khwāja
_Kūkūldāsh_ with Sherīm T̤aghāī and his brethren, older and younger. As
attack was being made on the other side of the town, the men attached to
these posts were not on guard but had scattered to their quarters or to
the bazar for necessary matters of service and servants' work. Only the
begs were at their posts, with one or two of the populace. Qūch Beg and
Mūhammad-qulī and Shāh Ṣufī and one other brave did very well and
boldly. Some Aūzbegs were on the ramparts, some were coming up, when
these four men arrived at a run, dealt them blow upon blow, and, by
energetic drubbing, forced them all down and put them to flight. Qūch
Beg did best; this was his out-standing and approved good deed; twice
during this siege he got his hand into the work. Qarā _Barlās_ had been
left alone in the Needle-makers' Gate; he also held out well to the end.
Qūtlūq Khwāja and Qul-naẕar Mīrzā were also at their posts in the
Bleaching-ground Gate; they held out well too, and charged the foe in
his rear.

Another time Qāsim Beg led his braves out through the [Sidenote: Fol.
93b.] Needle-makers' Gate, pursued the Aūzbegs as far as Khwāja Kafsher,
unhorsed some and returned with a few heads.

It was now the time of ripening rain but no-one brought new corn
into the town. The long siege caused great privation to the
towns-people;[562] it went so far that the poor and destitute began to
eat the flesh of dogs and asses and, as there was little grain for the
horses, people fed them on leaves. Experience shewed that the leaves
best suiting were those of the mulberry and elm (_qarā-yīghāch_). Some
people scraped dry wood and gave the shavings, damped, to their horses.

For three or four months Shaibāq Khān did not come near the fort but had
it invested at some distance and himself moved round it from post to
post. Once when our men were off their guard, at mid-night, the enemy
came near to the Turquoise [Sidenote: Fol. 94.] Gate, beat his drums and
flung his war-cry out. I was in the College, undressed. There was great
trepidation and anxiety. After that they came night after night,
disturbing us by drumming and shouting their war-cry.

Although envoys and messengers had been sent repeatedly to all sides and
quarters, no help and reinforcement arrived from any-one. No-one had
helped or reinforced me when I was in strength and power and had
suffered no sort of defeat or loss; on what score would any-one help me
now? No hope in any-one whatever recommended us to prolong the siege.
The old saying was that to hold a fort there must be a head, two hands
and two legs, that is to say, the Commandant is the head; help and
reinforcement coming from two quarters are the two arms and the food and
water in the fort are the two legs. While we looked for help from those
round about, their thoughts were elsewhere. That brave and experienced
ruler, Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā, gave us not even the help of an encouraging
message, but none-the-less he sent Kamālu'd-dīn Ḥusain _Gāzur-gāhī_[563]
as an envoy to Shaibāq Khān.


(_i. Taṃbal's proceedings in Farghāna._)[564]

(This year) Taṃbal marched from Andijān to near Bīsh-kīnt.[565] Aḥmad
Beg and his party, thereupon, made The Khān move out against him. The
two armies came face to face near [Sidenote: Fol. 94b.] Lak-lakān and
the Tūrāk Four-gardens but separated without engaging. Sl. Maḥmūd was
not a fighting man; now when opposed to Taṃbal, he shewed want of
courage in word and deed. Aḥmad Beg was unpolished[566] but brave and
well-meaning. In his very rough way, he said, 'What's the measure of
this person, Taṃbal? that you are so tormented with fear and fright
about him. If you are afraid to look at him, bandage your eyes before
you go out to face him.'



907 AH.—JULY 17TH. 1501 TO JULY 7TH. 1502 AD.[567]

(_a. Surrender of Samarkand to Shaibānī._)


The siege drew on to great length; no provisions and supplies came in
from any quarter, no succour and reinforcement from any side. The
soldiers and peasantry became hopeless and, by ones and twos, began to
let themselves down outside[568] the walls and flee. On Shaibāq Khān's
hearing of the distress in the town, he came and dismounted near the
Lovers'-cave. I, in turn, went to Malik-muḥammad Mīrzā's dwellings in
Low-lane, over against him. On one of those days, Khwāja Ḥusain's
brother, Aūzūn Ḥasan[569] came into the town with 10 or 15 of his
men,—he who, as has been told, had been the cause of Jahāngīr Mīrzā's
rebellion, of my exodus from Samarkand (903 AH.—March 1498 AD.) and,
again! of what an amount of sedition and [Sidenote: Fol. 95.]
disloyalty! That entry of his was a very bold act.[570]

The soldiery and townspeople became more and more distressed. Trusted
men of my close circle began to let themselves down from the ramparts
and get away; begs of known name and old family servants were amongst
them, such as Pīr Wais, Shaikh Wais and Wais _Lāgharī_.[571] Of help
from any side we utterly despaired; no hope was left in any quarter; our
supplies and provisions were wretched, what there was was coming to an
end; no more came in. Meantime Shaibāq Khān interjected talk of
peace.[572] Little ear would have been given to his talk of peace, if
there had been hope or food from any side. It had to be! a sort of peace
was made and we took our departure from the town, by the Shaikh-zāda's
Gate, somewhere about midnight.


(_b. Bābur leaves Samarkand._)

I took my mother Khānīm out with me; two other women-folk went too, one
was Bīshka (var. Peshka)-i-Khalīfa, the other, Mīnglīk _Kūkūldāsh_.[573]
At this exodus, my elder sister, Khān-zāda Begīm fell into Shaibāq
Khān's hands.[574] In the darkness of that night we lost our way[575]
and wandered about amongst the main irrigation channels of Soghd. At
shoot of dawn, after a hundred difficulties, we got past Khwāja Dīdār.
At the Sunnat Prayer we scrambled up the rising-ground of Qarā-būgh.
[Sidenote: Fol. 95b.] From the north slope of Qarā-būgh we hurried on
past the foot of Judūk village and dropped down into Yīlān-aūtī. On the
road I raced with Qāsim Beg and Qaṃbar-`alī (the Skinner); my horse was
leading when I, thinking to look at theirs behind, twisted myself round;
the girth may have slackened, for my saddle turned and I was thrown on
my head to the ground. Although I at once got up and remounted, my brain
did not steady till the evening; till then this world and what went on
appeared to me like things felt and seen in a dream or fancy. Towards
afternoon we dismounted in Yīlān-aūtī, there killed a horse, spitted
and roasted its flesh, rested our horses awhile and rode on. Very weary,
we reached Khalīla-village before the dawn and dismounted. From there it
was gone on to Dīzak.

In Dīzak just then was Ḥāfiẓ Muḥ. _Dūldāī's_ son, T̤āhir. There, in
Dīzak, were fat meats, loaves of fine flour, plenty of sweet melons and
abundance of excellent grapes. From what privation we came to such
plenty! From what stress to what repose!

   From fear and hunger rest we won (_amānī tāptūq_);
     A fresh world's new-born life we won (_jahānī tāptūq_).
   From out our minds, death's dread was chased [Sidenote: Fol. 96.]
      (_rafa` būldī_);
     From our men the hunger-pang kept back (_dafa` būldī_).[576]

Never in all our lives had we felt such relief! never in the whole
course of them have we appreciated security and plenty so highly. Joy is
best and more delightful when it follows sorrow, ease after toil. I have
been transported four or five times from toil to rest and from hardship
to ease.[577] This was the first. We were set free from the affliction
of such a foe and from the pangs of hunger and had reached the repose of
security and the relief of abundance.


(_c. Bābur in Dikh-kat._)

After three or four days of rest in Dīzak, we set out for Aūrā-tīpā.
Pashāghar is a little[578] off the road but, as we had occupied it for
some time (904 AH.), we made an excursion to it in passing by. In
Pashāghar we chanced on one of Khānīm's old servants, a teacher[579] who
had been left behind in Samarkand from want of a mount. We saw one
another and on questioning her, I found she had come there on foot.

Khūb-nigār Khānīm, my mother Khānīm's younger sister[580] already must
have bidden this transitory world farewell; for they let Khānīm and me
know of it in Aūrā-tīpā. My father's mother also must have died in
Andijān; this too they let us [Sidenote: Fol. 96b.] know in
Aūrā-tīpā.[581] Since the death of my grandfather, Yūnas Khān (892 AH.),
Khānīm had not seen her (step-)mother or her younger brother and
sisters, that is to say, Shāh Begīm, Sl. Maḥmūd Khān, Sulṯān-nīgār
Khānīm and Daulat-sulṯān Khānīm. The separation had lasted 13 or 14
years. To see these relations she now started for Tāshkīnt.

After consulting with Muḥ. Ḥusain Mīrzā, it was settled for us to winter
in a place called Dikh-kat[582] one of the Aūrā-tīpā villages. There I
deposited my impedimenta (_aūrūq_); then set out myself in order to
visit Shāh Begīm and my Khān dādā and various relatives. I spent a few
days in Tāshkīnt and waited on Shāh Begīm and my Khān dādā. My mother's
elder full-sister, Mihr-nigār Khānīm[583] had come from Samarkand and
was in Tāshkīnt. There my mother Khānīm fell very ill; it was a very bad
illness; she passed through mighty risks.

His Highness Khwājaka Khwāja, having managed to get out of Samarkand,
had settled down in Far-kat; there I visited him. I had hoped my Khān
dādā would shew me affection and kindness and would give me a country or
a district (_pargana_). He did promise me Aūrā-tīpā but Muḥ. Ḥusain
Mīrzā. did not make it over, whether acting on his own account
[Sidenote: Fol. 97.] or whether upon a hint from above, is not known.
After spending a few days with him (in Aūrā-tīpā), I went on to
Dikh-kat.

Dikh-kat is in the Aūrā-tīpā hill-tracts, below the range on the other
side of which is the Macha[584] country. Its people, though Sārt,
settled in a village, are, like Turks, herdsmen and shepherds. Their
sheep are reckoned at 40,000. We dismounted at the houses of the
peasants in the village; I stayed in a head-man's house. He was old, 70
or 80, but his mother was still alive. She was a woman on whom much life
had been bestowed for she was 111 years old. Some relation of hers may
have gone, (as was said), with Tīmūr Beg's army to Hindūstān;[585] she
had this in her mind and used to tell the tale. In Dikh-kat alone were
96 of her descendants, hers and her grandchildren, great-grandchildren
and grandchildren's grandchildren. Counting in the dead, 200 of her
descendants were reckoned up. Her grandchild's grandson was a strong
young man of 25 or 26, with full black beard. While in Dikh-kat, I
constantly made excursions amongst the mountains round [Sidenote: Fol.
97b.] about. Generally I went bare-foot and, from doing this so much, my
feet became so that rock and stone made no difference to them.[586] Once
in one of these wanderings, a cow was seen, between the Afternoon and
Evening prayers, going down by a narrow, ill-defined road. Said I, 'I
wonder which way that road will be going; keep your eye on that cow;
don't lose the cow till you know where the road comes out.' Khwāja
Asadu'l-lāh made his joke, 'If the cow loses her way,' he said, 'what
becomes of us?'

In the winter several of our soldiers asked for leave to Andijān because
they could make no raids with us.[587] Qāsim Beg said, with much
insistance, 'As these men are going, send something special of your own
wear by them to Jahāngīr Mīrzā.' I sent my ermine cap. Again he urged,
'What harm would there be if you sent something for Taṃbal also?' Though
I was very unwilling, yet as he urged it, I sent Taṃbal a large
broad-sword which Nuyān _Kūkūldāsh_ had had made for himself in
Samarkand. This very sword it was which, as will be told with the
events of next year, came down on my own head![588]

A few days later, my grandmother, Aīsān-daulat Begīm, who, when I left
Samarkand, had stayed behind, arrived in Dikh-kat [Sidenote: Fol. 98.]
with our families and baggage (_aūrūq_) and a few lean and hungry
followers.


(_d. Shaibāq Khān raids in The Khān's country._)

That winter Shaibāq Khān crossed the Khujand river on the ice and
plundered near Shāhrukhiya and Bīsh-kīnt. On hearing news of this, we
gallopped off, not regarding the smallness of our numbers, and made for
the villages below Khujand, opposite Hasht-yak (One-eighth). The cold
was mightily bitter,[589] a wind not less than the Hā-darwesh[590]
raging violently the whole time. So cold it was that during the two or
three days we were in those parts, several men died of it. When, needing
to make ablution, I went into an irrigation-channel, frozen along both
banks but because of its swift current, not ice-bound in the middle, and
bathed, dipping under 16 times, the cold of the water went quite through
me. Next day we crossed the river on the ice from opposite Khaṣlār and
went on through the dark to Bīsh-kīnt.[591] Shaibāq Khān, however, must
have gone straight back after plundering the neighbourhood of
Shāhrukhiya.


(_e. Death of Nuyān Kūkūldāsh._)

Bīsh-kīnt, at that time, was held by Mullā Ḥaidar's son, `Abdu'l-minān.
A younger son, named Mūmin, a worthless and dissipated person, had come
to my presence in Samarkand and had received all kindness from me. This
sodomite, Mūmin, for what sort of quarrel between them is not known,
cherished [Sidenote: Fol. 98b.] rancour against Nuyān _Kūkūldāsh_. At
the time when we, having heard of the retirement of the Aūzbegs, sent a
man to The Khān and marched from Bīsh-kīnt to spend two or three days
amongst the villages in the Blacksmith's-dale,[592] Mullā Ḥaidar's son,
Mūmin invited Nuyān _Kūkūldāsh_ and Aḥmad-i-qāsim and some others in
order to return them hospitality received in Samarkand. When I left
Bīsh-kīnt, therefore they stayed behind. Mūmin's entertainment to this
party was given on the edge of a ravine (_jar_). Next day news was
brought to us in Sām-sīrak, a village in the Blacksmith's-dale, that
Nuyān was dead through falling when drunk into the ravine. We sent his
own mother's brother, Ḥaq-naẕar and others, who searched out where he
had fallen. They committed Nuyān to the earth in Bīsh-kīnt, and came
back to me. They had found the body at the bottom of the ravine an
arrow's flight from the place of the entertainment. Some suspected that
Mūmin, nursing his trumpery rancour, had taken Nuyān's life. None knew
the truth. His death made me strangely sad; for few men have I felt such
grief; I wept unceasingly for a week or [Sidenote: Fol. 99.] ten days.
The chronogram of his death was found in _Nuyān is dead_.[593]

With the heats came the news that Shaibāq Khān was coming up into
Aūrā-tīpā. Hereupon, as the land is level about Dikh-kat, we crossed the
Āb-burdan pass into the Macha hill-country.[594] Āb-burdan is the last
village of Macha; just below it a spring sends its water down (to the
Zar-afshān); above the stream is included in Macha, below it depends on
Palghar. There is a tomb at the spring-head. I had a rock at the side of
the spring-head shaped (_qātīrīb_) and these three couplets inscribed on
it;—

   I have heard that Jamshīd, the magnificent,
   Inscribed on a rock at a fountain-head[595]
   'Many men like us have taken breath at this fountain,
   And have passed away in the twinkling of an eye;
   We took the world by courage and might,
   But we took it not with us to the tomb.'

There is a custom in that hill-country of cutting verses and things[596]
on the rocks.

While we were in Macha, Mullā Hijrī,[597] the poet, came from Ḥiṣār and
waited on me. At that time I composed the following opening lines;—

   Let your portrait flatter you never so much, than it you are more
     (_āndīn artūqsīn_);
   Men call you their Life (_Jān_), than Life, without doubt, you are
     more (_jāndīn artūqsīn_).[598]

After plundering round about in Aūrā-tīpā, Shaibāq Khān retired.[599]
While he was up there, we, disregarding the fewness [Sidenote: Fol.
99b.] of our men and their lack of arms, left our impedimenta (_aūrūq_)
in Macha, crossed the Āb-burdan pass and went to Dikh-kat so that,
gathered together close at hand, we might miss no chance on one of the
next nights. He, however, retired straightway; we went back to Macha.

It passed through my mind that to wander from mountain to mountain,
homeless and houseless, without country or abiding-place, had nothing to
recommend it. 'Go you right off to The Khān,' I said to myself. Qāsim
Beg was not willing for this move, apparently being uneasy because, as
has been told, he had put Mughūls to death at Qarā-būlāq, by way of
example. However much we urged it, it was not to be! He drew off for
Ḥiṣār with all his brothers and his whole following. We for our part,
crossed the Āb-burdan pass and set forward for The Khān's presence in
Tāshkīnt.


(_f. Bābur with The Khān._)

In the days when Taṃbal had drawn his army out and gone into the
Blacksmith's-dale,[600] men at the top of his army, such as Muḥ.
_Dūghlāt_, known as _Ḥiṣārī_, and his younger brother Ḥusain, and also
Qaṃbar-`alī, the Skinner, conspired to attempt his life. When he
discovered this weighty matter, they, unable to remain with him, had
gone to The Khān.

The Feast of Sacrifices (`Īd-i-qurbān) fell for us in Shāh-rukhiya
(Ẕū'l-ḥijja 10th.-June 16th. 1502).

I had written a quatrain in an ordinary measure but was in some doubt
about it, because at that time I had not studied [Sidenote: Fol. 100.]
poetic idiom so much as I have now done. The Khān was good-natured and
also he wrote verses, though ones somewhat deficient in the requisites
for odes. I presented my quatrain and I laid my doubts before him but
got no reply so clear as to remove them. His study of poetic idiom
appeared to have been somewhat scant. Here is the verse;—

   One hears no man recall another in trouble (_miḥnat-ta kīshī_);
   None speak of a man as glad in his exile (_ghurbat-ta kīshī_);
   My own heart has no joy in this exile;
   Called glad is no exile, man though he be (_albatta kīshī_).

Later on I came to know that in Turkī verse, for the purpose of rhyme,
_ta_ and _da_ are interchangeable and also _ghain_, _qāf_ and
_kāf_.[601]


(_g. The acclaiming of the standards._)

When, a few days later, The Khān heard that Taṃbal had gone up into
Aūrā-tīpā, he got his army to horse and rode out from Tāshkīnt. Between
Bīsh-kīnt and Sām-sīrak he formed up into array of right and left and
saw the count[602] of his men. This done, the standards were acclaimed
in Mughūl fashion.[603] The Khān dismounted and nine standards were set
up in front of him. A Mughūl tied a long strip of white cloth to the
thigh-bone (_aūrta aīlīk_) of a cow and took the other end in his hand.
Three other long strips of white cloth were tied to the staves of three
of the (nine) standards, just below the yak-tails, and their other ends
were brought for The Khān to stand on one and for me and Sl. Muḥ.
Khānika to stand each on one of the two others. The Mughūl who had hold
of the strip of cloth [Sidenote: Fol. 100b.] fastened to the cow's leg,
then said something in Mughūl while he looked at the standards and made
signs towards them. The Khān and those present sprinkled _qumīz_[604] in
the direction of the standards; hautbois and drums were sounded towards
them;[605] the army flung the war-cry out three times towards them,
mounted, cried it again and rode at the gallop round them.

Precisely as Chīngīz Khān laid down his rules, so the Mughūls still
observe them. Each man has his place, just where his ancestors had it;
right, right,—left, left,—centre, centre. The most reliable men go to
the extreme points of the right and left. The Chīrās and Begchīk clans
always demand to go to the point in the right.[606] At that time the Beg
of the Chīrās tūmān was a very bold brave, Qāshka (Mole-marked) Maḥmud
and the beg of the renowned Begchīk tūmān was Ayūb _Begchīk_. These two,
disputing which should go out to the point, drew swords on one another.
At last it seems to have been settled that one should take the highest
place in the hunting-circle, the other, in the battle-array.

Next day after making the circle, it was hunted near Sāmsīrak;
[Sidenote: Fol. 101.] thence move was made to the Tūrāk Four-gardens.
On that day and in that camp, I finished the first ode I ever finished.
Its opening couplet is as follows;—

   Except my soul, no friend worth trust found I (_wafādār tāpmādīm_);
   Except my heart, no confidant found I (_asrār tāpmādīm_).

There were six couplets; every ode I finished later was written just on
this plan.

The Khān moved, march by march, from Sām-sīrak to the bank of the
Khujand-river. One day we crossed the water by way of an excursion,
cooked food and made merry with the braves and pages. That day some-one
stole the gold clasp of my girdle. Next day Bayān-qulī's Khān-qulī and
Sl. Muḥ. Wais fled to Taṃbal. Every-one suspected them of that bad deed.
Though this was not ascertained, Aḥmad-i-qāsim _Kohbur_ asked leave and
went away to Aūrā-tīpā. From that leave he did not return; he too went
to Taṃbal.



908 AH.—JULY 7TH. 1502 TO JUNE 26TH. 1503 AD.[607]

(_a. Bābur's poverty in Tāshkīnt._)


This move of The Khān's was rather unprofitable; to take no fort, to
beat no foe, he went out and went back.

During my stay in Tāshkīnt, I endured much poverty and humiliation. No
country or hope of one! Most of my retainers dispersed, those left,
unable to move about with me because of their destitution! If I went to
my Khān dādā's Gate,[608] I went sometimes with one man, sometimes with
two. It was well he was no stranger but one of my own blood. [Sidenote:
Fol. 101b.] After showing myself[609] in his presence, I used to go to
Shāh Begīm's, entering her house, bareheaded and barefoot, just as if it
were my own.

This uncertainty and want of house and home drove me at last to despair.
Said I, 'It would be better to take my head[610] and go off than live in
such misery; better to go as far as my feet can carry me than be seen of
men in such poverty and humiliation.' Having settled on China to go to,
I resolved to take my head and get away. From my childhood up I had
wished to visit China but had not been able to manage it because of
ruling and attachments. Now sovereignty itself was gone! and my mother,
for her part, was re-united to her (step)-mother and her younger
brother. The hindrances to my journey had been removed; my anxiety for
my mother was dispelled. I represented (to Shāh Begīm and The Khān)
through Khwāja Abū'l-makāram that now such a foe as Shaibāq Khān had
made his appearance, Mughūl and Turk[611] alike must guard against him;
that thought about him must be taken while he had not well-mastered the
(Aūzbeg) horde or grown very strong, for as they have said;—[612]

   To-day, while thou canst, quench the fire,
   Once ablaze it will burn up the world;
   Let thy foe not fix string to his bow,
   While an arrow of thine can pierce him;

that it was 20 or 25 years[613] since they had seen the Younger Khān
(Aḥmad _Alacha_) and that I had never seen him; should I be able, if I
went to him, not only to see him myself, but to bring about the meeting
between him and them?

[Sidenote: Fol. 102.] Under this pretext I proposed to get out of those
surroundings;[614] once in Mughūlistān and Turfān, my reins would be in
my own hands, without check or anxiety. I put no-one in possession of my
scheme. Why not? Because it was impossible for me to mention such a
scheme to my mother, and also because it was with other expectations
that the few of all ranks who had been my companions in exile and
privation, had cut themselves off with me and with me suffered change of
fortune. To speak to them also of such a scheme would be no pleasure.

The Khwāja, having laid my plan before Shāh Begīm and The Khān,
understood them to consent to it but, later, it occurred to them that I
might be asking leave a second time,[615] because of not receiving
kindness. That touching their reputation, they delayed a little to give
the leave.


(_b. The Younger Khān comes to Tāshkīnt._)

At this crisis a man came from the Younger Khān to say that he was
actually on his way. This brought my scheme to naught. When a second
man announced his near approach, we all went out to give him honourable
meeting, Shāh Begīm and his younger sisters, Sulṯān-nigār Khānīm and
Daulat-sulṯān Khānīm, and I and Sl. Muḥ. Khānika and Khān Mīrzā (Wais).

Between Tāshkīnt and Sairām is a village called Yagha (var. Yaghma),
with some smaller ones, where are the tombs of Father Abraham and Father
Isaac. So far we went out. Knowing nothing exact about his coming,[616]
I rode out for an [Sidenote: Fol. 102b.] excursion, with an easy mind.
All at once, he descended on me, face to face. I went forward; when I
stopped, he stopped. He was a good deal perturbed; perhaps he was
thinking of dismounting in some fixed spot and there seated, of
receiving me ceremoniously. There was no time for this; when we were
near each other, I dismounted. He had not time even to dismount;[617] I
bent the knee, went forward and saw him. Hurriedly and with agitation,
he told Sl. Sa`īd Khān and Bābā Khān Sl. to dismount, bend the knee with
(_bīla_) me and make my acquaintance.[618] Just these two of his sons
had come with him; they may have been 13 or 14 years old. When I had
seen them, we all mounted and went to Shāh Begīm's presence. After he
had seen her and his sisters, and had renewed acquaintance, they all sat
down and for half the night told one another particulars of their past
and gone affairs.

Next day, my Younger Khān dādā bestowed on me arms of his own and one of
his own special horses saddled, and a Mughūl head-to-foot dress,—a
Mughūl cap,[619] a long coat of Chinese satin, with broidering of
stitchery,[620] and Chinese armour; in the old fashion, they had hung,
on the left side, a haversack (_chantāī_) and an outer bag,[621] and
three or four things such as women usually hang on their collars,
perfume-holders and various receptacles;[622] in the same way, three or
four things hung on the right side also.

[Sidenote: Fol. 103.] From there we went to Tāshkīnt. My Elder Khān dādā
also had come out for the meeting, some 3 or 4 _yīghāch_ (12 to 15 m.)
along the road. He had had an awning set up in a chosen spot and was
seated there. The Younger Khān went up directly in front of him; on
getting near, fetched a circle, from right to left, round him; then
dismounted before him. After advancing to the place of interview
(_kūrūshūr yīr_), he nine times bent the knee; that done, went close and
saw (his brother). The Elder Khān, in his turn, had risen when the
Younger Khān drew near. They looked long at one another (_kūrūshtīlār_)
and long stood in close embrace (_qūchūshūb_). The Younger Khān again
bent the knee nine times when retiring, many times also on offering his
gift; after that, he went and sat down.

All his men had adorned themselves in Mughūl fashion. There they were in
Mughūl caps (_būrk_); long coats of Chinese satin, broidered with
stitchery, Mughūl quivers and saddles of green shagreen-leather, and
Mughūl horses adorned in a unique fashion. He had brought rather few
men, over 1000 and under 2000 may-be. He was a man of singular manners,
a mighty master of the sword, and brave. Amongst arms he preferred to
trust to the sword. He used to say that of arms there are, the
_shash-par_[623] (six-flanged mace), the _piyāzī_ (rugged mace), the
_kīstin_,[624] the _tabar-zīn_ (saddle-hatchet) and the _bāltū_
(battle-axe), all, if they strike, work only with what of them first
touches, but the sword, if it touch, works from point to hilt. He never
parted with his keen-edged sword; it was either at his waist or to his
hand. He was a little rustic and rough-of-speech, [Sidenote: Fol. 103b.]
through having grown up in an out-of-the-way place.

When, adorned in the way described, I went with him to The Khān, Khwāja
Abū'l-makāram asked, 'Who is this honoured sulṯān?' and till I spoke,
did not recognize me.


(_c. The Khāns march into Farghāna against Taṃbal._)

Soon after returning to Tāshkīnt, The Khān led out an army for Andikān
(Andijān) direct against Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_.[625] He took the road over
the Kīndīrlīk-pass and from Blacksmiths'-dale (Āhangarān-julgasī) sent
the Younger Khān and me on in advance. After the pass had been crossed,
we all met again near Zarqān (var. Zabarqān) of Karnān.

One day, near Karnān, they numbered their men[626] and reckoned them up
to be 30,000. From ahead news began to come that Taṃbal also was
collecting a force and going to Akhsī. After having consulted together,
The Khāns decided to join some of their men to me, in order that I might
cross the Khujand-water, and, marching by way of Aūsh and Aūzkīnt, turn
Taṃbal's rear. Having so settled, they joined to me Ayūb _Begchīk_ with
his _tūmān_, Jān-ḥasan Bārīn (var. Nārīn) with his Bārīns, Muḥ. _Ḥiṣārī
Dūghlāt_, Sl. Ḥusain _Dūghlāt_ and Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā _Dūghlāt_, not in
command of the Dūghlāt _tūmān_,—and Qaṃbar-`alī Beg (the Skinner). The
commandant (_darogha_) of their force was Sārīgh-bāsh (Yellow-head)
Mīrza _Itārchī_.[627]

Leaving The Khāns in Karnān, we crossed the river on rafts near Sakan,
traversed the Khūqān sub-district (_aūrchīn_), crushed [Sidenote: Fol.
104.] Qabā and by way of the Alāī sub-districts[628] descended suddenly
on Aūsh. We reached it at dawn, unexpected; those in it could but
surrender. Naturally the country-folk were wishing much for us, but they
had not been able to find their means, both through dread of Taṃbal and
through our remoteness. After we entered Aūsh, the hordes and the
highland and lowland tribes of southern and eastern Andijān came in to
us. The Aūzkīnt people also, willing to serve us, sent me a man and came
in.

   (_Author's note on Aūzkīnt._) Aūzkīnt formerly must have been
   a capital of Farghāna;[629] it has an excellent fort and is
   situated on the boundary (of Farghāna).

The Marghīnānīs also came in after two or three days, having beaten and
chased their commandant (_darogha_). Except Andijān, every fort south of
the Khujand-water had now come in to us. Spite of the return in those
days of so many forts, and spite of risings and revolt against him,
Taṃbal did not yet come to his senses but sat down with an army of horse
and foot, fortified with ditch and branch, to face The Khāns, between
Karnān and Akhsī. Several times over there was a little fighting and
pell-mell but without decided success to either side.

In the Andijān country (_wilāyat_), most of the tribes and [Sidenote:
Fol. 104b.] hordes and the forts and all the districts had come in to
me; naturally the Andijānīs also were wishing for me. They however could
not find their means.


(_d. Bābur's attempt to enter Andijān frustrated by a mistake._)

It occurred to me that if we went one night close to the town and sent a
man in to discuss with the Khwāja[630] and notables, they might perhaps
let us in somewhere. With this idea we rode out from Aūsh. By midnight
we were opposite Forty-daughters (Chihil-dukhterān) 2 miles (one
_kuroh_) from Andijān. From that place we sent Qaṃbar-`alī Beg forward,
with some other begs, who were to discuss matters with the Khwāja after
by some means or other getting a man into the fort. While waiting for
their return, we sat on our horses, some of us patiently humped up, some
wrapt away in dream, when suddenly, at about the third watch, there rose
a war-cry[631] and a sound of drums. Sleepy and startled, ignorant
whether the foe was many or few, my men, without looking to one another,
took each his own road and turned for flight. There was no time for me
to get at them; I went straight for the enemy. Only Mīr Shāh _Qūchīn_
and Bābā Sher-zād (Tiger-whelp) and Nāṣir's Dost sprang forward; we four
excepted, every man set his face for flight. I had gone a little way
forward, when the enemy rode rapidly up, flung out his war-cry and
poured arrows on us. One man, on a horse with a starred forehead,[632]
came close to me; I shot at it; it rolled over and died. They made a
little as if to retire. The three [Sidenote: Fol. 105.] with me said,
'In this darkness it is not certain whether they are many or few; all
our men have gone off; what harm could we four do them? Fighting must be
when we have overtaken our run-aways and rallied them.' Off we hurried,
got up with our men and beat and horse-whipped some of them, but, do
what we would, they would not make a stand. Back the four of us went to
shoot arrows at the foe. They drew a little back but when, after a
discharge or two, they saw we were not more than three or four, they
busied themselves in chasing and unhorsing my men. I went three or four
times to try to rally my men but all in vain! They were not to be
brought to order. Back I went with my three and kept the foe in check
with our arrows. They pursued us two or three _kuroh_ (4-6 m.), as far
as the rising ground opposite Kharābūk and Pashāmūn. There we met Muḥ.
`Alī _Mubashir_. Said I, 'They are only few; let us stop and put our
horses at them.' So we did. When we got up to them, they stood
still.[633]

Our scattered braves gathered in from this side and that, but several
very serviceable men, scattering in this attack, went right away to
Aūsh.

The explanation of the affair seemed to be that some of Ayūb _Begchīk's_
Mughūls had slipped away from Aūsh to raid near Andijān and, hearing the
noise of our troop, came somewhat stealthily towards us; then there
seems to have been confusion about the pass-word. The pass-words settled
on for use during this movement of ours were Tāshkīnt and Sairām. If
Tāshkīnt were said, Sairām would be answered; if Sairām, Tāshkīnt. In
this muddled affair, Khwāja Muḥ. `Ali seems to have been somewhat in
advance of our party and to have got bewildered,—he was a Sārt
person,[635]—when the Mughūls came up saying, 'Tāshkīnt, Tāshkīnt,' for
he gave them 'Tāshkīnt, Tāshkīnt,' as the counter-sign. Through this
they took him for an enemy, raised their war-cry, beat their
saddle-drums and poured arrows on us. It was through this we gave way,
and through this false alarm were scattered! We went back to Aūsh.

   [Sidenote: Fol. 105b.] (_Author's note on pass-words._)
   Pass-words are of two kinds;—in each tribe there is one for
   use in the tribe, such as _Darwāna_ or _Tūqqāī_ or
   _Lūlū_;[634] and there is one for the use of the whole army.
   For a battle, two words are settled on as pass-words so that
   of two men meeting in the fight, one may give the one, the
   other give back the second, in order to distinguish friends
   from foes, own men from strangers.


(_e. Bābur again attempts Andijān._)

Through the return to me of the forts and the highland and lowland
clans, Taṃbal and his adherents lost heart and footing. His army and
people in the next five or six days began to desert him and to flee to
retired places and the open country.[636] Of his household some came and
said, 'His affairs are nearly ruined; he will break up in three or four
days, utterly ruined.' On hearing this, we rode for Andijān.

Sl. Muḥ. _Galpuk_[637] was in Andijān,—the younger of Taṃbal's cadet
brothers. We took the Mulberry-road and at the Mid-day Prayer came to
the Khākān (canal), south of the town. A [Sidenote: Fol. 106.]
foraging-party was arranged; I followed it along Khākān to the skirt of
`Aīsh-hill. When our scouts brought word that Sl. Muḥ. _Galpuk_ had come
out, with what men he had, beyond the suburbs and gardens to the skirt
of `Aīsh, I hurried to meet him, although our foragers were still
scattered. He may have had over 500 men; we had more but many had
scattered to forage. When we were face to face, his men and ours may
have been in equal number. Without caring about order or array, down we
rode on them, loose rein, at the gallop. When we got near, they could
not stand; there was not so much fighting as the crossing of a few
swords. My men followed them almost to the Khākān Gate, unhorsing one
after another.

It was at the Evening Prayer that, our foe outmastered, we reached
Khwāja Kitta, on the outskirts of the suburbs. My idea was to go quickly
right up to the Gate but Dost Beg's father, Nāṣir Beg and Qaṃbar-`alī
Beg, old and experienced begs both, represented to me, 'It is almost
night; it would be ill-judged to go in a body into the fort in the dark;
let us withdraw a little and dismount. What can they do to-morrow but
surrender the place?' Yielding at once to the opinion of these
experienced persons, we forthwith retired to the outskirts of the
suburbs. If we had gone to the Gate, undoubtedly, Andijān [Sidenote:
Fol. 106b.] would have come into our hands.


(_f. Bābur surprised by Taṃbal._)

After crossing the Khākān-canal, we dismounted, near the Bed-time
prayer, at the side of the village of Rabāṯ-i-zauraq (var. rūzaq).
Although we knew that Taṃbal had broken camp and was on his way to
Andijān, yet, with the negligence of inexperience, we dismounted on
level ground close to the village, instead of where the defensive canal
would have protected us.[638] There we lay down carelessly, without
scouts or rear-ward.

At the top (_bāsh_) of the morning, just when men are in sweet sleep,
Qaṃbar-`alī Beg hurried past, shouting, 'Up with you! the enemy is
here!' So much he said and went off without a moment's stay. It was my
habit to lie down, even in times of peace, in my tunic; up I got
instanter, put on sword and quiver and mounted. My standard-bearer had
no time to adjust my standard,[639] he just mounted with it in his hand.
There were ten or fifteen men with me when we started toward the enemy;
after riding an arrow's flight, when we came up with his scouts, there
may have been ten. Going rapidly forward, we overtook him, poured in
arrows on him, over-mastered his foremost men and hurried them off. We
followed them for another arrow's flight and came up with his centre
where Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_ himself was, with as many as [Sidenote: Fol.
107.] 100 men. He and another were standing in front of his array, as if
keeping a Gate,[640] and were shouting, 'Strike, strike!' but his men,
mostly, were sidling, as if asking themselves, 'Shall we run away? Shall
we not?' By this time three were left with me; one was Nāṣir's Dost,
another, Mīrzā Qulī _Kūkūldāsh_, the third, Khudāī-bīrdī _Turkmān's_
Karīm-dād.[641] I shot off the arrow on my thumb,[642] aiming at
Taṃbal's helm. When I put my hand into my quiver, there came out a quite
new _gosha-gīr_[643] given me by my Younger Khān dādā. It would have
been vexing to throw it away but before I got it back into the quiver,
there had been time to shoot, maybe, two or three arrows. When once more
I had an arrow on the string, I went forward, my three men even holding
back. One of those two in advance, Taṃbal seemingly,[644] moved forward
also. The high-road was between us; I from my side, he, from his, got
upon it and came face to face, in such a way that his right hand was
towards me, mine towards him. His horse's mail excepted, he was fully
accoutred; but for sword and quiver, I was unprotected. I shot off the
arrow in my hand, adjusting for the attachment of his shield. With
matters in this position, they shot my right leg through. I had on the
cap of my helm;[645] Taṃbal chopped [Sidenote: Fol. 107b.] so violently
at my head that it lost all feeling under the blow. A large wound was
made on my head, though not a thread of the cap was cut.[646] I had not
bared[647] my sword; it was in the scabbard and I had no chance to draw
it. Single-handed, I was alone amongst many foes. It was not a time to
stand still; I turned rein. Down came a sword again; this time on my
arrows. When I had gone 7 or 8 paces, those same three men rejoined
me.[648] After using his sword on me, Taṃbal seems to have used it on
Nāṣir's Dost. As far as an arrrow flies to the butt, the enemy followed
us.

The Khākān-canal is a great main-channel, flowing in a deep cutting, not
everywhere to be crossed. God brought it right! we came exactly opposite
a low place where there was a passage over. Directly we had crossed, the
horse Nāṣir's Dost was on, being somewhat weakly, fell down. We stopped
and remounted him, then drew off for Aūsh, over the rising-ground
between Farāghīna and Khirābūk. Out on the rise, Mazīd T̤aghāī came up
and joined us. An arrow had pierced his right leg also and though it had
not gone through and come out again, he got to Aūsh with difficulty. The
enemy unhorsed (_tūshūrdīlār_) good men of mine; Nāṣir Beg, Muḥ. `Alī
_Mubashir_, Khwāja Muḥ. `Alī, Khusrau _Kūkūldāsh_, Na`man the page, all
fell (to them, _tūshtīlār_), and also many unmailed braves.[649]


(_g. The Khāns move from Kāsān to Andijān._)

The Khāns, closely following on Taṃbal, dismounted near Andijān,—the
Elder at the side of the Reserve (_qūrūq_) in the [Sidenote: Fol. 108.]
garden, known as Birds'-mill (_Qūsh-tīgīrmān_), belonging to my
grandmother, Aīsān-daulat Begīm,—the Younger, near Bābā Tawakkul's
Alms-house. Two days later I went from Aūsh and saw the Elder Khān in
Birds'-mill. At that interview, he simply gave over to the Younger Khān
the places which had come in to me. He made some such excuse as that for
our advantage, he had brought the Younger Khān, how far! because such a
foe as Shaibāq Khān had taken Samarkand and was waxing greater; that the
Younger Khān had there no lands whatever, his own being far away; and
that the country under Andijān, on the south of the Khujand-water, must
be given him to encamp in. He promised me the country under Akhsī, on
the north of the Khujand-water. He said that after taking a firm grip of
that country (Farghāna), they would move, take Samarkand, give it to me
and then the whole of the Farghāna country was to be the Younger Khan's.
These words seem to have been meant to deceive me, since there is no
knowing what they would have done when they had attained their object.
It had to be however! willy-nilly, I agreed.

When, leaving him, I was on my way to the Younger Khān's presence,
Qaṃbar-`alī, known as the Skinner, joined me in a friendly way and said,
'Do you see? They have taken the whole of the country just become yours.
There is no opening for you through them. You have in your hands Aūsh,
Marghīnān, [Sidenote: Fol. 108b.] Aūzkīnt and the cultivated land and
the tribes and the hordes; go you to Aūsh; make that fort fast; send a
man to Taṃbal, make peace with him, then strike at the Mughūl and drive
him out. After that, divide the districts into an elder and a younger
brother's shares.' 'Would that be right?' said I. 'The Khāns are my
blood relations; better serve them than rule for Taṃbal.' He saw that
his words had made no impression, so turned back, sorry he had spoken. I
went on to see my Younger Khān Dādā. At our first interview, I had come
upon him without announcement and he had no time to dismount, so it was
all rather unceremonious. This time I got even nearer perhaps, and he
ran out as far as the end of the tent-ropes. I was walking with some
difficulty because of the wound in my leg. We met and renewed
acquaintance; then he said, 'You are talked about as a hero, my young
brother!' took my arm and led me into his tent. The tents pitched were
rather small and through his having grown up in an out-of-the-way place,
he let the one he sat in be neglected; it was like a raider's, melons,
grapes, saddlery, every sort of thing, in his sitting-tent. I went from
his presence straight back to my own camp and there he sent his Mughūl
surgeon to examine my wound. Mughūls call a surgeon also a _bakhshī_;
this one was called Ātākā Bakhshī.[650]

He was a very skilful surgeon; if a man's brains had come [Sidenote:
Fol. 109.] out, he would cure it, and any sort of wound in an artery he
easily healed. For some wounds his remedy was in form of a plaister, for
some medicines had to be taken. He ordered a bandage tied on[651] the
wound in my leg and put no seton in; once he made me eat something like
a fibrous root (_yīldīz_). He told me himself, 'A certain man had his
leg broken in the slender part and the bone was shattered for the
breadth of the hand. I cut the flesh open and took the bits of bone out.
Where they had been, I put a remedy in powder-form. That remedy simply
became bone where there had been bone before.' He told many strange and
marvellous things such as surgeons in cultivated lands cannot match.

Three or four days later, Qaṃbar-`alī, afraid on account of what he had
said to me, fled (to Taṃbal) in Andijān. A few days later, The Khāns
joined to me Ayūb _Begchīk_ with his _tūmān_, and Jān-ḥasan _Bārīn_ with
the Bārīn _tūmān_ and, as their army-beg, Sārīgh-bāsh Mīrzā,—1000 to
2000 men in all, and sent us towards Akhsī.


(_h. Bābur's expedition to Akhsī._)

Shaikh Bāyazīd, a younger brother of Taṃbal, was in Akhsī; Shahbāz
_Qārlūq_ was in Kāsān. At the time, Shahbāz was lying before Nū-kīnt
fort; crossing the Khujand-water opposite Bīkhrātā, we hurried to fall
upon him there. When, a little [Sidenote: Fol. 109b.] before dawn, we
were nearing the place, the begs represented to me that as the man would
have had news of us, it was advisable not to go on in broken array. We
moved on therefore with less speed. Shahbāz may have been really unaware
of us until we were quite close; then getting to know of it, he fled
into the fort. It often happens so! Once having said, 'The enemy is on
guard!' it is easily fancied true and the chance of action is lost. In
short, the experience of such things is that no effort or exertion must
be omitted, once the chance for action comes. After-repentance is
useless. There was a little fighting round the fort at dawn but we
delivered no serious attack.

For the convenience of foraging, we moved from Nū-kīnt towards the hills
in the direction of Bīshkhārān. Seizing his opportunity, Shahbāz
_Qārlūq_ abandoned Nū-kīnt and returned to Kāsān. We went back and
occupied Nū-kīnt. During those days, the army several times went out and
over-ran all sides and quarters. Once they over-ran the villages of
Akhsī, once those of Kāsān. Shahbāz and Long Ḥasan's adopted son, Mīrīm
came out of Kāsān to fight; they fought, were beaten, and there Mīrīm
died.


(_i. The affairs of Pāp._)

Pāp is a strong fort belonging to Akhsī. The Pāpīs made it fast and sent
a man to me. We accordingly sent Sayyid Qāsim with a few braves to
occupy it. They crossed the river [Sidenote: Fol. 110.] (_daryā_)
opposite the upper villages of Akhsī and went into Pāp.[652] A few days
later, Sayyid Qāsim did an astonishing thing. There were at the time
with Shaikh Bāyazīd in Akhsī, Ibrāhīm _Chāpūk_ (Slash-face)
T̤aghāī,[653] Aḥmad-of-qāsim _Kohbur_, and Qāsim Khitika (?) _Arghūn_.
To these Shaikh Bāyazīd joins 200 serviceable braves and one night sends
them to surprise Pāp. Sayyid Qāsim must have lain down carelessly to
sleep, without setting a watch. They reach the fort, set ladders up, get
up on the Gate, let the drawbridge down and, when 70 or 80 good men in
mail are inside, goes the news to Sayyid Qāsim! Drowsy with sleep, he
gets into his vest (_kūnglāk_), goes out, with five or six of his men,
charges the enemy and drives them out with blow upon blow. He cut off a
few heads and sent to me. Though such a careless lying down was bad
leadership, yet, with so few, just by force of drubbing, to chase off
such a mass of men in mail was very brave indeed.

Meantime The Khāns were busy with the siege of Andijān but the garrison
would not let them get near it. The Andijān braves used to make sallies
and blows would be exchanged.


(_j. Bābur invited into Akhsī._)

Shaikh Bāyazīd now began to send persons to us from Akhsī to testify to
well-wishing and pressingly invite us to Akhsī. His object was to
separate me from The Khāns, by any artifice, because without me, they
had no standing-ground. [Sidenote: Fol. 110b] His invitation may have
been given after agreeing with his elder brother, Taṃbal that if I were
separated from The Khāns, it might be possible, in my presence, to come
to some arrangement with them. We gave The Khāns a hint of the
invitation. They said, 'Go! and by whatever means, lay hands on Shaikh
Bāyazīd.' It was not my habit to cheat and play false; here above all
places, when promises would have been made, how was I to break them? It
occurred to me however, that if we could get into Akhsī, we might be
able, by using all available means, to detach Shaikh Bāyazīd from
Taṃbal, when he might take my side or something might turn up to favour
my fortunes. We, in our turn, sent a man to him; compact was made, he
invited us into Akhsī and when we went, came out to meet us, bringing my
younger brother, Nāṣir Mīrzā with him. Then he took us into the town,
gave us ground to camp in (_yūrt_) and to me one of my father's houses
in the outer fort[654] where I dismounted.


(_k. Taṃbal asks help of Shaibāq Khān._)

Taṃbal had sent his elder brother, Beg Tīlba, to Shaibāq Khān with
proffer of service and invitation to enter Farghāna. At this very time
Shaibāq Khān's answer arrived; 'I will come,' he wrote. On hearing this,
The Khāns were all upset; they could sit no longer before Andijān and
rose from before it.

The Younger Khān himself had a reputation for justice and orthodoxy, but
his Mughūls, stationed, contrary to the expectations of the
towns-people, in Aūsh, Marghīnān and other places,—places that had come
in to me,—began to behave ill [Sidenote: Fol. 111.] and oppressively.
When The Khāns had broken up from before Andijān, the Aūshīs and
Marghīnānīs, rising in tumult, seized the Mughūls in their forts,
plundered and beat them, drove them out and pursued them.

The Khāns did not cross the Khujand-water (for the Kīndīrlīk-pass) but
left the country by way of Marghīnān and Kand-i-badām and crossed it at
Khujand, Taṃbal pursuing them as far as Marghīnān. We had had much
uncertainty; we had not had much confidence in their making any stand,
yet for us to go away, without clear reason, and leave them, would not
have looked well.


(_l. Bābur attempts to defend Akhsī._)

Early one morning, when I was in the Hot-bath, Jahāngīr Mīrzā came into
Akhsī, from Marghīnān, a fugitive from Taṃbal. We saw one another,
Shaikh Bāyazīd also being present, agitated and afraid. The Mīrzā and
Ibrāhīm Beg said, 'Shaikh Bāyazīd must be made prisoner and we must get
the citadel into our hands.' In good sooth, the proposal was wise. Said
I, 'Promise has been made; how can we break it?' Shaikh Bāyazīd went
into the citadel. Men ought to have been posted on the bridge; not even
there did we post any-one! These blunders were the fruit of
inexperience. At the top of the morning came Taṃbal himself with 2 or
3000 men in mail, crossed the bridge and went into the citadel. To begin
with I had had rather few men; when I first went into Akhsī some had
been sent to other forts and some had been made commandants and
summoners all round. Left with me in Akhsī may have been something over
100 men. We [Sidenote: Fol. 111b.] had got to horse with these and were
posting braves at the top of one lane after another and making ready for
the fight, when Shaikh Bāyazīd and Qaṃbar-`alī (the Skinner), and
Muḥammad-dost[655] came gallopping from Taṃbal with talk of peace.

After posting those told off for the fight, each in his appointed place,
I dismounted at my father's tomb for a conference, in which I invited
Jahāngīr Mīrzā to join. Muḥammad-dost went back to Taṃbal but
Qaṃbar-`alī and Shaikh Bāyazīd were present. We sat in the south porch
of the tomb and were in consultation when the Mīrzā, who must have
settled beforehand with Ibrāhīm _Chāpūk_ to lay hands on those other
two, said in my ear, 'They must be made prisoner.' Said I, 'Don't hurry!
matters are past making prisoners. See here! with terms made, the affair
might be coaxed into something. For why? Not only are they many and we
few, but they with their strength are in the citadel, we with our
weakness, in the outer fort.' Shaikh Bāyazīd and Qaṃbar-`alī both being
present, Jahāngīr Mīrzā looked at Ibrāhīm Beg and made him a sign to
refrain. Whether he misunderstood to the contrary or whether he
pretended to misunderstand, is not known; suddenly he did the ill-deed
of seizing Shaikh Bāyazīd. Braves [Sidenote: Fol. 112.] closing in from
all sides, flung those two to the ground. Through this the affair was
taken past adjustment; we gave them into charge and got to horse for the
coming fight.

One side of the town was put into Jahāngīr Mīrzā's charge; as his men
were few, I told off some of mine to reinforce him. I went first to his
side and posted men for the fight, then to other parts of the town.
There is a somewhat level, open space in the middle of Akhsī; I had
posted a party of braves there and gone on when a large body of the
enemy, mounted and on foot, bore down upon them, drove them from their
post and forced them into a narrow lane. Just then I came up (the lane),
gallopped my horse at them, and scattered them in flight. While I was
thus driving them out from the lane into the flat, and had got my sword
to work, they shot my horse in the leg; it stumbled and threw me there
amongst them. I got up quickly and shot one arrow off. My squire, Kahil
(lazy) had a weakly pony; he got off and led it to me. Mounting this, I
started for another lane-head. Sl. Muḥ. Wais noticed the weakness of my
mount, dismounted and led me his own. I mounted that horse. Just then,
Qāsim Beg's son, Qaṃbar-`alī came, wounded, from Jahāngīr Mīrzā and said
the Mīrzā had [Sidenote: Fol. 112b.] been attacked some time before,
driven off in panic, and had gone right away. We were thunderstruck! At
the same moment arrived Sayyid Qāsim, the commandant of Pāp! His was a
most unseasonable visit, since at such a crisis it was well to have such
a strong fort in our hands. Said I to Ibrāhīm Beg, 'What's to be done
now?' He was slightly wounded; whether because of this or because of
stupefaction, he could give no useful answer. My idea was to get across
the bridge, destroy it and make for Andijān. Bābā Sher-zād did very well
here. 'We will storm out at the gate and get away at once,' he said. At
his word, we set off for the Gate. Khwāja Mīr Mīrān also spoke boldly at
that crisis. In one of the lanes, Sayyid Qāsim and Nāṣir's Dost chopped
away at Bāqī Khīz,[656] I being in front with Ibrāhīm Beg and Mīrzā Qulī
_Kūkūldāsh_.

As we came opposite the Gate, we saw Shaikh Bāyazīd, wearing his
pull-over shirt[657] above his vest, coming in with three or four
horsemen. He must have been put into the charge of Jahāngīr's men in the
morning when, against my will, he was made prisoner, and they must have
carried him off when they got away. They had thought it would be well to
kill him; they set him free alive. He had been released just when I
chanced upon him in the Gate. I drew and shot off the arrow on my thumb;
it grazed his neck, a good shot! He came confusedly in at the Gate,
turned to the right and fled down a lane. We followed him instantly.
Mīrzā Qulī _Kūkūldāsh_ got at one man with his rugged-mace and went on.
Another man took [Sidenote: Fol. 113.] aim at Ibrāhīm Beg, but when the
Beg shouted 'Hāī! Hāī!' let him pass and shot me in the arm-pit, from as
near as a man on guard at a Gate. Two plates of my Qālmāq mail were cut;
he took to flight and I shot after him. Next I shot at a man running
away along the ramparts, adjusting for his cap against the battlements;
he left his cap nailed on the wall and went off, gathering his
turban-sash together in his hand. Then again,—a man was in flight
alongside me in the lane down which Shaikh Bāyazīd had gone. I pricked
the back of his head with my sword; he bent over from his horse till he
leaned against the wall of the lane, but he kept his seat and with some
trouble, made good his flight. When we had driven all the enemy's men
from the Gate, we took possession of it but the affair was past
discussion because they, in the citadel, were 2000 or 3000, we, in the
outer fort, 100 or 200. Moreover they had chased off Jahāngīr Mīrzā, as
long before as it takes milk to boil, and with him had gone half my men.
This notwithstanding, we sent a man, while we were in the Gate, to say
to him, 'If you are near at hand, come, let us attack again.' But the
matter had gone past that! Ibrāhīm Beg, either because his horse was
really weak or because of his wound, said, 'My horse is done.' On this,
Sulaimān, one of Muḥ. `Alī's _Mubashir's_ servants, did a plucky thing,
for with matters [Sidenote: Fol. 113b.] as they were and none
constraining him, while we were waiting in the Gate, he dismounted and
gave his horse to Ibrāhīm Beg. Kīchīk (little) `Alī, now the Governor of
Koel,[658] also shewed courage while we were in the Gate; he was a
retainer of Sl. Muḥ. Wais and twice did well, here and in Aūsh. We
delayed in the Gate till those sent to Jahāngīr Mīrzā came back and said
he had gone off long before. It was too late to stay there; off we
flung; it was ill-judged to have stayed as long as we did. Twenty or
thirty men were with me. Just as we hustled out of the Gate, a number of
armed men[659] came right down upon us, reaching the town-side of the
drawbridge just as we had crossed. Banda-`alī, the maternal grandfather
of Qāsim Beg's son, Ḥamza, called out to Ibrāhīm Beg, 'You are always
boasting of your zeal! Let's take to our swords!' 'What hinders? Come
along!' said Ibrāhīm Beg, from beside me. The senseless fellows were for
displaying their zeal at a time of such disaster! Ill-timed zeal! That
was no time to make stand or delay! We went off quickly, the enemy
following and unhorsing our men.


(_m. Bābur a fugitive before Taṃbal's men._)

When we were passing Meadow-dome (Guṃbaz-i-chaman), two miles out of
Akhsī, Ibrāhīm Beg called out to me. Looking [Sidenote: Fol. 114.] back,
I saw a page of Shaikh Bāyazīd's striking at him and turned rein, but
Bayān-qulī's Khān-qulī, said at my side, 'This is a bad time for going
back,' seized my rein and pushed ahead. Many of our men had been
unhorsed before we reached Sang, 4 miles (2 _shar`ī_) out of Akhsī.[660]
Seeing no pursuers at Sang, we passed it by and turned straight up its
water. In this position of our affairs there were eight men of
us;—Nāṣir's Dost, Qāsim Beg's Qaṃbar-`alī, Bayān-qulī's Khān-qulī, Mīrzā
Qulī _Kūkūldāsh_, Nāṣir's Shāham, Sayyidī Qarā's `Abdu'l-qadūs, Khwāja
Ḥusainī and myself, the eighth. Turning up the stream, we found, in the
broad valley, a good little road, far from the beaten track. We made
straight up the valley, leaving the stream on the right, reached its
waterless part and, near the Afternoon Prayer, got up out of it to level
land. When we looked across the plain, we saw a blackness on it, far
away. I made my party take cover and myself had gone to look out from
higher ground, when a number of men came at a gallop up the hill behind
us. Without waiting to know whether they were many or few, we mounted
and rode off. There were 20 or 25; we, as has been said, were eight. If
we had known their number at first, we should have made a good stand
against them but we thought they would not be pursuing us, unless they
had good support behind. A [Sidenote: Fol. 114b.] fleeing foe, even if
he be many, cannot face a few pursuers, for as the saying is, '_Hāī_ is
enough for the beaten ranks.'[661]

Khān-qulī said, 'This will never do! They will take us all. From amongst
the horses there are, you take two good ones and go quickly on with
Mīrzā Qulī _Kūkūldāsh_, each with a led horse. May-be you will get
away.' He did not speak ill; as there was no fighting to hand, there was
a chance of safety in doing as he said, but it really would not have
looked well to leave any man alone, without a horse, amongst his foes.
In the end they all dropped off, one by one, of themselves. My horse was
a little tired; Khān-qulī dismounted and gave me his; I jumped off at
once and mounted his, he mine. Just then they unhorsed Sayyidī Qarā's
`Abdu'l-qadūs and Nāṣir's Shāham who had fallen behind. Khān-qulī also
was left. It was no time to profer help or defence; on it was gone, at
the full speed of our mounts. The horses began to flag; Dost Beg's
failed and stopped. Mine began to tire; Qaṃbar-`alī got off and gave me
his; I mounted his, he mine. He was left. Khwāja Ḥusainī was a lame man;
he turned aside to the higher ground. I was left with Mīrzā Qulī
_Kūkūldāsh_. Our [Sidenote: Fol. 115.] horses could not possibly gallop,
they trotted. His began to flag. Said I, 'What will become of me, if you
fall behind? Come along! let's live or die together.' Several times I
looked back at him; at last he said, 'My horse is done! It can't go on.
Never mind me! You go on, perhaps you will get away.' It was a miserable
position for me; he remained behind, I was alone.

Two of the enemy were in sight, one Bābā of Sairām, the other
Banda-`alī. They gained on me; my horse was done; the mountains were
still 2 miles (1 _kuroh_) off. A pile of rock was in my path. Thought I
to myself, 'My horse is worn out and the hills are still somewhat far
away; which way should I go? In my quiver are at least 20 arrows; should
I dismount and shoot them off from this pile of rock?' Then again, I
thought I might reach the hills and once there, stick a few arrows in my
belt and scramble up. I had a good deal of confidence in my feet and
went on, with this plan in mind. My horse could not possibly trot; the
two men came within arrow's reach. [Sidenote: Fol. 115b.] For my own
sake sparing my arrows, I did not shoot; they, out of caution, came no
nearer. By sunset I was near the hills. Suddenly they called out, 'Where
are you going in this fashion? Jahāngīr Mīrzā has been brought in a
prisoner; Nāṣir Mīrzā also is in their hands.' I made no reply and went
on towards the hills. When a good distance further had been gone, they
spoke again, this time more respectfully, dismounting to speak. I gave
no ear to them but went on up a glen till, at the Bed-time prayer, I
reached a rock as big as a house. Going behind it, I saw there were
places to be jumped, where no horse could go. They dismounted again and
began to speak like servants and courteously. Said they, 'Where are you
going in this fashion, without a road and in the dark? Sl. Aḥmad Taṃbal
will make you _pādshāh_.' They swore this. Said I, 'My mind is not easy
as to that. I cannot go to him. [Sidenote: Fol. 116.] If you think to do
me timely service, years may pass before you have such another chance.
Guide me to a road by which I can go to The Khān's presence. If you
will do this, I will shew you favour and kindness greater than your
heart's-desire. If you will not do it, go back the way you came; that
also would be to serve me well.' Said they, 'Would to God we had never
come! But since we are here, after following you in the way we have
done, how can we go back from you? If you will not go with us, we are at
your service, wherever you go.' Said I, 'Swear that you speak the
truth.' They, for their part, made solemn oath upon the Holy Book.

I at once confided in them and said, 'People have shewn me a road
through a broad valley, somewhere near this glen; take me to it.' Spite
of their oath, my trust in them was not so complete but that I gave them
the lead and followed. After 2 to 4 miles (1-2 _kuroh_), we came to the
bed of a torrent. 'This will not be the road for the broad valley,' I
said. They drew back, saying, 'That road is a long way ahead,' but it
really must have been the one we were on and they have been concealing
the fact, in order to deceive me. About half through the night, we
reached another stream. This time they said, 'We have been negligent; it
now seems to us that the road through the broad valley is behind.' Said
I, 'What is to be done?' Said they, 'The Ghawā road is certainly in
front; by it people cross for Far-kat.[662] They guided me for that and
we went on till in [Sidenote: Fol. 116b.] the third watch of the night
we reached the Karnān gully which comes down from Ghawā. Here Bābā
Sairāmī said, 'Stay here a little while I look along the Ghawā road.' He
came back after a time and said, 'Some men have gone along that road,
led by one wearing a Mughūl cap; there is no going that way.' I took
alarm at these words. There I was, at dawn, in the middle of the
cultivated land, far from the road I wanted to take. Said I, 'Guide me
to where I can hide today, and tonight when you will have laid hands on
something for the horses, lead me to cross the Khujand-water and along
its further bank.' Said they, 'Over there, on the upland, there might be
hiding.'

Banda-`alī was Commandant in Karnān. 'There is no doing without food for
ourselves or our horses;' he said, 'let me go into Karnān and bring
what I can find.' We stopped 2 miles (1 _kuroh_) out of Karnān; he went
on. He was a long time away; near dawn there was no sign of him. The day
had shot when he hurried up, bringing three loaves of bread but no corn
for the horses. Each of us putting a loaf into the breast of his tunic,
we went quickly up the rise, tethered our horses there in the open
valley and went to higher ground, each to keep watch.

[Sidenote: Fol. 117.] Near mid-day, Aḥmad the Falconer went along the
Ghawā road for Akhsī. I thought of calling to him and of saying, with
promise and fair word, 'You take those horses,' for they had had a day
and a night's strain and struggle, without corn, and were utterly done.
But then again, we were a little uneasy as we did not entirely trust
him. We decided that, as the men Bābā Sairāmī had seen on the road would
be in Karnān that night, the two with me should fetch one of their
horses for each of us, and that then we should go each his own way.

At mid-day, a something glittering was seen on a horse, as far away as
eye can reach. We were not able to make out at all what it was. It must
have been Muḥ. Bāqir Beg himself; he had been with us in Akhsī and when
we got out and scattered, he must have come this way and have been
moving then to a hiding-place.[663]

Banda-`alī and Bābā Sairāmī said, 'The horses have had no corn for two
days and two nights; let us go down into the dale and put them there to
graze.' Accordingly we rode down and put them to the grass. At the
Afternoon Prayer, a horseman passed along the rising-ground where we had
been. We recognized him for Qādīr-bīrdī, the head-man of Ghawā. 'Call
him,' I said. They called; he came. After questioning him, and speaking
to him of favour and kindness, and giving him promise and fair word, I
sent him to bring rope, and a grass-hook, and an axe, and material for
crossing water,[664] and corn [Sidenote: Fol. 117b.] for the horses, and
food and, if it were possible, other horses. We made tryst with him for
that same spot at the Bed-time Prayer.

Near the Evening Prayer, a horseman passed from the direction of Karnān
for Ghawā. 'Who are you?' we asked. He made some reply. He must have
been Muḥ. Bāqir Beg himself, on his way from where we had seen him
earlier, going at night-fall to some other hiding-place, but he so
changed his voice that, though he had been years with me, I did not know
it. It would have been well if I had recognized him and he had joined
me. His passing caused much anxiety and alarm; tryst could not be kept
with Qādīr-bīrdī of Ghawā. Banda-`alī said, 'There are retired gardens
in the suburbs of Karnān where no one will suspect us of being; let us
go there and send to Qādīr-bīrdī and have him brought there.' With this
idea, we mounted and went to the Karnān suburbs. It was winter and very
cold. They found a worn, coarse sheepskin coat and brought it to me; I
put it on. They brought me a bowl of millet-porridge; I ate it and was
wonderfully refreshed. 'Have you sent off the man to Qādīr-bīrdī?' said
I to Banda-`alī. 'I have sent,' he said. But those luckless, clownish
mannikins seem to have agreed together to send the man to Taṃbal in
Akhsī!

We went into a house and for awhile my eyes closed in sleep. Those
mannikins artfully said to me, 'You must not bestir yourself to leave
Karnān till there is news of Qādīr-bīrdī but this house is right amongst
the suburbs; on the outskirts the orchards are empty; no-one will
suspect if we go [Sidenote: Fol. 118.] there.' Accordingly we mounted at
mid-night and went to a distant orchard. Bābā Sairāmī kept watch from
the roof of a house. Near mid-day he came down and said, 'Commandant
Yūsuf is coming.' Great fear fell upon me! 'Find out,' I said, 'whether
he comes because he knows about me.' He went and after some exchange of
words, came back and said, 'He says he met a foot-soldier in the Gate of
Akhsī who said to him, "The pādshāh is in such a place," that he told
no-one, put the man with Walī the Treasurer whom he had made prisoner in
the fight, and then gallopped off here.' Said I, 'How does it strike
you?' 'They are all your servants,' he said, 'you must go. What else can
you do? They will make you their ruler.' Said I, 'After such rebellion
and fighting, with what confidence could I go?' We were saying this,
when Yūsuf knelt before me, saying, 'Why should it be hidden? Sl. Aḥmad
Taṃbal has no news of you, but Shaikh Bāyazīd has and he sent me here.'
On hearing this, my state of mind was miserable indeed, for well is it
understood that nothing in the world is worse than fear for one's life.
'Tell the truth!' I said, 'if the affair is likely to go on to worse, I
will make [Sidenote: Fol. 118b.] ablution.' Yūsuf swore oaths, but who
would trust them? I knew the helplessness of my position. I rose and
went to a corner of the garden, saying to myself, 'If a man live a
hundred years or a thousand years, at the last nothing ...'[665]


TRANSLATOR'S NOTE.

Friends are likely to have rescued Bābur from his dangerous isolation.
His presence in Karnān was known both in Ghawā and in Akhsī; Muḥ. Bāqir
Beg was at hand (f. 117); some of those he had dropped in his flight
would follow him when their horses had had rest; Jahāngīr was somewhere
north of the river with the half of Bābur's former force (f. 112); The
Khāns, with their long-extended line of march, may have been on the main
road through or near Karnān. If Yūsuf took Bābur as a prisoner along the
Akhsī road, there were these various chances of his meeting friends.

His danger was evaded; he joined his uncles and was with them, leading
1000 men (Sh. N. p. 268), when they were defeated at Archīān just before
or in the season of Cancer, _i.e._ _circa_ June (T. R. p. 164). What he
was doing between the winter cold of Karnān (f. 117b) and June might
have been known from his lost pages. Muḥ. Ṣāliḥ writes at length of one
affair falling within the time,—Jahāngīr's occupation of Khujand, its
siege and its capture by Shaibānī. This capture will have occurred
considerably more than a month before the defeat of The Khāns (Sh. N. p.
230).

It is not easy to decide in what month of 908 AH. they went into
Farghāna or how long their campaign lasted. Bābur chronicles a series of
occurrences, previous to the march of the army, which must have filled
some time. The road over the Kīndīrlīk-pass was taken, one closed in
Bābur's time (f. 1b) though now open through the winter. Looking at the
rapidity of his own movements in Farghāna, it seems likely that the pass
was crossed after and not before its closed time. If so, the campaign
may have covered 4 or 5 months. Muḥ. Ṣāliḥ's account of Shaibāq's
operations strengthens this view. News that Aḥmad had joined Maḥmūd in
Tāshkīnt (f. 102) went to Shaibānī in Khusrau Shāh's territories; he saw
his interests in Samarkand threatened by this combination of the
Chaghatāī brothers to restore Bābur in Farghāna, came north therefore in
order to help Taṃbal. He then waited a month in Samarkand (Sh. N. p.
230), besieged Jahāngīr, went back and stayed in Samarkand long enough
to give his retainers time to equip for a year's campaigning (l. c. p.
244) then went to Akhsī and so to Archīān.

Bābur's statement (f. 110b) that The Khāns went from Andijān to the
Khujand-crossing over the Sīr attracts attention because this they might
have done if they had meant to leave Farghāna by Mīrzā-rabāṯ but they
are next heard of as at Akhsī. Why did they make that great détour? Why
not have crossed opposite Akhsī or at Sang? Or if they had thought of
retiring, what turned them east again? Did they place Jahāngīr in
Khujand? Bābur's missing pages would have answered these questions no
doubt. It was useful for them to encamp where they did, east of Akhsī,
because they there had near them a road by which reinforcement could
come from Kāshghar or retreat be made. The Akhsī people told Shaibānī
that he could easily overcome The Khāns if he went without warning, and
if they had not withdrawn by the Kulja road (Sh. N. p. 262). By that
road the few men who went with Aḥmad to Tāshkīnt (f. 103) may have been
augmented to the force, enumerated as his in the battle by Muḥ. Ṣāliḥ
(Sh. N. cap. LIII.).

When The Khāns were captured, Bābur escaped and made 'for Mughūlistān,'
a vague direction seeming here to mean Tāshkīnt, but, finding his road
blocked, in obedience to orders from Shaibāq that he and Abū'l-makāram
were to be captured, he turned back and, by unfrequented ways, went into
the hill-country of Sūkh and Hushīār. There he spent about a year in
great misery (f. 14 and Ḥ. S. ii, 318). Of the wretchedness of the time
Ḥaidar also writes. If anything was attempted in Farghāna in the course
of those months, record of it has been lost with Bābur's missing pages.
He was not only homeless and poor, but shut in by enemies. Only the
loyalty or kindness of the hill-tribes can have saved him and his few
followers. His mother was with him; so also were the families of his
men. How Qūtlūq-nigār contrived to join him from Tāshkīnt, though
historically a small matter, is one he would chronicle. What had
happened there after the Mughūl defeat, was that the horde had marched
away for Kāshghar while Shāh Begīm remained in charge of her daughters
with whom the Aūzbeg chiefs intended to contract alliance. Shaibānī's
orders for her stay and for the general exodus were communicated to her
by her son, The Khān, in what Muḥ. Ṣāliḥ, quoting its purport, describes
as a right beautiful letter (p. 296).

By some means Qūtlūq-nigār joined Bābur, perhaps helped by the
circumstance that her daughter, Khān-zāda was Shaibāq's wife. She spent
at least some part of those hard months with him, when his fortunes were
at their lowest ebb. A move becoming imperative, the ragged and
destitute company started in mid-June 1504 (Muḥ. 910 AH.) on that
perilous mountain journey to which Ḥaidar applies the Prophet's dictum,
'Travel is a foretaste of Hell,' but of which the end was the
establishment of a Tīmūrid dynasty in Hindūstān. To look down the years
from the destitute Bābur to Akbar, Shāh-jahān and Aurangzīb is to see a
great stream of human life flow from its source in his resolve to win
upward, his quenchless courage and his abounding vitality. Not yet 22,
the sport of older men's intrigues, he had been tempered by failure,
privation and dangers.

He left Sūkh intending to go to Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā in Khurāsān but he
changed this plan for one taking him to Kābul where a Tīmūrid might
claim to dispossess the Arghūns, then holding it since the death, in 907
AH. of his uncle, Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā _Kābulī_.



THE MEMOIRS OF BABUR


SECTION II. KĀBUL[666]

910 AH.-JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD.[667]

(_a. Bābur leaves Farghāna._)


In the month of Muḥarram, after leaving the Farghāna country [Sidenote:
Ḥaidarābād MS. Fol. 120.] intending to go to Khurāsān, I dismounted at
Aīlāk-yīlāq,[668] one of the summer pastures of Ḥiṣār. In this camp I
entered my 23rd year, and applied the razor to my face.[669] Those who,
hoping in me, went with me into exile, were, small and great, between 2
and 300; they were almost all on foot, had walking-staves in their
hands, brogues[670] on their feet, and long coats[671] on their
shoulders. So destitute were we that we had but two tents (_chādar_)
amongst us; my own used to be pitched for my mother, and they set an
_ālāchūq_ at each stage for me to sit in.[672]

Though we had started with the intention of going into Khurāsān, yet
with things as they were[673] something was hoped for from the Ḥiṣār
country and Khusrau Shāh's retainers. Every few days some-one would come
in from the country or a tribe or the (Mughūl) horde, whose words made
it probable that we had growing ground for hope. Just then Mullā Bābā of
Pashāghar came back, who had been our envoy to Khusrau Shāh; from
Khusrau Shāh he brought nothing likely to please, but he did from the
tribes and the horde.

[Sidenote: Fol. 120b.] Three or four marches beyond Aīlāk, when halt was
made at a place near Ḥiṣār called Khwāja `Imād, Muḥibb-`alī, the
Armourer, came to me from Khusrau Shāh. Through Khusrau Shāh's
territories I have twice happened to pass;[674] renowned though he was
for kindness and liberality, he neither time showed me the humanity he
had shown to the meanest of men.

As we were hoping something from the country and the tribes, we made
delay at every stage. At this critical point Sherīm T̤aghāī, than whom
no man of mine was greater, thought of leaving me because he was not
keen to go into Khurāsān. He had sent all his family off and stayed
himself unencumbered, when after the defeat at Sar-i-pul (906 AH.) I
went back to defend Samarkand; he was a bit of a coward and he did this
sort of thing several times over.


(_b. Bābur joined by one of Khusrau Shāh's kinsmen._)

After we reached Qabādīān, a younger brother of Khusrau Shāh, Bāqī
_Chaghānīānī_, whose holdings were Chaghānīān,[675] Shahr-i-ṣafā and
Tīrmīẕ, sent the _khatīb_[676] of Qarshī to me to express his good
wishes and his desire for alliance, and, after we had crossed the Amū at
the Aūbāj-ferry, he came himself to wait on me. By his wish we moved
down the river to opposite Tīrmīẕ, where, without fear [or, without
going over himself],[677] he had their families[678] and their goods
brought across to join us. This done, we set out together for Kāhmard
and Bāmīān, then held by his son[679] Aḥmad-i-qāsim, the son of Khusrau
Shāh's sister. Our plan was to leave the households (_awī-aīl_) safe in
Fort Ajar of the Kāhmard-valley and to take action wherever [Sidenote:
Fol. 121.] action might seem well. At Aībak, Yār-`alī Balāl,[680] who
had fled from Khusrau Shāh, joined us with several braves; he had been
with me before, and had made good use of his sword several times in my
presence, but was parted from me in the recent throneless times[681] and
had gone to Khusrau Shāh. He represented to me that the Mughūls in
Khusrau Shāh's service wished me well. Moreover, Qaṃbar-`alī Beg, known
also as Qaṃbar-`alī _Silākh_ (Skinner), fled to me after we reached the
Zindān-valley.[682]


(_c. Occurrences in Kākmard._)

We reached Kāhmard with three or four marches and deposited our
households and families in Ajar. While we stayed there, Jahāngīr Mīrzā
married (Aī Begīm) the daughter of Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā and Khān-zāda Begīm,
who had been set aside for him during the lifetime of the Mīrzās.[683]

Meantime Bāqī Beg urged it upon me, again and again, that two rulers in
one country, or two chiefs in one army are a source of faction and
disorder—a foundation of dissension and ruin. "For they have said, 'Ten
darwīshes can sleep under one blanket, but two kings cannot find room in
one clime.'

   If a man of God eat half a loaf,
   He gives the other to a darwīsh;
   Let a king grip the rule of a clime,
   He dreams of another to grip."[684]

Bāqī Beg urged further that Khusrau Shāah's retainers and followers
would be coming in that day or the next to take service with the Pādshāh
(_i.e._ Bābur); that there were such [Sidenote: Fol. 121b.]
sedition-mongers with them as the sons of Ayūb _Begchīk_, besides other
who had been the stirrers and spurs to disloyalty amongst their
Mīrzās,[685] and that if, at this point, Jahāngīr Mīrzā were dismissed,
on good and friendly terms, for Khurāsān, it would remove a source of
later repentance. Urge it as he would, however, I did not accept his
suggestion, because it is against my nature to do an injury to my
brethren, older or younger,[686] or to any kinsman soever, even when
something untoward has happened. Though formerly between Jahāngīr Mīrzā
and me, resentments and recriminations had occurred about our rule and
retainers, yet there was nothing whatever then to arouse anger against
him; he had come out of that country (_i.e._ Farghāna) with me and was
behaving like a blood-relation and a servant. But in the end it was just
as Bāqī Beg predicted;—those tempters to disloyalty, that is to say,
Ayūb's Yūsuf and Ayūb's Bihlūl, left me for Jahāngīr Mīrzā, took up a
hostile and mutinous position, parted him from me, and conveyed him into
Khurāsān.


(_d. Co-operation invited against Shaibāq Khān._)

In those days came letters from Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā, long and far-fetched
letters which are still in my possession and in that [Sidenote: Fol.
122.] of others, written to Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā, myself, Khusrau Shāh
and Ẕū'n-nūn Beg, all to the same purport, as follows:—"When the three
brothers, Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā, Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā, and Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā,
joined together and advanced against me, I defended the bank of the
Murgh-āb[687] in such a way that they retired without being able to
effect anything. Now if the Aūzbegs advance, I might myself guard the
bank of the Murgh-āb again; let Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā leave men to defend
the forts of Balkh, Shibarghān, and Andikhūd while he himself guards
Girzawān, the Zang-valley, and the hill-country thereabouts." As he had
heard of my being in those parts, he wrote to me also, "Do you make fast
Kāhmard, Ajar, and that hill-tract; let Khusrau Shāh place trusty men in
Ḥiṣār and Qūndūz; let his younger brother Walī make fast Badakhshān and
the Khutlān hills; then the Aūzbeg will retire, able to do nothing."

These letters threw us into despair;—for why? Because at that time there
was in Tīmūr Beg's territory (_yūrt_) no ruler so great as Sl. Ḥusain
Mīrzā, whether by his years, armed strength, or dominions; it was to be
expected, therefore, that envoys would go, treading on each other's
heels, with clear and sharp orders, such as, "Arrange for so many boats
at the Tīrmīz, [Sidenote: Fol. 122b.] Kilīf, and Kīrkī ferries," "Get
any quantity of bridge material together," and "Well watch the ferries
above Tūqūz-aūlūm,"[688] so that men whose spirit years of Aūzbeg
oppression had broken, might be cheered to hope again.[689] But how
could hope live in tribe or horde when a great ruler like Sl. Ḥusain
Mīrzā, sitting in the place of Tīmūr Beg, spoke, not of marching forth
to meet the enemy, but only of defence against his attack?

When we had deposited in Ajar what had come with us of hungry train (_aj
aūrūq_) and household (_awī-aīl_), together with the families of Bāqī
Beg, his son, Muḥ. Qāsim, his soldiers and his tribesmen, with all their
goods, we moved out with our men.


(_e. Increase of Bābur's following._)

One man after another came in from Khusrau Shāh's Mughūls and said, "We
of the Mughūl horde, desiring the royal welfare, have drawn off from
T̤āīkhān (T̤ālīkān) towards Ishkīmīsh and Fūlūl. Let the Pādshāh advance
as fast as possible, for the greater part of Khusrau Shāh's force has
broken up and is ready to take service with him." Just then news arrived
that Shaibāq Khān, after taking Andijān,[690] was getting to horse again
against Ḥiṣār and Qūndūz. On hearing [Sidenote: Fol. 123.] this, Khusrau
Shāh, unable to stay in Qūndūz, marched out with all the men he had, and
took the road for Kābul. No sooner had he left than his old servant, the
able and trusted Mullā Muḥammad _Turkistānī_ made Qūndūz fast for
Shaibāq Khān.

Three or four thousand heads-of-houses in the Mughūl horde, former
dependants of Khusrau Shāh, brought their families and joined us when,
going by way of Sham-tū, we were near the Qīzīl-sū.[691]


(_f. Qaṃbar-`alī, the Skinner, dismissed._)

Qaṃbar-`alī Beg's foolish talk has been mentioned several times already;
his manners were displeasing to Bāqī Beg; to gratify Bāqī Beg, he was
dismissed. Thereafter his son, `Abdu'l-shukūr, was in Jahāngīr Mīrzā's
service.


(_g. Khusrau Shāh waits on Bābur._)

Khusrau Shāh was much upset when he heard that the Mughūl horde had
joined me; seeing nothing better to do for himself, he sent his
son-in-law, Ayūb's Yaq`ūb, to make profession of well-wishing and
submission to me, and respectfully to represent that he would enter my
service if I would make terms and compact with him. His offer was
accepted, because Bāqī _Chaghānīānī_ was a man of weight, and, however
steady in his favourable disposition to me, did not overlook his
brother's side in this matter. Compact was made that Khusrau Shāh's
life should be safe, and that whatever amount of his goods he selected,
should not be refused him. After giving Yaq`ūb leave to go, we marched
down the Qīzīl-sū and dismounted near to where it joins the water of
Andar-āb. [Sidenote: Fol. 123b.]

Next day, one in the middle of the First Rabī` (end of August, 1504
AD.), riding light, I crossed the Andar-āb water and took my seat under
a large plane-tree near Dūshī, and thither came Khusrau Shāh, in pomp
and splendour, with a great company of men. According to rule and
custom, he dismounted some way off and then made his approach. Three
times he knelt when we saw one another, three times also on taking
leave; he knelt once when asking after my welfare, once again when he
offered his tribute, and he did the same with Jahāngīr Mīrzā and with
Mīrzā Khān (Wais). That sluggish old mannikin who through so many years
had just pleased himself, lacking of sovereignty one thing only, namely,
to read the _Khuṯba_ in his own name, now knelt 25 or 26 times in
succession, and came and went till he was so wearied out that he
tottered forward. His many years of begship and authority vanished from
his view. When we had seen one another and he had offered his gift, I
desired him to be seated. We stayed in that place for one or two
_garīs_,[692] exchanging tale and talk. His conversation was vapid and
empty, presumably because he was a coward and false to his salt. Two
things he said were extraordinary for the time when, under his eyes, his
trusty and trusted retainers were becoming mine, and when his affairs
had reached the point that he, the sovereign-aping mannikin, had had to
come, willy-nilly, abased and unhonoured, to what sort [Sidenote: Fol.
124.] of an interview! One of the things he said was this:—When condoled
with for the desertion of his men, he replied, "Those very servants have
four times left me and returned." The other was said when I had asked
him where his brother Walī would cross the Amū and when he would arrive.
"If he find a ford, he will soon be here, but when waters rise, fords
change; the (Persian) proverb has it, 'The waters have carried down the
fords.'" These words God brought to his tongue in that hour of the
flowing away of his own authority and following!

After sitting a _garī_ or two, I mounted and rode back to camp, he for
his part returning to his halting-place. On that day his begs, with
their servants, great and small, good and bad, and tribe after tribe
began to desert him and come, with their families, to me. Between the
two Prayers of the next afternoon not a man remained in his presence.

"Say,—O God! who possessest the kingdom! Thou givest it to whom Thou
wilt and Thou takest it from whom Thou wilt! In Thy hand is good, for
Thou art almighty."[693]

Wonderful is His power! This man, once master of 20 or 30,000 retainers,
once owning Sl. Maḥmūd's dominions from Qaḥlūgha,—known also as the
Iron-gate,—to the range of [Sidenote: Fol. 124b.] Hindū-kush, whose old
mannikin of a tax-gatherer, Ḥasan _Barlās_ by name, had made us march,
had made us halt, with all the tax-gatherer's roughness, from Aīlāk to
Aūbāj,[694] that man He so abased and so bereft of power that, with no
blow struck, no sound made, he stood, without command over servants,
goods, or life, in the presence of a band of 200 or 300 men, defeated
and destitute as we were.

In the evening of the day on which we had seen Khusrau Shāh and gone
back to camp, Mīrzā Khān came to my presence and demanded vengeance on
him for the blood of his brothers.[695] Many of us were at one with him,
for truly it is right, both by Law and common justice, that such men
should get their desserts, but, as terms had been made, Khusrau Shāh was
let go free. An order was given that he should be allowed to take
whatever of his goods he could convey; accordingly he loaded up, on
three or four strings of mules and camels, all jewels, gold, silver, and
precious things he had, and took them with him.[696] Sherīm T̤aghāī was
told off to escort him, who after setting Khusrau Shāh on his road for
Khurāsān, by way of Ghūrī and Dahānah, was to go to Kāhmard and bring
the families after us to Kābul.


(_h. Bābur marches for Kābul._)

Marching from that camp for Kābul, we dismounted in Khwāja Zaid.

On that day, Ḥamza Bī _Mangfīt_,[697] at the head of Aūzbeg raiders, was
over-running round about Dūshī. Sayyid Qāsim, the Lord of the Gate, and
Aḥmad-i-qāsim _Kohbur_ were sent [Sidenote: Fol. 125.] with several
braves against him; they got up with him, beat his Aūzbegs well, cut off
and brought in a few heads.

In this camp all the armour (_jība_) of Khusrau Shāh's armoury was
shared out. There may have been as many as 7 or 800 coats-of-mail
(_joshan_) and horse accoutrements (_kūhah_);[698] these were the one
thing he left behind; many pieces of porcelain also fell into our hands,
but, these excepted, there was nothing worth looking at.

With four or five marches we reached Ghūr-bund, and there dismounted in
Ushtur-shahr. We got news there that Muqīm's chief beg, Sherak (var.
Sherka) _Arghūn_, was lying along the Bārān, having led an army out, not
through hearing of me, but to hinder `Abdu'r-razzāq Mīrzā from passing
along the Panjhīr-road, he having fled from Kābul[699] and being then
amongst the Tarkalānī Afghāns towards Lamghān. On hearing this we
marched forward, starting in the afternoon and pressing on through the
dark till, with the dawn, we surmounted the Hūpīān-pass.[700]

I had never seen Suhail;[701] when I came out of the pass I saw a star,
bright and low. "May not that be Suhail?" said I. Said they, "It is
Suhail." Bāqī _Chaghānīānī_ recited this couplet;—[702]

   "How far dost thou shine, O Suhail, and where dost thou rise?
    A sign of good luck is thine eye to the man on whom it may light."

The Sun was a spear's-length high[703] when we reached the foot of the
Sanjid (Jujube)-valley and dismounted. Our scouting [Sidenote: Fol.
125b.] braves fell in with Sherak below the Qarā-bāgh,[704] near
Aīkarī-yār, and straightway got to grips with him. After a little of
some sort of fighting, our men took the upper hand, hurried their
adversaries off, unhorsed 70-80 serviceable braves and brought them in.
We gave Sherak his life and he took service with us.


(_i. Death of Walī of Khusrau._)

The various clans and tribes whom Khusrau Shāh, without troubling
himself about them, had left in Qūndūz, and also the Mughūl horde, were
in five or six bodies (_būlāk_). One of those belonging to
Badakhshān,—it was the Rūstā-hazāra,:—came, with Sayyidīm `Alī
_darbān_,[705] across the Panjhīr-pass to this camp, did me obeisance
and took service with me. Another body came under Ayūb's Yūsuf and
Ayūb's Bihlūl; it also took service with me. Another came from Khutlān,
under Khusrau Shāh's younger brother, Walī; another, consisting of the
(Mughūl) tribesmen (_aīmāq_) who had been located in Yīlānchaq, Nikdiri
(?), and the Qūndūz country, came also. The last-named two came by
Andar-āb and Sar-i-āb,[706] meaning to cross by the Panjhīr-pass; at
Sar-i-āb the tribesmen were ahead; Walī came up behind; they held the
road, fought and beat him. He himself fled to the Aūzbegs,[707] and
Shaibāq Khān had his head struck off in the Square (_Chār-sū_) of
Samarkand; his followers, beaten and plundered, came on with the
tribesmen, and like these, took service with me. With them came Sayyid
[Sidenote: Fol. 126.] Yūsuf Beg (the Grey-wolfer).


(_j. Kābul gained._)

From that camp we marched to the Āq-sarāī meadow of the Qarā-bāgh and
there dismounted. Khusrau Shāh's people were well practised in
oppression and violence; they tyrannized over one after another till at
last I had up one of Sayyidīm `Alī's good braves to my Gate[708] and
there beaten for forcibly taking a jar of oil. There and then he just
died under the blows; his example kept the rest down.

We took counsel in that camp whether or not to go at once against Kābul.
Sayyid Yūsuf and some others thought that, as winter was near, our first
move should be into Lamghān, from which place action could be taken as
advantage offered. Bāqī Beg and some others saw it good to move on Kābul
at once; this plan was adopted; we marched forward and dismounted in
Ābā-qūrūq.

My mother and the belongings left behind in Kāhmard rejoined us at
Ābā-qūrūq. They had been in great danger, the particulars of which are
these:—Sherīm T̤aghāī had gone to set Khusrau Shāh on his way for
Khurāsān, and this done, was to fetch the families from Kāhmard. When he
reached Dahānah, he found he was not his own master; Khusrau Shāh went
on with him into Kāhmard, where was his sister's son, Aḥmad-i-qāsim.
These two took up an altogether wrong [Sidenote: Fol. 126b.] position
towards the families in Kāhmard. Hereupon a number of Bāqī Beg's
Mughūls, who were with the families, arranged secretly with Sherīm
T̤aghāī to lay hands on Khusrau Shāh and Aḥmad-i-qāsim. The two heard of
it, fled along the Kāhmard-valley on the Ajar side[709] and made for
Khurāsān. To bring this about was really what Sherīm T̤aghāī and the
Mughūls wanted. Set free from their fear of Khusrau Shāh by his flight,
those in charge of the families got them out of Ajar, but when they
reached Kāhmard, the Sāqānchī (var. Asīqanchī) tribe blocked the road,
like an enemy, and plundered the families of most of Bāqī Beg's
men.[710] They made prisoner Qul-i-bāyazīd's little son, Tīzak; he came
into Kābul three or four years later. The plundered and unhappy families
crossed by the Qībchāq-pass, as we had done, and they rejoined us in
Ābā-qūrūq.

Leaving that camp we went, with one night's halt, to the Chālāk-meadow,
and there dismounted. After counsel taken, it was decided to lay siege
to Kābul, and we marched forward. With what men of the centre there
were, I dismounted between Ḥaidar _Tāqī's_[711] garden and the tomb of
Qul-i-bāyazīd, the Taster (_bakāwal_);[712] Jahāngīr Mīrzā, with the men
of the right, [Sidenote: Fol. 127.] dismounted in my great Four-gardens
(_Chār-bāgh_), Nāṣir Mīrzā, with the left, in the meadow of
Qūtlūq-qadam's tomb. People of ours went repeatedly to confer with
Muqīm; they sometimes brought excuses back, sometimes words making for
agreement. His tactics were the sequel of his dispatch, directly after
Sherak's defeat, of a courier to his father and elder brother (in
Qandahār); he made delays because he was hoping in them.

One day our centre, right, and left were ordered to put on their mail
and their horses' mail, to go close to the town, and to display their
equipment so as to strike terror on those within. Jahāngīr Mīrzā and the
right went straight forward by the Kūcha-bāgh;[713] I, with the centre,
because there was water, went along the side of Qūtlūq-qadam's tomb to a
mound facing the rising-ground;[714] the van collected above
Qūtlūq-qadam's bridge,—at that time, however, there was no bridge. When
the braves, showing themselves off, galloped close up to the
Curriers'-gate,[715] a few who had come out through it fled in again
without making any stand. A crowd of Kābulīs who had come out to see the
sight raised a great dust when they ran away from the high slope of the
glacis of the citadel (_i.e._ Bālā-ḥiṣār). A number of pits had been dug
up the rise [Sidenote: Fol. 127b.] between the bridge and the gate, and
hidden under sticks and rubbish; Sl. Qulī _Chūnāq_ and several others
were thrown as they galloped over them. A few braves of the right
exchanged sword-cuts with those who came out of the town, in amongst
the lanes and gardens, but as there was no order to engage, having done
so much, they retired.

Those in the fort becoming much perturbed, Muqīm made offer through the
begs, to submit and surrender the town. Bāqī Beg his mediator, he came
and waited on me, when all fear was chased from his mind by our entire
kindness and favour. It was settled that next day he should march out
with retainers and following, goods and effects, and should make the
town over to us. Having in mind the good practice Khusrau Shāh's
retainers had had in indiscipline and longhandedness, we appointed
Jahāngīr Mīrzā and Nāṣir Mīrzā with the great and household begs, to
escort Muqīm's family out of Kābul[716] and to bring out Muqīm himself
with his various dependants, goods and effects. Camping-ground was
assigned to him at Tīpa.[717] When the Mīrzās and the Begs went at dawn
to the Gate, they saw much mobbing and tumult of the common people, so
they sent me a man to say, "Unless you come yourself, there will be no
holding these people in." In the end I got to horse, had two or three
persons shot, two or three cut in pieces, and so stamped the rising
down. Muqīm and his belongings then got out, safe and sound, [Sidenote:
Fol. 128.] and they betook themselves to Tīpa.

It was in the last ten days of the Second Rabī` (Oct. 1504 AD.)[718]
that without a fight, without an effort, by Almighty God's bounty and
mercy, I obtained and made subject to me Kābul and Ghaznī and their
dependent districts.


DESCRIPTION OF KĀBUL[719]

The Kābul country is situated in the Fourth climate and in the midst of
cultivated lands.[720] On the east it has the Lamghānāt,[721]
Parashāwar (Pashāwar), Hash(t)-nagar and some of the countries of
Hindūstān. On the west it has the mountain region in which are Karnūd
(?) and Ghūr, now the refuge and dwelling-places of the Hazāra and
Nikdīrī (var. Nikudārī) tribes. On the north, separated from it by the
range of Hindū-kush, it has the Qūndūz and Andar-āb countries. On the
south, it has Farmūl, Naghr (var. Naghz), Bannū and Afghānistān.[722]


(_a. Town and environs of Kābul._)

The Kābul district itself is of small extent, has its greatest length
from east to west, and is girt round by mountains. Its walled-town
connects with one of these, rather a low one known as Shāh-of-Kābul
because at some time a (Hindū) Shāh of Kābul built a residence on its
summit.[723] Shāh-of-Kābul begins at the Dūrrīn narrows and ends at
those of Dih-i-yaq`ūb[724]; it may be 4 miles (2 _shar`ī_) round; its
skirt is covered with gardens fertilized from a canal which was brought
along the hill-slope in the time of my paternal uncle, Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā
by his guardian, Wais Atāka.[725] The water of this canal comes to an
end in a retired corner, a quarter known as Kul-kīna[726] where much
debauchery has gone on. About this place it [Sidenote: Fol. 128b.]
sometimes used to be said, in jesting parody of Khwāja Ḥāfiẓ[727],—"Ah!
the happy, thoughtless time when, with our names in ill-repute, we lived
days of days at Kul-kīna!"

East of Shāh-of-Kabūl and south of the walled-town lies a large
pool[728] about a 2 miles [_shar`ī_] round. From the town side of the
mountain three smallish springs issue, two near Kul-kīna; Khwāja
Shamū's[729] tomb is at the head of one; Khwāja Khiẓr's Qadam-gāh[730]
at the head of another, and the third is at a place known as Khwāja
Raushānāī, over against Khwāja `Abdu'ṣ-ṣamad. On a detached rock of a
spur of Shāh-of-Kābul, known as `Uqābain,[731] stands the citadel of
Kābul with the great walled-town at its north end, lying high in
excellent air, and overlooking the large pool already mentioned, and
also three meadows, namely, Siyāh-sang (Black-rock), Sūng-qūrghān
(Fort-back), and Chālāk (Highwayman?),—a most beautiful outlook when the
meadows are green. The north-wind does not fail Kābul in the heats;
people call it the Parwān-wind[732]; it makes a delightful temperature
in the windowed houses on the northern part of the citadel. In praise of
the citadel of Kābul, Mullā Muḥammad _T̤ālib Mu`ammāī_ (the
Riddler)[733]

[Sidenote: Fol. 129.] used to recite this couplet, composed on
Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā's name:—

   Drink wine in the castle of Kābul and send the cup round
     without pause;
   For Kābul is mountain, is river, is city, is lowland in one.[734]


(_b. Kābul as a trading-town._)

Just as `Arabs call every place outside `Arab (Arabia), `Ajam, so
Hindūstānīs call every place outside Hindūstān, Khurāsān. There are two
trade-marts on the land-route between Hindūstān and Khurāsān; one is
Kābul, the other, Qandahār. To Kābul caravans come from Kāshghar,[735]
Farghāna,Turkistān, Samarkand, Bukhārā, Balkh, Ḥiṣār and Badakhshān. To
Qandahār they come from Khurāsān. Kābul is an excellent trading-centre;
if merchants went to Khīta or to Rūm,[736] they might make no higher
profit. Down to Kābul every year come 7, 8, or 10,000 horses and up to
it, from Hindūstān, come every year caravans of 10, 15 or 20,000
heads-of-houses, bringing slaves (_barda_), white cloth, sugar-candy,
refined and common sugars, and aromatic roots. Many a trader is not
content with a profit of 30 or 40 on 10.[737] In Kābul can be had the
products of Khurāsān, Rūm, `Irāq and Chīn (China); while it is
Hindūstān's own market.


(_c. Products and climate of Kābul._)

In the country of Kābul, there are hot and cold districts close to one
another. In one day, a man may go out of the town of Kābul to where snow
never falls, or he may go, in two sidereal [Sidenote: Fol. 129b.] hours,
to where it never thaws, unless when the heats are such that it cannot
possibly lie.

Fruits of hot and cold climates are to be had in the districts near the
town. Amongst those of the cold climate, there are had in the town the
grape, pomegranate, apricot, apple, quince, pear, peach, plum,
_sinjid_, almond and walnut.[738] I had cuttings of the _ālū-bālū_[739]
brought there and planted; they grew and have done well. Of fruits of
the hot climate people bring into the town;—from the Lamghānāt, the
orange, citron, _amlūk_ (_diospyrus lotus_), and sugar-cane; this last I
had had brought and planted there;[740]—from Nijr-au (Nijr-water), they
bring the _jīl-ghūza,[741] and, from the hill-tracts, much honey.
Bee-hives are in use; it_ is only from towards Ghaznī, that no honey
comes.

The rhubarb[742] of the Kābul district is good, its quinces and plums
very good, so too its _badrang_;[743] it grows an excellent grape, known
as the water-grape.[744] Kābul wines are heady, those of the Khwāja
Khāwand Sa`īd hill-skirt being famous for their strength; at this time
however I can only repeat the praise of others about them:—[745]

   The flavour of the wine a drinker knows;
   What chance have sober men to know it?

Kābul is not fertile in grain, a four or five-fold return is reckoned
good there; nor are its melons first-rate, but they are not altogether
bad when grown from Khurāsān seed.

It has a very pleasant climate; if the world has another so pleasant, it
is not known. Even in the heats, one cannot sleep at night without a
fur-coat.[746] Although the snow in most places lies deep in winter, the
cold is not excessive; whereas in [Sidenote: Fol. 130.] Samarkand and
Tabrīz, both, like Kābul, noted for their pleasant climate, the cold is
extreme.


(_d. Meadows of Kābul._)

There are good meadows on the four sides of Kābul. An excellent one,
Sūng-qūrghān, is some 4 miles (2 _kuroh_) to the north-east; it has
grass fit for horses and few mosquitos. To the north-west is the Chālāk
meadow, some 2 miles (1 _shar`ī_) away, a large one but in it mosquitos
greatly trouble the horses. On the west is the Dūrrīn, in fact there are
two, Tīpa and Qūsh-nādir (var. nāwar),—if two are counted here, there
would be five in all. Each of these is about 2 miles from the town; both
are small, have grass good for horses, and no mosquitos; Kābul has no
others so good. On the east is the Siyāh-sang meadow with Qūtlūq-qadam's
tomb[747] between it and the Currier's-gate; it is not worth much
because, in the heats, it swarms with mosquitos. Kamarī[748] meadow
adjoins it; counting this in, the meadows of Kābul would be six, but
they are always spoken of as four.


(_e. Mountain-passes into Kābul._)

The country of Kābul is a fastness hard for a foreign foe to make his
way into.

The Hindū-kush mountains, which separate Kābul from Balkh, Qūndūz and
Badakhshān, are crossed by seven roads.[749] Three of these lead out of
Panjhīr (Panj-sher), _viz._ Khawāk, the uppermost, T̤ūl, the next lower,
and Bāzārak.[750] Of the passes on them, the one on the T̤ūl road is the
best, but the road itself is rather [Sidenote: Fol. 130b.] the longest
whence, seemingly, it is called T̤ūl. Bāzārak is the most direct; like
T̤ūl, it leads over into Sar-i-āb; as it passes through Pārandī, local
people call its main pass, the Pārandī. Another road leads up
through Parwān; it has seven minor passes, known as Haft-bacha
(Seven-younglings), between Parwān and its main pass (Bāj-gāh). It is
joined at its main pass by two roads from Andar-āb, which go on to
Parwān by it. This is a road full of difficulties. Out of Ghūr-bund,
again, three roads lead over. The one next to Parwān, known as the
Yāngī-yūl pass (New-road), goes through Wālīān to Khinjan; next above
this is the Qīpchāq road, crossing to where the water of Andar-āb meets
the Sūrkh-āb (Qīzīl-sū); this also is an excellent road; and the third
leads over the Shibr-tū pass;[751] those crossing by this in the heats
take their way by Bāmīān and Saighān, but those crossing by it in
winter, go on by Āb-dara (Water-valley).[752] Shibr-tū excepted, all the
Hindū-kush roads are closed for three or four months in winter,[753]
because no road through a valley-bottom is passable when the waters are
high. If any-one thinks to cross the Hindū-kush at that time, over the
mountains instead of through a valley-bottom, his journey is hard
indeed. The time to cross is during the three or four autumn months when
the snow is less and the waters are low. [Sidenote: Fol. 131.] Whether
on the mountains or in the valley-bottoms, Kāfir highwaymen are not few.

The road from Kābul into Khurāsān passes through Qandahār; it is quite
level, without a pass.

Four roads lead into Kābul from the Hindūstān side; one by rather a low
pass through the Khaibar mountains, another by way of Bangash, another
by way of Naghr (var. Naghz),[754] and another through Farmūl;[755] the
passes being low also in the three last-named. These roads are all
reached from three ferries over the Sind. Those who take the Nīl-āb[756]
ferry, come on through the Lamghānāt.[757] In winter, however, people
ford the Sind-water (at Hāru) above its junction with the
Kābul-water,[758] and ford this also. In most of my expeditions into
Hindūstān, I crossed those fords, but this last time (932 AH.-1525 AD.),
when I came, defeated Sl. Ibrāhīm and conquered the country, I crossed
by boat at Nīl-āb. Except at the one place mentioned above, the
Sind-water can be crossed only by boat. Those again, who cross at
Dīn-kot[759] go on through Bangash. Those crossing at Chaupāra, if they
take the Farmūl road, go on to Ghaznī, or, if they go by the Dasht, go
on to Qandahār.[760]


(_f. Inhabitants of Kābul._)

There are many differing tribes in the Kābul country; in its dales and
plains are Turks and clansmen[761] and `Arabs; in its town and in many
villages, Sārts; out in the districts and also [Sidenote: Fol. 131b.] in
villages are the Pashāī, Parājī, Tājīk, Bīrkī and Afghān tribes. In the
western mountains are the Hazāra and Nikdīrī tribes, some of whom speak
the Mughūlī tongue. In the north-eastern mountains are the places of the
Kāfirs, such as Kitūr (Gawār?) and Gibrik. To the south are the places
of the Afghān tribes.

Eleven or twelve tongues are spoken in Kābul,—`Arabī, Persian, Turkī,
Mughūlī, Hindī, Afghānī, Pashāī, Parājī, Gibrī, Bīrkī and Lamghānī. If
there be another country with so many differing tribes and such a
diversity of tongues, it is not known.


(_e. Sub-divisions of the Kābul country._)

The [Kābul] country has fourteen _tūmāns_.[762]

Bajaur, Sawād and Hash-nagar may at one time have been dependencies of
Kābul, but they now have no resemblance to cultivated countries
(_wilāyāt_), some lying desolate because of the Afghāns, others being
now subject to them.

In the east of the country of Kābul is the Lamghānāt, 5 _tūmāns_ and 2
_bulūks_ of cultivated lands.[763] The largest of these is Nīngnahār,
sometimes written Nagarahār in the histories.[764] Its _dārogha's_
residence is in Adīnapūr,[765] some 13 _yīghāch_ east of Kābul by a very
bad and tiresome road, going in three or four places over small
hill-passes, and in three or four others, through [Sidenote: Fol. 132.]
narrows.[766] So long as there was no cultivation along it, the
Khirilchī and other Afghān thieves used to make it their beat, but it
has become safe[767] since I had it peopled at Qarā-tū,[768] below
Qūrūq-sāī. The hot and cold climates are separated on this road by the
pass of Bādām-chashma (Almond-spring); on its Kābul side snow falls,
none at Qūrūq-sāī, towards the Lamghānāt.[769] After descending this
pass, another world comes into view, other trees, other plants (or
grasses), other animals, and other manners and customs of men. Nīngnahār
is nine torrents (_tūqūz-rūd_).[770] It grows good crops of rice and
corn, excellent and abundant oranges, citrons and pomegranates. In 914
AH. (1508-9 AD.) I laid out the Four-gardens, known as the Bāgh-i-wafā
(Garden-of-fidelity), on a rising-ground, facing south and having the
Sūrkh-rūd between it and Fort Adīnapūr.[771] There oranges, citrons and
pomegranates grow in abundance. The year I defeated Pahār Khān and took
Lāhor and Dipālpūr,[772] I had plantains (bananas) brought and planted
there; they did very well. The year before I had had sugar-cane planted
there; it also did well; some of it was sent to Bukhārā and
Badakhshān.[773] The garden lies high, has running-water close at hand,
and a mild winter [Sidenote: Fol. 132b.] climate. In the middle of it, a
one-mill stream flows constantly past the little hill on which are the
four garden-plots. In the south-west part of it there is a reservoir, 10
by 10,[774] round which are orange-trees and a few pomegranates, the
whole encircled by a trefoil-meadow. This is the best part of the
garden, a most beautiful sight when the oranges take colour. Truly that
garden is admirably situated!

The Safed-koh runs along the south of Nīngnahār, dividing it from
Bangash; no riding-road crosses it; nine torrents (_tūqūz-rūd_) issue
from it.[775] It is called Safed-koh[776] because its snow never
lessens; none falls in the lower parts of its valleys, a half-day's
journey from the snow-line. Many places along it have an excellent
climate; its waters are cold and need no ice.

The Sūrkh-rūd flows along the south of Adīnapūr. The fort stands on a
height having a straight fall to the river of some 130 ft. (40-50
_qārī_) and isolated from the mountain behind it on the north; it is
very strongly placed. That mountain runs between Nīngnahār and
Lamghān[777]; on its head snow falls when it snows [Sidenote: Fol. 133.]
in Kābul, so Lamghānīs know when it has snowed in the town.

In going from Kābul into the Lamghānāt,[778]—if people come by
Qūrūq-sāī, one road goes on through the Dīrī-pass, crosses the
Bārān-water at Būlān, and so on into the Lamghānāt,—another goes through
Qarā-tū, below Qūrūq-sāī, crosses the Bārān-water at Aūlūgh-nūr
(Great-rock?), and goes into Lamghān by the pass of Bād-i-pīch.[779] If
however people come by Nijr-aū, they traverse Badr-aū (Tag-aū), and
Qarā-nakariq (?), and go on through the pass of Bād-i-pīch.

Although Nīngnahār is one of the five _tūmāns_ of the Lamghān _tūmān_
the name Lamghānāt applies strictly only to the three (mentioned below).

One of the three is the `Alī-shang _tūmān_, to the north of which are
fastness-mountains, connecting with Hindū-kush and inhabited by Kāfirs
only. What of Kāfiristān lies nearest to `Alī-shang, is Mīl out of which
its torrent issues. The tomb of Lord Lām,[780] father of his Reverence
the prophet Nuḥ (Noah), is in this _tūmān_. In some histories he is
called Lamak and Lamakān. Some people are observed often to change _kāf_
for _ghain_ (_k_ for _gh_); it would seem to be on this account that the
country is called Lamghān.

The second is Alangār. The part of Kāfiristān nearest to it is Gawār
(Kawār), out of which its torrent issues (the Gau or Kau). This torrent
joins that of `Alī-shang and flows with it [Sidenote: Fol. 133b.] into
the Bārān-water, below Mandrāwar, which is the third _tūmān_ of the
Lamghānāt.

Of the two _bulūks_ of Lamghān one is the Nūr-valley.[781] This is a
place (_yīr_) without a second[782]; its fort is on a beak (_tūmshūq_)
of rock in the mouth of the valley, and has a torrent on each side; its
rice is grown on steep terraces, and it can be traversed by one road
only.[783] It has the orange, citron and other fruits of hot climates in
abundance, a few dates even. Trees cover the banks of both the torrents
below the fort; many are _amlūk_, the fruit of which some Turks call
_qarā-yīmīsh_;[784] here they are many, but none have been seen
elsewhere. The valley grows grapes also, all trained on trees.[785] Its
wines are those of Lamghān that have reputation. Two sorts of grapes are
grown, the _arah-tāshī_ and the _sūhān-tāshī_;[786] the first are
yellowish, the second, full-red of fine colour. The first make the more
cheering wine, but it must be said that neither wine equals its
reputation for cheer. High up in one of its glens, apes (_maimūn_) are
found, none below. Those people (_i.e._ Nūrīs) used to keep swine but
they have given it up in our time.[787]

Another _tūmān_ of Lamghān is Kūnār-with-Nūr-gal. It lies somewhat
out-of-the-way, remote from the Lamghānāt, with its borders in amongst
the Kāfir lands; on these accounts its people give in tribute rather
little of what they have. The Chaghān-sarāī [Sidenote: Fol. 134.] water
enters it from the north-east, passes on into the _bulūk_ of Kāma, there
joins the Bārān-water and with that flows east.

Mīr Sayyid `Alī _Hamadānī_,[788]—God's mercy on him!—coming here as he
journeyed, died 2 miles (1 _shar`ī_) above Kūnār. His disciples carried
his body to Khutlān. A shrine was erected at the honoured place of his
death, of which I made the circuit when I came and took Chaghān-sarāī in
920 AH.[789]

The orange, citron and coriander[790] abound in this _tūmān_. Strong
wines are brought down into it from Kāfiristān.

A strange thing is told there, one seeming impossible, but one told to
us again and again. All through the hill-country above Multa-kundī,
_viz._ in Kūnār, Nūr-gal, Bajaur, Sawād and thereabouts, it is commonly
said that when a woman dies and has been laid on a bier, she, if she has
not been an ill-doer, gives the bearers such a shake when they lift the
bier by its four sides, that against their will and hindrance, her
corpse falls to the ground; but, if she has done ill, no movement
occurs. This was heard not only from Kūnārīs but, again and again, in
Bajaur, [Sidenote: Fol. 134b.] Sawād and the whole hill-tract.
Ḥaidar-`alī _Bajaurī_,—a sulṯān who governed Bajaur well,—when his
mother died, did not weep, or betake himself to lamentation, or put on
black, but said, "Go! lay her on the bier! if she move not, I will have
her burned."[792] They laid her on the bier; the desired movement
followed; when he heard that this was so, he put on black and betook
himself to lamentation.

   (_Authors note to Multa-kundī._) As Multa-kundī is known the
   lower part of the _tūmān_ of Kūnār-with-Nūr-gal; what is below
   (_i.e._ on the river) belongs to the valley of Nūr and to
   Atar.[791]

Another _bulūk_ is Chaghān-sarāī,[793] a single village with little
land, in the mouth of Kāfiristān; its people, though Muṣalmān, mix with
the Kāfirs and, consequently, follow their customs.[794] A great torrent
(the Kūnār) comes down to it from the north-east from behind Bajaur, and
a smaller one, called Pīch, comes down out of Kāfiristān. Strong
yellowish wines are had there, not in any way resembling those of the
Nūr-valley, however. The village has no grapes or vineyards of its own;
its wines are all brought from up the Kāfiristān-water and from
Pīch-i-kāfiristānī.

The Pīch Kāfirs came to help the villagers when I took the place. Wine
is so commonly used there that every Kāfir has his leathern wine-bag
(_khīg_) at his neck, and drinks wine instead of water.[795]

Kāma, again, though not a separate district but dependent on Nīngnahār,
is also called a _bulūk_.[796] [Sidenote: Fol. 135.]

Nijr-aū[797] is another _tūmān_. It lies north of Kābul, in the
Kohistān, with mountains behind it inhabited solely by Kāfirs; it is a
quite sequestered place. It grows grapes and fruits in abundance. Its
people make much wine but, they boil it. They fatten many fowls in
winter, are wine-bibbers, do not pray, have no scruples and are
Kāfir-like.[798]

In the Nijr-aū mountains is an abundance of _archa_, _jīlghūza_, _bīlūt_
and _khanjak_.[799] The first-named three do not grow above Nigr-aū but
they grow lower, and are amongst the trees of Hindūstān. _Jīlghūza_-wood
is all the lamp the people have; it burns like a candle and is very
remarkable. The flying-squirrel[800] is found in these mountains, an
animal larger than a bat and having a curtain (_parda_), like a bat's
wing, between its arms and legs. People often brought one in; it is said
to fly, downward from one tree to another, as far as a _giz_ flies;[801]
I myself have never seen one fly. Once we put one to a tree; it
clambered up directly and got away, but, when people went after it, it
spread its wings and came down, without hurt, as if it had flown.
Another of the curiosities of the Nijr-aū mountains is the _lūkha_
(var. _lūja_) bird, called also _bū-qalamūn_ (chameleon) because,
between head and tail, it has four or five changing colours,
resplendent like a pigeon's throat.[802] It is about as large as the
_kabg-i-darī_ and seems to be the _kabg-i-darī_ of Hindūstān.[803]
People tell this wonderful thing about it:—When the birds, at [Sidenote:
Fol. 135b.] the on-set of winter, descend to the hill-skirts, if they
come over a vineyard, they can fly no further and are taken.[804] There
is a kind of rat in Nijr-aū, known as the musk-rat, which smells of
musk; I however have never seen it.[805]

Panjhīr (Panj-sher) is another _tūmān_; it lies close to Kāfiristān,
along the Panjhīr road, and is the thoroughfare of Kāfir highwaymen who
also, being so near, take tax of it. They have gone through it, killing
a mass of persons, and doing very evil deeds, since I came this last
time and conquered Hindūstān (932 AH.-1526 AD.).[806]

Another is the _tūmān_ of Ghūr-bund. In those countries they call a
_kūtal_ (_koh_?) a _bund_;[807] they go towards Ghūr by this pass
(_kūtal_); apparently it is for this reason that they have called (the
_tūmān_?) Ghūr-bund. The Hazāra hold the heads of its valleys.[808] It
has few villages and little revenue can be raised from it. There are
said to be mines of silver and lapis lazuli in its mountains.

Again, there are the villages on the skirts of the (Hindū-kush)
mountains,[809] with Mīta-kacha and Parwān at their head, and
Dūr-nāma[810] at their foot, 12 or 13 in all. They are fruit-bearing
villages, and they grow cheering wines, those of Khwāja Khāwand Sa`īd
being reputed the strongest roundabouts. The villages all lie on the
foot-hills; some pay taxes but not all are taxable because they lie so
far back in the mountains.

Between the foot-hills and the Bārān-water are two detached stretches of
level land, one known as _Kurrat-tāziyān_,[811] the other as
_Dasht-i-shaikh_ (Shaikh's-plain). As the green grass of the millet[812]
grows well there, they are the resort of Turks and [Sidenote: Fol. 136.]
(Mughūl) clans (_aīmāq_).

Tulips of many colours cover these foot-hills; I once counted them up;
it came out at 32 or 33 different sorts. We named one the Rose-scented,
because its perfume was a little like that of the red rose; it grows by
itself on Shaikh's-plain, here and nowhere else. The Hundred-leaved
tulip is another; this grows, also by itself, at the outlet of the
Ghūr-bund narrows, on the hill-skirt below Parwān. A low hill known as
Khwāja Reg-i-rawān (Khwāja-of-the-running-sand), divides the afore-named
two pieces of level land; it has, from top to foot, a strip of sand from
which people say the sound of nagarets and tambours issues in the
heats.[813]

Again, there are the villages depending on Kābul itself. South-west from
the town are great snow mountains[814] where snow falls on snow, and
where few may be the years when, falling, it does not light on last
year's snow. It is fetched, 12 miles may-be, from these mountains, to
cool the drinking water when ice-houses in Kābul are empty. Like the
Bāmiān mountains, these are fastnesses. Out of them issue the Harmand
(Halmand), Sind, Dūghāba of Qūndūz, and Balkh-āb,[815] so that in a
single day, a man might drink of the water of each of these four rivers.

It is on the skirt of one of these ranges (Pamghān) that most of the
villages dependent on Kābul lie.[816] Masses of grapes ripen in their
vineyards and they grow every sort of fruit in abundance. No-one of them
equals Istālīf or Astar-ghach; these must be the [Sidenote: Fol. 136b.]
two which Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā used to call his Khurāsān and Samarkand.
Pamghān is another of the best, not ranking in fruit and grapes with
those two others, but beyond comparison with them in climate. The
Pamghān mountains are a snowy range. Few villages match Istālīf, with
vineyards and fine orchards on both sides of its great torrent, with
waters needing no ice, cold and, mostly, pure. Of its Great garden
Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā had taken forcible possession; I took it over, after
paying its price to the owners. There is a pleasant halting-place
outside it, under great planes, green, shady and beautiful. A one-mill
stream, having trees on both banks, flows constantly through the middle
of the garden; formerly its course was zig-zag and irregular; I had it
made straight and orderly; so the place became very beautiful. Between
the village and the valley-bottom, from 4 to 6 miles down the slope, is
a spring, known as Khwāja Sih-yārān (Three-friends), round which three
sorts of tree grow. A group of planes gives pleasant shade above it;
holm-oak [Sidenote: Fol. 137.] (_quercus bīlūt_) grows in masses on the
slope at its sides,—these two oaklands (_bīlūtistān_) excepted, no
holm-oak grows in the mountains of western Kābul,—and the Judas-tree
(_arghwān_)[817] is much cultivated in front of it, that is towards the
level ground,—cultivated there and nowhere else. People say the three
different sorts of tree were a gift made by three saints,[818] whence
its name. I ordered that the spring should be enclosed in mortared
stone-work, 10 by 10, and that a symmetrical, right-angled platform
should be built on each of its sides, so as to overlook the whole field
of Judas-trees. If, the world over, there is a place to match this when
the _arghwāns_ are in full bloom, I do not know it. The yellow _arghwān_
grows plentifully there also, the red and the yellow flowering at the
same time.[819]

In order to bring water to a large round seat which I had built on the
hillside and planted round with willows, I had a channel dug across the
slope from a half-mill stream, constantly flowing in a valley to the
south-west of Sih-yārān. The date of cutting this channel was found in
_jūī-khūsh_ (kindly channel).[820]

Another of the _tūmāns_ of Kābul is Luhūgur (mod. Logar). Its one large
village is Chīrkh from which were his Reverence Maulānā Ya`qūb and
Mullā-zāda `Us̤mān.[821] Khwāja Aḥmad [Sidenote: Fol. 137b.] and Khwāja
Yūnas were from Sajāwand, another of its villages. Chīrkh has many
gardens, but there are none in any other village of Luhūgur. Its people
are Aūghān-shāl, a term common in Kābul, seeming to be a
mispronouncement of Aūghān-sha`ār.[822]

Again, there is the _wilāyat_, or, as some say, _tūmān_ of Ghaznī, said
to have been[823] the capital of Sabuk-tīgīn, Sl. Maḥmūd and their
descendants. Many write it Ghaznīn. It is said also to have been the
seat of government of Shihābu'd-dīn _Ghūrī_,[824] styled Mu`iz̤z̤u'd-dīn
in the _T̤abaqāt-i-nāṣirī_ and also some of the histories of Hind.

Ghaznī is known also as _Zābulistān_; it belongs to the Third climate.
Some hold that Qandahār is a part of it. It lies 14 _yīghāch_ (south-)
west of Kābul; those leaving it at dawn, may reach Kābul between the Two
Prayers (_i.e._ in the afternoon); whereas the 13 _yīghāch_ between
Adīnapūr and Kābul can never be done in one day, because of the
difficulties of the road.

Ghaznī has little cultivated land. Its torrent, a four-mill or five-mill
stream may-be, makes the town habitable and fertilizes four or five
villages; three or four others are cultivated from under-ground
water-courses (_kārez_). Ghaznī grapes are better than those of Kābul;
its melons are more abundant; its apples [Sidenote: Fol. 138.] are very
good, and are carried to Hindūstān. Agriculture is very laborious in
Ghaznī because, whatever the quality of the soil, it must be newly
top-dressed every year; it gives a better return, however, than Kābul.
Ghaznī grows madder; the entire crop goes to Hindūstān and yields
excellent profit to the growers. In the open-country of Ghaznī dwell
Hazāra and Afghāns. Compared with Kābul, it is always a cheap place. Its
people hold to the Ḥanafī faith, are good, orthodox Muṣalmāns, many keep
a three months' fast,[825] and their wives and children live modestly
secluded.

One of the eminent men of Ghaznī was Mullā `Abdu'r-raḥmān, a learned man
and always a learner (_dars_), a most orthodox, pious and virtuous
person; he left this world the same year as Nāṣir Mīrzā (921 AH.-1515
AD.). Sl. Maḥmūd's tomb is in the suburb called Rauẓa,[826] from which
the best grapes come; there also are the tombs of his descendants, Sl.
Mas`ūd and Sl. Ibrāhīm. Ghaznī has many blessed tombs. The year[827] I
took Kābul and Ghaznī, over-ran Kohāt, the plain of Bannū and lands of
the Afghāns, and went on to Ghaznī by way of Dūkī (Dūgī) and Āb-istāda,
people told me there was a tomb, in a village of Ghaznī, which moved
when a benediction on the Prophet was [Sidenote: Fol. 138b.] pronounced
over it. We went to see it. In the end I discovered that the movement
was a trick, presumably of the servants at the tomb, who had put a sort
of platform above it which moved when pushed, so that, to those on it,
the tomb seemed to move, just as the shore does to those passing in a
boat. I ordered the scaffold destroyed and a dome built over the tomb;
also I forbad the servants, with threats, ever to bring about the
movement again.

Ghaznī is a very humble place; strange indeed it is that rulers in whose
hands were Hindūstān and Khurāsānāt,[828] should have chosen it for
their capital. In the Sulṯān's (Maḥmūd's) time there may have been three
or four dams in the country; one he made, some three _yīghāch_ (18 m.?)
up the Ghaznī-water to the north; it was about 40-50 _qārī_ (yards) high
and some 300 long; through it the stored waters were let out as
required.[829] It was destroyed by `Alāu'u'd-dīn _Jahān-soz Ghūrī_ when
he conquered the country (550 AH.-1152 AD.), burned and ruined the tombs
of several descendants of Sl. Maḥmūd, sacked and burned the town, in
short, left undone no tittle of murder and rapine. Since [Sidenote: Fol.
139.] that time, the Sulṯān's dam has lain in ruins, but, through God's
favour, there is hope that it may become of use again, by means of the
money which was sent, in Khwāja Kalān's hand, in the year Hindūstān was
conquered (932 AH.-1526 AD.).[830] The Sakhandam is another, 2 or 3
_yīghāch_ (12-18 m.), may-be, on the east of the town; it has long been
in ruins, indeed is past repair. There is a dam in working order at
Sar-i-dih (Village-head).

In books it is written that there is in Ghaznī a spring such that, if
dirt and foul matter be thrown into it, a tempest gets up instantly,
with a blizzard of rain and wind. It has been seen said also in one of
the histories that Sabuk-tīgīn, when besieged by the Rāī (Jāī-pāl) of
Hind, ordered dirt and foulness to be thrown into the spring, by this
aroused, in an instant, a tempest with blizzard of rain and snow, and,
by this device, drove off his foe.[831] Though we made many enquiries,
no intimation of the spring's existence was given us.

In these countries Ghaznī and Khwārizm are noted for cold, in the same
way that Sulṯānīā and Tabrīz are in the two `Irāqs and Aẕarbāījān.

Zurmut is another _tūmān_, some 12-13 _yīghāch_ south of Kābul and 7-8
south-east of Ghaznī.[832] Its _dārogha's_ head-quarters are [Sidenote:
Fol. 139b.] in Gīrdīz; there most houses are three or four storeys high.
It does not want for strength, and gave Nāṣir Mīrzā trouble when it went
into hostility to him. Its people are Aūghān-shāl; they grow corn but
have neither vineyards nor orchards. The tomb of Shaikh Muḥammad
_Muṣalmān_ is at a spring, high on the skirt of a mountain, known as
Barakistān, in the south of the _tūmān_.

Farmūl is another _tūmān_,[833] a humble place, growing not bad apples
which are carried into Hindūstān. Of Farmūl were the Shaikh-zādas,
descendants of Shaikh Muḥammad _Muṣalmān_, who were so much in favour
during the Afghān period in Hindūstān.

Bangash is another _tūmān_.[834] All round about it are Afghān
highwaymen, such as the Khūgīānī, Khirilchī, Tūrī and Landar. Lying
out-of-the-way, as it does, its people do not pay taxes willingly. There
has been no time to bring it to obedience; greater tasks have fallen to
me,—the conquests of Qandahār, Balkh, Badakhshān and Hindūstān! But, God
willing! when I get the chance, I most assuredly will take order with
those Bangash thieves.

One of the _bulūks_ of Kābul is Ālā-sāī,[835] 4 to 6 miles (2-3
_shar`ī_) east of Nijr-aū. The direct road into it from Nijr-aū leads,
at a place called Kūra, through the quite small pass which in that
locality separates the hot and cold climates. Through this pass the
birds migrate at the change of the seasons, and at those times many are
taken by the people of Pīchghān, one of the dependencies of Nijr-aū, in
the following manner:—From [Sidenote: Fol. 140.] distance to distance
near the mouth of the pass, they make hiding-places for the
bird-catchers. They fasten one corner of a net five or six yards away,
and weight the lower side to the ground with stones. Along the other
side of the net, for half its width, they fasten a stick some 3 to 4
yards long. The hidden bird-catcher holds this stick and by it, when the
birds approach, lifts up the net to its full height. The birds then go
into the net of themselves. Sometimes so many are taken by this
contrivance that there is not time to cut their throats.[836]

Though the Ālā-sāī pomegranates are not first-rate, they have local
reputation because none are better there-abouts; they are carried into
Hindūstān. Grapes also do not grow badly, and the wines of Ālā-sāī are
better and stronger than those of Nijr-aū.

Badr-aū (Tag-aū) is another _bulūk_; it runs with Ālā-sāī, grows no
fruit, and for cultivators has corn-growing Kāfirs.[837]


(_f. Tribesmen of Kābul._)

Just as Turks and (Mughūl) clans (_aīmāq_) dwell in the open country of
Khurāsān and Samarkand, so in Kābul do the Hazāra and Afghāns. Of the
Hazāra, the most widely-scattered are the Sulṯān-mas`ūdi Hazāra, of
Afghāns, the Mahmand.


(_g. Revenue of Kābul._)

The revenues of Kābul, whether from the cultivated lands or from tolls
(_tamghā_) or from dwellers in the open country, amount to 8 _laks_ of
_shāhrukhīs_.[838] [Sidenote: Fol. 140b.]


(_h. The mountain-tracts of Kābul._)

Where the mountains of Andar-āb, Khwāst,[839] and the Badakh-shānāt have
conifers (_archa_), many springs and gentle slopes, those of eastern
Kābul have grass (_aūt_), grass like a beautiful floor, on hill, slope
and dale. For the most part it is _būta-kāh_ grass (_aūt_), very
suitable for horses. In the Andijān country they talk of _būta-kāh_, but
why they do so was not known (to me?); in Kābul it was heard-say to be
because the grass comes up in tufts (_būta, būta_).[840] The alps of
these mountains are like those of Ḥiṣār, Khutlān, Farghāna, Samarkand
and Mughūlistān,—all these being alike in mountain and alp, though the
alps of Farghāna and Mughūlistān are beyond comparison with the rest.

From all these the mountains of Nijr-aū, the Lamghānāt and Sawād differ
in having masses of cypresses,[841] holm-oak, olive and mastic
(_khanjak_); their grass also is different,—it is dense, it is tall, it
is good neither for horse nor sheep. Although these mountains are not so
high as those already described, indeed they look to be low,
none-the-less, they are strongholds; what to the eye is even slope,
really is hard rock on which it is impossible to ride. Many of the
beasts and birds of Hindūstān [Sidenote: Fol. 141.] are found amongst
them, such as the parrot, _mīna_, peacock and _lūja_ (_lūkha_), the ape,
_nīl-gāu_ and hog-deer (_kūta-pāī_);[842] some found there are not found
even in Hindūstān.

The mountains to the west of Kābul are also all of one sort, those of
the Zindān-valley, the Ṣūf-valley, Garzawān and Gharjistān
(Gharchastān).[843] Their meadows are mostly in the dales; they have not
the same sweep of grass on slope and top as some of those described
have; nor have they masses of trees; they have, however, grass suiting
horses. On their flat tops, where all the crops are grown, there is
ground where a horse can gallop. They have masses of _kīyik_.[844] Their
valley-bottoms are strongholds, mostly precipitous and inaccessible from
above. It is remarkable that, whereas other mountains have their
fastnesses in their high places, these have theirs below.

Of one sort again are the mountains of Ghūr, Karnūd (var. Kuzūd) and
Hazāra; their meadows are in their dales; their trees are few, not even
the _archa_ being there;[845] their grass is fit for horses and for the
masses of sheep they keep. They differ from those last described in
this, their strong places are not below.

The mountains (south-east of Kābul) of Khwāja Ismā`īl, Dasht, Dūgī
(Dūkī)[846] and Afghānistān are all alike; all low, scant of vegetation,
short of water, treeless, ugly and good-for-nothing. Their people take
after them, just as has been said, _Tīng būlmā-ghūncha_ [Sidenote: Fol
141b.] _tūsh būlmās_.[847] Likely enough the world has few mountains so
useless and disgusting.


(_h. Fire-wood of Kabul._)

The snow-fall being so heavy in Kābul, it is fortunate that excellent
fire-wood is had near by. Given one day to fetch it, wood can be had of
the _khanjak_ (mastic), _bīlūt_ (holm-oak), _bādāmcha_ (small-almond)
and _qarqand_.[848] Of these _khanjak_ wood is the best; it burns with
flame and nice smell, makes plenty of hot ashes and does well even if
sappy. Holm-oak is also first-rate fire-wood, blazing less than mastic
but, like it, making a hot fire with plenty of hot ashes, and nice
smell. It has the peculiarity in burning that when its leafy branches
are set alight, they fire up with amazing sound, blazing and crackling
from bottom to top. It is good fun to burn it. The wood of the
small-almond is the most plentiful and commonly-used, but it does not
make a lasting fire. The _qarqand_ is quite a low shrub, thorny, and
burning sappy or dry; it is the fuel of the Ghaznī people.


(_i. Fauna of Kābul._)

The cultivated lands of Kābul lie between mountains which are like great
dams[849] to the flat valley-bottoms in which most villages and peopled
places are. On these mountains _kīyik_ and _āhū_[850] are scarce.
Across them, between its summer and winter quarters, the dun sheep,[851]
the _arqārghalcha_, have their regular track,[852] to which braves go
out with dogs and birds[853] to take them. [Sidenote: Fol. 142.] Towards
Khūrd-kābul and the Sūrkh-rūd there is wild-ass, but there are no white
_kīyik_ at all; Ghaznī has both and in few other places are white
_kīyik_ found in such good condition.[854]

In the heats the fowling-grounds of Kābul are crowded. The birds take
their way along the Bārān-water. For why? It is because the river has
mountains along it, east and west, and a great Hindū-kush pass in a line
with it, by which the birds must cross since there is no other
near.[855] They cannot cross when the north wind blows, or if there is
even a little cloud on Hindū-kush; at such times they alight on the
level lands of the Bārān-water and are taken in great numbers by the
local people. Towards the end of winter, dense flocks of mallards
(_aūrdūq_) reach the banks of the Bārān in very good condition. Follow
these the cranes and herons,[856] great birds, in large flocks and
countless numbers.


(_j. Bird-catching._)

Along the Bārān people take masses of cranes (_tūrna_) with the cord;
masses of _aūqār_, _qarqara_ and _qūṯān_ also.[857] This method of
bird-catching is unique. They twist a cord as long as the arrow's[858]
flight, tie the arrow at one end and a _bīldūrga_[859] at the other, and
wind it up, from the arrow-end, on a piece of wood, span-long and
wrist-thick, right up to the _bīldūrga_. They [Sidenote: Fol. 142b.]
then pull out the piece of wood, leaving just the hole it was in. The
_bīldūrga_ being held fast in the hand, the arrow is shot off[860]
towards the coming flock. If the cord twists round a neck or wing, it
brings the bird down. On the Bārān everyone takes birds in this way; it
is difficult; it must be done on rainy nights, because on such nights
the birds do not alight, but fly continually and fly low till dawn, in
fear of ravening beasts of prey. Through the night the flowing river is
their road, its moving water showing through the dark; then it is, while
they come and go, up and down the river, that the cord is shot. One
night I shot it; it broke in drawing in; both bird and cord were brought
in to me next day. By this device Bārān people catch the many herons
from which they take the turban-aigrettes sent from Kābul for sale in
Khurāsān.

Of bird-catchers there is also the band of slave-fowlers, two or three
hundred households, whom some descendant of Tīmūr Beg made migrate from
near Multān to the Bārān.[861] Bird-catching [Sidenote: Fol. 143.] is
their trade; they dig tanks, set decoy-birds[862] on them, put a net
over the middle, and in this way take all sorts of birds. Not fowlers
only catch birds, but every dweller on the Bārān does it, whether by
shooting the cord, setting the springe, or in various other ways.


(_k. Fishing._)

The fish of the Bārān migrate at the same seasons as birds. At those
times many are netted, and many are taken on wattles (_chīgh_) fixed in
the water. In autumn when the plant known as _wild-ass-tail_[863] has
come to maturity, flowered and seeded, people take 10-20 loads (of
seed?) and 20-30 of green branches (_gūk-shībāk_) to some head of water,
break it up small and cast it in. Then going into the water, they can at
once pick up drugged fish. At some convenient place lower down, in a
hole below a fall, they will have fixed beforehand a wattle of
finger-thick willow-withes, making it firm by piling stones on its
sides. The water goes rushing and dashing through the wattle, but leaves
on it any fish that may have come floating down. This way of catching
fish is practised in Gul-bahār, Parwān and Istālīf.

[Sidenote: Fol. 143b.] Fish are had in winter in the Lamghānāt by this
curious device:—People dig a pit to the depth of a house, in the bed of
a stream, below a fall, line it with stones like a cooking-place, and
build up stones round it above, leaving one opening only, under water.
Except by this one opening, the fish have no inlet or outlet, but the
water finds its way through the stones. This makes a sort of fish-pond
from which, when wanted in winter, fish can be taken, 30-40 together.
Except at the opening, left where convenient, the sides of the fish-pond
are made fast with rice-straw, kept in place by stones. A piece of
wicker-work is pulled into the said opening by its edges, gathered
together, and into this a second piece, (a tube,) is inserted, fitting
it at the mouth but reaching half-way into it only.[864] The fish go
through the smaller piece into the larger one, out from which they
cannot get. The second narrows towards its inner mouth, its pointed ends
being drawn so close that the fish, once entered, cannot [Sidenote: Fol.
144.] turn, but must go on, one by one, into the larger piece. Out of
that they cannot return because of the pointed ends of the inner, narrow
mouth. The wicker-work fixed and the rice-straw making the pond fast,
whatever fish are inside can be taken out;[865] any also which, trying
to escape may have gone into the wicker-work, are taken in it, because
they have no way out. This method of catching fish we have seen nowhere
else.[866]


HISTORICAL NARRATIVE RESUMED.[867]

(_a. Departure of Muqīm and allotment of lands._)

A few days after the taking of Kābul, Muqīm asked leave to set off for
Qandahār. As he had come out of the town on terms and conditions, he was
allowed to go to his father (Ẕu'n-nūn) and his elder brother (Shāh Beg),
with all his various people, his goods and his valuables, safe and
sound.

Directly he had gone, the Kābul-country was shared out to the Mīrzās and
the guest-begs.[868] To Jahāngīr Mīrzā was given Ghaznī with its
dependencies and appurtenancies; to Nāṣir Mīrzā, the Nīngnahār _tūmān_,
Mandrāwar, Nūr-valley, Kūnār, Nūr-gal (Rock-village?) and Chīghān-sarāī.
To some of the begs who had been with us in the guerilla-times and had
come to Kābul with us, were given villages, fief-fashion.[869] _Wilāyat_
[Sidenote: Fol. 144b.] itself was not given at all.[870] It was not only
then that I looked with more favour on guest-begs and stranger-begs than
I did on old servants and Andijānīs; this I have always done whenever
the Most High God has shown me His favour; yet it is remarkable that,
spite of this, people have blamed me constantly as though I had favoured
none but old servants and Andijānīs. There is a proverb, (Turkī) "What
will a foe not say? what enters not into dream?" and (Persian) "A
town-gate can be shut, a foe's mouth never."


(_b. A levy in grain._)

Many clans and hordes had come from Samarkand, Ḥiṣār and Qūndūz into the
Kābul-country. Kābul is a small country; it is also of the sword, not of
the pen;[871] to take in money from it for all these tribesmen was
impossible. It therefore seemed advisable to take in grain, provision
for the families of these clans so that their men could ride on forays
with the army. Accordingly it was decided to levy 30,000 ass-loads[872]
of grain on Kābul, Ghaznī and their dependencies; we knew nothing at
that time about the harvests and incomings; the impost was excessive,
and under it the country suffered very grievously.

In those days I devised the Bāburī script.[873]


(_c. Foray on the Hazāra._)

A large tribute in horses and sheep had been laid on the Sulṯān Mas`ūdī
Hazāras;[874] word came a few days after collectors [Sidenote: Fol.
145.] had gone to receive it, that the Hazāras were refractory and would
not give their goods. As these same tribesmen had before that come down
on the Ghaznī and Gīrdīz roads, we got to horse, meaning to take them by
surprise. Riding by the Maidān-road, we crossed the Nirkh-pass[875] by
night and at the Morning-prayer fell upon them near Jāl-tū (var.
Chā-tū). The incursion was not what was wished.[876] We came back by the
Tunnel-rock (Sang-i-sūrākh); Jahāngīr Mīrzā (there?) took leave for
Ghaznī. On our reaching Kābul, Yār-i-ḥusain, son of Daryā Khān, coming
in from Bhīra, waited on me.[877]


(_d. Bābur's first start for Hindūstān._)

When, a few days later, the army had been mustered, persons acquainted
with the country were summoned and questioned about its every side and
quarter. Some advised a march to the Plain (Dasht);[878] some approved
of Bangash; some wished to go into Hindūstān. The discussion found
settlement in a move on Hindūstān.

It was in the month of Sha`bān (910 AH.-Jan. 1505 AD.), the Sun being in
Aquarius, that we rode out of Kābul for Hindūstān. We took the road
by Bādām-chashma and Jagdālīk and reached Adīnapūr in six marches. Till
that time I had never seen a hot country or the Hindūstān border-land.
In Nīngnahār[879] another world came to view,—other grasses, other
trees, other animals, other birds, and other manners and customs of clan
and horde. We were amazed, and truly there was ground for amaze.
[Sidenote: Fol. 145b.]

Nāṣir Mīrzā, who had gone earlier to his district, waited on me in
Adīnapūr. We made some delay in Adīnapūr in order to let the men from
behind join us, also a contingent from the clans which had come with us
into Kābul and were wintering in the Lamghānāt.[880] All having joined
us, we marched to below Jūī-shāhī and dismounted at Qūsh-guṃbaz.[881]
There Nāṣir Mīrzā asked for leave to stay behind, saying he would follow
in a few days after making some sort of provision for his dependants and
followers. Marching on from Qūsh-guṃbaz, when we dismounted at
Hot-spring (Garm-chashma), a head-man of the Gāgīānī was brought in, a
_Fajjī_[882] presumably with his caravan. We took him with us to point
out the roads. Crossing Khaibar in a march or two, we dismounted at
Jām.[883]

Tales had been told us about Gūr-khattrī;[884] it was said to be a holy
place of the Jogīs and Hindūs who come from long distances to shave
their heads and beards there. I rode out at once from Jām to visit
Bīgrām,[885] saw its great tree,[886] and all the country round, but,
much as we enquired about Gūr-khattrī, our guide, one Malik Bū-sa`īd
_Kamarī_,[887] would say nothing [Sidenote: Fol. 146.] about it. When we
were almost back in camp, however, he told Khwāja Muḥammad-amīn that it
was in Bīgrām and that he had said nothing about it because of its
confined cells and narrow passages. The Khwāja, having there and then
abused him, repeated to us what he had said, but we could not go back
because the road was long and the day far spent.


(_e. Move against Kohāt._)

Whether to cross the water of Sind, or where else to go, was discussed
in that camp.[888] Bāqī _Chaghānīānī_ represented that it seemed we
might go, without crossing the river and with one night's halt, to a
place called Kohāt where were many rich tribesmen; moreover he brought
Kābulīs forward who represented the matter just as he had done. We had
never heard of the place, but, as he, my man in great authority, saw it
good to go to Kohāt and had brought forward support of his
recommendation,—this being so! we broke up our plan of crossing the
Sind-water into Hindūstān, marched from Jām, forded the Bāra-water, and
dismounted not far from the pass (_dābān_) through the Muḥammad-mountain
(_fajj_). At the time the Gāgīānī Afghāns were located in Parashawār
but, in dread of our army, had drawn off to the skirt-hills. One of
their headmen, coming into this camp, did me obeisance; we took him, as
well as the Fajjī, with us, so that, between them, they might
[Sidenote: Fol. 146b.] point out the roads. We left that camp at
midnight, crossed Muḥammad-fajj at day-rise[889] and by breakfast-time
descended on Kohāt. Much cattle and buffalo fell to our men; many
Afghāns were taken but I had them all collected and set them free. In
the Kohāt houses corn was found without limit. Our foragers raided as
far as the Sind-river (_daryā_), rejoining us after one night's halt. As
what Bāqī _Chaghānīānī_ had led us to expect did not come to hand, he
grew rather ashamed of his scheme.

When our foragers were back and after two nights in Kohāt, we took
counsel together as to what would be our next good move, and we decided
to over-run the Afghāns of Bangash and the Bannū neighbourhood, then to
go back to Kābul, either through Naghr (Bāghzān?), or by the Farmūl-road
(Tochī-valley?).

In Kohāt, Daryā Khān's son, Yār-i-ḥusain, who had waited on me in Kābul
made petition, saying, "If royal orders were given me for the
Dilazāk,[890] the Yūsuf-zāī, and the Gāgīānī, these would not go far
from my orders if I called up the Pādshāh's swords on the other side of
the water of Sind."[891] The farmān he petitioned for being given, he
was allowed to go from Kohāt.


(_f. March to Thāl._)

Marching out of Kohāt, we took the Hangū-road for Bangash. [Sidenote:
Fol. 147.] Between Kohāt and Hangū that road runs through a valley shut
in on either hand by the mountains. When we entered this valley, the
Afghāns of Kohāt and thereabouts who were gathered on both hill-skirts,
raised their war-cry with great clamour. Our then guide, Malik Bū-sa`īd
_Kamarī_ was well-acquainted with the Afghān locations; he represented
that further on there was a detached hill on our right, where, if the
Afghāns came down to it from the hill-skirt, we might surround and take
them. God brought it right! The Afghāns, on reaching the place, did come
down. We ordered one party of braves to seize the neck of land between
that hill and the mountains, others to move along its sides, so that
under attack made from all sides at once, the Afghāns might be made to
reach their doom. Against the allround assault, they could not even
fight; a hundred or two were taken, some were brought in alive but of
most, the heads only were brought. We had been told that when Afghāns
are powerless to resist, they go before their foe with grass between
their teeth, this being as much as to say, "I am your cow."[892] Here
[Sidenote: Fol. 147b.] we saw this custom; Afghāns unable to make
resistance, came before us with grass between their teeth. Those our men
had brought in as prisoners were ordered to be beheaded and a pillar of
their heads was set up in our camp.[893]

Next day we marched forward and dismounted at Hangū, where local Afghāns
had made a _sangur_ on a hill. I first heard the word _sangur_ after
coming to Kābul where people describe fortifying themselves on a hill as
making a _sangur_. Our men went straight up, broke into it and cut off a
hundred or two of insolent Afghān heads. There also a pillar of heads
was set up.

From Hangū we marched, with one night's halt, to Tīl (Thāl),[894] below
Bangash; there also our men went out and raided the Afghāns near-by;
some of them however turned back rather lightly from a _sangur_.[895]


(_g. Across country into Bannū._)

On leaving Tīl (Thāl) we went, without a road, right down a steep
descent, on through out-of-the-way narrows, halted one night, and next
day came down into Bannū,[896] man, horse and camel all worn out with
fatigue and with most of the booty in cattle left on the way. The
frequented road must have been a few miles to our right; the one we came
by did not seem a riding-road at all; it was understood to be called
the Gosfandliyār [Sidenote: Fol. 148.] (Sheep-road),—_liyār_ being
Afghānī for a road,—because sometimes shepherds and herdsmen take their
flocks and herds by it through those narrows. Most of our men regarded
our being brought down by that left-hand road as an ill-design of Malik
Bū-sa`īd _Kamarī_.[897]


(_h. Bannū and the `Īsa-khail country._)

The Bannū lands lie, a dead level, immediately outside the Bangash and
Naghr hills, these being to their north. The Bangash torrent (the Kūrām)
comes down into Bannū and fertilizes its lands. South(-east) of them are
Chaupāra and the water of Sind; to their east is Dīn-kot; (south-)west
is the Plain (Dasht), known also as Bāzār and Tāq.[898] The Bannū lands
are cultivated by the Kurānī, Kīwī, Sūr, `Īsa-khail and Nīā-zāī of the
Afghān tribesmen.

After dismounting in Bannū, we heard that the tribesmen in the Plain
(Dasht) were for resisting and were entrenching themselves on a hill to
the north. A force headed by Jahāngīr Mīrzā, went against what seemed to
be the Kīwī _sangur_, took it at once, made general slaughter, cut off
and brought in many heads. Much white cloth fell into (their) hands. In
Bannū also a pillar of heads was set up. After the _sangur_ had been
taken, the Kīwī head-man, Shādī Khān, came to my presence, with grass
between his teeth, and did me obeisance. I pardoned all the prisoners.

After we had over-run Kohāt, it had been decided that Bangash and Bannū
should be over-run, and return to Kābul [Sidenote: Fol. 148b.] made
through Naghr or through Farmūl. But when Bannū had been over-run,
persons knowing the country represented that the Plain was close by,
with its good roads and many people; so it was settled to over-run the
Plain and to return to Kābul afterwards by way of Farmūl.[899]

Marching next day, we dismounted at an `Īsa-khail village on that same
water (the Kūrām) but, as the villagers had gone into the Chaupāra hills
on hearing of us, we left it and dismounted on the skirt of Chaupāra.
Our foragers went from there into the hills, destroyed the `Īsa-khail
_sangur_ and came back with sheep, herds and cloth. That night the
`Īsa-khail made an attack on us but, as good watch was kept all through
these operations, they could do nothing. So cautious were we that at
night our right and left, centre and van were just in the way they had
dismounted, each according to its place in battle, each prepared for its
own post, with men on foot all round the camp, at an arrow's distance
from the tents. Every night the army was posted in this way and every
night three or four of my household [Sidenote: Fol. 149.] made the
rounds with torches, each in his turn. I for my part made the round once
each night. Those not at their posts had their noses slit and were led
round through the army. Jahāngīr Mīrzā was the right wing, with Bāqī
_Chaghānīānī_, Sherīm T̤aghāī, Sayyid Ḥusain Akbar, and other begs.
Mīrzā Khān was the left wing, with `Abdu'r-razzāq Mīrzā, Qāsīm Beg and
other begs. In the centre there were no great begs, all were
household-begs. Sayyid Qāsim Lord-of-the-gate, was the van, with Bābā
Aūghūlī, Allāh-bīrdī (var. Allāh-qulī Purān), and some other begs. The
army was in six divisions, each of which had its day and night on guard.

Marching from that hill-skirt, our faces set west, we dismounted on a
waterless plain (_qūl_) between Bannū and the Plain. The soldiers got
water here for themselves, their herds and so on, by digging down, from
one to one-and-a-half yards, into the dry water-course, when water came.
Not here only did this happen for all the rivers of Hindūstān have the
peculiarity that water is safe to be found by digging down from one to
one-and-a-half yards in their beds. It is a wonderful provision
of God that where, except for the great rivers, there are no
running-waters,[900] water should be so placed within reach in dry
water-courses.

We left that dry channel next morning. Some of our men, riding light,
reached villages of the Plain in the afternoon, raided a few, and
brought back flocks, cloth and horses bred for trade.[901] Pack-animals
and camels and also the braves we had outdistanced, kept coming into
camp all through that night till dawn and on till that morrow's noon.
During our stay there, the foragers [Sidenote: Fol. 149b.] brought in
from villages in the Plain, masses of sheep and cattle, and, from Afghān
traders met on the roads, white cloths, aromatic roots, sugars,
_tīpūchāqs_, and horses bred for trade. Hindī (var. Mindī) _Mughūl_
unhorsed Khwāja Khiẓr _Lūhānī_, a well-known and respected Afghān
merchant, cutting off and bringing in his head. Once when Sherīm T̤aghāī
went in the rear of the foragers, an Afghān faced him on the road and
struck off his index-finger.


(_i. Return made for Kābul._)

Two roads were heard of as leading from where we were to Ghaznī; one was
the Tunnel-rock (Sang-i-sūrākh) road, passing Birk (Barak) and going on
to Farmūl; the other was one along the Gūmāl, which also comes out at
Farmūl but without touching Birk (Barak).[902] As during our stay in the
Plain rain had fallen incessantly, the Gūmāl was so swollen that it
would have been difficult to cross at the ford we came to; moreover
persons well-acquainted with the roads, represented that going by the
Gūmāl road, this torrent must be crossed several times, that this was
always difficult when the waters were so high and that there was always
uncertainty on the Gūmāl road. Nothing was settled then as to which of
these two roads to take; I expected it to be settled next day when,
after the drum of departure had sounded, [Sidenote: Fol. 150.] we talked
it over as we went.[903] It was the `Īd-i-fitr (March 7th 1505 AD.);
while I was engaged in the ablutions due for the breaking of the fast,
Jahāngīr Mīrzā and the begs discussed the question of the roads.
Some-one said that if we were to turn the bill[904] of the Mehtar
Sulaimān range, this lying between the Plain and the Hill-country
(_desht u dūkī_),[905] we should get a level road though it might make
the difference of a few marches. For this they decided and moved off;
before my ablutions were finished the whole army had taken the road and
most of it was across the Gūmāl. Not a man of us had ever seen the road;
no-one knew whether it was long or short; we started off just on a
rumoured word!

The Prayer of the `Id was made on the bank of the Gūmāl. That year
New-year's Day[906] fell close to the `Id-i-fitr, there being only a few
days between; on their approximation I composed the following (Turkī)
ode:—

   Glad is the Bairām-moon for him who sees both the face of the Moon and
     the Moon-face of his friend;
   Sad is the Bairām-moon for me, far away from thy face and from
     thee.[907]

   O Bābur! dream of your luck when your Feast is the meeting,
     your New-year the face;
   For better than that could not be with a hundred New-years
     and Bairāms.

After crossing the Gūmāl torrent, we took our way along the skirt of the
hills, our faces set south. A mile or two further on, [Sidenote: Fol.
150b.] some death-devoted Afghāns shewed themselves on the lower edge of
the hill-slope. Loose rein, off we went for them; most of them fled but
some made foolish stand on rocky-piles[908] of the foot-hills. One took
post on a single rock seeming to have a precipice on the further side of
it, so that he had not even a way of escape. Sl. Qulī _Chūnāq_
(One-eared), all in his mail as he was, got up, slashed at, and took
him. This was one of Sl. Qulī's deeds done under my own eyes, which led
to his favour and promotion.[909] At another pile of rock, when
Qūtlūq-qadam exchanged blows with an Afghān, they grappled and came down
together, a straight fall of 10 to 12 yards; in the end Qūtlūq-qadam
cut off and brought in his man's head. Kūpūk Beg got hand-on-collar with
an Afghān at another hill; both rolled down to the bottom; that head
also was brought in. All Afghāns taken prisoner were set free.

Marching south through the Plain, and closely skirting Mehtar Sulaimān,
we came, with three nights' halt, to a small township, called Bīlah, on
the Sind-water and dependent on Multān.[910] The villagers crossed the
water, mostly taking to their boats, but some flung themselves in to
cross. Some were seen standing on an island in front of Bīlah. Most of
our men, man and horse in [Sidenote: Fol. 151.] mail, plunged in and
crossed to the island; some were carried down, one being Qul-i-arūk
(thin slave), one of my servants, another the head tent-pitcher, another
Jahāngīr Mīrzā's servant, Qāītmās _Turkmān_.[911] Cloth and things of
the baggage (_partaldīk nīma_) fell to our men. The villagers all
crossed by boat to the further side of the river; once there, some of
them, trusting to the broad water, began to make play with their swords.
Qul-i-bāyazīd, the taster, one of our men who had crossed to the island,
stripped himself and his horse and, right in front of them, plunged by
himself into the river. The water on that side of the island may have
been twice or thrice as wide as on ours. He swum his horse straight for
them till, an arrow's-flight away, he came to a shallow where his weight
must have been up-borne, the water being as high as the saddle-flap.
There he stayed for as long as milk takes to boil; no-one supported him
from behind; he had not a chance of support. He made a dash at them;
they shot a few arrows at him but, this not checking him, they took to
flight. To swim such a river as the Sind, alone, bare on a bare-backed
horse, no-one behind him, and to chase off a foe and occupy his ground,
was a mightily bold deed! He having driven the enemy off, other soldiers
went over who [Sidenote: Fol. 151b.] returned with cloth and droves of
various sorts. Qul-i-bāyazīd had already his place in my favour and
kindness on account of his good service, and of courage several times
shewn; from the cook's office I had raised him to the royal taster's;
this time, as will be told, I took up a position full of bounty, favour
and promotion,—in truth he was worthy of honour and advancement.

Two other marches were made down the Sind-water. Our men, by perpetually
gallopping off on raids, had knocked up their horses; usually what they
took, cattle mostly, was not worth the gallop; sometimes indeed in the
Plain there had been sheep, sometimes one sort of cloth or other, but,
the Plain left behind, nothing was had but cattle. A mere servant would
bring in 3 or 400 head during our marches along the Sind-water, but
every march many more would be left on the road than they brought in.


(_j. The westward march._)

Having made three more marches[912] close along the Sind, we left it
when we came opposite Pīr Kānū's tomb.[913] Going to the tomb, we there
dismounted. Some of our soldiers having injured [Sidenote: Fol. 152.]
several of those in attendance on it, I had them cut to pieces. It is a
tomb on the skirt of one of the Mehtar Sulaimān mountains and held in
much honour in Hindūstān.

Marching on from Pīr Kānū, we dismounted in the (Pawat) pass; next again
in the bed of a torrent in Dūkī.[914] After we left this camp there were
brought in as many as 20 to 30 followers of a retainer of Shāh Beg,
Fāẓil _Kūkūldāsh_, the dārogha of Sīwī. They had been sent to
reconnoitre us but, as at that time, we were not on bad terms with Shāh
Beg, we let them go, with horse and arms. After one night's halt, we
reached Chūtīālī, a village of Dūkī.

Although our men had constantly gallopped off to raid, both before we
reached the Sind-water and all along its bank, they had not left horses
behind, because there had been plenty of green food and corn. When,
however, we left the river and set our faces for Pīr Kānū, not even
green food was to be had; a little land under green crop might be found
every two or three marches, but of horse-corn, none. So, beyond the
camps mentioned, there began the leaving of horses behind. After passing
Chūtīālī, my own felt-tent[915] had to be left from want of
baggage-beasts. One night at that time, it rained so much, that water
stood knee-deep in my tent (_chādār_); I watched the night out till
dawn, uncomfortably sitting on a pile of blankets.


(_k. Bāqī Chaghānīānī's treachery._)

A few marches further on came Jahāngīr Mīrzā, saying, "I [Sidenote: Fol.
152b.] have a private word for you." When we were in private, he said,
"Bāqī _Chaghānīānī_ came and said to me, 'You make the Pādshāh cross the
water of Sind with 7, 8, 10 persons, then make yourself Pādshāh.'" Said
I, "What others are heard of as consulting with him?" Said he, "It was
but a moment ago Bāqī Beg spoke to me; I know no more." Said I, "Find
out who the others are; likely enough Sayyid Ḥusain Akbar and Sl. `Alī
the page are in it, as well as Khusrau Shāh's begs and braves." Here the
Mīrzā really behaved very well and like a blood-relation; what he now
did was the counterpart of what I had done in Kāhmard,[916] in this same
ill-fated mannikin's other scheme of treachery.[917]

On dismounting after the next march, I made Jahāngīr Mīrzā lead a body
of well-mounted men to raid the Aūghāns (Afghāns) of that neighbourhood.

Many men's horses were now left behind in each camping-ground, the day
coming when as many as 2 or 300 were left. Braves of the first rank went
on foot; Sayyid Maḥmūd _Aūghlāqchī_, one of the best of the
household-braves, left his horses behind and walked. In this state as to
horses we went all the rest of the way to Ghaznī.

Three or four marches further on, Jahāngīr Mīrzā plundered [Sidenote:
Fol. 153.] some Afghāns and brought in a few sheep.


(_l. The Āb-i-istāda._)

When, with a few more marches, we reached the Standing-water
(_Āb-i-istāda_) a wonderfully large sheet of water presented itself to
view; the level lands on its further side could not be seen at all; its
water seemed to join the sky; the higher land and the mountains of that
further side looked to hang between Heaven and Earth, as in a mirage.
The waters there gathered are said to be those of the spring-rain floods
of the Kattawāz-plain, the Zurmut-valley, and the Qarā-bāgh meadow of
the Ghaznī-torrent,—floods of the spring-rains, and the over-plus[918]
of the summer-rise of streams.

When within two miles of the Āb-i-istāda, we saw a wonderful
thing,—something as red as the rose of the dawn kept shewing and
vanishing between the sky and the water. It kept coming and going. When
we got quite close we learned that what seemed the cause were flocks of
geese,[919] not 10,000, not 20,000 in a flock, but geese innumerable
which, when the mass of birds flapped their wings in flight, sometimes
shewed red feathers, sometimes not. Not only was this bird there in
countless numbers, but birds of every sort. Eggs lay in masses on the
shore. When two Afghāns, come there to collect eggs, saw us, [Sidenote:
Fol. 153b.] they went into the water half a _kuroh_ (a mile). Some of
our men following, brought them back. As far as they went the water was
of one depth, up to a horse's belly; it seemed not to lie in a hollow,
the country being flat.

We dismounted at the torrent coming down to the Āb-i-istāda from the
plain of Kattawāz. The several other times we have passed it, we have
found a dry channel with no water whatever,[920] but this time, there
was so much water, from the spring-rains, that no ford could be found.
The water was not very broad but very deep. Horses and camels were made
to swim it; some of the baggage was hauled over with ropes. Having got
across, we went on through Old Nānī and Sar-i-dih to Ghaznī where for a
few days Jahāngīr Mīrzā was our host, setting food before us and
offering his tribute.


(_m. Return to Kābul._)

That year most waters came down in flood. No ford was found through the
water of Dih-i-yaq`ūb.[921] For this reason we went straight on to
Kamarī, through the Sajāwand-pass. At Kamarī I had a boat fashioned in a
pool, brought and set on the Dih-i-yaq`ūb-water in front of Kamarī. In
this all our people were put over.

We reached Kābul in the month of Ẕū'l-ḥijja (May 1505 AD.).[922] A few
days earlier Sayyid Yūsuf _Aūghlāqchī_ had gone to God's [Sidenote: Fol.
154.] mercy through the pains of colic.


(_n. Misconduct of Nāṣīr Mīrzā._)

It has been mentioned that at Qūsh-guṃbaz, Nāṣir Mīrzā asked leave to
stay behind, saying that he would follow in a few days after taking
something from his district for his retainers and followers.[923] But
having left us, he sent a force against the people of Nūr-valley, they
having done something a little refractory. The difficulty of moving in
that valley owing to the strong position of its fort and the
rice-cultivation of its lands, has already been described.[924] The
Mīrzā's commander, Faẓlī, in ground so impracticable and in that
one-road tract, instead of safe-guarding his men, scattered them to
forage. Out came the valesmen, drove the foragers off, made it
impossible to the rest to keep their ground, killed some, captured a
mass of others and of horses,—precisely what would happen to any army
chancing to be under such a person as Faẓlī! Whether because of this
affair, or whether from want of heart, the Mīrzā did not follow us at
all; he stayed behind.

Moreover Ayūb's sons, Yūsuf and Bahlūl (Begchīk), more seditious, silly
and arrogant persons than whom there may not exist,—to whom I had given,
to Yūsuf Alangār, to Bahlūl `Alī-shang, they like Nāṣir Mīrzā, were to
have taken something from [Sidenote: Fol. 154b.] their districts and to
have come on with him, but, he not coming, neither did they. All that
winter they were the companions of his cups and social pleasures. They
also over-ran the Tarkalānī Afghāns in it.[925] With the on-coming
heats, the Mīrzā made march off the families of the clans,
outside-tribes and hordes who had wintered in Nīngnahār and the
Lamghānāt, driving them like sheep before him, with all their goods, as
far as the Bārān-water.[926]


(_o. Affairs of Badakhshān._)

While Nāṣir Mīrzā was in camp on the Bārān-water, he heard that the
Badakhshīs were united against the Aūzbegs and had killed some of them.

Here are the particulars:—When Shaibāq Khān had given Qūndūz to Qaṃbar
Bī and gone himself to Khwārizm[927]; Qaṃbar Bī, in order to conciliate
the Badakhshīs, sent them a son of Muḥammad-i-makhdūmī, Maḥmūd by name,
but Mubārak Shāh,—whose ancestors are heard of as begs of the Badakhshān
Shāhs,—having uplifted his own head, and cut off Maḥmūd's and those of
some Aūzbegs, made himself fast in the fort once known as Shāf-tiwār but
re-named by him Qila`-i-ẕafar. Moreover, in Rustāq Muḥammad _qūrchī_, an
armourer of Khusrau Shāh, then occupying Khamalangān, slew Shaibāq
Khān's _ṣadr_ and some Aūzbegs and made that place fast. Zubair of Rāgh,
again, [Sidenote: Fol. 155.] whose forefathers also will have been begs
of the Badakhshān Shāhs, uprose in Rāgh.[928] Jahāngīr _Turkmān_, again,
a servant of Khusrau Shāh's Walī, collected some of the fugitive
soldiers and tribesmen Walī had left behind, and with them withdrew into
a fastness.[929]

Nāṣir Mīrzā, hearing these various items of news and spurred on by the
instigation of a few silly, short-sighted persons to covet Badakhshān,
marched along the Shibr-tū and Āb-dara road, driving like sheep before
him the families of the men who had come into Kābul from the other side
of the Amū.[930]


(_p. Affairs of Khusrau Shāh._)

At the time Khusrau Shāh and Aḥmad-i-qāsim were in flight from Ājar for
Khurāsān,[931] they meeting in with Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā and Ẕū'n-nūn
Beg, all went on together to the presence of Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā in Herī.
All had long been foes of his; all had behaved unmannerly to him; what
brands had they not set on his heart! Yet all now went to him in their
distress, and all went through me. For it is not likely they would have
seen him if I had not made Khusrau Shāh helpless by parting him from his
following, and if I had not taken Kābul from Ẕū'n'nūn's son, Muqīm.
Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā himself was as dough in the [Sidenote: Fol. 155b.]
hands of the rest; beyond their word he could not go. Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā
took up a gracious attitude towards one and all, mentioned no-one's
misdeeds, even made them gifts.

Shortly after their arrival Khusrau Shāh asked for leave to go to his
own country, saying, "If I go, I shall get it all into my hands." As he
had reached Herī without equipment and without resources, they finessed
a little about his leave. He became importunate. Muḥammad Barandūq
retorted roundly on him with, "When you had 30,000 men behind you and
the whole country in your hands, what did you effect against the Aūzbeg?
What will you do now with your 500 men and the Aūzbegs in possession?"
He added a little good advice in a few sensible words, but all was in
vain because the fated hour of Khusrau Shāh's death was near. Leave was
at last given because of his importunity; Khusrau Shāh with his 3 or 400
followers, went straight into the borders of Dahānah. There as Nāṣir
Mīrzā had just gone across, these two met.

Now the Badakhshī chiefs had invited only the Mīrzā; they had not
invited Khusrau Shāh. Try as the Mīrzā did to persuade Khusrau Shāh to
go into the hill-country,[932] the latter, quite understanding the whole
time, would not consent to go, his own idea being that if he marched
under the Mīrzā, he would get the [Sidenote: Fol. 156.] country into his
own hands. In the end, unable to agree, each of them, near Ishkīmīsh,
arrayed his following, put on mail, drew out to fight, and—departed.
Nāṣir Mīrzā went on for Badakhshān; Khusrau Shāh after collecting a
disorderly rabble, good and bad of some 1,000 persons, went, with the
intention of laying siege to Qūndūz, to Khwāja Chār-tāq, one or two
_yīghāch_ outside it.


(_q. Death of Khusrau Shāh._)

At the time Shaibāq Khān, after overcoming Sulṯān Aḥmad _Taṃbal_ and
Andijān, made a move on Ḥiṣār, his Honour Khusrau Shāh[933] flung away
his country (Qūndūz and Ḥiṣār) without a blow struck, and saved himself.
Thereupon Shaibāq Khān went to Ḥiṣār in which were Sherīm the page and a
few good braves. _They_ did not surrender Ḥiṣār, though their honourable
beg had flung _his_ country away and gone off; they made Ḥiṣār fast. The
siege of Ḥiṣār Shaibāq Khān entrusted to Ḥamza Sl. and Mahdī
Sulṯān,[934] went to Qūndūz, gave Qūndūz to his younger brother, Maḥmūd
Sulṯān and betook himself without delay to Khwārizm against Chīn Ṣūfī.
But as, before he reached Samarkand on his way to Khwārizm, he heard of
the death in Qūndūz of his brother, Maḥmūd Sulṯān, he gave that place to
Qaṃbar Bī of Marv.[935]

Qaṃbar Bī was in Qūndūz when Khusrau Shāh went against it; he at once
sent off galloppers to summon Ḥamza Sl. and the [Sidenote: Fol. 156b.]
others Shaibāq Khān had left behind. Ḥamza Sl. came himself as far as
the _sarāī_ on the Amū bank where he put his sons and begs in command of
a force which went direct against Khusrau Shāh. There was neither fight
nor flight for that fat, little man; Ḥamza Sulṯān's men unhorsed him,
killed his sister's son, Aḥmad-i-qāsim, Sherīm the page and several good
braves. Him they took into Qūndūz, there struck his head off and from
there sent it to Shaibāq Khān in Khwārizm.[936]


(_r. Conduct in Kābul of Khusrau Shāh's retainers._)

Just as Khusrau Shāh had said they would do, his former retainers and
followers, no sooner than he marched against Qūndūz, changed in their
demeanour to me,[937] most of them marching off to near
Khwāja-i-riwāj.[938] The greater number of the men in my service had
been in his. The Mughūls behaved well, taking up a position of adherence
to me.[939] On all this the news of Khusrau Shāh's death fell like water
on fire; it put his men out.



911 AH.—JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD.[940]

(_a. Death of Qūtlūq-nigār Khānīm._)


In the month of Muḥarram my mother had fever. Blood was let without
effect and a Khurāsānī doctor, known as Sayyid T̤abīb, in accordance
with the Khurāsān practice, gave her water-melon, but her time to die
must have come, for on the [Sidenote: Fol. 157.] Saturday after six days
of illness, she went to God's mercy.

On Sunday I and Qāsim Kūkūldāsh conveyed her to the New-year's Garden on
the mountain-skirt[941] where Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā had built a house, and
there, with the permission of his heirs,[942] we committed her to the
earth. While we were mourning for her, people let me know about (the
death of) my younger Khān _dādā_ Alacha Khān, and my grandmother
Aīsān-daulat Begīm.[943] Close upon Khānīm's Fortieth[944] arrived from
Khurāsān Shāh Begīm the mother of the Khāns, together with my
maternal-aunt Mihr-nigār Khānīm, formerly of Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā's _ḥaram_,
and Muḥammad Ḥusain _Kūrkān Dūghlāt_.[945] Lament broke out afresh; the
bitterness of these partings was extreme. When the mourning-rites had
been observed, food and victuals set out for the poor and destitute, the
Qorān recited, and prayers offered for the departed souls, we steadied
ourselves and all took heart again.


(_b. A futile start for Qandahār._)

When set free from these momentous duties, we got an army to horse for
Qandahār under the strong insistance of Bāqī _Chaghānīānī_. At the
start I went to Qūsh-nādir (var. nāwar) where on dismounting I got
fever. It was a strange sort of illness for whenever with much trouble I
had been awakened, my eyes closed again in sleep. In four or five days I
got quite well.


(_c. An earthquake._)

At that time there was a great earthquake[946] such that most of the
ramparts of forts and the walls of gardens fell down; houses were
levelled to the ground in towns and villages and many persons lay dead
beneath them. Every house fell in Paghmān-village, [Sidenote: Fol.
157b.] and 70 to 80 strong heads-of-houses lay dead under their walls.
Between Pagh-mān and Beg-tūt[947] a piece of ground, a good
stone-throw[948] wide may-be, slid down as far as an arrow's-flight;
where it had slid springs appeared. On the road between Istarghach and
Maidān the ground was so broken up for 6 to 8 _yīghāch_ (36-48 m.) that
in some places it rose as high as an elephant, in others sank as deep;
here and there people were sucked in. When the Earth quaked, dust rose
from the tops of the mountains. Nūru'l-lāh the _ṯambourchī_[949] had
been playing before me; he had two instruments with him and at the
moment of the quake had both in his hands; so out of his own control was
he that the two knocked against each other. Jahāngīr Mīrzā was in the
porch of an upper-room at a house built by Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā in Tīpa;
when the Earth quaked, he let himself down and was not hurt, but the
roof fell on some-one with him in that upper-room, presumably one of his
own circle; that this person was not hurt in the least must have been
solely through God's mercy. In Tīpa most of the houses were levelled to
the ground. The Earth quaked 33 times on the first day, and for a month
afterwards used to quake two or three times in the 24 hours. The begs
and soldiers having been ordered to repair the breaches made in the
towers and ramparts [Sidenote: Fol. 158.] of the fort (Kābul),
everything was made good again in 20 days or a month by their industry
and energy.


(_d. Campaign against Qalāt-i-ghilzāī._)

Owing to my illness and to the earthquake, our plan of going to Qandahār
had fallen somewhat into the background. The illness left behind and the
fort repaired, it was taken up again. We were undecided at the time we
dismounted below Shniz[950] whether to go to Qandahār, or to over-run
the hills and plains. Jahāngīr Mīrzā and the begs having assembled,
counsel was taken and the matter found settlement in a move on Qalāt. On
this move Jahāngīr Mīrzā and Bāqī _Chaghānīānī_ insisted strongly.

At Tāzī[951] there was word that Sher-i-`alī the page with Kīchīk Bāqī
_Diwāna_ and others had thoughts of desertion; all were arrested;
Sher-i-`alī was put to death because he had given clear signs of
disloyalty and misdoing both while in my service and not in mine, in
this country and in that country.[952] The others were let go with loss
of horse and arms.

On arriving at Qalāt we attacked at once and from all sides, without our
mail and without siege-appliances. As has been mentioned in this
History, Kīchīk Khwāja, the elder brother of Khwāja Kalān, was a most
daring brave; he had used his sword [Sidenote: Fol. 158b.] in my
presence several times; he now clambered up the south-west tower of
Qalāt, was pricked in the eye with a spear when almost up, and died of
the wound two or three days after the place was taken. Here that Kīchīk
Bāqī _Dīwāna_ who had been arrested when about to desert with
Sher-i-`alī the page, expiated his baseness by being killed with a stone
when he went under the ramparts. One or two other men died also.
Fighting of this sort went on till the Afternoon Prayer when, just as
our men were worn-out with the struggle and labour, those in the fort
asked for peace and made surrender. Qalāt had been given by Ẕū'n-nūn
_Arghūn_ to Muqīm, and in it now were Muqīm's retainers, Farrukh
_Arghūn_ and Qarā _Bīlūt_ (Afghān). When they came out with their swords
and quivers hanging round their necks, we forgave their offences.[953]
It was not my wish to reduce this high family[954] to great straits; for
why? Because if we did so when such a foe as the Aūzbeg was at our side,
what would be said by those of far and near, who saw and heard?

As the move on Qalāt had been made under the insistance of Jahāngīr
Mīrzā and Bāqī _Chaghānīānī_, it was now made over to the Mīrzā's
charge. He would not accept it; Bāqī also could give no good answer in
the matter. So, after such a storming and assaulting of Qalāt, its
capture was useless.

We went back to Kābul after over-running the Afghāns of Sawā-sang and
Ālā-tāgh on the south of Qalāt. [Sidenote: Fol. 159.]

The night we dismounted at Kābul I went into the fort; my tent and
stable being in the Chār-bāgh, a Khirilchī thief going into the garden,
fetched out and took away a bay horse of mine with its accoutrements,
and my _khachar_.[955]


(_e. Death of Bāqī Chaghānīānī._)

From the time Bāqī _Chaghānīanī_ joined me on the Amū-bank, no man of
mine had had more trust and authority.[956] If a word were said, if an
act were done, that word was his word, that act, his act. Spite of this,
he had not done me fitting service, nor had he shewn me due civility.
Quite the contrary! he had done things bad and unmannerly. Mean he was,
miserly and malicious, ill-tongued, envious and cross-natured. So
miserly was he that although when he left Tīrmīẕ, with his family and
possessions, he may have owned 30 to 40,000 sheep, and although those
masses of sheep used to pass in front of us at every camping-ground, he
did not give a single one to our bare braves, tortured as they were by
the pangs of hunger; at last in Kāh-mard, he gave 50!

Spite of acknowledging me for his chief (_pādshāh_), he had nagarets
beaten at his own Gate. He was sincere to none, had regard for none.
What revenue there is from Kābul (town) comes from the _ṯamghā_[957];
the whole of this he had, together [Sidenote: Fol. 159b.] with the
_dārogha_-ship in Kābul and Panjhīr, the Gadai (var. Kidī) Hazāra, and
_kūshlūk_[958] and control of the Gate.[959] With all this favour and
finding, he was not in the least content; quite the reverse! What medley
of mischief he planned has been told; we had taken not the smallest
notice of any of it, nor had we cast it in his face. He was always
asking for leave, affecting scruple at making the request. We used to
acknowledge the scruple and excuse ourselves from giving the leave. This
would put him down for a few days; then he would ask again. He went too
far with his affected scruple and his takings of leave! Sick were we too
of his conduct and his character. We gave the leave; he repented asking
for it and began to agitate against it, but all in vain! He got written
down and sent to me, "His Highness made compact not to call me to
account till nine[960] misdeeds had issued from me." I answered with a
reminder of eleven successive faults and sent this to him through Mullā
Bābā of Pashāghar. He submitted and was allowed to go towards Hindūstān,
taking his family and possessions. A few of his retainers escorted him
through Khaibar and returned; he joined Bāqī _Gāgīānī's_ caravan and
crossed at Nīl-āb.

Daryā Khān's son, Yār-i-ḥusain was then in Kacha-kot,[961] having drawn
into his service, on the warrant of the _farmān_ taken from me in Kohāt,
a few Afghāns of the Dilazāk (var. Dilah-zāk) and Yūsuf-zāī and also a
few Jats and Gujūrs.[962] With these he beat the roads, taking toll with
might and main. Hearing about Bāqī, he blocked the road, made the whole
party [Sidenote: Fol. 160.] prisoner, killed Bāqī and took his wife.

We ourselves had let Bāqī go without injuring him, but his own misdeeds
rose up against him; his own acts defeated him.

   Leave thou to Fate the man who does thee wrong;
   For Fate is an avenging servitor.


(_f. Attack on the Turkmān Hazāras._)

That winter we just sat in the Chār-bāgh till snow had fallen once or
twice.

The Turkmān Hazāras, since we came into Kābul, had done a variety of
insolent things and had robbed on the roads. We thought therefore of
over-running them, went into the town to Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā's house at the
Būstān-sarāī, and thence rode out in the month of Sha`bān (Feb. 1506
AD.).

We raided a few Hazāras at Janglīk, at the mouth of the Dara-i-khūsh
(Happy-valley).[963] Some were in a cave near the valley-mouth, hiding
perhaps. Shaikh Darwīsh Kūkūldāsh went incautiously right (_auq_) up to
the cave-mouth, was shot (_aūqlāb_) in the nipple by a Hazāra inside and
died there and then (_aūq_).[964]

   (_Author's note on Shaikh Darwīsh._) He had been with me in
   the guerilla-times, was Master-armourer (_qūr-begī_), drew a
   strong bow and shot a good shaft.

As most of the Turkmān Hazāras seemed to be wintering inside the
Dara-i-khūsh, we marched against them.

The valley is shut in,[965] by a mile-long gully stretching inwards from
its mouth. The road engirdles the mountain, having [Sidenote: Fol.
160b.] a straight fall of some 50 to 60 yards below it and above it a
precipice. Horsemen go along it in single-file. We passed the gully and
went on through the day till between the Two Prayers (3 p.m.) without
meeting a single person. Having spent the night somewhere, we found a
fat camel[966] belonging to the Hazāras, had it killed, made part of its
flesh into _kabābs_[967] and cooked part in a ewer (_aftāb_). Such good
camel-flesh had never been tasted; some could not tell it from mutton.

Next day we marched on for the Hazāra winter-camp. At the first watch (9
a.m.) a man came from ahead, saying that the Hazāras had blocked a ford
in front with branches, checked our men and were fighting. That winter
the snow lay very deep; to move was difficult except on the road. The
swampy meadows (_tuk-āb_) along the stream were all frozen; the stream
could only be crossed from the road because of snow and ice. The Hazāras
had cut many branches, put them at the exit from the water and were
fighting in the valley-bottom with horse and foot or raining [Sidenote:
Fol. 161.] arrows down from either side.

Muḥammad `Alī _Mubashshir_[968] Beg, one of our most daring braves,
newly promoted to the rank of beg and well worthy of favour, went along
the branch-blocked road without his mail, was shot in the belly and
instantly surrendered his life. As we had gone forward in haste, most of
us were not in mail. Shaft after shaft flew by and fell; with each one
Yūsuf's Aḥmad said anxiously, "Bare[969] like this you go into it! I
have seen two arrows go close to your head!" Said I, "Don't fear! Many
as good arrows as these have flown past my head!" So much said, Qāsim
Beg, his men in full accoutrement,[970] found a ford on our right and
crossed. Before their charge the Hazāras could make no stand; they fled,
swiftly pursued and unhorsed one after the other by those just up with
them.

In guerdon for this feat Bangash was given to Qāsim Beg. Ḥātim the
armourer having been not bad in the affair, was promoted to Shaikh
Darwīsh's office of _qūr-begī_. Bābā Qulī's Kīpik (_sic_) also went well
forward in it, so we entrusted Muḥ. `Alī _Mubashshir's_ office to him.

Sl. Qulī _Chūnāq_ (one-eared) started in pursuit of the Hazāras but
there was no getting out of the hollow because of the snow. [Sidenote:
Fol. 161b.] For my own part I just went with these braves.

Near the Hazāra winter-camp we found many sheep and herds of horses. I
myself collected as many as 4 to 500 sheep and from 20 to 25 horses.
Sl. Qulī _Chūnāq_ and two or three of my personal servants were with me.
I have ridden in a raid twice[971]; this was the first time; the other
was when, coming in from Khurāsān (912 AH.), we raided these same
Turkmān Hazāras. Our foragers brought in masses of sheep and horses. The
Hazāra wives and their little children had gone off up the snowy slopes
and stayed there; we were rather idle and it was getting late in the
day; so we turned back and dismounted in their very dwellings. Deep
indeed was the snow that winter! Off the road it was up to a horse's
_qāptāl_,[972] so deep that the night-watch was in the saddle all
through till shoot of dawn.

Going out of the valley, we spent the next night just inside the mouth,
in the Hazāra winter-quarters. Marching from there, we dismounted at
Janglīk. At Janglīk Yārak T̤aghāī and other late-comers were ordered to
take the Hazāras who had killed Shaikh Darwīsh and who, luckless and
death-doomed, seemed still to be in the cave. Yārak T̤aghāī and his band
by sending smoke into the cave, took 70 to 80 Hazāras who mostly died by
the sword.


(_g. Collection of the Nijr-aū tribute._)

On the way back from the Hazāra expedition we went to the Āī-tūghdī
neighbourhood below Bārān[973] in order to collect the revenue of
Nijr-aū. Jahāngīr Mīrzā, come up from Ghaznī, [Sidenote: Fol. 162.]
waited on me there. At that time, on Ramẓān 13th (Feb. 7th) such
sciatic-pain attacked me that for 40 days some-one had to turn me over
from one side to the other.

Of the (seven) valleys of the Nijr-water the Pīchkān-valley,—and of the
villages in the Pīchkān-valley Ghain,—and of Ghain its head-man Ḥusain
_Ghainī_ in particular, together with his elder and younger brethren,
were known and notorious for obstinacy and daring. On this account a
force was sent under Jahāngīr Mīrzā, Qāsim Beg going too, which went to
Sar-i-tūp (Hill-top), stormed and took a _sangur_ and made a few meet
their doom.

Because of the sciatic pain, people made a sort of litter for me in
which they carried me along the bank of the Bārān and into the town to
the Būstān-sarāī. There I stayed for a few days; before that trouble was
over a boil came out on my left cheek; this was lanced and for it I also
took a purge. When relieved, I went out into the Chār-bāgh.


(_h. Misconduct of Jahāngīr Mīrzā._)

At the time Jahāngīr Mīrzā waited on me, Ayūb's sons Yūsuf and Buhlūl,
who were in his service, had taken up a strifeful and seditious attitude
towards me; so the Mīrzā was not found to be what he had been earlier.
In a few days he marched out of Tīpa in his mail,[974] hurried back to
Ghaznī, there took Nānī, killed some of its people and plundered all.
[Sidenote: Fol. 162b.] After that he marched off with whatever men he
had, through the Hazāras,[975] his face set for Bāmīān. God knows that
nothing had been done by me or my dependants to give him ground for
anger or reproach! What was heard of later on as perhaps explaining his
going off in the way he did, was this;—When Qāsim Beg went with other
begs, to give him honouring meeting as he came up from Ghaznī, the Mīrzā
threw a falcon off at a quail. Just as the falcon, getting close, put
out its pounce to seize the quail, the quail dropped to the ground.
Hereupon shouts and cries, "Taken! is it taken?" Said Qāsim Beg, "Who
looses the foe in his grip?" Their misunderstanding of this was their
sole reason for going off, but they backed themselves on one or two
other worse and weaker old cronish matters.[976] After doing in Ghaznī
what has been mentioned, they drew off through the Hazāras to the Mughūl
clans.[977] These clans at that time had left Nāṣir Mīrzā but had not
joined the Aūzbeg, and were in Yāī, Astar-āb and the summer-pastures
thereabouts.


(_i. Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā calls up help against Shaibāq Khān._)

Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā, having resolved to repel Shaibāq Khān, summoned all
his sons; me too he summoned, sending to me Sayyid Afẓal, son of Sayyid
`Alī _Khwāb-bīn_ (Seer-of-dreams). It was right on several grounds for
us to start for Khurāsān. One ground was that when a great ruler,
sitting, as Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā sat, in Tīmūr Beg's place, had resolved to
act against [Sidenote: Fol. 163.] such a foe as Shaibāq Khān and had
called up many men and had summoned his sons and his begs, if there were
some who went on foot it was for us to go if on our heads! if some took
the bludgeon, we would take the stone! A second ground was that, since
Jahāngīr Mīrzā had gone to such lengths and had behaved so badly,[978]
we had either to dispel his resentment or to repel his attack.


(_j. Chīn Ṣūfī's death._)

This year Shaibāq Khān took Khwārizm after besieging Chīn Sūfī in it for
ten months. There had been a mass of fighting during the siege; many
were the bold deeds done by the Khwārizmī braves; nothing soever did
they leave undone. Again and again their shooting was such that their
arrows pierced shield and cuirass, sometimes the two cuirasses.[979] For
ten months they sustained that siege without hope in any quarter. A few
bare braves then lost heart, entered into talk with the Aūzbeg and were
in the act of letting him up into the fort when Chīn Ṣūfī had the news
and went to the spot. Just as he was beating and forcing down the
Aūzbegs, his own page, in a discharge of arrows, shot him from behind.
No man was left to fight; the Aūzbegs took Khwārizm. God's mercy on
Chīn Ṣūfī, who never for one moment ceased to stake his life [Sidenote:
Fol. 163b.] for his chief![980]

Shaibāq Khān entrusted Khwārizm to Kūpuk (_sic_) Bī and went back to
Samarkand.


(_k. Death of Sultān Ḥusain Mīrzā._)

Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā having led his army out against Shaibāq Khān as far as
Bābā Ilāhī[981] went to God's mercy, in the month of Ẕū'l-ḥijja
(Ẕū'l-ḥijja 11th 911 AH.-May 5th 1506 AD.).


SULT̤ĀN ḤUSAIN MĪRZĀ AND HIS COURT.[982]

(_a._) _His birth and descent._

He was born in Herī (Harāt), in (Muḥarram) 842 (AH.-June-July, 1438 AD.)
in Shāhrukh Mīrzā's time[983] and was the son of Manṣūr Mīrzā, son of
Bāī-qarā Mīrzā, son of `Umar Shaikh Mīrzā, son of Amīr Tīmūr. Manṣūr
Mīrzā and Bāī-qarā Mīrzā never reigned.

His mother was Fīrūza Begīm, a (great-)grandchild (_nabīra_) of Tīmūr
Beg; through her he became a grandchild of Mīrān-shāh also.[984] He was
of high birth on both sides, a ruler of royal lineage.[985] Of the
marriage (of Manṣūr with Fīrūza) were born two sons and two daughters,
namely, Bāī-qarā Mīrzā and Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā, Ākā Begīm and another
daughter, Badka Begīm whom Aḥmad Khān took.[986]

Bāī-qarā Mīrzā was older than Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā; he was his younger
brother's retainer but used not to be present as head of the Court;[987]
except in Court, he used to share his brother's divan (_tūshak_). He was
given Balkh by his younger brother and was its Commandant for several
years. He had three sons, Sl. Muḥammad Mīrzā, Sl. Wais Mīrzā and Sl.
Iskandar Mīrzā.[988]

Ākā Begīm was older than the Mīrzā; she was taken by [Sidenote: Fol.
164.] Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā,[989] a grandson (_nabīra_) of Mīrān-shāh; by him
she had a son (Muḥammad Sulṯān Mīrzā), known as Kīchīk (Little) Mīrzā,
who at first was in his maternal-uncle's service, but later on gave up
soldiering to occupy himself with letters. He is said to have become
very learned and also to have taste in verse.[990] Here is a Persian
quatrain of his:—

   For long on a life of devotion I plumed me,
   As one of the band of the abstinent ranged me;
   Where when Love came was devotion? denial?
   By the mercy of God it is I have proved me!

This quatrain recalls one by the Mullā.[991] Kīchīk Mīrzā made the
circuit of the _ka'ba_ towards the end of his life.

Badka (Badī`u'l-jamāl) Begīm also was older[992] than the Mīrzā. She was
given in the guerilla times to Aḥmad Khān of Ḥājī-tarkhān;[993] by him
she had two sons (Sl. Maḥmūd Khān and Bahādur Sl.) who went to Herī and
were in the Mīrzā's service.


(_b._) _His appearance and habits._

He was slant-eyed (_qīyik gūzlūq_) and lion-bodied, being slender from
the waist downwards. Even when old and white-bearded, he wore silken
garments of fine red and green. He used to wear either the black
lambskin cap (_būrk_) or the _qālpāq_,[994] but on a Feast-day would
sometimes set up a little three-fold turban, wound broad and badly,[995]
stick a heron's plume in it and so go to Prayers.

When he first took Herī, he thought of reciting the names of [Sidenote:
Fol. 164b.] the Twelve Imāms in the _khuṯba_,[996] but `Alī-sher Beg and
others prevented it; thereafter all his important acts were done in
accordance with orthodox law. He could not perform the Prayers on
account of a trouble in the joints,[997] and he kept no fasts. He was
lively and pleasant, rather immoderate in temper, and with words that
matched his temper. He shewed great respect for the law in several
weighty matters; he once surrendered to the Avengers of blood a son of
his own who had killed a man, and had him taken to the Judgment-gate
(_Dāru'l-qaẓā_). He was abstinent for six or seven years after he took
the throne; later on he degraded himself to drink. During the almost 40
years of his rule[998] in Khurāsān, there may not have been one single
day on which he did not drink after the Mid-day prayer; earlier than
that however he did not drink. What happened with his sons, the soldiers
and the town was that every-one pursued vice and pleasure to excess.
Bold and daring he was! Time and again he got to work with his own
sword, getting his own hand in wherever he arrayed to fight; no man of
Tīmūr Beg's line has been known to match him in the slashing of swords.
He had a leaning to poetry and even put a _dīwān_ together, writing in
Turkī with Ḥusainī for his pen-name.[999] Many couplets in his _dīwān_
are not bad; it is however in one and the same metre throughout. Great
ruler though he was, [Sidenote: Fol. 165.] both by the length of his
reign (_yāsh_) and the breadth of his dominions, he yet, like little
people kept fighting-rams, flew pigeons and fought cocks.


(_c._) _His wars and encounters._[1000]

He swam the Gurgān-water[1001] in his guerilla days and gave a party of
Aūzbegs a good beating.

Again,—with 60 men he fell on 3000 under Pay-master Muḥammad `Alī, sent
ahead by Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā, and gave them a downright good beating
(868 AH.). This was his one fine, out-standing feat-of-arms.[1002]

Again,—he fought and beat Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā near Astarābād (865
AH.).[1003]

Again,—this also in Astarābād, he fought and beat Sa`īdlīq Sa`īd, son of
Ḥusain _Turkmān_ (873 AH.?).

Again,—after taking the throne (of Herī in Ramẓān 873 AH.-March 1469
AD.), he fought and beat Yādgār-i-muḥammad Mīrzā at Chanārān (874
AH.).[1004]

Again,—coming swiftly[1005] from the Murgh-āb bridge-head (Sar-i-pul),
he fell suddenly on Yādgār-i-muḥammad Mīrzā where he lay drunk in the
Ravens'-garden (875 AH.), a victory which kept all Khurāsān quiet.

Again,—he fought and beat Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā at Chīkmān-sarāī in the
neighbourhood of Andikhūd and Shibrghān (876 AH.).[1006]

Again,—he fell suddenly on Abā-bikr Mīrzā[1007] after that Mīrzā, joined
by the Black-sheep Turkmāns, had come out of `Irāq, beaten Aūlūgh Beg
Mīrzā (_Kābulī_) in Takāna and Khimār (var. Ḥimār), taken Kābul, left it
because of turmoil in `Irāq, crossed Khaibar, gone on to Khūsh-āb and
Multān, on again to [Sidenote: Fol. 165b.] Sīwī,[1008] thence to Karmān
and, unable to stay there, had entered the Khurāsān country (884
AH.).[1009]

Again,—he defeated his son Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā at Pul-i-chirāgh (902
AH.); he also defeated his sons Abū'l-muḥsin Mīrzā and Kūpuk
(Round-shouldered) Mīrzā at Ḥalwā-spring (904 AH.).[1010]

Again,—he went to Qūndūz, laid siege to it, could not take it, and
retired; he laid siege to Ḥiṣār, could not take that either, and rose
from before it (901 AH.); he went into Ẕū'n-nūn's country, was given
Bast by its _dārogha_, did no more and retired (903 AH.).[1011] A ruler
so great and so brave, after resolving royally on these three movements,
just retired with nothing done!

Again,—he fought his son Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā in the Nīshīn-meadow, who
had come there with Ẕū'n-nūn's son, Shāh Beg (903 AH.). In that affair
were these curious coincidences:—The Mīrzā's force will have been small,
most of his men being in Astarābād; on the very day of the fight, one
force rejoined him coming back from Astarābād, and Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā
arrived to join Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā after letting Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā take
Ḥiṣār, and Ḥaidar Mīrzā came back from reconnoitring Badī`u'z-zamān
Mīrzā at Sabzawār.


(_d._) _His countries._

His country was Khurāsān, with Balkh to the east, Bistām and Damghān to
the west, Khwārizm to the north, Qandahār [Sidenote: Fol. 166.] and
Sīstān to the south. When he once had in his hands such a town as Herī,
his only affair, by day and by night, was with comfort and pleasure; nor
was there a man of his either who did not take his ease. It followed of
course that, as he no longer tolerated the hardships and fatigue of
conquest and soldiering, his retainers and his territories dwindled
instead of increasing right down to the time of his departure.[1012]


(_e._) _His children._

Fourteen sons and eleven daughters were born to him.[1013] The oldest of
all his children was Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā; (Bega Begīm) a daughter of
Sl. Sanjar of Marv, was his mother.

Shāh-i-gharīb Mīrzā was another; he had a stoop (_būkūrī_); though ill
to the eye, he was of good character; though weak of body, he was
powerful of pen. He even put a _dīwān_ together, using Gharbatī
(Lowliness) for his pen-name and writing both Turkī and Persian verse.
Here is a couplet of his:—

   Seeing a peri-face as I passed, I became its fool;
   Not knowing what was its name, where was its home.

For a time he was his father's Governor in Herī. He died before his
father, leaving no child.

Muz̤affar-i-ḥusain Mīrzā was another; he was his father's favourite son,
but though this favourite, had neither accomplishments nor character. It
was Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's over-fondness for this son that led his other
sons into rebellion. The mother of Shāh-i-gharīb Mīrzā and of
Muz̤affar-i-ḥusain Mīrzā was [Sidenote: Fol. 166b.] Khadīja Begīm, a
former mistress of Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā by whom she had had a daughter
also, known as Āq (Fair) Begīm.

Two other sons were Abū'l-ḥusain Mīrzā and Kūpuk (var. Kīpik) Mīrzā
whose name was Muḥammad Muḥsin Mīrzā; their mother was Laṯīf-sulṯān
Āghācha.

Abū-turāb Mīrzā was another. From his early years he had an excellent
reputation. When the news of his father's increased illness[1014]
reached him and other news of other kinds also, he fled with his younger
brother Muḥammad-i-ḥusain Mīrzā into `Irāq,[1015] and there abandoned
soldiering to lead the darwish-life; nothing further has been heard
about him.[1016] His son Sohrāb was in my service when I took Ḥiṣār
after having beaten the sulṯāns led by Ḥamza Sl. and Mahdī Sl. (917
AH.-1511 AD.); he was blind of one eye and of wretchedly bad aspect; his
disposition matched even his ill-looks. Owing to some immoderate act
(_bī i`tidāl_), he could not stay with me, so went off. For some of his
immoderate doings, Nijm S̤ānī put him to death near Astarābād.[1017]

Muḥammad-i-ḥusain Mīrzā was another. He must have been shut up (_bund_)
with Shāh Ismā`īl at some place in `Irāq and have become his
disciple;[1018] he became a rank heretic later on and became this
although his father and brethren, older and younger, were all orthodox.
He died in Astarābād, still on the same wrong road, still with the same
absurd opinions. A good deal is heard about his courage and heroism, but
no deed of his stands out as worthy of record. He may have been
poetically-disposed; here is a couplet of his:—

   Grimed with dust, from tracking what game dost thou come?
   Steeped in sweat, from whose heart of flame dost thou come?

Farīdūn-i-ḥusain Mīrzā was another. He drew a very strong [Sidenote:
Fol. 167.] bow and shot a first-rate shaft; people say his cross-bow
(_kamān-i-guroha_) may have been 40 _bātmāns_.[1019] He himself was very
brave but he had no luck in war; he was beaten wherever he fought. He
and his younger brother Ibn-i-ḥusain Mīrzā were defeated at Rabāṯ-i-dūzd
(var. Dudūr) by Tīmūr Sl. and `Ubaid Sl. leading Shaibāq Khān's advance
(913 AH.?), but he had done good things there.[1020] In Dāmghān he and
Muḥammad-i-zamān Mīrzā[1021] fell into the hands of Shaibāq Khān who,
killing neither, let both go free. Farīdūn-i-ḥusain Mīrzā went later on
to Qalāt[1022] where Shāh Muḥammad _Diwāna_ had made himself fast; there
when the Aūzbegs took the place, he was captured and killed. The three
sons last-named were by Mīnglī Bībī Āghācha, Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's Aūzbeg
mistress.

Ḥaidar Mīrzā was another; his mother Payānda-sulṯān Begīm was a daughter
of Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā. Ḥaidar Mīrzā was Governor of Balkh and Mashhad
for some time during his father's life. For him his father, when
besieging Ḥiṣār (901 AH.) took (Bega Begīm) a daughter of Sl. Maḥmūd
Mīrzā and Khān-zāda Begīm; this done, he rose from before Ḥiṣār. One
daughter only[1023] was born of that marriage; she was named Shād (Joy)
Begīm and given to `Ādil Sl.[1024] when she came to Kābul later on.
Ḥaidar Mīrzā departed from the world in his father's [Sidenote: Fol.
167b.] life-time.

Muḥammad Ma`ṣūm Mīrzā was another. He had Qandahār given to him and, as
was fitting with this, a daughter of Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā, (Bega Begīm), was
set aside for him; when she went to Herī (902 AH.), Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā
made a splendid feast, setting up a great _chār-ṯāq_ for it.[1025]
Though Qandahār was given to Muḥ. Ma`ṣūm Mīrzā, he had neither power nor
influence there, since, if black were done, or if white were done, the
act was Shāh Beg _Arghūn's_. On this account the Mīrzā left Qandahār and
went into Khurāsān. He died before his father.

Farrukh-i-ḥusain Mīrzā was another. Brief life was granted to him; he
bade farewell to the world before his younger brother Ibrāhīm-i-ḥusain
Mīrzā.

Ibrāhīm-i-ḥusain Mīrzā was another. They say his disposition was not
bad; he died before his father from bibbing and bibbing Herī wines.

Ibn-i-ḥusain Mīrzā and Muḥ. Qāsim Mīrzā were others;[1026] their story
will follow. Pāpā Āghācha was the mother of the five sons last-named.

Of all the Mīrzā's daughters, Sulṯānīm Begīm was the oldest. She had no
brother or sister of the full-blood. Her mother, known as Chūlī (Desert)
Begīm, was a daughter of one of the Aẕāq begs. Sulṯānīm Begīm had great
acquaintance with words (_soz bīlūr aīdī_); she was never at fault for a
word. Her father sent her out[1027] to Sl. Wais Mīrzā, the middle son of
his own elder brother Bāī-qarā Mīrzā; she had a son and a daughter by
him; the daughter was sent out to Aīsān-qulī Sl. younger brother of
Yīlī-bārs of the Shabān sulṯāns;[1028] the son is that Muḥammad Sl.
Mīrzā to whom I have given the Qanauj district.[1029] At that same date
Sulṯānīm Begīm, when on her way with her grandson [Sidenote: Fol. 168.]
from Kābul to Hindūstān, went to God's mercy at Nīl-āb. Her various
people turned back, taking her bones; her grandson came on.[1030]

Four daughters were by Payānda-sulṯān Begīm. Āq Begīm, the oldest, was
sent out to Muḥammad Qāsim _Arlāt_, a grandson of Bega Begīm the younger
sister of Bābur Mīrzā;[1031] there was one daughter (_bīr gīna qīz_),
known as Qarā-gūz (Dark-eyed) Begīm, whom Nāṣir Mīrzā (_Mīrān-shāhī_)
took. Kīchīk Begīm was the second; for her Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā had great
desire but, try as he would, Payānda-sulṯān Begīm, having an aversion
for him, would not give her to him;[1032] she sent Kīchīk Begīm out
afterwards to Mullā Khwāja of the line of Sayyid Ātā.[1033] Her third
and fourth daughters Bega Begīm and Āghā Begīm, she gave to Bābur Mīrzā
and Murād Mīrzā the sons of her younger sister, Rābī`a-sulṯān
Begīm.[1034]

Two other daughters of the Mīrzā were by Mīnglī Bībī Āghācha. They gave
the elder one, Bairam-sulṯān Begīm to Sayyid `Abdu'l-lāh, one of the
sayyids of Andikhūd who was a grandson of Bāī-qarā Mīrzā[1035] through a
daughter. A son of this marriage, Sayyid Barka[1036] was in my service
when Samarkand was taken (917 AH.-1511 AD.); he went to Aūrganj later
and there made claim to rule; the Red-heads[1037] killed him in
Astarābād. Mīnglī Bībī's second daughter was Fāṯima-sulṯān Begīm; her
they gave to Yādgār(-i-farrukh) Mīrzā of Tīmūr Beg's line.[1038]

Three daughters[1039] were by Pāpā Āghācha. Of these the oldest,
Sulṯān-nizhād Begīm was made to go out to Iskandar Mīrzā, youngest son
of Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's elder brother Bāī-qarā Mīrzā. The second,
(Sa`ādat-bakht, known as) Begīm Sulṯān, [Sidenote: Fol. 168b.] was given
to Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā after his blinding.[1040] By Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā she
had one daughter and one son. The daughter was brought up by Apāq Begīm
of Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's _ḥaram_; from Herī she came to Kābul and was there
given to Sayyid Mīrzā Apāq.[1041] (Sa`ādat-bakht) Begīm Sulṯān after the
Aūzbeg killed her husband, set out for the _ka`ba_ with her son.[1042]
News has just come (_circa_ 934 AH.) that they have been heard of as in
Makka and that the boy is becoming a bit of a great personage.[1043]
Pāpā Āghācha's third daughter was given to a sayyid of Andikhūd,
generally known as Sayyid Mīrzā.[1044]

Another of the Mīrzā's daughters, `Āyisha-sulṯān Begīm, was by a
mistress, Zubaida Āghācha the grand-daughter of Ḥusain-i-Shaikh
Tīmūr.[1045] They gave her to Qāsim Sl. of the Shabān sulṯāns; she had
by him a son, named Qāsim-i-ḥusain Sl. who came to serve me in
Hindūstān, was in the Holy Battle with Rānā Sangā, and was given
Badāyūn.[1046] When Qāsim Sl. died, (his widow) `Āyisha-sulṯān Begīm was
taken by Būrān Sl. one of his relations,[1047] by whom she had a son,
named `Abdu'l-lāh Sl. now serving me and though young, not doing badly.


(_f. His wives and concubines._)

The wife he first took was Bega Sulṯān Begīm, a daughter of Sl. Sanjar
of Marv. She was the mother of Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā. She was very
cross-tempered and made the Mīrzā endure much wretchedness, until
driven at last to despair, he set himself [Sidenote: Fol. 169.] free by
divorcing her. What was he to do? Right was with him.[1048]

   A bad wife in a good man's house
   Makes this world already his hell.[1049]

God preserve every Musalmān from this misfortune! Would that not a
single cross or ill-tempered wife were left in the world!

Chūlī Begīm was another; she was a daughter of the Aẕāq begs and was the
mother of Sulṯānīm Begīm.

Shahr-bānū Begīm was another; she was Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā's daughter,
taken after Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā took the throne (873 AH.). When the Mīrzā's
other ladies got out of their litters and mounted horses, at the battle
of Chīkmān, Shahr-bānū Begīm, putting her trust in her younger brother
(Sl. Maḥmūd M.), did not leave her litter, did not mount a horse;[1050]
people told the Mīrzā of this, so he divorced her and took her younger
sister Payānda-sulṯān Begīm. When the Aūzbegs took Khurāsān (913 AH.),
Payānda-sulṯān Begīm went into `Irāq, and in `Irāq she died in great
misery.

Khadīja Begīm was another.[1051] She had been a mistress of Sl.
Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā and by him had had a daughter, Āq Begīm; after his
defeat (873 AH.-1468 AD.) she betook herself to Herī where Sl. Ḥusain
Mīrzā took her, made her a great favourite, and promoted her to the rank
of Begīm. Very dominant indeed she became later on; she it was wrought
Muḥ. Mūmin Mīrzā's death;[1052] she in chief it was caused Sl. Ḥusain
Mīrzā's sons to rebel against him. She took herself for a sensible woman
but was a silly chatterer, may also have been a heretic. Of her were
[Sidenote: Fol. 169b.] born Shāh-i-gharīb Mīrzā and Muz̤affar-i-ḥusain
Mīrzā.

Apāq Begīm was another;[1053] she had no children; that Pāpā Āghācha the
Mīrzā made such a favourite of was her foster-sister. Being childless,
Apāq Begīm brought up as her own the children of Pāpā Āghācha. She
nursed the Mīrzā admirably when he was ill; none of his other wives
could nurse as she did. The year I came into Hindūstān (932 AH.)[1054]
she came into Kābul from Herī and I shewed her all the honour and
respect I could. While I was besieging Chandīrī (934 AH.) news came that
in Kābul she had fulfilled God's will.[1055]

One of the Mīrzā's mistresses was Laṯīf-sulṯān Āghācha of the
Chār-shamba people[1056]; she became the mother of Abū'l-muḥsin Mīrzā
and Kūpuk (or Kīpik) Mīrzā (_i.e._ Muḥammad Muḥsin).

Another mistress was Mīnglī Bībī Āghācha,[1057] an Aūzbeg and one of
Shahr-bānū Begīm's various people. She became the mother of Abū-turāb
Mīrzā, Muḥammad-i-ḥusain Mīrzā, Farīdūn-i-ḥusain Mīrzā and of two
daughters.

Pāpā Āghācha, the foster-sister of Apāq Begīm was another mistress. The
Mīrzā saw her, looked on her with favour, took her and, as has been
mentioned, she became the mother of five of his sons and four of his
daughters.[1058]

Begī Sulṯān Āghācha was another mistress; she had no child. There were
also many concubines and mistresses held in little respect; those
enumerated were the respected wives and mistresses of Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā.

Strange indeed it is that of the 14 sons born to a ruler so great as Sl.
Ḥusain Mīrzā, one governing too in such a town as Herī, three only were
born in legal marriage.[1059] In him, in his sons, and in his tribes and
hordes vice and debauchery were [Sidenote: Fol. 170.] extremely
prevalent. What shews this point precisely is that of the many sons born
to his dynasty not a sign or trace was left in seven or eight years,
excepting only Muḥammad-i-zamān Mīrzā.[1060]


(_g. His amīrs._)

There was Muḥammad Barandūq _Barlās_, descending from Chākū _Barlās_ as
follows,—Muḥammad Barandūq, son of `Alī, son of Barandūq, son of
Jahān-shāh, son of Chākū _Barlās_.[1061] He had been a beg of Bābur
Mīrzā's presence; later on Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā favoured him, gave him
Kābul conjointly with Jahāngīr _Barlās_, and made him Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā's
guardian. After the death of Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā, Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā
formed designs against the two Barlās; they got to know this, kept tight
hold of him, made the tribes and hordes march,[1062] moved as for
Qūndūz, and when up on Hindū-kush, courteously compelled Aūlūgh Beg
Mīrzā to start back for Kābul, they themselves going on to Sl. Ḥusain
Mīrzā in Khurāsān, who, in his turn, shewed them great favour. Muḥammad
Barandūq was remarkably intelligent, a very leaderlike man indeed! He
was extravagantly fond of a hawk; so much so, they say, that if a hawk
of his had strayed or had died, he would ask, taking the names of his
sons on his lips, what it would have mattered if such or such a son had
died or had broken his neck, rather than this or that bird had died or
had strayed.

Muz̤affar _Barlās_ was another.[1063] He had been with the Mīrzā in the
guerilla fighting and, for some cause unknown, had received extreme
favour. In such honour was he in those guerilla days that the compact
was for the Mīrzā to take four _dāng_ (sixths) [Sidenote: Fol. 170b.] of
any country conquered, and for him to take two _dāng_. A strange compact
indeed! How could it be right to make even a faithful servant a
co-partner in rule? Not even a younger brother or a son obtains such a
pact; how then should a beg?[1064] When the Mīrzā had possession of the
throne, he repented the compact, but his repentance was of no avail;
that muddy-minded mannikin, favoured so much already, made growing
assumption to rule. The Mīrzā acted without judgment; people say
Muz̤affar _Barlās_ was poisoned in the end.[1065] God knows the truth!

`Alī-sher _Nawā'ī_ was another, the Mīrzā's friend rather than his beg.
They had been learners together in childhood and even then are said to
have been close friends. It is not known for what offence Sl. Abū-sa`īd
Mīrzā drove `Alī-sher Beg from Herī; he then went to Samarkand where he
was protected and supported by Aḥmad Ḥājī Beg during the several years
of his stay.[1066] He was noted for refinement of manner; people fancied
this due to the pride of high fortune but it may not have been so, it
may have been innate, since it was equally noticeable also in
Samarkand.[1067] `Alī-sher Beg had no match. For as long as verse has
been written in the Turkī tongue, no-one has written so much or so well
as he. He wrote six books of poems (mas̤nawī), five of them answering to
the Quintet (_Khamsah_),[1068] the sixth, entitled the _Lisānu'ṯ-ṯair_
(Tongue of the birds), was in the same metre as the _Manṯiqu'ṯ-ṯair_
(Speech of the birds).[1069] He put together four _dīwāns_ (collections)
of odes, bearing the names, _Curiosities of Childhood_, _Marvels of
Youth_, _Wonders of Manhood_ and _Advantages of Age_.[1070] There are
good quatrains of his also. Some others of his compositions rank below
those [Sidenote: Fol. 171.] mentioned; amongst them is a collection of
his letters, imitating that of Maulānā `Abdu'r-raḥmān _Jāmī_ and aiming
at gathering together every letter on any topic he had ever written to
any person. He wrote also the _Mīzānu'l-aūzān_ (Measure of measures) on
prosody; it is very worthless; he has made mistake in it about the
metres of four out of twenty-four quatrains, while about other measures
he has made mistake such as any-one who has given attention to prosody,
will understand. He put a Persian _dīwān_ together also, Fānī
(transitory) being his pen-name for Persian verse.[1071] Some couplets
in it are not bad but for the most part it is flat and poor. In music
also he composed good things (_nīma_), some excellent airs and preludes
(_nakhsh u peshrau_). No such patron and protector of men of parts and
accomplishments is known, nor has one such been heard of as ever
appearing. It was through his instruction and support that Master
(Ustād) Qul-i-muḥammad the lutanist, Shaikhī the flautist, and Ḥusain
the lutanist, famous performers all, rose to eminence and renown. It was
through his effort and supervision that Master Bih-zād and Shāh
Muz̤affar became so distinguished in painting. Few are heard of as
having helped to lay the good foundation for future excellence he helped
to lay. He had neither son nor daughter, wife or family; he let the
world pass by, alone and unencumbered. At first he was Keeper of the
Seal; in middle-life he became a beg and for a time was Commandant in
Astarābād; later on he forsook soldiering. He took nothing from the
Mīrzā, on the contrary, he each year [Sidenote: Fol. 171b.] offered
considerable gifts. When the Mīrzā was returning from the Astarābād
campaign, `Alī-sher Beg went out to give him meeting; they saw one
another but before `Alī-sher Beg should have risen to leave, his
condition became such that he could not rise. He was lifted up and
carried away; the doctors could not tell what was wrong; he went to
God's mercy next day,[1072] one of his own couplets suiting his case:—

   I was felled by a stroke out of their ken and mine;
   What, in such evils, can doctors avail?

Aḥmad the son of Tawakkal _Barlās_ was another;[1073] for a time he held
Qandahār.

Walī Beg was another; he was of Ḥājī Saifu'd-dīn Beg's line,[1074] and
had been one of the Mīrzā's father's (Manṣūr's) great begs.[1075] Short
life was granted to him after the Mīrzā took the throne (973 AH.); he
died directly afterwards. He was orthodox and made the Prayers, was
rough (_turk_) and sincere.

Ḥusain of Shaikh Tīmūr was another; he had been favoured and raised to
the rank of beg[1076] by Bābur Mīrzā.

Nuyān Beg was another. He was a Sayyid of Tīrmīẕ on his father's side;
on his mother's he was related both to Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā and to Sl.
Ḥusain Mīrzā.[1077] Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā had favoured him; he was the beg
honoured in Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā's presence and he met with very great favour
when he went to Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's. He was a bragging, easy-going,
wine-bibbing, jolly person. Through being in his father's service,[1078]
Ḥasan of Ya`qūb used to be called also Nuyān's Ḥasan.

Jahāngīr _Barlās_ was another.[1079] For a time he shared the Kābul
command with Muḥammad Barandūq _Barlās_, later on [Sidenote: Fol. 172.]
went to Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's presence and received very great favour. His
movements and poses (_ḥarakāt u sakanāt_) were graceful and charming; he
was also a man of pleasant temper. As he knew the rules of hunting and
hawking, in those matters the Mīrzā gave him chief charge. He was a
favourite of Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā and, bearing that Mīrzā's friendliness
in mind, used to praise him.

Mīrzā Aḥmad of `Alī _Farsī Barlās_ was another. Though he wrote no
verse, he knew what was poetry. He was a gay-hearted, elegant person,
one by himself.

`Abdu'l-khalīq Beg was another. Fīrūz Shāh, Shāhrukh Mīrzā's greatly
favoured beg, was his grandfather;[1080] hence people called him Fīrūz
Shāh's `Abdu'l-khalīq. He held Khwārizm for a time.

Ibrāhīm _Dūldāī_ was another. He had good knowledge of revenue matters
and the conduct of public business; his work was that of a second Muḥ.
Barandūq.

Ẕū'n-nūn _Arghūn_ was another.[1081] He was a brave man, using his sword
well in Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā's presence and later on getting his hand
into the work whatever the fight. As to his courage there was no
question at all, but he was a bit of a fool. After he left our
(_Mīrān-shāhī_) Mīrzās to go to Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā, the Mīrzā gave him
Ghūr and the Nikdīrīs. He did [Sidenote: Fol. 172b.] excellent work in
those parts with 70 to 80 men, with so few beating masses and masses of
Hazāras and Nikdīrīs; he had not his match for keeping those tribes in
order. After a while Zamīn-dāwar was given to him. His son Shāh-i-shujā`
_Arghūn_ used to move about with him and even in childhood used to chop
away with his sword. The Mīrzā favoured Shāh-i-shujā` and, somewhat
against Ẕū'n-nūn Beg's wishes, joined him with his father in the
government of Qandahār. Later on this father and son made dissension
between that father and that son,[1082] and stirred up much commotion.
After I had overcome Khusrau Shāh and parted his retainers from him, and
after I had taken Kābul from Ẕū'n-nūn _Arghūn_'s son Muqīm, Ẕū'n-nūn Beg
and Khusrau Shāh both went, in their helplessness, to see Sl. Ḥusain
Mīrzā. Ẕū'n-nūn _Arghūn_ grew greater after the Mīrzā's death when they
gave him the districts of the Herī Koh-dāman, such as Aūba (Ubeh) and
Chachcharān.[1083] He was made Lord of Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā's Gate[1084]
and Muḥammad Barandūq _Barlās_ Lord of Muz̤affar-i-ḥusain Mīrzā's, when
the two Mīrzās became joint-rulers in Herī. Brave though he was, he was
a little crazed and shallow-pated; if he had not been so, would he have
accepted flattery as he did? would he have made himself so contemptible?
Here are the details of the matter:—While he was so dominant and so
trusted in Herī, a few shaikhs and mullās went to him and said, "The
Spheres are holding commerce with us; you are to be styled
_Hizabru'l-lāh_ (Lion of God); you will overcome the Aūzbeg." Fully
accepting this flattery, he put his _fūṯa_ (bathing-cloth) round his
neck[1085] and gave thanks. Then, after Shaibāq Khān, coming against the
Mīrzās, had beaten them one [Sidenote: Fol. 173.] by one near Bādghīs,
Ẕū'n-nūn _Arghūn_ met him face to face near Qarā-rabāṯ and, relying on
that promise, stood up against him with 100 to 150 men. A mass of
Aūzbegs came up, overcame them and hustled them off; he himself was
taken and put to death.[1086] He was orthodox and no neglecter of the
Prayers, indeed made the extra ones. He was mad for chess; he played it
according to his own fancy and, if others play with one hand, he played
with both.[1087] Avarice and stinginess ruled in his character.

Darwīsh-i-`alī Beg was another,[1088] the younger full-brother of
`Alī-sher Beg. He had the Balkh Command for a time and there did good
beg-like things, but he was a muddle-head and somewhat wanting in merit.
He was dismissed from the Balkh Command because his muddle-headedness
had hampered the Mīrzā in his first campaign against Qūndūz and Ḥiṣār.
He came to my presence when I went to Qūndūz in 916 AH. (1510 AD.),
brutalized and stupefied, far from capable begship and out-side peaceful
home-life. Such favour as he had had, he appears to have had for
`Alī-sher Beg's sake.

Mughūl Beg was another. He was Governor of Herī for a time, later on was
given Astarābād, and from there fled to Ya`qūb Beg in `Irāq. He was of
amorous disposition[1089] and an incessant dicer.

Sayyid Badr (Full-moon) was another, a very strong man, [Sidenote: Fol.
173b.] graceful in his movements and singularly well-mannered. He danced
wonderfully well, doing one dance quite unique and seeming to be his own
invention.[1090] His whole service was with the Mīrzā whose comrade he
was in wine and social pleasure.

Islīm _Barlās_ was another, a plain (_turk_) person who understood
hawking well and did some things to perfection. Drawing a bow of 30 to
40 _bātmāns_ strength,[1091] he would make his shaft pass right through
the target (_takhta_). In the gallop from the head of the
_qabaq-maidān_,[1092] he would loosen his bow, string it again, and then
hit the gourd (_qabaq_). He would tie his string-grip (_zih-gīr_) to the
one end of a string from 1 to 1-1/2 yards long, fasten the other end to
a tree, let his shaft fly, and shoot through the string-grip while it
revolved.[1093] Many such remarkable feats he did. He served the Mīrzā
continuously and was at every social gathering.

Sl. Junaid _Barlās_ was another;[1094] in his latter days he went to Sl.
Aḥmad Mīrzā's presence.[1095] He is the father of the Sl. Junaid
_Barlās_ on whom at the present time[1096] the joint-government of
Jaunpūr depends.

Shaikh Abū-sa`īd Khān _Dar-miyān_ (In-between) was another. It is not
known whether he got the name of Dar-miyān because he took a horse to
the Mīrzā _in the middle_ of a fight, or whether because he put himself
_in between_ the Mīrzā and some-one designing on his life.[1097]

Bih-būd Beg was another. He had served in the pages' circle (_chuhra
jīrgasī_) during the guerilla times and gave such [Sidenote: Fol. 174.]
satisfaction by his service that the Mīrzā did him the favour of putting
his name on the stamp (_tamghā_) and the coin (_sikka_).[1098]

Shaikhīm Beg was another.[1099] People used to call him Shaikhīm
_Suhailī_ because Suhailī was his pen-name. He wrote all sorts of verse,
bringing in terrifying words and mental images. Here is a couplet of
his:—

   In the anguish of my nights, the whirlpool of my sighs engulphs
     the firmament;
   Like a dragon, the torrent of my tears swallows the quarters of
     the world.

Well-known it is that when he once recited that couplet in Maulānā
`Abdu'r-raḥmān _Jāmī's_ presence, the honoured Mullā asked him whether
he was reciting verse or frightening people. He put a _dīwān_ together;
_mas̤nawīs_ of his are also in existence.

Muḥammad-i-walī Beg was another, the son of the Walī Beg already
mentioned. Latterly he became one of the Mīrzā's great begs but, great
beg though he was, he never neglected his service and used to recline
(_yāstānīb_) day and night in the Gate. Through doing this, his free
meals and open table were always set just outside the Gate. Quite
certainly a man who was so constantly in waiting, _would_ receive the
favour he received! It is an evil noticeable today that effort must be
made before the man, dubbed Beg because he has five or six of the bald
and blind at his back, can be got into the Gate at all! Where this sort
of service is, it must be to their own misfortune! Muḥammad-i-walī Beg's
public table and free meals were good; he kept his servants neat and
well-dressed and with his own hands gave [Sidenote: Fol. 174b.] ample
portion to the poor and destitute, but he was foul-mouthed and
evil-spoken. He and also Darwīsh-i-`alī the librarian were in my service
when I took Samarkand in 917 AH. (Oct. 1511 AD.); he was palsied then;
his talk lacked salt; his former claim to favour was gone. His assiduous
waiting appears to have been the cause of his promotion.

Bābā `Alī the Lord of the Gate was another. First, `Alī-sher Beg showed
him favour; next, because of his courage, the Mīrzā took him into
service, made him Lord of the Gate, and promoted him to be a beg. One of
his sons is serving me now (_circa_ 934 AH.), that Yūnas of `Alī who is
a beg, a confidant, and of my household. He will often be
mentioned.[1100]

Badru'd-dīn (Full-moon of the Faith) was another. He had been in the
service of Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā's Chief Justice Mīrak `Abdu'r-raḥīm; it
is said he was very nimble and sure-footed, a man who could leap over
seven horses at once. He and Bābā `Alī were close companions.

Ḥasan of `Alī _Jalāīr_ was another. His original name was Ḥusain
_Jalāīr_ but he came to be called `Alī's Ḥasan.[1101] His father `Alī
_Jalāīr_ must have been favoured and made a beg by Bābur Mīrzā; no man
was greater later on when Yādgār-i-muḥammad M. took Herī. Ḥasan-i-`alī
was Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's _Qūsh-begī_.[1102] He made T̤ufailī
(Uninvited-guest) his pen-name; wrote good odes and was the Master of
this art in his day. He wrote odes on my name when he came to my
presence at the time I took Samarkand in 917 AH. (1511 AD.). Impudent
(_bī bāk_) and [Sidenote: Fol. 175.] prodigal he was, a keeper of
catamites, a constant dicer and draught-player.

Khwāja `Abdu'l-lāh _Marwārīd_ (Pearl)[1103] was another; he was at first
Chief Justice but later on became one of the Mīrzā's favourite
household-begs. He was full of accomplishments; on the dulcimer he had
no equal, and he invented the shake on the dulcimer; he wrote in several
scripts, most beautifully in the _ta`līq_; he composed admirable
letters, wrote good verse, with Bayānī for his pen-name, and was a
pleasant companion. Compared with his other accomplishments, his verse
ranks low, but he knew what was poetry. Vicious and shameless, he became
the captive of a sinful disease through his vicious excesses, outlived
his hands and feet, tasted the agonies of varied torture for several
years, and departed from the world under that affliction.[1104]

Sayyid Muḥammad-i-aūrūs was another; he was the son of that Aūrūs
(Russian?) _Arghūn_ who, when Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā took the throne, was
his beg in chief authority. At that time there were excellent
archer-braves; one of the most distinguished was Sayyid
Muḥammad-i-aūrūs. His bow strong, his shaft long, he must have been a
bold (_yūrak_) shot and a good one. He was Commandant in Andikhūd for
some time.

Mir (Qaṃbar-i-)`alī the Master of the Horse was another. He it was who,
by sending a man to Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā, brought him down on the
defenceless Yādgār-i-muḥammad Mīrzā.

Sayyid Ḥasan _Aūghlāqchī_ was another, a son of Sayyid _Aūghlāqchī_ and
a younger brother of Sayyid Yūsuf Beg.[1105] He was the father of a
capable and accomplished son, named Mīrzā Farrukh. He had come to my
presence before I took Samarkand [Sidenote: Fol. 175b.] in 917 AH. (1511
AD.). Though he had written little verse, he wrote fairly; he understood
the astrolabe and astronomy well, was excellent company, his talk good
too, but he was rather a bad drinker (_bad shrāb_). He died in the fight
at Ghaj-dawān.[1106]

Tīngrī-bīrdī the storekeeper (_sāmānchī_) was another; he was a plain
(_turk_), bold, sword-slashing brave. As has been said, he charged out
of the Gate of Balkh on Khusrau Shāh's great retainer Naẕar Bahādur and
overcame him (903 AH.).

There were a few Turkmān braves also who were received with great favour
when they came to the Mīrzā's presence. One of the first to come was
`Alī Khān _Bāyandar_.[1107] Asad Beg and Taham-tan (Strong-bodied) Beg
were others, an elder and younger brother these; Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā
took Taham-tan Beg's daughter and by her had Muḥammad-i-zamān Mīrzā. Mīr
`Umar Beg was another; later on he was in Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā's
service; he was a brave, plain, excellent person. His son, Abū'l-fatḥ
by name, came from `Irāq to my presence, a very soft, unsteady and
feeble person; such a son from such a father!

Of those who came into Khurāsān after Shāh Ismā`īl took `Irāq and
Aẕarbāījān (_circa_ 906 AH.-1500 AD.), one was `Abdu'l-bāqī Mīrzā of
Tīmūr Beg's line. He was a Mīrān-shāhī[1108] whose ancestors will have
gone long before into those parts, put thought [Sidenote: Fol. 176.] of
sovereignty out of their heads, served those ruling there, and from them
have received favour. That Tīmūr `Us̤mān who was the great, trusted beg
of Ya`qūb Beg (_White-sheep Turkmān_) and who had once even thought of
sending against Khurāsān the mass of men he had gathered to himself,
must have been this `Abdu'l-bāqī Mīrzā's paternal-uncle. Sl. Ḥusain
Mīrzā took `Abdu'l-bāqī Mīrzā at once into favour, making him a
son-in-law by giving him Sulṯānīm Begīm, the mother of Muḥammad Sl.
Mīrzā.[1109] Another late-comer was Murād Beg _Bāyandarī_.


(_h. His Chief Justices_ (_ṣadūr_).)

One was Mīr Sar-i-barahna (Bare-head)[1110]; he was from a village in
Andijān and appears to have made claim to be a sayyid (_mutasayyid_). He
was a very agreeable companion, pleasant of temper and speech. His were
the judgment and rulings that carried weight amongst men of letters and
poets of Khurāsān. He wasted his time by composing, in imitation of the
story of Amīr Ḥamza,[1111] a work which is one long, far-fetched lie,
opposed to sense and nature.

Kamālu'd-dīn Ḥusain _Gāzur-gāhī_[1112] was another. Though not a Ṣūfī,
he was mystical.[1113] Such mystics as he will have gathered in
`Alī-sher Beg's presence and there have gone into their raptures and
ecstacies. Kamālu'd-dīn will have been better-born than most of them;
his promotion will have been due to his good birth, since he had no
other merit to speak of.[1114] A production of his exists, under the
name _Majālisu'l-`ushshāq_ (Assemblies of lovers), the authorship of
which he ascribes (in its preface) to Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā.[1115] It is
mostly a lie and a tasteless lie. He has written such irreverent things
in it that some [Sidenote: Fol. 176b.] of them cast doubt upon his
orthodoxy; for example, he represents the Prophets,—Peace be on
them,—and Saints as subject to earthly passion, and gives to each a
minion and a mistress. Another and singularly absurd thing is that,
although in his preface he says, "This is Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's own written
word and literary composition," he, never-the-less, enters, in the body
of the book, "All by the sub-signed author", at the head of odes and
verses well-known to be his own. It was his flattery gave Ẕū'n-nūn
_Arghūn_ the title Lion of God.


(_i. His wazīrs._)

One was Majdu'd-dīn Muḥammad, son of Khwāja Pīr Aḥmad of Khwāf, the one
man (_yak-qalam_) of Shāhrukh Mīrzā's Finance-office.[1116] In Sl.
Ḥusain Mīrzā's Finance-office there was not at first proper order or
method; waste and extravagance resulted; the peasant did not prosper,
and the soldier was not satisfied. Once while Majdu'd-dīn Muḥammad was
still _parwānchī_[1117] and styled Mīrak (Little Mīr), it became a
matter of importance to the Mīrzā to have some money; when he asked the
Finance-officials for it, they said none had been collected and that
there was none. Majdu'd-dīn Muḥammad must have heard this and have
smiled, for the Mīrzā asked him why he smiled; privacy was made and he
told Mīrzā what was in his mind. Said he, "If the honoured Mīrzā will
pledge himself to strengthen [Sidenote: Fol. 177.] my hands by not
opposing my orders, it shall so be before long that the country shall
prosper, the peasant be content, the soldier well-off, and the Treasury
full." The Mīrzā for his part gave the pledge desired, put Majdu'd-dīn
Muḥammad in authority throughout Khurāsān, and entrusted all public
business to him. He in his turn by using all possible diligence and
effort, before long had made soldier and peasant grateful and content,
filled the Treasury to abundance, and made the districts habitable and
cultivated. He did all this however in face of opposition from the begs
and men high in place, all being led by `Alī-sher Beg, all out of temper
with what Majdu'd-dīn Muḥammad had effected. By their effort and evil
suggestion he was arrested and dismissed.[1118] In succession to him
Niẕāmu'l-mulk of Khwāf was made Dīwān but in a short time they got him
arrested also, and him they got put to death.[1119] They then brought
Khwāja Afẓal out of `Irāq and made him Dīwān; he had just been made a
beg when I came to Kābul (910 AH.), and he also impressed the Seal in
Dīwān.

Khwāja `Atā[1120] was another; although, unlike those already mentioned,
he was not in high office or Finance-minister (_dīwān_), nothing was
settled without his concurrence the whole Khura-sānāt over. He was a
pious, praying, upright (_mutadaiyin_) person; he must have been
diligent in business also.


(_j. Others of the Court._)

Those enumerated were Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's retainers and followers.[1121]
His was a wonderful Age; in it Khurāsān, and [Sidenote: Fol. 177b.] Herī
above all, was full of learned and matchless men. Whatever the work a
man took up, he aimed and aspired at bringing that work to perfection.
One such man was Maulānā `Abdu'r-raḥmān _Jāmī_, who was unrivalled in
his day for esoteric and exoteric knowledge. Famous indeed are his
poems! The Mullā's dignity it is out of my power to describe; it has
occurred to me merely to mention his honoured name and one atom of his
excellence, as a benediction and good omen for this part of my humble
book.

Shaikhu'l-islām Saifu'd-dīn Aḥmad was another. He was of the line of
that Mullā Sa`du'd-dīn (Mas`ūd) _Taftazānī_[1122] whose descendants from
his time downwards have given the Shaikhu'l-islām to Khurāsān. He was a
very learned man, admirably versed in the Arabian sciences[1123] and the
Traditions, most God-fearing and orthodox. Himself a Shafi`ī,[1124] he
was tolerant of all the sects. People say he never once in 70 years
omitted the Congregational Prayer. He was martyred when Shāh Ismā`īl
took Herī (916 AH.); there now remains no man of his honoured
line.[1125]

Maulānā Shaikh Ḥusain was another; he is mentioned here, although his
first appearance and his promotion were under Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā,
because he was living still under Sl. Ḥusain [Sidenote: Fol. 178.]
Mīrzā. Being well-versed in the sciences of philosophy, logic and
rhetoric, he was able to find much meaning in a few words and to bring
it out opportunely in conversation. Being very intimate and influential
with Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā, he took part in all momentous affairs of the
Mīrzā's dominions; there was no better _muḥtasib_[1126]; this will have
been why he was so much trusted. Because he had been an intimate of that
Mīrzā, the incomparable man was treated with insult in Sl. Ḥusain
Mīrzā's time.

Mullā-zāda Mullā `Us̤mān was another. He was a native of Chīrkh, in the
Luhūgur _tūmān_ of the _tūmān_ of Kābul[1127] and was called the Born
Mullā (_Mullā-zāda_) because in Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā's time he used to give
lessons when 14 years old. He went to Herī on his way from Samarkand to
make the circuit of the _ka`ba_, was there stopped, and made to remain
by Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā. He was very learned, the most so of his time.
People say he was nearing the rank of Ijtihād[1128] but he did not reach
it. It is said of him that he once asked, "How should a person forget a
thing heard?" A strong memory he must have had!

Mīr Jamālu'd-dīn the Traditionalist[1129] was another. He had no equal
in Khurāsān for knowledge of the Muḥammadan Traditions. He was advanced
in years and is still alive (934 to 937 AH.).

Mīr Murtāẓ was another. He was well-versed in the sciences [Sidenote:
Fol. 178b.] of philosophy and metaphysics; he was called _murtāẓ_
(ascetic) because he fasted a great deal. He was madly fond of chess, so
much so that if he had met two players, he would hold one by the skirt
while he played his game out with the other, as much as to say, "Don't
go!"

Mīr Mas`ūd of Sherwān was another.[1130]

Mīr `Abdu'l-ghafūr of Lār was another. Disciple and pupil both of
Maulānā `Abdu'r-raḥmān _Jāmī_, he had read aloud most of the Mullā's
poems (_mas̤nawī_) in his presence, and wrote a plain exposition of the
_Nafaḥāt_.[1131] He had good acquaintance with the exoteric sciences,
and in the esoteric ones also was very successful. He was a curiously
casual and unceremonious person; no person styled Mullā by any-one
soever was debarred from submitting a (Qorān) chapter to him for
exposition; moreover whatever the place in which he heard there was a
darwīsh, he had no rest till he had reached that darwīsh's presence. He
was ill when I was in Khurāsān (912 AH.); I went to enquire for him
where he lay in the Mullā's College,[1132] after I had made the circuit
of the Mullā's tomb. He died a few days later, of that same illness.

Mīr `Atā'u'l-lāh of Mashhad was another.[1133] He knew the Arabian
sciences well and also wrote a Persian treatise on rhyme. That treatise
is well-done but it has the defect that he brings into it, as his
examples, couplets of his own and, assuming them [Sidenote: Fol. 179.]
to be correct, prefixes to each, "As must be observed in the following
couplet by your slave" (_banda_). Several rivals of his find deserved
comment in this treatise. He wrote another on the curiosities of verse,
entitled _Badāi`u's-sanāi_; a very well-written treatise. He may have
swerved from the Faith.

Qāẓī Ikhtiyār was another. He was an excellent Qāẓī and wrote a treatise
in Persian on Jurisprudence, an admirable treatise; he also, in order to
give elucidation (_iqtibās_), made a collection of homonymous verses
from the Qorān. He came with Muḥammad-i-yūsuf to see me at the time I
met the Mīrzās on the Murgh-āb (912 AH.). Talk turning on the Bāburī
script,[1134] he asked me about it, letter by letter; I wrote it out,
letter by letter; he went through it, letter by letter, and having
learned its plan, wrote something in it there and then.

Mīr Muḥammad-i-yūsuf was another; he was a pupil of the
Shaikhu'l-islām[1135] and afterwards was advanced to his place. In some
assemblies he, in others, Qāẓī Ikhtiyār took the higher place. Towards
the end of his life he was so infatuated with soldiering and military
command, that except of those two tasks, what could be learned from his
conversation? what known from his pen? Though he failed in both, those
two ambitions ended by giving to the winds his goods and his life, his
house and his home. He may have been a Shī`a.


(_k. The Poets._)

[Sidenote: Fol. 179b.] The all-surpassing head of the poet-band was
Maulānā `Abdu'r-raḥmān _Jāmī_. Others were Shaikhīm Suhailī and Ḥasan of
`Alī _Jalāīr_[1136] whose names have been mentioned already as in the
circle of the Mīrzā's begs and household.

Āṣafī was another,[1137] he taking Āṣafī for his pen-name because he was
a wazīr's son. His verse does not want for grace or sentiment, but has
no merit through passion and ecstacy. He himself made the claim, "I have
never packed up (_būlmādī_) my odes to make the oasis (_wādī_) of a
collection."[1138] This was affectation, his younger brothers and his
intimates having collected his odes. He wrote little else but odes. He
waited on me when I went into Khurāsān (912 AH.).

Banā'i was another; he was a native of Herī and took such a pen-name
(Banā'i) on account of his father Ustād Muḥammad _Sabz-banā_.[1139] His
odes have grace and ecstacy. One poem (_mas̤nawī_) of his on the topic
of fruits, is in the _mutaqārib_ measure;[1140] it is random and not
worked up. Another short poem is in the _khafīf_ measure, so also is a
longer one finished towards the end of his life. He will have known
nothing of music in his young days and `Alī-sher Beg seems to have
taunted him about it, so one winter when the Mīrzā, taking `Alī-sher Beg
with him, went to winter in Merv, Banā'i stayed behind in Herī and so
applied himself to study music that before the heats he had composed
several works. These he played and sang, airs with variations, when the
Mīrzā came back to Herī in the heats. [Sidenote: Fol. 180.] All amazed,
`Alī-sher Beg praised him. His musical compositions are perfect; one was
an air known as _Nuh-rang_ (Nine modulations), and having both the theme
(_tūkānash_) and the variation (_yīla_) on the note called _rāst_(?).
Banā'i was `Alī-sher Beg's rival; it will have been on this account he
was so much ill-treated. When at last he could bear it no longer, he
went into Aẕarbāījān and `Irāq to the presence of Ya'qūb Beg; he did not
remain however in those parts after Ya`qūb Beg's death (896 AH.-1491
AD.) but went back to Herī, just the same with his jokes and retorts.
Here is one of them:—`Alī-sher at a chess-party in stretching his leg
touched Banā'i on the hinder-parts and said jestingly, "It is the sad
nuisance of Herī that a man can't stretch his leg without its touching a
poet's backside." "Nor draw it up again," retorted Banā'i.[1141] In the
end the upshot of his jesting was that he had to leave Herī again; he
went then to Samarkand.[1142] A great many good new things used to be
made for `Alī-sher Beg, so whenever any-one produced a novelty, he
called it `Alī-sher's in order to give it credit and vogue.[1143] Some
things were called after him in compliment _e.g._ because when he had
ear-ache, he wrapped his head up in one of the blue triangular kerchiefs
women tie over their heads in winter, that kerchief was called
`Alī-sher's comforter. Then again, Banā'i when he had decided to leave
Herī, ordered a quite new kind of pad for his ass and [Sidenote: Fol.
180b.] dubbed it `Alī-sher's.

Maulānā Saifī of Bukhārā was another;[1144] he was a Mullā
complete[1145] who in proof of his mullā-ship used to give a list of the
books he had read. He put two _dīwāns_ together, one being for the use
of tradesmen (_ḥarfa-kar_), and he also wrote many fables. That he wrote
no _mas̤nawī_ is shewn by the following quatrain:—

   Though the _mas̤nawī_ be the orthodox verse,
     _I_ know the ode has Divine command;
   Five couplets that charm the heart
     _I_ know to outmatch the Two Quintets.[1146]

A Persian prosody he wrote is at once brief and prolix, brief in the
sense of omitting things that should be included, and prolix in the
sense that plain and simple matters are detailed down to the diacritical
points, down even to their Arabic points.[1147] He is said to have been
a great drinker, a bad drinker, and a mightily strong-fisted man.

`Abdu'l-lāh the _mas̤nawī_-writer was another.[1148] He was from Jām and
was the Mullā's sister's son. Hātifī was his pen-name. He wrote poems
(_mas̤nawī_) in emulation of the Two Quintets,[1149] and called them
_Haft-manẕar_ (Seven-faces) in imitation of the _Haft-paikar_
(Seven-faces). In emulation of the _Sikandar-nāma_ he composed the
_Tīmūr-nāma_. His most renowned _mas̤nawī_ is _Laila and Majnūn_, but
its reputation is greater than its charm.

Mīr Ḥusain the Enigmatist[1150] was another. He seems to have had no
equal in making riddles, to have given his whole time to it, and to have
been a curiously humble, disconsolate (_nā-murād_) [Sidenote: Fol. 181.]
and harmless (_bī-bad_) person.

Mīr Muḥammad _Badakhshī_ of Ishkīmīsh was another. As Ishkīmīsh is not
in Badakhshān, it is odd he should have made it his pen-name. His verse
does not rank with that of the poets previously mentioned,[1151] and
though he wrote a treatise on riddles, his riddles are not first-rate.
He was a very pleasant companion; he waited on me in Samarkand (917
AH.).

Yūsuf the wonderful (_badī_)[1152] was another. He was from the Farghāna
country; his odes are said not to be bad.

Āhī was another, a good ode-writer, latterly in Ibn-i-ḥusain Mīrzā's
service, and _ṣāḥib-i-dīwān_.[1153]

Muḥammad _Ṣāliḥ_ was another.[1154] His odes are tasty but
better-flavoured than correct. There is Turkī verse of his also, not
badly written. He went to Shaibāq Khān later on and found complete
favour. He wrote a Turkī poem (_mas̤nawī_), named from Shaibāq Khān, in
the _raml masaddas majnūn_ measure, that is to say the metre of the
_Subḥat_.[1155] It is feeble and flat; Muḥammad _Ṣāliḥ_'s reader soon
ceases to believe in him.[1156] Here is one of his good couplets:—

   A fat man (Taṃbal) has gained the land of Farghāna,
   Making Farghāna the house of the fat-man (Taṃbal-khāna).

Farghāna is known also as Taṃbal-khāna.[1157] I do not know whether the
above couplet is found in the _mas̤nawī_ mentioned.

Muḥammad _Ṣāliḥ_ was a very wicked, tyrannical and heartless
person.[1158]

Maulānā Shāh Ḥusain _Kāmī_[1159] was another. There are not-bad verses
of his; he wrote odes, and also seems to have put a _dīwān_ together.

Hilālī (New-moon) was another; he is still alive.[1160] Correct and
graceful though his odes are, they make little impression. There is a
_dīwān_ of his;[1161] and there is also the poem (_mas̤nawī_) in the
[Sidenote: Fol. 181b.] _khafīf_ measure, entitled _Shāh and Darwīsh_ of
which, fair though many couplets are, the basis and purport are hollow
and bad. Ancient poets when writing of love and the lover, have
represented the lover as a man and the beloved as a woman; but Hilālī
has made the lover a darwīsh, the beloved a king, with the result that
the couplets containing the king's acts and words, set him forth as
shameless and abominable. It is an extreme effrontery in Hilālī that for
a poem's sake he should describe a young man and that young man a king,
as resembling the shameless and immoral.[1162] It is heard-said that
Hilālī had a very retentive memory, and that he had by heart 30 or
40,000 couplets, and the greater part of the Two Quintets,—all most
useful for the minutiae of prosody and the art of verse.

Ahlī[1163] was another; he was of the common people (_`āmī_), wrote
verse not bad, even produced a _dīwān_.


(_l. Artists._)

Of fine pen-men there were many; the one standing-out in _nakhsh ta`līq_
was Sl. `Alī of Mashhad[1164] who copied many books for the Mīrzā and
for `Alī-sher Beg, writing daily 30 couplets for the first, 20 for the
second.

Of the painters, one was Bih-zād.[1165] His work was very dainty but he
did not draw beardless faces well; he used greatly to lengthen the
double chin (_ghab-ghab_); bearded faces he drew admirably.

Shāh Muz̤affar was another; he painted dainty portraits, [Sidenote: Fol.
182.] representing the hair very daintily.[1166] Short life was granted
him; he left the world when on his upward way to fame.

Of musicians, as has been said, no-one played the dulcimer so well as
Khwāja `Abdu'l-lāh _Marwārīd_.

Qul-i-muḥammad the lutanist (_`aūdī_) was another; he also played the
guitar (_ghichak_) beautifully and added three strings to it. For many
and good preludes (_peshrau_) he had not his equal amongst composers or
performers, but this is only true of his preludes.

Shaikhī the flautist (_nāyī_) was another; it is said he played also the
lute and the guitar, and that he had played the flute from his 12th or
13th year. He once produced a wonderful air on the flute, at one of
Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā's assemblies; Qul-i-muḥammad could not reproduce it
on the guitar, so declared this a worthless instrument; Shaikhī _Nāyī_
at once took the guitar from Qul-i-muḥammad's hands and played the air
on it, well and in perfect tune. They say he was so expert in music that
having once heard an air, he was able to say, "This or that is the tune
of so-and-so's or so-and-so's flute."[1167] He composed few works; one
or two airs are heard of.

Shāh Qulī the guitar-player was another; he was of `Irāq, came into
Khurāsān, practised playing, and succeeded. He composed many airs,
preludes and works (_nakhsh, peshrau u aīshlār_).

Ḥusain the lutanist was another; he composed and played with taste; he
would twist the strings of his lute into one and play on that. His fault
was affectation about playing. He [Sidenote: Fol. 182b.] made a fuss
once when Shaibāq Khān ordered him to play, and not only played badly
but on a worthless instrument he had brought in place of his own. The
Khān saw through him at once and ordered him to be well beaten on the
neck, there and then. This was the one good action Shaibāq Khān did in
the world; it was well-done truly! a worse chastisement is the due of
such affected mannikins!

Ghulām-i-shādī (Slave of Festivity), the son of Shādī the reciter, was
another of the musicians. Though he performed, he did it less well than
those of the circle just described. There are excellent themes (_ṣūt_)
and beautiful airs (_nakhsh_) of his; no-one in his day composed such
airs and themes. In the end Shaibāq Khān sent him to the Qāzān Khān,
Muḥammad Amīn; no further news has been heard of him.

Mīr Azū was another composer, not a performer; he produced few works but
those few were in good taste.

Banā'i was also a musical composer; there are excellent airs and themes
of his.

An unrivalled man was the wrestler Muḥammad Bū-sa`īd; he was foremost
amongst the wrestlers, wrote verse too, composed themes and airs, one
excellent air of his being in _chār-gāh_ (four-time),—and he was
pleasant company. It is extraordinary that such accomplishments as his
should be combined with wrestling.[1168]


HISTORICAL NARRATIVE RESUMED.

(_a. Burial of Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā._)


At the time Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā took his departure from the world, there
were present of the Mīrzās only Badī'u'z-zamān Mīrzā and
Muz̤affar-i-ḥusain Mīrzā. The latter had been his father's favourite
son; his leading beg was Muḥammad Barandūq _Barlās_; his mother Khadīja
Begīm had been the Mīrzā's most influential wife; and to him the
Mīrzā's people had gathered. [Sidenote: Fol. 183.] For these reasons
Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā had anxieties and thought of not coming,[1169] but
Muz̤affar-i-ḥusain Mīrzā and Muḥammad Barandūq Beg themselves rode out,
dispelled his fears and brought him in.

Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā was carried into Herī and there buried in his own
College with royal rites and ceremonies.


(_b. A dual succession._)

At this crisis Ẕū'n-nūn Beg was also present. He, Muḥ. Barandūq Beg, the
late Mīrzā's begs and those of the two (young) Mīrzās having assembled,
decided to make the two Mīrzās joint-rulers in Herī. Ẕū'n-nūn Beg was to
have control in Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā's Gate, Muḥ. Barandūq Beg, in
Muz̤affar-i-ḥusain Mīrzā's. Shaikh `Alī T̤aghāī was to be _dārogha_ in
Herī for the first, Yūsuf-i-`alī for the second. Theirs was a strange
plan! Partnership in rule is a thing unheard of; against it stand Shaikh
Sa'dī's words in the Gulistān:—"Ten darwishes sleep under a blanket
(_gilīm_); two kings find no room in a clime" (_aqlīm_).[1170]



912 AH.-MAY 24TH 1506 TO MAY 13TH 1507 AD.[1171]

(_a. Bābur starts to join Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā._)


In the month of Muḥarram we set out by way of Ghūr-bund [Sidenote: Fol.
183b.] and Shibr-tū to oppose the Aūzbeg.

As Jahāngīr Mīrzā had gone out of the country in some sort of
displeasure, we said, "There might come much mischief and trouble if he
drew the clans (_aīmāq_) to himself;" and "What trouble might come of
it!" and, "First let's get the clans in hand!" So said, we hurried
forward, riding light and leaving the baggage (_aūrūq_) at Ushtur-shahr
in charge of Walī the treasurer and Daulat-qadam of the scouts. That day
we reached Fort [Z.]aḥāq; from there we crossed the pass of the
Little-dome (Guṃbazak-kūtal), trampled through Sāīghān, went over the
Dandān-shikan pass and dismounted in the meadow of Kāhmard. From Kāhmard
we sent Sayyid Afẓal the Seer-of-dreams (_Khwāb-bīn_) and Sl. Muḥammad
_Dūldāī_ to Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā with a letter giving the particulars of our
start from Kābul.[1172]

Jahāngīr Mīrzā must have lagged on the road, for when he got opposite
Bāmīān and went with 20 or 30 persons to visit it, he saw near it the
tents of our people left with the baggage. Thinking we were there, he
and his party hurried back to their camp and, without an eye to
anything, without regard for their own people marching in the rear, made
off for Yaka-aūlāng.[1173]


(_b. Action of Shaibāq Khān._)

When Shaibāq Khān had laid siege to Balkh, in which was Sl.
Qul-i-nachāq,[1174] he sent two or three sulṯāns with 3 or 4000 men to
overrun Badakhshān. At the time Mubārak Shāh and Zubair had again
joined Nāṣir Mīrzā, spite of former resentments and bickerings, and they
all were lying at Shakdān, below Kishm [Sidenote: Fol. 184.] and east of
the Kishm-water. Moving through the night, one body of Aūzbegs crossed
that water at the top of the morning and advanced on the Mīrzā; he at
once drew off to rising-ground, mustered his force, sounded trumpets,
met and overcame them. Behind the Aūzbegs was the Kishm-water in flood,
many were drowned in it, a mass of them died by arrow and sword, more
were made prisoner. Another body of Aūzbegs, sent against Mubārak Shāh
and Zubair where they lay, higher up the water and nearer Kishm, made
them retire to the rising-ground. Of this the Mīrzā heard; when he had
beaten off his own assailants, he moved against theirs. So did the
Kohistān begs, gathered with horse and foot, still higher up the river.
Unable to make stand against this attack, the Aūzbegs fled, but of this
body also a mass died by sword, arrow, and water. In all some 1000 to
1500 may have died. This was Nāṣir Mīrzā's one good success; a man of
his brought us news about it while we were in the dale of Kāhmard.


(_c. Bābur moves on into Khurāsān._)

While we were in Kāhmard, our army fetched corn from Ghūrī and Dahāna.
There too we had letters from Sayyid [Sidenote: Fol. 184b.] Afẓal and
Sl. Muḥammad _Dūldāī_ whom we had sent into Khurāsān; their news was of
Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's death.

This news notwithstanding, we set forward for Khurāsān; though there
were other grounds for doing this, what decided us was anxious thought
for the reputation of this (Tīmūrid) dynasty. We went up the trough
(_aīchī_) of the Ājar-valley, on over Tūp and Mandaghān, crossed the
Balkh-water and came out on Ṣāf-hill. Hearing there that Aūzbegs were
overrunning Sān and Chār-yak,[1175] we sent a force under Qāsim Beg
against them; he got up with them, beat them well, cut many heads off,
and returned.

We lay a few days in the meadow of Ṣāf-hill, waiting for news of
Jahāngīr Mīrzā and the clans (_aīmāq_) to whom persons had been sent.
We hunted once, those hills being very full of wild sheep and goats
(_kiyīk_). All the clans came in and waited on me within a few days; it
was to me they came; they had not gone to Jahāngīr Mīrzā though he had
sent men often enough to them, once sending even `Imādu'd-dīn Mas`ūd. He
himself was forced to come at last; he saw me at the foot of the valley
when I came down off Ṣāf-hill. Being anxious about Khurāsān, we neither
paid him attention nor took thought for the clans, but went right on
through Gurzwān, Almār, Qaiṣār, Chīchīk-tū, and Fakhru'd-dīn's-death
(_aūlūm_) into the Bām-valley, [Sidenote: Fol. 185.] one of the
dependencies of Bādghīs.

The world being full of divisions,[1176] things were being taken from
country and people with the long arm; we ourselves began to take
something, by laying an impost on the Turks and clans of those parts, in
two or three months taking perhaps 300 _tūmāns_ of _kipkī_.[1177]


(_d. Coalition of the Khurāsān Mīrzās._)

A few days before our arrival (in Bām-valley?) some of the Khurāsān
light troops and of Ẕū'n-nūn Beg's men had well beaten Aūzbeg raiders in
Pand-dih (Panj-dih?) and Marūchāq, killing a mass of men.[1178]

Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā and Muz̤affar-i-ḥusain Mīrzā with Muḥammad Barandūq
_Barlās_, Ẕū'n-nūn _Arghūn_ and his son Shāh Beg resolved to move on
Shaibāq Khān, then besieging Sl. Qul-i-nachāq (?) in Balkh. Accordingly
they summoned all Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's sons, and got out of Herī to effect
their purpose. At Chihil-dukhtarān Abū'l-muḥsin M. joined them from
Marv; Ibn-i-ḥusain M. followed, coming up from Tūn and Qāīn. Kūpuk
(Kīpik) M. was in Mashhad; often though they sent to him, he behaved
unmanly, spoke senseless words, and did not come. Between him and
Muz̤affar Mīrzā, there was jealousy; when Muz̤affar M. was made
(joint-)ruler, he said, "How should _I_ go to _his_ presence?" Through
this disgusting jealousy he did not come now, even at this crisis when
all his brethren, older and younger, were assembling in concord,
resolute against such a foe [Sidenote: Fol. 185b.] as Shaibāq Khān.
Kūpuk M. laid his own absence to rivalry, but everybody else laid it to
his cowardice. One word! In this world acts such as his outlive the man;
if a man have any share of intelligence, why try to be ill-spoken of
after death? if he be ambitious, why not try so to act that, he gone,
men will praise him? In the honourable mention of their names, wise men
find a second life!

Envoys from the Mīrzās came to me also, Mūh. Barandūq _Barlās_ himself
following them. As for me, what was to hinder my going? It was for that
very purpose I had travelled one or two hundred _yīghāch_ (500-600
miles)! I at once started with Muḥ. Barandūq Beg for Murgh-āb[1179]
where the Mīrzās were lying.


(_e. Bābur meets the Mīrzās._)

The meeting with the Mīrzās was on Monday the 8th of the latter Jumāda
(Oct. 26th 1506 AH.). Abū'l-muḥsin Mīrzā came out a mile to meet me; we
approached one another; on my side, I dismounted, on his side, he; we
advanced, saw one another and remounted. Near the camp Muz̤affar Mīrzā
and Ibn-i-ḥusain Mīrzā met us; they, being younger than Abū'l-muḥsin
Mīrzā ought to have come out further than he to meet me.[1180] Their
dilatoriness may not have been due to pride, but to heaviness [Sidenote:
Fol. 186.] after wine; their negligence may have been no slight on me,
but due to their own social pleasures. On this Muz̤affar Mīrzā laid
stress;[1181] we two saw one another without dismounting, so did
Ibn-i-ḥusain Mīrzā and I. We rode on together and, in an amazing crowd
and press, dismounted at Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā's Gate. Such was the
throng that some were lifted off the ground for three or four steps
together, while others, wishing for some reason to get out, were
carried, willy-nilly, four or five steps the other way.

We reached Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā's Audience-tent. It had been agreed that
I, on entering, should bend the knee (_yūkūnghāī_) once, that the Mīrzā
should rise and advance to the edge of the estrade,[1182] and that we
should see one another there. I went in, bent the knee once, and was
going right forward; the Mīrzā rose rather languidly and advanced rather
slowly; Qāsim Beg, as he was my well-wisher and held my reputation as
his own, gave my girdle a tug; I understood, moved more slowly, and so
the meeting was on the appointed spot.

Four divans (_tūshuk_) had been placed in the tent. Always in the
Mīrzā's tents one side was like a gate-way[1183] and at the edge of this
gate-way he always sat. A divan was set there now [Sidenote: Fol. 186b.]
on which he and Muz̤affar Mīrzā sat together. Abū'l-muḥsin, Mīrzā and I
sat on another, set in the right-hand place of honour (_tūr_). On
another, to Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā's left, sat Ibn-i-ḥusain Mīrzā with
Qāsim Sl. _Aūzbeg_, a son-in-law of the late Mīrzā and father of
Qāsim-i-ḥusain Sulṯān. To my right and below my divan was one on which
sat Jahāngīr Mīrzā and `Abdu'r-razzāq Mīrzā. To the left of Qāsim Sl.
and Ibn-i-ḥusain Mīrzā, but a good deal lower, were Muḥ. Barandūq Beg,
Ẕū'n-nūn Beg and Qāsim Beg.

Although this was not a social gathering, cooked viands were brought in,
drinkables[1184] were set with the food, and near them gold and silver
cups. Our forefathers through a long space of time, had respected the
Chīngīz-tūrā (ordinance), doing nothing opposed to it, whether in
assembly or Court, in sittings-down or risings-up. Though it has not
Divine authority so that a man obeys it of necessity, still good rules
of conduct must be obeyed by whom-soever they are left; just in the same
way that, if a forefather have done ill, his ill must be changed for
good.

After the meal I rode from the Mīrzā's camp some 2 miles to [Sidenote:
Fol. 187.] our own dismounting-place.


(_f. Bābur claims due respect._)

At my second visit Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā shewed me less respect than at
my first. I therefore had it said to Muḥ. Barandūq Beg and to Ẕū'n-nūn
Beg that, small though my age was (_aet._ 24), my place of honour was
large; that I had seated myself twice on the throne of our forefathers
in Samarkand by blow straight-dealt; and that to be laggard in shewing
me respect was unreasonable, since it was for this (Tīmūrid) dynasty's
sake I had thus fought and striven with that alien foe. This said, and
as it was reasonable, they admitted their mistake at once and shewed the
respect claimed.


(_g. Bābur's temperance._)

There was a wine-party (_chāghīr-majlisī_) once when I went after the
Mid-day Prayer to Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā's presence. At that time I drank
no wine. The party was altogether elegant; every sort of relish to wine
(_gazak_) was set out on the napery, with brochettes of fowl and goose,
and all sorts of viands. The Mīrzā's entertainments were much renowned;
truly was this one free from the pang of thirst (_bī ghall_), reposeful
and tranquil. I was at two or three of his wine-parties while we were on
the bank of the Murgh-āb; once it was known I did not drink, no pressure
to do so was put on me.

I went to one wine-party of Muz̤affar Mīrzā's. Ḥusain of `Alī _Jalāīr_
and Mīr Badr were both there, they being in his service. When Mīr Badr
had had enough (_kaifīyat_), he danced, [Sidenote: Fol. 187b.] and
danced well what seemed to be his own invention.


(_h. Comments on the Mīrzās._)

Three months it took the Mīrzās to get out of Herī, agree amongst
themselves, collect troops, and reach Murgh-āb. Meantime Sl.
Qul-i-nachāq (?), reduced to extremity, had surrendered Balkh to the
Aūzbeg but that Aūzbeg, hearing of our alliance against him, had hurried
back to Samarkand. The Mīrzās were good enough as company and in social
matters, in conversation and parties, but they were strangers to war,
strategy, equipment, bold fight and encounter.


(_i. Winter plans._)

While we were on the Murgh-āb, news came that Ḥaq-naẕīr _Chapā_ (var.
Ḥiān) was over-running the neighbourhood of Chīchīk-tū with 4 or 500
men. All the Mīrzās there present, do what they would, could not manage
to send a light troop against those raiders! It is 10 _yīghāch_ (50-55
m.) from Murgh-āb to Chīchīk-tū. I asked the work; they, with a thought
for their own reputation, would not give it to me.

The year being almost at an end when Shaibāq Khān retired, the Mīrzās
decided to winter where it was convenient and to reassemble next summer
in order to repel their foe.

They pressed me to winter in Khurāsān, but this not one of my
well-wishers saw it good for me to do because, while Kābul and Ghaznī
were full of a turbulent and ill-conducted medley of [Sidenote: Fol.
188.] people and hordes, Turks, Mughūls, clans and nomads (_aīmāq u
aḥsham_), Afghāns and Hazāra, the roads between us and that not yet
desirably subjected country of Kābul were, one, the mountain-road, a
month's journey even without delay through snow or other cause,—the
other, the low-country road, a journey of 40 or 50 days.

Consequently we excused ourselves to the Mīrzās, but they would accept
no excuse and, for all our pleas, only urged the more. In the end
Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā, Abū'l-muḥsin Mīrzā and Muz̤affar Mīrzā themselves
rode to my tent and urged me to stay the winter. It was impossible to
refuse men of such ruling position, come in person to press us to stay
on. Besides this, the whole habitable world has not such a town as Herī
had become under Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā, whose orders and efforts had
increased its splendour and beauty as ten to one, rather, as twenty to
one. As I greatly wished to stay, I consented to do so.

Abū'l-muḥsin M. went to Marv, his own district; Ibn-i-ḥusain M. went to
his, Tūn and Qāīn; Badī`u'z-zamān M. and Muz̤affar M. set off for Herī;
I followed them a few days later, taking the road by Chihil-dukhtarān
and Tāsh-rabāṯ.[1185]


(_j. Bābur visits the Begīms in Herī._)

All the Begīms, _i.e._ my paternal-aunt Pāyanda-sulṯān Begīm, Khadīja
Begīm, Apāq Begīm, and my other paternal-aunt Begīms, daughters of Sl.
Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā,[1186] were gathered together, at the time I went to see
them, in Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's College at his [Sidenote: Fol. 188b.]
Mausoleum. Having bent the knee with (_yūkūnūb bīla_) Pāyanda-sulṯān
Begīm first of all, I had an interview with her; next, not bending the
knee,[1187] I had an interview with Apāq Begīm; next, having bent the
knee with Khadīja Begīm, I had an interview with her. After sitting
there for some time during recitation of the Qorān,[1188] we went to the
South College where Khadīja Begīm's tents had been set up and where food
was placed before us. After partaking of this, we went to Pāyanda-sulṯān
Begīm's tents and there spent the night.

The New-year's Garden was given us first for a camping-ground; there our
camp was arranged; and there I spent the night of the day following my
visit to the Begīms, but as I did not find it a convenient place,
`Alī-sher Beg's residence was assigned to me, where I was as long as I
stayed in Herī, every few days shewing myself in Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā's
presence in the World-adorning Garden.


(_k. The Mīrzās entertain Bābur in Herī._)

A few days after Muz̤affar Mīrzā had settled down in the White-garden,
he invited me to his quarters; Khadīja Begīm was also there, and with me
went Jahāngīr Mīrzā. When we had eaten a meal in the Begīm's
presence,[1189] Muz̤affar Mīrzā took me to where there was a wine-party,
in the T̤arab-khāna (Joy-house) built by Bābur Mīrzā, a sweet little
abode, a smallish, two-storeyed house in the middle of a smallish
garden. Great pains have been taken with its upper storey; this has a
retreat (_ḥujra_) in each of its four corners, the space between each
two retreats being like a _shāh-nīshīn_[1190]; in between these retreats
and [Sidenote: Fol. 189.] _shāh-nīshīns_ is one large room on all sides
of which are pictures which, although Bābur Mīrzā built the house, were
commanded by Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā and depict his own wars and encounters.

Two divans had been set in the north _shāh-nīshīn_, facing each other,
and with their sides turned to the north. On one Muz̤affar Mīrzā and I
sat, on the other Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā[1191] and Jahāngīr Mīrzā. We being
guests, Muz̤affar Mīrzā gave me place above himself. The social cups
were filled, the cup-bearers ordered to carry them to the guests; the
guests drank down the mere wine as if it were water-of-life; when it
mounted to their heads, the party waxed warm.

They thought to make me also drink and to draw me into their own circle.
Though up till then I had not committed the sin of wine-drinking[1192]
and known the cheering sensation of comfortable drunkenness, I was
inclined to drink wine and my heart was drawn to cross that stream
(_wāda_). I had had no inclination for wine in my childhood; I knew
nothing of its cheer and pleasure. If, as sometimes, my father pressed
wine on me, I excused myself; I did not commit the sin. After he
[Sidenote: Fol. 189b.] died, Khwāja Qāẓī's right guidance kept me
guiltless; as at that time I abstained from forbidden viands, what room
was there for the sin of wine? Later on when, with the young man's lusts
and at the prompting of sensual passion, desire for wine arose, there
was no-one to press it on me, no-one indeed aware of my leaning towards
it; so that, inclined for it though my heart was, it was difficult of
myself to do such a thing, one thitherto undone. It crossed my mind now,
when the Mīrzās were so pressing and when too we were in a town so
refined as Herī, "Where should I drink if not here? here where all the
chattels and utensils of luxury and comfort are gathered and in use." So
saying to myself, I resolved to drink wine; I determined to cross that
stream; but it occurred to me that as I had not taken wine in
Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā's house or from his hand, who was to me as an elder
brother, things might find way into his mind if I took wine in his
younger brother's house and from his hand. Having so said to myself, I
mentioned my doubt and difficulty. Said they, "Both the excuse and the
obstacle are reasonable," pressed me no more to drink then but settled
that when I was in company with both Mīrzās, I should drink under the
insistance of both.

Amongst the musicians present at this party were Ḥāfiẓ Ḥājī, [Sidenote:
Fol. 190.] Jalālu'd-dīn Maḥmūd the flautist, and Ghulām _shādī_'s
younger brother, Ghulām _bacha_ the Jews'-harpist. Ḥāfiẓ Ḥājī sang well,
as Herī people sing, quietly, delicately, and in tune. With Jahāngīr
Mīrzā was a Samarkandī singer Mīr Jān whose singing was always loud,
harsh and out-of-tune. The Mīrzā, having had enough, ordered him to
sing; he did so, loudly, harshly and without taste. Khurāsānīs have
quite refined manners; if, under this singing, one did stop his ears,
the face of another put question, not one could stop the singer, out of
consideration for the Mīrzā.

After the Evening Prayer we left the T̤arab-khāna for a new house in
Muz̤affar Mīrzā's winter-quarters. There Yūsuf-i-`alī danced in the
drunken time, and being, as he was, a master in music, danced well. The
party waxed very warm there. Muz̤affar Mīrzā gave me a sword-belt, a
lambskin surtout, and a grey _tīpūchāq_ (horse). Jānak recited in
Turkī. Two slaves of the Mīrzā's, known as Big-moon and Little-moon, did
offensive, drunken tricks in the drunken time. The party was warm till
night when those assembled scattered, I, however, staying the night in
that house.

Qāsim Beg getting to hear that I had been pressed to drink wine, sent
some-one to Ẕū'n-nūn Beg with advice for him and for Muz̤affar Mīrzā,
given in very plain words; the result was [Sidenote: Fol. 190b.] that
the Mīrzās entirely ceased to press wine upon me.

Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā, hearing that Muz̤affar M. had entertained me,
asked me to a party arranged in the Maqauwī-khāna of the World-adorning
Garden. He asked also some of my close circle[1193] and some of our
braves. Those about me could never drink (openly) on my own account; if
they ever did drink, they did it perhaps once in 40 days, with doorstrap
fast and under a hundred fears. Such as these were now invited; here too
they drank with a hundred precautions, sometimes calling off my
attention, sometimes making a screen of their hands, notwithstanding
that I had given them permission to follow common custom, because this
party was given by one standing to me as a father or elder brother.
People brought in weeping-willows....[1194]


At this party they set a roast goose before me but as I was no carver or
disjointer of birds, I left it alone. "Do you not like it?" inquired the
Mīrzā. Said I, "I am a poor carver." On this he at once disjointed the
bird and set it again before [Sidenote: Fol. 191.] me. In such matters
he had no match. At the end of the party he gave me an enamelled
waist-dagger, a _chār-qāb_,[1195] and a _tīpūchāq_.


(_l. Bābur sees the sights of Herī._)

Every day of the time I was in Herī I rode out to see a new sight; my
guide in these excursions was Yūsuf-i-`alī Kūkūldāsh; wherever we
dismounted, he set food before me. Except Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's Almshouse,
not one famous spot, maybe, was left unseen in those 40 days.

I saw the Gāzur-gāh,[1196] `Alī-sher's Bāghcha (Little-garden), the
Paper-mortars,[1197] Takht-astāna (Royal-residence), Pul-i-gāh,
Kahad-stān,[1198] Naẕar-gāh-garden, Ni`matābād (Pleasure-place),
Gāzur-gāh Avenue, Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā's Ḥaẕirat,[1199] Takht-i-safar,[1200]
Takht-i-nawā'ī, Takht-i-barkar, Takht-i-Ḥājī Beg, Takht-i-Bahā'u'd-dīn
`Umar, Takht-i-Shaikh Zainu'd-dīn, Maulānā `Abdu'r-raḥmān _Jāmī_'s
honoured shrine and tomb,[1201] Namāz-gāh-i-mukhtār,[1202] the
Fish-pond,[1203] Sāq-i-sulaimān,[1204] Bulūrī (Crystal) which
originally may have been Abū'l-walīd,[1205] Imām Fakhr,[1206]
Avenue-garden, Mīrzā's Colleges and tomb, Guhār-shād Begīm's College,
tomb,[1207] and Congregational Mosque, the Ravens'-garden, New-garden,
Zubaida-garden,[1208] Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā's White-house [Sidenote: Fol.
191b.] outside the `Iraq-gate, Pūrān,[1209] the Archer's-seat, Chargh
(hawk)-meadow, Amīr Wāḥid,[1210] Mālān-bridge,[1211] Khwāja-tāq,[1212]
White-garden, T̤arab-khāna, Bāgh-i-jahān-ārā, Kūshk,[1213]
Maqauwī-khāna, Lily-house, Twelve-towers, the great tank to the north of
Jahān-ārā and the four dwellings on its four sides, the five Fort-gates,
_viz._ the Malik, `Irāq, Fīrūzābād, Khūsh[1214] and Qībchāq Gates,
Chārsū, Shaikhu'l-islām's College, Maliks' Congregational Mosque,
Town-garden, Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā's College on the bank of the
Anjīl-canal, `Alī-sher Beg's dwellings where we resided and which people
call Unsīya (Ease), his tomb and mosque which they call Qudsīya (Holy),
his College and Almshouse which they call Khalāṣīya and Akhlāṣīya
(Freedom and Sincerity), his Hot-bath and Hospital which they call
Ṣafā'īya and Shafā'īya. All these I visited in that space of time.


(_m. Bābur engages Ma`ṣūma-sulṯān in marriage._)

It must have been before those throneless times[1215] that Ḥabība-sulṯān
Begīm, the mother of Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā's youngest daughter Ma`ṣūma-sulṯān
Begīm, brought her daughter into Herī. One day when I was visiting my
Ākā, Ma`ṣūma-sulṯān Begīm came there with her mother and at once felt
arise in her a great inclination towards me. Private messengers having
been sent, my Ākā and my Yīnkā, as I used to call Pāyanda-sulṯān Begīm
[Sidenote: Fol. 192.] and Habība-sulṯān Begīm, settled between them that
the latter should bring her daughter after me to Kābul.[1216]


(_n. Bābur leaves Khurāsān._)

Very pressingly had Muḥ Barandūq Beg and Ẕū'n-nūn _Arghūn_ said, "Winter
here!" but they had given me no winter-quarters nor had they made any
winter-arrangements for me. Winter came on; snow fell on the mountains
between us and Kābul; anxiety grew about Kābul; no winter-quarters were
offered, no arrangements made! As we could not speak out, of necessity
we left Herī!

On the pretext of finding winter-quarters, we got out of the town on the
7th day of the month of Sha`bān (Dec. 24th 1506 AD.), and went to near
Bādghīs. Such were our slowness and our tarryings that the Ramẓān-moon
was seen a few marches only beyond the Langar of Mir Ghiyāṣ.[1217] Of
our braves who were absent on various affairs, some joined us, some
followed us into Kābul 20 days or a month later, some stayed in Herī and
took service with the Mīrzās. One of these last was Sayyidīm `Alī the
gate-ward, who became Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā's retainer. To no servant of
Khusrau Shāh had I shewn so much favour as to him; he had been given
Ghaznī when Jahāngīr Mīrzā abandoned it, and in it when he came away
with the army, had left his younger brother Dost-i-anjū (?) Shaikh.
There were in truth [Sidenote: Fol. 192b.] no better men amongst Khusrau
Shāh's retainers than this man Sayyidīm `Alī the gate-ward and
Muḥibb-i-`alī the armourer. Sayyidīm was of excellent nature and
manners, a bold swordsman, a singularly competent and methodical man.
His house was never without company and assembly; he was greatly
generous, had wit and charm, a variety of talk and story, and was a
sweet-natured, good-humoured, ingenious, fun-loving person. His fault
was that he practised vice and pederasty. He may have swerved from the
Faith; may also have been a hypocrite in his dealings; some of what
seemed double-dealing people attributed to his jokes, but, still, there
must have been a something![1218] When Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā had let
Shaibāq Khān take Herī and had gone to Shāh Beg (_Arghūn_), he had
Sayyidīm `Alī thrown into the Harmand because of his double-dealing
words spoken between the Mīrzā and Shāh Beg. Muḥibb-i-`alī's story will
come into the narrative of events hereafter to be written.


(_o. A perilous mountain-journey._)

From the Langar of Mīr Ghiyās̤ we had ourselves guided past the
border-villages of Gharjistān to Chach-charān.[1219] From the almshouse
to Gharjistān was an unbroken sheet of snow; it was deeper further on;
near Chach-charān itself it was above the horses' knees. Chach-charān
depended on Ẕū'n-nūn _Arghūn_; his retainer Mīr Jān-aīrdī was in it now;
from him we took, on payment, the whole of Ẕū'n-nūn Beg's store of
provisions. A march or two further on, the snow was very deep, being
above [Sidenote: Fol. 193.] the stirrup, indeed in many places the
horses' feet did not touch the ground.

We had consulted at the Langar of Mīr Ghiyās̤ which road to take for
return to Kābul; most of us agreed in saying, "It is winter, the
mountain-road is difficult and dangerous; the Qandahār road, though a
little longer, is safe and easy." Qāsim Beg said, "That road is long;
you will go by this one." As he made much dispute, we took the
mountain-road.

Our guide was a Pashāī named Pīr Sulṯān (Old sultan?). Whether it was
through old age, whether from want of heart, whether because of the deep
snow, he lost the road and could not guide us. As we were on this route
under the insistance of Qāsim Beg, he and his sons, for his name's sake,
dismounted, trampled the snow down, found the road again and took the
lead. One day the snow was so deep and the way so uncertain that we
could not go on; there being no help for it, back we turned, dismounted
where there was fuel, picked out 60 or 70 good men and sent them down
the valley in our tracks to fetch any one soever of the Hazāra,
wintering in the valley-bottom, who might shew us the road. That place
could not be left till our men returned three or four days later. They
brought no [Sidenote: Fol. 193b.] guide; once more we sent Sulṯān
_Pashāī_ ahead and, putting our trust in God, again took the road by
which we had come back from where it was lost. Much misery and hardship
were endured in those few days, more than at any time of my life. In
that stress I composed the following opening couplet:—

   Is there one cruel turn of Fortune's wheel unseen of me?
   Is there a pang, a grief my wounded heart has missed?

We went on for nearly a week, trampling down the snow and not getting
forward more than two or three miles a day. I was one of the
snow-stampers, with 10 or 15 of my household, Qāsim Beg, his sons
Tīngrī-bīrdī and Qaṃbar-i-`alī and two or three of their retainers.
These mentioned used to go forward for 7 or 8 yards, stamping the snow
down and at each step sinking to the waist or the breast. After a few
steps the leading man would stand still, exhausted by the labour, and
another would go forward. By the time 10, 15, 20, men on foot had
stamped the snow down, it became so that a horse might be led over it. A
horse would be led, would sink to the stirrups, could do no more than 10
or 12 steps, and would be drawn aside to let another go on. After we,
10, 15, 20, men had stamped down the snow and had led horses forward in
this fashion, very serviceable [Sidenote: Fol. 194.] braves and men of
renowned name would enter the beaten track, hanging their heads. It was
not a time to urge or compel! the man with will and hardihood for such
tasks does them by his own request! Stamping the snow down in this way,
we got out of that afflicting place (_ānjūkān yīr_) in three or four
days to a cave known as the Khawāl-i-qūtī (Blessed-cave), below the
Zirrīn-pass.

That night the snow fell in such an amazing blizzard of cutting wind
that every man feared for his life. The storm had become extremely
violent by the time we reached the _khawāl_, as people in those parts
call a mountain-cave (_ghar_) or hollow (_khāwāk_). We dismounted at its
mouth. Deep snow! a one-man road! and even on that stamped-down and
trampled road, pitfalls for horses! the days at their shortest! The
first arrivals reached the cave by daylight; others kept coming in from
the Evening Prayer till the Bed-time one; later than that people
dismounted wherever they happened to be; dawn shot with many still in
the saddle.

The cave seeming to be rather small, I took a shovel and shovelled out a
place near its mouth, the size of a sitting-mat [Sidenote: Fol. 194b.]
(_takiya-namad_), digging it out breast-high but even then not reaching
the ground. This made me a little shelter from the wind when I sat right
down in it. I did not go into the cave though people kept saying, "Come
inside," because this was in my mind, "Some of my men in snow and storm,
I in the comfort of a warm house! the whole horde (_aūlūs_) outside in
misery and pain, I inside sleeping at ease! That would be far from a
man's act, quite another matter than comradeship! Whatever hardship and
wretchedness there is, I will face; what strong men stand, I will stand;
for, as the Persian proverb says, to die with friends is a nuptial."
Till the Bed-time Prayer I sat through that blizzard of snow and wind in
the dug-out, the snow-fall being such that my head, back, and ears were
overlaid four hands thick. The cold of that night affected my ears. At
the Bed-time Prayer some-one, looking more carefully at the cave,
shouted out, "It is a very roomy cave with place for every-body." On
hearing this I shook off my roofing of snow and, asking the braves near
to come also, went inside. There was room for 50 or 60! People brought
out their rations, cold meat, parched grain, whatever they had. From
such cold and tumult to a place so warm, cosy and quiet![1220]

Next day the snow and wind having ceased, we made an early start and we
got to the pass by again stamping down [Sidenote: Fol. 195.] a road in
the snow. The proper road seems to make a détour up the flank of the
mountain and to go over higher up, by what is understood to be called
the Zirrīn-pass. Instead of taking that road, we went straight up the
valley-bottom (_qūl_).[1221] It was night before we reached the further
side of the (Bakkak-)pass; we spent the night there in the mouth of the
valley, a night of mighty cold, got through with great distress and
suffering. Many a man had his hands and feet frost-bitten; that night's
cold took both Kīpa's feet, both Sīūndūk _Turkmān_'s hands, both Āhī's
feet. Early next morning we moved down the valley; putting our trust in
God, we went straight down, by bad slopes and sudden falls, knowing and
seeing it could not be the right way. It was the Evening Prayer when we
got out of that valley. No long-memoried old man knew that any-one had
been heard of as crossing that pass with the snow so deep, or indeed
that it had ever entered the heart of man to cross it at that time of
year. Though for a few days we had suffered greatly through the depth of
the snow, yet its depth, in the end, enabled us to reach our
destination. For why? How otherwise should we have traversed those
pathless slopes and sudden falls? [Sidenote: Fol. 195b.]

   All ill, all good in the count, is gain if looked at aright!

The Yaka-aūlāng people at once heard of our arrival and our dismounting;
followed, warm houses, fat sheep, grass and horse-corn, water without
stint, ample wood and dried dung for fires! To escape from such snow and
cold to such a village, to such warm dwellings, was comfort those will
understand who have had our trials, relief known to those who have felt
our hardships. We tarried one day in Yaka-aūlāng, happy-of-heart and
easy-of-mind; marched 2 _yīghāch_ (10-12 m.) next day and dismounted.
The day following was the Ramẓān Feast[1222]; we went on through Bāmīān,
crossed by Shibr-tū and dismounted before reaching Janglīk.


(_p. Second raid on the Turkmān Hazāras._)

The Turkmān Hazāras with their wives and little children must have made
their winter-quarters just upon our road[1223]; they had no word about
us; when we got in amongst their cattle-pens and tents (_alāchūq_) two
or three groups of these went to ruin and plunder, the people themselves
drawing off with their little children and abandoning houses and goods.
News was [Sidenote: Fol. 196.] brought from ahead that, at a place where
there were narrows, a body of Hazāras was shooting arrows, holding up
part of the army, and letting no-one pass. We, hurrying on, arrived to
find no narrows at all; a few Hazāras were shooting from a naze,
standing in a body on the hill[1224] like very good soldiers.[1225]

   They saw the blackness of the foe;
     Stood idle-handed and amazed;
   I arriving, went swift that way,
     Pressed on with shout, "Move on! move on!"
   I wanted to hurry my men on,
     To make them stand up to the foe.
   With a "Hurry up!" to my men,
     I went on to the front.
   Not a man gave ear to my words.
     I had no armour nor horse-mail nor arms,
   I had but my arrows and quiver.
     I went, the rest, maybe all of them, stood,
   Stood still as if slain by the foe!
     Your servant you take that you may have use
   Of his arms, of his life, the whole time;
     Not that the servant stand still
   While the beg makes advance to the front;
     Not that the servant take rest
   While his beg is making the rounds.
     From no such a servant will come
   Speed, or use in your Gate, or zest for your food.
     At last I charged forward myself,
   [Sidenote: Fol. 196b.] Herding the foe up the hill;
     Seeing me go, my men also moved,
   Leaving their terrors behind.
     With me they swift spread over the slope,
   Moving on without heed to the shaft;
     Sometimes on foot, mounted sometimes,
   Boldly we ever moved on,
     Still from the hill poured the shafts.
   Our strength seen, the foe took to flight.
     We got out on the hill; we drove the Hazāras,
   Drove them like deer by valley and ridge;
     We shot those wretches like deer;
   We shared out the booty in goods and in sheep;
     The Turkmān Hazāras' kinsfolk we took;
   We made captive their people of sorts (_qarā_);
     We laid hands on their men of renown;
   Their wives and their children we took.

I myself collected a few of the Hazāras' sheep, gave them into Yārak
T̤aghāī's charge, and went to the front. By ridge and valley, driving
horses and sheep before us, we went to Tīmūr Beg's Langar and there
dismounted. Fourteen or fifteen Hazāra thieves had fallen into our
hands; I had thought of having them put to death when we next
dismounted, with various torture, as a warning to all highwaymen and
robbers, but Qāsim Beg came across them on the road and, with mistimed
[Sidenote: Fol. 197.] compassion, set them free.

   To do good to the bad is one and the same
     As the doing of ill to the good;
   On brackish soil no spikenard grows,
     Waste no seed of toil upon it.[1226]

Out of compassion the rest of the prisoners were released also.


(_j. Disloyalty in Kābul._)

News came while we were raiding the Turkmān Hazāras, that Muḥammad
Ḥusain Mīrzā _Dūghlāt_ and Sl. Sanjar _Barlās_ had drawn over to
themselves the Mughūls left in Kābul, declared Mīrzā Khān (Wais) supreme
(_pādshāh_), laid siege to the fort and spread a _report_ that
Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā and Muz̤affar Mīrzā had sent me, a prisoner, to
Fort Ikhtiyāru'd-dīn, now known as Ālā-qūrghān.

In command of the Kābul-fort there had been left Mullā Bābā of
Pashāghar, Khalīfa, Muḥibb-i-`alī the armourer, Aḥmad-i-yūsuf and
Aḥmad-i-qāsim. They did well, made the fort fast, strengthened it, and
kept watch.


(_k. Bābur's advance to Kābul._)

From Tīmūr Beg's Langar we sent Qāsim Beg's servant, Muḥ. of Andijān, a
_Tūqbāī_, to the Kābul begs, with written details of our arrival and of
the following arrangements:—"When we are out of the Ghūr-bund
narrows,[1227] we will fall on them suddenly; let our signal to you be
the fire we will light directly we have passed Minār-hill; do you in
reply light one in the citadel, on [Sidenote: Fol. 197b.] the old Kūshk
(kiosk)," now the Treasury, "so that we may be sure you know of our
coming. We will come up from our side; you come out from yours; neglect
nothing your hands can find to do!" This having been put into writing,
Muḥammad _Andijānī_ was sent off.

Riding next dawn from the Langar, we dismounted over against
Ushtur-shahr. Early next morning we passed the Ghūr-bund narrows,
dismounted at Bridge-head, there watered and rested our horses, and at
the Mid-day Prayer set forward again. Till we reached the
_tūtqāwal_,[1228] there was no snow, beyond that, the further we went
the deeper the snow. The cold between Ẕamma-yakhshī and Minār was such
as we had rarely felt in our lives.

We sent on Aḥmad the messenger (_yāsāwal_) and Qarā Aḥmad
_yūrūnchī_[1229] to say to the begs, "Here we are at the time promised;
be ready! be bold! "After crossing Minār-hill[1230] and dismounting on
its skirt, helpless with cold, we lit fires to warm ourselves. It was
not time to light the signal-fire; we just lit these because we were
helpless in that mighty cold. Near shoot of dawn we rode on from
Minār-hill; between it and Kābul the snow was up to the horses' knees
and had hardened, so off the road to move was difficult. Riding
single-file the whole way, we got to Kābul [Sidenote: Fol. 198.] in good
time undiscovered.[1231] Before we were at Bībī Māh-rūī (Lady
Moon-face), the blaze of fire on the citadel let us know that the begs
were looking out.


(_l. Attack made on the rebels._)

On reaching Sayyid Qāsim's bridge, Sherīm T̤aghāī and the men of the
right were sent towards Mullā Bābā's bridge, while we of the left and
centre took the Bābā Lūlī road. Where Khalīfa's garden now is, there was
then a smallish garden made by Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā for a Langar
(almshouse); none of its trees or shrubs were left but its enclosing
wall was there. In this garden Mīrzā Khān was seated, Muḥ. Ḥusain Mīrzā
being in Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā's great Bāgh-i-bihisht. I had gone as far
along the lane of Mullā Bābā's garden as the burial-ground when four men
met us who had hurried forward into Mīrzā Khān's quarters, been beaten,
and forced to turn back. One of the four was Sayyid Qāsim Lord of the
Gate, another was Qāsim Beg's son Qaṃbar-i-`alī, another was Sher-qulī
the scout, another was Sl. Aḥmad _Mughūl_ one of Sher-qulī's band. These
four, without a "God forbid!" (_taḥāshī_) had gone right into Mīrzā
Khān's quarters; thereupon he, hearing an uproar, had mounted and got
away. Abū'l-ḥasan the armourer's younger brother even, Muḥ. Ḥusain by
name, had taken service with Mīrzā Khān; he had slashed at Sher-qulī,
[Sidenote: Fol. 198b.] one of those four, thrown him down, and was just
striking his head off, when Sher-qulī freed himself. Those four, tasters
of the sword, tasters of the arrow, wounded one and all, came pelting
back on us to the place mentioned.

Our horsemen, jammed in the narrow lane, were standing still, unable to
move forward or back. Said I to the braves near, "Get off and force a
road". Off got Nāṣir's Dost, Khwāja Muḥammad `Alī the librarian, Bābā
Sher-zād (Tiger-whelp), Shāh Maḥmūd and others, pushed forward and at
once cleared the way. The enemy took to flight.

We had looked for the begs to come out from the Fort but they could not
come in time for the work; they only dropped in, by ones and twos, after
we had made the enemy scurry off. Aḥmad-i-yūsuf had come from them
before I went into the Chār-bāgh where Mīrzā Khān had been; he went in
with me, but we both turned back when we saw the Mīrzā had gone off.
Coming in at the garden-gate was Dost of Sar-i-pul, a foot-soldier I had
promoted for his boldness to be Kotwāl and had left in Kābul; he made
straight for me, sword in hand. I had my cuirass on but had not fastened
the _gharīcha_[1232] nor had I put on [Sidenote: Fol. 199.] my helm.
Whether he did not recognize me because of change wrought by cold and
snow, or whether because of the flurry of the fight, though I shouted
"Hāī Dost! hāī Dost!" and though Aḥmad-i-yūsuf also shouted, he, without
a "God forbid!" brought down his sword on my unprotected arm. Only by
God's grace can it have been that not a hairbreadth of harm was done to
me.

   If a sword shook the Earth from her place,
   Not a vein would it cut till God wills.

It was through the virtue of a prayer I had repeated that the Great God
averted this danger and turned this evil aside. That prayer was as
follows:—

   "O my God! Thou art my Creator; except Thee there is no God.
   On Thee do I repose my trust; Thou art the Lord of the mighty
   throne. What God wills comes to pass; and what he does not
   will comes not to pass; and there is no power or strength but
   through the high and exalted God; and, of a truth, in all
   things God is almighty; and verily He comprehends all things
   by his knowledge, and has taken account of everything. O my
   Creator! as I sincerely trust in Thee, do Thou seize by the
   forelock all evil proceeding from within myself, and all evil
   coming from without, and all evil proceeding from every man
   who can be the occasion of evil, and all such evil as can
   proceed from any living thing, and remove them far from me;
   since, of a truth, Thou art the Lord of the exalted
   throne!"[1233]

On leaving that garden we went to Muḥ. Ḥusain Mīrzā's quarters in the
Bāgh-i-bihisht, but he had fled and gone off to hide himself. Seven or
eight men stood in a breach of the [Sidenote: Fol. 199b.] garden-wall; I
spurred at them; they could not stand; they fled; I got up with them and
cut at one with my sword; he rolled over in such a way that I fancied
his head was off, passed on and went away; it seems he was Mīrzā Khān's
foster-brother, Tūlik Kūkūldāsh and that my sword fell on his shoulder.

At the gate of Muḥ. Ḥusain Mīrzā's quarters, a Mughūl I recognized for
one of my own servants, drew his bow and aimed at my face from a place
on the roof as near me as a gate-ward stands to a Gate. People on all
sides shouted, "Hāi! hāi! it is the Pādshāh." He changed his aim, shot
off his arrow and ran away. The affair was beyond the shooting of
arrows! His Mīrzā, his leaders, had run away or been taken; why was he
shooting?

There they brought Sl. Sanjar _Barlās_, led in by a rope round his neck;
he even, to whom I had given the Nīngnahār _tūmān_, had had his part in
the mutiny! Greatly agitated, he kept crying out, "Hāi! what fault is in
me?" Said I, "Can there be one clearer than that you are higher than the
purpose and counsels of this crew?"[1234] But as he was the sister's son
of my Khān _dādā's_ mother, Shāh Begīm, I gave the order, "Do not lead
him with such dishonour; it is not death."

On leaving that place, I sent Aḥmad-i-qasim _Kohbur_, one of the begs of
the Fort, with a few braves, in pursuit of [Sidenote: Fol. 200.] Mīrzā
Khān.


(_m. Bābur's dealings with disloyal women._)

When I left the Bāgh-i-bihisht, I went to visit Shāh Begīm and
(Mihr-nigār) Khānīm who had settled themselves in tents by the side of
the garden.

As townspeople and black-bludgeoners had raised a riot, and were putting
hands out to pillage property and to catch persons in corners and
outside places, I sent men, to beat the rabble off, and had it herded
right away.[1235]

Shāh Begīm and Khānīm were seated in one tent. I dismounted at the usual
distance, approached with my former deference and courtesy, and had an
interview with them. They were extremely agitated, upset, and ashamed;
could neither excuse themselves reasonably[1236] nor make the enquiries
of affection. I had not expected this (disloyalty) of them; it was not
as though that party, evil as was the position it had taken up,
consisted of persons who would not give ear to the words of Shāh Begīm
and Khānīm; Mīrzā Khān was the begīm's grandson, in her presence night
and day; if she had not fallen in with the affair, she could have kept
him with her.

Twice over when fickle Fortune and discordant Fate had parted
[Sidenote: Fol. 200b.] me from throne and country, retainer and
following, I, and my mother with me, had taken refuge with them and had
had no kindness soever from them. At that time my younger brother
(_i.e._ cousin) Mīrzā Khān and his mother Sulṯān-nigār Khānīm held
valuable cultivated districts; yet my mother and I,—to leave all
question of a district aside,—were not made possessors of a single
village or a few yoke of plough-oxen.[1237] Was my mother not Yūnas
Khān's daughter? was I not his grandson?

In my days of plenty I have given from my hand what matched the
blood-relationship and the position of whatsoever member of that
(Chaghatāī) dynasty chanced down upon me. For example, when the honoured
Shāh Begīm came to me, I gave her Pamghān, one of the best places in
Kābul, and failed in no sort of filial duty and service towards her.
Again, when Sl. Sa`īd Khān, Khān in Kāshghar, came [914 _AH._] with five
or six naked followers on foot, I looked upon him as an honoured guest
and gave him Mandrāwar of the Lamghān _tūmāns_. Beyond this also, when
Shāh Ismā`īl had killed Shaibāq Khān in Marv and I crossed over to
Qūndūz (916 _AH._-1511 _AD._), the Andijānīs, some driving their
(Aūzbeg) _dāroghas_ out, some making their places fast, turned their
eyes to me and sent me a man; at that time I trusted those old family
servants to that same Sl. Sa`īd Khān, gave him a force, made him Khān
and sped him forth. Again, down to the present time (_circa_ 934 _AH._)
I have not looked upon any member of that family who has come to me, in
any other light than as a blood-relation. For example, there [Sidenote:
Fol. 201.] are now in my service Chīn-tīmūr Sulṯān; Aīsān-tīmūr Sulṯān,
Tūkhtā-būghā Sulṯān, and Bābā Sulṯān;[1238] on one and all of these I
have looked with more favour than on blood-relations of my own.

I do not write this in order to make complaint; I have written the plain
truth. I do not set these matters down in order to make known my own
deserts; I have set down exactly what has happened. In this History I
have held firmly to it that the truth should be reached in every matter,
and that every act should be recorded precisely as it occurred. From
this it follows of necessity that I have set down of good and bad
whatever is known, concerning father and elder brother, kinsman and
stranger; of them all I have set down carefully the known virtues and
defects. Let the reader accept my excuse; let the reader pass on from
the place of severity!


(_n. Letters of victory._)

Rising from that place and going to the Chār-bāgh where Mīrzā Khān had
been, we sent letters of victory to all the countries, clans, and
retainers. This done, I rode to the citadel.


(_o. Arrest of rebel leaders._)

Muḥammad Ḥusain Mīrzā in his terror having run away into Khānīm's
bedding-room and got himself fastened up in a bundle of bedding, we
appointed Mīrīm _Dīwān_ with other begs of the fort, to take control in
those dwellings, capture, and bring him in. Mīrīm _Dīwān_ said some
plain rough words at Khānīm's [Sidenote: Fol. 201b.] gate, by some means
or other found the Mīrzā, and brought him before me in the citadel. I
rose at once to receive the Mīrzā with my usual deference, not even
shewing too harsh a face. If I had had that Muḥ. Ḥusain M. cut in
pieces, there was the ground for it that he had had part in base and
shameful action, started and spurred on mutiny and treason. Death he
deserved with one after another of varied pain and torture, but because
there had come to be various connexion between us, his very sons and
daughters being by my own mother's sister Khūb-nigār Khānīm, I kept this
just claim in mind, let him go free, and permitted him to set out
towards Khurāsān. The cowardly ingrate then forgot altogether the good I
did him by the gift of his life; he blamed and slandered me to Shaibāq
Khān. Little time passed, however, before the Khān gave him his deserts
by death.

   Leave thou to Fate the man who does thee wrong,
   For Fate is an avenging servitor.[1239]

Aḥmad-i-qāsim _Kohbur_ and the party of braves sent in pursuit of Mīrzā
Khān, overtook him in the low hills of Qargha-yīlāq, not able even to
run away, without heart or force to stir a finger! [Sidenote: Fol. 202.]
They took him, and brought him to where I sat in the northeast porch of
the old Court-house. Said I to him, "Come! let's have a look at one
another" (_kūrūshālīng_), but twice before he could bend the knee and
come forward, he fell down through agitation. When we had looked at one
another, I placed him by my side to give him heart, and I drank first of
the sherbet brought in, in order to remove his fears.[1240]

As those who had joined him, soldiers, peasants, Mughūls and
Chaghatāīs,[1241] were in suspense, we simply ordered him to remain for
a few days in his elder sister's house; but a few days later he was
allowed to set out for Khurāsān[1242] because those mentioned above were
somewhat uncertain and it did not seem well for him to stay in Kābul.


(_p. Excursion to Koh-dāman._)

After letting those two go, we made an excursion to Bārān, Chāsh-tūpa,
and the skirt of Gul-i-bahār.[1243] More beautiful in Spring than any
part even of Kābul are the open-lands of Bārān, the plain of Chāsh-tūpa,
and the skirt of Gul-i-bahār. Many sorts of tulip bloom there; when I
had them counted once, it came out at 34 different kinds as [has been
said].[1244] This couplet has been written in praise of these places,—

   Kābul in Spring is an Eden of verdure and blossom;
   Matchless in Kābul the Spring of Gul-i-bahār and Bārān.

On this excursion I finished the ode,—

   _My heart, like the bud of the red, red rose,
   Lies fold within fold aflame; [Sidenote: Fol. 202b.]
   Would the breath of even a myriad Springs
   Blow my heart's bud to a rose?_

In truth, few places are quite equal to these for spring-excursions, for
hawking (_qūsh sālmāq_) or bird-shooting (_qūsh ātmāq_), as has been
briefly mentioned in the praise and description of the Kābul and Ghaznī
country.


(_q. Nāṣir Mīrzā expelled from Badakhshān._)

This year the begs of Badakhshān _i.e._ Muḥammad the armourer, Mubārak
Shāh, Zubair and Jahāngīr, grew angry and mutinous because of the
misconduct of Nāṣir Mīrzā and some of those he cherished. Coming to an
agreement together, they drew out an army of horse and foot, arrayed it
on the level lands by the Kūkcha-water, and moved towards Yaftal and
Rāgh, to near Khamchān, by way of the lower hills. The Mīrzā and his
inexperienced begs, in their thoughtless and unobservant fashion, came
out to fight them just in those lower hills. The battle-field was uneven
ground; the Badakhshīs had a dense mass of men on foot who stood firm
under repeated charges by the Mīrzā's horse, and returned such attack
that the horsemen fled, unable to keep their ground. Having beaten the
Mīrzā, the Badakhshīs plundered his dependants and connexions.

Beaten and stripped bare, he and his close circle took the road through
Ishkīmīsh and Nārīn to Kīlā-gāhī, from there followed the Qīzīl-sū up,
got out on the Āb-dara road, crossed at Shibr-tū, and so came to Kābul,
he with 70 or 80 followers, worn-out, naked and famished.

That was a marvellous sign of the Divine might! Two or three years
earlier the Mīrzā had left the Kābul country like a [Sidenote: Fol.
203.] foe, driving tribes and hordes like sheep before him, reached
Badakhshān and made fast its forts and valley-strongholds. With what
fancy in his mind had he marched out?[1245] Now he was back, hanging the
head of shame for those earlier misdeeds, humbled and distraught about
that breach with me!

My face shewed him no sort of displeasure; I made kind enquiry about
himself, and brought him out of his confusion.



913 AH.-MAY 13TH 1507 TO MAY 2ND 1508 AD.[1246]

(_a. Raid on the Ghiljī Afghāns._)


We had ridden out of Kābul with the intention of over-running the
Ghiljī;[1247] when we dismounted at Sar-i-dih news was brought that a
mass of Mahmands (Afghāns) was lying in Masht and Sih-kāna one _yīghāch_
(_circa_ 5 m.) away from us.[1248] Our begs and braves agreed in saying,
"The Mahmands must be over-run", but I said, "Would it be right to turn
aside and raid our own peasants instead of doing what we set out to do?
It cannot be."

Riding at night from Sar-i-dih, we crossed the plain of Kattawāz in the
dark, a quite black night, one level stretch of land, no mountain or
rising-ground in sight, no known road or track, not a man able to lead
us! In the end I took the lead. I had been in those parts several times
before; drawing inferences from those times, I took the Pole-star on my
right shoulder-blade[1249] and, with some anxiety, moved on. God brought
it right! We went straight to the Qīāq-tū and the Aūlābā-tū torrent,
that is to say, straight for Khwāja Ismā`īl _Sirītī_ where the Ghiljīs
were lying, the road to which crosses the torrent named. Dismounting
near the torrent, we let ourselves and our horses sleep a little,
[Sidenote: Fol. 203b.] took breath, and bestirred ourselves at shoot of
dawn. The Sun was up before we got out of those low hills and
valley-bottoms to the plain on which the Ghiljī lay with a good
_yīghāch_[1250] of road between them and us; once out on the plain we
could see their blackness, either their own or from the smoke of their
fires.

Whether bitten by their own whim,[1251] or whether wanting to hurry, the
whole army streamed off at the gallop (_chāpqūn qūīdīlār_); off galloped
I after them and, by shooting an arrow now at a man, now at a horse,
checked them after a _kuroh_ or two (3 m.?). It is very difficult indeed
to check 5 or 6000 braves galloping loose-rein! God brought it right!
They were checked! When we had gone about one _shar`ī_ (2 m.) further,
always with the Afghān blackness in sight, the raid[1252] was allowed.
Masses of sheep fell to us, more than in any other raid.

After we had dismounted and made the spoils turn back,[1253] one body of
Afghāns after another came down into the plain, provoking a fight. Some
of the begs and of the household went against one body and killed every
man; Nāṣir Mīrzā did the same with another, and a pillar of Afghān heads
was set up. An arrow pierced the foot of that foot-soldier Dost the
Kotwāl who has been mentioned already;[1254] when we reached Kābul, he
died.

Marching from Khwāja Ismā`īl, we dismounted once more at Aūlābā-tū. Some
of the begs and of my own household were ordered to go forward and
carefully separate off the Fifth (_Khums_) of the enemy's spoils. By way
of favour, we did not [Sidenote: Fol. 204.] take the Fifth from Qāsim
Beg and some others.[1255] From what was written down,[1256] the Fifth
came out at 16,000, that is to say, this 16,000 was the fifth of 80,000
sheep; no question however but that with those lost and those not asked
for, a _lak_ (100,000) of sheep had been taken.


(_b. A hunting-circle._)

Next day when we had ridden from that camp, a hunting-circle was formed
on the plain of Kattawāz where deer (_kiyīk_)[1257] and wild-ass are
always plentiful and always fat. Masses went into the ring; masses were
killed. During the hunt I galloped after a wild-ass, on getting near
shot one arrow, shot another, but did not bring it down, it only running
more slowly for the two wounds. Spurring forwards and getting into
position[1258] quite close to it, I chopped at the nape of its neck
behind the ears, and cut through the wind-pipe; it stopped, turned over
and died. My sword cut well! The wild-ass was surprisingly fat. Its rib
may have been a little under one yard in length. Sherīm T̤aghāī and
other observers of _kiyīk_ in Mughūlistān said with surprise, "Even in
Mughūlistān we have seen few _kiyīk_ so fat!" I shot another wild-ass;
most of the wild-asses and deer brought down in that hunt were fat, but
not one of them was so fat as the one I first killed.

Turning back from that raid, we went to Kābul and there dismounted.


(_c. Shaibāq Khān moves against Khurāsān._)

Shaibāq Khān had got an army to horse at the end of last year, meaning
to go from Samarkand against Khurāsān, his [Sidenote: Fol. 204b.] march
out being somewhat hastened by the coming to him of a servant of that
vile traitor to his salt, Shāh Manṣūr the Paymaster, then in Andikhūd.
When the Khān was approaching Andikhūd, that vile wretch said, "I have
sent a man to the Aūzbeg," relied on this, adorned himself, stuck up an
aigrette on his head, and went out, bearing gift and tribute. On this
the leaderless[1259] Aūzbegs poured down on him from all sides, and
turned upside down (_tart-part_) the blockhead, his offering and his
people of all sorts.


(_d. Irresolution of the Khurāsān Mīrzās._)

Badī`u´z-zamān Mīrzā, Muz̤affar Mīrzā, Muḥ. Barandūq _Barlās_ and
Ẕū´n-nūn _Arghūn_ were all lying with their army in Bābā Khākī,[1260]
not decided to fight, not settled to make (Herī) fort fast, there they
sat, confounded, vague, uncertain what to do. Muḥammad Barandūq _Barlās_
was a knowledgeable man; he kept saying, "You let Muz̤affar Mīrzā and me
make the fort fast; let Badī`u´z-zamān Mīrzā and Ẕū´n-nūn Beg go into
the mountains near Herī and gather in Sl. `Alī _Arghūn_ from Sīstān and
Zamīn-dāwar, Shāh Beg and Muqīm from Qandahār with all their armies, and
let them collect also what there is of Nikdīrī and Hazāra force; this
done, let them make a swift and telling move. The enemy would find it
difficult to go into the mountains, and could not come against the
(Herī) fort because [Sidenote: Fol. 205.] he would be afraid of the army
outside." He said well, his plan was practical.

Brave though Ẕū´n-nūn _Arghūn_ was, he was mean, a lover-of-goods, far
from businesslike or judicious, rather shallow-pated, and a bit of a
fool. As has been mentioned,[1261] when that elder and that younger
brother became joint-rulers in Herī, he had chief authority in
Badī`u´z-zamān Mīrzā's presence. He was not willing now for Muḥ.
Barandūq Beg to remain inside Herī town; being the lover-of-goods he
was, he wanted to be there himself. But he could not make this seem one
and the same thing![1262] Is there a better sign of his shallow-pate and
craze than that he degraded himself and became contemptible by accepting
the lies and flattery of rogues and sycophants? Here are the
particulars[1263]:—While he was so dominant and trusted in Herī, certain
Shaikhs and Mullās went to him and said, "The Spheres are holding
commerce with us; you are styled _Hizabru´l-lāh_ (Lion of God); you will
overcome the Aūzbeg." Believing these words, he put his bathing-cloth
round his neck and gave thanks. It was through this he did not accept
Muḥammad Barandūq Beg's sensible counsel, did not strengthen the works
(_aīsh_) of the fort, get ready fighting equipment, set scout or
rearward to warn of the foe's approach, or plan out such method of array
that, should the foe appear, his men would fight with ready heart.


(_e. Shaibāq Khān takes Herī._)

Shaibāq Khān passed through Murgh-āb to near Sīr-kāī[1264] in [Sidenote:
Fol. 205b.] the month of Muḥarram (913 AH. May-June 1507 AD.). When the
Mīrzās heard of it, they were altogether upset, could not act, collect
troops, array those they had. Dreamers, they moved through a
dream![1265] Ẕū'n-nūn _Arghūn_, made glorious by that flattery, went out
to Qarā-rabāṯ, with 100 to 150 men, to face 40,000 to 50,000 Aūzbegs: a
mass of these coming up, hustled his off, took him, killed him and cut
off his head.[1266]

In Fort Ikhtiyāru'd-dīn, it is known as Ālā-qūrghān,[1267] were the
Mīrzās' mothers, elder and younger sisters, wives and treasure. The
Mīrzās reached the town at night, let their horses rest till midnight,
slept, and at dawn flung forth again. They could not think about
strengthening the fort; in the respite and crack of time there was, they
just ran away,[1268] leaving mother, sister, wife and little child to
Aūzbeg captivity.

What there was of Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's _ḥaram_, Pāyanda-sulṯān Begīm and
Khadīja Begīm at the head of it, was inside Ālā-qūrghān; there too were
the _ḥarams_ of Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā[1269] and Muz̤affar Mīrzā with
their little children, treasure, and households (_biyutāt_). What was
desirable for making the fort fast had not been done; even braves to
reinforce it had not arrived. `Āshiq-i-muḥammad _Arghūn_, the younger
brother of Mazīd Beg, had fled from the army on foot and gone into it;
[Sidenote: Fol. 206.] in it was also Amīr `Umar Beg's son `Alī Khān
(_Turkmān_); Shaikh `Abdu'l-lāh the taster was there; Mīrzā Beg
_Kāī-khusraūī_ was there; and Mīrak _Gūr_ (or _Kūr_) the Dīwān was
there.

When Shaibāq Khān arrived two or three days later; the Shaikhu'l-islām
and notables went out to him with the keys of the outer-fort. That same
`Āshiq-i-muḥammad held Ālā-qūrghān for 16 or 17 days; then a mine, run
from the horse-market outside, was fired and brought a tower down; the
garrison lost heart, could hold out no longer, so let the fort be taken.


(_f. Shaibāq Khān in Herī._)

Shaibāq Khān, after taking Herī,[1270] behaved badly not only to the
wives and children of its rulers but to every person soever. For the
sake of this five-days' fleeting world, he earned himself a bad name.
His first improper act and deed in Herī was that, for the sake of this
rotten world (_chirk dunyā_), he caused Khadīja Begīm various miseries,
through letting the vile wretch Pay-master Shāh Manṣūr get hold of her
to loot. Then he let `Abdu'l-wahhāb _Mughūl_ take to loot a person so
saintly and so revered as Shaikh Pūrān, and each one of Shaikh Pūrān's
children be taken by a separate person. He let the band of poets be
seized by Mullā Banā'ī, a matter about which this verse is well-known in
Khurāsān:—

   Except `Abdu'l-lāh the stupid fool (_kīr-khar_),
     Not a poet to-day sees the colour of gold;
   From the poets' band Banā'ī would get gold,
     All he will get is _kīr-khar_.[1271] [Sidenote: Fol. 206b.]

Directly he had possession of Herī, Shaibāq Khān married and took
Muz̤affar Mīrzā's wife, Khān-zāda Khānīm, without regard to the
running-out of the legal term.[1272] His own illiteracy not forbidding,
he instructed in the exposition of the Qoran, Qāẓī Ikhtiyār and Muḥammad
Mīr Yūsuf, two of the celebrated and highly-skilled mullās of Herī; he
took a pen and corrected the hand-writing of Mullā Sl. `Alī of Mashhad
and the drawing of Bih-zād; and every few days, when he had composed
some tasteless couplet, he would have it read from the pulpit, hung in
the Chār-sū [Square], and for it accept the offerings of the
towns-people![1273] Spite of his early-rising, his not neglecting the
Five Prayers, and his fair knowledge of the art of reciting the Qorān,
there issued from him many an act and deed as absurd, as impudent, and
as heathenish as those just named.


(_g. Death of two Mīrzās._)

Ten or fifteen days after he had possession of Herī, Shaibāq Khān came
from Kahd-stān[1274] to Pul-i-sālār. From that place he sent Tīmūr Sl.
and `Ubaid Sl. with the army there present, against Abū'l-muḥsin Mīrzā
and Kūpuk (Kīpik) Mīrzā then seated carelessly in Mashhad. The two
Mīrzās had thought at one time of making Qalāt[1275] fast; at another,
this after they had had news of the approach of the Aūzbeg, they were
for moving on Shaibāq Khān himself, by forced marches and along a
different road,[1276]—which might have turned out an amazingly good
idea! But while they sit still there in Mashhad with nothing decided,
the Sulṯāns arrive by forced marches. The Mīrzās for their part
[Sidenote: Fol. 207.] array and go out; Abū'l-muḥsin Mīrzā is quickly
overcome and routed; Kūpuk Mīrzā charges his brother's assailants with
somewhat few men; him too they carry off; both brothers are dismounted
and seated in one place; after an embrace (_qūchūsh_), they kiss
farewell; Abū'l-muḥsin shews some want of courage; in Kūpuk Mirza it all
makes no change at all. The heads of both are sent to Shaibāq Khān in
Pul-i-sālār.


(_h. Bābur marches for Qandahār._)

In those days Shāh Beg and his younger brother Muḥammad Muqīm, being
afraid of Shaibāq Khān, sent one envoy after another to me with dutiful
letters (_`arz-dāsht_), giving sign of amity and good-wishes. Muqīm, in
a letter of his own, explicitly invited me. For us to look on at the
Aūzbeg over-running the whole country, was not seemly; and as by letters
and envoys, Shāh Beg and Muqīm had given me invitation, there remained
little doubt they would wait upon me.[1277] When all begs and
counsellors had been consulted, the matter was left at this:—We were to
get an army to horse, join the Arghūn begs and decide in accord and
agreement with them, whether to move into Khurāsān or elsewhere as might
seem good.


(_i. In Ghasnī and Qalāt-i-ghilzāī._)

Ḥabība-sulṯān Begīm, my aunt (_yīnkā_) as I used to call her, met us in
Ghaznī, having come from Herī, according to arrangement, in order to
bring her daughter Maṣ`ūma-sulṯān Begīm. [Sidenote: Fol. 207b.] With the
honoured Begīm came Khusrau Kūkūldāsh, Sl. Qulī _Chūnāq_ (One-eared) and
Gadāī _Balāl_ who had returned to me after flight from Herī, first to
Ibn-i-ḥusain Mīrzā then to Abū'l-muḥsin Mīrzā,[1278] with neither of
whom they could remain.

In Qalāt the army came upon a mass of Hindūstān traders, come there to
traffic and, as it seemed, unable to go on. The general opinion about
them was that people who, at a time of such hostilities, are coming into
an enemy's country[1279] must be plundered. With this however I did not
agree; said I, "What is the traders' offence? If we, looking to God's
pleasure, leave such scrapings of gain aside, the Most High God will
apportion our reward. It is now just as it was a short time back when we
rode out to raid the Ghiljī; many of you then were of one mind to raid
the Mahmand Afghāns, their sheep and goods, their wives and families,
just because they were within five miles of you! Then as now I did not
agree with you. On the very next day the Most High God apportioned you
more sheep belonging to Afghān enemies, than had ever before fallen to
the share of the army." Something by way of _peshkash_ (offering) was
taken from each trader when we dismounted on the other side of Qalāt.


(_j. Further march south._)

Beyond Qalāt two Mīrzās joined us, fleeing from Qandahār. One was Mīrzā
Khān (Wais) who had been allowed to go into Khurāsān after his defeat at
Kābul. The other was `Abdu'r-razzāq [Sidenote: Fol. 208.] Mīrzā who had
stayed on in Khurāsān when I left. With them came and waited on me the
mother of Jahāngīr Mīrzā's son Pīr-i-muḥammad, a grandson of Pahār
Mīrzā.[1280]


(_k. Behaviour of the Arghūn chiefs._)

When we sent persons and letters to Shāh Beg and Muqīm, saying, "Here we
are at your word; a stranger-foe like the Aūzbeg has taken Khurāsān;
come! let us settle, in concert and amity, what will be for the general
good," they returned a rude and ill-mannered answer, going back from the
dutiful letters they had written and from the invitations they had
given. One of their incivilities was that Shāh Beg stamped his letter to
me in the middle of its reverse, where begs seal if writing to begs,
where indeed a great beg seals if writing to one of the lower
circle.[1281] But for such ill-manners and his rude answers, his affair
would never have gone so far as it did, for, as they say,—

   A strife-stirring word will accomplish the downfall of
     an ancient line.

By these their headstrong acts they gave to the winds house, family, and
the hoards of 30 to 40 years.

One day while we were near Shahr-i-ṣafā[1282] a false alarm being given
in the very heart of the camp, the whole army was made to arm and mount.
At the time I was occupied with a bath [Sidenote: Fol. 208b.] and
purification; the begs were much flurried; I mounted when I was ready;
as the alarm was false, it died away after a time.

March by march we moved on to Guzar.[1283] There we tried again to
discuss with the Arghūns but, paying no attention to us, they maintained
the same obstinate and perverse attitude. Certain well-wishers who knew
the local land and water, represented to me, that the head of the
torrents (_rūdlār_) which come down to Qandahār, being towards Bābā
Ḥasan Abdāl and Khalishak,[1284] a move ought to be made in that
direction, in order to cut off (_yīqmāq_) all those torrents.[1285]
Leaving the matter there, we next day made our men put on their mail,
arrayed in right and left, and marched for Qandahār.


(_l. Battle of Qandahār._)

Shāh Beg and Muqīm had seated themselves under an awning which was set
in front of the naze of the Qandahār-hill where I am now having a
rock-residence cut out.[1286] Muqīm's men pushed forward amongst the
trees to rather near us. T̤ūfān _Arghūn_ had fled to us when we were
near Shahr-i-ṣafā; he now betook himself alone close up to the Arghūn
array to where one named `Ashaqu'l-lāh was advancing rather fast leading
7 or 8 men. Alone, T̤ūfān _Arghūn_ faced him, slashed swords with him,
unhorsed him, cut off his head and brought it to me as we were passing
Sang-i-lakhshak;[1287] an omen we accepted! Not thinking it well to
fight where we were, amongst suburbs and trees, we went on along the
skirt of the hill. Just as we had settled on ground for the camp, in a
meadow on the Qandahār side of the [Sidenote: Fol. 209.] torrent,[1288]
opposite Khalishak, and were dismounting, Sher Qulī the scout hurried up
and represented that the enemy was arrayed to fight and on the move
towards us.

As on our march from Qalāt the army had suffered much from hunger and
thirst, most of the soldiers on getting near Khalishak scattered up and
down for sheep and cattle, grain and eatables. Without looking to
collect them, we galloped off. Our force may have been 2000 in all, but
perhaps not over 1000 were in the battle because those mentioned as
scattering up and down could not rejoin in time to fight.

Though our men were few I had them organized and posted on a first-rate
plan and method; I had never arrayed them before by such a good one. For
my immediate command (_khāṣa tābīn_) I had selected braves from whose
hands comes work[1289] and had inscribed them by tens and fifties, each
ten and each fifty under a leader who knew the post in the right or left
of the centre for his ten or his fifty, knew the work of each in the
battle, and was there on the observant watch; so that, after mounting,
the right and left, right and left hands, right and left sides, charged
right and left without the trouble of arraying them or the need of a
_tawāchī_.[1290]

   (_Author's note on his terminology._) [Sidenote: Fol. 209b.]
   Although _barānghār_, _aūng qūl_, _aūng yān_ and _aūng_ (right
   wing, right hand, right side and right) all have the same
   meaning, I have applied them in different senses in order to
   vary terms and mark distinctions. As, in the battle-array, the
   (Ar.) _maimana_ and _maisara_ _i.e._ what people call (Turkī)
   _barānghār_ and _jawānghār_ (r. and l. wings) are not included
   in the (Ar.) _qalb_, _i.e._ what people call (T.) _ghūl_
   (centre), so it is in arraying the centre itself. Taking the
   array of the centre only, its (Ar.) _yamīn_ and _yasār_ (r.
   and l.) are called (by me) _aūng qūl_ and _sūl qūl_ (r. and l.
   hands). Again,—the (Ar.) _khāṣa tābīn_ (royal troop) in the
   centre has its _yamīn_ and _yasār_ which are called (by me)
   _aūng yān_ and _sūl yān_ (r. and l. sides, T. _yān_).
   Again,—in the _khāṣa tābīn_ there is the (T.) _būī_ (_nīng_)
   _tīkīnī_ (close circle); its _yamīn_ and _yasār_ are called
   _sūng_ and _sūl_. In the Turkī tongue they call one single
   thing a _būī_,[1291] but that is not the _būī_ meant here;
   what is meant here is close (_yāqīn_).

The right wing (_barānghār_) was Mīrzā Khān (Wais), Sherīm T̤aghāī,
Yārak T̤aghāī with his elder and younger brethren, Chilma _Mughūl_, Ayūb
Beg, Muḥammad Beg, Ibrāhīm Beg, `Alī Sayyid _Mughūl_ with his Mughūls,
Sl. Qulī _chuhra_, Khudā-bakhsh and Abū'l-ḥasan with his elder and
younger brethren.

The left (_jawānghār_) was `Abdu'r-razzāq Mīrzā, Qāsim Beg,
Tīngrī-bīrdī, Qaṃbar-i-`alī, Aḥmad _Aīlchī-būghā_, Ghūrī _Barlās_,
Sayyid Ḥusain Akbar, and Mīr Shāh _Qūchin_.

The advance (_aīrāwal_) was Nāṣir Mīrzā, Sayyid Qāsim Lord of the Gate,
Muḥibb-i-`alī the armourer, Pāpā Aūghulī (Pāpā's son?), Allāh-wairan
_Turkmān_, Sher Qulī _Mughūl_ the scout with his elder and younger
brethren, and Muḥammad `Alī.

In the centre (_ghūl_), on my right hand, were Qāsim Kūkūldāsh, Khusrau
Kūkūldāsh, Sl. Muḥammad _Dūldāī_, Shāh Maḥmūd the secretary,
Qūl-i-bāyazīd the taster, and Kamāl the sherbet-server [Sidenote: Fol.
210.] server; on my left were Khwāja Muḥammad `Alī, Nāṣir's Dost,
Nāṣir's Mīrīm, Bābā Sher-zād, Khān-qulī, Walī the treasurer,
Qūtlūq-qadam the scout, Maqsūd the water-bearer (_sū-chī_), and Bābā
Shaikh. Those in the centre were all of my household; there were no
great begs; not one of those enumerated had reached the rank of beg.
Those inscribed in this _būī_[1292] were Sher Beg, Ḥātim the
Armoury-master, Kūpuk, Qulī Bābā, Abū'l-ḥasan the armourer;—of the
Mughūls, Aūrūs (Russian) `Alī Sayyid,[1293] Darwīsh-i-`alī Sayyid,
Khūsh-kīldī, Chilma, Dost-kīldī, Chilma _Tāghchī_, Dāmāchī, Mindī;—of
the Turkmāns, Manṣūr, Rustam-i-`alī with his elder and younger brother,
and Shāh Nāẕir and Sīūndūk.

The enemy was in two divisions, one under Shāh Shujā' _Arghūn_, known as
Shāh Beg and hereafter to be written of simply as Shāh Beg, the other
under his younger brother Muqīm.

Some estimated the dark mass of Arghūns[1294] at 6 or 7000 men; no
question whatever but that Shāh Beg's own men in mail were 4 or 5000. He
faced our right, Muqīm with a force smaller may-be than his brother's,
faced our left. Muqīm made a mightily strong attack on our left, that is
on Qāsim Beg from whom two or three persons came before fighting began,
to ask for reinforcement; we however could not detach a man because in
front of us also the enemy was very strong. We made our onset without
any delay; the enemy fell suddenly on our van, [Sidenote: Fol. 210b.]
turned it back and rammed it on our centre. When we, after a discharge
of arrows, advanced, they, who also had been shooting for a time,
seemed likely to make a stand (_tūkhtaghāndīk_). Some-one, shouting to
his men, came forward towards me, dismounted and was for adjusting his
arrow, but he could do nothing because we moved on without stay. He
remounted and rode off; it may have been Shāh Beg himself. During the
fight Pīrī Beg _Turkmān_ and 4 or 5 of his brethren turned their faces
from the foe and, turban in hand,[1295] came over to us.

   (_Author's note on Pīrī Beg._) This Pīrī Beg was one of those
   Turkmāns who came [into Herī] with the Turkmān Begs led by
   `Abdu'l-bāqī Mīrzā and Murād Beg, after Shāh Ismā`īl
   vanquished the Bāyandar sulṯāns and seized the `Irāq
   countries.[1296]

Our right was the first to overcome the foe; it made him hurry off. Its
extreme point had gone pricking (_sānjīlīb_)[1297] as far as where I
have now laid out a garden. Our left extended as far as the great
tree-tangled[1298] irrigation-channels, a good way below Bābā Ḥasan
Abdāl. Muqīm was opposite it, its numbers very small compared with his.
God brought it right! Between it and Muqīm were three or four of the
tree-tangled water-channels going on to Qandahār;[1299] it held the
crossing-place and allowed no passage; small body though it was, it made
splendid stand [Sidenote: Fol. 211.] and kept its ground. Ḥalwāchī
Tarkhān[1300] slashed away in the water with Tīngrī-bīrdī and
Qaṃbar-i-`alī. Qaṃbar-i-`alī was wounded; an arrow stuck in Qāsim Beg's
forehead; another struck Ghūrī _Barlās_ above the eyebrow and came out
above his cheek.[1301]

We meantime, after putting our adversary to flight, had crossed those
same channels towards the naze of Murghān-koh (Birds'-hill). Some-one on
a grey _tīpūchāq_ was going backwards and forwards irresolutely along
the hill-skirt, while we were getting across; I likened him to Shāh
Beg; seemingly it was he.

Our men having beaten their opponents, all went off to pursue and
unhorse them. Remained with me eleven to count, `Abdu'l-lāh the
librarian being one. Muqīm was still keeping his ground and fighting.
Without a glance at the fewness of our men, we had the nagarets sounded
and, putting our trust in God, moved with face set for Muqīm.

   (Turkī) For few or for many God is full strength;
              No man has might in His Court.

   (Arabic) How often, God willing it, a small force has vanquished
              a large one!

Learning from the nagarets that we were approaching, Muqīm forgot his
fixed plan and took the road of flight. God brought it right!

After putting our foe to flight, we moved for Qandahār and dismounted in
Farrukh-zād Beg's Chār-bāgh, of which at this time not a trace remains!


(_m. Bābur enters Qandahār._) [Sidenote: Fol. 211b.]

Shāh Beg and Muqīm could not get into Qandahār when they took to flight;
Shāh Beg went towards Shāl and Mastūng (Quetta), Muqīm towards
Zamīn-dāwar. They left no-one able to make the fort fast. Aḥmad `Alī
Tarkhān was in it together with other elder and younger brethren of Qulī
Beg _Arghūn_ whose attachment and good-feeling for me were known. After
parley they asked protection for the families of their elder and younger
brethren; their request was granted and all mentioned were encompassed
with favour. They then opened the Māshūr-gate of the town; with
leaderless men in mind, no other was opened. At that gate were posted
Sherīm T̤aghāī and Yārīm Beg. I went in with a few of the household,
charged the leaderless men and had two or three put to death by way of
example.[1302]


(_n. The spoils of Qandahār._)

I got to Muqīm's treasury first, that being in the outer-fort;
`Abdu'r-razzāq Mīrzā must have been quicker than I, for he was just
dismounting there when I arrived; I gave him a few things from it. I put
Dost-i-nāṣir Beg, Qul-i-bāyazīd the taster and, of pay-masters, Muḥammad
_bakhshī_ in charge of it, then passed on into the citadel and posted
Khwāja Muḥammad `Alī, Shāh Maḥmūd and, of the pay-masters, T̤aghāī Shāh
_bakhshī_ in charge of Shāh Beg's treasury.

Nāṣir's Mīrīm and Maqṣūd the sherbet-server were sent to keep the house
of Ẕū'n-nūn's _Dīwān_ Mīr Jān for Nāṣir Mīrzā; for Mīrzā Khān was kept
Shaikh Abū-sa`īd _Tarkhānī's_; for `Abdu'r-razzāq Mīrzā ... 's.[1303]

[Sidenote: Fol. 212.] Such masses of white money had never been seen in
those countries; no-one indeed was to be heard of who had seen so much.
That night, when we ourselves stayed in the citadel, Shāh Beg's slave
Saṃbhal was captured and brought in. Though he was then Shāh Beg's
intimate, he had not yet received his later favour.[1304] I had him
given into someone's charge but as good watch was not kept, he was
allowed to escape. Next day I went back to my camp in Farrukh-zād Beg's
Chār-bāgh.

I gave the Qandahār country to Nāṣir Mīrzā. After the treasure had been
got into order, loaded up and started off, he took the loads of white
_tankas_ off a string of camels (_i.e._ _7_ beasts) at the
citadel-treasury, and kept them. I did not demand them back; I just gave
them to him.

On leaving Qandahār, we dismounted in the Qūsh-khāna meadow. After
setting the army forward, I had gone for an excursion, so I got into
camp rather late. It was another camp! not to be recognized! Excellent
_tīpūchāqs_, strings and strings of he-camels, she-camels, and mules,
bearing saddle-bags (_khurzīn_) of silken stuffs and cloth,—tents of
scarlet (cloth) and velvet, all sorts of awnings, every kind of
work-shop, ass-load after ass-load of chests! The goods of the elder and
younger (Arghūn) brethren had been kept in separate treasuries; out of
each had come chest upon chest, bale upon bale of stuffs and
clothes-in-wear (_artmāq artmāq_), sack upon sack of white _tankas_. In
_aūtāgh_ and _chādar_ (lattice-tent and pole-tent) was much spoil for
every man soever; many sheep also had been taken but sheep were less
cared about!

I made over to Qāsim Beg Muqīm's retainers in Qalāt, under [Sidenote:
Fol. 212b.] Qūj _Arghūn_ and Tāju'd-dīn Maḥmūd, with their goods and
effects. Qāsim Beg was a knowing person; he saw it unadvisable for us to
stay long near Qandahār, so, by talking and talking, worrying and
worrying, he got us to march off. As has been said, I had bestowed
Qandahār on Nāṣir Mīrzā; he was given leave to go there; we started for
Kābul.

There had been no chance of portioning out the spoils while we were near
Qandahār; it was done at Qarā-bāgh where we delayed two or three days.
To count the coins being difficult, they were apportioned by weighing
them in scales. Begs of all ranks, retainers and household (_tābīn_)
loaded up ass-load after ass-load of sacks full of white _tankas_, and
took them away for their own subsistence and the pay of their soldiers.

We went back to Kābul with masses of goods and treasure, great honour
and reputation.


(_o. Bābur's marriage with Ma`ṣūma-sulṯān._)

After this return to Kābul I concluded alliance (_`aqd qīldīm_) with Sl.
Aḥmad Mīrzā's daughter Ma`ṣūma-sulṯān Begīm whom I had asked in marriage
at Khurāsān, and had had brought from there.


(_p. Shaibāq Khān before Qandahār._)

A few days later a servant of Nāṣir Mīrzā brought the news that Shaibāq
Khān had come and laid siege to Qandahār. That Muqīm had fled to
Zamīn-dāwar has been said already; from there he went on and saw Shaibāq
Khān. From Shāh Beg also one person after another had gone to Shaibāq
Khān. At the instigation and petition of these two, the Khān came
[Sidenote: Fol. 213.] swiftly down on Qandahār by the mountain
road,[1305] thinking to find me there. This was the very thing that
experienced person Qāsim Beg had in his mind when he worried us into
marching off from near Qandahār.

   (Persian) What a mirror shews to the young man,
             A baked brick shews to the old one!

Shaibāq Khān arriving, besieged Nāṣir Mīrzā in Qandahār.


(_q. Alarm in Kābul._)

When this news came, the begs were summoned for counsel. The matters for
discussion were these:—Strangers and ancient foes, such as are Shaibāq
Khān and the Aūzbegs, are in possession of all the countries once held
by Tīmūr Beg's descendants; even where Turks and Chaghatāīs[1306]
survive in corners and border-lands, they have all joined the Aūzbeg,
willingly or with aversion; one remains, I myself, in Kābul, the foe
mightily strong, I very weak, with no means of making terms, no strength
to oppose; that, in the presence of such power and potency, we had to
think of some place for ourselves and, at this crisis and in the crack
of time there was, to put a wider space between us and the strong
foeman; that choice lay between Badakhshān and Hindūstān and that
decision must now be made.

Qāsim Beg and Sherīm T̤aghāī were agreed for Badakhshān;

   (_Author's note on Badakhshān._) Those holding their heads up
   in Badakhshān at this crisis were, of Badakhshīs, Mubārak Shāh
   and Zubair, Jahāngīr _Turkmān_ and Muḥammad the armourer. They
   had driven Nāṣir Mīrzā out but had not joined the Aūzbeg.

[Sidenote: Fol. 213b.] I and several household-begs preferred going
towards Hindūstān and were for making a start to Lamghān.[1307]


(_r. Movements of some Mīrzās._)

After taking Qandahār, I had bestowed Qalāt and the Turnūk (Tarnak)
country on `Abdu'r-razzāq Mīrzā and had left him in Qalāt, but with the
Aūzbeg besieging Qandahār, he could not stay in Qalāt, so left it and
came to Kābul. He arriving just as we were marching out, was there left
in charge.[1308]

There being in Badakhshān no ruler or ruler's son, Mīrzā Khān inclined
to go in that direction, both because of his relationship to Shāh
Begīm[1309] and with her approval. He was allowed to go and the honoured
Begīm herself started off with him. My honoured maternal-aunt Mihr-nigār
Khānīm also wished to go to Badakhshān, notwithstanding that it was more
seemly for her to be with me, a blood-relation; but whatever objection
was made, she was not to be dissuaded; she also betook[1310] herself to
Badakhshān.


(_s. Bābur's second start for Hindūstān._)

Under our plan of going to Hindūstān, we marched out of Kābul in the
month of the first Jumāda (September 1507 AD.), taking the road through
Little Kābul and going down by Sūrkh-rabāṯ to Qūrūq-sāī.

The Afghāns belonging between Kābul and Lamghān (Ningnahār) are thieves
and abettors of thieves even in quiet times; for just such a happening
as this they had prayed in vain. Said they, "He has abandoned Kābul",
and multiplied their misdeeds by ten, changing their very merits for
faults. To such [Sidenote: Fol. 214.] lengths did things go that on the
morning we marched from Jagdālīk, the Afghāns located between it and
Lamghān, such as the Khiẓr-khail, Shimū-khail, Khirilchī and Khūgīanī,
thought of blocking the pass, arrayed on the mountain to the north, and
advancing with sound of tambour and flourish of sword, began to shew
themselves off. On our mounting I ordered our men to move along the
mountain-side, each man from where he had dismounted;[1311] off they set
at the gallop up every ridge and every valley of the saddle.[1312] The
Afghāns stood awhile, but could not let even one arrow fly,[1313] and
betook themselves to flight. While I was on the mountain during the
pursuit, I shot one in the hand as he was running back below me. That
arrow-stricken man and a few others were brought in; some were put to
death by impalement, as an example.

We dismounted over against the Adīnapūr-fort in the Nīngnahār _tūmān_.


(_t. A raid for winter stores._)

Up till then we had taken no thought where to camp, where to go, where
to stay; we had just marched up and down, camping in fresh places, while
waiting for news.[1314] It was late in the autumn; most lowlanders had
carried in their rice. People knowing the local land and water
represented that the Mīl Kāfirs up the water of the `Alīshang _tūmān_
grow great quantities of rice, so that we might be able to collect
winter supplies from them for the army. Accordingly we rode out of the
Nīngnahār dale (_julga_), crossed (the Bārān-water) at Sāīkal, and went
swiftly as far as the Pūr-amīn (easeful) valley. [Sidenote: Fol. 214b.]
There the soldiers took a mass of rice. The rice-fields were all at the
bottom of the hills. The people fled but some Kāfirs went to their
death. A few of our braves had been sent to a look-out (_sar-kūb_)[1315]
on a naze of the Pūr-anīm valley; when they were returning to us, the
Kāfirs rushed from the hill above, shooting at them. They overtook Qāsim
Beg's son-in-law Pūrān, chopped at him with an axe, and were just taking
him when some of the braves went back, brought strength to bear, drove
them off and got Pūrān away. After one night spent in the Kāfirs'
rice-fields, we returned to camp with a mass of provisions collected.


(_u. Marriage of Muqīm's daughter._)

While we were near Mandrāwar in those days, an alliance was concluded
between Muqīm's daughter Māh-chūchūk, now married to Shāh Ḥasan
_Arghūn_, and Qāsim Kūkūldāsh.[1316]


(_v. Abandonment of the Hindūstān project._)

As it was not found desirable to go on into Hindūstān, I sent Mullā Bābā
of Pashāghar back to Kābul with a few braves. Meantime I marched from
near Mandrāwar to Atar and Shīwa and lay there for a few days. From Atar
I visited Kūnār and Nūr-gal; from Kūnār I went back to camp on a raft;
it was the first time I had sat on one; it pleased me much, and the raft
came into common use thereafter.


(_w. Shaibāq Khān retires from Qandahār._)

In those same days Mullā Bābā of Farkat came from Nāṣir Mīrzā with news
in detail that Shaibāq Khān, after taking the outer-fort of Qandahār,
had not been able to take the citadel but had retired; also that the
Mīrzā, on various accounts, had left Qandahār and gone to Ghaznī.

Shaibāq Khān's arrival before Qandahār, within a few days [Sidenote:
Fol. 215.] of our own departure, had taken the garrison by surprise, and
they had not been able to make fast the outer-fort. He ran mines several
times round about the citadel and made several assaults. The place was
about to be lost. At that anxious time Khwāja Muḥ. Amīn, Khwāja Dost
Khāwand, Muḥ. `Alī, a foot-soldier, and Shāmī (Syrian?) let themselves
down from the walls and got away. Just as those in the citadel were
about to surrender in despair, Shaibāq Khān interposed words of peace
and uprose from before the place. Why he rose was this:—It appears that
before he went there, he had sent his _ḥaram_ to Nīrah-tū,[1317] and
that in Nīrah-tū some-one lifted up his head and got command in the
fort; the Khān therefore made a sort of peace and retired from Qandahār.


(_x. Bābur returns to Kābul._)

Mid-winter though it was we went back to Kābul by the Bād-i-pīch road. I
ordered the date of that transit and that crossing of the pass to be cut
on a stone above Bād-i-pīch;[1318] Ḥāfiẓ Mīrak wrote the inscription,
Ustād Shāh Muḥammad did the cutting, not well though, through haste.

I bestowed Ghaznī on Nāṣir Mīrzā and gave `Abdu'r-razzāq Mīrzā the
Nīngnahār _tūmān_ with Mandrāwar, Nūr-valley, Kūnār and Nūr-gal.[1319]


(_y. Bābur styles himself Pādshāh._)

Up to that date people had styled Tīmūr Beg's descendants _Mīrzā_, even
when they were ruling; now I ordered that people should style me
_Pādshāh_.[1320]


(_z. Birth of Bābur's first son._)

At the end of this year, on Tuesday the 4th day of the month of
Ẕū'l-qa`da (March 6th 1506 AD.), the Sun being in Pisces [Sidenote: Fol.
215b.] (_Ḥūt_), Humāyūn was born in the citadel of Kābul. The date of
his birth was found by the poet Maulānā Masnadī in the words _Sulṯān
Humāyūn Khān_,[1321] and a minor poet of Kābul found it in
_Shāh-i-fīrūs-qadr_ (Shāh of victorious might). A few days later he
received the name Humāyūn; when he was five or six days old, I went out
to the Chār-bāgh where was had the feast of his nativity. All the begs,
small and great, brought gifts; such a mass of white _tankas_ was heaped
up as had never been seen before. It was a first-rate feast!



914 AH.—MAY 2ND 1508 TO APRIL 21ST 1509 AD.[1322]


This spring a body of Mahmand Afghāns was over-run near Muqur.[1323]


(_a. A Mughūl rebellion._)

A few days after our return from that raid, Qūj Beg, Faqīr-i-`alī,
Karīm-dād and Bābā _chuhra_ were thinking about deserting, but their
design becoming known, people were sent who took them below Astar-ghach.
As good-for-nothing words of theirs had been reported to me, even during
Jahāngīr M.'s life-time,[1324] I ordered that they should be put to
death at the top of the _bāzār_. They had been taken to the place; the
ropes had been fixed; and they were about to be hanged when Qāsim Beg
sent Khalīfa to me with an urgent entreaty that I would pardon their
offences. To please him I gave them their lives, but I ordered them kept
in custody.

What there was of Khusrau Shāh's retainers from Ḥiṣār and Qūndūz,
together with the head-men of the Mughūls, Chilma, [Sidenote: Fol. 216.]
`Alī Sayyid,[1325] Sakma (?), Sher-qulī and Aīkū-sālam (?), and also
Khusrau Shāh's favourite Chaghatāī retainers under Sl. `Alī _chuhra_ and
Khudabakhsh, with also 2 or 3000 serviceable Turkmān braves led by
Sīūndūk and Shāh Naẕar,[1326] the whole of these, after consultation,
took up a bad position towards me. They were all seated in front of
Khwāja Riwāj, from the Sūng-qūrghān meadow to the Chālāk; `Abdu'r-razzāq
Mīrzā, come in from Nīng-nahār, being in Dih-i-afghān.[1327]

Earlier on Muḥibb-i-`alī the armourer had told Khalīfa and Mullā Bābā
once or twice of their assemblies, and both had given me a hint, but the
thing seeming incredible, it had had no attention. One night, towards
the Bed-time Prayer, when I was sitting in the Audience-hall of the
Chār-bāgh, Mūsa Khwāja, coming swiftly up with another man, said in my
ear, "The Mughūls are really rebelling! We do not know for certain
whether they have got `Abdu'r-razzāq M. to join them. They have
not settled to rise to-night." I feigned disregard and a little
later went towards the _ḥarams_ which at the time were in the
Yūrūnchqa-garden[1328] and the Bāgh-i-khilwat, but after page, servitor
and messenger (_yasāwal_) had turned back on getting [Sidenote: Fol.
216b.] near them, I went with the chief-slave towards the town, and on
along the ditch. I had gone as far as the Iron-gate when Khwāja Muḥ.
`Alī[1329] met me, he coming by the _bāzār_ road from the opposite
direction. He joined me ... of the porch of the Hot-bath
(_ḥammām_)....[1330]


TRANSLATOR'S NOTE ON 914 TO 925 AH.—1508 TO 1519 AD.

From several references made in the _Bābur-nāma_ and from a passage in
Gul-badan's _Humāyūn-nāma_ (f. 15), it is inferrible that Bābur was
composing the annals of 914 AH. not long before his last illness and
death.[1331]

Before the diary of 925 AH. (1519 AD.) takes up the broken thread of his
autobiography, there is a _lacuna_ of narrative extending over nearly
eleven years. The break was not intended, several references in the
_Bābur-nāma_ shewing Bābur's purpose to describe events of the
unchronicled years.[1332] Mr. Erskine, in the Leyden and Erskine
_Memoirs_, carried Bābur's biography through the major _lacunæ_, but
without firsthand help from the best sources, the _Habību's-siyar_ and
_Tārīkh-i-rashīdī_. He had not the help of the first even in his
_History of India_. M. de Courteille working as a translator only, made
no attempt to fill the gaps.

Bābur's biography has yet to be completed; much time is demanded by the
task, not only in order to exhaust known sources and seek others further
afield, but to weigh and balance the contradictory statements of writers
deep-sundered in sympathy and outlook. To strike such a balance is
essential when dealing with the events of 914 to 920 AH. because in
those years Bābur had part in an embittered conflict between Sunni and
Shī`a. What I offer below, as a stop-gap, is a mere summary of events,
mainly based on material not used by Mr. Erskine, with a few comments
prompted by acquaintance with Bāburiana.


_USEFUL SOURCES_

Compared with what Bābur could have told of this most interesting period
of his life, the yield of the sources is scant, a natural sequel from
the fact that no one of them had his biography for its main theme, still
less had his own action in crises of enforced ambiguity.

Of all known sources the best are Khwānd-amīr's _Ḥabību's-siyar_ and
Ḥaidar Mīrzā _Dūghlāt's Tārīkh-i-rashīdī_. The first was finished
nominally in 930 AH. (1524-5 AD.), seven years therefore before Bābur's
death, but it received much addition of matter concerning Bābur after
its author went to Hindūstān in 934 AH. (f. 339). Its fourth part, a
life of Shāh Ismā`īl _Ṣafawī_ is especially valuable for the years of
this _lacuna_. Ḥaidar's book was finished under Humāyūn in 953 AH. (1547
AD.), when its author had reigned five years in Kashmīr. It is the most
valuable of all the sources for those interested in Bābur himself, both
because of Ḥaidar's excellence as a biographer, and through his close
acquaintance with Bābur's family. From his eleventh to his thirteenth
year he lived under Bābur's protection, followed this by 19 years
service under Sa`īd Khān, the cousin of both, in Kāshghar, and after
that Khān's death, went to Bābur's sons Kāmrān and Humāyūn in Hindūstān.

A work issuing from a Sunnī Aūzbeg centre, Faẓl bin Ruzbahān _Isfahānī's
Sūlūku'l-mulūk_, has a Preface of special value, as shewing one view of
what it writes of as the spread of heresy in Māwarā'u'n-nahr through
Bābur's invasions. The book itself is a Treatise on Musalmān Law, and
was prepared by order of `Ubaidu'l-lāh Khān _Aūzbeg_ for his help in
fulfilling a vow he had made, before attacking Bābur in 918 AH., at the
shrine of Khwāja Aḥmad _Yasawī_ [in Haẓrat Turkistān], that, if he were
victorious, he would conform exactly with the divine Law and uphold it
in Māwarā'u'n-nahr (Rieu's Pers. Cat. ii, 448).

The _Tārīkh-i Ḥājī Muḥammad `Ārif Qandahārī_ appears, from the frequent
use Firishta made of it, to be a useful source, both because its author
was a native of Qandahār, a place much occupying Bābur's activities, and
because he was a servant of Bairām Khān-i-khānān, whose assassination
under Akbar he witnessed.[1333] Unfortunately, though his life of Akbar
survives no copy is now known of the section of his General History
which deals with Bābur's.

An early source is Yahya _Kazwīnī's Lubbu't-tawārīkh_, written in 948
AH. (1541 AD.), but brief only in the Bābur period. It issued from a
Shī`a source, being commanded by Shāh Ismā`īl _Ṣafawī_'s son Bahrām.

Another work issuing also from a _Ṣafawī_ centre is Mīr Sikandar's
_Tārīkh-i-`ālam-arāī_, a history of Shāh `Abbas I, with an introduction
treating of his predecessors which was completed in 1025 AH. (1616 AD.).
Its interest lies in its outlook on Bābur's dealings with Shāh Ismā`īl.

A later source, brief only, is Firishta's _Tārīkh-i-firishta_, finished
under Jahāngīr in the first quarter of the 17th century.

Mr. Erskine makes frequent reference to Kh(w)āfī Khān's _Tārīkh_, a
secondary authority however, written under Aurangzīb, mainly based on
Firishta's work, and merely summarizing Bābur's period. References to
detached incidents of the period are found in Shaikh `Abdu'l-qādir's
_Tārīkh-i-badāyūnī_ and Mīr Ma`ṣūm's _Tārīkh-i-sind_.


_EVENTS OF THE UNCHRONICLED YEARS_

914 AH.-MAY 2ND 1508 TO APRIL 21ST 1509 AD.

The mutiny, of which an account begins in the text, was crushed by the
victory of 500 loyalists over 3,000 rebels, one factor of success being
Bābur's defeat in single combat of five champions of his
adversaries.[1334] The disturbance was not of long duration; Kābul was
tranquil in Sha`bān (November) when Sl. Sa`īd Khān _Chaghatāī_, then 21,
arrived there seeking his cousin's protection, after defeat by his
brother Manṣūr at Almātū, escape from death, commanded by Shaibānī, in
Farghāna, a winter journey through Qarā-tīgīn to Mīrzā Khān in
Qilā'-i-ẓafar, refusal of an offer to put him in that feeble Mīrzā's
place, and so on to Kābul, where he came a destitute fugitive and
enjoyed a freedom from care never known by him before (f. 200_b_; T.R.
p. 226). The year was fatal to his family and to Ḥaidar's; in it
Shaibānī murdered Sl. Maḥmūd Khān and his six sons, Muḥammad Ḥusain
Mīrzā and other Dūghlāt sulṯāns.


915 AH.-APRIL 21ST 1509 TO APRIL 11TH 1510 AD.

In this year hostilities began between Shāh Ismā`īl _Ṣafawī_ and Muḥ.
Shaibānī Khān _Aūzbeg_, news of which must have excited keen interest in
Kābul.

In it occurred also what was in itself a minor matter of a child's
safety, but became of historical importance, namely, the beginning of
personal acquaintance between Bābur and his sympathetic biographer
Ḥaidar Mīrzā _Dūghlāt_. Ḥaidar, like Sa`īd, came a fugitive to the
protection of a kinsman; he was then eleven, had been saved by servants
from the death commanded by Shaibānī, conveyed to Mīrzā Khān in
Badakhshān, thence sent for by Bābur to the greater security of Kābul
(f. 11; Index _s.n._; T.R. p. 227).


916 AH.-APRIL 11TH 1510 TO MARCH 31ST 1510 AD.

_a. News of the battle of Merv._

Over half of this year passed quietly in Kābul; Ramẓān (December)
brought from Mīrzā Khān (Wāis) the stirring news that Ismā`īl had
defeated Shaibānī near Merv.[1335] "It is not known," wrote the Mīrzā,
"whether Shāhī Beg Khān has been killed or not. All the Aūzbegs have
crossed the Amū. Amīr Aūrūs, who was in Qūndūz, has fled. About 20,000
Mughūls, who left the Aūzbeg at Merv, have come to Qūndūz. I have come
there." He then invited Bābur to join him and with him to try for the
recovery of their ancestral territories (T.R. p. 237).


_b. Bābur's campaign in Transoxiana begun._

The Mīrzā's letter was brought over passes blocked by snow; Bābur, with
all possible speed, took the one winter-route through Āb-dara, kept the
Ramẓān Feast in Bāmīān, and reached Qūndūz in Shawwāl (Jan. 1511 AD.).
Ḥaidar's detail about the Feast seems likely to have been recorded
because he had read Bābur's own remark, made in Ramẓān 933 AH. (June
1527) that up to that date, when he kept it in Sīkrī, he had not since
his eleventh year kept it twice in the same place (f. 330).


_c. Mughūl affairs._

Outside Qūndūz lay the Mughūls mentioned by Mīrzā Khān as come from Merv
and so mentioned, presumably, as a possible reinforcement. They had been
servants of Bābur's uncles Maḥmūd and Aḥmad, and when Shaibānī defeated
those Khāns at Akhsī in 908 AH., had been compelled by him to migrate
into Khurāsān to places remote from Mughūlistān. Many of them had served
in Kāshghar; none had served a Tīmūrid Mīrzā. Set free by Shaibānī's
death, they had come east, a Khān-less 20,000 of armed and fully
equipped men and they were there, as Ḥaidar says, in their strength
while of Chaghatāīs there were not more than 5,000. They now, and with
them the Mughūls from Kābul, used the opportunity offering for return to
a more congenial location and leadership, by the presence in Qūndūz of a
legitimate Khāqān and the clearance in Andijān, a threshold of
Mughūlistān, of its Aūzbeg governors (f. 200_b_). The chiefs of both
bodies of Mughūls, Sherīm Taghāī at the head of one, Ayūb _Begchīk_ of
the other, proffered the Mughūl Khānship to Sa`īd with offer to set
Bābur aside, perhaps to kill him. It is improbable that in making their
offer they contemplated locating themselves in the confined country of
Kābul; what they seem to have wished was what Bābur gave, Sa`īd for
their Khāqān and permission to go north with him.

Sa`īd, in words worth reading, rejected their offer to injure Bābur,
doing so on the grounds of right and gratitude, but, the two men
agreeing that it was now expedient for them to part, asked to be sent to
act for Bābur where their friendship could be maintained for their
common welfare. The matter was settled by Bābur's sending him into
Andijān in response to an urgent petition for help there just arrived
from Ḥaidar's uncle. He "was made Khān" and started forth in the
following year, on Ṣafar 14th 917 AH. (May 13th 1511 AD.); with him went
most of the Mughūls but not all, since even of those from Merv, Ayūb
_Begchīk_ and others are found mentioned on several later occasions as
being with Bābur.

Bābur's phrase "I made him Khān" (f. 200_b_) recalls his earlier mention
of what seems to be the same appointment (f. 10_b_), made by Abū-sa`īd
of Yūnas as Khān of the Mughūls; in each case the meaning seems to be
that the Tīmūrid Mīrzā made the Chaghatāī Khān Khāqān of the Mughūls.


_d. First attempt on Ḥiṣār._

After spending a short time in Qūndūz, Bābur moved for Ḥiṣār in which
were the Aūzbeg sulṯāns Mahdī and Ḥamza. They came out into Wakhsh to
meet him but, owing to an imbroglio, there was no encounter and each
side retired (T.R. p. 238).


_e. Intercourse between Bābur and Ismā`īl Ṣafawī._

While Bābur was now in Qūndūz his sister Khān-zāda arrived there,
safe-returned under escort of the Shāh's troops, after the death in the
battle of Merv of her successive husbands Shaibānī and Sayyid Hādī, and
with her came an envoy from Ismā`īl proffering friendship, civilities
calculated to arouse a hope of Persian help in Bābur. To acknowledge his
courtesies, Bābur sent Mīrzā Khān with thanks and gifts; Ḥaidar says
that the Mīrzā also conveyed protestations of good faith and a request
for military assistance. He was well received and his request for help
was granted; that it was granted under hard conditions then stated later
occurrences shew.


917 AH.-MARCH 31ST 1511 TO MARCH 19TH 1512 AD.

_a. Second attempt on Ḥiṣār._

In this year Bābur moved again on Ḥiṣār. He took post, where once his
forbear Tīmūr had wrought out success against great odds, at the
Pul-i-sangīn (Stone-bridge) on the Sūrkh-āb, and lay there a month
awaiting reinforcement. The Aūzbeg sulṯāns faced him on the other side
of the river, they too, presumably, awaiting reinforcement. They moved
when they felt themselves strong enough to attack, whether by addition
to their own numbers, whether by learning that Bābur had not largely
increased his own. Concerning the second alternative it is open to
surmise that he hoped for larger reinforcement than he obtained; he
appears to have left Qūndūz before the return of Mīrzā Khān from his
embassy to Ismā`īl, to have expected Persian reinforcement with the
Mīrzā, and at Pul-i-sangīn, where the Mīrzā joined him in time to fight,
to have been strengthened by the Mīrzā's own following, and few, if any,
foreign auxiliaries. These surmises are supported by what Khwānd-amīr
relates of the conditions [specified later] on which the Shāh's main
contingent was despatched and by his shewing that it did not start until
after the Shāh had had news of the battle at Pul-i-sangīn.

At the end of the month of waiting, the Aūzbegs one morning swam the
Sūrkh-āb below the bridge; in the afternoon of the same day, Bābur
retired to better ground amongst the mountain fastnesses of a local
Āb-dara. In the desperate encounter which followed the Aūzbegs were
utterly routed with great loss in men; they were pursued to
Darband-i-ahanīn (Iron-gate) on the Ḥiṣār border, on their way to join a
great force assembled at Qarshī under Kūchūm Khān, Shaibānī's successor
as Aūzbeg Khāqān. The battle is admirably described by Ḥaidar, who was
then a boy of 12 with keen eye watching his own first fight, and that
fight with foes who had made him the last male survivor of his line. In
the evening of the victory Mahdī, Ḥamza and Ḥamza's son Mamak were
brought before Bābur who, says Ḥaidar, did to them what they had done to
the Mughūl Khāqāns and Chaghatāī Sulṯāns, that is, he retaliated in
blood for the blood of many kinsmen.


_b. Persian reinforcement._

After the battle Bābur went to near Ḥiṣār, was there joined by many
local tribesmen, and, some time later, by a large body of Ismā`īl's
troops under Aḥmad Beg _Ṣafawī_, `Alī Khān _Istiljū_ and Shāhrukh Sl.
_Afshār_, Ismā`īl's seal-keeper. The following particulars, given by
Khwānd-amīr, about the despatch of this contingent help to fix the order
of occurrences, and throw light on the price paid by Bābur for his
auxiliaries. He announced his victory over Mahdī and Ḥamza to the Shāh,
and at the same time promised that if he reconquered the rest of
Transoxiana by the Shāh's help, he would read his name in the _khuṯba_,
stamp it on coins together with those of the Twelve Imāms, and work to
destroy the power of the Aūzbegs. These undertakings look like a
response to a demand; such conditions cannot have been proffered; their
acceptance must have been compelled. Khwānd-amīr says that when Ismā`īl
fully understood the purport of Bābur's letter, [by which would seem to
be meant, when he knew that his conditions of help were accepted,] he
despatched the troops under the three Commanders named above.

The Persian chiefs advised a move direct on Bukhārā and Samarkand; and
with this Bābur's councillors concurred, they saying, according to
Ḥaidar, that Bukhārā was then empty of troops and full of fools. `Ubaid
Khān had thrown himself into Qarshī; it was settled not to attack him
but to pass on and encamp a stage beyond the town. This was done; then
scout followed scout, bringing news that he had come out of Qarshī and
was hurrying to Bukhārā, his own fief. Instant and swift pursuit
followed him up the 100 miles of caravan-road, into Bukhārā, and on
beyond, sweeping him and his garrison, plundered as they fled, into the
open land of Turkistān. Many sulṯāns had collected in Samarkand, some no
doubt being, like Tīmūr its governor, fugitives escaped from
Pul-i-sangīn. Dismayed by Bābur's second success, they scattered into
Turkistān, thus leaving him an open road.


_c. Samarkand re-occupied and relations with Ismā`īl Ṣafawī._

He must now have hoped to be able to dispense with his dangerous
colleagues, for he dismissed them when he reached Bukhārā, with gifts
and thanks for their services. It is Ḥaidar, himself present, who fixes
Bukhārā as the place of the dismissal (T.R. p. 246).

From Bukhārā Bābur went to Samarkand. It was mid-Rajab 917 AH. (October
1511 AD.), some ten months after leaving Kābul, and after 9 years of
absence, that he re-entered the town, itself gay with decoration for his
welcome, amidst the acclaim of its people.[1336]

Eight months were to prove his impotence to keep it against the forces
ranged against him,—Aūzbeg strength in arms compacted by Sunnī zeal,
Sunnī hatred of a Shī`a's suzerainty intensified by dread lest that
potent Shī`a should resolve to perpetuate his dominance. Both as a Sunnī
and as one who had not owned a suzerain, the position was unpleasant for
Bābur. That his alliance with Ismā`īl was dangerous he will have known,
as also that his risks grew as Transoxiana was over-spread by news of
Ismā`īl's fanatical barbarism to pious and learned Sunnīs, notably in
Herī. He manifested desire for release both now and later,—now when he
not only dismissed his Persian helpers but so behaved to the Shāh's
envoy Muḥammad Jān,—he was Najm S̤ānī's Lord of the Gate,—that the envoy
felt neglect and made report of Bābur as arrogant, in opposition, and
unwilling to fulfil his compact,—later when he eagerly attempted success
unaided against `Ubaid Khān, and was then worsted. It illustrates the
Shāh's view of his suzerain relation to Bābur that on hearing Muḥammad
Jān's report, he ordered Najm S̤ānī to bring the offender to order.

Meantime the Shāh's conditions seem to have been carried out in
Samarkand and Bābur's subservience clearly shewn.[1337] Of this there
are the indications,—that Bābur had promised and was a man of his word;
that Sunnī irritation against him waxed and did not wane as it might
have done without food to nourish it; that Bābur knew himself impotent
against the Aūzbegs unless he had foreign aid, expected attack, knew it
was preparing; that he would hear of Muḥammad Jān's report and of Najm
S̤ānī's commission against himself. Honesty, policy and necessity
combined to enforce the fulfilment of his agreement. What were the
precise terms of that agreement beyond the two as to the _khuṯba_ and
the coins, it needs close study of the wording of the sources to decide,
lest metaphor be taken for fact. Great passions,—ambition, religious
fervour, sectarian bigotry and fear confronted him. His problem was
greater than that of Henry of Navarre and of Napoleon in Egypt; they had
but to seem what secured their acceptance; he had to put on a guise that
brought him hate.

Khān-zāda was not the only member of Bābur's family who now rejoined him
after marriage with an Aūzbeg. His half-sister Yādgār-sulṯān had fallen
to the share of Ḥamza Sulṯān's son `Abdu'l-laṯīf in 908 AH. when
Shaibānī defeated the Khāns near Akhsī. Now that her half-brother had
defeated her husband's family, she returned to her own people (f. 9).


918 AH.-MARCH 19TH 1512 TO MARCH 9TH 1513 AD.

_a. Return of the Aūzbegs._

Emboldened by the departure of the Persian troops, the Aūzbegs, in the
spring of the year, came out of Turkistān, their main attack being
directed on Tāshkīnt, then held for Bābur.[1338] `Ubaid Khān moved for
Bukhārā. He had prefaced his march by vowing that, if successful, he
would thenceforth strictly observe Musalmān Law. The vow was made in
Ḥaẓrat Turkistān at the shrine of Khwāja Aḥmad _Yasawī_, a saint revered
in Central Asia through many centuries; he had died about 1120 AD.;
Tīmūr had made pilgrimage to his tomb, in 1397 AD., and then had founded
the mosque still dominating the town, still the pilgrim's
land-mark.[1339] `Ubaid's vow, like Bābur's of 933 AH., was one of
return to obedience. Both men took oath in the Ghāzī's mood, Bābur's set
against the Hindū whom he saw as a heathen, `Ubaid's set against Bābur
whom he saw as a heretic.


_b. Bābur's defeat at Kul-i-malik._

In Ṣafar (April-May) `Ubaid moved swiftly down and attacked the Bukhārā
neighbourhood. Bābur went from Samarkand to meet him. Several details of
what followed, not given by Ḥaidar and, in one particular, contradicting
him, are given by Khwānd-amīr. The statement in which the two historians
contradict one another is Ḥaidar's that `Ubaid had 3000 men only, Bābur
40,000. Several considerations give to Khwānd-amīr's opposed statement
that Bābur's force was small, the semblance of being nearer the fact.
Ḥaidar, it may be said, did not go out on this campaign; he was ill in
Samarkand and continued ill there for some time; Khwānd-amīr's details
have the well-informed air of things learned at first-hand, perhaps from
some-one in Hindūstān after 934 AH.

Matters which make against Bābur's having a large effective force at
Kul-i-malik, and favour Khwānd-amīr's statement about the affair are
these:—`Ubaid must have formed some estimate of what he had to meet, and
he brought 3000 men. Where could Bābur have obtained 40,000 men worth
reckoning in a fight? In several times of crisis his own immediate and
ever-faithful troop is put at 500; as his cause was now unpopular, local
accretions may have been few. Some Mughūls from Merv and from Kābul were
near Samarkand (T.R. pp. 263, 265); most were with Sa`īd in Andijān; but
however many Mughūls may have been in his neighbourhood, none could be
counted on as resolute for his success. If too, he had had more than a
small effective force, would he not have tried to hold Samarkand with
the remnant of defeat until Persian help arrived? All things considered,
there is ground for accepting Khwānd-amīr's statement that Bābur met
`Ubaid with a small force.

Following his account therefore:—Bābur in his excess of daring, marched
to put the Aūzbeg down with a small force only, against the advice of
the prudent, of whom Muḥammad Mazīd Tarkhān was one, who all said it was
wrong to go out unprepared and without reinforcement. Paying them no
attention, Bābur marched for Bukhārā, was rendered still more daring by
news had when he neared it, that the enemy had retired some stages, and
followed him up almost to his camp. `Ubaid was in great force; many
Aūzbegs perished but, in the end, they were victors and Bābur was
compelled to take refuge in Bukhārā. The encounter took place near
Kul-i-malik (King's-lake) in Ṣafar 918 AH. (April-May 1512 AD.).


_c. Bābur leaves Samarkand._

It was not possible to maintain a footing in Samarkand; Bābur therefore
collected his family and train[1340] and betook himself to Ḥiṣār. There
went with him on this expedition Māhīm and her children Humāyūn,
Mihr-jahān and Bārbūl,—the motherless Ma`ṣūma,—Gul-rukh with her son
Kāmrān (Gulbadan f. 7). I have not found any account of his route;
Ḥaidar gives no details about the journey; he did not travel with Bābur,
being still invalided in Samarkand. Perhaps the absence of information
is a sign that the Aūzbegs had not yet appeared on the direct road for
Ḥiṣār. A local tradition however would make Bābur go round through
Farghāna. He certainly might have gone into Farghāna hoping to
co-operate with Sa`īd Khān; Tāshkīnt was still holding out under
Aḥmad-i-qāsim _Kohbur_ and it is clear that all activity in Bābur's
force had not been quenched because during the Tāshkīnt siege, Dost Beg
broke through the enemy's ranks and made his way into the town. Sairām
held out longer than Tāshkīnt. Of any such move by Bābur into Andijān
the only hint received is given by what may be a mere legend.[1341]


_d. Bābur in Ḥiṣār._

After experiencing such gains and such losses, Bābur was still under 30
years of age.

The Aūzbegs, after his departure, re-occupied Bukhārā and Samarkand
without harm done to the towns-people, and a few weeks later, in Jumāda
I (July-August) followed him to Ḥiṣār. Meantime he with Mīrzā Khān's
help, had so closed the streets of the town by massive earth-works that
the sulṯāns were convinced its defenders were ready to spend the last
drop of their blood in holding it, and therefore retired without
attack.[1342] Some sources give as their reason for retirement that
Bābur had been reinforced from Balkh; Bairām Beg, it is true, had sent a
force but one of 300 men only; so few cannot have alarmed except as the
harbinger of more. Greater precision as to dates would shew whether they
can have heard of Najm S̤ānī's army advancing by way of Balkh.


_e. Qarshī and Ghaj-davān._

Meantime Najm S̤ānī, having with him some 11,000 men, had started on his
corrective mission against Bābur. When he reached the Khurāsān frontier,
he heard of the defeat at Kul-i-malik and the flight to Ḥiṣār, gathered
other troops from Harāt and elsewhere, and advanced to Balkh. He stayed
there for 20 days with Bairām Beg, perhaps occupied, in part, by
communications with the Shāh and Bābur. From the latter repeated request
for help is said to have come; help was given, some sources say without
the Shāh's permission. A rendezvous was fixed, Najm S̤ānī marched to
Tīrmīẕ, there crossed the Amū and in Rajab (Sep.-Oct.) encamped near the
Darband-i-ahanīn. On Bābur's approach through the Chak-chaq pass, he
paid him the civility of going several miles out from his camp to give
him honouring reception.

Advancing thence for Bukhārā, the combined armies took Khuzār and moved
on to Qarshī. This town Bābur wished to pass by, as it had been passed
by on his previous march for Bukhārā; each time perhaps he wished to
spare its people, formerly his subjects, whom he desired to rule again,
and who are reputed to have been mostly his fellow Turks. Najm S̤ānī
refused to pass on; he said Qarshī must be taken because it was
`Ubaidu'l-lāh Khān's nest; in it was `Ubaid's uncle Shaikhīm Mīrzā; it
was captured; the Aūzbeg garrison was put to the sword and, spite of
Bābur's earnest entreaties, all the towns-people, 15,000 persons it is
said, down to the "suckling and decrepit", were massacred. Amongst the
victims was Banā'ī who happened to be within it. This action roused the
utmost anger against Najm S̤ānī; it disgusted Bābur, not only through
its merciless slaughter but because it made clear the disregard in which
he was held by his magnificent fellow-general.

From murdered Qarshī Najm S̤ānī advanced for Bukhārā. On getting within
a few miles of it, he heard that an Aūzbeg force was approaching under
Tīmūr and Abū-sa`īd, presumably from Samarkand therefore. He sent Bairām
Beg to attack them; they drew off to the north and threw themselves into
Ghaj-davān, the combined armies following them. This move placed Najm
S̤ānī across the Zar-afshān, on the border of the desert with which the
Aūzbegs were familiar, and with `Ubaid on his flank in Bukhārā.

As to what followed the sources vary; they are brief; they differ less
in statement of the same occurrence than in their choice of details to
record; as Mr. Erskine observes their varying stories are not
incompatible. Their widest difference is a statement of time but the two
periods named, one a few days, the other four months, may not be meant
to apply to the same event. Four months the siege is said to have
lasted; this could not have been said if it had been a few days only.
The siege seems to have been of some duration.

At first there were minor engagements, ending with varying success;
provisions and provender became scarce; Najm S̤ānī's officers urged
retirement, so too did Bābur. He would listen to none of them. At length
`Ubaid Khān rode out from Bukhārā at the head of excellent troops; he
joined the Ghaj-davān garrison and the united Aūzbegs posted themselves
in the suburbs where walled lanes and gardens narrowed the field and
lessened Najm S̤ānī's advantage in numbers. On Tuesday Ramẓān 3rd (Nov.
12th)[1343] a battle was fought in which his army was routed and he
himself slain.


_f. Bābur and Yār-i-aḥmad Najm Sānī._

Some writers say that Najm S̤ānī's men did not fight well; it must be
remembered that they may have been weakened by privation and that they
had wished to retire. Of Bābur it is said that he, who was the reserve,
did not fight at all; it is difficult to see good cause why, under all
the circumstances, he should risk the loss of his men. It seems likely
that Ḥaidar's strong language about this defeat would suit Bābur's
temper also. "The victorious breezes of Islām overturned the banners of
the schismatics.... Most of them perished on the field; the rents made
by the sword at Qarshī were sewn up at Ghaj-davān by the arrow-stitches
of vengeance. Najm S̤ānī and all the Turkmān amīrs were sent to hell."

The belief that Bābur had failed Najm S̤ānī persisted at the Persian
Court, for his inaction was made a reproach to his son Humāyūn in 951
AH. (1544 AD.), when Humāyūn was a refugee with Ismā`īl's son T̤ahmāsp.
Badāyūnī tells a story which, with great inaccuracy of name and place,
represents the view taken at that time. The part of the anecdote
pertinent here is that Bābur on the eve of the battle at Ghaj-davān,
shot an arrow into the Aūzbeg camp which carried the following couplet,
expressive of his ill-will to the Shāh and perhaps also of his rejection
of the Shī`a guise he himself had worn.

   I made the Shāh's Najm road-stuff for the Aūzbegs;
   If fault has been mine, I have now cleansed the road.[1344]


_g. The Mughūls attack Bābur._

On his second return to Ḥiṣār Bābur was subjected to great danger by a
sudden attack made upon him by the Mughūls where he lay at night in his
camp outside the town. Firishta says, but without particulars of their
offence, that Bābur had reproached them for their misconduct; the
absence of detail connecting the affair with the defeat just sustained,
leads to the supposition that their misdeeds were a part of the tyranny
over the country-people punished later by `Ubaidu'l-lāh Khān. Roused
from his sleep by the noise of his guards' resistance to the Mughūl
attack, Bābur escaped with difficulty and without a single
attendant[1345] into the fort. The conspirators plundered his camp and
withdrew to Qarā-tīgīn. He was in no position to oppose them, left a few
men in Ḥiṣār and went to Mīrzā Khān in Qūndūz.

After he left, Ḥiṣār endured a desolating famine, a phenomenal snowfall
and the ravages of the Mughūls. `Ubaid Khān avenged Bābur on the horde;
hearing of their excesses, he encamped outside the position they had
taken up in Wakhsh defended by river, hills and snow, waited till a road
thawed, then fell upon them and avenged the year's misery they had
inflicted on the Ḥiṣārīs. Ḥaidar says of them that it was their villainy
lost Ḥiṣār to Bābur and gained it for the Aūzbeg.[1346]

These Mughūls had for chiefs men who when Sa`īd went to Andijān, elected
to stay with Bābur. One of the three named by Ḥaidar was Ayūb _Begchīk_.
He repented his disloyalty; when he lay dying some two years later (920
AH.) in Yāngī-ḥiṣār, he told Sa`īd Khān who visited him, that what was
"lacerating his bowels and killing him with remorse", was his
faithlessness to Bābur in Ḥiṣār, the oath he had broken at the
instigation of those "hogs and bears", the Mughūl chiefs (T.R. p. 315).

In this year but before the Mughūl treachery to Bābur, Ḥaidar left him,
starting in Rajab (Sep.-Oct.) to Sa`id in Andijān and thus making a
beginning of his 19 years spell of service.


919 AH.-MARCH 9TH 1513 TO FEB. 26TH 1514 AD.

Bābur may have spent this year in Khishm (Ḥ.S. iii, 372). During two or
three months of it, he had one of the Shāh's retainers in his service,
Khwāja Kamālu'd-dīn Maḥmūd, who had fled from Ghaj-davān to Balkh, heard
there that the Balkhīs favoured an Aūzbeg chief whose coming was
announced, and therefore went to Bābur. In Jumāda 11 (August), hearing
that the Aūzbeg sultan had left Balkh, he returned there but was not
admitted because the Balkhīs feared reprisals for their welcome to the
Aūzbeg, a fear which may indicate that he had taken some considerable
reinforcement to Bābur. He went on into Khurāsān and was there killed;
Balkh was recaptured for the Shāh by Deo Sulṯān, a removal from Aūzbeg
possession which helps to explain how Bābur came to be there in 923 AH.


920 AH.—FEB. 26TH 1514 TO FEB. 15TH 1515 AD.

Ḥaidar writes of Bābur as though he were in Qūndūz this year (TR. p.
263), says that he suffered the greatest misery and want, bore it with
his accustomed courtesy and patience but, at last, despairing of success
in recovering Ḥiṣār, went back to Kābul. Now it seems to be that he made
the stay in Khwāst to which he refers later (f. 241_b_) and during which
his daughter Gul-rang was born, as Gul-badan's chronicle allows known.

It was at the end of the year, after the privation of winter therefore,
that he reached Kābul. When he re-occupied Samarkand in 917 AH., he had
given Kābul to his half-brother Nāṣir Mīrzā; the Mīrzā received him now
with warm welcome and protestations of devotion and respect, spoke of
having guarded Kābul for him and asked permission to return to his own
old fief Ghaznī. His behaviour made a deep impression on Bābur; it would
be felt as a humane touch on the sore of failure.


921 AH.—FEB. 15TH 1515 TO FEB. 5TH 1516 AD.

_a. Rebellion of chiefs in Ghaznī._

Nāṣir Mīrzā died shortly after (_dar hamān ayyām_) his return to Ghaznī.
Disputes then arose amongst the various commanders who were in Ghaznī;
Sherīm T̤aghāī was one of them and the main strength of the tumult was
given by the Mughūls. Many others were however involved in it, even such
an old servant as Bābā of Pashāghar taking part (f. 234_b_; T.R. p.
356). Ḥaidar did not know precisely the cause of the dispute, or shew
why it should have turned against Bābur, since he attributes it to
possession taken by Satan of the brains of the chiefs and a consequent
access of vain-glory and wickedness. Possibly some question of
succession to Nāṣir arose. Dost Beg distinguished himself in the regular
battle which ensued; Qāsim Beg's son Qaṃbar-i-`alī hurried down from
Qūndūz and also did his good part to win it for Bābur. Many of the
rioters were killed, others fled to Kāshghar. Sherīm T̤aghāī was one of
the latter; as Sa`īd Khān gave him no welcome, he could not stay there;
he fell back on the much injured Bābur who, says Ḥaidar, showed him his
usual benevolence, turned his eyes from his offences and looked only at
his past services until he died shortly afterwards (T.R. p. 357).[1347]


922 AH.—FEB. 5TH 1516 TO JAN. 24TH 1517 AD.

This year may have been spent in and near Kābul in the quiet promoted by
the dispersion of the Mughūls.

In this year was born Bābur's son Muḥammad known as _`Askarī_from his
being born in camp. He was the son of Gulrukh _Begchīk_ and full-brother
of Kāmrān.


923 AH.—JAN. 24TH 1517 TO JAN. 13TH 1518 AD.

_a. Bābur visits Balkh._

Khwānd-amīr is the authority for the little that is known of Bābur's
action in this year (Ḥ.S. iii, 367 _et seq._). It is connected with the
doings of Badī`u'z-zamān _Bāī-qarā's_ son Muḥammad-i-zamān. This Mīrzā
had had great wanderings, during a part of which Khwānd-amīr was with
him. In 920 AH. he was in Shāh Ismā`īl's service and in Balkh, but was
not able to keep it. Bābur invited him to Kābul,—the date of invitation
will have been later therefore than Bābur's return there at the end of
920 AH. The Mīrzā was on his way but was dissuaded from going into Kābul
by Mahdī Khwāja and went instead into Ghurjistān. Bābur was angered by
his non-arrival and pursued him in order to punish him but did not
succeed in reaching Ghurjistān and went back to Kābul by way of
Fīrūz-koh and Ghūr. The Mīrzā was captured eventually and sent to Kābul.
Bābur treated him with kindness, after a few months gave him his
daughter Ma`ṣūma in marriage, and sent him to Balkh. He appears to have
been still in Balkh when Khwānd-amīr was writing of the above
occurrences in 929 AH. The marriage took place either at the end of 923
or beginning of 924 AH. The Mīrzā was then 21, Ma`ṣūma 9; she almost
certainly did not then go to Balkh. At some time in 923 AH. Bābur is
said by Khwānd-amīr to have visited that town.[1348]


_b. Attempt on Qandahār._

In this year Bābur marched for Qandahār but the move ended peacefully,
because a way was opened for gifts and terms by an illness which befell
him when he was near the town.

The _Tārīkh-i-sind_ gives what purports to be Shāh Beg's explanation of
Bābur's repeated attempts on Qandahār. He said these had been made and
would be made because Bābur had not forgiven Muqīm for taking Kābul 14
years earlier from the Tīmūrid `Abdu'r-razzāq; that this had brought him
to Qandahār in 913 AH., this had made him then take away Māhchuchak,
Muqīm's daughter; that there were now (923 AH.) many unemployed Mīrzās
in Kābul for whom posts could not be found in regions where the Persians
and Aūzbegs were dominant; that an outlet for their ambitions and for
Bābur's own would be sought against the weaker opponent he himself was.

Bābur's decision to attack in this year is said to have been taken while
Shāh Beg was still a prisoner of Shāh Ismā`īl in the Harāt country; he
must have been released meantime by the admirable patience of his slave
Saṃbhal.


924 AH.—JAN. 13TH 1518 TO JAN. 3RD 1519 AD.

In this year Shāh Beg's son Shāh Ḥasan came to Bābur after quarrel with
his father. He stayed some two years, and during that time was married
to Khalīfa's daughter Gul-barg (Rose-leaf). His return to Qandahār will
have taken place shortly before Bābur's campaign of 926 A.H. against it,
a renewed effort which resulted in possession on Shawwāl 13th 928 AH.
(Sep. 6th 1522 AD.).[1349]

In this year began the campaign in the north-east territories of Kābul,
an account of which is carried on in the diary of 925 AH. It would seem
that in the present year Chaghān-sarāī was captured, and also the
fortress at the head of the valley of Bābā-qarā, belonging to
Ḥaidar-i-`alī _Bajaurī_ (f. 216_b_).[1350]

[Illustration: View from above Babur's Grave and Shah-jahan's
Mosque.]



925 AH.-JAN. 3RD TO DEC. 23RD 1519 AD.[1351]


(_a. Bābur takes the fort of Bajaur._)

(_Jan. 3rd_) On Monday[1352] the first day of the month of Muḥarram,
there was a violent earthquake in the lower part of the dale (_julga_)
of Chandāwal,[1353] which lasted nearly half an astronomical hour.

(_Jan. 4th_) Marching at dawn from that camp with the intention of
attacking the fort of Bajaur,[1354] we dismounted near it and sent a
trusty man of the Dilazāk[1355] Afghāns to advise its sulṯān[1356] and
people to take up a position of service (_qullūq_) and surrender the
fort. Not accepting this counsel, that stupid and ill-fated band sent
back a wild answer, where-upon the army was ordered to make ready
mantelets, ladders and other appliances for taking a fort. For this
purpose a day's (_Jan. 5th_) halt was made on that same ground.

(_Jan. 6th_) On Thursday the 4th of Muḥarram, orders were given that the
army should put on mail, arm and get to horse;[1357] that the left wing
should move swiftly to the upper side of the fort, cross the water at
the water-entry,[1358] and dismount on the [Sidenote: Fol. 217.] north
side of the fort; that the centre, not taking the way across the water,
should dismount in the rough, up-and-down land to the north-west of the
fort; and that the right should dismount to the west of the lower gate.
While the begs of the left under Dost Beg were dismounting, after
crossing the water, a hundred to a hundred and fifty men on foot came
out of the fort, shooting arrows. The begs, shooting in their turn,
advanced till they had forced those men back to the foot of the
ramparts, Mullā `Abdu'l-malūk of Khwāst, like a madman,[1359] going up
right under them on his horse. There and then the fort would have been
taken if the ladders and mantelets had been ready, and if it had not
been so late in the day. Mullā Tirik-i-`alī[1360] and a servant of
Tīngrī-bīrdī crossed swords with the enemy; each overcame his man, cut
off and brought in his head; for this each was promised a reward.

As the Bajaurīs had never before seen matchlocks (_tufang_) they at
first took no care about them, indeed they made fun when they heard the
report and answered it by unseemly gestures. On that day[1361] Ustād
`Alī-qulī shot at and brought down five men with his matchlock; Walī the
Treasurer, for his part, brought down two; other matchlockmen were also
very active in firing and did well, shooting through shield, through
cuirass, through _kusarū_,[1362] and bringing down one man after
another. Perhaps 7, 8, or 10 Bajaurīs had fallen to the matchlock-fire
(_ẓarb_) before night. After that it so became that not a head could be
put out because of the fire. The order [Sidenote: Fol. 217b.] was given,
"It is night; let the army retire, and at dawn, if the appliances are
ready, let them swarm up into the fort."

(_Jan. 7th_) At the first dawn of light (_farẓ waqt_) on Friday the 5th
of Muḥarram, orders were given that, when the battle-nagarets had
sounded, the army should advance, each man from his place to his
appointed post (_yīrlīk yīrdīn_) and should swarm up. The left and
centre advanced from their ground with mantelets in place all along
their lines, fixed their ladders, and swarmed up them. The whole left
hand of the centre, under Khalīfa, Shāh Ḥasan _Arghūn_ and Yūsuf's
Aḥmad, was ordered to reinforce the left wing. Dost Beg's men went
forward to the foot of the north-eastern tower of the fort, and busied
themselves in undermining and bringing it down. Ustād `Alī-qulī was
there also; he shot very well on that day with his matchlock, and he
twice fired off the _firingī_.[1363] Walī the Treasurer also brought
down a man with his matchlock. Malik `Alī _quṯnī_[1364] was first up a
ladder of all the men from the left hand of the centre, and there was
busy with fight and blow. At the post of the centre, Muḥ. `Alī
_Jang-jang_[1365] and his younger brother Nau-roz got up, each by a
different ladder, and made lance and sword to touch. Bābā the waiting
man (_yasāwal_), getting up by another ladder, occupied himself in
breaking down the fort-wall with his [Sidenote: Fol. 218.] axe. Most of
our braves went well forward, shooting off dense flights of arrows and
not letting the enemy put out a head; others made themselves desperately
busy in breaching and pulling down the fort, caring naught for the
enemy's fight and blow, giving no eye to his arrows and stones. By
breakfast-time Dost Beg's men had undermined and breached the
north-eastern tower, got in and put the foe to flight. The men of the
centre got in up the ladders by the same time, but those (_aūl_) others
were first (_awwal_?) in.[1366] By the favour and pleasure of the High
God, this strong and mighty fort was taken in two or three astronomical
hours! Matching the fort were the utter struggle and effort of our
braves; distinguish themselves they did, and won the name and fame of
heroes.

As the Bajaurīs were rebels and at enmity with the people of Islām, and
as, by reason of the heathenish and hostile customs prevailing in their
midst, the very name of Islām was rooted out from their tribe, they were
put to general massacre and their wives and children were made captive.
At a guess more than 3000 men went to their death; as the fight did not
reach to the eastern side of the fort, a few got away there.

The fort taken, we entered and inspected it. On the walls, in houses,
streets and alleys, the dead lay, in what numbers! Comers and goers to
and fro were passing over the bodies. [Sidenote: Fol. 218b.] Returning
from our inspection, we sat down in the Bajaur sulṯān's residence. The
country of Bajaur we bestowed on Khwāja Kalān,[1367] assigning a large
number of braves to reinforce him. At the Evening Prayer we went back to
camp.


(_b. Movements in Bajaur._)

(_Jan. 8th_) Marching at dawn (Muḥ. 6th), we dismounted by the
spring[1368] of Bābā Qarā in the dale of Bajaur. At Khwāja Kalān's
request the prisoners remaining were pardoned their offences, reunited
to their wives and children, and given leave to go, but several sulṯāns
and of the most stubborn were made to reach their doom of death. Some
heads of sulṯāns and of others were sent to Kābul with the news of
success; some also to Badakhshān, Qūndūz and Balkh with the
letters-of-victory.

Shāh Manṣūr _Yūsuf-zāī_,—he was with us as an envoy from his
tribe,—[1369] was an eye-witness of the victory and general massacre. We
allowed him to leave after putting a coat (_tūn_) on him and after
writing orders with threats to the Yūsuf-zāī.

(_Jan. 11th_) With mind easy about the important affairs of the Bajaur
fort, we marched, on Tuesday the 9th of Muḥarram, one _kuroh_ (2 m.)
down the dale of Bajaur and ordered that a tower of heads should be set
up on the rising-ground.

(_Jan. 12th_) On Wednesday the 10th of Muḥarram, we rode out to visit
the Bajaur fort. There was a wine-party in Khwāja Kalān's house,[1370]
several goat-skins of wine having been brought down by Kāfirs
neighbouring on Bajaur. All wine and fruit [Sidenote: Fol. 219.] had in
Bajaur comes from adjacent parts of Kāfiristān.

(_Jan. 13th_) We spent the night there and after inspecting the towers
and ramparts of the fort early in the morning (Muḥ. 11th), I mounted and
went back to camp.

(_Jan. 14th_) Marching at dawn (Muḥ. 12th), we dismounted on the bank of
the Khwāja Khiẓr torrent.[1371]

(_Jan. 15th_) Marching thence, we dismounted (Muḥ. 13th) on the bank of
the Chandāwal torrent. Here all those inscribed in the Bajaur
reinforcement, were ordered to leave.

(_Jan. 16th_) On Sunday the 14th of Muḥarram, a standard was bestowed on
Khwāja Kalān and leave given him for Bajaur. A few days after I had let
him go, the following little verse having come into my head, it was
written down and sent to him:—[1372]

   Not such the pact and bargain betwixt my friend and me,
     At length the tooth of parting, unpacted grief for me!
   Against caprice of Fortune, what weapons (_chāra_) arm the man?
     At length by force of arms (_ba jaur_) my friend is snatched from me!

(_Jan. 19th_) On Wednesday the 17th of Muḥarram, Sl. `Alā'u'd-dīn of
Sawād, the rival (_mu`āriẓ_) of Sl. Wais of Sawād,[1373] came and waited
on me.

(_Jan. 20th_) On Thursday the 18th of the month, we hunted the hill
between Bajaur and Chandāwal.[1374] There the _būghū-marāl_[1375] have
become quite black, except for the tail which is of another colour;
lower down, in Hindūstān, they seem to become black all over.[1376]
Today a _sārīq-qūsh_[1377] was taken; that was black all over, its very
eyes being black! Today an eagle (_būrkūt_)[1378] took a deer (_kīyīk_).

Corn being somewhat scarce in the army, we went into the Kahrāj-valley,
and took some. [Sidenote: Fol. 219b.]

(_Jan. 21st_) On Friday (Muḥ. 19th) we marched for Sawād, with the
intention of attacking the Yūsuf-zāī Afghāns, and dismounted in
between[1379] the water of Panj-kūra and the united waters of Chandāwal
and Bajaur. Shāh Manṣūr _Yūsuf-zāī_ had brought a few well-flavoured and
quite intoxicating confections (_kamālī_); making one of them into
three, I ate one portion, Gadāī T̤aghāī another, `Abdu'l-lāh the
librarian another. It produced remarkable intoxication; so much so that
at the Evening Prayer when the begs gathered for counsel, I was not able
to go out. A strange thing it was! If in these days[1380] I ate the
whole of such a confection, I doubt if it would produce half as much
intoxication.


(_c. An impost laid on Kahrāj._)

(_Jan. 22nd_) Marching from that ground, (Muḥ. 20th), we dismounted over
against Kahrāj, at the mouth of the valleys of Kahrāj and
Peshgrām.[1381] Snow fell ankle-deep while we were on that ground; it
would seem to be rare for snow to fall thereabouts, for people were much
surprised. In agreement with Sl. Wais of Sawād there was laid on the
Kahrāj people an impost of 4000 ass-loads of rice for the use of the
army, and he himself was sent to collect it. Never before had those rude
mountaineers borne such a burden; they could not give (all) the grain
and were brought to ruin.


(_cc. Raid on Panj-kūra._)

(_Jan. 25th_) On Tuesday the 23rd of Muḥarram an army was [Sidenote:
Fol. 220.] sent under Hindū Beg to raid Panj-kūra. Panj-kūra lies more
than half-way up the mountain;[1382] to reach its villages a person must
go for nearly a _kuroh_ (2 m.) through a pass. The people had fled and
got away; our men brought a few beasts of sorts, and masses of corn from
their houses.

(_Jan. 26th_) Next day (Muḥ. 24th) Qūj Beg was put at the head of a
force and sent out to raid.

(_Jan. 27th_) On Thursday the 25th of the month, we dismounted at the
village of Māndīsh, in the trough of the Kahrāj-valley, for the purpose
of getting corn for the army.

(_d. Māhīm's adoption of Dil-dār's unborn child._)

(_Jan. 28th_) Several children born of Humāyūn's mother had not lived.
Hind-āl was not yet born.[1383] While we were in those parts, came a
letter from Māhīm in which she wrote, "Whether it be a boy, whether it
be a girl, is my luck and chance; give it to me; I will declare it my
child and will take charge of it." On Friday the 26th of the month, we
being still on that ground, Yūsuf-i-`alī the stirrup-holder was sent off
to Kābul with letters[1384] bestowing Hind-āl, not yet born, on Māhīm.


(_dd. Construction of a stone platform._)

While we were still on that same ground in the Māndīsh-country, I had a
platform made with stones (_tāsh bīla_) on a height in the middle of the
valley, so large that it held the tents of the advance-camp. All the
household and soldiers carried the stones for it, one by one like ants.


(_e. Bābur's marriage with his Afghān wife, Bībī Mubāraka._)

In order to conciliate the Yūsuf-zāī horde, I had asked for a daughter
of one of my well-wishers, Malik Sulaimān Shāh's son Malik Shāh Manṣūr,
at the time he came to me as envoy [Sidenote: Fol. 220b.] from the
Yūsuf-zāī Afghāns.[1385]

While we were on this ground news came that his daughter[1386] was on
her way with the Yūsuf-zāī tribute. At the Evening Prayer there was a
wine-party to which Sl. `Alā'u'd-dīn (of Sawād) was invited and at which
he was given a seat and special dress of honour (_khilcat-i-khāṣa_).

(_Jan. 30th_) On Sunday the 28th, we marched from that valley. Shāh
Manṣūr's younger brother T̤āūs (Handsome) Khān brought the
above-mentioned daughter of his brother to our ground after we had
dismounted.


(_f. Repopulation of the fort of Bajaur._)

For the convenience of having the Bī-sūt people in Bajaur-fort,[1387]
Yūsuf'i-`alī the taster was sent from this camp to get them on the march
and take them to that fort. Also, written orders were despatched to
Kābul that the army there left should join us.

(_Feb. 4th_) On Friday the 3rd of the month of Ṣafar, we dismounted at
the confluence of the waters of Bajaur and Panj-kūra.

(_Feb. 6th_) On Sunday the 5th of the month, we went from that ground to
Bajaur where there was a drinking-party in Khwāja Kalān's house.


(_g. Expedition against the Afghān clans._)

(_Feb. 8th_) On Tuesday the 7th of the month the begs and the Dilazāk
Afghān headmen were summoned, and, after consultation, matters were left
at this:—"The year is at its end,[1388] only a few days of the Fish are
left; the plainsmen have carried in all their corn; if we went now into
Sawād, the army would [Sidenote: Fol. 221.] dwindle through getting no
corn. The thing to do is to march along the Aṃbahar and Pānī-mānī road,
cross the Sawād-water above Hash-nagar, and surprise the Yūsuf-zāī and
Muḥammadī Afghāns who are located in the plain over against the
Yūsuf-zāī _sangur_ of Māhūrā. Another year, coming earlier in the
harvest-time, the Afghāns of this place must be our first thought." So
the matter was left.

(_Feb. 9th_) Next day, Wednesday, we bestowed horses and robes on Sl.
Wais and Sl. `Alā'u'u-dīn of Sawād, gave them leave to go, marched off
ourselves and dismounted over against Bajaur.

(_Feb. 10th_) We marched next day, leaving Shāh Manṣūr's daughter in
Bajaur-fort until the return of the army. We dismounted after passing
Khwāja Khiẓr, and from that camp leave was given to Khwāja Kalān; and
the heavy baggage, the worn-out horses and superfluous effects of the
army were started off into Lamghān by the Kūnār road.

(_Feb. 11th_) Next morning Khwāja Mīr-i-mīrān was put in charge of the
camel baggage-train and started off by the Qūrghā-tū and Darwāza road,
through the Qarā-kūpa-pass. Riding light for the raid, we ourselves
crossed the Ambahar-pass, and yet another great pass, and dismounted at
Pānī-mālī nearer[1389] the Afternoon Prayer. Aūghān-bīrdī was sent
forward with a few others to learn[1390] how things were.

(_Feb. 12th_) The distance between us and the Afghāns being
short, we did not make an early start. Aūghān-bīrdī came back at
breakfast-time.[1391] He had got the better of an Afghān and had cut
his head off, but had dropped it on the road. He [Sidenote: Fol. 221b.]
brought no news so sure as the heart asks (_kūnkūl-tīladīk_). Midday
come, we marched on, crossed the Sawād-water, and dismounted
nearer[1392] the Afternoon Prayer. At the Bed-time Prayer, we remounted
and rode swiftly on.

(_Feb. 13th_) Rustam _Turkmān_ had been sent scouting; when the Sun was
spear-high he brought word that the Afghāns had heard about us and were
shifting about, one body of them making off by the mountain-road. On
this we moved the faster, sending raiders on ahead who killed a few, cut
off their heads and brought a band of prisoners, some cattle and flocks.
The Dilazāk Afghāns also cut off and brought in a few heads. Turning
back, we dismounted near Kātlāng and from there sent a guide to meet the
baggage-train under Khwāja Mīr-i-mīrān and bring it to join us in
Maqām.[1393]

(_Feb. 14th_) Marching on next day, we dismounted between Kātlāng and
Maqām. A man of Shāh Manṣūr's arrived. Khusrau Kūkūldāsh and Aḥmadī the
secretary were sent with a few more to meet the baggage-train.

(_Feb. 15th_) On Wednesday the 14th of the month, the baggage-train
rejoined us while we were dismounting at Maqām.

It will have been within the previous 30 or 40 years that a heretic
qalandar named Shahbāz perverted a body of Yūsuf-zāī and another of
Dilazāk. His tomb was on a free and dominating height of the lower hill
at the bill (_tūmshūq_) of the [Sidenote: Fol. 222.] Maqām mountain.
Thought I, "What is there to recommend the tomb of a heretic qalandar
for a place in air so free?" and ordered the tomb destroyed and levelled
with the ground. The place was so charming and open that we elected to
sit there some time and to eat a confection (_ma'jūn_).


(_h. Bābur crosses the Indus for the first time._)

We had turned off from Bajaur with Bhīra in our thoughts.[1394] Ever
since we came into Kābul it had been in my mind to move on Hindūstān,
but this had not been done for a variety of reasons. Nothing to count
had fallen into the soldiers' hands during the three or four months we
had been leading this army. Now that Bhīra, the borderland of Hindūstān,
was so near, I thought a something might fall into our men's hands if,
riding light, we went suddenly into it. To this thought I clung, but
some of my well-wishers, after we had raided the Afghāns and dismounted
at Maqām, set the matter in this way before me:—"If we are to go into
Hindūstān, it should be on a proper basis; one part of the army stayed
behind in Kābul; a body of effective braves was left behind in Bajaur; a
good part of this army has gone into Lamghān because its horses were
worn-out; and the horses of those who have come this far, are so poor
that they have not a day's hard riding in them." Reasonable as these
considerations were, yet, having made the start, we paid no [Sidenote:
Fol. 222b.] attention to them but set off next day for the ford through
the water of Sind.[1395] Mīr Muḥammad the raftsman and his elder and
younger brethren were sent with a few braves to examine the Sind-river
(_daryā_), above and below the ford.

(_Feb. 16th_) After starting off the camp for the river, I went to hunt
rhinoceros on the Sawātī side which place people call also Karg-khāna
(Rhino-home).[1396] A few were discovered but the jungle was dense and
they did not come out of it. When one with a calf came into the open and
betook itself to flight, many arrows were shot at it and it rushed into
the near jungle; the jungle was fired but that same rhino was not had.
Another calf was killed as it lay, scorched by the fire, writhing and
palpitating. Each person took a share of the spoil. After leaving
Sawātī, we wandered about a good deal; it was the Bed-time Prayer when
we got to camp.

Those sent to examine the ford came back after doing it.

(_Feb. 17th_) Next day, Thursday the 16th,[1397] the horses and
baggage-camels crossed through the ford and the camp-bazar and
foot-soldiers were put over on rafts. Some Nīl-ābīs came and saw me at
the ford-head (_guẕar-bāshī_), bringing a horse in mail and 300
_shāhrukhīs_ as an offering. At the Mid-day Prayer of this same day,
when every-one had crossed the river, we marched on; we went on until
one watch of the night had passed (_circa_ 9 p.m.) when we dismounted
near the water of Kacha-kot.[1398]

(_Feb. 18th_) Marching on next day, we crossed the Kacha-kot-water; noon
returning, went through the Sangdakī-pass and dismounted. While Sayyid
Qāsim Lord of the Gate was [Sidenote: Fol. 223.] in charge of the rear
(_chāghdāwal_) he overcame a few Gujūrs who had got up with the rear
march, cut off and brought in 4 or 5 of their heads.

(_Feb. 19th_) Marching thence at dawn and crossing the Sūhān-water, we
dismounted at the Mid-day Prayer. Those behind kept coming in till
midnight; the march had been mightily long, and, as many horses were
weak and out-of-condition, a great number were left on the road.


(_i. The Salt-range._)

Fourteen miles (_7 kos_) north of Bhīra lies the mountain-range written
of in the _Z̤afar-nāma_ and other books as the Koh-i-jūd.[1399] I had
not known why it was called this; I now knew. On it dwell two tribes,
descendants from one parent-source, one is called Jūd, the other
Janjūha. These two from of old have been the rulers and lawful
commanders of the peoples and hordes (_aūlūs_) of the range and of the
country between Bhīra and Nīl-āb. Their rule is friendly and brotherly
however; they cannot take what their hearts might desire; the portion
ancient custom has fixed is given and taken, no less and no more. The
agreement is to give one _shāhrukhī_[1400] for each yoke of oxen and
seven for headship in a household; there is also service in the army.
The Jūd and Janjūha both are divided into several clans. The Koh-i-jūd
runs for 14 miles along the Bhīra country, taking off from those Kashmīr
mountains that are one with [Sidenote: Fol. 223b.] Hindū-kūsh, and it
draws out to the south-west as far as the foot of Dīn-kot on the
Sind-river.[1401] On one half of it are the Jūd, the Janjūha on the
other. People call it Koh-i-jūd through connecting it with the Jūd
tribe.[1402] The principal headman gets the title of Rāī; others, his
younger brothers and sons, are styled Malik. The Janjūha headmen are
maternal uncles of Langar Khan. The ruler of the people and horde near
the Sūhān-water was named Malik Hast. The name originally was Asad but
as Hindūstānīs sometimes drop a vowel _e.g._ they say _khabr_ for
_khabar_ (news), they had said Asd for Asad, and this went on to Hast.

Langar Khān was sent off to Malik Hast at once when we dismounted. He
galloped off, made Malik Hast hopeful of our favour and kindness, and at
the Bed-time Prayer, returned with him. Malik Hast brought an offering
of a horse in mail and waited on me. He may have been 22 or 23 years
old.[1403]

The various flocks and herds belonging to the country-people were close
round our camp. As it was always in my heart to possess Hindūstān, and
as these several countries, Bhīra, Khūsh-āb, Chīn-āb and Chīnīūt[1404]
had once been held by the Turk, I pictured them as my own and was
resolved to get them into my hands, whether peacefully or by force. For
these reasons it being imperative to treat these hillmen well, this
following [Sidenote: Fol. 224.] order was given:—"Do no hurt or harm to
the flocks and herds of these people, nor even to their cotton-ends and
broken needles!"


(_j. The Kalda-kahār lake_.)

(_Feb. 20th_) Marching thence next day, we dismounted at the Mid-day
Prayer amongst fields of densely-growing corn in Kalda-kahār.

Kalda-kahār is some 20 miles north of Bhīra, a level land shut in[1405]
amongst the Jūd mountains. In the middle of it is a lake some six miles
round, the in-gatherings of rain from all sides. On the north of this
lake lies an excellent meadow; on the hill-skirt to the west of it there
is a spring[1406] having its source in the heights overlooking the lake.
The place being suitable I have made a garden there, called the
Bāgh-i-ṣafā,[1407] as will be told later; it is a very charming place
with good air.

(_Feb. 21st_) We rode from Kalda-kahār at dawn next day. When we reached
the top of the Hamtātū-pass a few local people waited on me, bringing a
humble gift. They were joined with `Abdu'r-raḥīm the chief-scribe
(_shaghāwal_) and sent with him to speak the Bhīra people fair and say,
"The possession of this country by a Turk has come down from of old;
beware not to bring ruin on its people by giving way to fear and
anxiety; our eye is on this land and on this people; raid and rapine
shall not be."

We dismounted near the foot of the pass at breakfast-time, [Sidenote:
Fol. 224b.] and thence sent seven or eight men ahead, under Qurbān of
Chīrkh and `Abdu'l-malūk of Khwāst. Of those sent one Mīr Muḥammad (a
servant ?) of Mahdī Khwāja[1408] brought in a man. A few Afghān headmen,
who had come meantime with offerings and done obeisance, were joined
with Langar Khān to go and speak the Bhīra people fair.

After crossing the pass and getting out of the jungle, we arrayed in
right and left and centre, and moved forward for Bhīra. As we got near
it there came in, of the servants of Daulat Khān _Yūsuf-khail's_ son
`Alī Khān, Sīktū's son Dīwa _Hindū_; with them came several of the
notables of Bhīra who brought a horse and camel as an offering and did
me obeisance. At the Mid-day Prayer we dismounted on the east of Bhīra,
on the bank of the Bahat (Jehlam), in a sown-field, without hurt or harm
being allowed to touch the people of Bhīra.


(_k. History of Bhīra._)

Tīmūr Beg had gone into Hindūstān; from the time he went out again these
several countries _viz._ Bhīra, Khūsh-āb, Chīn-āb and Chīnīūt, had been
held by his descendants and the dependants and adherents of those
descendants. After the death of Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā and his son `Alī
_Asghar_ Mīrzā, the sons of Mīr `Alī Beg [Sidenote: Fol. 225.] _viz._
Bābā-i-kābulī, Daryā Khān and Apāq Khān, known later as Ghāzī Khān, all
of whom Sl. Mas`ūd M. had cherished, through their dominant position,
got possession of Kābul, Zābul and the afore-named countries and
_parganas_ of Hindūstān. In Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā's time, Kābul and Zābul
went from their hands, the Hindūstān countries remaining. In 910 AH.
(1504 AD.) the year I first came into Kābul, the government of Bhīra,
Khūsh-āb and Chīn-āb depended on Sayyid `Alī Khān, son of Ghāzī Khān and
grandson of Mīr `Alī Beg, who read the _khuṯba_ for Sikandar son of
Buhlūl (_Lūdī Afghān_) and was subject to him. When I led that army out
(910 AH.) Sayyid `Alī Khān left Bhīra in terror, crossed the
Bahat-water, and seated himself in Sher-kot, one of the villages of
Bhīra. A few years later the Afghāns became suspicious about him on my
account; he, giving way to his own fears and anxieties, made these
countries over to the then governor [Sidenote: Fol. 225b.] in Lāhūr,
Daulat Khān, son of Tātār Khān _Yūsuf-khail_, who gave them to his own
eldest son `Alī Khān, and in `Alī Khān's possession they now were.

   (_Author's note on Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā._) He was the son of
   Sūyūrghatmīsh Mīrzā, son of Shāhrukh Mīrzā, (son of Tīmūr),
   and was known as Sl. Mas`ūd _Kābulī_ because the government
   and administration of Kābul and Zābul were then dependent on
   him (deposed 843 AH.-1440 AD.)

   (_Author's note to 910 AH._) That year, with the wish to enter
   Hindūstān, Khaibar had been crossed and Parashāwūr (_sic_) had
   been reached, when Bāqī _Chaghānīānī_ insisted on a move
   against Lower Bangash _i.e._ Kohāt, a mass of Afghāns were
   raided and scraped clean (_qīrīb_), the Bannū plain was raided
   and plundered, and return was made through Dūkī (Dūgī).

   (_Author's note on Daulat Khān Yūsuf-khail._) This Tātār Khān,
   the father of Daulat Khān, was one of six or seven _sardārs_
   who, sallying out and becoming dominant in Hindūstān, made
   Buhlūl Pādshāh. He held the country north of the Satluj
   (_sic_) and Sahrind,[1409] the revenues of which exceeded 3
   _krūrs_.[1410] On Tātār Khān's death, Sl. Sikandar (_Lūdī_),
   as over-lord, took those countries from Tātār Khān's sons and
   gave Lāhūr only to Daulat Khān. That happened a year or two
   before I came into the country of Kābul (910 AH.).


(_l. Bābur's journey resumed._)

(_Feb. 22nd_) Next morning foragers were sent to several convenient
places; on the same day I visited Bhīra; and on the same day Sangur Khān
_Janjūha_ came, made offering of a horse, and did me obeisance.

(_Feb. 23rd_) On Wednesday the 22nd of the month, the headmen and
_chauderis_[1411] of Bhīra were summoned, a sum of 400,000
_shāhrukhīs_[1412] was agreed on as the price of peace _(māl-i-amān)_,
and collectors were appointed. We also made an excursion, going in a
boat and there eating a confection.

(_Feb. 24th_) Ḥaidar the standard-bearer had been sent to the Bilūchīs
located in Bhīra and Khūsh-āb; on Thursday morning they made an offering
of an almond-coloured _tīpūchāq_ [horse], and did obeisance. As it was
represented to me that some of the soldiery were behaving without sense
and were laying-hands on Bhīra people, persons were sent who caused some
of those [Sidenote: Fol. 226.] senseless people to meet their
death-doom, of others slit the noses and so led them round the camp.

(_Feb. 25th_) On Friday came a dutiful letter from the Khūshābīs; on
this Shāh Shujā` _Arghūn's_ son Shāh Ḥasan was appointed to go to
Khūsh-āb.

(_Feb. 26th_) On Saturday the 25th of the month,[1413] Shāh Ḥasan was
started for Khūsh-āb.

(_Feb. 27th_) On Sunday so much rain fell[1414] that water covered all
the plain. A small brackish stream[1415] flowing between Bhīra and the
gardens in which the army lay, had become like a great river before the
Mid-day Prayer; while at the ford near Bhīra there was no footing for
more than an arrow's flight; people crossing had to swim. In the
afternoon I rode out to watch the water coming down (_kīrkān sū_); the
rain and storm were such that on the way back there was some fear about
getting in to camp. I crossed that same water (_kīrkān sū_) with my
horse swimming. The army-people were much alarmed; most of them
abandoned tents and heavy baggage, shouldered armour, horse-mail and
arms, made their horses swim and crossed bare-back. Most streams flooded
the plain.

(_Feb. 28th_) Next day boats were brought from the river (Jehlam), and
in these most of the army brought their tents and baggage over. Towards
mid-day, Qūj Beg's men went 2 miles up the water and there found a ford
by which the rest crossed.

[Sidenote: Fol. 226b.] (_March 1st_) After a night spent in Bhīra-fort,
Jahān-nūma they call it, we marched early on the Tuesday morning out of
the worry of the rain-flood to the higher ground north of Bhīra.

As there was some delay about the moneys asked for and agreed to
(_taqabbul_), the country was divided into four districts and the begs
were ordered to try to make an end of the matter. Khalīfa was appointed
to one district, Qūj Beg to another, Nāṣir's Dost to another, Sayyid
Qāsim and Muḥibb-i-`alī to another. Picturing as our own the countries
once occupied by the Turk, there was to be no over-running or
plundering.


(_m. Envoys sent to the court in Dihlī._)

(_March 3rd_) People were always saying, "It could do no harm to send an
envoy, for peace' sake, to countries that once depended on the Turk."
Accordingly on Thursday the 1st of Rabī`u'l-awwal, Mullā Murshid was
appointed to go to Sl. Ibrāhīm who through the death of his father Sl.
Iskandar had attained to rule in Hindūstān some 5 or 6 months
earlier(?). I sent him a goshawk (_qārchīgha_) and asked for the
countries which from of old had depended on the Turk. Mullā Murshid was
given charge of writings (_khāṯt̤lār_) for Daulat Khān (_Yūsuf-khail_)
and writings for Sl. Ibrāhīm; matters were sent also by word-of-mouth;
and he was given leave to go. Far from sense and wisdom, shut off from
judgment and counsel must people in Hindūstān be, the Afghāns above all;
for they could not move and make stand like a foe, nor did they know
ways and rules of friendliness. [Sidenote: Fol. 227.] Daulat Khān kept
my man several days in Lāhūr without seeing him himself or speeding him
on to Sl. Ibrāhīm; and he came back to Kābul a few months later without
bringing a reply.


(_n. Birth of Hind-āl._)

(_March 4th_) On Friday the 2nd of the month, the foot-soldiers Shaibak
and Darwesh-i-`alī,—he is now a matchlockman,—bringing dutiful letters
from Kābul, brought news also of Hind-āl's birth. As the news came
during the expedition into Hindūstān, I took it as an omen, and gave the
name Hind-āl (Taking of Hind). Dutiful letters came also from
Muḥammad-i-zamān M. in Balkh, by the hand of Qaṃbar Beg.

(_March 5th_) Next morning when the Court rose, we rode out for an
excursion, entered a boat and there drank _`araq_.[1416] The people of
the party were Khwāja Dost-khāwand, Khusrau, Mīrīm, Mīrzā Qulī,
Muḥammadī, Aḥmadī, Gadāī, Na`man, Langar Khān, Rauh-dam,[1417]
Qāsim-i-`alī the opium-eater (_tariyākī_), Yūsuf-i-`alī and Tīngrī-qulī.
Towards the head of the boat there was a _tālār_[1418] on the flat top
of which I sat with a few people, a few others sitting below. There was
a sitting-place also at the tail of the boat; there Muḥammadī, Gadāī and
Na`man sat. _`Araq_ was drunk till the Other Prayer when, disgusted by
its bad flavour, by consent of those at the head of the boat, _ma'jūn_
was preferred. [Sidenote: Fol. 227b.] Those at the other end, knowing
nothing about our _ma'jūn_ drank _`araq_ right through. At the Bed-time
Prayer we rode from the boat and got into camp late. Thinking I had been
drinking _`araq_ Muḥammadī and Gadāī had said to one another, "Let's do
befitting service," lifted a pitcher of _`araq_ up to one another in
turn on their horses, and came in saying with wonderful joviality and
heartiness and speaking together, "Through this dark night have we come
carrying this pitcher in turns!" Later on when they knew that the party
was (now) meant to be otherwise and the hilarity to differ, that is to
say, that [there would be that] of the _ma'jūn_ band and that of the
drinkers, they were much disturbed because never does a _ma'jūn_ party
go well with a drinking-party. Said I, "Don't upset the party! Let those
who wish to drink _`araq_, drink _`araq_; let those who wish to eat
_ma'jūn_, eat _ma'jūn_. Let no-one on either side make talk or allusion
to the other." Some drank _`araq_, some ate _ma'jūn_, and for a time the
party went on quite politely. Bābā Jān the _qabūz_-player had not been
of our party (in the boat); we invited him when we reached the tents. He
asked to drink _`araq_. We invited Tardī Muḥammad _Qībchāq_ also and
made him a comrade of the drinkers. A _ma'jūn_ party never goes well
with an _`araq_ or a wine-party; the drinkers began to make wild talk
and chatter from all sides, mostly in allusion to _ma'jūn_ and
_ma'jūnīs_. Bābā Jān even, when drunk, said many wild things. The
drinkers soon made Tardī Khān mad-drunk, by giving him one full bowl
after another. Try as we did [Sidenote: Fol. 228.] to keep things
straight, nothing went well; there was much disgusting uproar; the party
became intolerable and was broken up.

(_March 7th_) On Monday the 5th of the month, the country of Bhīra was
given to Hindū Beg.

(_March 8th_) On Tuesday the Chīn-āb country was bestowed on Ḥusain
_Aīkrak_(?) and leave was given to him and the Chīn-āb people to set
out. At this time Sayyid `Alī Khān's son Minūchihr Khān, having let us
know (his intention), came and waited on me. He had started from
Hindūstān by the upper road, had met in with Tātār Khān _Kakar_;[1419]
Tātār Khān had not let him pass on, but had kept him, made him a
son-in-law by giving him his own daughter, and had detained him for some
time.


(_o. The Kakars._)

In amongst the mountains of Nīl-āb and Bhīra which connect with those of
Kashmīr, there are, besides the Jūd and Janjūha tribes, many Jats,
Gujūrs, and others akin to them, seated in villages everywhere on every
rising-ground. These are governed by headmen of the Kakar tribes, a
headship like that over the Jūd and Janjūha. At this time (925 AH.) the
headmen of the people of those hill-skirts were Tātār _Kakar_ and Hātī
_Kakar_, two descendants of one forefather; being paternal-uncles'
sons.[1420] Torrent-beds and ravines are their strongholds. Tātār's
place, named Parhāla,[1421] is a good deal below the snow-mountains;
Hātī's country connects with the mountains and also he had made Bābū
Khān's fief Kālanjar,[1422] look towards himself. Tātār [Sidenote: Fol.
228b.] _Kakar_ had seen Daulat Khān (_Yūsuf-khail_) and looked to him
with complete obedience. Hātī had not seen Daulat Khān; his attitude
towards him was bad and turbulent. At the word of the Hindūstān begs and
in agreement with them, Tātār had so posted himself as to blockade Hātī
from a distance. Just when we were in Bhīra, Hātī moved on pretext of
hunting, fell unexpectedly on Tātār, killed him, and took his country,
his wives and his having (_būlghāni_).[1423]


(_p. Bābur's journey resumed._)

Having ridden out at the Mid-day Prayer for an excursion, we got on a
boat and _`araq_ was drunk. The people of the party were Dost Beg, Mīrzā
Qulī, Aḥmadī, Gadāī, Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_, `Asas,[1424] and
Aūghān-bīrdī _Mughūl_. The musicians were Rauḥ-dam, Bābā Jān,
Qāsim-i-`alī, Yūsuf-i-`alī, Tīngrī-qulī, Abū'l-qāsim, Rāmẓān _Lūlī_. We
drank in the boat till the Bed-time Prayer; then getting off it, full of
drink, we mounted, took torches in our hands, and went to camp from the
river's bank, leaning over from our horses on this side, leaning over
from that, at one loose-rein gallop! Very drunk I must have been for,
when they told me next day that we had galloped loose-rein into camp,
carrying torches, I could not recall it in the very least. After
reaching my quarters, I vomited a good deal.

(_March 11th_) On Friday we rode out on an excursion, crossed the water
(Jehlam) by boat and went about amongst the orchards (_bāghāt_) of
blossoming trees and the lands of the sugar-cultivation. We saw the
wheel with buckets, had water drawn, and asked [Sidenote: Fol. 229.]
particulars about getting it out; indeed we made them draw it again and
again. During this excursion a confection was preferred. In returning we
went on board a boat. A confection (_ma'jūn_) was given also to
Minūchihr Khān, such a one that, to keep him standing, two people had to
give him their arms. For a time the boat remained at anchor in
mid-stream; we then went down-stream; after a while had it drawn
up-stream again, slept in it that night and went back to camp near dawn.

(_March 12th_) On Saturday the 10th of the first Rabī`, the Sun entered
the Ram. Today we rode out before mid-day and got into a boat where
_`araq_ was drunk. The people of the party were Khwāja Dost-khāwand,
Dost Beg, Mīrīm, Mīrzā Qulī, Muḥammadī, Aḥmadī, Yūnas-i-`alī, Muḥ. `Alī
_Jang-jang_, Gadāī T̤aghāī, Mīr Khurd (and ?) `Asas. The musicians were
Rauḥdam, Bābā Jān, Qāsim, Yūsuf-i-`alī, Tīngrī-qulī and Ramẓān. We got
into a branch-water (_shakh-i-āb_), for some time went down-stream,
landed a good deal below Bhīra and on its opposite bank, and went late
into camp.

This same day Shāh Ḥasan returned from Khūsh-āb whither he had been sent
as envoy to demand the countries which from of old had depended on the
Turk; he had settled peaceably with them and had in his hands a part of
the money assessed on them.

The heats were near at hand. To reinforce Hindū Beg (in Bhīra) were
appointed Shāh Muḥammad Keeper of the Seal and his younger brother Dost
Beg Keeper of the Seal, together with several suitable braves; an
accepted (_yārāsha_) stipend [Sidenote: Fol. 229b.] was fixed and
settled in accordance with each man's position. Khūsh-āb was bestowed,
with a standard, on Langar Khān, the prime cause and mover of this
expedition; we settled also that he was to help Hindū Beg. We appointed
also to help Hindū Beg, the Turk and local soldiery of Bhīra, increasing
the allowances and pay of both. Amongst them was the afore-named
Minūchihr Khān whose name has been mentioned; there was also
Naẕar-i-`alī _Turk_, one of Minūchihr Khān's relations; there were also
Sangar Khān _Janjūha_ and Malik Hast _Janjūha_.


(_pp. Return for Kābul._)

(_March 13th_) Having settled the country in every way making for hope
of peace, we marched for Kābul from Bhīra on Sunday the 11th of the
first Rabī`. We dismounted in Kaldah-kahār. That day too it rained
amazingly; people with rain-cloaks[1425] were in the same case as those
who had none! The rear of the camp kept coming in till the Bed-time
Prayer.


(_q. Action taken against Hātī Kakar._)

(_March 14th_) People acquainted with the honour and glory (_āb u tāb_)
of this land and government, especially the Janjūhas, old foes of these
Kakars, represented, "Hātī is the bad man round-about; he it is robs on
the roads; he it is brings men to ruin; he ought either to be driven out
from these parts, or to be severely punished." Agreeing with this, we
left Khwāja Mīr-i-mīrān and Nāṣir's Mīrīm next day with the camp,
parting from them at big breakfast,[1426] and moved on Hātī _Kakar_. As
has been said, he had killed Tātār a few days earlier, and having taken
possession of Parhāla, was in it now. Dismounting at the Other
[Sidenote: Fol. 230.] Prayer, we gave the horses corn; at the Bed-time
Prayer we rode on again, our guide being a Gujūr servant of Malik Hast,
named Sar-u-pā. We rode the night through and dismounted at dawn, when
Beg Muḥammad _Mughūl_ was sent back to the camp, and we remounted when
it was growing light. At breakfast-time (9 a.m.) we put our mail on and
moved forward faster. The blackness of Parhāla shewed itself from 2
miles off; the gallop was then allowed (_chāpqūn qūīūldī_); the right
went east of Parhāla, Qūj Beg, who was also of the right, following as
its reserve; the men of the left and centre went straight for the fort,
Dost Beg being their rear-reserve.

Parhāla stands amongst ravines. It has two roads; one, by which we came,
leads to it from the south-east, goes along the top of ravines and on
either hand has hollows worn out by the torrents. A mile from Parhāla
this road, in four or five places before it reaches the Gate, becomes a
one-man road with a ravine falling from its either side; there for more
than an arrow's flight men must ride in single file. The other road
comes from the north-west; it gets up to Parhāla by the trough of a
valley and it also is a one-man road. There is no other road on any
side. Parhāla though without breast-work or battlement, has no
assailable place, its sides shooting perpendicularly [Sidenote: Fol.
230b.] down for 7, 8, 10 yards.

When the van of our left, having passed the narrow place, went in a body
to the Gate, Hātī, with whom were 30 to 40 men in armour, their horses
in mail, and a mass of foot-soldiers, forced his assailants to retire.
Dost Beg led his reserve forward, made a strong attack, dismounted a
number of Hātī's men, and beat him. All the country-round, Hātī was
celebrated for his daring, but try as he did, he could effect nothing;
he took to flight; he could not make a stand in those narrow places; he
could not make the fort fast when he got back into it. His assailants
went in just behind him and ran on through the ravine and narrows of the
north-west side of the fort, but he rode light and made his flight good.
Here again, Dost Beg did very well and recompense was added to
renown.[1427]

Meantime I had gone into the fort and dismounted at Tātār _Kakar's_
dwelling. Several men had joined in the attack for whom to stay with me
had been arranged; amongst them were Amīn-i-muḥammad Tarkhān _Argkūn_
and Qarācha.[1428] For this fault they were sent to meet the camp,
without _sar-u-pā_, into the wilds and open country with Sar-u-pā[1429]
for their guide, the Gujūr mentioned already.

(_March 16th_) Next day we went out by the north-west ravine and
dismounted in a sown field. A few serviceable braves under Wālī the
treasurer were sent out to meet the camp.[1430]

(_March 17th_) Marching on Thursday the 15th, we dismounted at Andarāba
on the Sūhān, a fort said to have depended from [Sidenote: Fol. 231.] of
old on ancestors of Malik Hast. Hātī _Kakar_ had killed Malik Hast's
father and destroyed the fort; there it now lay in ruins.

At the Bed-time Prayer of this same day, those left at Kalda-kahār with
the camp rejoined us.


(_r. Submissions to Bābur._)

It must have been after Hātī overcame Tātār that he started his kinsman
Parbat to me with tribute and an accoutred horse. Parbat did not light
upon us but, meeting in with the camp we had left behind, came on in the
company of the train. With it came also Langar Khān up from Bhīra on
matters of business. His affairs were put right and he, together with
several local people, was allowed to leave.

(_March 18th_) Marching on and crossing the Sūhān-water, we dismounted
on the rising-ground. Here Hātī's kinsman (Parbat) was robed in an
honorary dress (_khil`at_), given letters of encouragement for Hātī, and
despatched with a servant of Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_. Nīl-āb and the
Qārlūq (Himalayan?) Hazāra had been given to Humāyūn (_aet._ 12); some
of his servants under Bābā Dost and Halāhil came now for their
darogha-ship.[1431]

(_March 19th_) Marching early next morning, we dismounted after riding 2
miles, went to view the camp from a height and ordered that the
camp-camels should be counted; it came out at 570. [Sidenote: Fol.
231b.]

We had heard of the qualities of the saṃbhal plant[1432]; we saw it on
this ground; along this hill-skirt it grows sparsely, a plant here, a
plant there; it grows abundantly and to a large size further along the
skirt-hills of Hindūstān. It will be described when an account is given
of the animals and plants of Hindūstān.[1433]

(_March 20th_) Marching from that camp at beat of drum (_i.e._ one hour
before day), we dismounted at breakfast-time (9 a.m.) below the
Sangdakī-pass, at mid-day marched on, crossed the pass, crossed the
torrent, and dismounted on the rising-ground.

(_March 21st_) Marching thence at midnight, we made an excursion to the
ford[1434] we had crossed when on our way to Bhīra. A great raft of
grain had stuck in the mud of that same ford and, do what its owners
would, could not be made to move. The corn was seized and shared out to
those with us. Timely indeed was that corn!

Near noon we were a little below the meeting of the waters of Kābul and
Sind, rather above old Nīl-āb; we dismounted there between two
waters.[1435] From Nīl-āb six boats were brought, and were apportioned
to the right, left and centre, who busied themselves energetically in
crossing the river (Indus). We got there on a Monday; they kept on
crossing the water through the night preceding Tuesday (_March 22nd_),
through Tuesday and up to Wednesday (_March 23rd_) and on Thursday
(_24th_) also a few crossed.

Hātl's kinsman Parbat, he who from Andarāba was sent to [Sidenote: Fol.
232.] Hātī with a servant of Muḥ. `Alī _Jang-jang_, came to the bank of
the river with Hātī's offering of an accoutred horse. Nīlābīs also came,
brought an accoutred horse and did obeisance.


(_s. Various postings._)

Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_ had wished to stay in Bhīra but Bhīra being
bestowed on Hindū Beg, he was given the countries between it and the
Sind-river, such as the Qārlūq Hazāra, Hātī, Ghiyāṣ-wāl and Kīb
(Kitib):—

   Where one is who submits like a _ra`iyat_, so treat him;
   But him who submits not, strike, strip, crush and force to obey.

He also received a special head-wear in black velvet, a special Qīlmāq
corselet, and a standard. When Hātī's kinsman was given leave to go he
took for Hātī a sword and head-to-foot (_bāsh-ayāq_) with a royal letter
of encouragement.

(_March 24th_) On Thursday at sunrise we marched from the river's bank.
That day confection was eaten. While under its influence[1436] wonderful
fields of flowers were enjoyed. In some places sheets of yellow flowers
bloomed in plots; in others sheets of red (_arghwānī_) flowers in plots,
in some red and yellow bloomed together. We sat on a mound near the camp
to enjoy the sight. There were flowers on all sides of the mound, yellow
[Sidenote: Fol. 232b.] here, red there, as if arranged regularly to form
a sextuple. On two sides there were fewer flowers but as far as the eye
reached, flowers were in bloom. In spring near Parashāwar the fields of
flowers are very beautiful indeed.

(_March 25th_) We marched from that ground at dawn. At one place on the
road a tiger came out and roared. On hearing it, the horses,
willy-nilly, flung off in terror, carrying their riders in all
directions, and dashing into ravines and hollows. The tiger went again
into the jungle. To bring it out, we ordered a buffalo brought and put
on the edge of the jungle. The tiger again came out roaring. Arrows were
shot at it from all sides[1437]; I shot with the rest. Khalwī (var.
Khalwā) a foot-soldier, pricked it with a spear; it bit the spear and
broke off the spearhead. After tasting of those arrows, it went into the
bushes (_būta_) and stayed there. Bābā the waiting-man [_yasāwal_] went
with drawn sword close up to it; it sprang; he chopped at its head; `Alī
_Sīstānī_[1438] chopped at its loins; it plunged into the river and was
killed right in the water. It was got out and ordered to be skinned.

(_March 26th_) Marching on next day, we reached Bīgrām and went to see
Gūr-khattrī. This is a smallish abode, after the fashion of a hermitage
(_ṣauma`at_), rather confined and dark. After entering at the door and
going down a few steps, one must lie full length to get beyond. There is
no getting in without a lamp. All round near the building there is let
lie an enormous quantity of hair of the head and beard which men have
shaved off there. There are a great many retreats (_ḥujra_) near
Gūr-khattrī [Sidenote: Fol. 233.] like those of a rest-house or a
college. In the year we came into Kābul (910 AH.) and over-ran Kohāt,
Bannū and the plain, we made an excursion to Bīgrām, saw its great tree
and were consumed with regret at not seeing Gūr-khattrī, but it does not
seem a place to regret not-seeing.[1439]

On this same day an excellent hawk of mine went astray out of Shaikhīm
the head-falconer's charge; it had taken many cranes and storks and had
moulted (_tūlāb_) two or three times. So many things did it take that it
made a fowler of a person so little keen as I!

At this place were bestowed 100 mis̤qāls of silver, clothing (_tūnlūq_),
three bullocks and one buffalo, out of the offerings of Hindūstān, on
each of six persons, the chiefs of the Dilazāk Afghāns under Malik Bū
Khān and Malik Mūsa; to others, in their degree, were given money,
pieces of cloth, a bullock and a buffalo.

(_March 27th_) When we dismounted at `Alī-masjid, a Dilazāk Afghān of
the Yaq`ūb-khail, named Ma`rūf, brought an offering of 10 sheep, two
ass-loads of rice and eight large cheeses.

(_March 28th_) Marching on from `Alī-masjid, we dismounted at Yada-bīr;
from Yada-bīr Jūī-shāhī was reached by the Midday Prayer and we there
dismounted. Today Dost Beg was attacked by burning fever.

(_March 29th_) Marching from Jūī-shāhī at dawn, we ate our mid-day meal
in the Bāgh-i-wafā. At the Mid-day Prayer we betook ourselves out of the
garden, close to the Evening Prayer forded the Siyāh-āb at Gandamak,
satisfied our horses' hunger in a field of green corn, and rode on in a
_garī_ or two (24-48 min.).

After crossing the Sūrkh-āb, we dismounted at Kark and took [Sidenote:
Fol. 233b.] a sleep.

(_March 30th_) Riding before shoot of day from Kark, I went with 5 or 6
others by the road taking off for Qarā-tū in order to enjoy the sight of
a garden there made. Khalīfa and Shāh Ḥasan Beg and the rest went by the
other road to await me at Qūrūq-sāī.

When we reached Qarā-tū, Shāh Beg _Arghūn's_ commissary (_tawāchī_)
Qīzīl (Rufus) brought word that Shāh Beg had taken Kāhān, plundered it
and retired.

An order had been given that no-one soever should take news of us ahead.
We reached Kābul at the Mid-day Prayer, no person in it knowing about us
till we got to Qūtlūq-qadam's bridge. As Humāyūn and Kāmrān heard about
us only after that, there was not time to put them on horseback; they
made their pages carry them, came, and did obeisance between the gates
of the town and the citadel.[1440] At the Other Prayer there waited on
me Qāsim Beg, the town Qāẓī, the retainers left in Kābul and the
notables of the place.

(_April 2nd_) At the Other Prayer of Friday the 1st of the second Rabī`
there was a wine-party at which a special head-to-foot (_bāsh-ayāq_) was
bestowed on Shāh Ḥasan.

(_April 3rd_) At dawn on Saturday we went on board a boat and took our
morning.[1441] Nūr Beg, then not obedient (_tā'īb_), played the lute at
this gathering. At the Mid-day Prayer we left the boat to visit the
garden made between Kul-kīna[1442] and the mountain (Shāh-i-kābul). At
the Evening Prayer we went to the Violet-garden where there was drinking
again. From Kul-kīna I got in by the rampart and went into the citadel.


(_u. Dost Beg's death._)

(_April 6th_) On the night of Tuesday the 5th of the month,[1443] Dost
Beg, who on the road had had fever, went to God's mercy. [Sidenote: Fol.
234.]

Sad and grieved enough we were! His bier and corpse were carried to
Ghaznī where they laid him in front of the gate of the Sulṯān's garden
(_rauza_).

Dost Beg had been a very good brave (_yīkīt_) and he was still rising in
rank as a beg. Before he was made a beg, he did excellent things several
times as one of the household. One time was at Rabāṯ-i-zauraq,[1444] one
_yīghāch_ from Andijān when Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_ attacked me at night (908
AH.). I, with 10 to 15 men, by making a stand, had forced his gallopers
back; when we reached his centre, he made a stand with as many as 100
men; there were then three men with me, _i.e._ there were four counting
myself. Nāṣir's Dost (_i.e._ Dost Beg) was one of the three; another was
Mīrzā Qulī _Kūkūldāsh_; Karīm-dād _Turkmān_ was the other. I was just in
my _jība_[1445]; Taṃbal and another were standing like gate-wards in
front of his array; I came face to face with Taṃbal, shot an arrow
striking his helm; shot another aiming at the attachment of his
shield;[1446] they shot one through my leg (_būtūm_); Taṃbal chopped at
my head. It was wonderful! The (under)-cap of my helm was on my head;
not a thread of it was cut, but on the head itself was a very bad wound.
Of other help came none; no-one was left with me; of necessity I brought
myself to gallop back. Dost Beg had been a little in my rear; (Taṃbal)
on leaving me alone, chopped at him.[1447]

[Sidenote: Fol. 234b.] Again, when we were getting out of Akhsī [908
AH.],[1448] Dost Beg chopped away at Bāqī _Ḥīz_[1449] who, although
people called him _Ḥīz_, was a mighty master of the sword. Dost Beg was
one of the eight left with me after we were out of Akhsī; he was the
third they unhorsed.

Again, after he had become a beg, when Sīūnjuk Khān (_Aūzbeg_), arriving
with the (Aūzbeg) sulṯāns before Tāshkīnt, besieged Aḥmad-i-qāsim
[_Kohbur_] in it [918 AH.],[1450] Dost Beg passed through them and
entered the town. During the siege he risked his honoured life
splendidly, but Aḥmad-i-qāsim, without a word to this honoured
man,[1451] flung out of the town and got away. Dost Beg for his own part
got the better of the Khān and sulṯāns and made his way well out of
Tāshkīnt.

Later on when Sherīm T̤aghāī, Mazīd and their adherents were in
rebellion,[1452] he came swiftly up from Ghaznī with two or three
hundred men, met three or four hundred effective braves sent out by
those same Mughūls to meet him, unhorsed a mass of them near
Sherūkān(?), cut off and brought in a number of heads.

Again, his men were first over the ramparts at the fort of Bajaur (925
AH.). At Parhāla, again, he advanced, beat Hātī, put him to flight, and
won Parhāla.

After Dost Beg's death, I bestowed his district on his younger brother
Nāṣir's Mīrīm.[1453]


(_v. Various incidents._)

(_April 9th_) On Friday the 8th of the second Rabī`, the walled-town was
left for the Chār-bāgh.

(_April 13th_) On Tuesday the 12th there arrived in Kābul the honoured
Sulṯānīm Begīm, Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's eldest daughter, the mother of
Muḥammad Sulṯān Mīrzā. During those throneless times,[1454] she had
settled down in Khwārizm where Yīlī-pārs [Sidenote: Fol. 235.] Sulṯān's
younger brother Aīsān-qulī Sl. took her daughter. The Bāgh-i-khilwat was
assigned her for her seat. When she had settled down and I went to see
her in that garden, out of respect and courtesy to her, she being as my
honoured elder sister, I bent the knee. She also bent the knee. We both
advancing, saw one another mid-way. We always observed the same ceremony
afterwards.

(_April 18th_) On Sunday the 17th, that traitor to his salt, Bābā
Shaikh[1455] was released from his long imprisonment, forgiven his
offences and given an honorary dress.


(_w. Visit to the Koh-dāman._)

(_April 20th_) On Tuesday the 19th of the month, we rode out at the
return of noon for Khwāja Sih-yārān. This day I was fasting. All
astonished, Yūnas-i-`alī and the rest said, "A Tuesday! a journey! and a
fast! This is amazing!" At Bīhzādī we dismounted at the Qāẓī's house. In
the evening when a stir was made for a social gathering, the Qāẓī set
this before me, "In my house such things never are; it is for the
honoured Pādshāh to command!" For his heart's content, drink was left
out, though all the material for a party was ready.

(_April 21st_) On Wednesday we went to Khwāja Sih-yārān.

(_April 22nd_) On Thursday the 22nd of the month, we had a large round
seat made in the garden under construction on the mountain-naze.[1456]

(_April 23rd_) On Friday we got on a raft from the bridge. On our coming
opposite the fowlers' houses, they brought a _dang_ [Sidenote: Fol.
235b.] (or _ding_)[1457] they had caught. I had never seen one before;
it is an odd-looking bird. It will come into the account of the birds of
Hindustan.[1458]

(_April 24th_) On Saturday the 23rd of the month cuttings were planted,
partly of plane, partly of _tāl_,[1459] above the round seat. At the
Mid-day Prayer there was a wine-party at the place.

(_April 25th_) At dawn we took our morning on the new seat. At noon we
mounted and started for Kābul, reached Khwāja Ḥasan quite drunk and
slept awhile, rode on and by midnight got to the Chār-bāgh. At Khwāja
Ḥasan, `Abdu'l-lāh, in his drunkenness, threw himself into water just as
he was in his _tūn aūfrāghī_.[1460] He was frozen with cold and could
not go on with us when we mounted after a little of the night had
passed. He stayed on Qūtlūq Khwāja's estate that night. Next day,
awakened to his past intemperance, he came on repentant. Said I, "At
once! will this sort of repentance answer or not? Would to God you would
repent now at once in such a way that you would drink nowhere except at
my parties!" He agreed to this and kept the rule for a few months, but
could not keep it longer.


(_x. Hindū Beg abandons Bhīra._)

(_April 26th_) On Monday the 25th came Hindū Beg. There having been hope
of peace, he had been left in those countries with somewhat scant
support. No sooner was our back turned than a mass of Hindūstānīs and
Afghāns gathered, disregarded us and, not listening to our words, moved
against Hindū Beg in Bhīra. The local peoples also went over to the
Afghāns. Hindū Beg could make no stand in Bhīra, came to Khūsh-āb, came
through the Dīn-kot country, came to Nīl-āb, came on to Kābul.
[Sidenote: Fol. 236.] Sīktū's son Dīwa _Hindū_ and another Hindū had
been brought prisoner from Bhīra. Each now giving a considerable ransom,
they were released. Horses and head-to-foot dresses having been given
them, leave to go was granted.

(_April 30th_) On Friday the 29th of the month, burning fever appeared
in my body. I got myself let blood. I had fever with sometimes two,
sometimes three days between the attacks. In no attack did it cease till
there had been sweat after sweat. After 10 or 12 days of illness, Mullā
Khwāja gave me narcissus mixed with wine; I drank it once or twice; even
that did no good.

(_May 15th_) On Sunday the 15th of the first Jumāda[1461] Khwāja
Muḥammad `Alī came from Khwāst, bringing a saddled horse as an offering
and also _taṣadduq_ money.[1462] Muḥ. Sharīf the astrologer and the
Mīr-zādas of Khwāst came with him and waited on me.

(_May 16th_) Next day, Monday, Mullā Kabīr came from Kāshghar; he had
gone round by Kāshghar on his way from Andijān to Kābul.

(_May 23rd_) On Monday the 23rd of the month, Malik Shāh Manṣūr
_Yūsuf-zāī_ arrived from Sawād with 6 or 7 Yūsuf-zāī chiefs, and did
obeisance.

(_May 31st_) On Monday the 1st of the second Jumāda, the chiefs of the
Yūsuf-zāī Afghāns led by Malik Shāh Manṣūr were dressed in robes of
honour (_khil`at_). To Malik Shāh Manṣūr was given a long silk coat and
an under-coat (? _jība_) with its buttons; to one of the other chiefs
was given a coat with silk sleeves, and to six others silk coats. To all
leave to go was granted. Agreement was made with them that they were not
[Sidenote: Fol. 236b.] to reckon as in the country of Sawād what was
above Abuha (?), that they should make all the peasants belonging to it
go out from amongst themselves, and also that the Afghān cultivators of
Bajaur and Sawād should cast into the revenue 6000 ass-loads of rice.

(_June 2nd_) On Wednesday the 3rd, I drank _jul-āb_.[1463]

(_June 5th_) On Saturday the 6th, I drank a working-draught
(_dārū-i-kār_).

(_June 7th_) On Monday the 8th, arrived the wedding-gift for the
marriage of Qāsim Beg's youngest son Ḥamza with Khalīfa's eldest
daughter. It was of 1000 _shāhrukhī_; they offered also a saddled horse.

(_June 8th_) On Tuesday Shāh Beg's Shāh Ḥasan asked for permission to go
away for a wine-party. He carried off to his house Khwāja Muḥ. `Alī and
some of the household-begs. In my presence were Yūnas-i-`alī and Gadāī
T̤aghāī. I was still abstaining from wine. Said I, "Not at all in this
way is it (_hech andāq būlmāī dūr_) that I will sit sober and the party
drink wine, I stay sane, full of water, and that set (_būlāk_) of people
get drunk; come you and drink in my presence! I will amuse myself a
little by watching what intercourse between the sober and the drunk is
like."[1464] The party was held in a smallish tent in which I sometimes
sat, in the Plane-tree garden south-east of the Picture-hall. Later on
Ghiyāṣ the house-buffoon (_kīdī_) arrived; several times for fun he was
ordered kept out, but at last he made a great disturbance and his
buffooneries found him a way in. We invited Tardī Muḥammad _Qībchāq_
also and Mullā _kitāb-dār_ (librarian). The following quatrain, written
impromptu, was sent to Shāh Ḥasan and those gathered in his [Sidenote:
Fol. 237.] house:—

   In your beautiful flower-bed of banquetting friends,
           Our fashion it is not to be;
   If there be ease (_ḥuzūr_) in that gathering of yours,
   Thank God! there is here no un-ease [_bī ḥuzūr_].[1465]

It was sent by Ibrāhīm _chuhra_. Between the two Prayers (_i.e._
afternoon) the party broke up drunk.

I used to go about in a litter while I was ill. The wine-mixture was
drunk on several of the earlier days, then, as it did no good I left it
off, but I drank it again at the end of my convalescence, at a party had
under an apple-tree on the south-west side of the Tālār-garden.

(_June 11th_) On Friday the 12th came Aḥmad Beg and Sl. Muḥammad
_Dūldāī_ who had been left to help in Bajaur.

(_June 16th_) On Wednesday the 17th of the month, Tīngrī-bīrdī and other
braves gave a party in Ḥaidar _Tāqi's_ garden; I also went and there
drank. We rose from it at the Bed-time Prayer when a move was made to
the great tent where again there was drinking.

(_June 23rd_) On Thursday the 25th of the month, Mullā Maḥmūd was
appointed to read extracts from the Qorān[1466] in my presence.

(_June 28th_) On Tuesday the last day of the month, Abū'l-muslim
Kūkūldāsh arrived as envoy from Shāh Shujā` _Arghūn_ bringing a
_tīpūchāq_. After bargain made about swimming the reservoir in the
Plane-tree garden, Yūsuf-i-`alī the stirrup-holder swam round it today
100 times and received a gift of a head-to-foot (dress), a saddled horse
and some money.

(_July 6th_) On Wednesday the 8th of Rajab, I went to Shāh Ḥasan's house
and drank there; most of the household and of [Sidenote: Fol. 237b.] the
begs were present.

(_July 9th_) On Saturday the 11th, there was drinking on the
terrace-roof of the pigeon-house between the Afternoon and Evening
Prayers. Rather late a few horsemen were observed, going from
Dih-i-afghān towards the town. It was made out to be Darwīsh-i-muḥammad
_Sārbān_, on his way to me as the envoy of Mīrzā Khān (Wais). We shouted
to him from the roof, "Drop the envoy's forms and ceremonies! Come! come
without formality!" He came and sat down in the company. He was then
obedient and did not drink. Drinking went on till the end of the
evening. Next day he came into the Court Session with due form and
ceremony, and presented Mīrzā Khān's gifts.


(_y. Various incidents._)

Last year[1467] with 100 efforts, much promise and threats, we had got
the clans to march into Kābul from the other side (of Hindū-kush). Kābul
is a confined country, not easily giving summer and winter quarters to
the various flocks and herds of the Turks and (Mughūl?) clans. If the
dwellers in the wilds follow their own hearts, they do not wish for
Kābul! They now waited (_khidmat qīlīb_) on Qāsim Beg and made him their
mediator with me for permission to re-cross to that other side. He tried
very hard, so in the end, they were allowed to cross over to the Qūndūz
and Bāghlān side.

Ḥāfiẕ the news-writer's elder brother had come from Samarkand; when I
now gave him leave to return, I sent my _Dīwān_ by him to Pūlād
Sulṯān.[1468] On the back of it I wrote the following [Sidenote: Fol.
238.] verse:—

   O breeze! if thou enter that cypress' chamber (_ḥarīm_)
   Remind her of me, my heart reft by absence;
   She yearns not for Bābur; he fosters a hope
   That her heart of steel God one day may melt.[1469]

(_July 15th_) On Friday the 17th of the month, Shaikh Mazīd Kūkūldāsh
waited on me from Muḥammad-i-zamān Mīrzā, bringing _taṣadduq_ tribute
and a horse.[1470] Today Shāh Beg's envoy Abū'l-muslim Kūkūldāsh was
robed in an honorary dress and given leave to go. Today also leave was
given for their own districts of Khwāst and Andar-āb to Khwāja Muḥammad
`Alī and Tīngrī-bīrdī.

(_July 21st_) On Thursday the 23rd came Muḥ. `Alī _Jang-jang_ who had
been left in charge of the countries near Kacha-kot and the Qārlūq. With
him came one of Hātī's people and Mīrzā-i-malū-i-qārlūq's son Shāh
Ḥasan. Today Mullā `Alī-jān waited on me, returned from fetching his
wife from Samarkand.


(_z. The `Abdu'r-raḥman Afghāns and Rustam-maidān._)

(_July 27th_) The `Abdu'r-raḥman Afghāns on the Gīrdīz border were
satisfactory neither in their tribute nor their behaviour; they were
hurtful also to the caravans which came and went. On Wednesday the 29th
of Rajab we rode out to over-run them. We dismounted and ate food near
Tang-i-waghchān,[1471] and rode on again at the Mid-day Prayer. In the
night we lost the road and got much bewildered in the ups and downs of
the land to the south-east of Pātakh-i-āb-i-shakna.[1472] After a time
we lit on [Sidenote: Fol. 238b.] a road and by it crossed the
Chashma-i-tūra[1473] pass.

(_July 28th_) At the first prayer (_farẓ-waqt_) we got out from the
valley-bottom adjacent[1474] to the level land, and the raid was
allowed. One detachment galloped towards the Kar-māsh[1475] mountain,
south-east of Gīrdīz, the left-hand of the centre led by Khusrau, Mīrzā
Qulī and Sayyid `Alī in their rear. Most of the army galloped up the
dale to the east of Gīrdīz, having in their rear men under Sayyid Qāsim
Lord of the Gate, Mīr Shāh _Qūchīn_, Qayyām (Aūrdū-shāh Beg?), Hindū
Beg, Qūtlūq-qadam and Ḥusain [Ḥasan?]. Most of the army having gone up
the dale, I followed at some distance. The dalesmen must have been a
good way up; those who went after them wore their horses out and nothing
to make up for this fell into their hands.

Some Afghāns on foot, some 40 or 50 of them, having appeared on the
plain, the rear-reserve went towards them. A courier was sent to me and
I hastened on at once. Before I got up with them, Ḥusain Ḥāsan, all
alone, foolishly and thoughtlessly, put his horse at those Afghāns, got
in amongst them and began to lay on with his sword. They shot his horse,
thus made him fall, slashed at him as he was getting up, flung him down,
knifed him from all sides and cut him to pieces, while the other braves
looked on, standing still and reaching him no helping hand! On hearing
news of it, I hurried still faster forward, and sent some of the
household and braves galloping loose-rein ahead [Sidenote: Fol. 239.]
under Gadāī T̤aghāī, Payānda-i-muḥammad _Qīplān_, Abū'l-ḥasan the
armourer and Mūmin Ātāka. Mūmin Ātāka was the first of them to bring an
Afghān down; he speared one, cut off his head and brought it in.
Abū'l-ḥasan the armourer, without mail as he was, went admirably
forward, stopped in front of the Afghāns, laid his horse at them,
chopped at one, got him down, cut off and brought in his head. Known
though both were for bravelike deeds done earlier, their action in this
affair added to their fame. Every one of those 40 or 50 Afghāns, falling
to the arrow, falling to the sword, was cut in pieces. After making a
clean sweep of them, we dismounted in a field of growing corn and
ordered a tower of their heads to be set up. As we went along the road I
said, with anger and scorn, to the begs who had been with Ḥusain, "You!
what men! there you stood on quite flat ground, and looked on while a
few Afghāns on foot overcame such a brave in the way they did! Your rank
and station must be taken from you; you must lose _pargana_ and country;
your beards must be shaved off and you must be exhibited in towns; for
there shall be punishment assuredly for him who looks on while such a
brave is beaten by such a foe [Sidenote: Fol. 239b.] on dead-level land,
and reaches out no hand to help!" The troop which went to Kar-māsh
brought back sheep and other spoil. One of them was Bābā Qashqa[1476]
_Mughūl_; an Afghān had made at him with a sword; he had stood still to
adjust an arrow, shot it off and brought his man down.

(_July 29th_) Next day at dawn we marched for Kābul. Pay-aster Muḥammad,
`Abdu'l-`azīz Master of the Horse, and Mīr Khūrd the taster were ordered
to stop at Chashma-tūra, and get pheasants from the people there.

As I had never been along the Rustam-maidān road,[1477] I went with a
few men to see it. Rustam-plain (_maidān_) lies amongst mountains and
towards their head is not a very charming place. The dale spreads rather
broad between its two ranges. To the south, on the skirt of the
rising-ground is a smallish spring, having very large poplars near it.
There are many trees also, but not so large, at the source on the way
out of Rustam-maidān for Gīrdīz. This is a narrower dale, but still
there is a plot of green meadow below the smaller trees mentioned, and
the little dale is charming. From the summit of the range, looking
south, the Karmāsh and Bangash mountains are seen at one's feet; and
beyond the Karmāsh show pile upon pile of the rain-clouds of Hindūstān.
Towards those other lands where no rain falls, not [Sidenote: Fol. 240.]
a cloud is seen.

We reached Hūnī at the Mid-day Prayer and there dismounted.

(_July 30th_) Dismounting next day at Muḥammad Āghā's village,[1478] we
perpetrated (_irtqāb_) a _ma'jūn_. There we had a drug thrown into water
for the fish; a few were taken.[1479]

(_July 31st_) On Sunday the 3rd of Sha`bān, we reached Kābul.

(_August 2nd_) On Tuesday the 5th of the month, Darwīsh-i-muḥammad
_Faẓlī_ and Khusrau's servants were summoned and, after enquiry made
into what short-comings of theirs there may have been when Ḥusain was
overcome, they were deprived of place and rank. At the Mid-day Prayer
there was a wine-party under a plane-tree, at which an honorary dress
was given to Bābā Qashqa _Mughūl_.

(_August 5th_) On Friday the 8th Kīpa returned from the presence of
Mīrzā Khān.


(_aa. Excursion to the Koh-dāman._)

(_August 11th_) On Thursday at the Other Prayer, I mounted for an
excursion to the Koh-dāman, Bārān and Khwāja Sih-yārān.[1480] At the
Bed-time Prayer, we dismounted at Māmā Khātūn.[1481]

(_August 12th_) Next day we dismounted at Istālīf; a confection was
eaten on that day.

(_August 13th_) On Saturday there was a wine-party at Istālīf.

(_August 14th_) Riding at dawn from Istālīf, we crossed the space
between it and the Sinjid-valley. Near Khwāja Sih-yārān a great snake
was killed as thick, it may be, as the fore-arm and as long as a
_qūlāch_.[1482] From its inside came out a slenderer snake, that seemed
to have been just swallowed, every part of it being [Sidenote: Fol.
240b.] whole; it may have been a little shorter than the larger one.
From inside this slenderer snake came out a little mouse; it too was
whole, broken nowhere.[1483]

On reaching Khwāja Sih-yārān there was a wine-party. Today orders were
written and despatched by Kīch-kīna the night-watch (_tūnqṯār_) to the
begs on that side (_i.e._ north of Hindū-kush), giving them a rendezvous
and saying, "An army is being got to horse, take thought, and come to
the rendezvous fixed."

(_August 15th_) We rode out at dawn and ate a confection. At the infall
of the Parwān-water many fish were taken in the local way of casting a
fish-drug into the water.[1484] Mīr Shāh Beg set food and water (_āsh u
āb_) before us; we then rode on to Gul-bahār. At a wine-party held after
the Evening Prayer, Darwīsh-i-muḥammad (_Sārbān_) was present. Though a
young man and a soldier, he had not yet committed the sin (_irtqāb_) of
wine, but was in obedience (_tā'ib_). Qūtlūq Khwāja _Kūkūldāsh_ had long
before abandoned soldiering to become a darwīsh; moreover he was very
old, his very beard was quite white; nevertheless he took his share of
wine at these parties. Said I to Darwīsh-i-muḥammad, "Qūtlūq Khwāja's
beard shames you! He, a darwīsh and an old man, always drinks wine; you,
a soldier, a young man, your beard quite black, never drink! What does
it mean?" My custom being not to press wine on a non-drinker, with so
much said, it all passed off as a joke; he was not pressed to drink.

(_August 16th_) At dawn we made our morning (_ṣubāḥī ṣubūḥī qīldūk_).

(_August 17th_) Riding on Wednesday from Gul-i-bahār, we [Sidenote: Fol.
241.] dismounted in Abūn-village[1485], ate food, remounted, went to a
summer-house in the orchards (_bāghāt-i-kham_) and there dismounted.
There was a wine-party after the Mid-day Prayer.

(_August 18th_) Riding on next day, we made the circuit of Khwāja
Khāwand Sa`īd's tomb, went to China-fort and there got on a raft. Just
where the Panjhīr-water comes in, the raft struck the naze of a hill and
began to sink. Rauḥ-dam, Tīngrī-qulī and Mīr Muḥammad the raftsman were
thrown into the water by the shock; Rauḥ-dam and Tīngrī-qulī were got on
the raft again; a China cup and a spoon and a ṯambour went into the
water. Lower down, the raft struck again opposite the Sang-i-barīda (the
cut-stone), either on a branch in mid-stream or on a stake stuck in as a
stop-water (_qāqghān qāzūq_). Right over on his back went Shāh Beg's
Shāh Ḥasan, clutching at Mīrzā Qulī Kūkūldāsh and making him fall too.
Darwīsh-i-muḥammad _Sārbān_ was also thrown into the water. Mīrzā Qulī
went over in his own fashion! Just when he fell, he was cutting a melon
which he had in his hand; as he went over, he stuck his knife into the
mat of the raft. He swam in his _tūn aūfrāghī_[1486] and got out of the
water without coming on the raft again. Leaving it that night, we slept
at raftsmen's houses. Darwīsh-i-muḥammad _Sārbān_ presented me with a
seven-coloured cup exactly like the one lost in the water.

(_August 19th_) On Friday we rode away from the river's bank and
dismounted below Aīndīkī on the skirt of Koh-i-bacha where, with our own
hands, we gathered plenty of tooth-picks.[1487] [Sidenote: Fol. 241b.]
Passing on, food was eaten at the houses of the Khwāja Khiẓr people. We
rode on and at the Mid-day Prayer, dismounted in a village of Qūtlūq
Khwāja's fief in Lamghān where he made ready a hasty meal (_mā ḥaẓirī_);
after partaking of this, we mounted and went to Kābul.


(_bb. Various incidents._)

(_August 22nd_) On Monday the 25th, a special honorary dress and a
saddled horse were bestowed on Darwīsh-i-muḥammad _Sārbān_ and he was
made to kneel as a retainer (_naukar_).

(_August 24th_) For 4 or 5 months I had not had my head shaved; on
Wednesday the 27th, I had it done. Today there was a wine-party.

(_August 26th_) On Friday the 29th, Mīr Khūrd was made to kneel as
Hind-āl's guardian.[1488] He made an offering of 1000 _shāhrukhīs_
(_circa_ £50).

(_August 31st_) On Wednesday the 5th of Ramẓān, a dutiful letter was
brought by Tūlik Kūkūldāsh's servant Barlās Jūkī(?). Aūzbeg raiders had
gone into those parts (Badakhshān); Tūlik had gone out, fought and
beaten them. Barlās Jūkī brought one live Aūzbeg and one head.

(_Sep. 2nd_) In the night of Saturday the 8th, we broke our fast[1489]
in Qāsim Beg's house; he led out a saddled horse for me.

(_Sep. 3rd_) On Sunday night the fast was broken in Khalīfa's house; he
offered me a saddled horse.

(_Sep. 4th_) Next day came Khwāja Muḥ. `Alī and Jān-i-nāṣir who had been
summoned from their districts for the good of the army.[1490]

(_Sep. 7th_) On Wednesday the 12th, Kāmrān's maternal uncle [Sidenote:
Fol. 242.] Sl. `Alī Mīrzā arrived.[1491] As has been mentioned,[1492] he
had gone to Kāshghar in the year I came from Khwāst into Kābul.


(_cc. A Yūsuf-zāī campaign._)

(_Sep. 8th_) We rode out on Thursday the 13th of the month of Ramẓān,
resolved and determined to check and ward off the Yūsuf-zāī, and we
dismounted in the meadow on the Dih-i-yaq`ūb side of Kābul. When we were
mounting, the equerry Bābā Jān led forward a rather good-for-nothing
horse; in my anger I struck him in the face a blow which dislocated my
fist below the ring-finger.[1493] The pain was not much at the time, but
was rather bad when we reached our encampment-ground. For some time I
suffered a good deal and could not write. It got well at last.

To this same assembly-ground were brought letters and presents (_bīlāk_)
from my maternal-aunt Daulat-sulṯān Khānīm[1494] in Kāshghar, by her
foster-brother Daulat-i-muḥammad. On the same day Bū Khān and Mūsa,
chiefs of the Dilazāk, came, bringing tribute, and did obeisance.

(_Sep. 11th_) On Sunday the 16th Qūj Beg came.

(_Sep. 14th_) Marching on Wednesday the 19th we passed through Būt-khāk
and, as usual, dismounted on the Būt-khāk water.[1495]

As Qūj Beg's districts, Bāmīān, Kāh-mard and Ghūrī, are close to the
Aūzbeg, he was excused from going with this army and given leave to
return to them from this ground. I bestowed on him a turban twisted for
myself, and also a head-to-foot (_bāsh-ayāq_).

(_Sep. 16th_) On Friday the 21st, we dismounted at Badām-chashma.
[Sidenote: Fol. 242b.]

(_Sep. 17th_) Next day we dismounted on the Bārīk-āb, I reaching the
camp after a visit to Qarā-tū. On this ground honey was obtained from a
tree.

(_Sep. 20th_) We went on march by march till Wednesday the 26th, and
dismounted in the Bāgh-i-wafā.

(_Sep. 21st_) Thursday we just stayed in the garden.

(_Sep. 22nd_) On Friday we marched out and dismounted beyond Sulṯānpūr.
Today Shāh Mīr Ḥusain came from his country. Today came also Dilazāk
chiefs under Bū Khān and Mūsa. My plan had been to put down the
Yūsuf-zāī in Sawād, but these chiefs set forth to me that there was a
large horde (_aūlūs_) in Hash-naghar and that much corn was to be had
there. They were very urgent for us to go to Hash-naghar. After
consultation the matter was left in this way:—As it is said there is
much corn in Hash-naghar, the Afghāns there shall be overrun; the forts
of Hash-naghar and Parashāwar shall be put into order; part of the corn
shall be stored in them and they be left in charge of Shāh Mīr Ḥusain
and a body of braves. To suit Shāh Mīr Ḥusain's convenience in this, he
was given 15 days leave, with a rendezvous named for him to come to
after going to his country and preparing his equipment.

(_Sep. 23rd_) Marching on next day, we reached Jūī-shāhī and there
dismounted. On this ground Tīngrī-bīrdī and Sl. Muḥammad _Dūldāī_
overtook us. Today came also Ḥamza from Qūndūz.[1496]

(_Sep. 25th_) On Sunday the last day of the month (Ramẓān), we marched
from Jūī-shāhī and dismounted at Qīrīq-arīq (forty-conduits), [Sidenote:
Fol. 243.] I going by raft, with a special few. The new moon of the
Feast was seen at that station.[1497] People had brought a few
beast-loads of wine from Nūr-valley;[1498] after the Evening Prayer
there was a wine-party, those present being Muḥibb-i-`alī the armourer,
Khwāja Muḥ. `Alī the librarian, Shāh Beg's Shāh Ḥasan, Sl. Muḥ. _Dūldāī_
and Darwīsh-i-muḥ. _Sārbān,_ then obedient (_tā'ib_). From my childhood
up it had been my rule not to press wine on a non-drinker;
Darwīsh-i-muḥammad was at every party and no pressure was put on him (by
me), but Khwāja Muḥ. `Alī left him no choice; he pressed him and pressed
him till he made him drink.

(_Sep. 26th_) On Monday we marched with the dawn of the Feast-day,[1499]
eating a confection on the road to dispel crop-sickness. While under its
composing influence (_nāklīk_), we were brought a colocynth-apple
(_khunṯul_). Darwīsh-i-muḥammad had never seen one; said I, "It is a
melon of Hindūstān," sliced it and gave him a piece. He bit into it at
once; it was night before the bitter taste went out of his mouth. At
Garm-chashma we dismounted on rising-ground where cold meat was being
set out for us when Langar Khān arrived to wait on me after being for a
time at his own place (Koh-i-jūd). He brought an offering of a horse and
a few confections. Passing on, we dismounted at Yada-bīr, at the Other
Prayer got on a raft there, went for as much as two miles on it, then
left it.

(_Sep. 27th_) Riding on next morning, we dismounted below the
Khaibar-pass. Today arrived Sl. Bāyazīd, come up by the [Sidenote: Fol.
243b.] Bāra-road after hearing of us; he set forth that the Afrīdī
Afghāns were seated in Bāra with their goods and families and that they
had grown a mass of corn which was still standing (lit. on foot). Our
plan being for the Yūsuf-zāī Afghāns of Hash-naghar, we paid him no
attention. At the Mid-day Prayer there was a wine-party in Khwāja
Muḥammad `Alī's tent. During the party details about our coming in this
direction were written and sent off by the hand of a sulṯān of Tīrah to
Khwāja Kalān in Bajaur. I wrote this couplet on the margin of the letter
(_farmān_):—

   Say sweetly o breeze, to that beautiful fawn,
   Thou hast given my head to the hills and the wild.[1500]

(_Sep. 28th_) Marching on at dawn across the pass, we got through the
Khaibar-narrows and dismounted at `Alī-masjid. At the Mid-day Prayer we
rode on, leaving the baggage behind, reached the Kābul-water at the
second watch (midnight) and there slept awhile.

(_Sep. 29th_) A ford[1501] was found at daylight; we had forded the
water (_sū-dīn kīchīldī_), when news came from our scout that the
Afghāns had heard of us and were in flight. We went on, passed through
the Sawād-water and dismounted amongst the Afghān corn-fields. Not a
half, not a fourth indeed of the promised corn was had. The plan of
fitting-up Hash-naghar, made under the hope of getting corn here, came
to nothing. [Sidenote: Fol. 244.] The Dilazāk Afghāns, who had urged it
on us, were ashamed. We next dismounted after fording the water of Sawād
to its Kābul side.

(_Sep. 30th_) Marching next morning from the Sawād-water, we crossed the
Kābul-water and dismounted. The Begs admitted to counsel were summoned
and a consultation having been had, the matter was left at this:—that
the Afrīdī Afghāns spoken of by Sl. Bāyazīd should be over-run,
Pūrshāwūr-fort be fitted up on the strength of their goods and corn, and
some-one left there in charge.

At this station Hindū Beg _Qūchīn_ and the Mīr-zādas of Khwāst overtook
us. Today _ma'jūn_ was eaten, the party being Darwesh-i-muḥammad
_Sārbān_, Muḥammad Kūkūldāsh, Gadāī T̤aghāī and `Asas; later on we
invited Shāh Ḥasan also. After food had been placed before us, we went
on a raft, at the Other Prayer. We called Langar Khān _Nīa-zāī_ on also.
At the Evening Prayer we got off the raft and went to camp.

(_Oct. 1st_) Marching at dawn, in accordance with the arrangement made
on the Kābul-water, we passed Jām and dismounted at the outfall of the
`Alī-masjid water.[1502]


(_dd. Badakhshān affairs._)

Sl. `Alī (T̤aghāī's servant ?) Abū'l-hāshim overtaking us, said, "On the
night of `Arafa,[1503] I was in Jūī-shāhī with a person from Badakhshān;
he told me that Sl. Sa`īd Khān had come with designs on Badakhshān, so I
came on from Jūī-shāhī along the Jām-rūd, to give the news to the
Pādshāh." On this the begs were summoned and advice was taken. In
consequence of this [Sidenote: Fol. 244b.] news, it seemed inadvisable
to victual the fort (Pūrshāwūr), and we started back intending to go to
Badakhshān.[1504] Langar Khān was appointed to help Muḥ. `Alī
_Jang-jang_; he was given an honorary dress and allowed to go.

That night a wine-party was held in Khwāja Muḥ. `Alī's tent. We marched
on next day, crossed Khaibar and dismounted below the pass.


(_ee. The Khiẓr-khail Afghāns._)

(_Oct. 3rd_) Many improper things the Khiẓr-khail had done! When the
army went to and fro, they used to shoot at the laggards and at those
dismounted apart, in order to get their horses. It seemed lawful
therefore and right to punish them. With this plan we marched from below
the pass at daybreak, ate our mid-day meal in Dih-i-ghulāmān
(Basaul),[1505] and after feeding our horses, rode on again at the
Mid-day Prayer.

Muḥ Ḥusain the armourer was made to gallop off to Kābul with orders to
keep prisoner all Khiẓr-khailīs there, and to submit to me an account of
their possessions; also, to write a detailed account of whatever news
there was from Badakhshān and to send a man off with it quickly from
Kābul to me.

That night we moved on till the second watch (midnight), got a little
beyond Sulṯānpūr, there slept awhile, then rode on again. The
Khiẓr-khail were understood to have their seat from Bahār (Vihāra?) and
Mīch-grām to Karā-sū (_sic_). Arriving before dawn, (_Oct. 4th_) the
raid was allowed. Most of the goods of the Khiẓr-khailīs and their small
children fell into the army's hands; a few tribesmen, being near the
mountains, drew off to [Sidenote: Fol. 245.] them and were left.

(_Oct. 5th_) We dismounted next day at Qīlaghū where pheasants were
taken on our ground. Today the baggage came up from the rear and was
unloaded here. Owing to this punitive raid, the Wazīrī Afghāns who never
had given in their tribute well, brought 300 sheep.

(_Oct. 9th_) I had written nothing since my hand was dislocated; here I
wrote a little, on Sunday the 14th of the month.[1506]

(_Oct. 10th_) Next day came Afghān chiefs leading the Khirilchī [and]
Samū-khail. The Dilazāk Afghāns entreated pardon for them; we gave it
and set the captured free, fixed their tribute at 4000 sheep, gave coats
(_tūn_) to their chiefs, appointed and sent out collectors.

(_Oct. 13th_) These matters settled, we marched on Thursday the 18th,
and dismounted at Bahār (Vihāra?) and Mīch-grām.

(_Oct. 14th_) Next day I went to the Bāgh-i-wafā. Those were the days of
the garden's beauty; its lawns were one sheet of trefoil; its
pomegranate-trees yellowed to autumn splendour,[1507] their fruit full
red; fruit on the orange-trees green and glad (_khurram_), countless
oranges but not yet as yellow as our hearts desired! The pomegranates
were excellent, not equal, however, to the best ones of Wilāyat.[1508]
The one excellent and blessed content we have had from the Bāgh-i-wafā
was had at this time. [Sidenote: Fol. 245b.] We were there three or four
days; during the time the whole camp had pomegranates in abundance.

(_Oct. 17th_) We marched from the garden on Monday. I stayed in it till
the first watch (9 a.m.) and gave away oranges; I bestowed the fruit of
two trees on Shāh Ḥasan; to several begs I gave the fruit of one tree
each; to some gave one tree for two persons. As we were thinking of
visiting Lamghān in the winter, I ordered that they should reserve
(_qūrūghlāīlār_) at least 20 of the trees growing round the reservoir.
That day we dismounted at Gandamak.

(_Oct. 18th_) Next day we dismounted at Jagdālīk. Near the Evening
Prayer there was a wine-party at which most of the household were
present. After a time Qāsim Beg's sister's son Gadāī _bihjat_[1509] used
very disturbing words and, being drunk, slid down on the cushion by my
side, so Gadāī T̤aghāī picked him up and carried him out from the party.

(_Oct. 19th_) Marching next day from that ground, I made an excursion up
the valley-bottom of the Bārīk-āb towards Qūrūq-sāī. A few purslain
trees were in the utmost autumn beauty. On dismounting, seasonable[1510]
food was set out. The vintage was the cause! wine was drunk! A sheep
was ordered brought from the road and made into _kabābs_ (_brochettes_).
We amused ourselves by setting fire to branches of holm-oak.[1511]

Mullā `Abdu'l-malik _dīwāna_[1512] having begged to take the news of our
coming into Kābul, was sent ahead. To this place came Ḥasan Nabīra from
Mīrzā Khān's presence; he must have come after letting me know [his
intention of coming].[1513] There was [Sidenote: Fol. 246.] drinking
till the Sun's decline; we then rode off. People in our party had become
very drunk, Sayyid Qāsim so much so, that two of his servants mounted
him and got him into camp with difficulty. Muḥ. Bāqir's Dost was so
drunk that people, headed by Amīn-i-muḥammad Tarkhān and Mastī _chuhra_,
could not get him on his horse; even when they poured water on his head,
nothing was effected. At that moment a body of Afghāns appeared.
Amīn-i-muḥammad, who had had enough himself, had this idea, "Rather than
leave him here, as he is, to be taken, let us cut his head off and carry
it with us." At last after 100 efforts, they mounted him and brought him
with them. We reached Kābul at midnight.


(_ff. Incidents in Kābul._)

In Court next morning Qulī Beg waited on me. He had been to Sl. Sa'īd
Khān's presence in Kāshghar as my envoy. To him as envoy to me had been
added Bīshka Mīrzā _Itārchī_[1514] who brought me gifts of the goods of
that country.

(_Oct. 25th_) On Wednesday the 1st of Ẕū'l-qa`da, I went by myself to
Qābil's tomb[1515] and there took my morning. The people of the party
came later by ones and twos. When the Sun waxed hot, we went to the
Violet-garden and drank there, by the side of the reservoir. Mid-day
coming on, we slept. At the Mid-day Prayer we drank again. At this
mid-day party I gave wine to Tīngrī-qulī Beg and to Mahndī (?) to whom
at any earlier party, wine had not been given. At the Bed-time
[Sidenote: Fol. 246b.] Prayer, I went to the Hot-bath where I stayed the
night.

(_Oct. 26th_) On Thursday honorary dresses were bestowed on the
Hindūstānī traders, headed by Yaḥya _Nūḥānī_, and they were allowed to
go.

(_Oct. 28th_) On Saturday the 4th, a dress and gifts were bestowed on
Bīshka Mīrzā, who had come from Kāshghar, and he was given leave to go.

(_Oct. 29th_) On Sunday there was a party in the little Picture-hall
over the (Chār-bāgh) gate; small retreat though it is, 16 persons were
present.


(_gg. Excursion to the Koh-dāman._)

(_Oct. 30th_) Today we went to Istālīf to see the harvest (_khizān_).
Today was done the sin (? _irtikāb qīlīb aīdī_) of _ma'jūn_. Much rain
fell; most of the begs and the household came into my tent, outside the
Bāgh-i-kalān.

(_Oct. 31st_) Next day there was a wine-party in the same garden,
lasting till night.

(_November 1st_) At dawn we took our morning (_ṣubāḥī ṣubūḥī qīldūk_)
and got drunk, took a sleep, and at the Mid-day Prayer rode from
Istālīf. On the road a confection was eaten. We reached Bih-zādī at the
Other Prayer. The harvest-crops were very beautiful; while we were
viewing them those disposed for wine began to agitate about it. The
harvest-colour was extremely beautiful; wine was drunk, though _ma'jūn_
had been eaten, sitting under autumnal trees. The party lasted till the
Bed-time Prayer. Khalīfa's Mullā Maḥmūd arriving, we had him summoned to
join the party. `Abdu'l-lāh was very drunk [Sidenote: Fol. 247.] indeed;
a word affecting Khalīfa (_ṯarfidīn_) being said, `Abdu'l-lāh forgot
Mullā Maḥmūd and recited this line:—

   Regard whom thou wilt, he suffers from the same wound.[1516]

Mullā Maḥmūd was sober; he blamed `Abdu'l-lāh for repeating that line in
jest; `Abdu'l-lāh came to his senses, was troubled in mind, and after
this talked and chatted very sweetly.

Our excursion to view the harvest was over; we dismounted, close to the
Evening Prayer, in the Chār-bāgh.

(_Nov. 12th_) On Friday the 16th, after eating a confection

with a few special people in the Violet-garden, we went on a boat.
Humāyūn and Kāmrān were with us later; Humāyūn made a very good shot at
a duck.


(_hh. A Bohemian episode._)

(_Nov. 14th_) On Saturday the 18th, I rode out of the Chār-bāgh at
midnight, sent night-watch and groom back, crossed Mullā Bābā's bridge,
got out by the Dīūrīn-narrows, round by the bāzārs and _kārez_ of
Qūsh-nādur (var.), along the back of the Bear-house (_khirs-khāna_), and
near sunrise reached Tardī Beg _Khāk-sār's[1517] kārez_. He ran out
quickly on hearing of me. His shortness (_qālāshlīghī_) was known; I had
taken 100 _shāhrukhīs_ (£5) with me; I gave him these and told him to
get wine and other things ready as I had a fancy for a private and
unrestrained party. He went for wine towards Bih-zādī[1518]; I sent my
horse by his slave to the valley-bottom and sat down on the slope behind
the _kārez_. At the first watch (9 a.m.) Tardī Beg brought [Sidenote:
Fol. 247b.] a pitcher of wine which we drank by turns. After him came
Muḥammad-i-qāsim _Barlās_ and Shāh-zāda who had got to know of his
fetching the wine, and had followed him, their minds quite empty of any
thought about me. We invited them to the party. Said Tardī Beg, "Hul-hul
Anīga wishes to drink wine with you." Said I, "For my part, I never saw
a woman drink wine; invite her." We also invited Shāhī a qalandar, and
one of the _kārez_-men who played the rebeck. There was drinking till
the Evening Prayer on the rising-ground behind the _kārez_; we then went
into Tardī Beg's house and drank by lamp-light almost till the Bed-time
Prayer. The party was quite free and unpretending. I lay down, the
others went to another house and drank there till beat of drum
(midnight). Hul-hul Anīga came in and made me much disturbance; I got
rid of her at last by flinging myself down as if drunk. It was in my
mind to put people off their guard, and ride off alone to Astar-ghach,
but it did not come off because they got to know. In the end, I rode
away at beat of drum, after letting Tardī Beg and Shāh-zāda know. We
three mounted and made for Astar-ghach.

(_Nov. 15th_) We reached Khwāja Ḥasan below Istālīf by the first prayer
(_farẓ waqt_); dismounted for a while, ate a confection, [Sidenote: Fol.
248.] and went to view the harvest. When the Sun was up, we dismounted
at a garden in Istālīf and ate grapes. We slept at Khwāja Shahāb, a
dependency of Astar-ghach. Ātā, the Master of the Horse, must have had a
house somewhere near, for before we were awake he had brought food and a
pitcher of wine. The vintage was very fine. After drinking a few cups,
we rode on. We next dismounted in a garden beautiful with autumn; there
a party was held at which Khwāja Muḥammad Amīn joined us. Drinking went
on till the Bed-time Prayer. During that day and night `Abdu'l-lāh,
`Asas, Nūr Beg and Yūsuf-i-`alī all arrived from Kābul.

(_Nov. 16th_) After food at dawn, we rode out and visited the
Bāgh-i-pādshāhī below Astar-ghach. One young apple-tree in it had turned
an admirable autumn-colour; on each branch were left 5 or 6 leaves in
regular array; it was such that no painter trying to depict it could
have equalled. After riding from Astar-ghach we ate at Khwāja Ḥasan, and
reached Bih-zādī at the Evening Prayer. There we drank in the house of
Khwāja Muḥ. Amīn's servant Imām-i-muḥammad.

(_Nov. 17th_) Next day, Tuesday, we went into the Chār-bāgh of Kābul.

(_Nov. 18th_) On Thursday the 23rd, having marched (_kūchūb_), the fort
was entered.

(_Nov. 19th_) On Friday Muḥammad `Alī (son of ?) Ḥaidar the
stirrup-holder brought, as an offering, a _tūīgūn_[1519] he had caught.

(_Nov. 20th_) On Saturday the 25th, there was a party in the Plane-tree
garden from which I rose and mounted at the Bed-time Prayer. Sayyid
Qāsim being in shame at past occurrences,[1520] we dismounted at his
house and drank a few cups.

[Sidenote: Fol. 248b.] (_Nov. 24th_) On Thursday the 1st of Ẕū'l-ḥijja,
Tāju'd-dīn Maḥmūd, come from Qandahār, waited on me.

(_Dec. 12th_) On Monday the 19th, Muḥ. `Alī _Jang-jang_ came from
Nīl-āb.

(_Dec. 13th_) On Tuesday the ... of the month, Sangar Khān _Janjūha_,
come from Bhīra, waited on me.

(_Dec. 16th_) On Friday the 23rd, I finished (copying?) the odes and
couplets selected according to their measure from `Alī-sher Beg's four
Dīwāns.[1521]

(_Dec. 20th_) On Tuesday the 27th there was a social-gathering in the
citadel, at which it was ordered that if any-one went out from it drunk,
that person should not be invited to a party again.

(_Dec. 23rd_) On Friday the 30th of Ẕū'l-ḥijja it was ridden out with
the intention of making an excursion to Lamghān.



926 AH.-DEC. 23RD 1519 TO DEC. 12TH 1520 AD.[1522]


(_a. Excursion to the Koh-dāman and Kohistān._)

(_Dec. 23rd_) On Saturday Muḥarram 1st Khwāja Sih-yārān was reached. A
wine-party was had on the bank of the conduit, where this comes out on
the hill.[1523]

(_Dec. 24th_) Riding on next morning (2nd), we visited the moving sands
(_reg-i-rawān_). A party was held in Sayyid Qāsim's _Bulbul's_
house.[1524]

(_Dec. 25th_) Riding on from there, we ate a confection (_ma'jūn_), went
further and dismounted at Bilkir (?).

(_Dec. 26th_) At dawn (4th) we made our morning [_ṣubāḥī ṣubūḥī
qīldūk_], although there might be drinking at night. We rode on at the
Mid-day Prayer, dismounted at Dūr-nāma[1525] and there had a wine party.

(_Dec. 27th_) We took our morning early. Ḥaq-dād, the headman of
Dūr-namā made me an offering (_pesh-kash_) of his garden.

(_Dec. 28th_) Riding thence on Thursday (6th), we dismounted at the
villages of the Tājiks in Nijr-aū.

(_Dec. 29th_) On Friday (7th) we hunted the hill between Forty-ploughs
(_Chihil-qulba_) and the water of Bārān; many deer fell. [Sidenote: Fol.
249.] I had not shot an arrow since my hand was hurt; now, with an
easy[1526] bow, I shot a deer in the shoulder, the arrow going in to
half up the feather. Returning from hunting, we went on at the Other
Prayer in Nijr-aū.

(_Dec. 30th_) Next day (Saturday 8th) the tribute of the Nijr-aū people
was fixed at 60 gold mis̤qāls.[1527]

(_Jan. 1st_) On Monday (10th) we rode on intending to visit
Lamghān.[1528] I had expected Humāyūn to go with us, but as he inclined
to stay behind, leave was given him from Kūra-pass. We went on and
dismounted in Badr-aū (Tag-aū).


(_b. Excursions in Lamghān._)

(_Jan. ..._) Riding on, we dismounted at Aūlūgh-nūr.[1529] The fishermen
there took fish at one draught[1530] from the water of Bārān. At the
Other Prayer (afternoon) there was drinking on the raft; and there was
drinking in a tent after we left the raft at the Evening Prayer.

Ḥaidar the standard-bearer had been sent from Dāwar[1531] to the Kāfirs;
several Kāfir headmen came now to the foot of Bād-i-pīch (pass), brought
a few goat-skins of wine, and did obeisance. In descending that pass a
surprising number of ...[1532] was seen.

(_Jan. ..._) Next day getting on a raft, we ate a confection, got off
below Būlān and went to camp. There were two rafts.

(_Jan. 5th_) Marching on Friday (14th), we dismounted below Mandrāwar on
the hill-skirt. There was a late wine-party.

(_Jan. 6th_) On Saturday (15th), we passed through the Darūta narrows by
raft, got off a little above Jahān-namā'ī (Jalālābād) and went to the
Bāgh-i-wafā in front of Adīnapūr. When we were leaving the raft the
governor of Nīngnahār Qayyām Aūrdū Shāh came and did obeisance. Langar
Khān _Nīā-zāī_,—he had [Sidenote: Fol. 249b.] been in Nīl-āb for a
time,—waited upon me on the road. We dismounted in the Bāgh-i-wafā; its
oranges had yellowed beautifully; its spring-bloom was well-advanced,
and it was very charming. We stayed in it five or six days.

As it was my wish and inclination (_jū dagh-dagha_)to return to
obedience (_tā'ib_) in my 40th year, I was drinking to excess now that
less than a year was left.

(_Jan. 7th_) On Sunday the 16th, having made my morning (_ṣubūḥī_) and
became sober. Mullā Yārak played an air he had composed in five-time and
in the five-line measure (_makhammas_), while I chose to eat a
confection (_ma'jūn_). He had composed an excellent air. I had not
occupied myself with such things for some time; a wish to compose came
over me now, so I composed an air in four-time, as will be mentioned in
time.[1533]

(_Jan. 10th_) On Wednesday (19th) it was said for fun, while we
were making our morning (_ṣubūḥī_), "Let whoever speaks like a
Sārt (_i.e._ in Persian) drink a cup." Through this many drank. At
_sunnat-waqt_[1534] again, when we were sitting under the willows in the
middle of the meadow, it was said, "Let whoever speaks like a Turk,
drink a cup!" Through this also numbers drank. After the sun got up, we
drank under the orange-trees on the reservoir-bank.

(_Jan. 11th_) Next day (20th) we got on a raft from Darūta; got off
again below Jūī-shāhī and went to Atar.

(_Jan...._) We rode from there to visit Nūr-valley, went as far as Sūsān
(lily)-village, then turned back and dismounted in Amla.

[Sidenote: Fol. 250.] (_Jan. 14th_) As Khwāja Kalān had brought Bajaur
into good order, and as he was a friend of mine, I had sent for him and
had made Bajaur over to Shāh Mīr Ḥusain's charge. On Saturday the 22nd
of the month (Muḥarram), Shāh Mīr Ḥusain was given leave to go. That day
in Amla we drank.

(_Jan. 15th_) It rained (_yāmghūr yāghdūrūb_) next day (23rd).

When we reached Kula-grām in Kūnār[1535] where Malik `Alī's house is,
we dismounted at his middle son's house, overlooking an orange-orchard.
We did not go into the orchard because of the rain but just drank where
we were. The rain was very heavy. I taught Mullā `Alī Khān a ṯalisman I
knew; he wrote it on four pieces of paper and hung them on four sides;
as he did it, the rain stopped and the air began to clear.

(_Jan. 16th_) At dawn (24th) we got on a raft; on another several braves
went. People in Bajaur, Sawād, Kūnār and thereabouts make a beer (_bīr
būza_)[1536] the ferment of which is a thing they call _kīm_.[1537] This
_kīm_ they make of the roots of herbs and several simples, shaped like a
loaf, dried and kept by them. Some sorts of beer are surprisingly
exhilarating, but bitter and distasteful. We had thought of drinking
beer but, because of its bitter taste, preferred a confection. `Asas,
Ḥasan _Aīkirik_,[1538] and Mastī, on the other raft, were ordered to
drink some; they did so and became quite drunk. Ḥasan _Aīkirik_ set up a
disgusting disturbance; `Asas, very drunk, did such [Sidenote: Fol.
250b.] unpleasant things that we were most uncomfortable (_ba tang_). I
thought of having them put off on the far side of the water, but some of
the others begged them off.

I had sent for Khwāja Kalān at this time and had bestowed Bajaur on Shāh
Mīr Ḥusain. For why? Khwāja Kalān was a friend; his stay in Bajaur had
been long; moreover the Bajaur appointment appeared an easy one.

At the ford of the Kūnār-water Shāh Mīr Ḥusain met me on his way to
Bajaur. I sent for him and said a few trenchant words, gave him some
special armour, and let him go.

Opposite Nūr-gal (Rock-village) an old man begged from those on the
rafts; every-one gave him something, coat (_tūn_), turban, bathing-cloth
and so on, so he took a good deal away.

At a bad place in mid-stream the raft struck with a great shock; there
was much alarm; it did not sink but Mīr Muḥammad the raftsman was thrown
into the water. We were near Atar that night.

(_Jan. 17th_) On Tuesday (25th) we reached Mandrāwar.[1539] Qūtlūq-qadam
and his father had arranged a party inside the fort; though the place
had no charm, a few cups were drunk there to please them. We went to
camp at the Other Prayer.

(_Jan. 18th_) On Wednesday (26th) an excursion was made to
Kind-kir[1540] spring. Kind-kir is a dependent village of the Mandrāwar
_tūmān_, the one and only village of the Lamghānāt [Sidenote: Fol. 251.]
where dates are grown. It lies rather high on the mountain-skirt, its
date lands on its east side. At one edge of the date lands is the
spring, in a place aside (_yān yīr_). Six or seven yards below the
spring-head people have heaped up stones to make a shelter[1541] for
bathing and by so-doing have raised the water in the reservoir high
enough for it to pour over the heads of the bathers. The water is very
soft; it is felt a little cold in wintry days but is pleasant if one
stays in it.

(_Jan. 19th_) On Thursday (27th) Sher Khān _Tarkalānī_ got us to
dismount at his house and there gave us a feast (_ẓiyāfat_). Having
ridden on at the Mid-day Prayer, fish were taken out of the fish-ponds
of which particulars have been given.[1542]

(_Jan. 20th_) On Friday (28th) we dismounted near Khwāja Mīr-i-mīrān's
village. A party was held there at the Evening Prayer.

(_Jan. 21st_) On Saturday (29th) we hunted the hill between `Alī-shang
and Alangār. One hunting-circle having been made on the `Alī-shang side,
another on the Alangār, the deer were driven down off the hill and many
were killed. Returning from hunting, we dismounted in a garden belonging
to the Maliks of Alangār and there had a party.

Half of one of my front-teeth had broken off, the other half remaining;
this half broke off today while I was eating food.

(_Jan. 22nd_) At dawn (Ṣafar 1st) we rode out and had a fishing-net
cast, at mid-day went into `Alī-shang and drank in a garden.

(_Jan. 23rd_) Next day (Ṣafar 2nd) Ḥamza Khān, Malik of `Alī-shang was
made over to the avengers-of-blood[1543] for his evil deeds in shedding
innocent blood, and retaliation was made.

(_Jan. 24th_) On Tuesday, after reading a chapter of the Qorān
[Sidenote: Fol. 251b.] (_wird_), we turned for Kābul by the Yān-būlāgh
road. At the Other Prayer, we passed the [Bārān]-water from Aūlūgh-nūr
(Great-rock); reached Qarā-tū by the Evening Prayer, there gave our
horses corn and had a hasty meal prepared, rode on again as soon as they
had finished their barley.[1544]


TRANSLATOR'S NOTE ON 926 TO 932 AH.-1520 TO 1525 AD.

Bābur's diary breaks off here for five years and ten months.[1545] His
activities during the unrecorded period may well have left no time in
which to keep one up, for in it he went thrice to Qandahār, thrice into
India, once to Badakhshān, once to Balkh; twice at least he punished
refractory tribesmen; he received embassies from Hindūstān, and must
have had much to oversee in muster and equipment for his numerous
expeditions. Over and above this, he produced the _Mubīn_, a Turkī poem
of 2000 lines.

That the gap in his autobiography is not intentional several passages in
his writings show;[1546] he meant to fill it; there is no evidence that
he ever did so; the reasonable explanation of his failure is that he
died before he had reached this part of his book.

The events of these unrecorded years are less interesting than those of
the preceding gap, inasmuch as their drama of human passion is simpler;
it is one mainly of cross-currents of ambition, nothing in it matching
the maelstrom of sectarian hate, tribal antipathy, and racial struggle
which engulphed Bābur's fortunes beyond the Oxus.

None-the-less the period has its distinctive mark, the biographical one
set by his personality as his long-sustained effort works out towards
rule in Hindūstān. He becomes felt; his surroundings bend to his
purpose; his composite following accepts his goal; he gains the southern
key of Kābul and Hindūstān and presses the Arghūns out from his rear; in
the Panj-āb he becomes a power; the Rājpūt Rānā of Chitor proffers him
alliance against Ibrāhīm; and his intervention is sought in those
warrings of the Afghāns which were the matrix of his own success.


_a. Dramatis personae._

The following men played principal parts in the events of the
unchronicled years:—

Bābur in Kābul, Badakhshān and Balkh,[1547] his earlier following purged
of Mughūl rebellion, and augmented by the various Mīrzās-in-exile in
whose need of employment Shāh Beg saw Bābur's need of wider
territory.[1548]

Sulṯān Ibrāhīm _Lūdī_ who had succeeded after his father Sikandar's
death (Sunday Ẕū'l-qa`da 7th 923 _AH._-Nov. 21st 1517 AD.)[1549], was
now embroiled in civil war, and hated for his tyranny and cruelty.

Shāh Ismā`īl _Ṣafawī_, ruling down to Rajab 19th 930 AH. (May 24th 1524
AD.) and then succeeded by his son T̤ahmāsp _aet._ 10.

Kūchūm (Kūchkūnjī) Khān, Khāqān of the Aūzbegs, Shaibānī's successor,
now in possession of Transoxiana.

Sulṯān Sa`īd Khān _Chaghatāī_, with head-quarters in Kāshghar, a ruler
amongst the Mughūls but not their Khāqān, the supreme Khānship being his
elder brother Manṣūr's.

Shāh Shujā' Beg _Arghūn_, who, during the period, at various times held
Qandahār, Shāl, Mustang, Sīwīstān, and part of Sind. He died in 930 AH.
(1524 AD.) and was succeeded by his son Ḥasan who read the _khuṯba_ for
Bābur.

Khān Mīrzā _Mīrānshāhī_, who held Badakhshān from Bābur, with
head-quarters in Qūndūz; he died in 927 AH. (1520 AD.) and was succeeded
in his appointment by Humāyūn _aet._ 13.

Muḥammad-i-zamān _Bāī-qarā_ who held Balkh perhaps direct from Bābur,
perhaps from Ismā`īl through Bābur.

`Alā'u'd-dīn `Ālam Khān _Lūdī_, brother of the late Sulṯān Sikandar
_Lūdī_ and now desiring to supersede his nephew Ibrāhīm.

Daulat Khān _Yūsuf-khail_ (as Bābur uniformly describes him), or _Lūdī_
(as other writers do), holding Lāhor for Ibrāhīm _Lūdī_ at the beginning
of the period.


_SOURCES FOR THE EVENTS OF THIS GAP_

A complete history of the events the _Bābur-nāma_ leaves unrecorded has
yet to be written. The best existing one, whether Oriental or European,
is Erskine's _History of India_, but this does not exhaust the
sources—notably not using the _Ḥabību's-siyar_—and could be revised here
and there with advantage.

Most of the sources enumerated as useful for filling the previous gap
are so here; to them must be added, for the affairs of Qandahār,
Khwānd-amīr's _Ḥabību's-siyar_. This Mīr Ma`ṣūm's _Tārīkh-i-sind_
supplements usefully, but its brevity and its discrepant dates make it
demand adjustment; in some details it is expanded by Sayyid Jamāl's
_Tarkhān-_ or _Arghūn-nāma_.

For the affairs of Hindūstān the main sources are enumerated in Elliot
and Dowson's _History of India_ and in Nassau Lees' _Materials for the
history of India_. Doubtless all will be exhausted for the coming
_Cambridge History of India_.


_EVENTS OF THE UNCHRONICLED YEARS_

926 AH.-DEC. 23RD 1519 TO DEC. 12TH 1520 AD.

The question of which were Bābur's "Five expeditions" into Hindūstān has
been often discussed; it is useful therefore to establish the dates of
those known as made. I have entered one as made in this year for the
following reasons;—it broke short because Shāh Beg made incursion into
Bābur's territories, and that incursion was followed by a siege of
Qandahār which several matters mentioned below show to have taken place
in 926 AH.

_a. Expedition into Hindūstān._

The march out from Kābul may have been as soon as muster and equipment
allowed after the return from Lamghān chronicled in the diary. It was
made through Bajaur where refractory tribesmen were brought to order.
The Indus will have been forded at the usual place where, until the last
one of 932 AH. (1525 AD.), all expeditions crossed on the outward march.
Bhīra was traversed in which were Bābur's own Commanders, and advance
was made, beyond lands yet occupied, to Sīālkot, 72 miles north of Lāhor
and in the Rechna _dū-āb_. It was occupied without resistance; and a
further move made to what the MSS. call Sayyidpūr; this attempted
defence, was taken by assault and put to the sword. No place named
Sayyidpūr is given in the Gazetteer of India, but the _Āyīn-i-akbarī_
mentions a Sidhpūr which from its neighbourhood to Sīālkot may be what
Bābur took.

Nothing indicates an intention in Bābur to join battle with Ibrāhīm at
this time; Lāhor may have been his objective, after he had made a
demonstration in force to strengthen his footing in Bhīra. Whatever he
may have planned to do beyond Sidhpūr(?) was frustrated by the news
which took him back to Kābul and thence to Qandahār, that an incursion
into his territory had been made by Shāh Beg.


_b. Shāh Shujā` Beg's position._

Shāh Beg was now holding Qandahār, Shāl, Mustang and Sīwīstān.[1550] He
knew that he held Qandahār by uncertain tenure, in face of its
desirability for Bābur and his own lesser power. His ground was further
weakened by its usefulness for operations on Harāt and the presence with
Bābur of Bāī-qarā refugees, ready to seize a chance, if offered by
Ismā`īl's waning fortunes, for recovery of their former seat. Knowing
his weakness, he for several years had been pushing his way out into
Sind by way of the Bolān-pass.

His relations with Bābur were ostensibly good; he had sent him envoys
twice last year, the first time to announce a success at Kāhān had in
the end of 924 AH. (Nov. 1519 AD.). His son Ḥasan however, with whom he
was unreconciled, had been for more than a year in Bābur's company,—a
matter not unlikely to stir under-currents of unfriendliness on either
side.

His relations with Shāh Ismā`īl were deferential, in appearance even
vassal-like, as is shewn by Khwānd-amīr's account of his appeal for
intervention against Bābur to the Shāh's officers in Harāt. Whether he
read the _khuṯba_ for any suzerain is doubtful; his son Ḥasan, it may be
said, read it later on for Bābur.


_c. The impelling cause of this siege of Qandahār._

Precisely what Shāh Beg did to bring Bābur back from the Panj-āb and
down upon Qandahār is not found mentioned by any source. It seems likely
to have been an affair of subordinates instigated by or for him. Its
immediate agents may have been the Nīkdīrī (Nūkdīrī) and Hazāra tribes
Bābur punished on his way south. Their location was the western
border-land; they may have descended on the Great North Road or have
raided for food in that famine year. It seems certain that Shāh Beg made
no serious attempt on Kābul; he was too much occupied in Sind to allow
him to do so. Some unused source may throw light on the matter
incidentally; the offence may have been small in itself and yet
sufficient to determine Bābur to remove risk from his rear.[1551]


_d. Qandahār._

The Qandahār of Bābur's sieges was difficult of capture; he had not
taken it in 913 AH. (f. 208_b_) by siege or assault, but by default
after one day's fight in the open. The strength of its position can be
judged from the following account of its ruins as they were seen in 1879
AD., the military details of which supplement Bellew's description
quoted in Appendix J.

The fortifications are of great extent with a treble line of bastioned
walls and a high citadel in the centre. The place is in complete ruin
and its locality now useful only as a grazing ground.... "The town is in
three parts, each on a separate eminence, and capable of mutual
defence. The mountain had been covered with towers united by curtains,
and the one on the culminating point may be called impregnable. It
commanded the citadel which stood lower down on the second eminence, and
this in turn commanded the town which was on a table-land elevated above
the plain. The triple walls surrounding the city were at a considerable
distance from it. After exploring the citadel and ruins, we mounted by
the gorge to the summit of the hill with the impregnable fort. In this
gorge are the ruins of two tanks, some 80 feet square, all destroyed,
with the pillars fallen; the work is _pukka_ in brick and _chunām_
(cement) and each tank had been domed in; they would have held about
400,000 gallons each." (Le Messurier's _Kandahar in 1879 AD._ pp. 223,
245.)


_e. Bābur's sieges of Qandahār._

The term of five years is found associated with Bābur's sieges of
Qandahār, sometimes suggesting a single attempt of five years' duration.
This it is easy to show incorrect; its root may be Mīr Ma`ṣūm's
erroneous chronology.

The day on which the keys of Qandahār were made over to Bābur is known,
from the famous inscription which commemorates the event (Appendix J),
as Shawwāl 13th 928 AH. Working backwards from this, it is known that in
927 AH. terms of surrender were made and that Bābur went back to Kābul;
he is besieging it in 926 AH.—the year under description; his annals of
925 AH. are complete and contain no siege; the year 924 AH. appears to
have had no siege, Shāh Beg was on the Indus and his son was for at
least part of it with Bābur; 923 AH. was a year of intended siege,
frustrated by Bābur's own illness; of any siege in 922 AH. there is as
yet no record known. So that it is certain there was no unremitted
beleaguerment through five years.


_f. The siege of 926 AH. (1520 AD.)._

When Bābur sat down to lay regular siege to Qandahār, with mining and
battering of the walls,[1552] famine was desolating the country round.
The garrison was reduced to great distress; "pestilence," ever an ally
of Qandahār, broke out within the walls, spread to Bābur's camp, and in
the month of Tīr (June) led him to return to Kābul.

In the succeeding months of respite, Shāh Beg pushed on in Sind and his
former slave, now commander, Mehtar Saṃbhal revictualled the town.


927 AH.—DEC. 12TH 1520 TO DEC. 1ST 1521 AD.

_a. The manuscript sources._

Two accounts of the sieges of Qandahār in this and next year are
available, one in Khwānd-amīr's _Ḥabību's-siyar_, the other in Ma`ṣūm
_Bhakkarī's Tārīkh-i-sind_. As they have important differences, it is
necessary to consider the opportunities of their authors for
information.

Khwānd-amīr finished his history in 1524-29 AD. His account of these
affairs of Qandahār is contemporary; he was in close touch with several
of the actors in them and may have been in Harāt through their course;
one of his patrons, Amīr Ghiyāṣu'd-dīn, was put to death in this year in
Harāt because of suspicion that he was an ally of Bābur; his nephew,
another Ghiyāṣu'd-dīn was in Qandahār, the bearer next year of its keys
to Bābur; moreover he was with Bābur himself a few years later in
Hindūstān.

Mīr Ma`ṣūm wrote in 1600 AD. 70 to 75 years after Khwānd-amīr. Of these
sieges he tells what may have been traditional and mentions no
manuscript authorities. Blochmann's biography of him (_Āyīn-i-akbarī_ p.
514) shews his ample opportunity of learning orally what had happened in
the Arghūn invasion of Sind, but does not mention the opportunity for
hearing traditions about Qandahār which his term of office there allowed
him. During that term it was that he added an inscription, commemorative
of Akbar's dominion, to Bābur's own at Chihil-zīna, which records the
date of the capture of Qandahār (928 AH.-1522 AD.).


_b. The Ḥabību's-siyar account_ (lith. ed. iii, part 4, p. 97).

Khwānd-amīr's contemporary narrative allows Ma`ṣūm's to dovetail into it
as to some matters, but contradicts it in the important ones of date,
and mode of surrender by Shāh Beg to Bābur. It states that Bābur was
resolved in 926 AH. (1520 AD.) to uproot Shāh Shujā` Beg from Qandahār,
led an army against the place, and "opened the Gates of war". It gives
no account of the siege of 926 AH. but passes on to the occurrences of
927 AH. (1521 AD.) when Shāh Beg, unable to meet Bābur in the field,
shut himself up in the town and strengthened the defences. Bābur put his
utmost pressure on the besieged, "often riding his piebald horse close
to the moat and urging his men to fiery onset." The garrison resisted
manfully, breaching the "life-fortresses" of the Kābulīs with sword,
arrow, spear and death-dealing stone, but Bābur's heroes were most often
victorious, and drove their assailants back through the Gates.


_c. Death of Khān Mīrzā reported to Bābur._

Meantime, continues Khwānd-amīr, Khān Mīrzā had died in Badakhshān; the
news was brought to Bābur and caused him great grief; he appointed
Humāyūn to succeed the Mīrzā while he himself prosecuted the siege of
Qandahār and the conquest of the Garm-sīr.[1553]


_d. Negociations with Bābur._

The Governor of Harāt at this time was Shāh Ismā`īl's son T̤ahmāsp,
between six and seven years old. His guardian Amīr Khān took chief part
in the diplomatic intervention with Bābur, but associated with him was
Amīr Ghiyāṣu'd-dīn—the patron of Khwānd-amīr already mentioned—until put
to death as an ally of Bābur. The discussion had with Bābur reveals a
complexity of motives demanding attention. Nominally undertaken though
intervention was on behalf of Shāh Beg, and certainly so at his request,
the Persian officers seem to have been less anxious on his account than
for their own position in Khurāsān, their master's position at the time
being weakened by ill-success against the Sulṯān of Rūm. To Bābur, Shāh
Beg is written of as though he were an insubordinate vassal whom Bābur
was reducing to order for the Shāh, but when Amīr Khān heard that Shāh
Beg was hard pressed, he was much distressed because he feared a
victorious Bābur might move on Khurāsān. Nothing indicates however that
Bābur had Khurāsān in his thoughts; Hindūstān was his objective, and
Qandahār a help on the way; but as Amīr Khān had this fear about him, a
probable ground for it is provided by the presence with Bābur of
Bāī-qarā exiles whose ambition it must have been to recover their former
seat. Whether for Harāt, Kābul, or Hindūstān, Qandahār was strength.
Another matter not fitting the avowed purpose of the diplomatic
intervention is the death of Ghiyāṣu'd-dīn because an ally of Bābur;
this makes Amīr Khān seem to count Bābur as Ismā`īl's enemy.

Shāh Beg's requests for intervention began in 926 AH. (1520 AD.), as
also did the remonstrance of the Persian officers with Bābur; his
couriers followed one another with entreaty that the Amīrs would
contrive for Bābur to retire, with promise of obeisance and of yearly
tribute. The Amīrs set forth to Bābur that though Shāh Shujā` Beg had
offended and had been deserving of wrath and chastisement, yet, as he
was penitent and had promised loyalty and tribute, it was now proper for
Bābur to raise the siege (of 926 AH.) and go back to Kābul. To this
Bābur answered that Shāh Beg's promise was a vain thing, on which no
reliance could be placed; please God!, said he, he himself would take
Qandahār and send Shāh Beg a prisoner to Harāt; and that he should be
ready then to give the keys of the town and the possession of the
Garm-sīr to any-one appointed to receive them.

This correspondence suits an assumption that Bābur acted for Shāh
Ismā`īl, a diplomatic assumption merely, the verbal veil, on one side,
for anxiety lest Bābur or those with him should attack Harāt,—on the
other, for Bābur's resolve to hold Qandahār himself.

Amīr Khān was not satisfied with Bābur's answer, but had his attention
distracted by another matter, presumably `Ubaidu'l-lāh Khān's attack on
Harāt in the spring of the year (March-April 1521 AD.). Negociations
appear to have been resumed later, since Khwānd-amīr claims it as their
result that Bābur left Qandahār this year.


_e. The Tārīkh-i-sind account._

Mīr Ma`ṣūm is very brief; he says that in this year (his 922 AH.), Bābur
went down to Qandahār before the year's tribute in grain had been
collected, destroyed the standing crops, encompassed the town, and
reduced it to extremity; that Shāh Beg, wearied under reiterated attack
and pre-occupied by operations in Sind, proposed terms, and that these
were made with stipulation for the town to be his during one year more
and then to be given over to Bābur. These terms settled, Bābur went to
Kābul, Shāh Beg to Sīwī.

The Arghūn families were removed to Shāl and Sīwī, so that the year's
delay may have been an accommodation allowed for this purpose.


_f. Concerning dates._

There is much discrepancy between the dates of the two historians.
Khwānd-amīr's agree with the few fixed ones of the period and with the
course of events; several of Ma`ṣūm's, on the contrary, are _seriatim_
five (lunar) years earlier. For instance, events Khwānd-amīr places
under 927 AH. Ma`ṣūm places under 922 AH. Again, while Ma`ṣūm correctly
gives 913 AH. (1507 AD.) as the year of Bābur's first capture of
Qandahār, he sets up a discrepant series later, from the success Shāh
Beg had at Kāhān; this he allots to 921 AH. (1515 AD.) whereas Bābur
received news of it (f. 233_b_) in the beginning of 925 AH. (1519 AD.).
Again, Ma`ṣūm makes Shāh Ḥasan go to Bābur in 921 AH. and stay two
years; but Ḥasan spent the whole of 925 AH. with Bābur and is not
mentioned as having left before the second month of 926 AH. Again,
Ma`ṣūm makes Shāh Beg surrender the keys of Qandahār in 923 AH. (1517
AD.), but 928 AH. (1522 AD.) is shewn by Khwānd-amīr's dates and
narrative, and is inscribed at Chihil-zīna.[1554]


928 AH.-DEC. 1ST 1521 TO NOV. 20TH 1522 AD.

_a. Bābur visits Badakhshān._

Either early in this year or late in the previous one, Bābur and Māhīm
went to visit Humāyūn in his government, probably to Faizābād, and
stayed with him what Gul-badan calls a few days.


_b. Expedition to Qandahār._

This year saw the end of the duel for possession of Qandahār.
Khwānd-amīr's account of its surrender differs widely from Ma`ṣūm's. It
claims that Bābur's retirement in 927 AH. was due to the remonstrances
from Harāt, and that Shāh Beg, worn out by the siege, relied on the
arrangement the Amīrs had made with Bābur and went to Sīwī, leaving one
`Abdu'l-bāqī in charge of the place. This man, says Khwānd-amīr, drew
the line of obliteration over his duty to his master, sent to Bābur,
brought him down to Qandahār, and gave him the keys of the town—by the
hand of Khwānd-amīr's nephew Ghiyāṣu'd-dīn, specifies the
_Tarkhān-nāma_. In this year messengers had come and gone between Bābur
and Harāt; two men employed by Amīr Khān are mentioned by name; of them
the last had not returned to Harāt when a courier of Bābur's, bringing a
tributary gift, announced there that the town was in his master's hands.
Khwānd-amīr thus fixes the year 928 AH. as that in which the town passed
into Bābur's hands; this date is confirmed by the one inscribed in the
monument of victory at Chihil-zīna which Bābur ordered excavated on the
naze of the limestone ridge behind the town. The date there given is
Shawwāl 13th 928 AH. (Sep. 6th 1522 AD.).

Ma`ṣūm's account, dated 923 AH. (1517 AD.), is of the briefest:—Shāh Beg
fulfilled his promise, much to Bābur's approval, by sending him the keys
of the town and royal residence.

Although Khwānd-amīr's account has good claim to be accepted, it must be
admitted that several circumstances can be taken to show that Shāh Beg
had abandoned Qandahār, _e.g._ the removal of the families after Bābur's
retirement last year, and his own absence in a remote part of Sind this
year.


_c. The year of Shāh Beg's death._

Of several variant years assigned for the death of Shāh Beg in the
sources, two only need consideration.[1555] There is consensus of
opinion about the month and close agreement about the day, Sha`bān 22nd
or 23rd. Ma`ṣūm gives a chronogram, _Shahr-Sha`bān_, (month of Sha`bān)
which yields 928, but he does not mention where he obtained it, nor does
anything in his narrative shew what has fixed the day of the month.

Two objections to 928 are patent: (1) the doubt engendered by Ma`ṣūm's
earlier ante-dating; (2) that if 928 be right, Shāh Beg was already dead
over two months when Qandahār was surrendered. This he might have been
according to Khwānd-amīr's narrative, but if he died on Sha`bān 22nd 928
(July 26th 1522), there was time for the news to have reached Qandahār,
and to have gone on to Harāt before the surrender. Shāh Beg's death at
that time could not have failed to be associated in Khwānd-amīr's
narrative with the fate of Qandahār; it might have pleaded some excuse
with him for `Abdu'l-bāqī, who might even have had orders from Shāh
Ḥasan to make the town over to Bābur whose suzerainty he had
acknowledged at once on succession by reading the _khuṯba_ in his name.
Khwānd-amīr however does not mention what would have been a salient
point in the events of the siege; his silence cannot but weigh against
the 928 AH.

The year 930 AH. is given by Niẕāmu'd-dīn Aḥmad's _T̤abaqāt-i-akbarī_
(lith. ed. p. 637), and this year has been adopted by Erskine, Beale,
and Ney Elias, perhaps by others. Some light on the matter may be
obtained incidentally as the sources are examined for a complete history
of India, perhaps coming from the affairs of Multān, which was attacked
by Shāh Ḥasan after communication with Bābur.


_d. Bābur's literary work in 928 AH. and earlier._

1. The _Mubīn_. This year, as is known from a chronogram within the
work, Bābur wrote the Turkī poem of 2000 lines to which Abū'l-faẓl and
Badāyūnī give the name _Mubīn_ (The Exposition), but of which the true
title is said by the _Nafā'isu'l-ma`āsir_ to be _Dar fiqa mubaiyan_ (The
Law expounded). Sprenger found it called also _Fiqa-i-bāburī_ (Bābur's
Law). It is a versified and highly orthodox treatise on Muḥammadan Law,
written for the instruction of Kāmrān. A Commentary on it, called also
_Mubīn_, was written by Shaikh Zain. Bābur quotes from it (f. 351_b_)
when writing of linear measures. Berézine found and published a large
portion of it as part of his _Chrestomathie Turque_ (Kazan 1857); the
same fragment may be what was published by Ilminsky. Teufel remarks that
the MS. used by Berézine may have descended direct from one sent by
Bābur to a distinguished legist of Transoxiana, because the last words
of Berézine's imprint are Bābur's _Begleitschreiben_ (_envoi_); he adds
the expectation that the legist's name might be learned. Perhaps this
recipient was the Khwāja Kalān, son of Khwāja Yaḥya, a Samarkandī to
whom Bābur sent a copy of his Memoirs on March 7th 1520 (935 AH. f.
363).[1556]

2. The _Bābur-nāma_ diary of 925-6 AH. (1519-20 AD.). This is almost
contemporary with the _Mubīn_ and is the earliest part of the
_Bābur-nāma_ writings now known. It was written about a decade earlier
than the narrative of 899 to 914 AH. (1494 to 1507 AD.), carries later
annotations, and has now the character of a draft awaiting revision.

3. A _Dīwān_ (Collection of poems). By dovetailing a few fragments of
information, it becomes clear that by 925 AH. (1519 AD.) Bābur had made
a Collection of poetical compositions distinct from the Rāmpūr _Dīwān_;
it is what he sent to Pūlād Sulṯan in 925 AH. (f. 238). Its date
excludes the greater part of the Rāmpūr one. It may have contained those
verses to which my husband drew attention in the Asiatic Quarterly
Review of 1911, as quoted in the _Abūshqa_; and it may have contained,
in agreement with its earlier date, the verses Bābur quotes as written
in his earlier years. None of the quatrains found in the _Abūshqa_ and
there attributed to "Bābur Mīrzā", are in the Rāmpūr _Dīwān_; nor are
several of those early ones of the _Bābur-nāma_. So that the Dīwān sent
to Pūlād Sulṯān may be the source from which the _Abūshqa_ drew its
examples.

On first examining these verses, doubt arose as to whether they were
really by Bābur _Mīrānshāhī_; or whether they were by "Bābur Mīrzā"
_Shāhrukhī_. Fortunately my husband lighted on one of them quoted in the
_Sanglakh_ and there attributed to Bābur Pādshāh. The _Abūshqa_
quatrains are used as examples in de Courteille's _Dictionary_, but
without an author's name; they can be traced there through my husband's
articles.[1557]


929 AH.—NOV. 20TH 1522 TO NOV. 10TH 1523 AD.

_a. Affairs of Hindūstān._

The centre of interest in Bābur's affairs now moves from Qandahār to a
Hindūstān torn by faction, of which faction one result was an appeal
made at this time to Bābur by Daulat Khān _Lūdī_ (_Yūsuf-khail_) and
`Alāu'd-dīn `Ālam Khān _Lūdī_ for help against Ibrāhīm.[1558]

The following details are taken mostly from Aḥmad Yādgār's
_Tārīkh-i-salāṯīn-i-afāghana_[1559]:—Daulat Khān had been summoned to
Ibrāhīm's presence; he had been afraid to go and had sent his son
Dilāwar in his place; his disobedience angering Ibrāhīm, Dilāwar had a
bad reception and was shewn a ghastly exhibit of disobedient commanders.
Fearing a like fate for himself, he made escape and hastened to report
matters to his father in Lāhor. His information strengthening Daulat
Khān's previous apprehensions, decided the latter to proffer allegiance
to Bābur and to ask his help against Ibrāhīm. Apparently `Ālam Khān's
interests were a part of this request. Accordingly Dilāwar (or Apāq)
Khān went to Kābul, charged with his father's message, and with intent
to make known to Bābur Ibrāhīm's evil disposition, his cruelty and
tyranny, with their fruit of discontent amongst his Commanders and
soldiery.


_b. Reception of Dilāwar Khān in Kābul._

Wedding festivities were in progress[1560] when Dilāwar Khān reached
Kābul. He presented himself, at the Chār-bāgh may be inferred, and had
word taken to Bābur that an Afghān was at his Gate with a petition. When
admitted, he demeaned himself as a suppliant and proceeded to set forth
the distress of Hindūstān. Bābur asked why he, whose family had so long
eaten the salt of the Lūdīs, had so suddenly deserted them for himself.
Dilāwar answered that his family through 40 years had upheld the Lūdī
throne, but that Ibrāhīm maltreated Sikandar's amīrs, had killed 25 of
them without cause, some by hanging some burned alive, and that there
was no hope of safety in him. Therefore, he said, he had been sent by
many amīrs to Bābur whom they were ready to obey and for whose coming
they were on the anxious watch.


_c. Bābur asks a sign._

At the dawn of the day following the feast, Bābur prayed in the garden
for a sign of victory in Hindūstān, asking that it should be a gift to
himself of mango or betel, fruits of that land. It so happened that
Daulat Khān had sent him, as a present, half-ripened mangoes preserved
in honey; when these were set before him, he accepted them as the sign,
and from that time forth, says the chronicler, made preparation for a
move on Hindūstān.


_d. `Ālam Khān._

Although `Ālam Khān seems to have had some amount of support for his
attempt against his nephew, events show he had none valid for his
purpose. That he had not Daulat Khān's, later occurrences make clear.
Moreover he seems not to have been a man to win adherence or to be
accepted as a trustworthy and sensible leader.[1561] Dates are uncertain
in the absence of Bābur's narrative, but it may have been in this year
that `Ālam Khān went in person to Kābul and there was promised help
against Ibrāhīm.


_e. Birth of Gul-badan._

Either in this year or the next was born Dil-dār's third daughter
Gul-badan, the later author of an _Humāyūn-nāma_ written at her nephew
Akbar's command in order to provide information for the _Akbar-nāma_.


930 AH.—NOV. 10TH 1523 TO OCT. 29TH 1524 AD.

_a. Bābur's fourth expedition to Hindūstān._

This expedition differs from all earlier ones by its co-operation with
Afghān malcontents against Ibrāhīm _Lūdī_, and by having for its
declared purpose direct attack on him through reinforcement of `Ālam
Khān.

Exactly when the start from Kābul was made is not found stated; the
route taken after fording the Indus, was by the sub-montane road through
the Kakar country; the Jīhlam and Chīn-āb were crossed and a move was
made to within 10 miles of Lāhor.

Lāhor was Daulat Khān's head-quarters but he was not in it now; he had
fled for refuge to a colony of Bilūchīs, perhaps towards Multān, on the
approach against him of an army of Ibrāhīm's under Bihār Khān _Lūdī_. A
battle ensued between Bābur and Bihār Khān; the latter was defeated with
great slaughter; Bābur's troops followed his fugitive men into Lāhor,
plundered the town and burned some of the _bāzārs_.

Four days were spent near Lāhor, then move south was made to Dībālpūr
which was stormed, plundered and put to the sword. The date of this
capture is known from an incidental remark of Bābur about chronograms
(f. 325), to be mid-Rabī`u'l-awwal 930 AH. (_circa_ Jan. 22nd 1524
AD.).[1562] From Dībālpūr a start was made for Sihrind but before this
could be reached news arrived which dictated return to Lāhor.


_b. The cause of return._

Daulat Khān's action is the obvious cause of the retirement. He and his
sons had not joined Bābur until the latter was at Dībālpūr; he was not
restored to his former place in charge of the important Lāhor, but was
given Jalandhar and Sulṯānpūr, a town of his own foundation. This
angered him extremely but he seems to have concealed his feelings for
the time and to have given Bābur counsel as if he were content. His son
Dilāwar, however, represented to Bābur that his father's advice was
treacherous; it concerned a move to Multān, from which place Daulat Khān
may have come up to Dībālpūr and connected with which at this time,
something is recorded of co-operation by Bābur and Shāh Ḥasan _Arghūn_.
But the incident is not yet found clearly described by a source. Dilāwar
Khān told Bābur that his father's object was to divide and thus weaken
the invading force, and as this would have been the result of taking
Daulat Khān's advice, Bābur arrested him and Apāq on suspicion of
treacherous intent. They were soon released, and Sulṯānpūr was given
them, but they fled to the hills, there to await a chance to swoop on
the Panj-āb. Daulat Khān's hostility and his non-fulfilment of his
engagement with Bābur placing danger in the rear of an eastward advance,
the Panj-āb was garrisoned by Bābur's own followers and he himself went
back to Kābul.

It is evident from what followed that Daulat Khān commanded much
strength in the Panj-āb; evident also that something counselled delay in
the attack on Ibrāhīm, perhaps closer cohesion in favour of `Ālam Khān,
certainly removal of the menace of Daulat Khān in the rear; there may
have been news already of the approach of the Aūzbegs on Balkh which
took Bābur next year across Hindū-kush.


_c. The Panj-āb garrison._

The expedition had extended Bābur's command considerably, notably by
obtaining possession of Lāhor. He now posted in it Mīr `Abdu'l-`azīz his
Master of the Horse; in Dībālpūr he posted, with `Ālam Khān, Bābā Qashqa
_Mughūl_; in Sīālkot, Khusrau Kūkūldāsh, in Kalanūr, Muḥammad `Alī
_Tājik_.


_d. Two deaths._

This year, on Rajab 19th (May 23rd) died Ismā`īl _Ṣafawī_ at the age of
38, broken by defeat from Sulṯān Salīm of Rūm.[1563] He was succeeded by
his son T̤ahmāsp, a child of ten.

This year may be that of the death of Shāh Shujā` _Arghūn_,[1564] on
Sha`bān 22nd (July 18th), the last grief of his burden being the death
of his foster-brother Fāẓil concerning which, as well as Shāh Beg's own
death, Mīr Ma`ṣūm's account is worthy of full reproduction. Shāh Beg was
succeeded in Sind by his son Ḥasan, who read the _khuṯba_ for Bābur and
drew closer links with Bābur's circle by marrying, either this year or
the next, Khalīfa's daughter Gul-barg, with whom betrothal had been made
during Ḥasan's visit to Bābur in Kābul. Moreover Khalīfa's son
Muḥibb-i-`alī married Nāhīd the daughter of Qāsim Kūkūldāsh and
Māh-chūchūk _Arghūn_ (f. 214_b_). These alliances were made, says
Ma`ṣūm, to strengthen Ḥasan's position at Bābur's Court.


_e. A garden detail._

In this year and presumably on his return from the Panj-āb, Bābur, as he
himself chronicles (f. 132), had plantains (bananas) brought from
Hindūstān for the Bāgh-i-wafā at Adīnapūr.


931 AH.—OCT. 29TH 1524 TO OCT. 18TH 1525 AD.

_a. Daulat Khān._

Daulat Khān's power in the Panj-āb is shewn by what he effected after
dispossessed of Lāhor. On Bābur's return to Kābul, he came down from the
hills with a small body of his immediate followers, seized his son
Dilāwar, took Sulṯānpūr, gathered a large force and defeated `Ālam Khān
in Dībālpūr. He detached 5000 men against Sīālkot but Bābur's begs of
Lāhor attacked and overcame them. Ibrāhīm sent an army to reconquer the
Panj-āb; Daulat Khān, profiting by its dissensions and discontents, won
over a part to himself and saw the rest break up.


_b. `Ālam Khān._

From his reverse at Dībālpūr, `Ālam Khān fled straight to Kābul. The
further help he asked was promised under the condition that while he
should take Ibrāhīm's place on the throne of Dihlī, Bābur in full
suzerainty should hold Lāhor and all to the west of it. This arranged,
`Ālam Khān was furnished with a body of troops, given a royal letter to
the Lāhor begs ordering them to assist him, and started off, Bābur
promising to follow swiftly.

`Ālam Khān's subsequent proceedings are told by Bābur in the annals of
932 AH. (1525 AD.) at the time he received details about them (f.
255_b_).


_c. Bābur called to Balkh._

All we have yet found about this affair is what Bābur says in
explanation of his failure to follow `Ālam Khān as promised (f. 256),
namely, that he had to go to Balkh because all the Aūzbeg Sulṯāns and
Khāns had laid siege to it. Light on the affair may come from some
Persian or Aūzbeg chronicle; Bābur's arrival raised the siege; and risk
must have been removed, for Bābur returned to Kābul in time to set out
for his fifth and last expedition to Hindūstān on the first day of the
second month of next year (932 AH. 1525). A considerable body of troops
was in Badakhshān with Humāyūn; their non-arrival next year delaying his
father's progress, brought blame on himself.

[Illustration: Babur's Grave.

  _To face p. 445._]



THE MEMOIRS OF BĀBUR


SECTION III. HINDŪSTĀN


932 AH.-OCT. 18TH 1525 TO OCT. 8TH 1526 AD.[1565]


(_a. Fifth expedition into Hindūstān._)

(_Nov. 17th_) On Friday the 1st of the month of Ṣafar at the [Sidenote:
Ḥaidarābād MS. Fol. 251b.] date 932, the Sun being in the Sign of the
Archer, we set out for Hindūstān, crossed the small rise of Yak-langa,
and dismounted in the meadow to the west of the water of
Dih-i-ya`qūb.[1566] `Abdu'l-malūk the armourer came into this camp; he
had gone seven or eight months earlier as my envoy to Sulṯān Sa`īd Khān
(in Kāshghar), and now brought one of the Khān's men, styled Yāngī Beg
(new beg) Kūkūldāsh who conveyed letters, and small presents, and
verbal messages[1567] from the Khānīms and the Khān.[1568]

(_Nov. 18th to 21st_) After staying two days in that camp for the
convenience of the army,[1569] we marched on, halted one night,[1570]
and next dismounted at Bādām-chashma. There we ate a confection
(_ma`jūn_).

(_Nov. 22nd_) On Wednesday (Ṣafar 6th), when we had dismounted at
Bārīk-āb, the younger brethren of Nūr Beg—he himself remaining in
Hindūstān—brought gold _ashrafīs_ and _tankas_[1571] to the value of
20,000 _shāhrukhīs_, sent from the Lāhor revenues by Khwāja Ḥusain. The
greater part of these moneys was despatched by Mullā Aḥmad, one of the
chief men of Balkh, for the benefit of Balkh.[1572]

(_Nov. 24th_) On Friday the 8th of the month (Ṣafar), after [Sidenote:
Fol. 252.] dismounting at Gandamak, I had a violent discharge;[1573] by
God's mercy, it passed off easily.

(_Nov. 25th_) On Saturday we dismounted in the Bāgh-i-wafā. We delayed
there a few days, waiting for Humāyūn and the army from that side.[1574]
More than once in this history the bounds and extent, charm and delight
of that garden have been described; it is most beautifully placed; who
sees it with the buyer's eye will know the sort of place it is. During
the short time we were there, most people drank on drinking-days[1575]
and took their morning; on non-drinking days there were parties for
_ma`jūn_.

I wrote harsh letters to Humāyūn, lecturing him severely because of his
long delay beyond the time fixed for him to join me.[1576]

(_Dec. 3rd_) On Sunday the 17th of Ṣafar, after the morning had been
taken, Humāyūn arrived. I spoke very severely to him at once. Khwāja
Kalān also arrived to-day, coming up from Ghaznī. We marched in the
evening of that same Sunday, and dismounted in a new garden between
Sulṯānpur and Khwāja Rustam.

(_Dec. 6th_) Marching on Wednesday (Ṣafar 20th), we got on a raft, and,
drinking as we went reached Qūsh-guṃbaz,[1577] there landed and joined
the camp.

(_Dec. 7th_) Starting off the camp at dawn, we ourselves went on a raft,
and there ate confection (_ma`jūn_). Our encamping-ground was always
Qīrīq-ārīq, but not a sign or trace of the camp could [Sidenote: Fol.
252b.] be seen when we got opposite it, nor any appearance of our
horses. Thought I, "Garm-chashma (Hot-spring) is close by; they may have
dismounted there." So saying, we went on from Qīrīq-ārīq. By the time we
reached Garm-chashma, the very day was late;[1578] we did not stop
there, but going on in its lateness (_kīchīsī_), had the raft tied up
somewhere, and slept awhile.

(_Dec. 8th_) At day-break we landed at Yada-bīr where, as the day wore
on, the army-folks began to come in. The camp must have been at
Qīrīq-ārīq, but out of our sight.

There were several verse-makers on the raft, such as Shaikh
Abū'l-wajd,[1579] Shaikh Zain, Mullā `Alī-jān, Tardī Beg _Khāksār_ and
others. In this company was quoted the following couplet of Muḥammad
Ṣāliḥ:—[1580]

   (Persian) With thee, arch coquette, for a sweetheart, what can man do?
             With another than thou where thou art, what can man do?

Said I, "Compose on these lines";[1581] whereupon those given to
versifying, did so. As jokes were always being made at the expense of
Mullā `Alī-jān, this couplet came off-hand into my head:—

   (Persian) With one all bewildered as thou, what can man do?
             .    .    .    .    .    .     , what can man do?[1582]


(_b. Mention of the Mubīn._[1583])

From time to time before it,[1584] whatever came into my head, of good
or bad, grave or jest, used to be strung into verse and written down,
however empty and harsh the verse might be, but while I was composing
the _Mubīn_, this thought pierced through my dull wits and made way into
my troubled heart, "A pity it [Sidenote: Fol. 253.] will be if the
tongue which has treasure of utterances so lofty as these are, waste
itself again on low words; sad will it be if again vile imaginings find
way into the mind that has made exposition of these sublime
realities."[1585] Since that time I had refrained from satirical and
jesting verse; I was repentant (_ta'īb_); but these matters were totally
out of mind and remembrance when I made that couplet (on Mullā
`Alī-jān).[1586] A few days later in Bīgrām when I had fever and
discharge, followed by cough, and I began to spit blood each time I
coughed, I knew whence my reproof came; I knew what act of mine had
brought this affliction on me.

"Whoever shall violate his oath, will violate it to the hurt of his own
soul; but whoever shall perform that which he hath covenanted with God,
to that man surely will He give great reward" (_Qorān_ cap. 48 v. 10).

   (_Turkī_)    What is it I do with thee, ah! my tongue?
                My entrails bleed as a reckoning for thee.
                Good once[1587] as thy words were, has followed
                  this verse
                Jesting, empty,[1588] obscene, has followed a lie.
                If thou say, "Burn will I not!" by keeping this vow
                Thou turnest thy rein from this field of strife.[1589]

"O Lord! we have dealt unjustly with our own souls; if Thou forgive us
not, and be not merciful unto us, we shall surely be of those that
perish"[1590] (_Qorān_ cap. 7 v. 22).

Taking anew the place of the penitent pleading for pardon, I gave my
mind rest[1591] from such empty thinking and such unlawful occupation. I
broke my pen. Made by that Court, such reproof of sinful slaves is for
their felicity; happy are the highest and the slave when such reproof
brings warning and its profitable fruit.


(_c. Narrative resumed._)

(_Dec. 8th continued_) Marching on that evening, we dismounted at
`Alī-masjid. The ground here being very confined, I always [Sidenote:
Fol. 253b.] used to dismount on a rise overlooking the camp in the
valley-bottom.[1592] The camp-fires made a wonderful illumination there
at night; assuredly it was because of this that there had always been
drinking there, and was so now.

(_Dec. 9th and 10th_) To-day I rode out before dawn; I preferred a
confection (_ma`jūn_)[1593] and also kept this day a fast. We dismounted
near Bīgrām (Peshāwar); and next morning, the camp remaining on that
same ground, rode to Karg-awī.[1594] We crossed the Siyāh-āb in front of
Bīgrām, and formed our hunting-circle looking down-stream. After a
little, a person brought word that there was a rhino in a bit of jungle
near Bīgrām, and that people had been stationed near-about it. We betook
ourselves, loose rein, to the place, formed a ring round the jungle,
made a noise, and brought the rhino out, when it took its way across the
plain. Humāyūn and those come with him from that side (Tramontana), who
had never seen one before, were much entertained. It was pursued for two
miles; many arrows were shot at it; it was brought down without having
made a good set at man or horse. Two others were killed. I had often
wondered how a rhino and an elephant would behave if brought face to
face; this time one came out right in front of some elephants the
mahauts were bringing along; it did not face them [Sidenote: Fol. 254.]
when the mahauts drove them towards it, but got off in another
direction.


(_d. Preparations for ferrying the Indus._[1595])

On the day we were in Bīgrām, several of the begs and household were
appointed, with pay-masters and dīwāns, six or seven being put in
command, to take charge of the boats at the Nīl-āb crossing, to make a
list of all who were with the army, name by name, and to count them up.

That evening I had fever and discharge[1596] which led on to cough and
every time I coughed, I spat blood. Anxiety was great but, by God's
mercy, it passed off in two or three days.

(_Dec. 11th_) It rained when we left Bīgrām; we dismounted on the
Kābul-water.


(_e. News from Lāhor._)

News came that Daulat Khān[1597] and (Apāq) Ghāzī Khān, having collected
an army of from 20 to 30,000, had taken Kilānūr, and intended to move on
Lāhor. At once Mumin-i-`alī the commissary was sent galloping off to
say, "We are advancing march by march;[1598] do not fight till we
arrive."

(_Dec. 14th_) With two night-halts on the way, we reached the water of
Sind (Indus), and there dismounted on Thursday the 28th (of Ṣafar).


(_f. Ferrying the Indus._)

(_Dec. 16th_) On Saturday the 1st of the first Rabī`, we crossed the
Sind-water, crossed the water of Kacha-kot (Hārū), and dismounted on the
bank of the river.[1599] The begs, pay-masters and dīwāns who had been
put in charge of the boats, reported that the number of those come with
the army, great and small, good and bad, retainer and non-retainer, was
written down as 12,000.


(_g. The eastward march._)

The rainfall had been somewhat scant in the plains, but [Sidenote: Fol.
254b.] seemed to have been good in the cultivated lands along the
hill-skirts; for these reasons we took the road for Sīālkot along the
skirt-hills. Opposite Hātī _Kakar's_ country[1600] we came upon a
torrent[1601] the waters of which were standing in pools. Those pools
were all frozen over. The ice was not very thick, as thick as the hand
may-be. Such ice is unusual in Hindūstān; not a sign or trace of any was
seen in the years we were (_aīdūk_) in the country.[1602]

We had made five marches from the Sind-water; after the sixth (_Dec.
22nd_—Rabī` I. 7th) we dismounted on a torrent in the camping-ground
(_yūrt_) of the Bugīāls[1603] below Balnāth Jogī's hill which connects
with the Hill of Jūd.

(_Dec. 23rd_) In order to let people get provisions, we stayed the next
day in that camp. _`Araq_ was drunk on that day. Mullā Muḥ. _Pargharī_
told many stories; never had he been so talkative. Mullā Shams himself
was very riotous; once he began, he did not finish till night.

The slaves and servants, good and bad, who had gone out after
provisions, went further than this[1604] and heedlessly scattered over
jungle and plain, hill and broken ground. Owing to this, a few were
overcome; Kīchkīna _tūnqiṯār_ died there.

(_Dec. 24th_) Marching on, we crossed the Bihat-water at a ford below
Jīlam (Jīhlam) and there dismounted. Walī _Qīzīl_ (Rufus) came there to
see me. He was the Sīālkot reserve, and held the parganas of Bīmrūkī and
Akrīāda. Thinking about Sīālkot, [Sidenote: Fol. 255.] I took towards
him the position of censure and reproach. He excused himself, saying "I
had come to my _pargana_ before Khusrau Kūkūldāsh left Sīālkot; he did
not even send me word." After listening to his excuse, I said, "Since
thou hast paid no attention to Sīālkot, why didst thou not join the begs
in Lāhor?" He was convicted, but as work was at hand, I did not trouble
about his fault.


(_h. Scouts sent with orders to Lāhor._)

(_Dec. 25th_) Sayyid T̤ūfān and Sayyid Lāchīn were sent galloping off,
each with a pair-horse,[1605] to say in Lāhor, "Do not join battle; meet
us at Sīālkot or Parsrūr" (mod. Pasrūr). It was in everyone's mouth that
Ghāzī Khān had collected 30 to 40,000 men, that Daulat Khān, old as he
was, had girt two swords to his waist, and that they were resolved to
fight. Thought I, "The proverb says that ten friends are better than
nine; do you not make a mistake: when the Lāhor begs have joined you,
fight there and then!"

(_Dec. 26th and 27th_) After starting off the two men to the begs, we
moved forward, halted one night, and next dismounted on the bank of the
Chīn-āb (Chan-āb).

As Buhlūlpūr was _khalṣa_,[1606] we left the road to visit it. Its fort
is situated above a deep ravine, on the bank of the Chīn-āb. It pleased
us much. We thought of bringing Sīālkot to it. Please God! the chance
coming, it shall be done straightway! [Sidenote: Fol. 255b.] From
Buhlūlpūr we went to camp by boat.


(_i. Jats and Gujūrs._[1607])

(_Dec. 29th_) On Friday the 14th of the first Rabī` we dismounted at
Sīālkot. If one go into Hindūstān the Jats and Gujūrs always pour down
in countless hordes from hill and plain for loot in bullock and buffalo.
These ill-omened peoples are just senseless oppressors! Formerly their
doings did not concern us much because the country was an enemy's, but
they began the same senseless work after we had taken it. When we
reached Sīālkot, they fell in tumult on poor and needy folks who were
coming out of the town to our camp, and stripped them bare. I had the
silly thieves sought for, and ordered two or three of them cut to
pieces.

From Sīālkot Nūr Beg's brother Shāham also was made to gallop off to the
begs in Lāhor to say, "Make sure where the enemy is; find out from some
well-informed person where he may be met, and send us word."

A trader, coming into this camp, represented that `Ālam Khān had let Sl.
Ibrāhīm defeat him.


(_j. `Ālam Khān's action and failure._[1608])

Here are the particulars:—`Ālam Khān, after taking leave of me (in
Kābul, 931 AH.), went off in that heat by double marches, regardless of
those with him.[1609] As at the time I gave him leave to go, all the
Aūzbeg khāns and sulṯāns had laid siege to Balkh, [Sidenote: Fol. 256.]
I rode for Balkh as soon as I had given him his leave. On his reaching
Lāhor, he insisted to the begs, "You reinforce me; the Pādshāh said so;
march along with me; let us get (Apāq) Ghāzī Khān to join us; let us
move on Dihlī and Āgra." Said they, "Trusting to what, will you join
Ghāzī Khān? Moreover the royal orders to us were, 'If at any time Ghāzī
Khān has sent his younger brother Ḥājī Khān with his son to Court, join
him; or do so, if he has sent them, by way of pledge, to Lāhor; if he
has done neither, do not join him.' You yourself only yesterday fought
him and let him beat you! Trusting to what, will you join him now?
Besides all this, it is not for your advantage to join him!" Having said
what-not of this sort, they refused `Ālam Khān. He did not fall in with
their views, but sent his son Sher Khān to speak with Daulat Khān and
with Ghāzī Khān, and afterwards all saw one another.

`Ālam Khān took with him Dilāwar Khān, who had come into Lāhor two or
three months earlier after his escape from prison; he took also Maḥmūd
Khān (son of) Khān-i-jahān,[1610] to whom a _pargana_ in the Lāhor
district had been given. They seem to have left matters at this:—Daulat
Khān with Ghāzī Khān was to take all the begs posted in Hindūstān to
himself, indeed he was to take everything on that side;[1611] while
`Ālam [Sidenote: Fol. 256b.] Khān was to take Dilāwar Khān and Ḥājī Khān
and, reinforced by them, was to capture Dihlī and Āgra. Ismā`īl
_Jilwānī_ and other amīrs came and saw `Ālam Khān; all then betook
themselves, march by march, straight for Dihlī. Near Indrī came also
Sulaimān Shaikh-zāda.[1612] Their total touched 30 to 40,000 men.

They laid siege to Dihlī but could neither take it by assault nor do
hurt to the garrison.[1613] When Sl. Ibrāhīm heard of their assembly, he
got an army to horse against them; when they heard of his approach, they
rose from before the place and moved to meet him. They had left matters
at this:—"If we attack by day-light, the Afghāns will not desert (to
us), for the sake of their reputations with one another; but if we
attack at night when one man cannot see another, each man will obey his
own orders." Twice over they started at fall of day from a distance of
12 miles (6 _kurohs_), and, unable to bring matters to a point, neither
advanced nor retired; but just sat on horseback for two or three
watches. On a third occasion they delivered an attack when one watch of
night remained—their purpose seeming to be the burning of tents and
huts! They went; they set fire from every end; they made a disturbance.
Jalāl Khān _Jig-hat_[1614] came with other amīrs and saw `Ālam Khān.

Sl. Ibrāhīm did not bestir himself till shoot of dawn from where he was
with a few of his own family[1615] within his own enclosure (_sarācha_).
Meantime `Ālam Khān's people were busy [Sidenote: Fol. 257.] with
plunder and booty. Seeing the smallness of their number, Sl. Ibrāhīm's
people moved out against them in rather small force with one elephant.
`Ālam Khān's party, not able to make stand against the elephant, ran
away. He in his flight crossed over into the Mīān-dū-āb and crossed back
again when he reached the Pānīpat neighbourhood. In Indrī he contrived
on some pretext to get 4 _laks_ from Mīān Sulaimān.[1616] He was
deserted by Ismā`īl _Jilwānī_, by Biban[1617] and by his own oldest son
Jalāl, who all withdrew into the Mīān-dū-āb; and he had been deserted
just before the fighting, by part of his troops, namely, by Daryā Khān
(_Nūḥānī_)'s son Saif Khān, by Khān-i-jahān (_Nūḥānī_)'s son Maḥmūd
Khān, and by Shaikh Jamāl _Farmulī_. When he was passing through Sihrind
with Dilāwar Khān, he heard of our advance and of our capture of Milwat
(Malot).[1618] On this Dilāwar Khān—who always had been my well-wisher
and on my account had dragged out three or four months in prison,—left
`Ālam Khān and the rest and went to his family in Sulṯānpūr. He waited
on me three or four days after we took Milwat. `Ālam Khān and Ḥājī Khān
crossed the Shatlut (_sic_)-water and went into Gingūta,[1619] one of
the strongholds in the range that lies between the valley and the
plain.[1620] There our Afghān and Hazāra[1621] troops besieged them, and
had [Sidenote: Fol. 257b] almost taken that strong fort when night came
on. Those inside were thinking of escape but could not get out because
of the press of horses in the Gate. There must have been elephants also;
when these were urged forward, they trod down and killed many horses.
`Ālam Khān, unable to escape mounted, got out on foot in the darkness.
After a _lak_ of difficulties, he joined Ghāzī Khān, who had not gone
into Milwat but had fled into the hills. Not being received with even a
little friendliness by Ghāzī Khān; needs must! he came and waited on me
at the foot of the dale[1622] near Pehlūr.


(_k. Diary resumed._)

A person came to Sīālkot from the Lāhor begs to say they would arrive
early next morning to wait on me.

(_Dec. 30th_) Marching early next day (Rabī` I. 15th), we dismounted at
Parsrūr. There Muḥ. `Alī _Jang-jang_, Khwāja Ḥusain and several braves
waited on me. As the enemy's camp seemed to be on the Lāhor side of the
Rāvī, we sent men out under Būjka for news. Near the third watch of the
night they brought word that the enemy, on hearing of us, had fled, no
man looking to another.

(_Dec. 31st_) Getting early to horse and leaving baggage and train in
the charge of Shāh Mīr Ḥusain and Jān Beg, we bestirred ourselves. We
reached Kalānūr in the afternoon, and there dismounted. Muḥammad Sl.
Mīrzā and `Ādil Sl.[1623] came [Sidenote: Fol. 258.] to wait on me
there, together with some of the begs.

(_Jan. 1st 1526 AD._) We marched early from Kalānūr. On the road people
gave us almost certain news of Ghāzī Khān and other fugitives.
Accordingly we sent, flying after those fliers, the commanders
Muḥammadī, Aḥmadī, Qūtlūq-qadam, Treasurer Walī and most of those begs
who, in Kābul, had recently bent the knee for their begship. So far it
was settled:—That it would be good indeed if they could overtake and
capture the fugitives; and that, if they were not able to do this, they
were to keep careful watch round Milwat (Malot), so as to prevent those
inside from getting out and away. Ghāzī Khān was the object of this
watch.


(_l. Capture of Milwat._)

(_Jan. 2nd and 3rd_) After starting those begs ahead, we crossed the
Bīāh-water (Beas) opposite Kanwāhīn[1624] and dismounted. From there we
marched to the foot of the valley of Fort Milwat, making two night-halts
on the way. The begs who had arrived before us, and also those of
Hindūstān were ordered to dismount in such a way as to besiege the place
closely.

A grandson of Daulat Khān, son of his eldest son `Alī Khān, Ismā`īl Khān
by name, came out of Milwat to see me; he took back promise mingled with
threat, kindness with menace.

(_Jan. 5th_) On Friday (Rabī` I. 21st) I moved camp forward to within a
mile of the fort, went myself to examine the place, posted right, left
and centre, then returned to camp.

Daulat Khān sent to represent to me that Ghāzī Khān had [Sidenote: Fol.
258b.] fled into the hills, and that, if his own faults were pardoned,
he would take service with me and surrender Milwat. Khwāja Mīr-i-mīrān
was sent to chase fear from his heart and to escort him out; he came,
and with him his son `Alī Khān. I had ordered that the two swords he had
girt to his waist to fight me with, should be hung from his neck. Was
such a rustic blockhead possible! With things as they were, he still
made pretensions! When he was brought a little forward, I ordered the
swords to be removed from his neck. At the time of our seeing one
another[1625] he hesitated to kneel; I ordered them to pull his leg and
make him do so. I had him seated quite in front, and ordered a person
well acquainted with Hindūstānī to interpret my words to him, one after
another. Said I, "Thus speak:—I called thee Father. I shewed thee more
honour and respect than thou couldst have asked. Thee and thy sons I
saved from door-to-door life amongst the Balūchīs.[1626] Thy family and
thy _ḥaram_ I freed from Ibrāhīm's prison-house.[1627] Three _krors_ I
gave thee on Tātār Khān's lands.[1628] What ill sayest thou I have done
thee, that thus thou shouldst hang a sword on thy either side,[1629]
lead an army out, fall on lands of ours,[1630] and stir strife and
trouble?" Dumbfounded, the old man [Sidenote: Fol. 259.] stuttered a
few words, but, he gave no answer, nor indeed could answer be given to
words so silencing. He was ordered to remain with Khwāja Mīr-i-mīrān.

(_Jan. 6th_) On Saturday the 22nd of the first Rabī`, I went myself to
safeguard the exit of the families and _ḥarams_[1631] from the fort,
dismounting on a rise opposite the Gate. To me there came `Alī Khān and
made offering of a few _ashrafīs_. People began to bring out the
families just before the Other Prayer. Though Ghāzī Khān was reported to
have got away, there were some who said they had seen him in the fort.
For this reason several of the household and braves[1632] were posted at
the Gate, in order to prevent his escape by a ruse, for to get away was
his full intention.[1633] Moreover if jewels and other valuables were
being taken away by stealth, they were to be confiscated. I spent that
night in a tent pitched on the rise in front of the Gate.

(_Jan. 7th_) Early next morning, Muḥammadī, Aḥmadī, Sl. Junaid,
`Abdu'l-`azīz, Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_ and Qūtlūq-qadam were ordered
to enter the fort and take possession of all [Sidenote: Fol. 259b.]
effects. As there was much disturbance at the Gate, I shot off a few
arrows by way of chastisement. Humāyūn's story-teller (_qiṣṣa-khẉān_)
was struck by the arrow of his destiny and at once surrendered his life.

(_Jan. 7th and 8th_) After spending two nights[1634] on the rise, I
inspected the fort. I went into Ghāzī Khān's book-room;[1635] some of
the precious things found in it, I gave to Humāyūn, some sent to Kāmrān
(in Qandahār). There were many books of learned contents,[1636] but not
so many valuable ones as had at first appeared. I passed that night in
the fort; next morning I went back to camp.

(_Jan. 9th_) It had been in our minds that Ghāzī Khān was in the fort,
but he, a man devoid of nice sense of honour, had escaped to the hills,
abandoning father, brethren and sisters in Milwat.

   See that man without honour who never
   The face of good luck shall behold;
   Bodily ease he chose for himself,
   In hardship he left wife and child (_Gulistān_ cap. i, story 17).

(_Jan. 10th_) Leaving that camp on Wednesday, we moved towards the hills
to which Ghāzī Khān had fled. When we dismounted in the valley-bottom
two miles from the camp in the mouth of Milwat,[1637] Dilāwar Khān came
and waited on me. Daulat Khān, `Alī Khān and Ismā`īl Khān, with other
chiefs, were given into Kitta Beg's charge who was to convey them to the
Bhīra fort of Milwat (Malot),[1638] and there keep guard over [Sidenote:
Fol. 260.] them. In agreement with Dilāwar Khān, blood-ransom was fixed
for some who had been made over each to one man; some gave security,
some were kept prisoner. Daulat Khān died when Kitta Beg reached
Sulṯānpūr with the prisoners.[1639]

Milwat was given into the charge of Muḥ. `Alī _Jang-jang_ who, pledging
his own life for it, left his elder brother Arghūn and a party of braves
in it. A body of from 200 to 250 Afghāns were told off to reinforce him.

Khwāja Kalān had loaded several camels with Ghaznī wines. A party was
held in his quarters overlooking the fort and the whole camp, some
drinking _`araq_, some wine. It was a varied party.


(_m. Jaswān-valley._)

Marching on, we crossed a low hill of the grazing-grounds
(_arghā-dāl-līq_) of Milwat and went into the _dūn_, as Hindūstānīs
are understood to call a dale (_julga_).[1640] In this dale is a
running-water[1641] of Hindūstān; along its sides are many villages; and
it is said to be the pargana of the Jaswāl, that is to say, of Dilāwar
Khān's maternal uncles. It lies there shut-in, with meadows along its
torrent, rice cultivated here and there, a three or four mill-stream
flowing in its trough, its width from two to [Sidenote: Fol. 260b.] four
miles, six even in places, villages on the skirts of its hills—hillocks
they are rather—where there are no villages, peacocks, monkeys, and many
fowls which, except that they are mostly of one colour, are exactly like
house-fowls.

As no reliable news was had of Ghāzī Khān, we arranged for Tardīka to go
with Bīrīm Deo _Malinhās_ and capture him wherever he might be found.

In the hills of this dale stand thoroughly strong forts; one on the
north-east, named Kūtila, has sides 70 to 80 yards (_qārī_) of straight
fall, the side where the great gate is being perhaps 7 or 8 yards.[1642]
The width of the place where the draw-bridge is made, may be 10 to 12
yards. Across this they have made a bridge of two tall trees[1643] by
which horses and herds are taken over. This was one of the local forts
Ghāzī Khān had strengthened; his man will have been in it now. Our
raiders (_chāpqūnchī_) assaulted it and had almost taken it when night
came on. The garrison abandoned this difficult place and went off. Near
this dale is also the stronghold of Ginguta; it is girt round by
precipices as Kūtila is, but is not so strong as Kūtila. As has been
mentioned `Ālam Khān went into it.[1644] [Sidenote: Fol. 261.]


(_n. Bābur advances against Ibrāhīm._)

After despatching the light troop against Ghāzī Khān, I put my foot in
the stirrup of resolution, set my hand on the rein of trust in God, and
moved forward against Sulṯān Ibrāhīm, son of Sulṯān Sikandar, son of
Buhlūl _Lūdī Afghān_, in possession of whose throne at that time were
the Dihlī capital and the dominions of Hindūstān, whose standing-army
was called a _lak_ (100,000), whose elephants and whose begs' elephants
were about 1,000.

At the end of our first stage, I bestowed Dībālpūr on Bāqī
_shaghāwal_[1645] and sent him to help Balkh[1646]; sent also gifts,
taken in the success of Milwat, for (my) younger children and various
train in Kābul.

When we had made one or two marches down the (Jaswān) _dūn_, Shāh `Imād
_Shīrāzī_ arrived from Araish Khān and Mullā Muḥammad _Maẕhab_,[1647]
bringing letters that conveyed their good wishes for the complete
success of our campaign and indicated their effort and endeavour towards
this. In response, we sent, by a foot-man, royal letters expressing our
favour. We then marched on.


(_o. `Ālam Khān takes refuge with Bābur._)

The light troop we had sent out from Milwat (Malot), took Hurūr, Kahlūr
and all the hill-forts of the neighbourhood—places to which because of
their strength, no-one seemed to have gone for a long time—and came back
to me after plundering a little. Came also `Ālam Khān, on foot, ruined,
stripped bare. We sent some of the begs to give him honourable meeting,
sent horses too, and he waited (_malāẓamat qīldī_) in that [Sidenote:
Fol. 261b.] neighbourhood.[1648]

Raiders of ours went into the hills and valleys round-about, but after a
few nights' absence, came back without anything to count. Shāh Mīr
Ḥusain, Jān Beg and a few of the braves asked leave and went off for a
raid.


(_p. Incidents of the march for Pānī-pat._)

While we were in the (Jaswān) _dūn_, dutiful letters had come more than
once from Ismā`īl _Jilwānī_ and Biban; we replied to them from this
place by royal letters such as their hearts desired. After we got out of
the dale to Rūpar, it rained very much and became so cold that a mass of
starved and naked Hindūstānīs died.

When we had left Rūpar and were dismounted at Karal,[1649] opposite
Sihrind, a Hindūstānī coming said, "I am Sl. Ibrāhīm's envoy," and
though he had no letter or credentials, asked for an envoy from us. We
responded at once by sending one or two Sawādī night-guards
(_tunqiṯār_).[1650] These humble persons Ibrāhīm put in prison; they
made their escape and came back to us on the very day we beat him.

After having halted one night on the way, we dismounted on the bank of
the torrent[1651] of Banūr and Sanūr. Great rivers apart, one running
water there is in Hindūstān, is this[1652]; they call it the water of
Kakar (Ghaggar). Chitr also is on its bank. We rode up it for an
excursion. The rising-place (_zih_) of the water of this torrent (_rūd_)
is 3 or 4 _kurohs_ (6-8 m.) above Chitr. Going up the (Kakar) torrent,
we came to where a 4 or 5 millstream issues from a broad (side-)valley
(_dara_), up which there [Sidenote: Fol. 262.] are very pleasant places,
healthy and convenient. I ordered a Chār-bāgh to be made at the mouth of
the broad valley of this (tributary) water, which falls into the
(Kakar-) torrent after flowing for one or two _kurohs_ through level
ground. From its infall to the springs of the Kakar the distance may be
3 to 4 _kurohs_ (6-8 m.). When it comes down in flood during the rains
and joins the Kakar, they go together to Sāmāna and Sanām.[1653]

In this camp we heard that Sl. Ibrāhīm had been on our side of
Dihlī and had moved on from that station, also that Ḥamīd Khān
_khāṣa-khail_,[1654] the military-collector (_shiqdār_) of Ḥiṣār-fīrūza,
had left that place with its army and with the army of its
neighbourhood, and had advanced 10 or 15 _kurohs_ (20-30 m.). Kitta Beg
was sent for news to Ibrāhīm's camp, and Mumin Ātaka to the Ḥiṣār-fīrūza
camp.


(_q. Humāyūn moves against Ḥamīd Khān._)

(_Feb. 25th_) Marching from Aṃbāla, we dismounted by the side of a lake.
There Mumin Ātāka and Kitta Beg rejoined us, both on the same day,
Sunday the 13th of the first Jumāda.

We appointed Humāyūn to act against Ḥamīd Khān, and joined the whole of
the right (wing) to him, that is to say, Khwāja Kalān, Sl. Muḥammad
_Dūldāī_, Treasurer Walī, and also some of the begs whose posts were in
Hindūstān, namely, Khusrau, Hindū Beg,`Abdu'l-'azīz and Muḥammad `Alī
_Jang-jang_, with also, from the household and braves of the centre,
Shāh Manṣūr _Barlās_, Kitta Beg and Muḥibb-i `alī. [Sidenote: Fol.
262b.]

Biban waited on me in this camp. These Afghāns remain very rustic and
tactless! This person asked to sit although Dilāwar Khān, his superior
in following and in rank, did not sit, and although the sons of `Ālam
Khān, who are of royal birth, did not sit. Little ear was lent to his
unreason!

(_Feb. 26th_) At dawn on Monday the 14th Humāyūn moved out against Ḥamīd
Khān. After advancing for some distance, he sent between 100 and 150
braves scouting ahead, who went close up to the enemy and at once got to
grips. But when after a few encounters, the dark mass of Humāyūn's
troops shewed in the rear, the enemy ran right away. Humāyūn's men
unhorsed from 100 to 200, struck the heads off one half and brought the
other half in, together with 7 or 8 elephants.

(_March 2nd_) On Friday the 18th of the month, Beg Mīrak _Mughūl_
brought news of Humāyūn's victory to the camp. He (Humāyūn?) was there
and then given a special head-to-foot and a special horse from the royal
stable, besides promise of guerdon (_juldū_).

(_March 5th_) On Monday the 25th of the month, Humāyūn arrived to wait
on me, bringing with him as many as 100 prisoners and 7 or 8 elephants.
Ustād `Alī-qulī and the [Sidenote: Fol. 263.] matchlockmen were ordered
to shoot all the prisoners, by way of example. This had been Humāyūn's
first affair, his first experience of battle; it was an excellent omen!

Our men who had gone in pursuit of the fugitives, took Ḥiṣār-fīrūza at
once on arrival, plundered it, and returned to us. It was given in
guerdon to Humāyūn, with all its dependencies and appurtenances, with it
also a _kror_ of money.

We marched from that camp to Shāhābād. After we had despatched a
news-gatherer (_tīl-tūtār kīshī_) to Sl. Ibrāhīm's camp, we stayed a few
days on that ground. Raḥmat the foot-man was sent with the letters of
victory to Kābul.


(_r. News of Ibrāhīm._)

(_March 13th_) On Monday the 28th of the first Jumāda,[1655] we being in
that same camp, the Sun entered the Sign of the Ram. News had come
again and again from Ibrāhīm's camp, "He is coming, marching two miles"
or "four miles", "stopping in each camp two days," or "three days". We
for our part advanced from Shāhābād and after halting on two nights,
reached the bank of the Jūn-river (Jumna) and encamped opposite Sarsāwa.
From that ground Khwāja Kalān's servant Ḥaidar-qulī was sent to get news
(_tīl tūtā_).

Having crossed the Jūn-river at a ford, I visited Sarsāwa. That day also
we ate _ma`jūn_. Sarsāwa[1656] has a source (_chashma_) from which a
smallish stream issues, not a bad place! Tardī Beg _khāksār_ praising
it, I said, "Let it be thine!" so just [Sidenote: Fol. 263b.] because he
praised it, Sarsāwa was given to him!

I had a platform fixed in a boat and used to go for excursions on the
river, sometimes too made the marches down it. Two marches along its
bank had been made when, of those sent to gather news, Ḥaidar-qulī
brought word that Ibrāhīm had sent Daud Khān (_Lūdī_) and Ḥātīm Khān
(_Lūdī_) across the river into the Mīān-dū-āb (Tween-waters) with 5 or
6000 men, and that these lay encamped some 6 or 7 miles from his own.


(_s. A successful encounter._)

(_April 1st_) On Sunday the 18th of the second Jumāda, we sent, to ride
light against this force, Chīn-tīmūr Sulṯān,[1657] Mahdī Khwāja,
Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā, `Ādil Sulṯān, and the whole of the left, namely, Sl.
Junaid, Shāh Mīr Ḥusain, Qūtlūq-qadam, and with them also sent
`Abdu'l-lāh and Kitta Beg (of the centre). They crossed from our side of
the water at the Mid-day Prayer, and between the Afternoon and the
Evening Prayers bestirred themselves from the other bank. Biban having
crossed the water on pretext of this movement, ran away.

(_April 2nd_) At day-break they came upon the enemy;[1658] he made as if
coming out in a sort of array, but our men closed with his at once,
overcame them, hustled them off, pursued and unhorsed them till they
were opposite Ibrāhīm's own camp. Ḥātim Khān was one of those unhorsed,
who was Daud Khān (_Lūdī_)'s elder brother and one of his commanders.
Our men brought him in when they waited on me. They brought also
[Sidenote: Fol. 264.] 60-70 prisoners and 6 or 7 elephants. Most of the
prisoners, by way of warning, were made to reach their death-doom.


(_t. Preparations for battle._)

While we were marching on in array of right, left and centre, the army
was numbered;[1659] it did not count up to what had been estimated.

At our next camp it was ordered that every man in the army should
collect carts, each one according to his circumstances. Seven hundred
carts (_arāba_) were brought[1660] in. The order given to Ustād
`Alī-qulī was that these carts should be joined together in
Ottoman[1661] fashion, but using ropes of raw hide instead of chains,
and that between every two carts 5 or 6 mantelets should be fixed,
behind which the matchlockmen were to stand to fire. To allow of
collecting all appliances, we delayed 5 or 6 days in that camp. When
everything was ready, all the begs with such braves as had had
experience in military affairs were summoned to a General Council where
opinion found decision at this:—Pānī-pat[1662] is there with its crowded
houses and suburbs. It would be on one side of us; our other sides must
be protected by carts and mantelets behind which our foot and
matchlockmen would stand. With so much settled we marched forward,
halted one night on the way, and reached Pānī-pat on Thursday the last
day (29th) of the second Jumāda (April 12th).


(_u. The opposed forces._)

On our right was the town of Pānī-pat with its suburbs; in front of us
were the carts and mantelets we had prepared; on our left and elsewhere
were ditch and branch. At distances of [Sidenote: Fol. 264b.] an arrow's
flight[1663] sally-places were left for from 100 to 200 horsemen.

Some in the army were very anxious and full of fear. Nothing recommends
anxiety and fear. For why? Because what God has fixed in eternity cannot
be changed. But though this is so, it was no reproach to be afraid and
anxious. For why? Because those thus anxious and afraid were there with
a two or three months' journey between them and their homes; our affair
was with a foreign tribe and people; none knew their tongue, nor did
they know ours:—

   A wandering band, with mind awander;
   In the grip of a tribe, a tribe unfamiliar.[1664]

People estimated the army opposing us at 100,000 men; Ibrāhīm's
elephants and those of his amīrs were said to be about 1000. In his
hands was the treasure of two forbears.[1665] In Hindūstān, when work
such as this has to be done, it is customary to pay out money to hired
retainers who are known as _b:d-hindī_.[1666] If it had occurred to
Ibrāhīm to do this, he might have had another _lak_ or two of troops.
God brought it right! Ibrāhīm could neither content his braves, nor
share out his treasure. How should he content his braves when he was
ruled by avarice and had a craving insatiable to pile coin on coin? He
was an unproved brave[1667]; he provided nothing for his [Sidenote: Fol.
265.] military operations, he perfected nothing, nor stand, nor move,
nor fight.

In the interval at Pānī-pat during which the army was preparing defence
on our every side with cart, ditch and branch, Darwīsh-i-muḥammad
_Sārbān_ had once said to me, "With such precautions taken, how is it
possible for him to come?" Said I, "Are you likening him to the Aūzbeg
khāns and sulṯāns? In what of movement under arms or of planned
operations is he to be compared with them?" God brought it right! Things
fell out just as I said!

   (_Author's note on the Aūzbeg chiefs._) When I reached Ḥiṣār
   in the year I left Samarkand (918 AH.-1512 AD.), and all the
   Aūzbeg khāns and sulṯāns gathered and came against us, we
   brought the families and the goods of the Mughūls and soldiers
   into the Ḥiṣār suburbs and fortified these by closing the
   lanes. As those khāns and sulṯāns were experienced in
   equipment, in planned operations, and in resolute resistance,
   they saw from our fortification of Ḥiṣār that we were
   determined on life or death within it, saw they could not
   count on taking it by assault and, therefore, retired at once
   from near Nūndāk of Chaghānīān.


(_v. Preliminary encounters._)

During the 7 or 8 days we lay in Pānī-pat, our men used to go, a few
together, close up to Ibrāhīm's camp, rain arrows down on his massed
troops, cut off and bring in heads. Still he made [Sidenote: Fol. 265b.]
no move; nor did his troops sally out. At length, we acted on the advice
of several Hindūstānī well-wishers and sent out 4 or 5000 men to deliver
a night-attack on his camp, the leaders of it being Mahdī Khwāja,
Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā, `Ādil Sulṯān, Khusrau, Shāh Mīr Ḥusain, Sl. Junaid
_Barlās_, `Abdu'l-`azīz the Master of the Horse, Muḥ. `Alī _Jang-jang_,
Qūtlūq-qadam, Treasurer Walī, Khalīfa's Muḥibb-i-`alī, Pay-master
Muḥammad, Jān Beg and Qarā-qūzī. It being dark, they were not able to
act together well, and, having scattered, could effect nothing on
arrival. They stayed near Ibrāhīm's camp till dawn, when the nagarets
sounded and troops of his came out in array with elephants. Though our
men did not do their work, they got off safe and sound; not a man of
them was killed, though they were in touch with such a mass of foes. One
arrow pierced Muḥ. `Alī _Jang-jang_'s leg; though the wound was not
mortal, he was good-for-nothing on the day of battle.

On hearing of this affair, I sent off Humāyūn and his troops to go 2 or
3 miles to meet them, and followed him myself with the rest of the army
in battle-array. The party of the night-attack joined him and came back
with him. The enemy making no further advance, we returned to camp and
dismounted. That night a false alarm fell on the camp; for some 20
minutes (one _garī_) there were uproar and call-to-arms; the disturbance
died down after a time. [Sidenote: Fol. 266.]


(_w. Battle of Pānī-pat._[1668])

(_April 20th_) On Friday the 8th of Rajab,[1669] news came, when it was
light enough to distinguish one thing from another (_farẓ-waqtī_) that
the enemy was advancing in fighting-array. We at once put on mail,[1670]
armed and mounted.[1671] Our right was Humāyūn, Khwāja Kalān, Sulṯān
Muḥammad _Dūldāī_, Hindū Beg, Treasurer Walī and Pīr-qulī _Sīstānī_; our
left was Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā, Mahdī Khwāja, `Ādil Sulṯān, Shāh Mīr
Ḥusain, Sl. Junaid _Barlās_, Qūtlūq-qadam, Jān Beg, Pay-master Muḥammad,
and Shāh Ḥusain (of) Yāragī _Mughūl Ghānchī_(?).[1672] The right hand of
the centre[1673] was Chīn-tīmūr Sulṯān, Sulaimān Mīrzā,[1674] Muḥammadī
Kūkūldāsh, Shāh Manṣūr _Barlās_, Yūnas-i-`alī, Darwīsh-i-muḥammad
_Sārbān_ and `Abdu'l-lāh the librarian. The left of the centre was
Khalīfa, Khwāja Mīr-i-mīrān, Secretary Aḥmadī, Tardī Beg (brother) of
Qūj Beg, Khalīfa's Muḥibb-i-`alī and Mīrzā Beg Tarkhān. The advance was
Khusrau Kūkūldāsh and Muḥ. `Alī _Jang-jang_. `Abdu'l-'azīz the Master
of the Horse was posted as the reserve. For the turning-party
(_tūlghuma_) at the point of the right wing,[1675] we fixed on Red Walī
and Malik Qāsim (brother) of Bābā _Qashqa_, with their Mughūls; for the
turning-party at the point of the left wing, we arrayed Qarā-qūzī,
Abū'l-muḥammad the lance-player, Shaikh Jamāl _Bārīn's_ Shaikh `Alī,
Mahndī(?) and Tīngrī-bīrdī _Bashaghī_(?) _Mughūl_; these two parties,
directly the enemy got near, were to turn his rear, one from the right,
the other from the left. [Sidenote: Fol. 266b.]

When the dark mass of the enemy first came in sight, he seemed to
incline towards our right; `Abdu'l-`azīz, who was the right-reserve, was
sent therefore to reinforce the right. From the time that Sl. Ibrāhīm's
blackness first appeared, he moved swiftly, straight for us, without a
check, until he saw the dark mass of our men, when his pulled up and,
observing our formation and array,[1676] made as if asking, "To stand or
not? To advance or not?" They could not stand; nor could they make their
former swift advance.

Our orders were for the turning-parties to wheel from right and left to
the enemy's rear, to discharge arrows and to engage in the fight; and
for the right and left (wings) to advance and join battle with him. The
turning-parties wheeled round and began to rain arrows down. Mahdī
Khwāja was the first of the left to engage; he was faced by a troop
having an elephant with it; his men's flights of arrows forced it to
retire. To reinforce the left I sent Secretary Aḥmadī and also Qūj Beg's
Tardī Beg and Khalīfa's Muḥibb-i-'alī. On the right also there was some
stubborn fighting. Orders were given for Muḥammadī Kūkūldāsh, Shāh
Manṣūr _Barlās_, Yūnas-i-`alī and `Abdu'l-lāh to engage those facing
them in front of the centre. From that same position Ustād `Alī-qulī
made good discharge of _firingī_ shots;[1677]

Musṯafa the commissary for his part made excellent discharge [Sidenote:
Fol. 267.] of _zarb-zan_ shots from the left hand of the centre. Our
right, left, centre and turning-parties having surrounded the enemy,
rained arrows down on him and fought ungrudgingly. He made one or two
small charges on our right and left but under our men's arrows, fell
back on his own centre. His right and left hands (_qūl_) were massed in
such a crowd that they could neither move forward against us nor force a
way for flight.

When the incitement to battle had come, the Sun was spear-high; till
mid-day fighting had been in full force; noon passed, the foe was
crushed in defeat, our friends rejoicing and gay. By God's mercy and
kindness, this difficult affair was made easy for us! In one half-day,
that armed mass was laid upon the earth. Five or six thousand men were
killed in one place close to Ibrāhīm. Our estimate of the other dead,
lying all over the field, was 15 to 16,000, but it came to be known,
later in Āgra from the statements of Hindūstānīs, that 40 or 50,000 may
have died in that battle.[1678]

The foe defeated, pursuit and unhorsing of fugitives began. Our men
brought in amīrs of all ranks and the chiefs they captured; _mahauts_
made offering of herd after herd of elephants.

Ibrāhīm was thought to have fled; therefore, while pursuing [Sidenote:
Fol. 267b.] the enemy, we told off Qismatāī Mīrzā, Bābā _chuhra_ and
Būjka of the _khaṣa-tābīn_[1679] to lead swift pursuit to Āgra and try
to take him. We passed through his camp, looked into his own enclosure
(_sarācha_) and quarters, and dismounted on the bank of standing-water
(_qarā-sū_).

It was the Afternoon Prayer when Khalīfa's younger brother-in-law T̤āhir
Tībrī[1680] who had found Ibrāhīm's body in a heap of dead, brought in
his head.


(_x. Detachments sent to occupy Dihlī and Āgra._)

On that very same day we appointed Humāyūn Mīrzā[1681] to ride fast and
light to Āgra with Khwāja Kalān, Muḥammadī, Shāh Manṣūr _Barlās_,
Yūnas-i-`alī, `Abdu'l-lah and Treasurer Walī, to get the place into
their hands and to mount guard over the treasure. We fixed on Mahdī
Khwāja, with Muḥammad Sl. Mīrza, `Ādil Sulṯān, Sl. Junaid _Barlās_ and
Qūtlūq-qadam to leave their baggage, make sudden incursion on Dihlī, and
keep watch on the treasuries.[1682]

(_April 21st_) We marched on next day and when we had gone 2 miles,
dismounted, for the sake of the horses, on the bank of the Jūn (Jumna).

(_April 24th_) On Tuesday (Rajab 12th), after we had halted on two
nights and had made the circuit of Shaikh Niẓāmu'd-dīn _Auliyā_'s
tomb[1683] we dismounted on the bank of the Jūn over against
Dihlī.[1684] That same night, being Wednesday-eve, we made an excursion
into the fort of Dihlī and there spent the night.

(_April 25th_) Next day (Wednesday Rajab 13th) I made the circuit of
Khwāja Quṯbu'd-dīn's[1685] tomb and visited the tombs and residences of
Sl. Ghiyāṣu'd-dīn _Balban_[1686] and Sl. `Alāu'u'd-dīn [Sidenote: Fol.
268.] _Khiljī_,[1687] his Minār, and the Ḥauẓ-shamsī, Ḥauẓ-i-khaṣ and
the tombs and gardens of Sl. Buhlūl and Sl. Sikandar (_Lūdī_). Having
done this, we dismounted at the camp, went on a boat, and there _`araq_
was drunk.

We bestowed the Military Collectorate (_shiqdārlīghī_) of Dihlī on Red
Walī, made Dost Dīwān in the Dihlī district, sealed the treasuries, and
made them over to their charge.

(_April 26th_) On Thursday we dismounted on the bank of the Jūn, over
against Tūghlūqābād.[1688]


(_y. The khuṯba read for Bābur in Dihlī._)

(_April 27th_) On Friday (Rajab 15th) while we remained on the same
ground, Maulānā Maḥmūd and Shaikh Zain went with a few others into Dihlī
for the Congregational Prayer, read the _khuṯba_ in my name, distributed
a portion of money to the poor and needy,[1689] and returned to camp.

(_April 28th_) Leaving that ground on Saturday (Rajab 16th), we advanced
march by march for Āgra. I made an excursion to Tūghlūqābād and rejoined
the camp.

(_May 4th_) On Friday (Rajab 22nd), we dismounted at the mansion
(_manzil_) of Sulaimān _Farmulī_ in a suburb of Āgra, but as the place
was far from the fort, moved on the following day to Jalāl Khān
_Jig:hat's_ house.

On Humāyūn's arrival at Āgra, ahead of us, the garrison had made excuses
and false pretexts (about surrender). He and his noticing the want of
discipline there was, said, "The long hand may be laid on the Treasury"!
and so sat down to watch the roads out of Āgra till we should come.


(_z. The great diamond._)

In Sultan Ibrāhīm's defeat the Rāja of Gūālīār Bikramājīt the Hindū had
gone to hell.[1690] [Sidenote: Fol. 268b.]

   (_Author's note on Bikramājīt._) The ancestors of Bikramājīt
   had ruled in Gūālīār for more than a hundred years.[1691]
   Sikandar (_Lūdī_) had sat down in Āgra for several years in
   order to take the fort; later on, in Ibrāhīm's time, `Aẕim
   Humāyūn _Sarwānī_[1692] had completely invested it for some
   while; following this, it was taken on terms under which
   Shamsābād was given in exchange for it.[1693]

Bikramājīt's children and family were in Āgra at the time of Ibrāhīm's
defeat. When Humāyūn reached Āgra, they must have been planning to flee,
but his postings of men (to watch the roads) prevented this and guard
was kept over them. Humāyūn himself did not let them go (_bārghālī
qūīmās_). They made him a voluntary offering of a mass of jewels and
valuables amongst which was the famous diamond which `Alāu'u'd-dīn must
have brought.[1694] Its reputation is that every appraiser has estimated
its value at two and a half days' food for the whole world. Apparently
it weighs 8 _mis̤qāls_.[1695] Humāyūn offered it to me when I arrived at
Āgra; I just gave it him back.


(_aa. Ibrāhīm's mother and entourage._)

Amongst men of mark who were in the fort, there were Malik Dād _Karānī_,
Millī _Sūrdūk_ and Fīrūz Khān _Mīwātī_. They, being convicted of false
dealing, were ordered out for capital punishment. Several persons
interceded for Malik Dād _Karānī_ and four or five days passed in
comings and goings before the matter was arranged. We then shewed to
them (all?) kindness and favour in agreement with the petition made for
them, and we restored them all their goods.[1696] A _pargana_ worth 7
_laks_[1697] was bestowed on Ibrāhīm's mother; _parganas_ were given
also to these begs of his.[1698] She was sent out of the fort with her
old servants and given encamping-ground (_yūrt_) two miles below
[Sidenote: Fol. 269.] Āgra.

(_May 10th_) I entered Āgra at the Afternoon Prayer of Thursday (Rajab
28th) and dismounted at the mansion (_manzil_) of Sl. Ibrāhīm.


EXPEDITIONS OF TRAMONTANE MUḤAMMADANS INTO HIND.

(_a. Bābur's five attempts on Hindūstān._)

From the date 910 at which the country of Kābul was conquered, down to
now (932 AH.) (my) desire for Hindūstān had been constant, but owing
sometimes to the feeble counsels of begs, sometimes to the
non-accompaniment of elder and younger brethren,[1699] a move on
Hindūstān had not been practicable and its territories had remained
unsubdued. At length no such obstacles were left; no beg, great or small
(_beg begāt_) of lower birth,[1700] could speak an opposing word. In 925
AH. (1519 AD.) we led an army out and, after taking Bajaur by storm in
2-3 _garī_ (44-66 minutes), and making a general massacre of its people,
went on into Bhīra. Bhīra we neither over-ran nor plundered; we imposed
a ransom on its people, taking from them in money and goods to the value
of 4 _laks_ of _shāhrukhīs_ and having shared this out to the army and
auxiliaries, returned to Kābul. From then till now we laboriously held
tight[1701] to Hindūstān, five times leading an army into it.[1702] The
fifth time, God the Most High, by his own mercy and favour, made such a
foe as Sl. Ibrāhīm the vanquished and loser, such a realm as Hindūstān
our conquest and possession.


(_b. Three invaders from Tramontana._)

From the time of the revered Prophet down till now[1703] three men from
that side[1704] have conquered and ruled Hindūstān. Sl. Maḥmūd
_Ghāzī_[1705] was the first, who and whose descendants sat long on the
seat of government in Hindūstān. Sl. Shihābu'd-dīn [Sidenote: Fol.
269b.] of Ghūr was the second,[1706] whose slaves and dependants royally
shepherded[1707] this realm for many years. I am the third.

But my task was not like the task of those other rulers. For why?
Because Sl. Maḥmūd, when he conquered Hindūstān, had the throne of
Khurāsān subject to his rule, vassal and obedient to him were the
sulṯāns of Khwārizm and the Marches (_Dāru'l-marz_), and under his hand
was the ruler of Samarkand. Though his army may not have numbered 2
_laks_, what question is there that it[1708] was one. Then again, rājas
were his opponents; all Hindūstān was not under one supreme head
(_pādshāh_), but each rāja ruled independently in his own country. Sl.
Shihābu'd-dīn again,—though he himself had no rule in Khurāsān, his
elder brother Ghiyās̱u'd-dīn had it. The _T̤abaqāt-i-nāṣirī_[1709]
brings it forward that he once led into Hindūstān an army of 120,000
men and horse in mail.[1710] His opponents also were rāīs and rājas; one
man did not hold all Hindūstān.

That time we came to Bhīra, we had at most some 1500 to 2000 men. We had
made no previous move on Hindūstān with an army equal to that which came
the fifth time, when we beat Sl. Ibrāhīm and conquered the realm of
Hindūstān, the total written down for which, taking one retainer with
another, and [Sidenote: Fol. 270.] with traders and servants, was
12,000. Dependent on me were the countries of Badakhshān, Qūndūz, Kābul
and Qandahār, but no reckonable profit came from them, rather it was
necessary to reinforce them fully because several lie close to an enemy.
Then again, all Māwarā'u'n-nahr was in the power of the Aūzbeg khāns and
sulṯāns, an ancient foe whose armies counted up to 100,000. Moreover
Hindūstān, from Bhīra to Bihār, was in the power of the Afghāns and in
it Sl. Ibrāhīm was supreme. In proportion to his territory his army
ought to have been 5 _laks_, but at that time the Eastern amīrs were in
hostility to him. His army was estimated at 100,000 and people said his
elephants and those of his amīrs were 1000.

Under such conditions, in this strength, and having in my rear 100,000
old enemies such as are the Aūzbegs, we put trust in God and faced the
ruler of such a dense army and of domains so wide. As our trust was in
Him, the most high God did not make our labour and hardships vain, but
defeated that powerful foe and conquered that broad realm. Not as due to
strength and effort of our own do we look upon this good fortune, but as
had solely through God's pleasure and kindness. We know that this
happiness was not the fruit of our own ambition and resolve, but that it
was purely from His mercy and favour.


DESCRIPTION OF HINDŪSTĀN.


(_a. Hindūstān._)

The country of Hindūstān is extensive, full of men, and full [Sidenote:
Fol. 270b.] of produce. On the east, south, and even on the west, it
ends at its great enclosing ocean (_muḥiṯ daryā-sī-gha_). On the north
it has mountains which connect with those of Hindū-kush, Kāfiristān and
Kashmīr. North-west of it lie Kābul, Ghaznī and Qandahār. Dihlī is held
(_aīrīmīsh_) to be the capital of the whole of Hindūstān. From the death
of Shihābu'd-dīn _Ghūrī_ (d. 602 AH.-1206 AD.) to the latter part of the
reign of Sl. Fīrūz Shāh (_Tūghlūq Turk_ d. 790 AH.-1388 AD.), the
greater part of Hindūstān must have been under the rule of the sulṯāns
of Dihlī.


(_b. Rulers contemporary with Bābur's conquest._)

At the date of my conquest of Hindūstān it was governed by five Musalmān
rulers (_pādshāh_)[1711] and two Pagans (_kāfir_). These were the
respected and independent rulers, but there were also, in the hills and
jungles, many rāīs and rājas, held in little esteem (_kīchīk karīm_).

First, there were the Afghāns who had possession of Dihlī, the capital,
and held the country from Bhīra to Bihār. Jūnpūr, before their time, had
been in possession of Sl. Ḥusain _Sharqī_ (Eastern)[1712] whose dynasty
Hindūstānīs call Pūrabī (Eastern). His ancestors will have been
cup-bearers in the presence of Sl. Fīrūz Shāh and those (Tūghlūq)
sulṯāns; they became supreme in Jūnpūr after his death.[1713] At that
time Dihlī was in the hands of Sl. `Alāu'u'd-dīn (`Ālam Khān) of the
Sayyid dynasty to whose ancestor Tīmūr Beg had given it when, after
having captured it, he went away.[1714] Sl. Buhlūl _Lūdī_ and his son
(Sikandar) got possession of the capital Jūnpūr and the capital Dihlī,
and brought both under one government (881 AH.-1476 AD.).

Secondly, there was Sl. Muḥammad Muz̤affer in Gujrāt; he departed from
the world a few days before the defeat of Sl. Ibrāhīm. He was skilled in
the Law, a ruler (_pādshāh_) seeking [Sidenote: Fol. 271.] after
knowledge, and a constant copyist of the Holy Book. His dynasty people
call Tānk.[1715] His ancestors also will have been wine-servers to Sl.
Fīrūz Shāh and those (Tūghlūq) sulṯāns; they became possessed of Gujrāt
after his death.

Thirdly, there were the Bāhmanīs of the Dakkan (Deccan, _i.e._ South),
but at the present time no independent authority is left them; their
great begs have laid hands on the whole country, and must be asked for
whatever is needed.[1716]

Fourthly, there was Sl. Maḥmūd in the country of Malwā, which people
call also Mandāū.[1717] His dynasty they call Khilīj (_Turk_). Rānā
Sangā had defeated Sl. Maḥmūd and taken possession of most of his
country. This dynasty also has become feeble. Sl. Maḥmūd's ancestors
also must have been cherished by Sl. Fīrūz Shāh; they became possessed
of the Malwā country after his death.[1718]

Fifthly, there was Naṣrat Shāh[1719] in the country of Bengal. His
father (Ḥusain Shāh), a sayyid styled `Alāu'u'd-dīn, had ruled in Bengal
and Naṣrat Shāh attained to rule by inheritance. A surprising custom in
Bengal is that hereditary succession is rare. The royal office is
permanent and there are permanent offices of amīrs, wazīrs and
manṣab-dārs (officials). It is the office that Bengalis regard with
respect. Attached to each office is a body of obedient, subordinate
retainers and servants. If the royal heart demand that a person should
be dismissed [Sidenote: Fol. 271b.] and another be appointed to sit in
his place, the whole body of subordinates attached to that office become
the (new) office-holder's. There is indeed this peculiarity of the royal
office itself that any person who kills the ruler (_pādshāh_) and seats
himself on the throne, becomes ruler himself; amīrs, wazīrs, soldiers
and peasants submit to him at once, obey him, and recognize him for the
rightful ruler his predecessor in office had been.[1720] Bengalis say,
"We are faithful to the throne; we loyally obey whoever occupies it."
As for instance, before the reign of Naṣrat Shāh's father `Alāu'u'd-dīn,
an Abyssinian (_Ḥabshī_, named Muz̤affar Shāh) had killed his sovereign
(Maḥmūd Shāh _Ilyās_), mounted the throne and ruled for some time.
`Alāu'u'd-dīn killed that Abyssinian, seated himself on the throne and
became ruler. When he died, his son (Naṣrat) became ruler by
inheritance. Another Bengali custom is to regard it as a disgraceful
fault in a new ruler if he expend and consume the treasure of his
predecessors. On coming to rule he must gather treasure of his own. To
amass treasure Bengalis regard as a glorious distinction. Another custom
in Bengal is that from ancient times _parganas_ have been assigned to
meet the charges of the treasury, stables, and all royal expenditure and
to defray these charges no impost is laid on other lands.

These five, mentioned above, were the great Musalmān rulers, honoured in
Hindūstān, many-legioned, and broad-landed. Of the Pagans the greater
both in territory and army, is the Rāja of Bījānagar.[1721] [Sidenote:
Fol. 272.]

The second is Rānā Sangā who in these latter days had grown great by his
own valour and sword. His original country was Chitūr; in the downfall
from power of the Mandāū sulṯāns, he became possessed of many of their
dependencies such as Rantanbūr, Sārangpūr, Bhīlsān and Chandīrī.
Chandīrī I stormed in 934 AH. (1528 A.D.)[1722] and, by God's pleasure,
took it in a few hours; in it was Rānā Sangā's great and trusted man
Midnī Rāo; we made general massacre of the Pagans in it and, as will be
narrated, converted what for many years had been a mansion of hostility,
into a mansion of Islām.

There are very many rāīs and rājas on all sides and quarters of
Hindūstān, some obedient to Islām, some, because of their remoteness or
because their places are fastnesses, not subject to Musalmān rule.


(_c. Of Hindūstān._)

Hindūstān is of the first climate, the second climate, and the third
climate; of the fourth climate it has none. It is a wonderful country.
Compared with our countries it is a different world; its mountains,
rivers, jungles and deserts, its towns, its cultivated lands, its
animals and plants, its peoples and their tongues, its rains, and its
winds, are all different. In some respects the hot-country (_garm-sīl_)
that depends on Kābul, is like Hindūstān, but in others, it is
different. Once the water of Sind is crossed, everything is in the
Hindūstān way (_ṯāriq_) [Sidenote: Fol. 272b.] land, water, tree, rock,
people and horde, opinion and custom.


(_d. Of the northern mountains._)

After crossing the Sind-river (eastwards), there are countries, in the
northern mountains mentioned above, appertaining to Kashmīr and once
included in it, although most of them, as for example, Paklī and
Shahmang (?), do not now obey it. Beyond Kashmīr there are countless
peoples and hordes, _parganas_ and cultivated lands, in the mountains.
As far as Bengal, as far indeed as the shore of the great ocean, the
peoples are without break. About this procession of men no-one has been
able to give authentic information in reply to our enquiries and
investigations. So far people have been saying that they call these
hill-men Kas.[1723] It has struck me that as a Hindūstānī pronounces
_shīn_ as _sīn_ (_i.e._ _sh_ as _s_), and as Kashmīr is the one
respectable town in these mountains, no other indeed being heard of,
Hindūstānīs might pronounce it Kasmīr.[1724] These people trade in
musk-bags, _b:ḥrī-qūṯās_,[1725] saffron, lead and copper.

Hindīs call these mountains Sawālak-parbat. In the Hindī tongue
_sawāī-lak_ means one lak and a quarter, that is, 125,000, and _parbat_
means a hill, which makes 125,000 hills.[1726] The snow on these
mountains never lessens; it is seen white from many districts of Hind,
as, for example, Lāhor, Sihrind and Saṃbal. The range, which in Kābul is
known as Hindū-kush, comes from Kābul eastwards into Hindūstān, with
slight inclination to the south. The Hindūstānāt[1727] are to the south
of it. Tībet lies to the north of it and of that unknown horde called
Kas. [Sidenote: Fol. 273.]


(_e. Of rivers._)

Many rivers rise in these mountains and flow through Hindūstān. Six rise
north of Sihrind, namely Sind, Bahat (Jīlam), Chān-āb [_sic_], Rāwī,
Bīāh, and Sutluj[1728]; all meet near Multān, flow westwards under the
name of Sind, pass through the Tatta country and fall into the
`Umān(-sea).

Besides these six there are others, such as Jūn (Jumna), Gang (Ganges),
Rahap (Raptī?), Gūmtī, Gagar (Ghaggar), Sirū, Gandak, and many more; all
unite with the Gang-daryā, flow east under its name, pass through the
Bengal country, and are poured into the great ocean. They all rise in
the Sawālak-parbat.

Many rivers rise in the Hindūstān hills, as, for instance, Chaṃbal,
Banās, Bītwī, and Sūn (Son). There is no snow whatever on these
mountains. Their waters also join the Gang-daryā.


(_f. Of the Arāvallī._)

Another Hindūstān range runs north and south. It begins in the Dihlī
country at a small rocky hill on which is Fīrūz Shāh's residence, called
Jahān-nāma,[1729] and, going on from there, appears near Dihlī in
detached, very low, scattered here and there, rocky [Sidenote: Fol.
273b.] little hills.[1730] Beyond Mīwāt, it enters the Bīāna country.
The hills of Sīkrī, Bārī and Dūlpūr are also part of this same including
(tūtā) range. The hills of Gūālīār—they write it Gālīūr—although they do
not connect with it, are off-sets of this range; so are the hills of
Rantanbūr, Chitūr, Chandīrī, and Mandāū. They are cut off from it in
some places by 7 to 8 _kurohs_ (14 to 16 m.). These hills are very low,
rough, rocky and jungly. No snow whatever falls on them. They are the
makers, in Hindūstān, of several rivers.


(_g. Irrigation._)

The greater part of the Hindūstān country is situated on level land.
Many though its towns and cultivated lands are, it nowhere has running
waters.[1731] Rivers and, in some places, standing-waters are its
"running-waters" (_āqār-sūlār_). Even where, as for some towns, it is
practicable to convey water by digging channels (_ārīq_), this is not
done. For not doing it there may be several reasons, one being that
water is not at all a necessity in cultivating crops and orchards.
Autumn crops grow by the downpour of the rains themselves; and strange
it is that spring crops grow even when no rain falls. To young trees
water is made to flow by means of buckets or a wheel. They are given
water constantly during two or three years; after which they need no
more. Some vegetables are watered constantly.

In Lāhor, Dībālpūr and those parts, people water by means of a wheel.
They make two circles of ropes long enough to suit the depth of the
well, fix strips of wood between them, and on these fasten pitchers. The
ropes with the wood and attached [Sidenote: Fol. 274.] pitchers are put
over the well-wheel. At one end of the wheel-axle a second wheel is
fixed, and close (_qāsh_) to it another on an upright axle. This last
wheel the bullock turns; its teeth catch in the teeth of the second, and
thus the wheel with the pitchers is turned. A trough is set where the
water empties from the pitchers and from this the water is conveyed
everywhere.

In Āgra, Chandwār, Bīāna and those parts, again, people water with a
bucket; this is a laborious and filthy way. At the well-edge they set up
a fork of wood, having a roller adjusted between the forks, tie a rope
to a large bucket, put the rope over the roller, and tie its other end
to the bullock. One person must drive the bullock, another empty the
bucket. Every time the bullock turns after having drawn the bucket out
of the well, that rope lies on the bullock-track, in pollution of urine
and dung, before it descends again into the well. To some crops needing
water, men and women carry it by repeated efforts in pitchers.[1732]


(_h. Other particulars about Hindūstān._)

The towns and country of Hindūstān are greatly wanting in charm. Its
towns and lands are all of one sort; there are no walls to the orchards
(_bāghāt_), and most places are on the dead level plain. Under the
monsoon-rains the banks of some of its rivers and torrents are worn into
deep channels, difficult and [Sidenote: Fol. 274b.] troublesome to pass
through anywhere. In many parts of the plains thorny jungle grows,
behind the good defence of which the people of the _pargana_ become
stubbornly rebellious and pay no taxes.

Except for the rivers and here and there standing-waters, there is
little "running-water". So much so is this that towns and countries
subsist on the water of wells or on such as collects in tanks during the
rains.

In Hindūstān hamlets and villages, towns indeed, are depopulated and set
up in a moment! If the people of a large town, one inhabited for years
even, flee from it, they do it in such a way that not a sign or trace of
them remains in a day or a day and a half.[1733] On the other hand, if
they fix their eyes on a place in which to settle, they need not dig
water-courses or construct dams because their crops are all
rain-grown,[1734] and as the population of Hindūstān is unlimited, it
swarms in. They make a tank or dig a well; they need not build houses or
set up walls—_khas_-grass (_Andropogon muricatum_) abounds, wood is
unlimited, huts are made, and straightway there is a village or a town!


(_i. Fauna of Hindūstān:—Mammals._)

The elephant, which Hindūstānīs call _hāt(h)ī_, is one of the wild
animals peculiar to Hindūstān. It inhabits the (western?) borders of the
Kālpī country, and becomes more numerous in its wild state the further
east one goes (in Kālpī?). From this tract it is that captured elephants
are brought; in Karrah and [Sidenote: Fol. 275.] Mānikpūr
elephant-catching is the work of 30 or 40 villages.[1735] People answer
(_jawāb bīrūrlār_) for them direct to the exchequer.[1736] The elephant
is an immense animal and very sagacious. If people speak to it, it
understands; if they command anything from it, it does it. Its value is
according to its size; it is sold by measure (_qārīlāb_); the larger it
is, the higher its price. People rumour that it is heard of in some
islands as 10 _qārī_[1737] high, but in this tract it[1738] is not seen
above 4 or 5. It eats and drinks entirely with its trunk; if it lose the
trunk, it cannot live. It has two great teeth (tusks) in its upper jaw,
one on each side of its trunk; by setting these against walls and trees,
it brings them down; with these it fights and does whatever hard tasks
fall to it. People call these ivory (_`āj_, var. _ghāj_); they are
highly valued by Hindūstānīs. The elephant has no hair.[1739] It is much
relied on by Hindūstānīs, accompanying every troop of their armies. It
has some useful qualities:—it crosses great rivers with ease, carrying a
mass of baggage, and three or four have gone dragging without trouble
the cart of the mortar (_qazān_) it takes four or five hundred men to
haul.[1740] But its stomach is large; one elephant eats the corn
(_būghūz_) of two strings (_qiṯār_) of camels.[1741]

The rhinoceros is another. This also is a large animal, equal [Sidenote:
Fol. 275b.] in bulk to perhaps three buffaloes. The opinion current in
those countries (Tramontana) that it can lift an elephant on its horn,
seems mistaken. It has a single horn on its nose, more than nine inches
(_qārīsh_) long; one of two _qārīsh_ is not seen.[1742] Out of one large
horn were made a drinking-vessel[1743] and a dice-box, leaving over [the
thickness of] 3 or 4 hands.[1744] The rhinoceros' hide is very thick;
an arrow shot from a stiff bow, drawn with full strength right up to the
arm-pit, if it pierce at all, might penetrate 4 inches (_aīlīk_, hands).
From the sides (_qāsh_) of its fore and hind legs,[1745] folds hang
which from a distance look like housings thrown over it. It resembles
the horse more than it does any other animal.[1746] As the horse has a
small stomach (appetite?), so has the rhinoceros; as in the horse a
piece of bone (pastern?) grows in place of small bones (T. _āshūq_, Fr.
_osselets_ (Zenker), knuckles), so one grows in the rhinoceros; as in
the horse's hand (_aīlīk_, Pers. _dast_) there is _kūmūk_ (or _gūmūk_, a
_tibia_, or marrow), so there is in the rhinoceros.[1747] It is more
ferocious than the elephant and cannot be made obedient and submissive.
There are masses of it in the Parashāwar and Hashnagar jungles, so too
between the Sind-river and the jungles of the Bhīra country. Masses
there are also on the banks of [Sidenote: Fol. 276.] the Sārū-river in
Hindūstān. Some were killed in the Parashāwar and Hashnagar jungles in
our moves on Hindūstān. It strikes powerfully with its horn; men and
horses enough have been horned in those hunts.[1748] In one of them the
horse of a _chuhra_ (brave) named Maqṣūd was tossed a spear's-length,
for which reason the man was nick-named the rhino's aim
(_maqṣūd-i-karg_).

The wild-buffalo[1749] is another. It is much larger than the (domestic)
buffalo and its horns do not turn back in the same way.[1750] It is a
mightily destructive and ferocious animal.

The _nīla-gāū_ (blue-bull)[1751] is another. It may stand as high as a
horse but is somewhat lighter in build. The male is bluish-gray, hence,
seemingly, people call it nīla-gāū. It has two rather small horns. On
its throat is a tuft of hair, nine inches long; (in this) it resembles
the yak.[1752] Its hoof is cleft (_aīrī_) like the hoof of cattle. The
doe is of the colour of the _būghū-marāl_[1753]; she, for her part, has
no horns and is plumper than the male.

The hog-deer (_kotah-pāīcha_) is another.[1754] It may be of the size of
the white deer (_āq kiyīk_). It has short legs, hence its name,
little-legged. Its horns are like a _būghū_'s but smaller; like the
_būghū_ it casts them every year. Being rather a poor runner, it does
not leave the jungle.

Another is a deer (_kiyīk_) after the fashion of the male deer (_aīrkākī
hūna_) of the _jīrān_.[1755] Its back is black, its belly white, its
horns longer than the _hūna's_, but more crooked. A Hindūstānī
[Sidenote: Fol. 276b.] calls it _kalahara_,[1756] a word which may have
been originally _kālā-haran_, black-buck, and which has been softened in
pronunciation to _kalahara_. The doe is light-coloured. By means of this
_kalahara_ people catch deer; they fasten a noose (_ḥalqa_) on its
horns, hang a stone as large as a ball[1757] on one of its feet, so as
to keep it from getting far away after it has brought about the capture
of a deer, and set it opposite wild deer when these are seen. As these
(_kalahara_) deer are singularly combative, advance to fight is made at
once. The two deer strike with their horns and push one another
backwards and forwards, during which the wild one's horns become
entangled in the net that is fast to the tame one's. If the wild one
would run away, the tame one does not go; it is impeded also by the
stone on its foot. People take many deer in this way; after capture they
tame them and use them in their turn to take others;[1758] they also set
them to fight at home; the deer fight very well.

There is a smaller deer (_kiyīk_) on the Hindūstān hill-skirts, as large
may-be as the one year's lamb of the _arqārghalcha_ (_Ovis poli_).

The _gīnī-cow_[1759] is another, a very small one, perhaps as large as
the _qūchqār_ (ram) of those countries (Tramontana). Its flesh is very
tender and savoury.

The monkey (_maimūn_) is another—a Hindūstānī calls it _bandar_. Of this
too there are many kinds, one being what people [Sidenote: Fol. 277.]
take to those countries. The jugglers (_lūlī_) teach them tricks. This
kind is in the mountains of Nūr-dara, in the skirt-hills of Safīd-koh
neighbouring on Khaibar, and from there downwards all through Hindūstān.
It is not found higher up. Its hair is yellow, its face white, its tail
not very long.—Another kind, not found in Bajaur, Sawād and those parts,
is much larger than the one taken to those countries (Tramontana). Its
tail is very long, its hair whitish, its face quite black. It is in the
mountains and jungles of Hindūstān.[1760]—Yet another kind is
distinguished (_būlā dūr_), quite black in hair, face and limbs.[1761]

The _nawal_ (_nūl_)[1762] is another. It may be somewhat smaller than
the _kīsh_. It climbs trees. Some call it the _mūsh-i-khūrma_
(palm-rat). It is thought lucky.

A mouse (T. _sīchqān_) people call _galāhrī_ (squirrel) is another. It
is just always in trees, running up and down with amazing alertness and
speed.[1763]


(_j. Fauna of Hindūstān:—Birds._)[1764]

The peacock (Ar. _ṯāūs_) is one. It is a beautifully coloured and
splendid animal. Its form (_andām_) is not equal to its colouring and
beauty. Its body may be as large as the crane's (_tūrna_) but it is not
so tall. On the head of both cock and hen are 20 to 30 feathers rising
some 2 or 3 inches high. The hen has neither colour nor beauty. The head
of the cock has an iridescent collar (_ṯauq sūsanī_); its neck is of a
beautiful blue; [Sidenote: Fol. 277b.] below the neck, its back is
painted in yellow, parrot-green, blue and violet colours. The
flowers[1765] on its back are much the smaller; below the back as far as
the tail-tips are [larger] flowers painted in the same colours. The tail
of some peacocks grows to the length of a man's extended arms.[1766] It
has a small tail under its flowered feathers, like the tail of other
birds; this ordinary tail and its primaries[1767] are red. It is in
Bajaur and Sawād and below them; it is not in Kunur [Kūnūr] and the
Lamghānāt or any place above them. Its flight is feebler than the
pheasant's (_qīrghāwal_); it cannot do more than make one or two short
flights.[1768] On account of its feeble flight, it frequents the hills
or jungles, which is curious, since jackals abound in the jungles it
frequents. What damage might these jackals not do to birds that trail
from jungle to jungle, tails as long as a man's stretch (_qūlāch_)!
Hindūstānīs call the peacock _mor_. Its flesh is lawful food, according
to the doctrine of Imām Abū Ḥanīfa; it is like that of the partridge and
not unsavoury, but is eaten with instinctive aversion, in the way
camel-flesh is.

The parrot (H. _ṯūṯī_) is another. This also is in Bajaur and countries
lower down. It comes into Nīngnahār and the Lamghānāt in the heats when
mulberries ripen; it is not there at other times. It is of many, many
kinds. One sort is that which people carry into those (Tramontane)
countries. They [Sidenote: Fol. 278.] make it speak words.—Another sort
is smaller; this also they make speak words. They call it the
jungle-parrot. It is numerous in Bajaur, Sawād and that neighbourhood,
so much so that 5 or 6000 fly in one flock (_khail_). Between it and the
one first-named the difference is in bulk; in colouring they are just
one and the same.—Another sort is still smaller than the jungle-parrot.
Its head is quite red, the top of its wings (_i.e._ the primaries) is
red also; the tip of its tail for two hands'-thickness is
lustrous.[1769] The head of some parrots of this kind is iridescent
(_sūsanī_). It does not become a talker. People call it the Kashmīr
parrot.—Another sort is rather smaller than the jungle-parrot; its beak
is black; round its neck is a wide black collar; its primaries are red.
It is an excellent learner of words.—We used to think that whatever a
parrot or a _shārak_ (_mīna_) might say of words people had taught it,
it could not speak of any matter out of its own head. At this
juncture[1770] one of my immediate servants Abū'l-qāsim _Jalāīr_,
reported a singular thing to me. A parrot of this sort whose cage must
have been covered up, said, "Uncover my face; I am stifling." And
another time when palkī bearers sat down to take breath, this parrot,
presumably on hearing wayfarers pass by, said, "Men are going past, are
you not going on?" Let credit rest with the narrator,[1771] but
never-the-less, so long as a person has not heard with his own ears, he
may not believe!—Another kind is of a beautiful [Sidenote: Fol. 278b.]
full red; it has other colours also, but, as nothing is distinctly
remembered about them, no description is made. It is a very beautiful
bird, both in colour and form. People are understood to make this also
speak words.[1772] Its defect is a most unpleasant, sharp voice, like
the drawing of broken china on a copper plate.[1773]

The (P.) _shārak_[1774] is another. It is numerous in the Lamghānāt and
abounds lower down, all over Hindūstān. Like the parrot, it is of many
kinds.—The kind that is numerous in the Lamghānāt has a black head; its
primaries (_qānāt_) are spotted, its body rather larger and
thicker[1775] than that of the (T.) _chūghūr-chūq_.[1776] People teach
it to speak words.—Another kind they call _p:ndāwalī_[1777]; they bring
it from Bengal; it is black all over and of much greater bulk than the
_shārak_ (here, house-_mīna_). Its bill and foot are yellow and on each
ear are yellow wattles which hang down and have a bad appearance.[1778]
It learns to speak well and clearly.—Another kind of _shārak_ is
slenderer than the last and is red round the eyes. It does not learn to
speak. People call it the wood-_shārak_.[1779] Again, at the time when
(934 AH.) I had made a bridge over Gang (Ganges), crossed it, and put my
adversaries to flight, a kind of _shārak_ was seen, in the neighbourhood
of Laknau and Aūd (Oude), for the first time, which had a white breast,
piebald head, and black back. This kind does not learn to speak.[1780]

The _lūja_[1781] is another. This bird they call (Ar.) _bū-qalamūn_
(chameleon) because, between head and tail, it has five or six changing
colours, resplendent (_barrāq_) like a pigeon's throat. [Sidenote: Fol.
279.] It is about as large as the _kabg-i-darī_[1782] and seems to be
the _kabg-i-darī_ of Hindūstān. As the _kabg-i-darī_ moves (_yūrūr_) on
the heads (_kulah_) of mountains, so does this. It is in the Nijr-aū
mountains of the countries of Kābul, and in the mountains lower down but
it is not found higher up. People tell this wonderful thing about
it:—When the birds, at the onset of winter, descend to the hill-skirts,
if they come over a vineyard, they can fly no further and are taken. God
knows the truth! The flesh of this bird is very savoury.

The partridge (_durrāj_)[1783] is another. This is not peculiar to
Hindūstān but is also in the _Garm-sīr_ countries[1784]; as however some
kinds are only in Hindūstān, particulars of them are given here. The
_durrāj_ (_Francolinus vulgaris_) may be of the same bulk as the
_kīklīk_[1785]; the cock's back is the colour of the hen-pheasant
(_qīrghāwal-ning māda-sī_); its throat and breast are black, with quite
white spots.[1786] A red line comes down on both sides of both
eyes.[1787] It is named from its cry[1788] which is something like _Shir
dāram shakrak_.[1789] It pronounces _shir_ short; _dāram shakrak_ it
says distinctly. Astarābād partridges are said to cry _Bāt mīnī tūtīlār_
(Quick! they have caught me). The partridge of Arabia and those parts is
understood to cry, _Bi'l_ _shakar tadawm al ni`am_ (with sugar pleasure
endures)! The hen-bird has the colour of the young pheasant. These birds
are found below Nijr-aū.—Another kind is called _kanjāl_. Its bulk may
be that of the one already described. Its voice is very like that of the
_kīklīk_ but much shriller. There is little [Sidenote: Fol. 279b.]
difference in colour between the cock and hen. It is found in
Parashāwar, Hashnagar and countries lower down, but not higher up.

The _p(h)ūl-paikār_[1790] is another. Its size may be that of the
_kabg-i-darī_; its shape is that of the house-cock, its colour that of
the hen. From forehead (_tūmāgh_) to throat it is of a beautiful colour,
quite red. It is in the Hindūstān mountains.

The wild-fowl (_ṣaḥrāī-tāūgh_)[1791] is another. It flies like a
pheasant, and is not of all colours as house-fowl are. It is in the
mountains of Bajaur and lower down, but not higher up.

The _chīlsī_ (or _jīlsī_)[1792] is another. In bulk it equals the
_p(h)ūl-paikār_ but the latter has the finer colouring. It is in the
mountains of Bajaur.

The _shām_[1793] is another. It is about as large as a house-fowl; its
colour is unique (_ghair mukarrar_).[1794] It also is in the mountains
of Bajaur.

The quail (P. _būdana_) is another. It is not peculiar to Hindūstān but
four or five kinds are so.—One is that which goes to our countries
(Tramontana), larger and more spreading than the (Hindūstān)
quail.[1795]—Another kind[1796] is smaller than the one first named. Its
primaries and tail are reddish. It flies in flocks like the _chīr_
(_Phasianus Wallichii_).—Another kind is smaller than that which goes to
our countries and is darker on throat [Sidenote: Fol. 280.] and
breast.[1797]—Another kind goes in small numbers to Kābul; it is very
small, perhaps a little larger than the yellow wag-tail
(_qārcha_)[1798]; they call it _qūrātū_ in Kābul.

The Indian bustard (P. _kharchāl_)[1799] is another. It is about as
large as the (T.) _tūghdāq_ (_Otis tarda_, the great bustard), and seems
to be the _tūghdāq_ of Hindūstān.[1800] Its flesh is delicious; of some
birds the leg is good, of others, the wing; of the bustard all the meat
is delicious and excellent.

The florican (P. _charz_)[1801] is another. It is rather less than the
_tūghdīrī_ (_houbara_)[1802]; the cock's back is like the _tūghdīrī's_,
and its breast is black. The hen is of one colour.

The Hindūstān sand-grouse (T. _bāghrī-qarā_)[1803] is another. It is
smaller and slenderer than the _bāghrī-qarā_ [_Pterocles arenarius_] of
those countries (Tramontana). Also its cry is sharper.

Of the birds that frequent water and the banks of rivers, one is the
_dīng_,[1804] an animal of great bulk, each wing measuring a _qūlāch_
(fathom). It has no plumage (_tūqī_) on head or neck; a thing like a bag
hangs from its neck; its back is black; its breast is white. It goes
sometimes to Kābul; one year people brought one they had caught. It
became very tame; if meat were thrown to it, it never failed to catch
it in its bill. Once it swallowed a six-nailed shoe, another time a
whole fowl, wings [Sidenote: Fol. 280b.] and feathers, all right down.

The _sāras_ (_Grus antigone_) is another. Turks in Hindūstān call it
_tīwa-tūrnā_ (camel-crane). It may be smaller than the _dīng_ but its
neck is rather longer. Its head is quite red.[1805] People keep this
bird at their houses; it becomes very tame.

The _mānek_[1806] is another. In stature it approaches the _sāras_, but
its bulk is less. It resembles the _lag-lag_ (_Ciconia alba_, the white
stork) but is much larger; its bill is larger and is black. Its head is
iridescent, its neck white, its wings partly-coloured; the tips and
border-feathers and under parts of the wings are white, their middle
black.

Another stork (_lag-lag_) has a white neck and all other parts black. It
goes to those countries (Tramontana). It is rather smaller than the
_lag-lag_ (_Ciconia alba_). A Hindūstānī calls it _yak-rang_ (one
colour?).

Another stork in colour and shape is exactly like the storks that go to
those countries. Its bill is blacker and its bulk much less than the
_lag-lag_'s (_Ciconia alba_).[1807]

Another bird resembles the grey heron (_aūqār_) and the _lag-lag_; but
its bill is longer than the heron's and its body smaller than the white
stork's (_lag-lag_).

Another is the large _buzak_[1808] (black ibis). In bulk it may equal
the buzzard (Turkī, _sār_). The back of its wings is white. It has a
loud cry.

The white _buzak_[1809] is another. Its head and bill are black.
[Sidenote: Fol. 281.] It is much larger than the one that goes to those
countries,[1810] but smaller than the Hindūstān _buzak_.[1811]

The _gharm-pāī_[1812] (spotted-billed duck) is another. It is larger
than the _sūna būrchīn_[1813] (mallard). The drake and duck are of one
colour. It is in Hashnagar at all seasons, sometimes it goes into the
Lamghānāt. Its flesh is very savoury.

The _shāh-murgh_ (_Sarcidiornis melanonotus_, comb duck or _nukta_) is
another. It may be a little smaller than a goose. It has a swelling on
its bill; its back is black; its flesh is excellent eating.

The _zummaj_ is another. It is about as large as the _būrgūt_ (_Aquila
chrysaetus_, the golden eagle).

The (T.) _ālā-qārgha_ of Hindūstān is another (_Corvus cornix_, the pied
crow). This is slenderer and smaller than the _ālā-qārgha_ of those
countries (Tramontana). Its neck is partly white.

Another Hindūstān bird resembles the crow (T. _qārcha_, _C. splendens_)
and the magpie (Ar. _`aqqa_). In the Lamghānāt people call it the
jungle-bird (P. _murgh-i-jangal_).[1814] Its head and breast are black;
its wings and tail reddish; its eye quite red. Having a feeble flight,
it does not come out of the jungle, whence its name.

The great bat (P. _shapara_)[1815] is another. People call it (Hindī)
_chumgādur_. It is about as large as the owl (T. _yāpālāq_, _Otus
brachyotus_), and has a head like a puppy's. When it is thinking of
lodging for the night on a tree, it takes hold of a branch, turns
head-downwards, and so remains. It has much singularity.

The magpie (Ar. _`aqqa_) is another. People call it (H.?) _matā_
(_Dendrocitta rufa_, the Indian tree-pie). It may be somewhat less than
the _`aqqa_ (_Pica rustica_), which moreover is pied black and white,
while the _matā_ is pied brown and black.[1816]

Another is a small bird, perhaps of the size of the (T.)
_sāndūlāch_.[1817] [Sidenote: Fol. 281b.] It is of a beautiful red with
a little black on its wings.

The _karcha_[1818] is another; it is after the fashion of a swallow (T.
_qārlūghāch_), but much larger and quite black.

The _kūīl_[1819] (_Eudynamys orientalis_, the koel) is another. It may
be as large as the crow (P. _zāg_) but is much slenderer. It has a kind
of song and is understood to be the bulbul of Hindūstān. Its honour with
Hindūstānīs is as great as is the bulbul's. It always stays in
closely-wooded gardens.

Another bird is after the fashion of the (Ar.) _shiqarrāk_ (_Cissa
chinensis_, the green-magpie). It clings to trees, is perhaps as large
as the green-magpie, and is parrot-green (_Gecinus striolatus_, the
little green-woodpecker?).


(_k. Fauna of Hindūstān:—Aquatic animals._)

One is the water-tiger (P. _shīr-ābī_, _Crocodilus palustris_).[1820]
This is in the standing-waters. It is like a lizard (T. _gīlās_).[1821]
People say it carries off men and even buffaloes.

The (P.) _siyāh-sār_ (black-head) is another. This also is like a
lizard. It is in all rivers of Hindūstān. One that was taken and brought
in was about 4-5 _qārī_ (_cir._ 13 feet) long and as thick perhaps as a
sheep. It is said to grow still larger. Its snout is over half a yard
long. It has rows of small teeth in its upper and lower jaws. It comes
out of the water and sinks into the mud (_bātā_).

The (Sans.) _g[h]aṛīāl_ (_Gavialus gangeticus_) is another.[1822] It is
said to grow large; many in the army saw it in the Sarū (Gogra) river.
It is said to take people; while we were on that river's banks (934-935
A.H.), it took one or two slave-women (_dādūk_), and it took three or
four camp-followers between Ghāzīpūr and Banāras. In that neighbourhood
I saw one but from a distance only and not quite clearly.

The water-hog (P. _khūk-ābī_, _Platanista gangetica_, the porpoise) is
another. This also is in all Hindūstān rivers. It comes up suddenly out
of the water; its head appears and disappears; it [Sidenote: Fol. 282.]
dives again and stays below, shewing its tail. Its snout is as long as
the _siyāh-sār's_ and it has the same rows of small teeth. Its head and
the rest of its body are fish-like. When at play in the water, it looks
like a water-carrier's bag (_mashak_). Water-hogs, playing in the Sarū,
leap right out of the water; like fish, they never leave it.

Again there is the _kalah_ (or _galah_)-fish [_bāligh_].[1823] Two bones
each about 3 inches (_aīlīk_) long, come out in a line with its ears;
these it shakes when taken, producing an extraordinary noise, whence,
seemingly, people have called it _kalah_ [or _galah_].

The flesh of Hindūstān fishes is very savoury; they have no odour
(_aīd_) or tiresomeness.[1824] They are surprisingly active. On one
occasion when people coming, had flung a net across a stream, leaving
its two edges half a yard above the water, most fish passed by leaping a
yard above it. In many rivers are little fish which fling themselves a
yard or more out of the water if there be harsh [Sidenote: Fol. 282b.]
noise or sound of feet.

The frogs of Hindūstān, though otherwise like those others (Tramontane),
run 6 or 7 yards on the face of the water.[1825]


(_l. Vegetable products of Hindūstān: Fruits._)

The mango (P. _anbah_) is one of the fruits peculiar to Hindūstān.
Hindūstānīs pronounce the _b_ in its name as though no vowel followed it
(_i.e._ Sans. _anb_);[1826] this being awkward to utter, some people
call the fruit [P.] _naghzak_[1827] as Khwāja Khusrau does:—

   _Naghzak-i mā_ [var. _khẉash_] _naghz-kun-i būstān,
   Naghztarīn mewa_ [var. _na`mat_]_-i-Hindūstān_.[1828]

Mangoes when good, are very good, but, many as are eaten, few are
first-rate. They are usually plucked unripe and ripened in the house.
Unripe, they make excellent condiments (_qātīq_), are good also
preserved in syrup.[1829] Taking it altogether, the mango is the best
fruit of Hindūstān. Some so praise it as to give it preference over all
fruits except the musk-melon (T. _qāwūn_), but such praise outmatches
it. It resembles the _kārdī_ peach.[1830] It ripens in the rains. It is
eaten in two ways: one is to squeeze it to a pulp, make a hole in it,
and suck out the juice,—the other, to peel and eat it like the _kārdī_
peach. Its tree grows very large[1831] and has a leaf somewhat
resembling the peach-tree's. The trunk is ill-looking and ill-shaped,
but in Bengāl and Gujrāt is heard of as growing handsome (_khūb_).[1832]

The plantain (Sans. _kelā_, _Musa sapientum_) is another.[1833] An
[Sidenote: Fol. 283.] `Arab calls it _mauz_.[1834] Its tree is not very
tall, indeed is not to be called a tree, since it is something between a
grass and a tree. Its leaf is a little like that of the
_amān-qarā_[1835] but grows about 2 yards (_qārī_) long and nearly
one broad. Out of the middle of its leaves rises, heart-like, a bud
which resembles a sheep's heart. As each leaf (petal) of this bud
expands, there grows at its base a row of 6 or 7 flowers which become
the plantains. These flowers become visible with the lengthening of the
heart-like shoot and the opening of the petals of the bud. The tree is
understood to flower once only.[1836] The fruit has two pleasant
qualities, one that it peels easily, the other that it has neither stone
nor fibre.[1837] It is rather longer and thinner than the egg-plant (P.
_bādanjān_; _Solanum melongena_). It is not very sweet; the Bengāl
plantain (_i.e._ _chīnī-champa_) is, however, said to be very sweet.
The plantain is a very good-looking tree, its broad, broad, leaves of
beautiful green having an excellent appearance.

The _anblī_ (H. _imlī_, _Tamarindus indica_, the tamarind) is another.
By this name (_anblī_) people call the _khurmā-i-hind_ (Indian
date-tree).[1838] It has finely-cut leaves (leaflets), precisely like
those of the (T.) _būīā_, except that they are not so finely-cut.[1839]
It is a very good-looking tree, giving dense shade. It grows wild in
masses too.

The (Beng.) _mahuwā_ (_Bassia latifolia_) is another.[1840] People call
it also (P.) _gul-chikān_ (or _chigān_, distilling-flower). This also is
a very large tree. Most of the wood in the houses of Hindūstānīs
[Sidenote: Fol. 283b.] is from it. Spirit (_`araq_) is distilled from
its flowers,[1841] not only so, but they are dried and eaten like
raisins, and from them thus dried, spirit is also extracted. The dried
flowers taste just like _kishmish_;[1842] they have an ill-flavour. The
flowers are not bad in their natural state[1843]; they are eatable. The
_mahuwā_ grows wild also. Its fruit is tasteless, has rather a large
seed with a thin husk, and from this seed, again,[1844] oil is
extracted.

The mimusops (Sans. _khirnī_, _Mimusops kauki_) is another. Its tree,
though not very large, is not small. The fruit is yellow and thinner
than the red jujube (T. _chīkdā_, _Elæagnus angustifolia_). It has just
the grape's flavour, but a rather bad after-taste; it is not bad,
however, and is eatable. The husk of its stone is thin.

The (Sans.) _jāman_ (_Eugenia jambolana_)[1845] is another. Its leaf,
except for being thicker and greener, is quite like the willow's (T.
_tāl_). The tree does not want for beauty. Its fruit is like a black
grape, is sourish, and not very good.

The (H.) _kamrak_ (Beng. _kamrunga_, _Averrhoa carambola_) is another.
Its fruit is five-sided, about as large as the _`ain-ālū_[1846] and some
3 inches long. It ripens to yellow; gathered unripe, it is very bitter;
gathered ripe, its bitterness has become sub-acid, not bad, not wanting
in pleasantness.[1847]

The jack-fruit (H. _kadhil_, B. _kanthal_, _Artocarpus integrifolia_) is
another.[1848] This is a fruit of singular form and flavour; it looks
[Sidenote: Fol. 284.] like a sheep's stomach stuffed and made into a
haggis (_gīpa_);[1849] and it is sickeningly-sweet. Inside it are
filbert-like stones[1850] which, on the whole, resemble dates, but are
round, not long, and have softer substance; these are eaten. The
jack-fruit is very adhesive; for this reason people are said to oil
mouth and hands before eating of it. It is heard of also as growing, not
only on the branches of its tree, but on trunk and root too.[1851] One
would say that the tree was all hung round with haggises.[1852]

The monkey-jack (H. _badhal_, B. _burhul_, _Artocarpus lacoocha_) is
another. The fruit may be of the size of a quince (var. apple). Its
smell is not bad.[1853] Unripe it is a singularly tasteless and
empty[1854] thing; when ripe, it is not so bad. It ripens soft, can be
pulled to pieces and eaten anywhere, tastes very much like a rotten
quince, and has an excellent little austere flavour.

The lote-fruit (Sans. _ber_, _Zizyphus jujuba_) is another. Its Persian
name is understood to be _kanār_.[1855] It is of several kinds: of one
the fruit is larger than the plum (_ālūcha_)[1856]; another is shaped
like the Ḥusainī grape. Most of them are not very good; we saw one in
Bāndīr (Gūālīār) that was really good. The lote-tree sheds its leaves
under the Signs _S̤aur_ and _Jauzā_ (Bull and Twins), burgeons under
_Saraṯān_ and _Asad_ (Crab and Lion) which are the true
rainy-season,—then becoming fresh and green, and it ripens its fruit
under _Dalū_ and _Ḥaut_ (Bucket _i.e._ Aquarius, and Fish).

The (Sans.) _karaūndā_ (_Carissa carandas_, the corinda) is another. It
grows in bushes after the fashion of the (T.) _chīka_ of our
country.[1857] but the _chīka_ grows on mountains, the _karaūndā_ on the
[Sidenote: Fol. 284b.] plains. In flavour it is like the rhubarb
itself,[1858] but is sweeter and less juicy.

The (Sans.) _pānīyālā_ (_Flacourtia cataphracta_)[1859] is another. It
is larger than the plum (_ālūcha_) and like the red-apple unripe.[1860]
It is a little austere and is good. The tree is taller than the
pomegranate's; its leaf is like that of the almond-tree but smaller.

The (H.) _gūlar_ (_Ficus glomerata_, the clustered fig)[1861] is
another. The fruit grows out of the tree-trunk, resembles the fig (P.
_anjīr_), but is singularly tasteless.

The (Sans.) _āmlā_ (_Phyllanthus emblica_, the myrobalan-tree) is
another. This also is a five-sided fruit.[1862] It looks like the
unblown cotton-pod. It is an astringent and ill-flavoured thing, but
confiture made of it is not bad. It is a wholesome fruit. Its tree is of
excellent form and has very minute leaves.

The (H.) _chirūnjī_ (_Buchanania latifolia_)[1863] is another. This tree
had been understood to grow in the hills, but I knew later about it,
because there were three or four clumps of it in our gardens. It is much
like the _mahuwā_. Its kernel is not bad, a thing between the walnut and
the almond, not bad! rather smaller than the pistachio and round; people
put it in custards (P. _pālūda_) and sweetmeats (Ar. _ḥalwa_).

The date-palm (P. _khurmā_, _Phœnix dactylifera_) is another. This is
not peculiar to Hindūstān, but is here described because it is not in
those countries (Tramontana). It grows in Lamghān also.[1864] Its
branches (_i.e._ leaves) grow from just one place at its top; its leaves
(_i.e._ leaflets) grow on both sides of the branches (midribs) from neck
(_būīn_) to tip; its trunk is rough and ill-coloured; [Sidenote: Fol.
285.] its fruit is like a bunch of grapes, but much larger. People say
that the date-palm amongst vegetables resembles an animal in two
respects: one is that, as, if an animal's head be cut off, its life is
taken, so it is with the date-palm, if its head is cut off, it dries
off; the other is that, as the offspring of animals is not produced
without the male, so too with the date-palm, it gives no good fruit
unless a branch of the male-tree be brought into touch with the
female-tree. The truth of this last matter is not known (to me). The
above-mentioned head of the date-palm is called its cheese. The tree so
grows that where its leaves come out is cheese-white, the leaves
becoming green as they lengthen. This white part, the so-called cheese,
is tolerable eating, not bad, much like the walnut. People make a wound
in the cheese, and into this wound insert a leaf(let), in such a way
that all liquid flowing from the wound runs down it.[1865] The tip of
the leaflet is set over the mouth of a pot suspended to the tree in such
a way that it collects whatever liquor is yielded by the wound. This
liquor is rather pleasant if drunk at once; if drunk after two or three
days, people say it is quite exhilarating (_kaifīyat_). Once when I had
gone to visit Bārī,[1866] and made an [Sidenote: Fol. 285b.] excursion
to the villages on the bank of the Chaṃbal-river, we met in with people
collecting this date-liquor in the valley-bottom. A good deal was drunk;
no hilarity was felt; much must be drunk, seemingly, to produce a little
cheer.

The coco-nut palm (P. _nārgīl_, _Cocos nucifera_) is another. An `Arab
gives it Arabic form[1867] and says _nārjīl_; Hindūstān people say
_nālīr_, seemingly by popular error.[1868] Its fruit is the Hindī-nut
from which black spoons (_qarā qāshūq_) are made and the larger ones of
which serve for guitar-bodies. The coco-palm has general resemblance to
the date-palm, but has more, and more glistening leaves. Like the
walnut, the coco-nut has a green outer husk; but its husk is of fibre on
fibre. All ropes for ships and boats and also cord for sewing boat-seams
are heard of as made from these husks. The nut, when stripped of its
husk, near one end shews a triangle of hollows, two of which are solid,
the third a nothing (_būsh_), easily pierced. Before the kernel forms,
there is fluid inside; people pierce the soft hollow and drink this; it
tastes like date-palm cheese in solution, and is not bad.

The (Sans.) _tāṛ_ (_Borassus flabelliformis_, the Palmyra-palm) is
another. Its branches (_i.e._ leaves) also are quite at its top. Just as
[Sidenote: Fol. 286.] with the date-palm, people hang a pot on it, take
its juice and drink it. They call this liquor _tāṛī_;[1869] it is said
to be more exhilarating than date liquor. For about a yard along its
branches (_i.e._ leaf-stems)[1870] there are no leaves; above this, at
the tip of the branch (stem), 30 or 40 open out like the spread palm of
the hand, all from one place. These leaves approach a yard in length.
People often write Hindī characters on them after the fashion of account
rolls (_daftar yūsūnlūq_).

The orange (Ar. _nāranj_, _Citrus aurantium_) and orange-like fruits are
others of Hindūstān.[1871] Oranges grow well in the Lamghānāt, Bajaur
and Sawād. The Lamghānāt one is smallish, has a navel,[1872] is very
agreeable, fragile and juicy. It is not at all like the orange of
Khurāsān and those parts, being so fragile that many spoil before
reaching Kābul from the Lamghānāt which may be 13-14 _yīghāch_ (65-70
miles), while the Astarābād orange, by reason of its thick skin and
scant juice, carries with [Sidenote: Fol. 286b.] less damage from there
to Samarkand, some 270-280 _yīghāch_.[1873] The Bajaur orange is about
as large as a quince, very juicy and more acid than other oranges.
Khwāja Kalān once said to me, "We counted the oranges gathered from a
single tree of this sort in Bajaur and it mounted up to 7,000." It had
been always in my mind that the word _nāranj_ was an Arabic form;[1874]
it would seem to be really so, since every-one in Bajaur and Sawād says
(P.) _nārang_.[1875]

The lime (B. _līmū_, _C. acida_) is another. It is very plentiful, about
the size of a hen's egg, and of the same shape. If a person poisoned
drink the water in which its fibres have been boiled, danger is
averted.[1876]

The citron (P. _turunj_,[1877] _C. medica_) is another of the fruits
resembling the orange. Bajaurīs and Sawādīs call it _bālang_ and hence
give the name _bālang-marabbā_ to its marmalade (_marabbā_) confiture.
In Hindūstān people call the _turunj bajaurī_.[1878] There are two kinds
of _turunj_: one is sweet, flavourless and nauseating, of no use for
eating but with peel that may be good for marmalade; it has the same
sickening sweetness as the Lamghānāt _turunj_; the other, that of
Hindūstān and Bajaur, is acid, quite deliciously acid, and makes
excellent sherbet, well-flavoured, and wholesome drinking. Its size may
be that of the Khusrawī melon; it has a thick skin, wrinkled and uneven,
with one end thinner and beaked. It is of a deeper yellow than the
orange (_nāranj_). Its tree has no trunk, is rather low, grows in
bushes, and has a larger [Sidenote: Fol. 287.] leaf than the orange.

The _sangtāra_[1879] is another fruit resembling the orange (_nāranj_).
It is like the citron (_turunj_) in colour and form, but has both ends
of its skin level;[1880] also it is not rough and is somewhat the
smaller fruit. Its tree is large, as large as the apricot (_aūrūq_),
with a leaf like the orange's. It is a deliciously acid fruit, making a
very pleasant and wholesome sherbet. Like the lime it is a powerful
stomachic, but not weakening like the orange (_nāranj_).

The large lime which they call (H.) _gal-gal_[1881] in Hindūstān is
another fruit resembling the orange. It has the shape of a goose's egg,
but unlike that egg, does not taper to the ends. Its skin is smooth like
the _sangtāra's_; it is remarkably juicy.

The (H.) _jānbīrī_ lime[1882] is another orange-like fruit. It is
orange-shaped and, though yellow, not orange-yellow. It smells like the
citron (_turunj_); it too is deliciously acid.

The (Sans.) _sadā-fal_ (_phal_)[1883] is another orange-like fruit. This
is pear-shaped, colours like the quince, ripens sweet, but not to the
sickly-sweetness of the orange (_nāranj_).

The _amrd-fal_ (sic. Ḥai. MS.—Sans. _amrit-phal_)[1884] is another
orange-like fruit.

The lemon (H. _karnā_, _C. limonum_) is another fruit resembling the
orange (_nāranj_); it may be as large as the _gal-gal_ and is also acid.

The (Sans.) _amal-bīd_[1885] is another fruit resembling the orange.
After three years (in Hindūstān), it was first seen to-day.[1886] They
say a needle melts away if put inside it,[1887] either from its acidity
[Sidenote: Fol. 287b.] or some other property. It is as acid, perhaps,
as the citron and lemon (_turunj_ and _līmū_).[1888]


(_m. Vegetable products of Hindūstān:—Flowers._)

In Hindūstān there is great variety of flowers. One is the (D.) _jāsūn_
(_Hibiscus rosa sinensis_), which some Hindūstānīs call (Hindī)
_gaẕhal_.[1889] *It is not a grass (_giyāh_); its tree (is in stems like
the bush of the red-rose; it) is rather taller than the bush of the
red-rose.[1890]* The flower of the _jāsūn_ is fuller in colour than that
of the pomegranate, and may be of the size of the red-rose, but, the
red-rose, when its bud has grown, opens simply, whereas, when the
_jāsūn_-bud opens, a stem on which other petals grow, is seen like a
heart amongst its expanded petals. Though the two are parts of the one
flower, yet the outcome of the lengthening and thinning of that
stem-like heart of the first-opened petals gives the semblance of two
flowers.[1891] It is not a common matter. The beautifully coloured
flowers look very well on the tree, but they do not last long; they
fade in just one day. The _jāsūn_ blossoms very well through the four
months of the rains; it seems indeed to flower all through the year;
with this profusion, however, it gives no perfume.

The (H.) _kanīr_ (_Nerium odorum_, the oleander)[1892] is another. It
grows both red and white. Like the peach-flower, it is five petalled. It
is like the peach-bloom (in colour?), but opens 14 or 15 flowers from
one place, so that seen from a distance, they look like one great
flower. The oleander-bush is taller than the rose-bush. The red oleander
has a sort of scent, faint and agreeable. (Like the _jāsūn_,) it also
blooms well and profusely in the [Sidenote: Fol. 288.] rains, and it
also is had through most of the year.

The (H.) (_kīūrā_) (_Pandanus odoratissimus_, the screw-pine) is
another.[1893] It has a very agreeable perfume.[1894] Musk has the
defect of being dry; this may be called moist musk—a very agreeable
perfume. The tree's singular appearance notwithstanding, it has flowers
perhaps 1-1/2 to 2 _qārīsh_ (13-1/2 to 18 inches) long. It has long
leaves having the character of the reed (P.) _gharau_[1895] and having
spines. Of these leaves, while pressed together bud-like, the outer ones
are the greener and more spiny; the inner ones are soft and white. In
amongst these inner leaves grow things like what belongs to the middle
of a flower, and from these things comes the excellent perfume. When the
tree first comes up not yet shewing any trunk, it is like the bush
(_būta_) of the male-reed,[1896] but with wider and more spiny leaves.
What serves it for a trunk is very shapeless, its roots remaining shewn.

The (P.) _yāsman_ (jasmine) is another; the white they call (B.)
_champa_.[1897] It is larger and more strongly scented than our
_yāsman_-flower.


(_n. Seasons of the year._)

Again:—whereas there are four seasons in those countries,[1898] there
are three in Hindūstān, namely, four months are summer; four are the
rains; four are winter. The beginning of their months is from the
welcome of the crescent-moons.[1899] Every three years they add a month
to the year; if one had been added to the rainy season, the next is
added, three years later, to the winter months, the next, in the same
way, to the hot months. This is their mode of intercalation.[1900]
(_Chait_, _Baisākh_, _Jeṭh_ and [Sidenote: Fol. 288b.] _Asāṛh_) are the
hot months, corresponding with the Fish, (Ram, Bull and Twins; _Sāwan_,
_Bhādoṅ_, _Kū,ār_ and _Kātik_) are the rainy months, corresponding with
the Crab, (Lion, Virgin and Balance; _Aghan_, _Pūs_, _Māgh_ and
_Phālgun_) are the cold months, corresponding with the Scorpion,
(Archer, Capricorn, and Bucket or Aquarius).

The people of Hind, having thus divided the year into three seasons of
four months each, divide each of those seasons by taking from each, the
two months of the force of the heat, rain,[1901] and cold. Of the hot
months the last two, _i.e. Jeṭh_ and _Asāṛh_ are the force of the heat;
of the rainy months, the first two, _i.e. Sāwan_ and _Bhādoṅ_ are the
force of the rains; of the cold season, the middle two, _i.e. Pūs_ and
_Māgh_ are the force of the cold. By this classification there are six
seasons in Hindūstān.


(_o. Days of the week._)

To the days also they have given names:—[1902] (_Sanīchar_ is Saturday;
_Rabī-bār_ is Sunday; _Som-wār_ is Monday; _Mangal-wār_ is Tuesday;
_Budh-bār_ is Wednesday; _Brihaspat-bār_ is Thursday; _Shukr-bār_ is
Friday).


(_p. Divisions of time._)

   [Sidenote: Fol. 289.] (_Author's note on the daqīqa._) The
   _daqīqa_ is about as long as six repetitions of the