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Title: Malay Magic - Being an introduction to the folklore and popular religion - of the Malay Peninsula
Author: Skeat, Walter W. (Walter William)
Language: English
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                              MALAY MAGIC


                        POPULAR RELIGION OF THE
                            MALAY PENINSULA


                          WALTER WILLIAM SKEAT

                        OF THE CIVIL SERVICE OF
                       THE FEDERATED MALAY STATES

                             WITH A PREFACE


                          CHARLES OTTO BLAGDEN

                      AND FORMERLY OF THE STRAITS
                       SETTLEMENTS CIVIL SERVICE


                       MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited


                          All rights reserved


                        SIR CECIL CLEMENTI SMITH

                           KNIGHT GRAND CROSS
                     OF ST. MICHAEL AND ST. GEORGE
                              AND FORMERLY


                                "The cry of hosts [we] humour
                                Ah! slowly, toward the light."

                                                        Rudyard Kipling.


The circumstances attending the composition and publication of the
present work have thrown upon me the duty of furnishing it with a
preface explaining its object and scope.

Briefly, the purpose of the author has been to collect into a
Book of Malay Folklore all that seemed to him most typical of the
subject amongst a considerable mass of materials, some of which lay
scattered in the pages of various other works, others in unpublished
native manuscripts, and much in notes made by him personally of what
he had observed during several years spent in the Malay Peninsula,
principally in the State of Selangor. The book does not profess to be
an exhaustive or complete treatise, but rather, as its title indicates,
an introduction to the study of Folklore, Popular Religion, and Magic
as understood among the Malays of the Peninsula.

It should be superfluous, at this time of day, to defend such
studies as these from the criticisms which have from time to time been
brought against them. I remember my old friend and former teacher, Wan
`Abdullah, a Singapore Malay of Trengganu extraction and Arab descent,
a devout and learned Muhammadan and a most charming man, objecting to
them on the grounds, first, that they were useless, and, secondly,
which, as he emphatically declared, was far worse, that they were
perilous to the soul's health. This last is a point of view which it
would hardly be appropriate or profitable to discuss here, but a few
words may as well be devoted to the other objection. It is based,
sometimes, on the ground that these studies deal not with "facts,"
but with mere nonsensical fancies and beliefs. Now, for facts we all,
of course, have the greatest respect; but the objection appears to me
to involve an unwarrantable restriction of the meaning of the word:
a belief which is actually held, even a mere fancy that is entertained
in the mind, has a real existence, and is a fact just as much as any
other. As a piece of psychology it must always have a certain interest,
and it may on occasions become of enormous practical importance. If,
for instance, in 1857 certain persons, whose concern it was, had paid
more attention to facts of this kind, possibly the Indian Mutiny could
have been prevented, and probably it might have been foreseen, so that
precautionary measures could have been taken in time to minimise the
extent of the catastrophe. It is not suggested that the matters dealt
with in this book are ever likely to involve such serious issues;
but, speaking generally, there can be no doubt that an understanding
of the ideas and modes of thought of an alien people in a relatively
low stage of civilisation facilitates very considerably the task of
governing them; and in the Malay Peninsula that task has now devolved
mainly upon Englishmen. Moreover, every notion of utility implies
an end to which it is to be referred, and there are other ends in
life worth considering as well as those to which the "practical man"
is pleased to restrict himself. When one passes from the practical to
the speculative point of view, it is almost impossible to predict what
piece of knowledge will be fruitful of results, and what will not;
prima facie, therefore, all knowledge has a claim to be considered
of importance from a scientific point of view, and until everything
is known, nothing can safely be rejected as worthless.

Another and more serious objection, aimed rather at the method of
such investigations as these, is that the evidence with which they
have to be content is worth little or nothing. Objectors attempt to
discredit it by implying that at best it is only what A. says that
B. told him about the beliefs B. says he holds, in other words, that
it is the merest hearsay; and it is also sometimes suggested that
when A. is a European and B. a savage, or at most a semi-civilised
person of another breed, the chances are that B. will lie about his
alleged beliefs, or that A. will unconsciously read his own ideas into
B.'s confused statements, or that, at any rate, one way or another,
they are sure to misunderstand each other, and accordingly the record
cannot be a faithful one.

So far as this objection can have any application to the present work,
it may fairly be replied: first that the author has been at some pains
to corroborate and illustrate his own accounts by the independent
observations of others (and this must be his justification for the
copiousness of his quotations from other writers); and, secondly,
that he has, whenever possible, given us what is really the best
kind of evidence for his own statements by recording the charms
and other magic formulæ which are actually in use. Of these a great
number has been here collected, and in the translation of such of the
more interesting ones as are quoted in the text of the book, every
effort has been made to keep to literal accuracy of rendering. The
originals will be found in the Appendix, and it must be left to those
who can read Malay to check the author's versions, and to draw from
the untranslated portions such inferences as may seem to them good.

The author himself has no preconceived thesis to maintain: his object
has been collection rather than comparison, and quite apart from the
necessary limitations of space and time, his method has confined the
book within fairly well-defined bounds. Though the subject is one
which would naturally lend itself to a comparative treatment, and
though the comparison of Malay folklore with that of other nations
(more particularly of India, Arabia, and the mainland of Indo-China)
would no doubt lead to very interesting results, the scope of the work
has as far as possible been restricted to the folklore of the Malays
of the Peninsula. Accordingly the analogous and often quite similar
customs and ideas of the Malayan races of the Eastern Archipelago
have been only occasionally referred to, while those of the Chinese
and other non-Malayan inhabitants of the Peninsula have been excluded

Moreover, several important departments of custom and social life
have been, no doubt designedly, omitted: thus, to mention only one
subject out of several that will probably occur to the reader,
the modes of organisation of the Family and the Clan (which in
certain Malay communities present archaic features of no common
interest), together with the derivative notions affecting the tenure
and inheritance of property, have found no place in this work. The
field, in fact, is very wide and cannot all be worked at once. The
folklore of uncivilised races may fairly enough be said to embrace
every phase of nature and every department of life: it may be regarded
as containing, in the germ and as yet undifferentiated, the notions
from which Religion, Law, Medicine, Philosophy, Natural Science,
and Social Customs are eventually evolved. Its bulk and relative
importance seem to vary inversely with the advance of a race in
the progress towards civilisation; and the ideas of savages on
these matters appear to constitute in some cases a great and complex
system, of which comparatively few traces only are left among the more
civilised peoples. The Malay race, while far removed from the savage
condition, has not as yet reached a very high stage of civilisation,
and still retains relatively large remnants of this primitive order of
ideas. It is true that Malay notions on these subjects are undergoing a
process of disintegration, the rapidity of which has been considerably
increased by contact with European civilisation, but, such as they
are, these ideas still form a great factor in the life of the mass
of the people.

It may, however, be desirable to point out that the complexity of
Malay folklore is to be attributed in part to its singularly mixed
character. The development of the race from savagery and barbarism up
to its present condition of comparative civilisation has been modified
and determined, first and most deeply by Indian, and during the last
five centuries or so by Arabian influences. Just as in the language of
the Malays it is possible by analysis to pick out words of Sanskrit and
Arabic origin from amongst the main body of genuinely native words,
so in their folklore one finds Hindu, Buddhist, and Muhammadan ideas
overlying a mass of apparently original Malay notions.

These various elements of their folklore are, however, now so
thoroughly mixed up together that it is often almost impossible to
disentangle them. No systematic attempt has been made to do so in this
book, although here and there an indication of the origin of some
particular myth will be found; but a complete analysis (if possible
at all) would have necessitated, as a preliminary investigation,
a much deeper study of Hindu and Muhammadan mythology than it has
been found practicable to engage in.

In order, however, to give a clear notion of the relation which the
beliefs and practices that are here recorded bear to the official
religion of the people, it is necessary to state that the Malays of
the Peninsula are Sunni Muhammadans of the school of Shafi'i, and that
nothing, theoretically speaking, could be more correct and orthodox
(from the point of view of Islam) than the belief which they profess.

But the beliefs which they actually hold are another matter altogether,
and it must be admitted that the Muhammadan veneer which covers their
ancient superstitions is very often of the thinnest description. The
inconsistency in which this involves them is not, however, as a rule
realised by themselves. Beginning their invocations with the orthodox
preface: "In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate," and
ending them with an appeal to the Creed: "There is no god but God, and
Muhammad is the Apostle of God," they are conscious of no impropriety
in addressing the intervening matter to a string of Hindu Divinities,
Demons, Ghosts, and Nature Spirits, with a few Angels and Prophets
thrown in, as the occasion may seem to require. Still, the more
highly educated Malays, especially those who live in the towns and
come into direct contact with Arab teachers of religion, are disposed
to object strongly to these "relics of paganism"; and there can be
no doubt that the increasing diffusion of general education in the
Peninsula is contributing to the growth of a stricter conception of
Islam, which will involve the gradual suppression of such of these
old-world superstitions as are obviously of an "unorthodox" character.

This process, however, will take several generations to accomplish,
and in the meantime it is to be hoped that a complete record will have
been made both of what is doomed sooner or later to perish, and of
what in all likelihood will survive under the new conditions of our
time. It is as a contribution to such a record, and as a collection
of materials to serve as a sound basis for further additions and
comparisons, that this work is offered to the reader.

A list of the principal authorities referred to will be found
in another place, but it would be improper to omit here the
acknowledgments which are due to the various authors of whose work in
this field such wide use has been made. Among the dead special mention
must be made of Marsden, who will always be for Englishmen the pioneer
of Malay studies; Leyden, the gifted translator of the Sejarah Malayu,
whose early death probably inflicted on Oriental scholarship the
greatest loss it has ever had to suffer; Newbold, the author of what
is still, on the whole, the best work on the Malay Peninsula; and Sir
William Maxwell, in whom those of us who knew him have lost a friend,
and Malay scholarship a thoroughly sound and most brilliant exponent.

Among the living, the acknowledgments of the author are due principally
to Sir Frank Swettenham and Mr. Hugh Clifford, who, while they have
done much to popularise the knowledge of things Malay amongst the
general reading public, have also embodied in their works the results
of much careful and accurate observation. The free use which has been
made of the writings of these and other authors will, it is hoped,
be held to be justified by their intrinsic value.

It must be added that the author, having to leave England about
the beginning of this year with the Cambridge scientific expedition
which is now exploring the Northern States of the Peninsula, left the
work with me for revision. The first five Chapters and Chapter VI.,
up to the end of the section on Dances, Sports, and Games, were then
already in the printer's hands, but only the first 100 pages or so
had had the benefit of the author's revision. For the arrangement
of the rest of Chapter VI., and for some small portion of the matter
therein contained, I am responsible, and it has also been my duty to
revise the whole book finally. Accordingly, it is only fair to the
author to point out that he is to be credited with the matter and the
general scheme of the work, while the responsibility for defects in
detail must fall upon myself.

As regards the spelling of Malay words, it must be said that
geographical names have been spelled in the way which is now usually
adopted and without diacritical marks: the names of the principal
Native States of the Peninsula (most of which are repeatedly mentioned
in the book) are Kedah, Perak, Selangor, Johor, Pahang, Trengganu,
Kelantan, and Patani. Otherwise, except in quotations (where the
spelling of the original is preserved), an attempt has been made to
transliterate the Malay words found in the body of the book in such
a way as to give the ordinary reader a fairly correct idea of their
pronunciation. The Appendix, which appeals only to persons who already
know Malay, has been somewhat differently treated, diacritical marks
being inserted only in cases where there was a possible ambiguity, and
the spelling of the original MSS. being changed as little as possible.

A perfect transliteration, or one that will suit everybody, is,
however, an unattainable ideal, and the most that can be done in that
direction is necessarily a compromise. In the system adopted in the
body of the work, the vowels are to be sounded (roughly speaking)
as in Italian, except e (which resembles the French e in que, le,
and the like), and the consonants as in English (but ng as in singer,
not finger; g as in go; ny as ni in onion; ch as in church; final k
and initial h almost inaudible). The symbol ` represents the Arabic
`ain, and the symbol ' is used (1) between consonants, to indicate
the presence of an almost inaudible vowel, the shortest form of
e, and elsewhere (2) for the hamzah, and (3) for the apostrophe,
i.e. to denote the suppression of a letter or syllable. Both the
`ain and the hamzah may be neglected in pronunciation, as indeed they
are very generally disregarded by the Malays themselves. In this and
other respects, Arabic scholars into whose hands this book may fall
must not be surprised to find that Arabic words and phrases suffer
some corruptions in a Malay context. These have not, as a rule, been
interfered with or corrected, although it has not been thought worth
while to preserve obvious blunders of spelling in well-known Arabic
formulæ. It should be added that in Malay the accent or stress,
which is less marked than in English, falls almost invariably on
the penultimate syllable of the word. Exceptions to this rule hardly
ever occur except in the few cases where the penultimate is an open
syllable with a short vowel, as indicated by the sign [breve].

The illustrations are reproduced from photographs of models and
original objects made by Malays; most of these models and other
objects are now in the Cambridge Archæological and Ethnological Museum,
to which they were presented by the author.

The Index, for the compilation of which I am indebted to my wife, who
has also given me much assistance in the revision of the proof-sheets,
will, it is believed, add greatly to the usefulness of the work as
a book of reference.


Woking, 28th August 1899.



    Nature, pp. 1-15                                            PAGE

        (a) Creation of the World                                  1
        (b) Natural Phenomena                                      5


    Man and His Place in the Universe, pp. 16-55

        (a) Creation of Man                                       16
        (b) Sanctity of the Body                                  23
        (c) The Soul                                              47
        (d) Animal, Vegetable, and Mineral Souls                  52


    Relations with the Supernatural World, pp. 56-82

        (a) The Magician                                          56
        (b) High Places                                           61
        (c) Nature of Rites                                       71


    The Malay Pantheon, pp. 83-106

        (a) Gods                                                  83
        (b) Spirits, Demons, and Ghosts                           93


    Magic Rites connected with the Several Departments of Nature,
    pp. 107-319

        (a) Air--

            1. Wind and Weather Charms                           107
            2. Birds and Bird Charms                             109

        (b) Earth--

            1. Building Ceremonies and Charms                    141
            2. Beasts and Beast Charms                           149
            3. Vegetation Charms                                 193
            4. Minerals and Mining Charms                        250

        (c) Water--

            1. Purification by Water                             277
            2. The Sea, Rivers, and Streams                      279
            3. Reptiles and Reptile Charms                       282
            4. Fishing Ceremonies                                306

        (d) Fire--

            1. Production of Fire                                317
            2. Fire Charms                                       318


    Magic Rites as affecting the Life of Man, pp. 320-580

         1. Birth-Spirits                                        320
         2. Birth Ceremonies                                     332
         3. Adolescence                                          352
         4. Personal Ceremonies and Charms                       361
         5. Betrothal                                            364
         6. Marriage                                             368
         7. Funerals                                             397
         8. Medicine                                             408
         9. Dances, Sports, and Games                            457
        10. Theatrical Exhibitions                               503
        11. War and Weapons                                      522
        12. Divination and the Black Art                         532

    Appendix                                                     581

    Note on the word Kramat                                      673

    List of Chief Authorities quoted                             675

    Index                                                        677


  Fig.                                                          PAGE

    1. Sacrificing at the Fishing Stakes                         311
    2. Invoking the Tiger Spirit                                 438
    3. Stand used at Invocation of Spirits                       447
    4. Main Galah Panjang                                        500
    5. Tapers used in exorcising Evil Spirits                    511
    6. Taper and Ring used in same Ceremony                      512
    7. Heptacle on which the Seven-Square is based               558



     1. Selangor Regalia                                          40
     2. Spirits                                                   94
     3. The Spectre Huntsman                                     116
     4. Pigeon Decoy Hut                                         133
     5. Rice-Soul Baskets                                        244
     6. Bajang and Pelesit Charms                                321
     7. Penanggalan and Langsuir                                 326
     8. Betrothal Gifts                                          365
     9. Betrothal Gifts                                          366
    10. Curtain Fringe                                           372
    11. Fig. 1.--Bridal Bouquets                                 375
        Fig. 2.--The Henna Cake, etc.                            375
    12. Fig. 1.--Bridegroom's Headdress                          378
        Fig. 2.--Pillow-ends                                     378
    13. Wedding Procession                                       381
    14. Poko' Sirih                                              382
    15. Wedding Centrepiece with Dragons, etc.                   388
    16. Bomor at Work                                            410
    17. Anchak                                                   414
    18. Gambor                                                   464
    19. Pedikir                                                  466
    20. Fig. 1.--Musical Instruments                             508
        Fig. 2.--Demon Mask                                      508
    21. Masks of Clowns and Demon                                513
    22. Kuda Sembrani                                            514
    23. Fig. 1.--Hanuman                                         516
        Fig. 2.--Pauh Janggi and Crab                            516
    24. Fig. 1.--Weather Chart                                   544
        Fig. 2.--Diagram                                         544
    25. Diagrams                                                 555
    26. Diagrams                                                 558
    27. Diagrams                                                 561
    28. Fig. 1.--Wax Figures                                     570
        Fig. 2.--Spirit Umbrellas and Tapers                     570



(a) Creation of the World

The theory of the Creation most usually held by Peninsular Malays is
summarised in the following passage, quoted (in 1839) by Lieutenant
Newbold from a Malay folk-tale:--

"From the Supreme Being first emanated light towards chaos; this
light, diffusing itself, became the vast ocean. From the bosom of
the waters thick vapour and foam ascended. The earth and sea were
then formed, each of seven tiers. The earth rested on the surface
of the water from east to west. God, in order to render steadfast
the foundations of the world, which vibrated tremulously with the
motion of the watery expanse, girt it round with an adamantine chain,
viz. the stupendous mountains of Caucasus, the wondrous regions of
genii and aerial spirits. Beyond these limits is spread out a vast
plain, the sand and earth of which are of gold and musk, the stones
rubies and emeralds, the vegetation of odoriferous flowers.

"From the range of Caucasus all the mountains of the earth have
their origin as pillars to support and strengthen the terrestrial
framework." [1]

The Mountains of Caucasus are usually called by Malays Bukit Kof
(i.e. Kaf), or the Mountains of Kaf (which latter is their Arabic
name). These mountains are not unfrequently referred to in Malay
charms, e.g. in invocations addressed to the Rice-Spirit. The
Mountains of Kaf are to the Malays a great range which serves as a
"wall" (dinding) to the earth, and keeps off both excessive winds and
beasts of prey. This wall, however, is being bored through by people
called Yajuj and Majuj (Gog and Magog), and when they succeed in their
task the end of all things will come. Besides these mountains which
surround the earth there is a great central mountain called Mahameru
(Saguntang Maha Biru, or merely Saguntang-guntang). [2] In many Malay
stories this hill Mahameru is identified with Saguntang-guntang on
the borders of Palembang in Sumatra.

The account which I shall now give, however, differs considerably
from the preceding. It was taken down by me from an introduction to a
Malay charm-book belonging to a magician (one `Abdul Razzak of Klang
in Selangor), with whom I was acquainted, but who, though he allowed me
to copy it, would not allow me either to buy or borrow the book: [3]--

"In the days when Haze bore Darkness, and Darkness Haze, when the
Lord of the Outer Silence Himself was yet in the womb of Creation,
before the existence of the names of Earth and Heaven, of God and
Muhammad, of the Empyrean and Crystalline spheres, or of Space and
Void, the Creator of the entire Universe pre-existed by Himself,
and He was the Eldest Magician. He created the Earth of the width
of a tray and the Heavens of the width of an umbrella, which are
the universe of the Magician. Now from before the beginning of time
existed that Magician--that is, God--and He made Himself manifest
with the brightness of the moon and the sun, which is the token of
the True Magician."

The account proceeds to describe how God "created the pillar of the
Ka`bah, [4] which is the Navel of the Earth, whose growth is comparable
to a Tree, ... whose branches are four in number, and are called, the
first, 'Sajeratul Mentahar,' and the second 'Taubi,' and the third,
'Khaldi,' and the fourth 'Nasrun `Alam,' which extend unto the north,
south, east, and west, where they are called the Four Corners of
the World."

Next we read that the word of God Almighty came in secret to Gabriel,
saying, "Take me down the iron staff of the 'Creed' which dangles at
the gate of heaven, and kill me this serpent Sakatimuna." [5] Gabriel
did so, and the serpent brake asunder, the head and forepart shooting
up above the heavens, and the tail part penetrating downwards beneath
the earth. [6] The rest of the account is taken up with a description,
that need not here be repeated, of the transformation of all the
various parts of the serpent's anatomy, which are represented as
turning with a few exceptions into good and evil genii.

The most curious feature of the description is perhaps the marked
anthropomorphic character of this serpent, which shows it to be a
serpent in little more than name. It seems, in fact, very probable
that we have here a reminiscence of the Indian "Naga." [7] Thus we
find the rainbow (here divided into its component parts) described
as originating from the serpent's sword with its hilt and cross-piece
(guard), grass from the hair of its body, trees from the hair of its
head, rain from its tears, and dew from its sweat.

Another account, also obtained from a local magician, contains one
or two additional details about the tree. "Kun," said God, "Payah
[8] kun" said Muhammad, and a seed was created.

"The seed became a root (lit. sinew), the root a tree, and the tree
brought forth leaves.

"'Kun,' said God, 'Payah kun,' said Muhammad; ... Then were Heaven
and Earth (created), 'Earth of the width of a tray, Heaven of the
width of an umbrella.'"

This is a curious passage, and one not over-easy to explain; such
evidence as may be drawn from analogy suggests, however, that the
"Earth of the width of a tray, and Heaven of the width of an umbrella,"
may be intended to represent respectively the "souls" (semangat) of
heaven and earth, in which case they would bear the same relation to
the material heaven and earth as the man-shaped human soul does to
the body of a man.

(b) Natural Phenomena

"Most Malays," says Newbold, "with whom I have conversed on the
subject, imagine that the world is of an oval shape, revolving upon
its own axis four times in the space of one year; that the sun is
a circular body of fire moving round the earth, and producing the
alternations of night and day."

To this I would add that some Malays, at least, whom I questioned
on the subject (as well as some Sakais [9] under Malay influence),
imagined the firmament to consist of a sort of stone or rock which they
called Batu hampar, or "Bed rock," the appearance of stars being caused
(as they supposed) by the light which streams through its perforations.

A further development of the Malay theory of the earth declares it
to be carried by a colossal buffalo upon the tip of its horns. [10]
When one horn begins to tire the buffalo tosses it up and catches it
upon the tip of the other, thus causing periodical earthquakes. This
world-buffalo, it should be added, stands upon an island in the midst
of the nether ocean. [11] The universe is girt round by an immense
serpent or dragon (Ular Naga), which "feeds upon its own tail."

The Malay theory of the tides is concisely stated by Newbold: [12]--

"Some Malays ascribe the tides to the influence of the sun; others
to some unknown current of the ocean; but the generality believe
confidently the following, which is a mere skeleton of the original
legend. In the middle of the great ocean grows an immense tree,
called Pauh Jangi, [13] at the root of which is a cavern called
Pusat Tassek, or navel of the lake. This is inhabited by a vast crab,
who goes forth at stated periods during the day. When the creature
returns to its abode the displaced water causes the flow of the tide;
when he departs, the water rushing into the cavern causes the ebb."

Mr. Clifford gives a slightly different explanation:--

"The Pusat tasek, or Navel of the Seas, supposed to be a huge hole in
the ocean bottom. In this hole there sits a gigantic crab which twice
a day gets out in order to search for food. While he is sitting in
the hole the waters of the ocean are unable to pour down into the
under world, the whole of the aperture being filled and blocked by
the crab's bulk. The inflowing of the rivers into the sea during
these periods are supposed to cause the rising of the tide, while
the downpouring of the waters through the great hole when the crab
is absent searching for food is supposed to cause the ebb."

Concerning the wonderful legendary tree (the Pauh Janggi) the following
story was related to me by a Selangor Malay:--

"There was once a Selangor man named Haji Batu, or the Petrified
Pilgrim, who got this name from the fact that the first joints of all
the fingers of one hand had been turned into stone. This happened in
the following manner. In the old days when men went voyaging in sailing
vessels, he determined to visit Mecca, and accordingly set sail. After
sailing for about two months they drifted out of their course for some
ten or fifteen days, and then came to a part of the sea where there
were floating trunks of trees, together with rice-straw (batang padi)
and all manner of flotsam. Yet again they drifted for seven days,
and upon the seventh night Haji Batu dreamed a dream. In this dream
one who wore the pilgrim's garb appeared to him, and warned him to
carry on his person a hammer and seven nails, and when he came to
a tree which would be the Pauh Janggi he was to drive the first of
the nails into its stem and cling thereto. Next day the ship reached
the great whirlpool which is called the Navel of the Seas, [14] and
while the ship was being sucked into the eddy close to the tree and
engulfed, Haji Batu managed to drive the first nail home, and clung
to it as the ship went down. After a brief interval he endeavoured to
drive in the second nail, somewhat higher up the stem than the first
(why Haji Batu could not climb without the aid of nails history does
not relate), and drawing himself up by it, drove in the third. Thus
progressing, by the time he had driven in all the seven nails he had
reached the top of the tree, when he discovered among the branches
a nest of young rocs. Here he rested, and having again been advised
in a dream, he waited. On the following day, when the parent roc had
returned and was engaged in feeding its young with an elephant which
it had brought for the purpose, he bound himself to its feathers with
his girdle, and was carried in this manner many hundreds of miles
to the westward, where, upon the roc's nearing the ground, he let
himself go, and thus dropping to the earth, fell into a swoon. On
recovering consciousness he walked on till he came to a house, where
he asked for and obtained some refreshment. On his departure he was
advised to go westward, and so proceeded for a long distance until he
arrived at a beautifully clear pool in an open plain, around which
were to be seen many stone figures of human beings. The appearance
of these stone figures rendering him suspicious, he refrained from
drinking the water, and dipped into it merely the tips of his fingers,
which became immediately petrified. Proceeding he met a vast number of
wild animals--pigs, deer, and elephants--which were fleeing from the
pursuit of a beast of no great size indeed, but with fiery red fur. He
therefore prudently climbed into a tree to allow it to pass. The
beast, however, pursued him and commenced to climb the tree, but as
it climbed he drove the point of his poniard (badik) into its skull,
and killed it. He then robbed it of its whiskers, and thereafter, on
his reaching a town, everybody fled from him because of the whiskers
which had belonged to so fierce a beast. The Raja of that country,
begging for one of them, and giving him food, he presented him with
one of the whiskers in payment. After paying his way in a similar
manner at seven successive villages, the Petrified Pilgrim at length
reached Mecca."

"Bores," or "eagres," at the mouths of rivers, and floods [15] due to
heavy rain, are conceived to be caused by the passage of some gigantic
animal, most probably a sort of dragon, as in the case of landslips,
which will be mentioned later.

This animal, whose passage up rivers is held to cause the tidal wave
or bore, is called Bena in Selangor. It is a matter of common report
among Malays at Jugra, on the Selangor coast, that a bore formerly
"frequented" the Langat river, near its mouth. This was anterior
to the severance of the narrow neck of land [16] at Bandar that
divided the old channel of the Langat river from the stream into
which the waters of the Langat now flow, forming the short cut to
the sea called the Jugra Passage. In the days when the bore came up
the river the Malays used to go out in small canoes or dug-outs to
"sport amongst the breakers" (main gelombang), frequently getting
upset for their pains. Eventually, however (I was told), the bore
was killed by a Langat Malay, who struck it upon the head with a
stick! It is considered that this must be true, since there is no
bore in the Langat river now!

Eclipses (Gerhana) of the sun or moon are considered to be the outward
and visible sign of the devouring of those bodies [17] by a sort of
gigantic dragon (rahu) [18] or dog (anjing). Hence the tumult made
during an eclipse by the Malays, who imagine that if they make a
sufficient din they will frighten the monster away.

The following is an excellent description of a lunar eclipse from
the Malay point of view:--

"One night, when the Moon has waxed nearly to the full, Pekan resounds
with a babel of discordant noise. The large brass gongs, in which
the devils of the Chinese are supposed to take delight, clang and
clash and bray through the still night air; the Malay drums throb and
beat and thud; all manner of shrill yells fill the sky, and the roar
of a thousand native voices rises heavenwards, or rolls across the
white waters of the river, which are flecked with deep shadows and
reflections. The jungles on the far bank take up the sound and send
it pealing back in recurring ringing echoes till the whole world seems
to shout in chorus. The Moon which bathes the earth in splendour, the
Moon which is so dear to each one of us, is in dire peril this night,
for that fierce monster, the Gerhâna, [19] whom we hate and loathe,
is striving to swallow her. You can mark his black bulk creeping over
her, dimming her face, consuming her utterly, while she suffers in the
agony of silence. How often in the past has she served us with the
light; how often has she made night more beautiful than day for our
tired, sun-dazed eyes to look upon; and shall she now perish without
one effort on our part to save her by scaring the Monster from his
prey? No! A thousand times no! So we shout, and clang the gongs,
and beat the drums, till all the animal world joins in the tumult,
and even inanimate nature lends its voice to swell the uproar with
a thousand resonant echoes. At last the hated Monster reluctantly
retreats. Our war-cry has reached his ears, and he slinks sullenly
away, and the pure, sad, kindly Moon looks down in love and gratitude
upon us, her children, to whose aid she owes her deliverance." [20]

The "spots on the moon" [21] are supposed to represent an inverted
banyan tree (Beringin songsang), underneath which an aged hunchback
is seated plaiting strands of tree bark (pintal tali kulit t'rap)
to make a fishing-line, wherewith he intends to angle for everything
upon the earth as soon as his task is completed. It has never been
completed yet, however, for a rat always gnaws the line through in
time to save mankind from disaster, despite the vigilance of the
old man's cat, which is always lying in wait for the offender. [22]
It is perhaps scarcely necessary to add that when the line reaches
the earth the end of the world will come.

"Bujang ('single,' 'solitary,' and hence in a secondary sense
'unmarried') is a Sanskrit word bhujangga, 'a dragon.' 'Bujang Malaka,'
a mountain in Pêrak, is said by the Malays of that State to have
been so called because it stands alone, and could be seen from the
sea by traders who plied in old days between the Pêrak river and
the once flourishing port of Malacca. But it is just as likely to
have been named from some forgotten legend in which a dragon played
a part. Dragons and mountains are generally connected in Malay
ideas. The caves in the limestone hill Gunong Pondok, in Pêrak,
are said to be haunted by a genius loci in the form of a snake who
is popularly called Si Bujang. This seems to prove beyond doubt the
identity of bujang with bhujangga. [23] The snake-spirit of Gunong
Pondok is sometimes as small as a viper, and sometimes as large
as a python, but he may always be identified by his spotted neck,
which resembles that of a wood-pigeon (tekukur). Landslips on the
mountains, which are tolerably frequent during very heavy rains,
and which, being produced by the same cause, are often simultaneous
with the flooding of rivers and the destruction of property, are
attributed by the natives to the sudden breaking forth of dragons
(naga), which have been performing religious penance (ber-tapa)
[24] in the mountains, and which are making their way to the sea." [25]

So, too, many waterfalls and rocks of unusual shape are thought to
owe their remarkable character to the agency of demons. This, however,
is a subject which will be treated more fully later on.

"Palangi, the usual Malay word for the rainbow, means 'striped.' The
name varies, however, in different localities. In Pêrak it is called
palangi minum [26] (from a belief that it is the path by which spirits
descend to the earth to drink), while in Penang it is known as ular
danu ('the snake danu'). In Pêrak, a rainbow which stretches in an
arch across the sky is called bantal ('the pillow '), for some reason
that I have been unable to ascertain. [27] When only a small portion
of a rainbow is visible, which seems to touch the earth, it is called
tunggul ('the flag'), [28] and if this is seen at some particular point
of the compass--the west, I think--it betokens, the Pêrak Malays say,
the approaching death of a Raja. Another popular belief is that the
ends of the rainbow rest upon the earth, and that if one could dig at
the exact spot covered by one end of it, an untold treasure would be
found there. Unfortunately, no one can ever arrive at the place." [29]

"Sunset is the hour when evil spirits of all kinds have most
power. [30] In Pêrak, children are often called indoors at this time
to save them from unseen dangers. Sometimes, with the same object,
a woman belonging to the house where there are young children,
will chew kuniet terus (an evil-smelling root), supposed to be much
disliked by demons of all kinds, and spit it out at seven different
points as she walks round the house.

"The yellow glow which spreads over the western sky, when it is
lighted up with the last rays of the dying sun, is called mambang
kuning ('the yellow deity'), a term indicative of the superstitious
dread associated with this particular period." [31]



(a) Creation of Man

A common feature in Malay romances and legends is a description of
the supernatural development of a young child in the interior of some
vegetable production, usually a bamboo.

Sir W. E. Maxwell has pointed out the fact of the existence, both in
Malay and Japanese legends, of the main features of this story, to
which he assigns a Buddhistic origin. He tells the story as follows:--

"The Raja of the Bamboo.--Some years ago I collected a number of
legends current among Malayan tribes having as their principal
incident the supernatural development of a prince, princess, or
demi-god in the stem of a bamboo, or tree, or the interior of some
closed receptacle. [32] I omitted, however, to mention that this very
characteristic Malay myth occurs in the "Sri Rama," a Malay prose
hikayat, [33] which, as its name betokens, professes to describe the
adventures of the hero of the Râmâyana.

"Roorda van Eysinga's edition of the Sri Rama opens with an account of
how Maharaja Dasaratha sent his Chief Mantri, [34] Puspa Jaya Karma,
to search for a suitable place at which to found a settlement. The site
having been found and cleared, the narrative proceeds as follows:--

"'Now there was a clump of the betong [35] bamboo (sa'rumpun buluh
betong), the colour of which was like gold of ten touch (amas sapuloh
mutu), and its leaves like silver. All the trees which grew near
bent in its direction, and it looked like a state umbrella (payong
manuwangi [36]). The Mantri and people chopped at it, but as fast
as they cut down a branch on one side, a fresh one shot forth on
the other, to the great astonishment of all the Rajas, Mantris, and
warriors. Puspa Vikrama Jaya hastened back to King Dasaratha and
laid the matter before him. The latter was greatly surprised, and
declared that he would go himself the next day and see the bamboo cut
down. Next day he set out on a white elephant, attended by a splendid
train of chiefs and followers, and on reaching the spot ordered the
bamboo clump to be cut down. Vikrama Puspa Jaya pointed it out, shaded
by the other forest trees. The king perceived that it was of very
elegant appearance, and that an odour like spices and musk proceeded
from it. He told Puspa Jaya Vikrama to cut it down, and the latter
drew his sword, which was as big as the stem of a cocoa-nut tree, and
with one stroke cut down one of the bamboos. But immediately a fresh
stem shot forth on the other side, and this happened as often as a
stroke was given. Then the king grew wroth, and getting down from his
elephant he drew his own sword and made a cut with it at the bamboo,
which severed a stem. Then, by the divine decree of the Dewatas,
the king became aware of a female form in the bamboo clump seated on
a highly ornamented platform (geta), her face shining like the full
moon when it is fourteen days old, and the colour of her body being
like gold of ten touch. On this, King Dasaratha quickly unloosed his
girdle and saluted the princess. Then he lifted her on to his elephant
and took her to his palace escorted by music and singing.'" [37]

I myself have heard among the Selangor Malays similar legends to the
above, which, as already pointed out, are common in Malay romances. A
parallel myth is described in the following words:--

"Now, the Perak river overflows its banks once a year, and sometimes
there are very great floods. Soon after the marriage of Nakhodah
Kasim with the white Semang, [38] an unprecedented flood occurred
and quantities of foam came down the river. Round the piles of the
bathing-house, which, in accordance with Malay custom, stood in the
bed of the river close to the bank in front of the house, the floating
volumes of foam collected in a mass the size of an elephant. Nakhodah
Kasim's wife went to bathe, and finding this island of froth in her
way she attempted to move it away with a stick; she removed the upper
portion of it and disclosed a female infant sitting in the midst of it
enveloped all round with cloud-like foam. The child showed no fear,
and the white Semang, carefully lifting her, carried her up to the
house, heralding her discovery by loud shouts to her husband. The
couple adopted the child willingly, for they had no children, and
they treated her thenceforward as their own. They assembled the
villagers and gave them a feast, solemnly announcing their adoption
of the daughter of the river and their intention of leaving to her
everything that they possessed.

"The child was called Tan Puteh, but her father gave her the name
of Teh Purba. [39] As she grew up the wealth of her foster-parents
increased; the village grew in extent and population, and gradually
became an important place." [40]

The usual story of the first creation of man, however, appears to be
a Malay modification of Arabic beliefs.

Thus we are told that man was created from the four elements--earth,
air, water, and fire--in a way which the following extract, taken
from a Selangor charm-book, will explain:--

    "God Almighty spake unto Gabriel, saying,
    'Be not disobedient, O Gabriel,
    But go and get me the Heart of the Earth.'
    But he could not get the Heart of the Earth.
    'I will not give it,' said the Earth.
    Then went the Prophet Israfel to get it,
    But he could not get the Heart of the Earth.
    Then went Michael to get it,
    But he could not get the Heart of the Earth.
    Then went Azrael to get it,
    And at last he got the Heart of the Earth.
    When he got the Heart of the Earth
    The empyrean and crystalline spheres shook,
    And the whole Universe (shook).
    When he got the Heart of the Earth he [41] made from it the Image
    of Adam.
    But the Heart of the Earth was then too hard;
    He mixed Water with it, and it became too soft,
    (So) he mixed Fire with it, and at last struck out the image
    of Adam.
    Then he raised up the image of Adam,
    And craved Life for it from Almighty God,
    And God Almighty gave it Life.
    Then sneezed God Almighty, and the image of Adam brake in pieces,
    And he (Azrael) returned to remake the image of Adam.
    Then God Almighty commanded to take steel of Khorassan,
    And drive it down his back, so that it became the thirty-three
    The harder steel at the top, the softer below it.
    The harder steel shot up skywards,
    And the softer steel penetrated earthwards.
    Thus the image of Adam had life, and dwelt in Paradise.
    (There) Adam beheld (two ?) peacocks of no ordinary beauty,
    And the Angel Gabriel appeared.
    'Verily, O Angel Gabriel, I am solitary,
    Easier is it to live in pairs, I crave a wife.'
    God Almighty spake, saying, 'Command Adam
    To pray at dawn a prayer of two genuflexions.'
    Then Adam prayed, and our Lady Eve descended,
    And was captured by the Prophet Adam;
    But before he had finished his prayer she was taken back,
    Therefore Adam prayed the prayer of two genuflexions as desired,
    And at the last obtained our Lady Eve.
    When they were married (Eve) bore twins every time,
    Until she had borne forty-four children,
    And the children, too, were wedded, handsome with handsome,
    and plain with plain."

The magician who dictated the above account stated that when
Azrael stretched forth his hand to take the Heart of the Earth, the
Earth-spirit caught hold of his middle finger, which yielded to the
strain, and thus became longer than the rest, and received its Malay
name of the "Devil's Finger" (jari hantu).

A parallel account adds that the Heart of the Earth was white, and
gives a fuller description of the interview between Azrael and his
formidable antagonist, the Earth. After saluting the latter in the
orthodox Muhammadan fashion, Azrael explains his mission, and is met by
a point-blank refusal. "I will not give it," said the Earth (referring
to its Heart), "forasmuch as I was so created by God Almighty, and
if you take away my Heart I shall assuredly die." At this brusque,
though perhaps natural retort, the archangel loses his temper, and
rudely exclaims that he "will take the Earth's Heart whether it will
or no." Here Azrael "gave the Earth a push with his right hand and
his left, and grasping at the Heart of the Earth, got hold of it and
carried it back to the presence of God." God now summons Gabriel and
orders him to mould (lit. forge) the image of Adam. Then Gabriel took
the lump of earth which was the Earth's Heart and mixed it first with
water to soften it, then, as it was too soft, with fire to harden
it, and when the image was made, obtained life from God to put into
it. [42] [The breaking of the first image which was made, and the
making of the second, are here omitted]. Finally, the creation of
"our Lady" Eve and the birth of her first-born are described, the
latter occasion being accompanied by a thick darkness, which compelled
Adam to take off his turban and beat the child therewith in order to
dispel the evil influences (badi) which had attended its birth. [43]

The following extract (from a Malay treatise quoted by Newbold)
fairly describes the general state of Malay ideas respecting the
constitution of the human body:--

"Plato, Socrates, Galen, Aristotle, and other philosophers affirm that
God created man of a fixed number of bones, blood-vessels, etc. For
instance, the skull is composed of 5 1/2 bones, the place of smell
and sense of 7 bones, between this and the neck are 32 bones. The
neck is composed of 7 bones, and the back of 24 bones; 208 bones are
contained in the other members of the body. In all there are 360
bones and 360 blood-vessels in a man's body. The brains weigh 306
miscals, the blood 573. The total of all the bones, blood-vessels,
large and small, and gristles, amounts to 1093; and the hairs of
the head to six lacs and 4000. The frame of man is divided into 40
great parts, which are again subdivided. Four elements enter into his
composition, viz. air, fire, earth, and water. With these elements are
connected four essences--the soul or spirit with air, love with fire,
concupiscence with earth, and wisdom with water." [44]

(b) Sanctity of the Body

In dealing with this branch of the subject I will first take the case
of the kings and priestly magicians who present the most clearly-marked
examples of personal sanctity which are now to be found among Malays,
and will then describe the chief features of the sanctity ascribed to
all ranks alike in respect of certain special parts of the ordinary
human anatomy. The theory of the king as the Divine Man is held perhaps
as strongly in the Malay region as in any other part of the world,
a fact which is strikingly emphasised by the alleged right of Malay
monarchs "to slay at pleasure, without being guilty of a crime." Not
only is the king's person considered sacred, but the sanctity of his
body is believed to communicate itself to his regalia, and to slay
those who break the royal taboos. Thus it is firmly believed that
any one who seriously offends the royal person, who touches (even
for a moment) or who imitates (even with the king's permission) the
chief objects of the regalia, [45] or who wrongfully makes use of
any of the insignia or privileges of royalty, will be kena daulat,
i.e. struck dead, by a quasi-electric discharge of that Divine Power
which the Malays suppose to reside in the king's person, [46] and which
is called "Daulat" or "Royal Sanctity." Before I proceed, however,
to discuss this power, it will be best to give some description of
the regalia in which it resides:--

Of Malacca Newbold says: "The articles of Malay regalia usually consist
of a silasila, or book of genealogical descent, a code of laws, a vest
or baju, and a few weapons, generally a kris, kleywang, or spear." [47]

"The limbing is a sort of lance; the tombak bandrang a spear of state,
four or seven of which are usually carried before the chiefs in the
interior of the Peninsula. The handle is covered with a substance
flowing from it like a horse-tail, dyed crimson, sometimes crimson
and white; this is generally of hair." [48]

So in Leyden's translation of the Malay Annals (1821) we read--

"My name is Bichitram Shah, who am raja.... This is the sword, Chora
sa mendang kian (i.e. mandakini), and that is the lance, Limbuar
(i.e. limbuara); this is the signet, Cayu Gampit, which is employed
in correspondence with rajas." [49]

"The Chora sa medang kian (i.e. mandakini) is the celebrated sword
with which Peramas Cumunbang killed the enormous serpent Sicatimuna,
which ravaged the country of Menangkabowe about the beginning of the
twelfth century." [50]

Of the Perak regalia we read: "Tan Saban was commanded by his mistress
to open negotiations with Johor, and this having been done, a prince of
the royal house of that kingdom, who traced his descent from the old
line of Menangkabau, sailed for Perak to assume the sovereignty. He
brought with him the insignia of royalty, namely, the royal drums
(gandang nobat), the pipes (nafiri), the flutes (sarunei and bangsi),
the betel-box (puan naga taru), the sword (chora mandakini), the
sword (perbujang), the sceptre (kayu gamit), the jewel (kamala), the
surat chiri, the seal of state (chap halilintar), and the umbrella
(ubar-ubar). All these were enclosed in a box called Baninan." [51]

In Selangor the regalia consisted of the royal instruments of
music--(the big State Drum or naubat, beaten at the king's coronation;
the two small State Drums (gendang); the two State Kettle-drums
(langkara); the lempiri or State Trumpet, and the serunei or State
Flute--to which perhaps a bangsi should be added, as in the Perak
list)--which were seldom, if ever, moved, and the following articles
which were carried in procession on state occasions: [52]--

    1. The royal Betel-box.
    2. The Long K'ris--a kind of rapier used for Malay executions.
    3. The two royal Swords; one on the right hand and one on the left
       (all of the articles mentioned hitherto being carried in front
       of the Sultan).
    4. The royal "Fringed" Umbrella (payong ubor-ubor), carried behind
       the right-hand sword-bearer.
    5. The royal "Cuspadore," carried behind the left-hand
    6. The royal Tobacco-box, carried at the Sultan's back.
    7. The eight royal tufted Lances (tombak bendrang or bandangan),
       whose bearers were followed by two personal attendants, the
       latter of whom attended, besides, to anything that was broken
       or damaged; so that the procession numbered seventeen persons
       in all. [53]

Of the Pahang regalia I have not been able to obtain a list with
any pretensions to completeness, but from a remark by Mr. Clifford
(the present Resident) in one of his books, they would appear to be
essentially the same as those of the other Federated States. [54]

A list of the Jelebu regalia (given me by Ungku Said Kechil of Jelebu)
ran as follows:--

    1. A single-bladed Sword (pedang pemanchor).
    2. The Long K'ris (k'ris panjang, penyalang), used for executions.
    3. The royal Lances (tombak bendrang).
    4. The royal Umbrella (payong kabesaran).
    5. The royal Standard and Pennants (tunggul ular-ular).
    6. The royal Ceiling-cloth and Hangings (tabir, langit-langit
    7. The "Moving Mountains" (gunong dua berangkat), perhaps the
       names of two peaked pillows.
    8. The royal Drums (gendang naubat); said to be "headed" with the
       skins of lice (kulit tuma) and to emit a single chord of twelve
       tones when struck (dua-b'las bunyi sakali di-pukol).
    9. The royal Trumpet (lempiri or  |
       nempiri).                      | Each of these was also said to
   10. The royal Gong.                | emit a single chord of twelve
   11. The royal Guitar (kechapi).    | notes.
   12. The royal rebab or Malay fiddle.

This latter peculiarity (of the multiplication of notes) is quite
in accordance with the traditions of the king's musical instruments
in Malay romances. Thus of Raja Donan's magic flute we are told,
"The first time (that he sounded it), the flute gave forth the sounds
of twelve instruments, the second time it played as if twenty-four
instruments were being sounded, and the third time it played like
thirty-six different instruments." No wonder we are told that "the
Princesses Che Ambong and Che Muda dissolved in tears, and the music
had to be stopped." [55]

My informant declared that these objects came into existence of
themselves (terjali sendiri), at a spot between the two peaks of
a burning mountain (gunong merapi) in the country of Menangkabau
in Sumatra. He also averred that "rain could not rot them nor sun
blister them," and that any one who "brushed past them" (di-lintas)
would fall to the ground; [56] whilst no fewer than seven buffaloes
have to be slaughtered before the "moving mountains" (when worn out)
can be replaced. [57]

An enumeration of the writer's regalia often forms an important part
of a letter from one Malay sovereign to another, more especially when
the writer wishes to emphasise his importance. [58]

But the extraordinary strength of the Malay belief in the supernatural
powers of the regalia of their sovereigns can only be thoroughly
realised after a study of their romances, in which their kings are
credited with all the attributes of inferior gods, whose birth, as
indeed every subsequent act of their after life, is attended by the
most amazing prodigies.

They are usually invulnerable, and are gifted with miraculous powers,
such as that of transforming themselves, and of returning to (or
recalling others to) life; in fact they have, in every way, less of
the man about them and more of the god. Thus it is that the following
description of the dress of an old-time Raja falls easily into line
with what would otherwise appear the objectless jargon which still
constitutes the preamble of many a Malay prince's letters, but which
can yet be hardly regarded as mere rhetoric, since it has a deep
meaning for those who read it:--

"He wore the trousers called beraduwanggi, miraculously made without
letting in pieces; hundreds of mirrors encircled his waist, thousands
encircled his legs, they were sprinkled all about his body, and larger
ones followed the seams."

Then his waistband (kain ikat pinggang) was of "flowered cloth,
twenty-five cubits in length, or thirty if the fringe be included;
thrice a day did it change its colours--in the morning transparent as
dew, at mid-day of the colour of lembayong, [59] and in the evening
of the hue of oil."

Next came his coat. It was "of reddish purple velvet, thrice brilliant
the lustre of its surface, seven times powerful the strength of
the dye; the dyer after making it sailed the world for three years,
but the dye still clung to the palms of his hands."

His dagger was "a straight blade of one piece which spontaneously
screwed itself into the haft. The grooves, called retak mayat, [60]
started from the base of the blade, the damask called pamur janji
appeared half-way up, and the damask called lam jilallah at the
point; the damask alif was there parallel with the edge, and where
the damasking ended the steel was white. No ordinary metal was the
steel, it was what was over after making the bolt of God's Ka'abah
(at Meccah). It had been forged by the son of God's prophet, Adam,
smelted in the palm of his hand, fashioned with the end of his finger,
and coloured with the juice of flowers in a Chinese furnace. Its deadly
qualities came down to it from the sky, and if cleaned (with acid)
at the source of a river, the fish at the embouchure came floating
up dead.

"The sword that he wore was called lang pengonggong, [61] 'the
successful swooper,' lit. the 'kite carrying off its prey.'

"The next article described is his turban, which, among the Malays,
is a square handkerchief folded and knotted round the head."

"He next took his royal handkerchief, knotting it so that it stood
up with the ends projecting; one of them he called dendam ta' sudah
(endless love): it was purposely unfinished; if it were finished the
end of the world would come. It had been woven in no ordinary way,
but had been the work of his mother from her youth. Wearing it he was
provided with all the love-compelling secrets. (The names of a number
of charms to excite passion are given, but they cannot be explained
in the compass of a note)." [62]

He wore the Malay national garment--the sarong. It was "a robe of
muslin of the finest kind; no ordinary weaving had produced it; it
had been woven in a jar in the middle of the ocean by people with
gills, relieved by others with beaks; no sooner was it finished than
the maker was put to death, so that no one might be able to make one
like it. It was not of the fashion of the clothing of the rajas of the
present day, but of those of olden time. If it were put in the sun it
got damper, if it were soaked in water it became drier. A slight tear
mended by darning only increased its value, instead of lessening it,
for the thread for the purpose cost one hundred dollars. A single
dewdrop dropping on it would tangle the thread for a cubit's length,
while the breath of the south wind would disentangle it."

Finally, we get a description of the way in which the Raja (S'ri Rama)
set out upon his journey.

"He adopted the art called sedang budiman, the young snake writhed at
his feet (i.e. he started at mid-day when his own shadow was round his
feet), a young eagle was flying against the wind overhead; he took a
step forward and then two backward, one forward as a sign that he was
leaving his country, and two backward as a sign that he would return;
as he took a step with the right foot, loud clanked his accoutrements
[63] on his left; as he put forth the left foot a similar clank was
heard on his right; he advanced, swelling out his broad chest, and
letting drop his slender fingers, adopting the gait called 'planting
beans,' and then the step called 'sowing spinach.'" [64]

In addition to the sanctity of the regalia, the king, as the divine
man, possesses an infinite multitude of prerogatives which enter into
almost every act of his private life, and thus completely separate
him from the generality of his fellow-men.

These prerogatives are too numerous to be mentioned in detail, but
the following extract from Leyden's translation of the "Malay Annals"
will give a general idea of their character and extent:--

"Sultan Muhammed Shah again established in order the throne of
his sovereignty. He was the first who prohibited the wearing of
yellow clothes in public, not even a handkerchief of that colour,
nor curtains, nor hangings, nor large pillow-cases, nor coverlets,
nor any envelope of any bundle, nor the cloth lining of a house,
excepting only the waist cloth, the coat, and the turban. He also
prohibited the constructing of houses with abutments, or smaller houses
connected with them; also suspended pillars or timbers (tiang gantong);
nor timbers the tops of which project above the roofs, and also summer
houses. [65] He also prohibited the ornamenting of creeses with gold,
and the wearing anklets of gold, and the wearing the koronchong, or
hollow bracelets (anklets?) of gold, ornamented with silver. None of
these prohibited articles did he permit to be worn by a person, however
rich he might be, unless by his particular licence, a privilege which
the raja has ever since possessed. He also forbade any one to enter the
palace unless wearing a cloth petticoat [66] of decent length, with his
creese in front; [67] and a shoulder-cloth; and no person was permitted
to enter unless in this array, and if any one wore his creese behind
him, it was incumbent on the porter of the gate to seize it. Such is
the order of former time respecting prohibition by the Malayu rajas,
and whatever is contrary to this is a transgression against the
raja, and ought to incur a fine of five cati. The white umbrella,
which is superior to the yellow one, because it is seen conspicuous
at a greater distance, was also confined to the raja's person, [68]
while the yellow umbrella was confined to his family." [69]

A number of other particulars bearing on this subject will be found
in other parts of the text, and in the Appendix references are given
to other works for additional details, which are too numerous to be
recorded here.

"At funerals, whether the deceased has been a great or insignificant
person, if he be a subject, the use of the Payong (umbrella) and
the Puwadi is interdicted, as also the distribution of alms, unless
by royal permission; otherwise the articles thus forbidden will be
confiscated." "Puwadi is the ceremony of spreading a cloth, generally
a white one, for funeral and other processions to walk upon. Should
the deceased be of high rank, the cloth extends from the house where
the corpse is deposited, to the burial-ground." [70]

Similar prohibitions are still in force at the courts of the Malay
Sultans in the Peninsula, though a yellow umbrella is now generally
substituted for the white, at least in Selangor.

A distinction is also now drawn between manufactured yellow cloth and
cloth which has been dyed yellow with saffron, the wrongful use of
the latter (the genuine article) being regarded as the more especially
heinous act.

In addition to the royal monopoly of such objects as have been
mentioned, Sir W. E. Maxwell mentions three royal perquisites
(larangan raja), i.e. river turtles (tuntong) (by which he no doubt
means their eggs); elephants (by which he doubtless means elephants'
tusks); [71] and the fruit of the "ketiar" from which oil is made
by the Perak Malays. He adds, "It used to be a capital offence to
give false information to the Raja about any of these. The 'ketiar'
tree is said to affect certain localities, and is found in groves
not mixed with other trees. In former days, when the fruit was ripe,
the whole of the Raja's household would turn out to gather it. It is
said to yield a very large percentage of oil." [72]

The only tree in Ridley's list [73] whose name at all resembles the
"ketiar" is the katiak, which is identified as Acronychia Porteri,
Wall (Rutaceæ).

A description of the gathering of the eggs of river turtles by the
royal party in Perak will be found in Malay Sketches. [74]

Besides the above there are not a few linguistic taboos connected with
the king's person, such as the use of the words santap, to eat; beradu,
to sleep; bersemaiam, to be seated, or to "reside" in a certain place;
berangkat, to "progress"; siram, to bathe; g'ring, to be sick; and
mangkat, to die; all of which words are specially substituted for the
ordinary Malay words when reference is made to the king. [75] Moreover,
when the king dies his name is dropped, and he receives the title of
"Marhum," the late or "deceased," with the addition of an expression
alluding to some prominent fact in his life, or occasionally to the
place of his decease. These titles, strange as it may seem, are often
the reverse of complimentary, and occasionally ridiculous. [76]

It must not be forgotten, too, in discussing the divine attributes
of the Malay king, that he is firmly believed to possess a personal
influence over the works of nature, such as the growth of the crops and
the bearing of fruit-trees. This same property is supposed to reside in
a lesser degree in his delegates, and even in the persons of Europeans
in charge of districts. Thus I have frequently known (in Selangor)
the success or failure of the rice crops attributed to a change of
district officers, and in one case I even heard an outbreak of ferocity
which occurred among man-eating crocodiles laid at the door of a most
zealous and able, though perhaps occasionally somewhat unsympathetic,
representative of the Government. So, too, on one occasion when three
deaths occurred during a District Officer's temporary absence, the mere
fact of his absence was considered significant. I may add that royal
blood is supposed by many Malays to be white, and this is the pivot
on which the plot of not a few Malay folk-tales is made to turn. [77]

Finally, it must be pointed out that the greatest possible importance
is attached to the method of saluting the king.

In the "Sri Rama" (the Malay Ramayana) we read, even of the chiefs,

    "While yet some way off they bowed to the dust,
    When they got near they made obeisance,
    Uplifting at each step their fingers ten,
    The hands closed together like the rootlets of the bakong palm [78]
    The fingers one on the other like a pile of sirih[2] leaves." [79]

Equals in rank when saluting one another touch [80] (though they do
not shake) each other's hands, but a person of humble birth must not
touch hands in saluting a great chief. "A man, named Imam Bakar, was
once slain at Pasir Tambang, at the mouth of the Tembeling river. He
incautiously touched hands in greeting with a Chief called To' Gajah,
and the latter, seizing him in an iron grip, held him fast, while he
was stabbed to death with spears." [81]

In saluting a great Chief, like the Dato' Maharaja Perba Jelai, the
hands are "lifted up in salutation with the palms pressed together,
as in the attitude of Christian prayer, but the tips of the thumbs
are not suffered to ascend beyond the base of the chin. In saluting a
real Râja, the hands are carried higher and higher, according to the
prince's rank, until, for the Sultân, the tips of the thumbs are on a
level with the forehead. Little details such as these are of immense
importance in the eyes of the Malays, and not without reason, seeing
that in an Independent Native State many a man has come by his death
for carelessness in their observance." [82]

In the king's audience hall the formal salutations are performed in
a sitting posture, and in this case, too, the greatest attention is
paid to the height to which the hands are raised. The chief twice
makes salutation in a sitting posture as he advances, and at the
third advance bends over the Sultan's hands, two more salutations
being made on his way back to his place.

A flagrant infringement of any of the prerogatives of the Sultan,
such as those I have described, is certain, it is thought, to prove
fatal, more or less immediately.

Thus the death of Penghulu Mohit, a well-known Malay headman of
the Klang district, in Selangor, which took place while I was in
charge of that district, was at the time very generally attributed
by the local Malays to his usurpation of certain royal privileges
or prerogatives on the occasion of his daughter's wedding. One of
these was his acceptance of gift-buffaloes, decorated after the royal
fashion, which were presented to him as wedding gifts in his daughter's
honour. These buffaloes had a covering of cloth put over them, their
horns covered, and a crescent-shaped breast-ornament (dokoh) hung
about their necks. Thus dressed they were taken to Mohit's house in
solemn procession. [83] It was, at the time, considered significant
that the very first of these gift-buffaloes, which had been brought
overland from Jugra, where the Sultan lived, had died on arrival, and
whatever the cause may have been, it is a fact that Mohit's mother
died a day or two after the conclusion of the wedding ceremonies,
and that Mohit himself was taken ill almost immediately and died only
about a fortnight later.

The only person who, in former days, was not in the least affected by
the royal taboos which protected the regalia from the common touch
was the (now I believe extinct) official who held the post of Court
Physician (Maharaja Lela). He, and he alone, might go freely in the
royal apartments wherever he chose, and the immunity and freedom which
he enjoyed in this respect passed into a proverb, the expression "to
act the Court Physician" (buat Maharaja Lela) being used to describe
an altogether unwarrantable familiarity or impertinence.

The following story (though I tell it against myself) is perhaps
the best illustration I can give of the great danger supposed to be
incurred by those who meddle with the paraphernalia of royalty. Among
the late Sultan's insignia of royalty (in 1897) were a couple of
drums (gendang) and the long silver trumpet which I have already
described. Such trumpets are found among the kabesaran or regalia
of most Malay States, and are always, I believe, called lempiri or
nempiri (Pers. nafiri). They are considered so sacred that they can
only be handled or sounded, it is believed, by a tribe of Malays
called "Orang Kalau," or the "Kalau men," [84] as any one else who
attempted to sound them would be struck dead. Even the "Orang Kalau,"
moreover, can only sound this instrument at the proper time and season
(e.g. at the proclamation of a new sovereign), for if they were to
sound it at any other time its noise would slay all who heard it,
since it is the chosen habitation of the "Jin Karaja'an" or State
Demon, [85] whose delight it would be, if wrongfully disturbed,
to slay and spare not. [86]

This trumpet and the drums of the Selangor regalia were kept by
the present Sultan (then Raja Muda, or Crown Prince of Selangor)
in a small galvanised iron cupboard which stood (upon posts about
three feet high) in the middle of a lawn outside His Highness'
"garden residence" at Bandar. His Highness himself informed me that
they had once been kept in the house itself, but when there they
were the source of infinite annoyance and anxiety to the inmates on
account of their very uncanny behaviour!

Drops of perspiration, for instance, would form upon the Trumpet
when a leading member of the Royal House was about to die (this
actually happened, as I was told, at Langat just before the death of
Tungku 'Chik, the late Sultan's eldest daughter, who died during my
residence in the neighbourhood). Then one Raja Bakar, son of a Raja
`Ali, during the rethatching of the house at Bandar, accidentally
trod upon the wooden barrel of one of the State Drums--and died in
consequence of his inadvertence. When, therefore, a hornet's nest
formed inside one of these same drums it was pretty clear that things
were going from bad to worse, and a Chinaman was ordered to remove it,
no Malay having been found willing to risk his life in undertaking so
dangerous an office--an unwillingness which was presently justified,
as the Chinaman, too, after a few days' interval, swelled up and
died. Both these strange coincidences were readily confirmed by
the present Sultan on an occasion when I happened to question the
authenticity of the story, and as His Highness is one of the most
enlightened and truthful of men, such confirmation cannot easily be
set aside. But the strangest coincidence of all was to follow, for
not long afterwards, having never seen that portion of the regalia
which was in the Raja Muda's charge, I happened to mention to a Malay
friend of mine at Jugra my wish to be allowed to examine these objects,
and was at once begged not to touch them, on the ground that "no one
could say what might follow." But shortly after, having occasion to
visit the Raja Muda at his house at Bandar, I took the opportunity
of asking whether there was any objection to my seeing these much
debated objects, and as His Highness not only very obligingly assented,
but offered to show them to me himself, I was able both to see and to
handle them, His Highness himself taking the Trumpet out of its yellow
case and handing it to me. I thought nothing more of the matter at
the time, but, by what was really a very curious coincidence, within
a few days' time of the occurrence, was seized with a sharp attack
of malarial influenza, the result of which was that I was obliged to
leave the district, and go into hospital at headquarters. In a Malay
village news spreads quickly, and the report of my indisposition,
after what was no doubt regarded as an act of extraordinary rashness,
appears to have made a profound impression, and the result of it was
that a Malay who probably considered himself indebted to me for some
assistance he had received, bound himself by a vow to offer sacrifice
at the shrine of a famous local saint should I be permitted to return
to the district. Of this, however, I knew nothing at the time, and
nothing could have exceeded my astonishment when I found upon my
return that it was my duty to attend the banquet which took place at
the saint's tomb in honour of my own recovery! [87]

Having shown the wide gulf which divides the "divine man" from
his fellows, I have still to point out the extent to which certain
portions of the human frame have come to be invested with sanctity,
and to require to be treated with special ceremonies. These parts
of the anatomy are, in particular, the head, the hair, the teeth,
the ears, and the nails, all of which I will take in their order.

The head, in the first place, is undoubtedly still considered by the
Malays to possess some modified degree of sanctity. A proof of this is
the custom (`adat) which regulates the extent of the sacrifice to be
offered in a case of assault or battery by the party committing the
injury. If any part of the head is injured, nothing less than a goat
will suffice (the animal being killed and both parties bathed in the
blood); if the upper part of the body, the slaughter of a cock (to be
disposed of in a similar way) will be held to be sufficient reparation,
and so on, the sacrifice becoming of less value in proportion as the
injured part is farther from the head. So, too, Mr. Frazer writes:
"The ... superstition (of the sanctity of the head) exists among
the Malays; for an early traveller reports that in Java people 'wear
nothing on their heads, and say that nothing must be on their heads,
... and if any person were to put his hand upon their head they would
kill him; and they do not build houses with stories in order that
they may not walk over each other's heads.' It is also found in full
force throughout Polynesia." [88]

From the principle of the sanctity of the head flows, no doubt, the
necessity of using the greatest circumspection during the process
of cutting the hair. [89] Sometimes throughout the whole life of
the wearer, and frequently during special periods, the hair is left
uncut. Thus I was told that in former days Malay men usually wore
their hair long, and I myself have seen an instance of this at Jugra
in Selangor in the person of a Malay [90] of the old school, who
was locally famous on this account. So, too, during the forty days
which must elapse before the purification of a woman after the birth
of her child, the father of the child is forbidden to cut his hair,
and a similar abstention is said to have been formerly incumbent upon
all persons either prosecuting a journey or engaging in war. Often a
boy's head is entirely shaven shortly after birth with the exception
of a single lock in the centre of the head, and so maintained until
the boy begins to grow up, but frequently the operation is postponed
(generally, it is said, in consequence of a vow made by the child's
parents) until the period of puberty or marriage. Great care,
too, must be exercised in disposing of the clippings of hair (more
especially the first clippings), as the Malay profoundly believes
that "the sympathetic connection which exists between himself and
every part of his body continues to exist even after the physical
connection has been severed, and that therefore he will suffer from
any harm that may befall the severed parts of his body, such as the
clippings of his hair or the parings of his nails. Accordingly he
takes care that those severed portions of himself shall not be left
in places where they might either be exposed to accidental injury,
or fall into the hands of malicious persons who might work magic on
them to his detriment or death." [91]

Thus we invariably find clippings of the victim's hair mentioned
(together with parings of his nails, etc.) as forming part of the
ingredients of the well-known wax image or mannikin into which pins
are stuck, and which is still believed by all Malays to be a most
effective method of causing the illness or death of an enemy. [92]
I was once present at the curious ceremony of cutting the hair of a
Malay bride, which had all the characteristics of a religious rite, but
the detailed account of it will be reserved for a later chapter. [93]

The same difficulties and dangers which beset the first cutting of the
hair apply, though perhaps in a less degree, to the first paring of the
nails (bertobak), the boring of the ears of girls (bertindek telinga),
and the filing of the teeth (berasah gigi) of either sex whether at
puberty or marriage. One or more of the nails are frequently worn
long by Malays of standing, and the women who engage in "nautch"
dancing and theatrical performances invariably wear a complete set
of artificial nails (changgei). These latter are usually of brass,
are often several inches in length, and are made so as to fit on
to the tips of the fingers. Occasionally a brass ring with a small
peacock, or some such bird, of the same material will be attached to
the end of the nail by a minute brass chain. The practice of wearing
long nails is sometimes attributed to Chinese influence, but it is
hard to see why this particular detail of Malay custom, which is
quite in keeping with the general trend of Malay ideas about the
person, should be supposed to be derived from China. The borrowing,
if any, is much more likely to have been on the part of the Chinese,
who undoubtedly imported many Indian ideas along with Buddhism. The
custom appears to be followed, moreover, in many places, such as the
interior of Sumatra, where Chinese influence is non-existent. In Siam,
again, it appears to obtain very strongly; [94] but no reason has yet
been shown for supposing that this is anything but an instance of the
similarity of results independently arrived at by nations starting
with similar premisses.

The ear-boring and tooth-filing ceremonies which still not infrequently
take place at the age of puberty in both sexes are of no less religious
import than the rite of cutting the first lock. The main details of
these ceremonies will be described in a later part of this book. [95]

To the same category (of sacred things having physical connection with
the body) should doubtless be referred such objects as the eyebrows,
the saliva, and soil taken from the (naked) footstep, all of which
are utilised by the magician to achieve his nefarious ends.

(c) The Soul

The Malay conception of the Human Soul (Semangat) [96] is that of
a species of "Thumbling," "a thin, unsubstantial human image," or
mannikin, which is temporarily absent from the body in sleep, trance,
disease, and permanently absent after death.

This mannikin, which is usually invisible but is supposed to be about
as big as the thumb, corresponds exactly in shape, proportion, and even
in complexion, to its embodiment or casing (sarong), i.e. the body in
which it has its residence. It is of a "vapoury, shadowy, or filmy"
essence, though not so impalpable but that it may cause displacement
on entering a physical object, and as it can "fly" or "flash" quickly
from place to place, it is often, perhaps metaphorically, addressed
as if it were a bird. [97]

Thus in a charm given in the Appendix we find--

    "Hither, Soul, come hither!
    Hither, Little One, come hither!
    Hither, Bird, come hither!
    Hither, Filmy One, come hither!" [98]

As this mannikin is the exact reproduction in every way of its bodily
counterpart, and is "the cause of life and thought in the individual
it animates," it may readily be endowed with quasi-human feelings,
and "independently possess the personal consciousness and volition
of its corporeal owner." Thus we find the following appeal addressed
to the soul in the charm just quoted:--

    "Do not bear grudges,
    Do not bear malice,
    Do not take it as a wrong,
    Do not take it as a transgression."

These quasi-human attributes of the soul being so complete, it is an
easy stretch of the imagination to provide it with a house, which is
generally in practice identified with the body of its owner, but may
also be identified with any one of its temporary domiciles. Thus in
the charm already quoted we read--

    "Return to your own House and House-ladder,
    To your own House-floor, of which the planks have started,
    And your Roof-thatch 'starred' with holes."

The state of disrepair into which the soul's house (i.e. the sick man's
body) is described as having fallen, is here attributed to the soul's
absence. [99] The completeness of this figurative identification of
the soul's "house" with its owner's body, and of the soul's "sheath" or
casing with both, is very clearly brought out in the following lines:--

    "Cluck! cluck! Soul of this sick man, So-and-so!
    Return into the Frame and Body of So-and-so,
    To your own House and House-ladder, to your own Clearing and Yard,
    To your own Parents, to your own Casing."

And this is no mere chance expression, for in another charm the soul
is adjured in these words:--

    "As you remember your own parents, remember me,
    As you remember your own House and House-ladder, remember
    me." [100]

The soul "appears to men (both waking and asleep) as a phantom separate
from the body of which it bears the likeness," "manifests physical
power," and walks, sits, and sleeps:--

    "Cluck! cluck! Soul of So-and-so, come and walk with me,
    Come and sit with me,
    Come and sleep with me, and share my pillow." [101]

It would probably be wrong to assume the foregoing expressions to have
always been merely figurative. Rather, perhaps, we should consider
them as part of a singularly complete and consistent animistic
system formerly invented and still held by the Malays. Again, from
the above ideas it follows that if you call a soul in the right way
it will hear and obey you, and you will thus be able either to recall
to its owner's body a soul which is escaping (riang semangat), or to
abduct the soul of a person whom you may wish to get into your power
(mengambil semangat orang), and induce it to take up its residence in
a specially prepared receptacle, such as (a) a lump of earth which has
been sympathetically connected by direct contact with the body of the
soul's owner, or (b) a wax mannikin so connected by indirect means,
or even (c) a cloth which has had no such connection whatever. And
when you have succeeded in getting it into your power the abducted
and now imprisoned soul will naturally enjoy any latitude allowed
to (and suffer from any mutilation of) its temporary domicile or
embodiment. [102]

Every man is supposed (it would appear from Malay charms) to possess
seven souls [103] in all, or, perhaps, I should more accurately say,
a sevenfold soul. [104] This "septenity in unity" may perhaps be held
to explain the remarkable importance and persistency of the number
seven in Malay magic, as for instance the seven twigs of the birch,
and the seven repetitions of the charm (in Soul-abduction [105]),
the seven betel leaves, the seven nights' duration of the ceremony,
the seven blows administered to the soul (in other magical and medical
ceremonies), and the seven ears cut for the Rice-soul in reaping. [106]

And, finally, it might explain why the lime-branch which is hung up
in the mosquito-curtain (in another form of soul-abduction [107])
is required to possess seven fruits on a single stalk, i.e. to ensure
there being a separate receptacle for each one of the seven souls.

At the present day the ordinary Malay talks usually of only a single
soul, although he still keeps up the old phraseology in his charms
and charm-books. For the rest, it would appear that there may be some
method in the selection and arrangement of colours.

The "lump of earth from the victim's footprint" used in one form of the
soul-abduction ceremony [108] is to be wrapped up in three thicknesses
of cloth, which must be red, black, and yellow respectively, the yellow
being outside. Again (in the ceremony of casting out "the mischief"
from a sick man), a white cosmetic is assigned for use in the morning,
a red cosmetic for mid-day, and black for sundown. [109]

Now in all, I believe, of what are now called the Federated Malay
States, and probably in all Malay States whatsoever, yellow is the
colour used by royalty, whereas the more exalted and sacred colour,
white (with occasional lapses into yellow), has been adopted by Malay
medicine-men as the colour most likely to conciliate the spirits and
demons with whom they have to deal. Thus the soul-cloth, which, by
the way, is always five cubits long (lima hasta), is sometimes white
and (much more rarely) yellow, and hence in the first instance just
quoted, the yellow cloth, being, next to white, of the colour which
is most complimentary to the demons, is the one which is put outside;
and in the second instance, for similar reasons, the white cosmetic
is to be used first.

The working out of this system, however, must await fresh evidence,
and all I would do now is to emphasise the importance of colour in such
investigations, and to urge the collection of fresh material. [110]

(d) Animal, Vegetable, and Mineral Souls

Hitherto I have treated of human souls only, but animal, mineral, and
vegetable souls will now be briefly discussed. Speaking generally,
I believe the soul to be, within certain limits, conceived as a
diminutive but exact counterpart of its own embodiment, so that
an Animal-soul would be like an animal, a Bird-soul like a bird;
however, lower in the scale of creation it would appear that the Tree-
or Ore-souls, for instance, are supposed, occasionally at least, to
assume the shape of some animal or bird. Thus the soul of Eagle-wood
is thought to take the shape of a bird, the soul of Tin-ore that of a
buffalo, the Gold-soul that of a deer. [111] It has, however, always
been recognised that the soul may enter other bodies besides its own,
or even bodies of a different kind to its own, and hence these may
be only apparent exceptions to the rule that the soul should be the
counterpart of its own embodiment. [112]

"Among races within the limits of savagery, the general doctrine of
souls is found worked out with remarkable breadth and consistency. The
souls of animals are recognised by a natural extension from the theory
of human souls; the souls of trees and plants follow in some vague,
partial way, and the souls of inanimate objects expand the general
category to its extremest boundary." [113]

To the Malay who has arrived at the idea of a generally animated
Nature, but has not yet learned to draw scientific distinctions,
there appears nothing remarkable or unnatural in the idea of
vegetation-souls, or even in that of mineral-souls--rather would he
consider us Europeans illogical and inconsistent were he told that
we allowed the possession of souls to one half of the creation and
denied it to the other.

Realising this, we are prepared to find that the Malay theory of
Animism embraces, at least partially, the human race, [114] animals
[115] and birds, [116] vegetation [117] (trees and plants), reptiles
and fishes, [118] until its extension to inert objects, such as
minerals, [119] and "stocks and stones, weapons, boats, food, clothes,
ornaments, and other objects, which to us are not merely soulless,
but lifeless," brings us face to face with a conception with which
"we are less likely to sympathise."

Side by side with this general conception of an universally animate
nature, we find abundant evidences of a special theory of Human Origin
which is held to account not only for the larger mammals, but also for
the existence of a large number of birds, and even for that of a few
reptiles, fishes, trees and plants, but seems to lose its operative
force in proportion to its descent in the scale of creation, until
in the lowest scale of all, the theory of Human Origin disappears
from sight, and nothing remains but the partial application of a
few vague anthropomorphic attributes. [120] It is, doubtless, to the
prevalence of this theory that we owe the extraordinary persistence
of anthropomorphic ideas about animals, birds, reptiles, trees,
if not of minerals, in Malay magical ceremonies; [121] and it is
hard to say which of these two notions--the theory of Human Origin,
or the other theory of Universal Animism--is to be considered the
original form of Malay belief.

The following tale, which is entitled Charitra Megat Sajobang, and
is told by Selangor Malays, will serve as an illustration of the idea
of Human Origin:--

"There was a married Sakai couple living at Ulu Klang, and they had
a son called Megat Sajobang. When he grew up he said to his mother,
'Mother, get me a passage, I want to go and see other countries.' She
did so, and he left Ulu Klang; and ten or twelve years later, when he
had grown rich enough to buy a splendid ship (p'rahu), he returned
with his wife, who was with child, and seven midwives, who were
watched over by one of his body-guard with a drawn sword. His mother
heard the news of his return, and she made ready, roasting a chika
(monkey) and lotong (monkey), and went with his father on board their
bark canoe to meet their son.

"As they approached they hailed him by his name; but he was ashamed
of their humble appearance, and forbade his men to let them on
board. Though his wife advised him to acknowledge them, 'even if
they were pigs or dogs,' the unfilial son persisted in turning them
away. So they went back to the shore and sat down and wept; and the
old mother, laying her hand upon her shrivelled breast, said, 'If thou
art really my son, reared at my breast, mayest thou be changed into
stone.' In response to her prayer, milk came forth from her breast,
and as she walked away, the ship and all on board were turned into
stone. The mother turned round once more to look at her son, but the
father did not, and by the power of God they were both turned into
trees of the species pauh (a kind of mango) one leaning seawards and
the other towards the land. The fruit of the seaward one is sweet,
but that of the landward one is bitter.

"The ship has now become a hill, and originally was complete with all
its furniture, but the Malays used to borrow the plates and cups,
etc., for feast days and did not return them, until at last there
were none left."


Relations with the Supernatural World

(a) The Magician

"The accredited intermediary between men and spirits is the Pawang;
[122] the Pawang is a functionary of great and traditional importance
in a Malay village, though in places near towns the office is
falling into abeyance. In the inland districts, however, the Pawang
is still a power, and is regarded as part of the constituted order
of society, without whom no village community would be complete. It
must be clearly understood that he has nothing whatever to do with
the official Muhammadan religion of the mosque; the village has its
regular staff of elders--the Imam, Khatib, and Bilal--for the mosque
service. But the Pawang is quite outside this system, and belongs
to a different and much older order of ideas; he may be regarded
as the legitimate representative of the primitive 'medicine-man' or
'village-sorcerer,' and his very existence in these days is an anomaly,
though it does not strike Malays as such.

"Very often the office is hereditary, or at least the appointment
is practically confined to the members of one family. Sometimes it
is endowed with certain 'properties' handed down from one Pawang to
his successor, known as the kabesaran, or, as it were, regalia. On
one occasion I was nearly called upon to decide whether these
adjuncts--which consisted, in this particular case, of a peculiar
kind of head-dress--were the personal property of the person then
in possession of them (who had got them from his father, a deceased
Pawang), or were to be regarded as official insignia descending
with the office in the event of the natural heir declining to
serve! Fortunately I was spared the difficult task of deciding this
delicate point of law, as I managed to persuade the owner to take up
the appointment.

"But quite apart from such external marks of dignity, the Pawang is
a person of very real significance. In all agricultural operations,
such as sowing, reaping, irrigation works, and the clearing of jungle
for planting, in fishing at sea, in prospecting for minerals, and in
cases of sickness, his assistance is invoked. He is entitled by custom
to certain small fees; thus, after a good harvest he is allowed, in
some villages, five gantangs of padi, one gantang of rice (beras),
and two chupaks of emping (a preparation of rice and cocoa-nut made
into a sort of sweetmeat) from each householder. After recovery from
sickness his remuneration is the very modest amount of tiga wang
baharu, that is, 7 1/2 cents.

"It is generally believed that a good harvest can only be secured
by complying with his instructions, which are of a peculiar and
comprehensive character.

"They consist largely of prohibitions, which are known as
pantang. Thus, for instance, it is pantang in some places to work in
the rice-field on the 14th and 15th days of the lunar month; and this
rule of enforced idleness, being very congenial to the Malay character,
is, I believe, pretty strictly observed.

"Again, in reaping, certain instruments are proscribed, and in the
inland villages it is regarded as a great crime to use the sickle
(sabit) for cutting the padi; at the very least the first few ears
should be cut with a tuai, a peculiar small instrument consisting of
a semicircular blade set transversely on a piece of wood or bamboo,
which is held between the fingers, and which cuts only an ear or two
at a time. Also the padi must not be threshed by hitting it against
the inside of a box, a practice known as banting padi.

"In this, as in one or two other cases, it may be supposed that the
Pawang's ordinances preserve the older forms of procedure and are
opposed to innovations in agricultural methods. The same is true of
the pantang (i.e. taboo) rule which prescribes a fixed rate of price
at which padi may be sold in the village community to members of the
same village. This system of customary prices is probably a very old
relic of a time when the idea of asking a neighbour or a member of
your own tribe to pay a competition price for an article was regarded
as an infringement of communal rights. It applies to a few other
articles of local produce [123] besides padi, and I was frequently
assured that the neglect of this wholesome rule was the cause of bad
harvests. I was accordingly pressed to fine transgressors, which would
perhaps have been a somewhat difficult thing to do. The fact, however,
that in many places these rules are generally observed is a tribute
to the influence of the Pawang who lends his sanction to them." [124]

"The Pawang keeps a familiar spirit, which in his case is a hantu
pusaka, that is, an hereditary spirit which runs in the family, in
virtue of which he is able to deal summarily with the wild spirits
of an obnoxious character." [125]

The foregoing description is so precise and clear that I have not
much to add to it. There are, however, one or two points which require
emphasis. One of these is that the priestly magician stands in certain
respects on the same footing as the divine man or king--that is to say,
he owns certain insignia which are exactly analogous to the regalia of
the latter, and are, as Mr. Blagden points out, called by the same name
(kabesaran). He shares, moreover, with the king the right to make use
of cloth dyed with the royal colour (yellow), and, like the king,
too, possesses the right to enforce the use of certain ceremonial
words and phrases, in which respect, indeed, his list is longer,
if anything, than that of royalty.

He also acts as a sort of spirit-medium and gives oracles in
trances; possesses considerable political influence; practises
(very occasional) austerities; observes some degree of chastity,
and appears quite sincere in his conviction of his own powers. At
least he always has a most plausible excuse ready to account for his
inability to do whatever is required. An aged magician who came from
Perak to doctor one of H.H. the Sultan's sons (Raja Kahar) while I
was at Langat, had the unusual reputation of being able to raise a
sandbank in the sea at will; but when I asked if I could see it done,
he explained that it could only be done in time of war when he was
hard pressed by an enemy's boat, and he could not do it for the sake
of mere ostentation! Moreover, like members of their profession all
the world over, these medicine-men are, perhaps naturally, extremely
reticent; it was seldom that they would let their books be seen,
much less copied, even for fair payment, and a Pawang once refused
to tell me a charm until I had taken my shoes off and was seated with
him upon a yellow cloth while he repeated the much-prized formula.

The office of magician is, as has been said, very often hereditary. It
is not so always, however, there being certain recognised ways in
which a man may "get magic." One of the most peculiar is as follows:
"To obtain magical powers (`elmu) you must meet the ghost of a
murdered man. Take the midrib of a leaf of the 'ivory' cocoa-nut
palm (pelepah niyor gading), which is to be laid on the grave, and
two more midribs, which are intended to represent canoe-paddles, and
carry them with the help of a companion to the grave of the murdered
man at the time of the full moon (the 15th day of the lunar month)
when it falls upon a Tuesday. Then take a cent's worth of incense,
with glowing embers in a censer, and carry them to the head-post of the
grave of the deceased. Fumigate the grave, going three times round it,
and call upon the murdered man by name:--

    'Hearken, So-and-so,
    And assist me;
    I am taking (this boat) to the saints of God,
    And I desire to ask for a little magic.' [126]

Here take the first midrib, fumigate it, and lay it upon the head
of the grave, repeating 'Kur Allah' ('Cluck, cluck, God!') seven
times. You and your companion must now take up a sitting posture, one
at the head and the other at the foot of the grave, facing the grave
post, and use the canoe-paddles which you have brought. In a little
while the surrounding scenery will change and take upon itself the
appearance of the sea, and finally an aged man will appear, to whom
you must address the same request as before."

(b) High Places

"Although officially the religious centre of the village community is
the mosque, there is usually in every small district a holy place known
as the kramat, [127] at which vows are paid on special occasions, and
which is invested with a very high degree of reverence and sanctity.

"These kramats abound in Malacca territory; there is hardly a village
but can boast some two or three in its immediate neighbourhood,
and they are perfectly well known to all the inhabitants.

"Theoretically, kramats are supposed to be the graves of deceased holy
men, the early apostles of the Muhammadan faith, the first founders of
the village who cleared the primeval jungle, or other persons of local
notoriety in a former age; and there is no doubt that many of them are
that and nothing more. But even so, the reverence paid to them and the
ceremonies that are performed at them savour a good deal too much of
ancestor-worship to be attributable to an orthodox Muhammadan origin.

"It is certain, however, that many of these kramats are not graves
at all: many of them are in the jungle, on hills and in groves,
like the high places of the Old Testament idolatries; they contain
no trace of a grave (while those that are found in villages usually
have grave-stones), and they appear to be really ancient sites of a
primitive nature-worship or the adoration of the spirits of natural

"Malays, when asked to account for them, often have recourse to the
explanations that they are kramat jin, that is, "spirit"-places;
and if a Malay is pressed on the point, and thinks that the orthodoxy
of these practices is being impugned, he will sometimes add that the
jin in question is a jin islam, a Muhammadan and quite orthodox spirit!

"Thus on Bukit Nyalas, near the Johol frontier, there is a kramat
consisting of a group of granite boulders on a ledge of rock
overhanging a sheer descent of a good many feet; bamboo clumps grow
on the place, and there were traces of religious rites having been
performed there, but no grave whatever. This place was explained
to me to be the kramat of one Nakhoda Hussin, described as a jin
(of the orthodox variety), who presides over the water, rain, and
streams. People occasionally burned incense there to avert drought
and get enough water for irrigating their fields. There was another
kramat of his lower down the hill, also consisting of rocks, one of
which was shaped something like a boat. I was informed that this jin
is attended by tigers which guard the hill, and are very jealous
of the intrusion of other tigers from the surrounding country. He
is believed to have revealed himself to the original Pawang of the
village, the mythical founder of the kampong of Nyalas. In a case
like this it seems probable that the name attached to this object
of reverence is a later accretion, and that under a thin disguise
we have here a relic of the worship of the spirit of rivers and
streams, a sort of elemental deity localised in this particular place,
and still regarded as a proper object of worship and propitiation,
in spite of the theoretically strict monotheism of the Muhammadan
creed. Again, at another place the kramat is nothing but a tree,
of somewhat singular shape, having a large swelling some way up the
trunk. It was explained to me that this tree was connected in a special
way with the prospects of local agriculture, the size of the swelling
increasing in good years and diminishing in bad seasons! Hence it was
naturally regarded with considerable awe by the purely agricultural
population of the neighbourhood.

"As may be imagined, it is exceedingly difficult to discover any
authentic facts regarding the history of these numerous kramats:
even where there is some evidence of the existence of a grave, the
name of the departed saint is usually the one fact that is remembered,
and often even that is forgotten. The most celebrated of the Malacca
kramats, the one at Machap, is a representative type of the first
class, that in which there really is a grave: it is the one place
where a hardened liar respects the sanctity of an oath, and it is
occasionally visited in connection with civil cases, when the one
party challenges the other to take a particular oath. A man who thinks
nothing of perjuring himself in the witness-box, and who might not much
mind telling a lie even with the Koran on his head, will flinch before
the ordeal of a falsehood in the presence of the Dato' Machap." [128]

After explaining the difference between beneficent spirits and the
spirits of evil, Mr. Blagden continues: "Some time ago one of these
objectionable hantus (spirits of evil) had settled down in a kerayong
tree in the middle of this village of Bukit Senggeh, and used to
frighten people who passed that way in the dusk; so the Pawang was
duly called upon to exorcise it, and under his superintendence the
tree was cut down, after which there was no more trouble. But it is
certain that it would have been excessively dangerous for an ordinary
layman to do so.

"This point may be illustrated by a case which was reported to me
soon after it occurred, and which again shows the intimate connection
of spirits with trees. A Javanese coolie, on the main road near Ayer
Panas, cut down a tree which was known to be occupied by a hantu. He
was thereupon seized with what, from the description, appears to have
been an epileptic fit, and showed all the traditional symptoms of
demoniac possession. He did not recover till his friends had carried
out the directions of the spirit, speaking through the sufferer's
mouth, it seems, viz., to burn incense, offer rice, and release a
fowl. After which the hantu left him.

"In many places there are trees which are pretty generally believed
to be the abodes of spirits, and not one Malay in ten would venture
to cut one down, while most people would hardly dare to go near
one after dark. On one occasion an exceptionally intelligent Malay,
with whom I was discussing the terms on which he proposed to take up
a contract for clearing the banks of a river, made it an absolute
condition that he should not be compelled to cut down a particular
tree which overhung the stream, on the ground that it was a 'spirit'
tree. That tree had to be excluded from the contract." [129]

The following description, by Sir W. Maxwell, of a Perak kramat may
be taken as fairly typical of the kramat, in which there really is
a grave:--

"Rightly or wrongly the Malays of Larut assign an Achinese origin
to an old grave which was discovered in the forest some years ago,
and of which I propose to give a brief description. It is situated
about half-way between the Larut Residency and the mining village of
Kamunting. In the neighbourhood the old durian trees of Java betoken
the presence of a Malay population at a date long prior to the advent
of the Chinese miner. The grave was discovered about twenty years
ago by workmen employed by the Mentri of Perak to make the Kamunting
road, and it excited much curiosity among the Malays at the time. The
Mentri and all the ladies of his family went on elephants to see it,
and it has been an object of much popular prestige ever since.

"The Malays of Java were able from the village tradition to give the
name and sex of the occupant of this lonely tomb, 'Toh Bidan Susu
Lanjut,' whose name sounds better in the original than in an English
translation. She is said to have been an old Achinese woman of good
family; of her personal history nothing is known, but her claims
to respectability are evinced by the carved head and foot stones
of Achinese workmanship which adorn her grave, and her sanctity
is proved by the fact that the stones are eight feet apart. It is
a well-known Malay superstition that the stones placed to mark the
graves of Saints miraculously increase their relative distance during
the lapse of years, and thus bear mute testimony to the holiness of
the person whose resting-place they mark.

"The kramat on the Kamunting road is on the spur of a hill through
which the roadway is cut. A tree overshadows the grave and is hung with
strips of white cloth and other rags (panji panji) which the devout
have put there. The direction of the grave is as nearly as possible
due north and south. The stones at its head and foot are of the same
size, and in every respect identical one with the other. They are
of sandstone, and are said by the natives to have been brought from
Achin. In design and execution they are superior to ordinary Malay
art, as will be seen, I think, on reference to the rubbings of the
carved surface of one of them, which have been executed for me by the
Larut Survey Office, and which I have transmitted to the Society with
this paper. The extreme measurements of the stones (furnished from
the same source) are 2' 1'' × 0' 9'' × 0' 7''. They are in excellent
preservation, and the carving is fresh and sharp. Some Malays profess
to discover in the three rows of vertical direction on the broadest
face of the slabs the Mohammedan attestation of the unity of God
(La ilaha illa-lla) repeated over and over again; but I confess that
I have been unable to do so. The offerings at a kramat are generally
incense (istangi or satangi) or benzoin (kaminian); these are burned
in little stands made of bamboo rods; one end is stuck in the ground
and the other split into four or five, and then opened out and plaited
with basket work so as to hold a little earth. They are called sangka;
a Malay will often vow that if he succeeds in some particular project,
or gets out of some difficulty in which he may happen to be placed,
he will burn three or more sangka at such and such a kramat. Persons
who visit a kramat in times of distress or difficulty, to pray and
to vow offerings, in case their prayers are granted, usually leave
behind them as tokens of their vows small pieces of white cloth,
which are tied to the branches of a tree or to sticks planted in the
ground near the sacred spot. For votary purposes the long-forgotten
tomb of Toh Bidan Susu Lanjut enjoys considerable popularity among
the Mohammedans of Larut; and the tree which overshadows it has,
I am glad to say, been spared the fate which awaited the rest of the
jungle which overhung the road. No coolie was bold enough to put an
axe to it." [130]

Mr. George Bellamy, writing in 1893, thus described the kramat at
Tanjong Karang in the Kuala Selangor district:--

"The kramat about which I am now writing is a very remarkable one. It
is situated on the extreme point of land at the mouth of the river
Selangor, close to where the new lighthouse has been erected. A
magnificent kayu ara (a kind of fig-tree) forms a prominent feature of
the tanjong (point or cape), and at the base of this tree, enveloped
entirely by its roots, is an oblong-shaped space having the appearance
of a Malay grave, with the headstones complete.... To this sacred
spot constant pilgrimages are made by the Malays, and the lower
branches of the tree rarely lack those pieces of white and yellow
cloth which are always hung up as an indication that some devout
person has paid his vows. The Chinese also have great respect for
this kramat, and have erected a sort of sylvan temple at the foot of
the tree." Mr. Bellamy tells how one Raja `Abdullah fell in love with
a maiden named Miriam, who disappeared and was supposed to have been
taken by the spirits (though she was really carried off by an earlier
lover named Hassan). Raja `Abdullah died and was buried at the foot of
the fig-tree. Mr. Bellamy concludes: "If you ever happen to see a very
big crocodile at the mouth of the Selangor river, floating listlessly
about, be careful not to molest it: it is but the buaya kramat, which
shape the spirit of Raja `Abdullah sometimes assumes. When walking
along the pantai (shore), if you chance to meet a very large tiger let
him pass unharmed. It is only Raja `Abdullah's ghost, and in proof
thereof you will see it leaves no footmarks on the sand. And when
you go to see the new lighthouse at Tanjong Kramat, you may perhaps
come face to face with a very old man, who sadly shakes his head and
disappears. Do not be startled, it is only Raja `Abdullah." [131]

In No. 2 of the same volume of the Selangor Journal Mr. Bellamy refers
to another kramat--that of 'Toh Ketapang--which he appears to localise
in Ulu Selangor.

It is by no means necessary to ensure the popularity of a kramat or
shrine that the saint to whose memory it is dedicated should be a
Malay. The cosmopolitan character of these shrines is attested in
the following note which I sent to the Selangor Journal [132] about
the shrines in the Ulu Langat (Kajang) district of Selangor:--

"The chief kramats in the district are 'Makam 'Toh Sayah' (the tomb of
a Javanese of high repute); 'Makam Said Idris,' at Rekoh, Said Idris
being the father of the Penghulu of Cheras; 'Makam 'Toh Janggut'
(a 'Kampar' man), on the road to Cheras; and 'Makam 'Toh Gerdu or
Berdu,' at Dusun Tua, Ulu Langat. 'Toh Berdu was of Sakai origin."

I have never yet, however, heard of any shrine being dedicated to
a Chinaman, and it is probable that this species of canonisation is
confined (at least in modern times) to local celebrities professing
the Muhammadan religion, as would certainly be the case of the Malays
and Javanese mentioned in the foregoing paragraph, and quite possibly
too in the case of the Sakai.

It is true that Chinese often worship at these shrines--just as, on
the same principle, they employ Malay magicians in prospecting for
tin; but there appear to be certain limits beyond which they cannot
go, as it was related to me when I was living in the neighbourhood,
that a Chinaman who had, in the innocence of his heart, offered at a
Moslem shrine a piece of the accursed pork, was pounced upon and slain
before he reached home by one of the tigers which guarded the shrine.

The shrine of 'Toh Kamarong is one of the most celebrated shrines in
the Langat district, the saint's last resting-place being guarded by a
white elephant and a white tiger, the latter of which had been a pet
(pemainan) of his during his lifetime. In this respect it is exactly
similar to the shrine of 'Toh Parwi of Pantei in Sungei Ujong, which is
similarly guarded, both shrines having been erected on the seashore,
it is said, in the days when the sea came much farther inland than it
does at present. The fame of 'Toh Kamarong filled the neighbourhood,
and it is related that on one occasion an irate mother exclaimed,
of a son of hers who was remarkable for his vicious habits, "May the
'Toh Kramat Kamarong fly away with him." Next day the boy disappeared,
and all search proved fruitless, until three days later 'Toh Kamarong
appeared to her in a dream, and informed her that he had carried the
boy off, as she had invited him to do, and that if she were to look
for his footprints she would be able to discover them inside the
pad-tracks of a tiger one of whose feet was smaller than the rest,
and which was then haunting the spot. She did so, and discovered her
son's footprints exactly as the saint had foretold. This Ghost-tiger,
which no doubt must be identified with 'Toh Kamarong's "pet," used
to roam the district when I was stationed in the neighbourhood, and
both I and, I believe, the then District Engineer (Mr. Spearing), saw
this tiger's tracks, and can vouch for the fact that one footprint
was smaller than the rest. This curious feature is thought by the
local Malays at least, to be one of the specially distinctive marks
of a rimau kramat, or Ghost-tiger, just as the possession of one tusk
that is smaller than the other is the mark of a Ghost-elephant. [133]

Closely connected with the subject of shrines is that of high places,
such as those spots where religious penance was traditionally
practised. One of these sacred spots is said to have been situated
upon the "Mount Ophir" of Malacca, which is about 4000 feet high,
and on which a certain legendary Princess known as Tuan Putri Gunong
Ledang is said to have dwelt, until she transferred her ghostly court
to Jugra Hill, upon the coast of Selangor. [134]

Such fasting-places are usually, as in Java, either solitary hills or
places which present some great natural peculiarity; even remarkable
trees and rocks being, as has already been pointed out, pressed into
the service of this Malay "natural religion."

(c) Nature of Rites

The main divisions of the magico-religious ceremonies of the Malays
are prayer, sacrifice, lustration, fasting, divination, and possession.

Prayer, which is defined by Professor Tylor as "a request made to a
deity as if he were a man," is still in the unethical stage among
the Malays; no request for anything but personal advantages of a
material character being ever, so far as I am aware, preferred by
the worshipper. The efficacy of prayer is, however, often supposed
to be enhanced by repetition.

"As prayer is a request made to a deity as if he were a man, so
sacrifice is a gift made to a deity as if he were a man.... The ruder
conception that the deity takes and values the offering for itself,
gives place, on the one hand, to the idea of mere homage as expressed
by a gift, and, on the other, to the negative view that the virtue
lies in the worshipper depriving himself of something prized." [135]

A general survey of the charms and ceremonies brought together in
this volume will, I think, be likely to establish the view that the
Malays (in accordance with the reported practice of many other races)
probably commenced with the idea of sacrifice as a simple gift,
and therefrom developed first the idea of ceremonial homage, and
later the idea of sacrifice as an act of abnegation. Evidences of
the original gift-theory chiefly survive in the language of charms,
in which the deity appealed to is repeatedly invited to eat and
drink of the offerings placed before him, as a master may be invited
to eat by his servants. The intermediate stage between the gift and
homage theories is marked by an extensive use of "substitutes," and
of the sacrifice of a part or parts for the whole. Thus we even find
the dough model of a human being actually called "the substitute"
(tukar ganti), and offered up to the spirits upon the sacrificial
tray; in the same sense are the significant directions of a magician,
that "if the spirit craves a human victim a cock may be substituted"
and the custom of hunters who, when they have killed a deer, leave
behind them in the forest small portions of each of the more important
members of the deer's anatomy, as "representatives" of the entire
carcase. In this last case the usual "ritualistic change may be traced
from practical reality to formal ceremony." "The originally valuable
offering is compromised for a smaller tribute or a cheaper substitute,
dwindling at last to a mere trifling token or symbol." [136]

This homage-theory will, I believe, be found to cover by far the
greater bulk of the sacrifices usually offered by Malays, and the idea
of abnegation appears to be practically confined to votal ceremonies
or vows (niat), in which the nature and extent of the offering are not
regulated by custom, but depend entirely upon the wealth or caprice of
the worshipper, there being merely a tacit understanding that he shall
sacrifice something which is of more than nominal value to himself.

Of the manner in which offerings are supposed to be received by the
deity to whom they are offered it is difficult to obtain very much
evidence. I have, however, frequently questioned Malays upon this
subject, and on the whole think it can very safely be said that the
deity is not supposed to touch the solid or material part of the
offering, but only the essential part, whether it be "life, savour,
essence, quality" or even the "soul."

It will perhaps be advisable, in order to avoid repetition, to describe
a few of the special and distinctive sub-rites which form part of
many of the more important ceremonies, such as (in particular), rites
performed at shrines, the rite of burning incense, the scattering of
(or banqueting upon) sacrificial rice, and the application of the
"Neutralising" Rice-paste (tepong tawar).

Of the rites performed at shrines, Mr. Blagden says: "The worship
there, as with most other kramats, consists of the burning of incense,
the offering of nasi kunyet (yellow rice), and the killing of goats;
but I also noticed a number of live pigeons there which illustrate
the practice, common in Buddhist countries, of releasing an animal
in order to gain 'merit' thereby." At a shrine on the Langat river
I have seen fowls which had (I was told) been similarly released.

Mr. Blagden's remarks apply with equal force to the services performed
at the shrines of Selangor, and I believe also of other States. It
should, however, I think, be pointed out that the nasi kunyit (yellow
rice) is, usually at all events, eaten by those who take part in
the service. At a ceremony which was held on one occasion after
my recovery from sickness, and in which, by request, I took part,
[137] incense was burnt, and Muhammadan prayers chanted, after which
the usual strip of white cloth (five cubits in length) was laid upon
the saint's grave (the saint being the father of the present Sultan
of Selangor), and the party then adjourned to a shelter some twenty
or thirty yards lower down the hill, where, first the men, and then
the women and children, partook of the flesh of the slaughtered goat
and the saffron-stained rice (pulut). After the meal the Bilal (mosque
attendant, who was present with the Malay headman and the local priest
of the mosque), returned to the tomb, and making obeisance, recited
a Muhammadan prayer, craving permission to take the cloth back for
his own use, which he presently did. These Bilals are needy men and
live upon the alms of the devout, so I suppose he thought there was
no reason why the saint should not contribute something to his support.

The burning of incense is one of the very simplest, and hence
commonest, forms of burnt sacrifice. Some magicians say that it
should be accompanied by an invocation addressed to the Spirit of
Incense, which should be besought, as in the example quoted below,
to "pervade the seven tiers of earth and sky respectively." It would
appear that the intention of the worshipper is to ensure that his
"sacrifice of sweet savour" should reach the nostrils of the gods
and help to propitiate them, wherever they may be, by means of a
foretaste of offerings to follow. This invocation, however, is not
unfrequently omitted, or at least slurred over by the worshipper, in
spite of the contention of the magicians who use it, that "without
it the spell merely rises like smoke which is blown away by the
wind." The following is one form of the invocation in question:--

    Zabur [138] Hijau is your name, O Incense,
    Zabur Bajang the name of your Mother,
    Zabur Puteh the name of your Fumes,
    Scales from the person of God's Apostle [139] were your Origin.
    May you fumigate the Seven Tiers of the Earth,
    May you fumigate the Seven Tiers of the Sky,
    And serve as a summons to all Spirits, to those which have magic
    powers, and those which have become Saints of God,
    The Spirits of God's elect, who dwell in the Halo of the Sun,
    And whose resort is the "Ka`bah" of God,
    At even and morn, by night and day;
    And serve as a summons to the Elect of God,
    Who dwell at the Gate of the Spaces of Heaven,
    And whose resort is the White Diamond
    In the Interior of Egypt, at morn and eve,
    Who know (how) to make the dead branch live,
    And the withered blossom unfold its petals,
    And to perform the word of God;
    By the grace of (the creed) "There is no god but God," etc.

The direction taken by the fumes of the incense is observed and
noted for the purpose of divination; this feature of the rite will
be noticed under the heading of Medicine. [140]

Another form of sacrifice consists in the scattering of rice. The
sacrificial rice (Oryza sativa) used in the ceremonies is always of
the following kinds: firstly, parched rice (b'ras bertih); secondly,
washed rice (b'ras basoh); thirdly, saffron-stained rice (b'ras kunyit,
i.e. rice stained with turmeric); [141] and, finally, a special kind
of glutinous rice called pulut (Oryza glutinosa), which is also very
generally used for sacrificial banquets.

Of these, the parched rice is generally used for strewing the bottom of
the sacrificial tray (anchak) when the framework has been covered with
banana leaves, but the offerings have not yet been deposited within it.

The washed and saffron rice are generally used for scattering either
over the persons to be benefited by the ceremony, or else upon the
ground or house-floor.

With reference to the selection of rice for this purpose, it has been
suggested that the rice is intended to attract what may be called the
"bird-soul" (i.e. the soul of man conceived as a bird) to the spot,
or to keep it from straying at a particularly dangerous moment in
the life of its owner.

The pulut or glutinous rice is the kind of rice generally used for
sacrificial banquets, e.g. for banquets at "high places," etc.

Lustration is generally accomplished either by means of fire or of
water. The best examples of the former are perhaps the fumigation of
infants, and the api saleian or purificatory fire, over which women
are half-roasted when a birth has taken place, but these being special
and distinctive ceremonies, will be described with others of the same
nature in Chapter VI.

One of the forms of lustration by water, however, appears rather to
take the place of a sub-rite, forming an integral portion of a large
class of ceremonies, such as those relating to Building, Fishing,
Agriculture, Marriage, and so forth. Hence it will be necessary to
give a general sketch of its leading features in the present context.

The ceremony of lustration by water, when it takes the form of the
sub-rite referred to, is called "Tepong Tawar," which properly means
"the Neutralising Rice-flour (Water)," "neutralising" being used
almost in a chemical sense, i.e. in the sense of "sterilising" the
active element of poisons, or of destroying the active potentialities
of evil spirits.

The rite itself consists in the application [142] of a thin
paste made by mixing rice-flour with water: this is taken up in a
brush or "bouquet" of leaves and applied to the objects which the
"neutralisation" is intended to protect or neutralise, whether they
be the posts of a house, the projecting ends of a boat's ribs (tajok
p'rahu), the seaward posts of fishing-stakes (puchi kelong), or the
forehead and back of the hands of the bride and bridegroom.

The brush must be first fumigated with incense, then dipped into the
bowl which contains the rice-water, and shaken out almost dry, for if
the water runs down the object to which it is applied it is held to
"portend tears," whereas if it spreads equally all round (benchar)
it is lucky. The composition of the brush, which is considered to be
of the highest importance, appears to vary, but only within certain
limits. It almost invariably, in Selangor, consists of a selection of
leaves from the following plants, which are made up in small bouquets
of five, seven, or nine leaves each, and bound round with ribu-ribu (a
kind of small creeper), or a string of shredded tree bark (daun t'rap).

The following is a list of the leaves generally used:--

1. Leaves of the grass called sambau dara, which is said to be the
symbol of a "settled soul" (`alamat menetapkan semangat), and which
hence always forms the core of the bouquet. [143]

2. The leaves of the selaguri, which appears to be "a shrub or
small tree with yellow flowers (Clerodendron disparifolium, Bl.,
Verbenaceæ; or Sida rhombifolia, L., Malvaceæ, a common small shrub
in open country)," [144] which is described as one of the first of
shrubs (kayu asal), and is said to be used as a "reminder of origin"
(peringatan asal).

3. The leaves of the pulut-pulut (the exact identity of which I have
not yet ascertained, but which may be the Urena lobata, L., one of
the Malvaceae), which is said to be used for the same purpose as
the preceding.

4. The leaves of the gandarusa (Insticia gandarusa, L., Acanthaceæ),
a plant described as "often cultivated and half-wild--a shrub used
in medicine."

The selection of this plant is said to be due to its reputation for
scaring demons (`alamat menghalaukan hantu). So great is its efficacy
supposed to be, that people who have to go out when rain is falling
and the sun shining simultaneously--a most dangerous time to be abroad,
in Malay estimation,--put a sprig of the gandarusa in their belts.

5. The leaves of the gandasuli (which I have not yet been able to
identify, no such name appearing in Ridley's plant-list, but which I
believe to be a water-side plant which I have seen, with a white and
powerfully fragrant flower). [145] It is considered to be a powerful
charm against noxious birth-spirits, such as the Langsuir.

6. The leaves of the sapanggil (which is not yet identified).

7. The leaves of the lenjuang merah, or "the common red dracæna"
(Cordyline terminalis, var. ferrea, Liliaceæ). [146] This shrub is
planted in graveyards, and occasionally at the four corners of the
house, to drive away ghosts and demons.

8. The leaves of the sapenoh (unidentified), a plant with big round
leaves, which is always placed outside the rest of the leaves in
the bunch.

9. To the above list may be perhaps added the satawar, sitawar
or tawar-tawar (Costus speciosus, L., Scitamineæ, and Forrestia,
spp. Commelinaceæ); and

10. The satebal (Fagræa racemosa, Jack., Loganiaceæ).

Leaves of the foregoing plants and shrubs are made up, as has been
said, in small sets or combinations of five, seven, or even perhaps of
nine leaves a piece. These combinations are said to differ according to
the object to which the rice-water is to be applied. It is extremely
unlikely, however, that all magicians should make the same selections
even for the same objects--rather would they be likely to make use of
such leaves on the list as happen to be most readily available. Still,
however, as the only example of such differentiation which I have yet
been able to obtain, I will give the details of three separate and
distinctive combinations, which were described to me by a Selangor

  (1) For a wedding ceremony      sambau dara      tied round with a
                                  selaguri         string of shredded
                                  pulut-pulut      tree-bark.

  (2) For blessing                gandarusa        tied with the
      fishing-stakes              selaguri         creeper ribu-ribu.
                                  lenjuang merah

  (3) For the ceremony of         lenjuang         tied with
      taking the rice-soul        merah            ribu-ribu.

Further inquiry and the collection of additional material will no
doubt help to elucidate the general principles on which such selections
are made.

Short rhyming charms are very often used as accompaniments of the rite
of rice-water, but appear to be seldom if ever repeated aloud. The
following is a specimen, and others will be found in the Appendix:

    "Neutralising Rice-paste, true Rice-paste,
    And, thirdly, Rice-paste of Kadangsa!
    Keep me from sickness, keep me from death,
    Keep me from injury and ruin."

Other not less important developments of the idea of lustration by
water are to be found in such ceremonies as the bathing of mother and
child after a birth and the washing of the floor (basoh lantei) upon
similar occasions, the bathing of the sick, of bride and bridegroom
at weddings, of corpses (meruang), [148] and the annual bathing
expeditions (mandi Safar), which are supposed to purify the persons
of the bathers and to protect them from evil (tolak bala).

Fasting, or the performance of religious penance, which is now
but seldom practised, would appear to have been only undertaken in
former days with a definite object in view, such as the production
of the state of mental exaltation which induces ecstatic visions,
the acquisition of supernatural powers (sakti), and so forth.

The fast always took place, of course, in a solitary spot, and not
unfrequently upon the top of some high and solitary hill such as Mount
Ophir (Gunong Ledang), on the borders of Malacca territory. Frequently,
however, much lower hills, or even plains which possessed some
remarkable rock or tree, would be selected for the purpose.

Such fasting, however, did not, as sometimes with us, convey to the
Malays the idea of complete abstinence, as the magicians informed me
that a small modicum of rice contained in a ketupat (which is a small
diamond-shaped rice-receptacle made of plaited cocoa-nut leaf) was the
daily "allowance" of any one who was fasting. The result was that fasts
might be almost indefinitely prolonged, and the thrice-seven-days'
fast of 'Che Utus upon Jugra Hill, on the Selangor coast, [149] is
still one of the traditions of that neighbourhood, whilst in Malay
romances and in Malay tradition this form of religious penance is
frequently represented as continuing for years.

Finally, I would draw attention to the strong vein of Sympathetic
Magic or "make believe" which runs through and leavens the whole
system of Malay superstition. The root-idea of this form of magic
has been said to be the principle that "cause follows from effect."

"One of the principles of sympathetic magic is that any effect may
be produced by imitating it.... If it is wished to kill a person,
an image of him is made and then destroyed; and it is believed that
through a certain physical sympathy between the person and his image,
the man feels the injuries done to the image as if they were done to
his own body, and that when it is destroyed he must simultaneously
perish." [150]

The principle thus described is perhaps the most important of all
those which underlie the "Black Art" of the Malays.


The Malay Pantheon

(a) Gods

A careful investigation of the magic rites and charms used by a
nation which has changed its religion will not unfrequently show,
that what is generally called witchcraft is merely the débris of the
older ritual, condemned by the priests of the newer faith, but yet
stubbornly, though secretly, persisting, through the unconquerable
religious conservatism of the mass of the people.

"There is nothing that clings longer to a race than the religious
faith in which it has been nurtured. Indeed, it is impossible for
any mind that is not thoroughly scientific to cast off entirely the
religious forms of thought in which it has grown to maturity. Hence
in every people that has received the impression of foreign beliefs,
we find that the latter do not expel and supersede the older religion,
but are engrafted on it, blent with it, or overlie it. Observances are
more easily abandoned than ideas, and even when all the external forms
of the alien faith have been put on, and few vestiges of the indigenous
one remain, the latter still retains its vitality in the mind, and
powerfully colours or corrupts the former. The actual religion of a
people is thus of great ethnographic interest, and demands a minute
and searching observation. No other facts relating to rude tribes are
more difficult of ascertainment, or more often elude inquiry." [151]

"The general principle stated by Logan in the passage just quoted
receives remarkable illustration from a close investigation of the
folk-lore and superstitious beliefs of the Malays. Two successive
religious changes have taken place among them, and when we have
succeeded in identifying the vestiges of Brahmanism which underlie
the external forms of the faith of Muhammad, long established in all
Malay kingdoms, we are only half-way through our task."

"There yet remain the powerful influences of the still earlier
indigenous faith to be noted and accounted for. Just as the
Buddhists of Ceylon turn in times of sickness and danger, not to the
consolations offered by the creed of Buddha, but to the propitiation
of the demons feared and reverenced by their early progenitors,
and just as the Burmese and Talaings, though Buddhists, retain in
full force the whole of the Nat superstition, so among the Malays,
in spite of centuries which have passed since the establishment of
an alien worship, the Muhammadan peasant may be found invoking the
protection of Hindu gods against the spirits of evil with which his
primitive faith has peopled all natural objects." [152]

"What was the faith of Malaya seven hundred years ago it is hard to
say, but there is a certain amount of evidence to lead to the belief
that it was a form of Brahmanism, and that, no doubt, had succeeded
the original spirit worship." [153]

The evidence of folk-lore, taken in conjunction with that supplied by
charm-books and romances, goes to show that the greater gods of the
Malay Pantheon, though modified in some respects by Malay ideas, were
really borrowed Hindu divinities, and that only the lesser gods and
spirits are native to the Malay religious system. It is true that some
of these native gods can be with more or less distinctness identified
with the great powers of nature: the King of the Winds (Raja Angin)
for instance; "Mambang Tali Harus," or the god of mid-currents (the
Malay Neptune); the gods of thunder and lightning, of the celestial
bodies, etc.; but none of them appear to have the status of the chief
gods of the Hindu system, and both by land and water the terrible Shiva
("Batara Guru" or "Kala") is supreme. Yet each department of nature,
however small, has its own particular godling or spirit who requires
propitiation, and influences for good or evil every human action. Only
the moral element is wanting to the divine hegemony--the "cockeyed,"
limping substitute which does duty for it reflecting only too
truthfully the character of the people with whom it passes as divine.

I will first take, in detail, the gods of Hindu origin. "Batara (or
Betara) Guru" is "the name by which Siva is known to his worshippers,
who constitute the vast majority of the Balinese, and who probably
constituted the bulk of the old Javanese." [154]

In the magic of the Peninsular Malays we find Vishnu the Preserver,
Brahma the Creator, Batara Guru, Kala, and S'ri simultaneously appealed
to by the Malay magician; and though it would, perhaps, be rash,
(as Mr. Wilkinson says), to infer solely from Malay romances or Malay
theatrical invocations (many of which owe much to Javanese influence),
that Hinduism was the more ancient religion of the Malays, there is
plenty of other evidence to prove that the "Batara Guru" of the Malays
(no less than the Batara Guru of Bali and Java) is none other than
the recognised father of the Hindu Trinity. [155]

Of the greater deities or gods, Batara Guru is unquestionably the
greatest. "In the Hikayat Sang Samba (the Malay version of the
Bhaumakavya), Batara Guru appears as a supreme God, with Brahma and
Vishnu as subordinate deities. It is Batara Guru who alone has the
water of life (ayer utama (atama) jiwa) which brings the slaughtered
heroes to life." [156]

So to this day the Malay magician declares that 'Toh Batara Guru
(under any one of the many corruptions which his name now bears [157])
was "the all-powerful spirit who held the place of Allah before the
advent of Muhammadanism, a spirit so powerful that he could restore
the dead to life; and to him all prayers were addressed."

Mr. Wilkinson, in the article from which we have already quoted,
deals with another point of interest, the expression sang-yang,
or batara, which is prefixed to guru. After pointing out that yang
in this case is not the ordinary Malay pronoun (yang, who), but an
old word meaning a "deity," he remarks, that so far as he has been
able to discover, it is only used of the greater Hindu divinities,
and not of inferior deities or demi-gods. Thus we find it applied to
Shiva and Vishnu, but never to the monkey-god Hanuman, or a deity of
secondary importance like Dermadewa. Such inferior divinities have
only the lesser honorific "sang" prefixed to their names, and in this
respect fare no better than mere mortals (such as Sang Sapurba and
Sang Ranjuna Tapa) and animals (such as, in fables, Sang Kanchil,
Mr. Mousedeer; and Sang Tikus, Mr. Rat).

"The expression batara is also limited to the greater Hindu divinities
(except when used as a royal title), e.g. Batara Guru, Batara Kala,
Batara Indra, Batara Bisnu, etc. Thus the expressions sang-yang and
batara are fairly coincident in their application. [158] But there
are a few deities of whom the honorific sang-yang is used, but not
batara, e.g. sang-yang tunggal, 'the only God,' sang-yang sokma, etc.

"Thus batara would seem to be limited in use to the actual
names of Hindu deities as distinct from epithets describing those
deities. "Batara Guru" would seem to be an exception--the only one--to
this rule, and to point to the fact that the original meaning of
guru had been lost sight of, and that the expression had come to be
regarded only as a proper name."

Occasionally, as is only to be expected, the Malays get mixed in
their mythology, and of this Mr. Wilkinson gives two examples, one
of the identification of Batara Guru (Shiva) with Brahma (Berahmana),
and another of the drawing of a distinction between "Guru" (Shiva) and
"Mahadewa," which latter is only another name for the same divinity.

Such slips are inevitable among an illiterate people, and should
always be criticised by comparison with the original Hindu tenets,
from which these ideas may be presumed to have proceeded.

Mr. Wilkinson quotes an extraordinary genealogy representing, inter
alia, "Guru as the actual father of the Hindu Trinity," and also of
"Sambu" (whom he cannot identify), and "Seri, who is the Hindu Sri,
the goddess of grain, and, therefore, a deity of immense importance
to the old Javanese and Malays."

On this I would only remark that Sambu (or Jambu) is the first portion
of the name almost universally ascribed to the Crocodile-spirit by
the Peninsular Malays. [159]

It would be beyond the scope of this work to attempt the identification
of Batara Guru (Shiva) with all the numerous manifestations and titles
attributed to him by the Malays, but the special manifestation (of
Shiva), which is called "Kala," forms an integral part of the general
conception, whether among the Malays or Hindus, and is, therefore,
deserving of some attention.

The Malay conception of Batara Guru seems to have been that he had
both a good and a bad side to his character. Though he was "Destroyer"
he was also "Restorer-to-life," [160] and it would appear that these
two opposite manifestations of his power tended to develop into two
distinct personalities, a development which apparently was never
entirely consummated. This, however, is not the only difficulty, for
on investigating the limits of the respective spheres of influence
of Batara Guru and Kala, we find that the only sphere, which is
always admitted to be under Kala's influence, is the intermediate
zone between the respective spheres of influence of Batara Guru (as
he is called if on land, "Si Raya" if at sea) and a third divinity,
who goes by the name of "'Toh Panjang Kuku," or "Grandsire Long-Claws."

Now Hindu mythology, we are told, knows next to nothing of the sea,
and any such attempt as this to define the respective boundaries of
sea and land is almost certain to be due to the influence of Malay
ideas. Again, the intermediate zone is not necessarily considered
less dangerous than that of definitely evil influences. Thus the most
dangerous time for children to be abroad is sunset, the hour when we
can "call it neither perfect day nor night"; so too a day of mingled
rain and sunshine is regarded as fraught with peculiar dangers from
evil spirits, and it would be quite in keeping with such ideas that
the intermediate zone, whether between high and low water-mark, or
between the clearing and primeval forest, should be assigned to Kala,
the Destroyer. In which case the expression "Grandsire Long-Claws"
might be used to signify this special manifestation of Shiva on
land, possibly through the personality of the Tiger, just as the
Crocodile-spirit appears to represent Shiva by water. [161]

We thus reach a point of exceptional interest, for hunting, being
among the old Hindus one of the seven deadly sins, was regarded as a
low pursuit, and one which would never be indulged in by a god. Yet I
was repeatedly told when collecting charms about the Spectre Huntsman
that he was a god, and, explicitly, that he was Batara Guru. This
shows the strength of the Malay influences which had been at work,
and which had actually succeeded in corrupting the character, so to
speak, of the supreme god of this borrowed Hindu Trinity. [162]

The Batara Guru of the Sea, who by some magicians, at all events,
is identified with Si Raya (the "Great One"), and, probably wrongly,
with the God of Mid-currents [163] (Mambang Tali Harus), is of a much
milder character than his terrestrial namesake or compeer, and although
sickness may sometimes be ascribed to the sea-spirit's wrath, it is
neither so sudden nor so fatal as the sickness ascribed to the wanton
and unprovoked malice of the Spectre Huntsman, or Spirit of the Land.

Fishermen and seafarers, on the other hand, obtain many a favour
from him, and even hope to make friends with him by means of simple
sacrifices and charms.

Si Raya (or Madu-Raya) is said to have a family, his wife's name
being Madu-ruti, and his children "Wa' Ranai," and "Si Kekas" (the
scratcher), all of whom, however, have their own separate spheres
of influence. The "Great One" himself (Madu-Raya) rules over the sea
from low-water mark (at the river's mouth) out to mid-ocean; and if
his identity with "'Toh Rimpun `Alam" is accepted, [164] his place
of abode is at the navel of the seas, within the central whirlpool
(Pusat Tasek), from the centre of which springs the Magic Tree (Pauh
Janggi), on whose boughs perches the roc (garuda) of fable, and at
whose foot dwells the Gigantic Crab, whose entrance into and exit from
the cave in which he dwells is supposed to cause the displacement of
water which results in the ebb and flow of the tide. [165]

The only other divinities (of the rank of "Mambangs") which are of
any importance are the "White divinity," who dwells in the Sun, the
"Black divinity," who dwells in the Moon, and the "Yellow divinity,"
who dwells in the Yellow Sunset-glow, which latter is always considered
most dangerous to children.

When there is a decided glow at sunset, any one who sees it takes
water into his mouth (di-kemam ayer) and dislodges it in the direction
of the brightness, at the same time throwing ashes (di-sembor dengan
abu) saying:--

    Mambang kuning, mambang k'labu,
    Pantat kuning di-sembor abu.

This is done "in order to put out the brightness," the reason that
it must be put out being that in the case of any one who is not very
strong (lemah semangat) it causes fever.

(b) Spirits, Demons, and Ghosts

The "Jins" or "Genii," generally speaking, form a very extensive class
of quite subordinate divinities, godlings, or spirits, whose place
in Malay mythology is clearly due, whether directly or indirectly, to
Muhammadan influences, but who may be most conveniently treated here as
affording a sort of connecting link between gods and ghosts. There has,
it would appear, been a strong tendency on the part of the Malays to
identify these imported spirits with the spirits of their older (Hindu)
religion, but the only Genie who really rises to the level of one of
the great Hindu divinities is the Black King of the Genii (Sang Gala
[166] Raja, or Sa-Raja Jin), who appears at times a manifestation
of Shiva Batara Guru, who is confounded with the destructive side of
Shiva, i.e. Kala. This at least would appear to be the only theory on
which we could explain the use of many of the epithets or attributes
assigned to the King of the Genii, who is at one time called "the
one and only God"; at another, "Bentara (i.e. Batara), Guru, the
Genie that was from the beginning," and at another, "the Land Demon,
the Black Batara Guru," etc.

The following is a description of this, the mightiest of the Genii:--

    Peace be with you!
    Ho, Black Genie with the Black Liver,
    Black Heart and Black Lungs,
    Black Spleen and tusk-like Teeth,
    Scarlet Breast and body-hairs inverted,
    And with only a single bone. [167]

So far as can be made out from the meagre evidence obtainable, the
spirit thus described is identifiable with the Black King of Genii,
who dwells in the Heart of the Earth, and whose bride, Sang Gadin
(or Gading), presented him with seven strapping Black Genii as
children. [168]

Altogether there are one hundred and ninety of these
(Black?) Genii--more strictly, perhaps, one hundred and ninety-three,
which coincides curiously with the number of "Mischiefs" (Badi),
which reside in "all living things." The resemblance, I may add,
does not end here; for though the Genii may do good, and the "Badi"
do not, both are considered able to do infinite harm to mortals, and
both make choice of the same kind of dwelling-places, such as hollows
in the hills, solitary patches of primeval forest, dead parasites on
trees, etc. etc.

As to the origin of these Genii, one magician told me that all "Jins"
came from the country "Ban Ujan," which may possibly be Persia; [169]
other magicians, however, variously derive them from the dissolution
of various parts of the anatomy of the great snake "Sakatimuna,"
of the "First Great Failure" to make man's image (at the creation
of man); from the drops of blood which spirted up to heaven when the
first twins, Abel and Cain (in the Malay version Habil and Kabil) bit
their thumbs; from the big cocoa-nut monkey or baboon (berok besar),
and so on.

The theory already mentioned, viz. that the Black King of the Genii
gradually came to be identified with Kala, and later came gradually
to be established as a separate personality, appears to be the only
one which will satisfactorily explain the relations subsisting between
the Black and White Genii, who are on the one hand distinctly declared
to be brothers, whilst the White Genie is in another passage declared
to be Maharaja Dewa or Mahadewa, which latter is, as we have already
seen, a special name of Shiva.

This White Genie is said to have sprung, by one account, from the
blood-drops which fell on the ground when Habil and Kabil bit their
thumbs; by another, from the irises of the snake Sakatimuna's eyes
(benih mata Sakatimuna), and is sometimes confused with the White
Divinity ('Toh Mambang Puteh), who lives in the sun.

The name of his wife is not mentioned, as it is in the case of
the Black Genie, but the names of three of his children have been
preserved, and they are Tanjak Malim Kaya, Pari Lang (lit. kite-like,
i.e. "winged" Skate), and Bintang Sutan (or Star of Sutan). [170]

On the whole, I may say that the White Genie is very seldom mentioned
in comparison with the Black Genie, and that whereas absolutely no
harm, so far as I can find out, is recorded of him, he is, on the
other hand, appealed to for protection by his worshippers.

A very curious subdivision of Genii into Faithful (Jin Islam) and
Infidel (Jin Kafir) is occasionally met with, and it is said, moreover,
that Genii (it is to be hoped orthodox ones) may be sometimes bought
at Mecca from the "Sheikh Jin" (Headman of Genii) at prices varying
from $90 to $100 a piece. [171]

Besides these subdivisions, certain Genii are sometimes specifically
connected with special objects or ideas. Thus there are the Genii
of the royal musical instruments (Jin Nemfiri, or Lempiri, Gendang,
and Naubat), who are sometimes identified with the Genii of the State
(Jin Karaja'an), and the Genii of the Royal Weapons (Jin Sembuana),
both of which classes of Genii are held able to strike men dead. The
only other Genie that I would here specially mention is the Jin
`Afrit (sometimes called Jin Rafrit), from whom the "White Man" (a
designation which is often specially used in the Peninsula as a synonym
for Englishman) is sometimes said to have sprung, but who belongs in
Arabian mythology to a higher class than the mere Genii. Before leaving
the subject of Genii, I must, however, point out the extremely common
juxtaposition of the Arabic word "Jin" and the Malay "Jembalang." From
the frequency with which this juxtaposition occurs, and from the
fact that the two appear to be used largely as convertible terms,
we might expect to find that Jin and Jembalang were mere synonyms,
both applicable to similar classes of spirits. The process is not
quite complete, however, as although the expression Jembalang Tunggal
(the only Jembalang), is found as well as Jin Tunggal, the higher
honorific Sang Raja or Sa-Raja is never, so far as I am aware,
prefixed to the word "Jembalang," though it is frequently prefixed
to "Jin." Of the other members of the Malay hierarchy who owe their
introduction to Muhammadan influences, the only ones of importance
are angels (Mala'ikat), prophets (Nabi), and headmen (Sheikh).

I will take them in this order.

Of the angels, unquestionably the most important are Azrael (`Azra'il
or `Ijrail), Michael (Mika'il), Israfel (Israfil, Ijrafil, or
Serafil), and Gabriel (Jibra'il or 'Jabra'il, often corrupted into
Raja Brahil). There can be no doubt that the foregoing are meant
for the names of a group of four archangels, the name of Israfel
corresponding to Abdiel, who generally occupies the fourth place in
our own angelic hierarchy.

Their customary duties are apportioned among the four great angels
as follows:--

Azrael is, as with us, the angel of death, who "carries off the
lives of all creatures"; Israfel is "lord of all the different airs"
in our body; Michael is the "giver of daily bread"; and Gabriel is
a messenger or "bringer of news."

Sometimes, again, a White Angel (Mala'ikat Puteh) is mentioned,
e.g. as being in "charge of all things in the jungle," but what his
specific duties are in this connection does not transpire.

In an invocation addressed to the Sea-spirit, however, we find four
more such angels mentioned, all of whom hold similar charges:--

    Chitar Ali is the angel's name, who is lord of the whirlpool;
    Sabur Ali is the angel's name, who is lord of the winds;
    Sir Ali is the angel's name, who is lord of the waters of the sea;
    Putar Ali is the angel's name, who is lord of the rainbow.

No doubt the names of many more of the subordinate angels might
be collected, as we are repeatedly told that they are forty-four
in number.

Of the prophets (Nabi) there are an indefinite number, the title
being applied to many of the more prominent characters who figure in
our own Old Testament (as well as in the Koran), but who would not
by ourselves be considered to possess any special qualifications for
prophetic office. Among the more famous of these I may mention (after
Muhammad and his immediate compeers) the prophet Solomon (sometimes
considered--no doubt owing to his unrivalled reputation for magical
skill--as the king of the Genii, whose assistance the hunter or
trapper is continually invoking); the prophet David, celebrated for
the beauty of his voice; and the prophet Joseph, celebrated for the
beauty of his countenance. Besides these (and others of the same type),
there is a group of minor prophets whose assistance is continually
invoked in charms; these are the prophet Tap (Tetap or Ketap?),
"lord of the earth;" the prophet Khailir (Khaithir or Khizr), "lord
of water;" the prophet Noah, "lord of trees;" and the prophet Elias,
"planter of trees."

Khizr is often confounded with Elias. He discovered and drank of
the fountain of life (whence his connection with water), and will
consequently not die till the last trump.

Next to the prophets comes the "Sultan" (Sultan), or "King" (Malik),
both of which Arabic titles, however, are somewhat rarely used by Malay
magicians. Still we find such expressions as Sa-Raja (Sang-Raja?) Malik
(King of Kings) applied to Batara Guru.

Next to these royal honorifics comes the title of "Headman" or

There are, it is usually stated, four of these Sheikhs who are
"penned" (di-kandang) in the Four Corners of the Earth respectively,
and whose names are `Abdul Kadir, `Abdul Muri, a third whose name is
not mentioned, and `Abdul `Ali. [172]

Sometimes they are called "Sheikh `Alam" (or Si Putar `Alam), and
are each said to reside "within a ring-fence of white iron." Hence
we obtain a perfectly intelligible meaning for the expression, "Ask
pardon of the Four Corners of the World," i.e. of the Sheikhs who
reside therein, though the phrase sounds ridiculous enough without
such explanation.

The only other Arabic title which is perhaps worth noticing here
[173] is that of "Priest" (Imam), which we find somewhat curiously
used in an invocation addressed to the sea-spirit. "Imam An Jalil is
the name of the 'Priest of the Sea.'"

In the invocation addressed to the Sea-spirit we find the expression:--

"Jungle-chief of the World is the name of the Old Man of the Sea."

There can, however, be little doubt that this "Old Man of the Sea"
is a mere synonym for Batara Guru.

A set of expressions to which special reference should perhaps be
made consists of the titles used by the wild jungle tribes (Sakais),
the use of which is important as confirming the principle that the
"Autochthones" are more influential with the spirits residing in their
land than any later arrivals can be, whatever skill the latter may
have acquired in the magic arts of the country from whence they came.

"Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir, Munshi, in his Autobiography, has an
interesting passage on the beliefs of the Malays on the subject of
spirits and demons, beliefs which are much more deeply-rooted than
is generally supposed. He does not, however, differentiate between
national customs and beliefs, and those which have come in with
the Muhammadan religion. And indeed it is not easy to do so. Here,
everything is classed under the generic term sheitan, which is Arabic,
and we find the rakshasa of Hindu romances and the jin and `efrit of
the Arabian Nights in the company of a lot of Indo-Chinese spirits
and goblins, who have not come from the West like the others:--

"I explained to Mr. M. clearly the names of all the sheitan believed
in by Chinese and Malays; all ignorance and folly which have come
down from their ancestors in former times, and exist up to the
present day, much more than I could relate or explain. I merely
enumerated the varieties, such as hantu, sheitan, [174] polong,
[175] pontianak, penanggalan, [176] jin, [177] pelisit, [178]
mambang, [179] hantu pemburu, [180] hantu rimba, jadi-jadian, [181]
hantu bengkus, [182] bota, gargasi, raksaksa, [183] nenek kabayan,
[184] himbasan, [185] sawan, [186] hantu mati di-bunoh, [187]
bajang, [188] katagoran, sempak-kan, puput-kan, [189] `efrit, [190]
jemalang, [191] terkena, [192] ubat guna. [193] Besides all these
there are ever so many ilmu-ilmu (branches of secret knowledge),
all of which I could not remember, such as gagak, [194] penundok,
[195] pengasih, [196] kebal, [197] kasaktian, [198] tuju, [199]
`alimun, [200] penderas, [201] perahuh, [202] chucha, [203] pelali,
[204] perangsang, [205] and a quantity of others. All these are firmly
believed in by the people. Some of these arts have their professors
(guru) from whom instruction may be got. Others have their doctors,
who can say this is such and such a disease, and this is the remedy
for it, and besides these there are all those arts which are able to
cause evil to man. When Mr. M. heard all this he was astonished and
wondered, and said, 'Do you know the stories of all these?' I replied,
'If I were to explain all about them it would fill a large book,
and the contents of the book would be all ignorance and nonsense
without any worth, and sensible persons would not like to listen to
it, they would merely laugh at it.'" [206]

To the foregoing the following list of spirits and ghosts may be added.

The Hantu Kubor (Grave Demons) are the spirits of the dead, who are
believed to prey upon the living whenever they get an opportunity. With
them may be classed the "Hantu orang mati di-bunoh," or "spirits of
murdered men."

"The Hantu Ribut is the storm-fiend that howls in the blast and revels
in the whirlwind." [207]

The Hantu Ayer and Hantu Laut are Water and Sea-spirits, and the
Hantu Bandan is the Spirit of the Waterfall, which "may often be seen
lying prone on the water, with head like an inverted copper (kawah),"
where the water rushes down the fall between the rocks.

The Hantu Longgak [208] is continually looking up in the air. Those
who are attacked by him foam at the mouth.

The Hantu Rimba (Deep-forest Demon), Hantu Raya [209] ("Great"
Demon), Hantu Denei (Demon of Wild-beast-tracks), the Hantu-hantuan
(Echo-spirits), and I think the Hantu Bakal, are all spirits of the
jungle, but are perhaps somewhat less localised than the large class
of spirits (such as the Malacca-cane, gharu, gutta, and camphor-tree
spirits) which are specially associated with particular trees.

The Hantu B'rok is the Baboon Demon (the B'rok being what is generally
called the "cocoa-nut monkey," a sort of big baboon); it is sometimes
supposed to take possession of dancers, and enable them, whilst
unconscious, to perform wonderful climbing feats.

The Hantu Belian, according to many Selangor Malays, is a tiger-spirit
which takes the form of a bird. This bird is said to be not unlike the
raquet-tailed king-crow (chenchawi), and to sit on the tiger's back;
whence it plucks out the tiger's fur and swallows it, never allowing
it to fall to the ground. [210]

The Hantu Songkei [211] is the spirit who so often interferes with
the toils for catching wild animals and snares for wildfowl (yang
kachau jaring dan rachik). He is described as being invisible below
the breast, with a nose of enormous length, and eye-sockets stretched
sideways to such an extent that he can see all round him.

The following charm is recited in order to "neutralise" his evil

    Peace be with you, grandson of the Spectre Huntsman,
    Whose Dwelling-place is a solitary patch of primeval forest,
    Whose Chair is the nook between the buttresses (of trees),
    Whose Leaning-post the wild Areca-palm,
    Whose Roof the (leaves of the) Tukas,
    Whose Body-hairs are leaves of the Resam,
    Whose Mattress leaves of the Lerek,
    Whose Swing the (tree) Medang Jelawei,
    And whose Swing-ropes are Malacca-cane-plants
    The Gift of His Highness Sultan Berumbongan,
    Who dwelt at Pagar Ruyong,
    In the House whose posts were heart of the Tree-nettle,
    Whose threshold a stem of Spinach,
    Strewn over with stems of the Purut-purut,
    Whose Body-hairs were inverted,
    And whose Breasts were four in number,
    To whom belonged the Casting-net for Flies,
    And whose drum was "headed" with the skins of lice.
    Break not faith with me,
    (Or) you shall be killed by the Impact of the Sanctity of the
    Four Corners of the World,
    Killed by the Impact of the Forty-four Angels,
    Killed by the Impact of the Pillar of the Ka`bah,
    Killed by the Thrust of the sacred Lump of Iron,
    Killed by the Shaft of the Thunderbolt,
    Killed by the Pounce of Twilight Lightning,
    Killed by the Impact of the Thirty Sections of the Koran,
    Killed by the Impact of the Saying, "There is no god but God,"

Giants are called Bota (Bhuta), Raksasa, and Gargasi (gasi-gasi or
gegasi), or sometimes Hantu Tinggi ("Tall Demons"), the first two of
these names being clearly derivable from a Sanskrit origin.

In addition to those enumerated we may add the various classes of
"good people," such as the Bidadari (or Bediadari) or Peri (fairies
and elves), which are of foreign origin, and the "Orang Bunyian,"
a class of Malay spirits about whom very little seems known. The
latter appear to be a race of good fairies, who are so simple-minded
that they can be very easily cheated. Thus it is always said of them,
that whenever they come into a hamlet, as they may occasionally do,
to buy anything, they always pay without bargaining whatever price
is asked, however exorbitant it may be. I have been told of their
existence at Kapar village (near Klang in Selangor), at Jugra, where
it was said they might formerly be heard paddling their boats upon
the river when no boat was visible, and elsewhere.

Besides these there are several kinds of bloodsucking (vampire) demons,
which are mostly Birth-spirits; and also certain incubi, such as the
Hantu Kopek, which is the Malay equivalent of our own "night-mare."


Magic Rites connected with the Several Departments of Nature

(a) Air


Not the least important attribute of the Malay magician in former
days was his power of controlling the weather--a power of which Malay
magic incantations still preserve remarkable traces.

Thus when the wind fails and the sails of a boat are flapping (kalau
layer k'lepek-k'lepek), a Selangor magician would not unfrequently
summon the wind in the following terms:--

    "Come hither, Sir, come hither, my Lord,
    Let down your locks so long and flowing."

And if the wind is contrary he would say:--

    "Veer round, Wind, a needle or twain (of the compass),
    A needle to (let me) fetch Kapar. [212]
    However heavy the merchandise that I carry unassisted,
    Let me repair to Klang for the (morning) meal,
    And Langat for the (evening) bathe.
    Come hither, Sir, come hither, my Lord,
    And let down your locks so long and flowing."

Again, if the wind grew violent he would say:--

    "Eggs of the House-lizard, Eggs of the Grass-lizard,
    Make a trio with Eggs of the Tortoise.
    I plant this pole thus in the mid-stream
    (That) Wind and Tempest may come to naught.
    Let the White (ones) turn into Chalk,
    And the Black (one) into Charcoal. [213]

Sometimes the magician will fasten a rice-spoon (chemcha) [214]
horizontally to the mast of the vessel, and repeat some such charm
as the following:--

    "The bird 'Anggau-anggau' flies
    To perch on the house of Malim Palita.
    May you die as you lean, may you die from a push,
    May you die by this 'sending' of 'Prince Rice-spoon's.'" [215]

Of rain-making ceremonies in Selangor there now remains little but
tradition. Yet a Langat Malay told me that if a Malay woman puts
upon her head an inverted [216] earthenware pan (b'langa), and then,
setting it upon the ground, fills it with water and washes the cat
in it until the latter is more than half drowned, heavy rain will
certainly ensue. [217]

On the other hand the recital of the following charm will, it is
believed, effectually stop the heaviest downpour:--

    "Though the stem of the Meranti tree [218] rocks to and fro
    (in the storm),
    Let the Yam leaves be as thick as possible, [219]
    That Rain and Tempest may come to naught."

With the foregoing should be classed such charms as are used by the
Malays to dispel the yellow sunset glow. [220]


The chief features of the Bird-lore of the Peninsular Malays, which,
as will appear in the course of this chapter, is strongly tinged with
animism, have been thus described by Sir William Maxwell:--

"Ideas of various characters are associated by Malays with birds of
different kinds, and many of their favourite similes are furnished by
the feathered world. The peacock strutting in the jungle, the argus
pheasant calling on the mountain peak, the hoot of the owl, and the
cry of the night-jar, have all suggested comparisons of various kinds,
which are embodied in the proverbs of the people. [221] The Malay
is a keen observer of nature, and his illustrations, drawn from such
sources, are generally just and often poetical.

"The supernatural bird Gerda (Garuda, the eagle of Vishnu), who
figures frequently in Malay romances, is dimly known to the Malay
peasant. If, during the day, the sun is suddenly overcast by clouds
and shadow succeeds to brilliancy, the Pêrak Malay will say "Gerda is
spreading out his wings to dry." [222] Tales are told, too, of other
fabulous birds [223]--the jintayu, which is never seen, though its
note is heard, and which announces the approach of rain; [224] and the
chandrawasi, which has no feet. The chandrawasi lives in the air, and
is constantly on the wing, never descending to earth or alighting on
a tree. Its young even are produced without the necessity of touching
the earth. The egg is allowed to drop, and as it nears the earth it
bursts, and the young bird appears fully developed. The note of the
chandrawasi may often be heard at night, but never by day, and it is
lucky, say the Malays, to halt at a spot where it is heard calling.

"There is an allusion to this bird in a common pantun--a kind of
erotic stanza very popular among the Malays:--

    "Chandrawasi burong sakti,
    Sangat berkurong didalam awan.
    Gonda gulana didalam hati,
    Sahari tidak memandang tuan. [225]

"Nocturnal birds are generally considered ill-omened all over the
world, and popular superstition among the Malays fosters a prejudice
against one species of owl. If it happens to alight and hoot near
a house, the inhabitants say significantly that there will soon be
'tearing of cloth' (koyah kapan) for a shroud. This does not apply
to the small owl called punggok, which, as soon as the moon rises,
may often be heard to emit a soft plaintive note. The note of the
punggok is admired by the Malays, who suppose it to be sighing for
the moon, and find in it an apt simile for a desponding lover.

"The baberek or birik-birik, another nocturnal bird, is a harbinger
of misfortune. This bird is said to fly in flocks at night; it has
a peculiar note, and a passing flock makes a good deal of noise. If
these birds are heard passing, the Pêrak peasant brings out a sengkalan
(a wooden platter on which spices are ground), and beats it with a
knife, or other domestic utensil, calling out as he does so: "Nenek,
bawa hati-nia" ("Great-grandfather, bring us their hearts"). This is
an allusion to the belief that the bird baberek flies in the train
of the Spectre Huntsman (hantu pemburu), who roams Malay forests
with several ghostly dogs, and whose appearance is the forerunner
of disease or death. "Bring us their hearts" is a mode of asking
for some of his game, and it is hoped that the request will delude
the hantu pemburu into the belief that the applicants are ra`iyat,
or followers of his, and that he will, therefore, spare the household.

"The baberek, [226] which flies with the wild hunt, bears a striking
resemblance to the white owl, Totosel, the nun who broke her vow,
and now mingles her "tutu" with the "holloa" of the Wild Huntsman of
the Harz. [227]

"The legend of the Spectre Huntsman is thus told by the Pêrak Malays:--

"In former days, at Katapang, in Sumatra, there lived a man whose
wife, during her pregnancy, was seized with a violent longing for the
meat of the pelandok (mouse-deer). But it was no ordinary pelandok
that she wanted. She insisted that it should be a doe, big with male
offspring, and she bade her husband go and seek in the jungle for what
she wanted. The man took his weapons and dogs and started, but his
quest was fruitless, for he had misunderstood his wife's injunctions,
and what he sought was a buck pelandok, big with male offspring,
an unheard-of prodigy.

"Day and night he hunted, slaying innumerable mouse-deer, which he
threw away on finding that they did not fulfil the conditions required.

"He had sworn a solemn oath on leaving home that he would not return
unsuccessful, so he became a regular denizen of the forest, eating
the flesh and drinking the blood of the animals which he slew, and
pursuing night and day his fruitless search. At length he said to
himself: 'I have hunted the whole earth over without finding what I
want; it is now time to try the firmament.' So he holloa'd on his dogs
through the sky, while he walked below on the earth looking up at them,
and after a long time, the hunt still being unsuccessful, the back of
his head, from constantly gazing upwards, became fixed to his back,
and he was no longer able to look down at the earth. One day a leaf
from the tree called Si Limbak fell on his throat and took root there,
and a straight shoot grew upwards in front of his face. [228] In this
state he still hunts through Malay forests, urging on his dogs as
they hunt through the sky, with his gaze evermore turned upwards. [229]

"His wife, whom he left behind when he started on the fatal chase,
was delivered in due time of two children--a boy and a girl. When
they were old enough to play with other children, it chanced one day
that the boy quarrelled with the child of a neighbour with whom he was
playing. The latter reproached him with his father's fate, of which the
child had hitherto been ignorant, saying: 'Thou art like thy father,
who has become an evil spirit, ranging the forests day and night,
and eating and drinking no man knows how. Get thee to thy father.'

"Then the boy ran crying to his mother and related what had been said
to him. 'Do not cry,' said she, 'it is true, alas! that thy father
has become a spirit of evil.' On this the boy cried all the more,
and begged to be allowed to join his father. His mother yielded at
last to his entreaties, and told him the name of his father and
the names of the dogs. He might be known, she said, by his habit
of gazing fixedly at the sky and by his four weapons--a blow-pipe
(sumpitan), a spear, a kris, and a sword (klewang). 'And,' added she,
'when thou hearest the hunt approaching, call upon him and the dogs
by name, and repeat thy own name and mine, so that he may know thee.'

"The boy entered the forest, and, after he had walked some way, met
an old man who asked him where he was going. 'I go to join my father,'
said the lad. 'If thou findest him,' said the old man, 'ask him where
he has put my chisel which he has borrowed from me.' This the boy
promised to do, and continued his journey. After he had gone a long
way he heard sounds like those made by people engaged in hunting. As
they approached, he repeated the names which his mother had told
him, and immediately found himself face to face with his father. The
hunter demanded of him who he was, and the child repeated all that
his mother had told him, not forgetting the message of the old man
about the chisel. Then the hunter said: 'Truly thou art my son. As
for the chisel, it is true that when I started from home I was in
the middle of shaping some bamboos to make steps for the house. I
put the chisel inside one of the bamboos. Take it and return it to
the owner. Return now and take care of thy mother and sister. As for
him who reproached thee, hereafter we will repay him. I will eat his
heart and drink his blood, so shall he be rewarded.'

"From that time forward the Spectre Huntsman has afflicted mankind,
and many are those whom he has destroyed. Before dismissing his son,
he desired him to warn all his kindred never to use bamboo for making
steps for a house, and never to hang clothes to dry from poles stuck in
between the joists supporting the floor, and thus jutting out at right
angles with a house, 'lest,' said he, 'I should strike against such
poles as I walk along. Further,' he continued, 'when ye hear the note
of the bird birik-birik at night, ye will know that I am walking near.'

"Then the boy returned to his mother and delivered to her and all
their kindred the injunctions of the lost man. One account says that
the woman followed her spectre husband to the forest, where she joins
in the chase with him to this day, and that they have there children
born in the woods. The first boy and girl retained their human form,
according to this account, but some Pawangs say that the whole family
are in the forest with the father. [230]

"Numerous mantra, or charms, against the evil influence of the
Wild Huntsman are in use among the Pawangs, or medicine-men of
Pêrak. These are repeated, accompanied by appropriate ceremonies,
when the disease from which some sick person is suffering has been
traced to an encounter with the hantu pemburu. [231]

"The following may serve as a specimen:--

    Es-salamu `aleykum Hei Si Jidi laki Mah Jadah.

    Pergi buru ka-rimba Ranchah Mahang.
    Katapang nama bukit-nia,
    Si Langsat nama anjing-nia,
    Si Kumbang nama anjing-nia,
    Si Nibong nama anjing-nia,
    Si Pintas nama anjing-nia,
    Si Aru-Aru nama anjing-nia,
    Timiang Balu nama sumpitan-nia,
    Lankapuri nama lembing-nia,
    Singha-buana nama mata-nia,
    Pisau raut panjang ulu
    Akan pemblah pinang berbulu.
    Ini-lah pisau raut deripada Maharaja Guru,
    Akan pemblah prut hantu pemburu.
    Aku tahu asal angkau mula menjadi orang Katapang.
    Pulang-lah angkau ka rimba Ranchah Mahang.
    Jangan angkau meniakat-meniakit pada tuboh badan-ku.

    In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful,
    Peace be on thee, O Si Jidi, husband of Mah Jadah.

    Go thou and hunt in the forest of Ranchah Mahang.
    Katapang is the name of thy hill,
    Si Langsat is the name of thy dog,
    Si Kumbang is the name of thy dog,
    Si Nibong is the name of thy dog,
    Si Pintas is the name of thy dog,
    Si Aru-Aru is the name of thy dog,
    Timiang Balu is the name of thy blow-pipe
    Lankapuri is the name of thy spear,
    Singha-buana is the name of its blade,
    The peeling-knife with a long handle
    Is to split in twain the fibrous betel-nut.
    Here is a knife from Maharaja Guru,
    To cleave the bowels of the Hunter-Spirit.
    I know the origin from which thou springest,
    O man of Katapang.
    Get thee back to the forest of Ranchah Mahang.
    Afflict not my body with pain or disease.

"In charms intended to guard him who repeats them, or who wears them
written on paper, against the evil influences of the Spectre Huntsman,
the names of the dogs, weapons, etc., constantly vary. The origin of
the dreaded demon is always, however, ascribed to Katapang [232] in
Sumatra. This superstition strikingly resembles the European legends of
the Wild Huntsman, whose shouts the trembling peasants hear above the
storm. It is, no doubt, of Aryan origin, and, coming to the Peninsula
from Sumatra, seems to corroborate existing evidence tending to show
that it is partly through Sumatra that the Peninsula has received Aryan
myths and Indian phraseology. A superstitious prejudice against the
use of bamboo in making a step-ladder for a Malay house and against
drying clothes outside a house on poles stuck into the framework,
exists in full force among the Pêrak Malays.

"The note of the birik-birik at night, telling as it does of the
approach of the hantu pemburu, is listened to with the utmost dread
and misgiving. The Bataks in Sumatra call this bird by the same
name--birik-birik. It is noticeable that in Batak legends regarding
the creation of the world, the origin of mankind is ascribed to
Putri-Orta-Bulan, the daughter of Batara-Guru, who descended to the
earth with a white owl and a dog." [233]

To the information contained in the foregoing passage I would add
the following observations:--

Charms for neutralising the power of the Spectre Huntsman are by no
means uncommon, and though they almost invariably differ in unimportant
details, such as the names of his dogs and weapons, they still bear
strong and unmistakable family likeness. Still there are some versions
which contain important divergencies (two or three of these versions
will be found in the Appendix), and it will only be after the diligent
collation and compilation of a great many versions that the real germ
or nucleus of the myth as known to the Malays will be clearly apparent.

One of the charms given in the Appendix evidently alludes to a
different version of the story; the lines which contain the allusion
being as follows:--

    "I know your origin, O man of penance,
    Whose dwelling was upon the hill of Mount Ophir,
    [You sprang] from a son of the Prophet Joseph who was wroth with
    his mother,
    Because she would eat the hearts of the birds of Paradise."

Yet even here, if we except the obvious interpolation of the reference
to the "son of the Prophet Joseph," the task of reconciling the
conflicting versions may be easier than would appear at first
sight. [234]

A still more curious deviation occurs in another version, [235]
where the Spectre Huntsman's poniard and k'ris are declared to be the
insignia of the great Spirit-King Rama. The passage is as follows:--

    "With a blind crow as his guide,
    The giant demon, Si Adunada,
    Carries (his weapons) slung over his shoulder with back bent
    Salampuri is the name of his poniard (sekin),
    Silambuara the name of his k'ris,
    The insignia of the Demon Rama."

That it is his weapons which the Spectre Huntsman's son (Adunada)
carries on his back appears from a passage below, which runs:--

    "O Si Adunada, with the sword slung at your back,
    Bent double you come from the lightwood swamps,
    We did not guess that you were here."

This reference to Rama opens up a long vista of possibilities, but
for the present it will be sufficient to remark that the Spectre
Huntsman himself is almost universally declared by the Malays to be
the King of the Land-folk (Raja orang darat). It is on account of
this kingship that his weapons receive distinguishing titles such as
are given to royal weapons. This, too, is the reason that he is so
much more dreaded by Malays than ordinary spirits of evil; his mere
touch being considered sufficient to kill, by the exercise of that
divine power which all Malay Rajas are held to possess. [236]

To return from the foregoing digression: there are many other curious
legends connected with Birds. Thus, in 1882, Captain Kelham wrote
as follows:--

"From Mr. W. E. Maxwell, H.M. Assistant Resident, of Lârut, I hear
that the Malays have a strange legend connected with one of the
large Hornbills; but which species I was not able to find out. It is
as follows:--

"'A Malay, in order to be revenged on his mother-in-law (why, the
legend does not relate), shouldered his axe and made his way to the
poor woman's house, and began to cut through the posts which supported
it. After a few steady chops the whole edifice came tumbling down,
and he greeted its fall with a peal of laughter. To punish him for his
unnatural conduct he was turned into a bird, and the tebang mentuah
(literally, He who chopped down his mother-in-law) may often be heard
in the jungle uttering a series of sharp sounds like the chop of an
axe on timber, followed by Ha! ha! ha!'" [237]

The following account of the bird-lore of the Malay Peninsula was
compiled by me from notes supplied to the Selangor Journal [238]
by the late Sir William Maxwell:--

The Night-jar (Burong cheroh [239]) takes its name from the word
applied to the second stage in the operation of husking rice. Malay
women husk rice by pounding it in a mortar with a wooden pestle. The
husked grain is then commonly winnowed in a sieve, and the unhusked
rice (antah) which remains has to be separated from the husked rice
and pounded over again. The second process, which is called ckeroh,
is that from which the night-jar derives its name, the quick fancy of
the Malay hearing in the note of the bird the slow measured stroke of
a pestle (antan) descending in a mortar (lesong). This is possibly
the foundation of the legend that the Night-jar is a woman who,
while engaged in husking rice by moonlight, was turned into a bird
in consequence of a quarrel with her mother. Another name for the
night-jar is burong chempak.

The Burong sepah putri ("Princess's betel-quid") belongs to the
Honey-birds or Bee-eaters, of which there are several species,
remarkable chiefly for their brilliant metallic plumage. [A quaint
story is told in explanation of its name: once upon a time the Owl
(ponggok) fell in love with the Princess of the Moon (Putri Bulan)
and asked her to marry him. She promised to do so, if he would
allow her first to finish her quid of betel undisturbed; but before
finishing it she threw it down to the earth, where it took the form
of the small bird in question. The Princess then requested the Owl
to make search for it, but as, of course, he was unable to find it,
the proposed match fell through. This is the reason why the Owl,
to quote the Malay proverb, "sighs longingly to the Moon," and is
the type of the plaintive lover. [240]]

The Burong tinggal anak (lit. "Good-bye, children" bird) is a small
bird whose note is to be heard at the season when the young rice is
sprouting (musim padi pechah anak). As soon as her young are hatched
out this bird dies in the nest, repeating the words "Tinggal anak"
("Good-bye, children"), and the maggots which breed in her corpse
afford an unnatural nourishment to her unsuspecting offspring.

Burong diam 'kau Tuah, or "Hold your peace, Tuah," is the name of a
small bird which is said to repeat the words--

    "Diam 'kau, Tuah,
    K'ris aku ada,"


    "Hold thy peace, Tuah,
    My k'ris (dagger) is with me."

The story runs that once upon a time there was a man who had a slave
called Tuah, who answered him back, and with whom he accordingly
found fault, using the words given above. In the transport of his
rage he was turned into a bird.

The bird called Kuau in Perak (kuau is the name given in Malacca and
Selangor to the argus pheasant, which in Perak is called kuang) is
about the size of the mynah (gambala kerbau), and is said to have been
metamorphosed from a woman, the reason of whose transformation is not
known. It is said to be unknown on the right bank of the Perak River.

The "'Kap-kap' bird" is the name of a night-bird of evil omen, whose
note heard at night prognosticates death.

The Tearer of the shroud (Burong charik kapan) is also a night-bird,
with a slow, deliberate note which the Malays declare sounds exactly
like the tearing of cloth. [241] This signifies the tearing of
the shroud, and unerringly forebodes death. Yet another night-bird
ominous of approaching dissolution is the Tumbok larong. This bird,
like the two preceding, is probably a variety of owl; the first and
third are only found inland at a distance from the sea.

'Toh katampi ("Old-man-winnow-the-rice-for-the-burial-feast,"
as Sir Frank Swettenham calls him, [242]) is a species of horned
owl, which derives its name from a word meaning to winnow (tampi,
menampi). Malays say that this bird has a habit of treading upon the
extremities of its own wings, and fluttering the upper part while thus
holding them down. This singular habit produces a sound resembling
that of winnowing.

The 'Toh katampi is larger than the Jampuk, another species of owl,
which is popularly supposed to enter the fowl-house and there live
on the intestines of fowls, which it extracts during life by means
of a certain charm (`elmu pelali, a charm similar to those used by
the Malays for filing teeth, etc.) which it uses in order to perform
the operation painlessly.

The "Luck-bird" (Burong untong) is a very small white bird about
the size of a canary. It builds a very small white nest, which if
found and placed in a rice-bin possesses the valuable property of
securing a good harvest to its owner. As, however, the nest is built
on branches in places difficult of access it is but rarely found,
and Malays will give $10 for a genuine specimen, while sellers are
known to ask as much as $25.

The Ruwak-ruwak is a kind of Heron whose nest if discovered would give
the possessor the power of becoming invisible (alimun). But as neither
nest nor eggs can usually be found it is held to be childless. Yet,
however, if it is possible to approach sufficiently near, when the bird
is heard calling in the swamps, it may be seen dipping a twig or else
its bent leg into the water, and accompanying its action with its call,
as if it were bathing a child on its knee; hence the Malay who hears
its note says mockingly, "the Ruwak-ruwak is bathing its young one."

Tukang is the name given in Kedah to a kind of Hornbill, which is
believed to be the same as the langlin of Perak. The horn is of
a yellow tinge, and is made into buttons, which, the Malays say,
turn to a livid colour whenever the wearer is about to fall sick,
and black when he is threatened by the approach of poison. [243]

The Merbu (? merbok) is a variety of Dove which brings good luck to
its owner. Instances have been known where all the houses in a village
have been burnt except that which contained a merbu; indeed, treatises
have been written on the subject of keeping them. When the merbu dies
its body merely shrivels up instead of breeding worms, which, it is
added, would be worth keeping as curiosities should any appear. [244]

The bird called Pedrudang is a diver which has the power of remaining
under water for a very long time. It is only to be found where the fish
called kelesah exist in large quantities. The eggs of the kelesah are
of great size, and the Malays say, therefore, that it cohabits with
the pedrudang. These eggs are considered a delicacy by the Malays,
who make them into a sort of custard pudding (s'ri-kaya).

To the Ground-pigeon (Tekukur) belongs the following story:--"Once
upon a time there was a maiden who lived in the forest with her parents
and little sister. When she grew up she was troubled by an anxiety to
accompany her father in his expeditions to the forest, where he was
engaged in clearing the ground for a rice-plantation. Her parents,
however, persuaded her to stay at home; first until the trees were
felled, then until the fallen timber had been burnt off, then till the
rice had been planted, and then again till it was cut. When, however,
they attempted to put her off yet once more, until the rice should be
trodden out, she could bear it no longer, and taking off her bracelets
and earrings, which she left behind the door, and placing her little
sister in the swinging-cot, she changed herself into a ground-dove
and flew away to the clearing. [She retained her necklace, however,
and this accounts for the speckled marks on this dove's neck.] On
arriving at the spot where her parents were engaged at work, she
alighted on a dead tree stump (changgong), and called out thrice to her
mother, 'Mother, mother, I have left my earrings and bracelets behind
the door, and have put my little sister in the swing.' Her mother,
amazed at these words, hastened home, and found her daughter gone. She
then returned to the bird, which repeated the same words as before,
this time, however, concluding with the coo of a dove. In vain the
distressed parents endeavoured to recapture her, by cutting down the
tree on which she had perched; before they had done so she flew to
another, and after following her from tree to tree for several miles
they were obliged to desist, and she was never recaptured." [245]

The following notes on birds are taken from a reprint [246] of
"Museum Notes" by Mr. L. Wray, jun., the official curator of the
Perak Museum. Mr. Wray says:--

"The Weaver-bird, which makes the long hanging bottle-shaped nests
occasionally seen hanging from the branches of a low tree, is said
to use a golden needle in the work; and it is affirmed that if the
nest is carefully picked to pieces, without breaking any part of it,
the needle will be found; but if it is pulled ruthlessly apart, or
if even a single piece of the grass of which it is made is broken in
unravelling it, the golden needle will disappear. The makers of these
curious and beautiful nests are said to always choose trees that are
infested with red ants or wasps, or which grow in impassable swamps."

The Weaver-bird (Ploceus Baya, Blyth) is called (in Selangor) Burong
Tempua or Chiak Raya. It is said to use only the long jungle grass
called lalang for making its nest, which latter is called buah rabun,
and is used by the Malays for polishing sheaths and scabbards. When an
infant keeps crying, one of the parents takes the weaver-bird's nest,
reduces it to ashes, and fumigates the child by thrice moving it round
in a circle over the smoke. Whilst doing so, the parent either stands
up with the right toe resting upon the toe of the left foot, or else
squats upon the left heel, bending the right knee, and saying, 'As the
weaver-bird's young in its nest, so rest and weep not' (Bagimana anak
tempua dalam sarang-nya, bagitu-lah 'kau diam jangan menangis). To
the above I may add that besides the ordinary bottle-shaped nest,
the weaver-birds also occasionally make a hood-shaped, or rather a
helmet-shaped nest, which is alleged by the Malays to be the male
bird's 'swing' (buayan). This 'swing' resembles the upper half of an
ordinary bottle-shaped nest, with a perch across it, which latter is
also woven of grass. On the walls of the swing, just over each end of
the perch, is a small daub of clay. The Malays allege that the male
bird swings in it while the hen bird is sitting, and that the young
too 'take the air' in it as soon as they are able to fly so far. Into
the two daubs of mud over the perch the male bird (say the Malays)
sticks fire-flies to give itself light at night.

"The King crow [247] is called by the Malays the Slave of the Monkeys
(Burong hamba kra). It is a pretty, active, noisy little bird,
incessantly flying about with its two long racquet-shaped tail feathers
fluttering after it. They say that when it has both of these feathers
it has paid off its debt and is free, but when it is either destitute
of these appendages, or has only one, it is still in bondage.

"The Gray Sea-eagle [248] is called Burong hamba siput 'the Slave of
the Shell-fish,' and its office is to give warning by screaming to
the shell-fish of the changes of the tide, so that they may regulate
their movements, and those species which crawl about on the mud at
low water may know when to take refuge in the trees and escape the
rising tide, or when the tide is falling, that they may know when to
descend to look for food.

"The Burong demam, or 'Fever bird,' is so called from its loud,
tremulous note, and the Malays say that the female bird calls in its
fever-stricken voice to its mate to go and find food, because it has
fever so badly that it cannot go itself. This bird is probably one
of the large green barbets. The note is often heard, and doubtless
the bird has been collected, but it is one thing shooting a bird and
another identifying it as the producer of a certain note.

"Another bird, the White-breasted Water-hen, a frequenter of the
edges of reedy pools and the marshy banks of streams, is reputed to
build a nest on the ground which has the property of rendering any
one invisible who puts it on his head. The prevailing idea among the
Malays is that the proper and legitimate use to put it to is to steal
money and other species of property."

The next few notes on Malay bird-lore were collected by the writer
in Selangor:--

The Toucan or small Hornbill (Enggang) was metamorphosed from a man
who, in conjunction with a companion, broke into the house of an old
man living by himself in the jungle, and slew him for the sake of
his wealth. When life was extinct they threw a sheet over the body,
and proceeded to ransack the house, throwing the loot into a second
sheet close to the corpse. Day was about to dawn, when a false alarm
induced them to make a hurried departure, so that they picked up the
sheet with their loot and made off with it, carrying it slung hastily
upon a pole between them. As they proceeded on their way day commenced
gradually to dawn, and the man behind noticing something unexpected
about the bundle, and divining the cause, called out to his companion
"Orang!" (pr. o rang) "The man!" His companion, misunderstanding
his exclamation, thought he meant that they were pursued by "a man,"
and only went all the faster, until, on hearing his comrade repeat
the cry a second and a third time, he turned round, and there saw the
feet of the man he had murdered protruding from the sheet, a sight
which startled him to such a degree that he turned into a bird upon
the spot, and flew away into a tree, repeating as he went the fatal
cry of "O'Rang! 'Rang!" which had caused the transformation. And to
this day, whenever the Malay hears among the tree-tops the cry of
"'Rang! 'rang!" he knows that he is listening to the cry of the
murderer. [249]

The Argus-pheasant [250] and the Crow [251] in the days of King
Solomon were bosom friends, and could never do enough to show their
mutual friendship. One day, however, the argus-pheasant, who was then
dressed somewhat dowdily, suggested that his friend the crow should
show his skill with the brush by decorating his (the argus-pheasant's)
feathers. To this the crow agreed, on condition, however, that the
arrangement should be mutual. The argus-pheasant agreed to this,
and the crow forthwith set to work, and so surpassed himself that the
argus-pheasant became, as it is now, one of the most beautiful birds in
the world. When the crow's task was done, however, the argus-pheasant
refused to fulfil his own part of the bargain, excusing himself
on the plea that the day of judgment was too near at hand. Hence a
fierce quarrel ensued, at the end of which the argus-pheasant upset
the ink-bottle over the crow, and thus rendered him coal-black. [252]
Hence the crow and the argus-pheasant are enemies to this day.

The bird called "Barau-barau" is said to have once been a bidan
(midwife) whose employers (anak bidan) refused to pay her for her
services, and kept constantly putting her off. Her patience, however,
had its limits, and one day, after experiencing the usual evasion,
she broke out into a torrent of intemperate language, in the midst
of which she was changed into a bird, whose querulous note may be
recognised as the voice of the aged woman as she cries out for the
payment of her just wages.

About the big Kingfisher (Pekaka) an amusing parallel to the fable
of the Fox and the Crow is related. It is said that this kingfisher
once caught a fish, and flew to a low branch just overhanging the
water to devour it. The fish, seeking for a means to save his life,
decided to try the effect of a speech, and accordingly addressed his
captor in the following verses, judiciously designed to appeal at
once to her vanity and compassion:--

    "O Kingfisher! Kingfisher!
    What a glistening, glittering beak!
    Yet while you, Big Sister, are filling your maw,
    Little Brother will lose his life."

At this critical juncture the Kingfisher opens her beak to laugh,
and the fish slips back into his native element and escapes!

Fowling Ceremonies

Ideas of sympathetic magic run very strongly through all ceremonies
connected with the taking of wild birds, such for instance as
jungle-fowl or pigeon.

The commonest method of snaring jungle-fowl is to take a line (called
rachik), with a great number of fine nooses attached to it, and set
it so as to form a complete circle, enclosing an open space in the
forest. You must bring a decoy-bird with you, and the instructions
which I collected say that you should on arriving enter the circle,
holding the bird like a fighting cock, and repeat these lines:--

    "Ho, Si Lanang, Si Tempawi,
    Come and let us play at cock-fighting
    On the border-line between the primary and secondary forest-growth.
    Your cock, Grandsire, is spurred with steel.
    Mine is but spurred with bamboo."

Here deposit the bird upon the ground. The challenge of the decoy-bird
will then attract the jungle-fowl from all directions, and as they
try to enter the circle (in order to reach the decoy), they will
entangle themselves in the nooses.

As often as you succeed, however, in catching one, you must be careful
to cast the "mischief" out of it, using the same form of words as is
used to drive the "mischief" out of the carcase of the deer.

The method of catching wild pigeon is much more elaborate, and brings
the animistic ideas of the Malays into strong relief, the "souls"
of the wild pigeon being repeatedly referred to.

First you build a small sugar-loaf (conical) hut (called bumbun) in
a carefully selected spot in the jungle. This hut may be from four
to five feet high, is strongly built of stakes converging to a point
at the top, and is thickly thatched with leaves and branches. The
reason for making it strong is that there is always an off-chance
that you may receive a visit from a tiger. At the back of the hut
you must leave a small square opening (it can hardly be dignified
with the name of a door), about two feet high and with a flap to it,
through which you can creep into the hut on your hands and knees. [I
may remark, parenthetically, that you will find the hut very damp,
very dark, and very full of mosquitoes, and that if you are wise you
will take with you a small stock of cigarettes.] In front of the hut,
that is to say, on the side away from the door, if you want to proceed
in the orthodox way, you will have to clear a small rectangular space,
and put up round it on three sides (right, left, and front opposite
the hut) a low railing consisting of a single bar about 18 inches
from the ground. This is to rail off what is called "King Solomon's
Palace-yard," and will also be useful from a practical point of view,
as it will serve as a perch for your "decoy." [253]

The instructions proceed as follows:--

Before entering the hut the wizard must go through what is called the
"Neutralising Rice-paste" (tepong tawar) ceremony, first in the centre
of the enclosed space, and then in each corner successively, beating
each of the forked sticks (uprights) at the corners with a bunch
of leaves. He must then take the decoy-tube, and after reciting the
appropriate charm, sound a long-drawn note in each corner successively,
and then insert the mouth-end of it into the hut through a hole in
the thatch, supporting the heavy outer end upon a forked upright
stick. Then entering the hut, he slips the noose at the end of the
decoy-bird's rod on to the decoy-bird's feet, and pushing the bird
out through the front door of the hut, makes it flutter on to one of
the horizontal rods, where it will sit, if well trained, and call its
companions. After a time the decoy-bird's challenge is met by first
one and then many counter challenges, then the wild pigeon approach,
there is a great fluttering of wings, and presently one of the first
arrivals flies down and commences to walk round and round the hut. Then
the wizard awaits his opportunity, and as the pigeon passes in front of
the door he pushes out one of the rods with a noose at the end, slips
the noose over the bird's neck or feet, and drags it into the hut.

The hut must be used, if possible, before the leaves with which it
is thatched have faded, as the wild pigeon are less likely to be
suspicious of the hut when its thatch is green.

In the way just described any number of pigeon can be taken, a bag
of twenty or thirty being a fair average for a day's work under
favourable conditions.

The "call" will occasionally, for some unexplained reason, attract
to the spot wild animals such as deer (especially mouse-deer) and
tigers. Is it not possible that the story of the lute of Orpheus may
have had its origin in some old hunting custom of the kind?

The following are specimens of the charms used by the wizard:--

When you are about to start (to decoy pigeons) say--

    "It is not I who am setting out,
    It is 'Toh Bujang Sibor [254] who is setting out."

Then sound the decoy-tube (buluh dekut) thrice loudly, and say--

    "I pray that they (the pigeons) may come in procession, come
    in succession,
    To enter into this bundle [255] of ours."

Now set out, and when you reach the conical hut (bumbun) say--

    "My hut's name is the Magic Prince,
    My decoy's name is Prince Distraction,
    Distraught be ye, O Kapor [256] (pigeon),
    Distraught be ye, O Puding[3] (pigeon),
    Distraught be ye, O Sarap[3] (pigeon),
    Distraught (with desire) to enter our bundle."

Or else when you first reach the hut, "take the (leaves of) the branch
of a tree which is as high as your head, the leaves of the branch of
a tree which is as high as your waist, the leaves of the branch of a
tree which is as high as your knee, and the leaves of a tree which
is only as high as your ankle-joint. Make them all into a bunch,
and with them "flick" the outside of the hut, saying these lines--

    "Dok Ding [stands for the] 'Do'ding' Pigeon,
    Which makes three with the Madukara Pigeon,
    The twig breaks, and the twig is pressed down,
    And our immemorial customs are restored."

When scattering the rice, say--

    "Sift, sift the broken rice-ends,
    Sift them over the rush-work rice-bag,
    As one disappears another is invited,
    Invited and brought down.
    If you descend not, the Bear-cat (Binturong) shall devour you,
    If you come not, wild beasts shall devour you,
    And if you perch on a twig, you shall fall headlong,
    If you perch on a bough, you shall be killed by a woodcutter,
    If you perch on a leaf, you shall be bitten by the leaf-snake,
    If you descend to the ground, you shall be bitten by a venomous
    If you fly upwards, you shall be swooped upon by kites and eagles,
    (That is) if you descend not.
    Cluck, cluck! souls of Queen Kapor, of Princess Puding, and
    Handmaid Sarap.
    Come down and assemble in King Solomon's audience-hall,
    And put on King Solomon's breast-ornaments and armlets."

When sprinkling the rice-paste (tepong tawar) on the uprights at each
corner of the railed-off enclosure, say--

    "Neutralising rice-paste, genuine rice-paste,
    Add plumpness to plumpness,
    Let pigeon come down to the weight of thousands of pounds,
    And alight upon the Ivory Hall,
    Which is carpeted with silver, and whose railings are of amalgam,
    Unto the dishes of Her Highness Princess Lebar Nyiru (Broad-sieve).
    Come in procession, come (in succession),
    The 'assembly-flower' begins to unfold its petals,
    Come down in procession, come down as stragglers,
    King Solomon's self has come to call you.
    Sift, sift (the rice) over the rice-bag,
    King Solomon's self bids you haste.
    Sift, sift the rice-ends,
    Sift them over the rush-work bag.
    As one disappears another is invited,
    Is invited and escorted down.
    Sift, sift the rice-ends,
    Sift them over the salt-bag,
    As one disappears another is invited,
    And escorted inside (the hut)."

When you are sounding the call (melaung), stand in the middle of the
enclosure and say:--

    "Cluck, cluck! soul of Princess Puding, of Queen Kapor, and
    Queen Sarap,
    Enter ye into our Bundle,
    And perch upon the Ivory Railing.
    Come in procession, come in succession,
    The assembly-flower unfolds its petals.
    Come down in procession, come down in succession,
    King Solomon's self is come to call you.
    If you do not come down, the Bear-cat shall eat you,
    If you do not appear, wild beasts shall devour you,
    If you perch upon a twig, you shall fall headlong
    (All over) the seven valleys and seven knolls of rising ground.
    If ye go to the hills, ye shall get no food;
    If ye go to the forest-pools, ye shall get no drink."

Or else the following:--

    "Cut the mengkudu [257] branch,
    Cut it (through) and thrust it downwards.
    Let those which are near be the first to arrive,
    And those which are far off be sent for,
    Let those which have eggs, leave their eggs,
    And those which have young, desert their young,
    Let those which are blind, come led by others,
    And those which have broken limbs, come on crutches.
    Come and assemble in King Solomon's audience-hall.
    Cluck, cluck! souls of Queen Kapor, Princess Puding, Handmaid
    Come down and assemble in King Solomon's audience-hall,
    And put on King Solomon's necklace (breast-ornaments) and
    armlets." [258]

When about to enter the hut say--

    "[Hearken], O Hearts of Wild Doves,
    Cut we the Rod of Invitation,
    This hut is named the Magic Prince,
    This tube is named Prince Distraction,
    Distraught (be ye) by day, distraught by night,
    Distraught (with longing) to assemble in King Solomon's Hall,
    Cluck, cluck! souls of Queen Kapor," etc. (as before). [259]

When you have just entered, and before you seat yourself, say--

    "Sift, sift the rice-ends,
    Sift them over a rush-work rice-bag," etc. (as before).

Put your lips to the decoy-tube, and sound the call, saying--

    "Cut the mengkudu stem;
    Cut it (through) and thrust it downwards," etc. (as before).

(or else some longer version, such as one of those given in the
Appendix). When the wild pigeon have arrived and have entered the
enclosure or "Palace-yard," wait till they are in a good position,
and then push out one of the rods with the fine noose at the end,
slip the noose over the bird's neck, and drag it into the house,
saying as you do so--

    "Wak-wak [stands for] a heron on the kitchen shelf,
    Covered over with the top of a cocoa-nut shell,
    Do you move aside, Sir Bachelor, Master of the Ceremonies,
    I wish to ensnare the necks of the race of wild doves."

Now that you understand the process of decoying pigeon with a
pigeon-call, I must explain something of the curious nomenclature used
by the wizard; for during the ceremony you must never call a spade a
spade. In the first place, the hut must not on any account be mentioned
as such: it is to be called the Magic Prince--why so called, it is hard
to say, but most likely the name is used in allusion to the wizard who
is concealed inside it. The name given to the calling-tube itself is
more appropriate, as it is called "Prince Distraction" (Raja Gila),
this name of course being an allusion to the extraordinary fascination
which it evidently exercises on the pigeon. Then the decoy (or rather,
perhaps, the rod to which it is linked) is called Putri Pemonggo',
or the Squatting Princess. Next to these come three Princesses which
prove to be merely the representatives of three important species of
wild pigeon. Their names, though variously given, are perhaps most
commonly known as Princess "Kapor," Princess "Sarap," and Princess

Finally, even the rod used for ensnaring the pigeon has its own
special name, Si Raja Nyila (Prince Invitation).

"King Solomon's necklaces" and armlets are of course the nooses with
which they are to be snared, and which will catch them either by the
neck or by the leg.

The Princesses are invited to enter a gorgeous palace:--

    "Come down, pigeons, in your myriads,
    And perch upon the 'Ivory Hall,'
    (That is) carpeted with silver, and railed with amalgam,
    (Come down) to the dishes of Her Highness Princess Lebar Nyiru
    (Broad-sieve)." [260]

The "dishes of Her Highness Princess Broad-sieve" cleverly suggest
an abundance of provender such as is likely to appeal to a hungry bird!

In another version the three Princesses are invited to enter the
"Palace Tower" called "Fatimah Passes" (Mahaligei Fatimah Lalu).

Moreover those who issue the invitation are no respecters of persons:--

    "Let those which are near, arrive the first,
    Let those which are far off be sent for,
    Let those which have eggs, leave their eggs,
    Those which have young, leave their young,
    Those which are blind, be led by others,
    Those which have broken limbs, come on crutches;
    Come and assemble in King Solomon's Audience-Chamber." [261]

And a similar passage in another charm says--

    "Let those which are near, arrive the first,
    Let those which are far off be sent for,
    Cluck! cluck! souls of the children of forest doves,
    Come ye down and assemble together
    In the fold of God and King Solomon."

If blandishments fail, however, there is to be no doubt about the
punishments in store for their wilful Highnesses: thus, a little later,
we find the alternative, a thoroughgoing imprecation calculated to
"convince" the most headstrong of birds:--

    "I call you, I fetch you down,
    If you come not down you shall be eaten by the Bear-cat,
    You shall be choked to death with your own feathers,
    You shall be choked to death with a bone in your throat.
    If you perch on a creeper you shall be entangled by it,
    If you settle on a leaf you shall be bitten by the 'leaf snake,'
    Come you down quickly to God's fold and King Solomon's."

And an imprecation of similar import says--

    "[If you do not come down, the Bear-cat shall eat you],
    If you perch on a bough, you shall slip off it,
    If you perch on a creeper, you shall slide off it,
    If you perch upon a leafless stump, the stump shall fall;
    If you settle on the ground, the ground-snake shall bite you,
    If you soar up to heaven, the eagle shall swoop upon you."

(b) Earth


The first operation in building is the selection of the site. This
is determined by an elaborate code of rules which make the choice
depend--firstly, upon the nature of the soil with respect to colour,
taste, and smell; secondly, upon the formation of its surface; and,
thirdly, upon its aspect:--

"The best soil, whether for a house, village, orchard, or town, is a
greenish yellow, fragrant-scented, tart-tasting loam: such a soil will
ensure abundance of gold and silver unto the third generation. [262]

"The best site, whether for a house, village, orchard, or town,
is level. [263]

"The best aspect (of the surface) is that of land which is low upon
the north side and high upon the south side: such a site will bring
absolute peacefulness." [264]

When you have found a site complying with more or less favourable
conditions, in accordance with the code, you must next clear the ground
of forest or undergrowth, lay down four sticks to form a rectangle in
the centre thereof, and call upon the name of the lords of that spot
(i.e. the presiding local deities or spirits). Now dig up the soil
(enclosed by the four sticks), and taking a clod in your hand, call
upon the lords of that spot as follows:--

    "Ho, children of Mentri [265] Guru,
    Who dwell in the Four Corners of the World,
    I crave this plot as a boon."

(Here mention the purpose to which you wish to put it.)

    "If it is good, show me a good omen,
    If it is bad, show me a bad omen." [266]

Wrap the clod up in white cloth, and after fumigating it with incense,
place it at night beneath your pillow, and when you retire to rest
repeat the last two lines of the above charm as before and go to
sleep. If your dream is good proceed with, if bad desist from, your
operations. Supposing your dream to be "good," you must (approximately)
clear the site of the main building and peg out the four corners with
dead sticks; then take a dead branch and heap it up lightly with earth
(in the centre of the site?); set fire to it, and when the whole heap
has been reduced to ashes, sweep it all up together and cover it over
while you repeat the charm (which differs but little from that given
above). Next morning uncover it early in the morning and God will
show you the good and the bad.

The site being finally selected, you must proceed to choose a day for
erecting the central house-post, by consulting first the schedule of
lucky and unlucky months, and next the schedule of lucky and unlucky
days of the week. [267]

[The best time of day for the operation to take place is said to be
always seven o'clock in the morning. Hence there seems to be no need
to consult a schedule to discover it, though some magicians may do so.]

The propitious moment having been at last ascertained, the erection
of the centre-post will be proceeded with. First, the hole for its
reception must be dug (the operation being accompanied by the recital
of a charm) and the post erected, the greatest precautions being taken
to prevent the shadow of any of the workers from falling either upon
the post itself or upon the hole dug to receive it, sickness and
trouble being otherwise sure to follow. [268]

[The account in the Appendix, of which the above is a résumé, omits
to describe the sacrifice which has to be made before the erection of
the centre-post, which has therefore been drawn from the instructions
of other magicians.]

"When the hole has been dug and before the centre-post is actually
erected, some sort of sacrifice or offering has to be made. First
you take a little brazilwood (kayu sepang), a little ebony-wood
(kayu arang), a little assafoetida (inggu), and a little scrap-iron
(tahi besi), and deposit them in the hole which you have dug. Then
take a fowl, [269] a goat, or a buffalo [according to the ascertained
or reputed malignity of the locally presiding earth-demon (puaka)],
and cut its throat according to Muhammadan custom, spilling its blood
into the hole. Then cut off its head and feet, and deposit them within
the hole to serve as a foundation for the centre-post to rest upon
(buat lapik tiang s'ri). Put a ring on your little finger out of
compliment to the earth-spirit (akan membujok jembalang itu), repeat
the charm [270] and erect the post." [271]

Another form of the above ceremony was described to me by a magician
as follows:--

"Deposit in the hole a little scrap-iron and tin-ore, a candle nut
(buah k'ras or buah gorek), a broken hatchet head (b'liong patah),
and a cent (in copper). Wait till everybody else has returned home,
and, standing close to the hole, pick up three clods (kepal) of
earth, hold them (genggam) over the incense, turn 'right-about-face'
and repeat the charm. [272] Then take the three clods home (without
once turning round to look behind you till you reach home), place
them under your sleeping pillow and wait till nightfall, when you may
have either a good or a bad dream. If the first night's dream be bad,
throw away one of the clods and dream again. If the second night's
dream be bad, repeat the process, and whenever you get a good dream
deposit the clod or clods under the butt-end of the centre-post to
serve as a foundation."

A magician gave me this specimen of a charm used at this ceremony
(of erecting the centre-post):--

    "Ho, Raja Guru, Maharaja Guru,
    You are the sons of Batara Guru.
    I know the origin from which you spring,
    From the Flashing of Lightning's spurs;
    I know the origin from which you spring,
    From the Brightening of Daybreak.
    Ho, Spectre of the Earth, Brains of the Earth, Demon of the Earth,
    Retire ye hence to the depths of the Ocean,
    To the peace of the primeval forest.
    Betwixt you and me
    Division was made by Adam."

Another rule of importance in house-building is that which regulates
the length of the threshold, as to which the instructions are as

"Measure off (on a piece of string) the stretch (fathom) of the arms
of her who is to be mistress of the proposed house. Fold this string
in three and cut off one third. Take the remainder, fold it in eight
and cut off seven-eighths. Take the remaining eighth, see how many
times it is contained in the length of the threshold, and check off
the number (of these measurements) against the "category" (bilangan)
of the "eight beasts" [273] (benatang yang d'lapan). This category
runs as follows:--(1) The dragon (naga); (2) the dairy-cow (sapi); (3)
the lion (singa); (4) the dog (anjing); (5) the draught-cow (lembu);
(6) the ass (kaldei); (7) the elephant (gajah), and (8) the crow
(gagak), all of which have certain ominous significations. If the
last measurement coincides with one of the unlucky beasts in the
category, such as the crow (which signifies the death of the master
of the house), the threshold is cut shorter to make it fit in with
one that is more auspicious." [274]

The names of the "eight beasts," coupled with the events which they
are supposed to foreshadow, are often commemorated in rhyming stanzas.

Here is a specimen:--

I.--The Dragon (naga).

    "A dragon of bulk, a monster dragon,
    Is this dragon that turns round month by month. [275]
    Wherever you go you will be safe from stumbling-blocks,
    And all who meet you will be your friends."

II.--The Dairy-Cow (sapi).

    "There is the smoke of a fire in the forest,
    Where Inche `Ali is burning lime;
    They were milking the young dairy-cow,
    And in the midst of the milking it sprawled and fell down dead."

III.--The Lion (singa).

    "A lion of courage, a lion of valour,
    Is the lion gambolling at the end of the Point.
    The luck of this house will be lasting,
    Bringing you prosperity from year to year."

IV.--The Dog (anjing).

    "The wild dog, the jackal,
    Barks at the deer from night to night;
    Whatever you do will be a stumbling-block;
    In this house men will stab one another."

V.--The Draught-Cow (lembu).

    "The big cow from the middle of the clearing
    Has gone to the Deep Forest to calve there.
    Great good luck will be your portion.
    Never will you cease to be prosperous."

VI.--The Ass (kaldei).

    "The ass within the Fort
    Carries grass from morn to eve;
    Whatever you pray for will not be granted,
    Though big your capital, the half will be lost."

VII.--The Elephant (gajah).

    "The big riding elephant of the Sultan
    Has its tusks covered with amalgam.
    Good luck is your portion,
    No harm or blemish will you suffer."

VIII.--The Crow (gagak).

    "A black crow soaring by night
    Has perched on the house of the great Magic Prince;
    Great indeed is the calamity which has happened:
    Within the house its master lies dead."

In close connection with the ceremonies for the selection of individual
house sites are the forms by which the princes of Malay tradition
selected sites for the towns which they founded. The following extract
will perhaps convey some idea of their character:--

"One day Raja Marong Maha Podisat went into his outer audience hall,
where all his ministers, warriors, and officers were in attendance,
and commanded the four Mantris to equip an expedition with all the
necessary officers and armed men, and with horses and elephants, arms
and accoutrements. The four Mantris did as they were ordered, and when
all was ready they informed the Raja. The latter waited for a lucky
day and an auspicious moment, and then desired his second son to set
out. The Prince took leave after saluting his father and mother, and
all the ministers, officers, and warriors who followed him performed
obeisance before the Raja. They then set out in search of a place of
settlement, directing their course between south and east, intending
to select a place with good soil, and there to build a town with fort,
moat, palace, and balei. [276] They amused themselves in every forest,
wood, and thicket through which they passed, crossing numbers of
hills and mountains, and stopping here and there to hunt wild beasts,
or to fish if they happened to fall in with a pool or lake.

"After they had pursued their quest for some time they came to the
tributary of a large river which flowed down to the sea. Farther
on they came to a large sheet of water, in the midst of which were
four islands. The Prince was much pleased with the appearance of the
islands, and straightway took a silver arrow and fitted it to his
bow named Indra Sakti, and said: 'O arrow of the bow Indra Sakti,
fall thou on good soil in this group of islands; wherever thou mayest
chance to fall, there will I make a palace in which to live.' He then
drew his bow and discharged the arrow, which flew upwards with the
rapidity of lightning, and with a humming sound like that made by a
beetle as it flies round a flower, and went out of sight. Presently
it came in sight again, and fell upon one of the islands, which on
that account was called Pulau Indra Sakti. On that spot was erected a
town with fort, palace, and balei, and all the people who were living
scattered about in the vicinity were collected together and set to
work on the various buildings." [277]

Even in the making of roads through the forest it would appear that
sacrificial ceremonies are not invariably neglected. On one occasion
I came upon a party of Malays in the Labu jungle who were engaged in
making a bridle-track for the Selangor Government. A small bamboo
censer, on which incense had been burning, had been erected in the
middle of the trace; and I was informed that the necessary rites
(for exorcising the demons from the trace) had just been successfully


All wild animals, more especially the larger and more dangerous
species, are credited in Malay folklore with human or (occasionally)
superhuman powers.

In the pages which now follow I shall deal with the folklore which
refers to the more important animals, first pointing out their
anthropomorphic traits, then detailing some of the more important
traditions about them, and finally, where possible, describing the
methods of hunting them.

The Elephant

Of the Elephant we read:--

"The superstitious dread entertained by Malays for the larger animals
is the result of ideas regarding them which have been inherited
from the primitive tribes of Eastern Asia. Muhammadanism has not
been able to stamp out the deep-rooted feelings which prompted the
savage to invest the wild beasts which he dreaded with the character
of malignant deities. The tiger, elephant, and rhinoceros [278] were
not mere brutes to be attacked and destroyed. The immense advantages
which their strength and bulk gave them over the feebly-armed savage
of the most primitive tribes naturally suggested the possession of
supernatural powers; and propitiation, not force, was the system by
which it was hoped to repel them. The Malay addresses the tiger as
Datoh (grandfather), and believes that many tigers are inhabited
by human souls. Though he reduces the elephant to subjection, and
uses him as a beast of burden, it is universally believed that the
observance of particular ceremonies, and the repetition of prescribed
formulas, are necessary before wild elephants can be entrapped and
tamed. Some of these spells and charms (mantra) are supposed to have
extraordinary potency, and I have in my possession a curious collection
of them, regarding which, it was told me seriously by a Malay, that in
consequence of their being read aloud in his house three times all the
hens stopped laying! The spells in this collection are nearly all in
the Siamese language, and there is reason to believe that the modern
Malays owe most of their ideas on the subject of taming and driving
elephants to the Siamese. Those, however, who had no idea of making
use of the elephant, but who feared him as an enemy, were doubtless the
first to devise the idea of influencing him by invocations. This idea
is inherited, both by Malays and Siamese, from common ancestry." [279]

To the above evidence (which was collected by Sir W. E. Maxwell no
doubt mainly in Perak) I would add that at Labu, in Selangor, I heard
on more than one occasion a story in which the elephant-folk were
described as possessing, on the borders of Siam, a city of their own,
where they live in houses like human beings, and wear their natural
human shape. This story, which was first told me by Ungku Said Kechil
of Jelebu, was taken down by me at the time, and ran as follows:--

"A Malay named Laboh went out one day to his rice-field and found
that elephants had been destroying his rice.

"He therefore planted caltrops of a cubit and a half in length in
the tracks of the offenders. That night an elephant was wounded in
the foot by one of the caltrops, and went off bellowing with pain.

"Day broke and Laboh set off on the track of the wounded elephant,
but lost his way, and after three days and nights journeying, found
himself on the borders of a new and strange country. Presently he
encountered an old man, to whom he remarked 'Hullo, grandfather,
your country is extraordinarily quiet!' The old man replied,
'Yes, for all noise is forbidden, because the king's daughter is
ill.' 'What is the matter with her?' asked Si Laboh. The old man
replied that she had trodden upon a caltrop. Si Laboh then asked,
'May I see if I can do anything to help her?'

"The old man then went and reported the matter to the king, who
ordered Si Laboh to be brought into his presence.

"[Now the country which Si Laboh had reached was a fine open country
on the borders of Siam. It is called 'Pak Henang,' and its only
inhabitants are the elephant-people who live there in human guise. And
whoever trespasses over the boundaries of that country turns into
an elephant.]

"Then Si Laboh saw that the king's daughter, whose name was Princess
Rimbut, was suffering from one of the caltrops which he himself
had planted. He therefore extracted it from her foot, so that she
recovered, and the king, in order to reward Si Laboh, gave him the
Princess in marriage.

"Now when they had been married a long time, and had got two children,
Si Laboh endeavoured to persuade his wife to accompany him on a visit
to his own country. To this the Princess replied 'Yes; but if I go
you must promise never to add to the dish any young tree-shoots at
meal-time.' [280]

"On this they started, and at the end of the first day's journey
they halted and sat down to eat. But Si Laboh had forgotten the
injunctions of his wife, and put young tree-shoots into the dish with
his rice. Then his wife protested and said, 'Did I not tell you not
to put young tree-shoots into your food?' But Si Laboh was obstinate,
and merely replied, 'What do I care?' so that his wife was turned
back into an elephant and ran off into the jungle. Then Si Laboh wept
and followed her, but she refused to return as she had now become
an elephant. Yet he followed her for a whole day, but she would not
return to him, and he then returned homewards with his children.

"This is all that is known about the origin of elephants who are
human beings."

A Malay charm which was given me (at Labu) to serve as a protection
against elephants (pendinding gajah) gives the actual name of the
Elephant King--

    "O Grandfather Moyang Kaban,
    Destroy not your own grandchildren."

Ghost elephants (gajah kramat) are not uncommon. They are popularly
believed to be harmless, but invulnerable, and are generally supposed
to exhibit some outward and visible sign of their sanctity, such as
a stunted tusk or a shrunken foot. They are the tutelary genii of
certain localities, and when they are killed the good fortune of the
neighbourhood is supposed to depart too. Certain it is, that when
one of these ghost elephants was shot at Klang a year or two ago,
it did not succumb until some fifty or sixty rifle-bullets had been
poured into it, and its death was followed by a fall in the local
value of coffee and coffee land, from which the district took long
to recover. [281]

A ghost elephant is very often thought to be the guardian spirit
of some particular shrine--an idea that is common throughout the

Other general ideas about the elephant are as follows:--

"Elephants are said to be very frightened if they see a tree stump that
has been felled at a great height from the ground, as some trees which
have high spreading buttresses are cut, because they think that giants
must have felled it, and as ordinary-sized men are more than a match
for them they are in great dread of being caught by creatures many
times more powerful than their masters. Some of the larger insects of
the grasshopper kind are supposed to be objects of terror to elephants,
while the particularly harmless little pangolin (Manis pentadactyla)
is thought to be able to kill one of these huge beasts by biting its
foot. The pangolin, by the bye, is quite toothless. Another method in
which the pangolin attacks and kills elephants is by coiling itself
tightly around the end of the elephant's trunk, and so suffocating
it. This idea is also believed in by the Singhalese, according to
Mr. W. T. Hornaday's Two Years in the Jungle." [282]

The foregoing passage refers to Perak, but similar ideas are common in
Selangor, and they occur no doubt, with local variations, in every
one of the Malay States. Selangor Malays tell of the scaring of
elephants by the process of drawing the slender stem of the bamboo
down to the ground and cutting off the top of it, when it springs
back to its place.

The story of the "pangolin" is also told in Selangor with additional
details. Thus it is said that the "Jawi-jawi" tree (a kind of banyan)
is always avoided by elephants because it was once licked by the
armadillo. The latter, after licking it, went his way, and "the
elephant coming up was greatly taken aback by the offensive odour,
and swore that he would never go near the tree again. He kept his
oath, and his example has been followed by his descendants, so that
to this day the 'Jawi-jawi' is the one tree in the forest which the
elephant is afraid to approach." [283]

The following directions for hunting the elephant were given me by
Lebai Jamal, a famous elephant hunter of Lingging, near the Sungei
Ujong border:--

"When you first meet with the spoor of elephant or rhinoceros, observe
whether the foot-hole contains any dead wood, (then) take the twig of
dead wood, together with a ball of earth as big as a maize-cob taken
from the same foot-hole (if there is only one of you, one ball will
do, if there are three of you, three balls will be wanted, if seven,
seven balls, but not more). Then roll up your ball of earth and the
twig together in a tree-leaf, breathe upon it, and recite the charm
(for blinding the elephant's eyes), the purport of which is that if
the quarry sees, its eyesight shall be destroyed, and if it looks,
its eyesight shall be dimmed, by the help of God, the prophet, and
the medicine-man, who taught the charm.

"Now slip your ball of earth into your waistband just over the navel,
and destroy the scent of your body and your gun. To do this, take
a bunch of certain leaves [284] (daun sa-cherek), together with
stem-leaves of the betel-vine (kerapak sirih), leaves of the wild
camphor (chapa), and leaves of the club-gourd (labu ayer puteh),
break their midribs with your left hand, shut your eyes, and say
'As these tree leaves smell, so may my body (and gun) be scented.'

"When the animal is dead, beat it with an end of black cloth, repeating
the charm for driving away the 'mischief' (badi) from the carcase,
which charm runs as follows:--

   "Badiyu, Mother of Mischief, Badi Panji, Blind Mother,
    I know the origin from which you sprang, [285]
    Three drops of Adam's blood were the origin from which you sprang,
    Mischief of Earth, return to Earth,
    Mischief of Ant-heap, return to Ant-heap,
    Mischief of Elephant, return to Elephant, [286]
    Mischief of Wood, return to Wood,
    Mischief of Water, return to Water,
    Mischief of Stone, return to Stone
    And injure not my person.
    By the virtue of my Teacher,
    You may not injure the children of the race of Man."

The perquisites of the Pawang (magician) are to be "a little black
cloth and a little white cloth," and the only special taboo mentioned
by Lebai Jamal was "on no account to let the naked skin rub against
the skin of the slain animal."

Before leaving the subject of elephants, I may add that Raja Ja`far
(of Beranang in Selangor) told me that Lebai Jamal, when charged by an
elephant or rhinoceros, would draw upon the ground with his finger a
line which the infuriated animal was never able to cross. This line,
he said, was called the Baris Laksamana, or the "Admiral's Line,"
and the knowledge of how to draw it was naturally looked upon as a
great acquisition.

The Tiger

"The Tiger is sometimes believed to be a man or demon in the form
of a wild beast, and to the numerous aboriginal superstitions which
attach to this dreaded animal Muhammadanism has added the notion which
connects the Tiger with the Khalif Ali. One of Ali's titles throughout
the Moslem world is 'the Victorious Lion of the Lord,' and in Asiatic
countries, where the lion is unknown, the tiger generally takes the
place of the 'king of beasts.'" [287]

But the anthropomorphic ideas of the Malays about the Tiger go yet
farther than this. Far away in the jungle (as I have several times
been told in Selangor) the tiger-folk (no less than the elephants)
have a town of their own, where they live in houses, and act in every
respect like human beings. In the town referred to their house-posts
are made of the heart of the Tree-nettle (t'ras jelatang), and their
roofs thatched with human hair--one informant added that men's bones
were their only rafters, and men's skins their house walls--and there
they live quietly enough until one of their periodical attacks of
fierceness (mengganas) comes on and causes them to break bounds and
range the forest for their chosen prey.

There are several of these tiger-villages or "enclosures" in the
Peninsula, the chief of them being Gunong Ledang (the Mount Ophir
of Malacca), just as Pasummah is the chief of such localities in
Sumatra. [288] So too, from Perak, Sir W. E. Maxwell writes in 1881:--

"A mischievous tiger is said sometimes to have broken loose from its
pen or fold (pechah kandang). This is in allusion to an extraordinary
belief that, in parts of the Peninsula, there are regular enclosures
where tigers possessed by human souls live in association. During
the day they roam where they please, but return to the kandang at
night." [289]

Various fables ascribe to the tiger a human origin. One of these,
taken down by me word for word from a Selangor Malay, is intended to
account for the tiger's stripes. The gist of it ran as follows:--

"An old man picked up a boy in the jungle with a white skin, green
eyes, and very long nails. Taking the boy home his rescuer named him
Muhammad Yatim (i.e. 'Muhammad the fatherless'), and when he grew
up sent him to school, where he behaved with great cruelty to his
schoolfellows, and was therefore soundly beaten by his master ('Toh
Saih Panjang Janggut, i.e. 'Toh Saih Long-beard), who used a stick made
of a kind of wood called los [290] to effect the chastisement. At the
first cut the boy leapt as far as the doorway; at the second he leapt
to the ground, at the third he bounded into the grass, at the fourth
he uttered a growl, and at the fifth his tail fell down behind him
and he went upon all fours, whereat his master (improvising a name to
curse him by), exclaimed, 'This is of a truth God's tiger! (Harimau
Allah). Go you,' he added, addressing the tiger, 'to the place where
you will catch your prey--the borderland between the primeval forest
and the secondary forest-growth, and that between the secondary
forest-growth and the plain--catch there whomsoever you will, but
see that you catch only the headless. Alter no jot of what I say,
or you shall be consumed by the Iron of the Regalia, and crushed by
the sanctity of the thirty divisions of the Koran.'" Hence the tiger
is to this day compelled to "ask for" his prey, and uses divination
(bertenung), as all men know, for the purpose of discovering whether
his petition has yet been granted.

Hence, too, he carries on his hide to this very day the mark of the
stripes with which he was beaten at school.

The method of divination said to be practised by the tiger is as
follows: The tiger lies down and gazes (bertenung) at leaves which he
takes between his paws, and whenever he sees the outline of a leaf
take the shape of one of his intended victims, without the head, he
knows it to be the sign that that victim has been "granted" to him,
in accordance with the very terms of his master's curse.

I once asked (at Labu) how it was known that the tiger used divination,
and was told this story of a man who had seen it:--

"A certain Malay had been working, together with his newly-married
wife, in the rice-fields at Labu, and on his stepping aside at
noon into the cool of the forest, he saw a tiger lying down among
the underwood apparently gazing at something between its paws. By
creeping stealthily nearer he was able at length to discern the object
at which the tiger was gazing, and it proved to be, to his intense
horror, a leaf which presented the lineaments of his wife, lacking
only the head. Hurrying back to the rice-field he at once warned the
neighbours of what he had seen, and implored them to set his wife in
their midst and escort her homeward. To this they consented, but yet,
in spite of every precaution, the tiger broke through the midst of
them and killed the woman before it could be driven off. The bereaved
husband thereupon requested them to leave him alone with the body
and depart, and when they had done so, he took the body in his arms,
and so lay down embracing it, with a dagger in either hand. Before
sunset the tiger returned to its kill, and leapt upon the corpse,
whereupon the husband stabbed it to the heart, so that the points of
the daggers met, and killed it on the spot."

The power of becoming a man- or were-tiger (as it has sometimes
been called), is supposed to be confined to one tribe of Sumatrans,
the Korinchi Malays, many of whom are to be met with in the Malay
Native States. This belief is very strongly held, and on one occasion,
when I asked some Malays at Jugra how it could be proved that the man
really became a tiger, they told me the case of a man some of whose
teeth were plated with gold, and who had been accidentally killed
in the tiger stage, when the same gold plating was discovered in the
tiger's mouth. [291]

Of the strength of the Malay belief in were-tigers Mr. Clifford

"The existence of the Malayan Loup Garou to the native mind is a fact,
and not a mere belief. The Malay knows that it is true. Evidence, if
it be needed, may be had in plenty; the evidence, too, of sober-minded
men, whose words in a Court of Justice would bring conviction to the
mind of the most obstinate jurymen, and be more than sufficient to
hang the most innocent of prisoners. The Malays know well how Haji
`Abdallah, the native of the little state of Korinchi in Sumatra, was
caught naked in a tiger trap, and thereafter purchased his liberty
at the price of the buffaloes he had slain while he marauded in the
likeness of a beast. They know of the countless Korinchi men who have
vomited feathers, after feasting upon fowls, when for the nonce they
had assumed the forms of tigers; and of those other men of the same
race who have left their garments and their trading packs in thickets
whence presently a tiger has emerged. All these things the Malays know
have happened, and are happening to-day, in the land in which they
live, and with these plain evidences before their eyes, the empty
assurances of the enlightened European that Were-Tigers do not, and
never did exist, excite derision not unmingled with contempt." [292]

Writing on the same theme, Sir Frank Swettenham says:--

"Another article of almost universal belief is that the people of a
small State in Sumatra called Korinchi have the power of assuming at
will the form of a tiger, and in that disguise they wreak vengeance
on those they wish to injure. Not every Korinchi man can do this,
but still the gift of this strange power of metamorphosis is pretty
well confined to the people of the small Sumatran State. At night
when respectable members of society should be in bed, the Korinchi man
slips down from his hut, and, assuming the form of a tiger, goes about
'seeking whom he may devour.'

"I have heard of four Korinchi men arriving in a district of Perak,
and that night a number of fowls were taken by a tiger. The strangers
left and went farther up country, and shortly after only three of
them returned and stated that a tiger had just been killed, and they
begged the local headman to bury it.

"On another occasion some Korinchi men appeared and sought hospitality
in a Malay house, and there also the fowls disappeared in the night,
and there were unmistakable traces of the visit of a tiger, but the
next day one of the visitors fell sick, and shortly after vomited

"It is only fair to say that the Korinchi people strenuously deny
the tendencies and the power ascribed to them, but aver that they
properly belong to the inhabitants of a district called Chenâku in
the interior of the Korinchi country. Even there, however, it is only
those who are practised in the elemu sehir, the occult arts, who are
thus capable of transforming themselves into tigers, and the Korinchi
people profess themselves afraid to enter the Chenâku district." [293]

There are many stories about ghost tigers (rimau kramat), which are
generally supposed to have one foot a little smaller than the others
(kaki tengkis). During my stay in the Langat district I was shown
on more than one occasion the spoor of a ghost tiger. This happened
once near Sepang village, on a wet and clayey bridle-track, where
the unnatural smallness of one of the feet was very conspicuous. Such
tigers are considered invulnerable, but harmless to man, and are looked
upon generally as the guardian spirits of some sacred spot. One of
these sacred spots was the shrine (kramat) of 'Toh Kamarong, about
two miles north of Sepang village. This shrine, it was alleged, was
guarded by a white ghost elephant and ghost tiger, who ranged the
country round but never harmed anybody. One day, however, a Chinaman
from the neighbouring pepper plantations offered at this shrine a
piece of pork, which, however acceptable it might have been to a
Chinese saint, so incensed the orthodox guardians of this Muhammadan
shrine that one of them (the ghost tiger) fell upon the Chinaman and
slew him before he could return to his house.

By far the most celebrated of these ghost tigers, however, were the
guardians of the shrine at the foot of Jugra Hill, which were formerly
the pets of the Princess of Malacca (Tuan Putri Gunong Ledang). Local
report says that this princess left her country when it was taken
by the Portuguese, and established herself on Jugra Hill, a solitary
hill on the southern portion of the Selangor coast, which is marked
on old charts as the "False Parcelar" hill.

The legend which connects the name of this princess with Jugra Hill
was thus told [294] by Mr. G. C. Bellamy (formerly of the Selangor
Civil Service).

"Bukit Jugra (Jugra Hill) in its isolated position, and conspicuous
as it is from the sea, could scarcely escape being an object of
veneration to the uneducated Malay mind. The jungle which clothes its
summit and sides is supposed to be full of hantus (demons or ghosts),
and often when talking to Malays in my bungalow in the evening have
our discussions been interrupted by the cries of the langswayer (a
female birth-demon) in the neighbouring jungle, or the mutterings
of the bajang (a familiar spirit) as he sat on the roof-tree. But
the 'Putri' (Princess) of Gunong Ledang holds the premier position
amongst the fabulous denizens of the jungle on the hill, and it is
strange that places so far apart as Mount Ophir and Bukit Jugra should
be associated with one another in traditionary lore. The story runs
that this estimable lady, having disposed of her husband by pricking
him to death with needles, [295] decided thenceforth to live free
from the restrictions of married life. She was thus able to visit
distant lands, taking with her a cat [296] of fabulous dimensions
as her sole attendant. This cat appears to have been a most amiable
and accommodating creature, for on arriving at Jugra he carried the
Princess on his back to the top of the hill. Here the lady remained
for some time, and during her stay constructed a bathing-place for
herself. Even to this day she pays periodical visits to Jugra Hill,
and although she herself is invisible to mortal eye, her faithful
attendant, in the shape of a handsome tiger, is often to be met with as
he prowls about the place at night. He has never been known to injure
any one, and is reverently spoken of as a rimau kramat (ghost tiger)."

To the above story Mr. C. H. A. Turney (then Senior District Officer
and stationed at Jugra) added the following:--

"The Princess and the stories about her and the tiger are well known,
and the latter are related from mother to daughter in Langat.

"There are, however, they say, one or two omissions; instead of one
tiger there were two, the real harimau kramat and an ambitious young
tiger who would also follow the Princess in her round of visits. This
brute came to an untimely and ignominious end (as he deserved to) at
the hands of one Innes, who was disturbed whilst reading a newspaper,
and this can be verified by Captain Syers.

"The other tiger jogged along gaily with his phantom mistress, and
made night hideous with his howlings and prowlings all about the
Jugra Hill. He was really kramat, and was said to have been shot at
by several Malays, and the present Sergeant-Major Allie, now stationed
at Kuala Lumpur, can vouch for this." [297]

I myself collected at the time the following extra details:--

"The local version of the legend about the kramat at the foot of Jugra
Hill runs somewhat as follows:--Once upon a time one Nakhoda Ragam was
travelling with his wife (who is apparently to be identified with the
Princess of Malacca, Tuan Putri Gunong Ledang) in a boat (sampan),
when the latter pricked him to death with a needle (mati di-chuchok
jarum). His blood flooded the boat (darah-nya hanyut dalam sampan),
and presently the woman in the boat was hailed by a vessel sailing
past her. 'What have you got in that boat?' said the master of the
vessel, and the Princess replied: 'It is only spinach-juice' (kuah
bayam). She was therefore allowed to proceed, and landed at the foot
of Jugra Hill, where she buried all that yet remained of her husband,
which consisted of only one thigh (paha). [298] She also took ashore
her two cats, which were in the boat with her, and which, turning into
ghost tigers, became the guardians of this now famous shrine." [299]

Tigers are naturally too fierce to be tracked by the Malays, and
are usually caught in specially constructed traps (penjara rimau),
or killed by a self-acting gun or spear-trap (b'lantek s'napang,
b'lantek terbang, b'lantek parap, etc.); but even in this case the
Pawang explains to the tiger that it was not he but Muhammad who set
the trap. There are, however, as might be expected, a great number of
charms intended to protect the devotee in various ways from the tiger's
claws and teeth. Of these I will give one or two typical specimens.

Sometimes a charm is used to keep the tiger at a distance (penjauh

    "Ho, Bersenu! Ho, Berkaih!
    I know the origin from which you sprang;
    (It was) Sheikh Abuniah Lahah Abu Kasap.
    Your navel originated from the centre of your crown,
    Your breasts are [to be seen] in [the spoor of] your
    fore-feet. [300]
    May you go wide (of me) as the Seven Tiers of Heaven,
    May you go wide (of me) as the Seven Tiers of Earth;
    If you do not go wide,
    You shall be a rebel unto God," etc.

Sometimes the desired effect is expected to be obtained by a charm
for locking the tiger's jaws:--

    "Ho, Sir Cruncher! Ho, Sir Muncher!
    Let the twig break under the weight of the wild goose.
    Fast shut and locked be (your jaws), by virtue of `Ali Mustapah,
    OM. Thus I break (the tusks of) all beasts that are tusked,
    By virtue of this Prayer from the Land of Siam." [301]

The next specimen is described as a "charm for fascinating" (striking
fear into) a "tiger and hardening one's own heart":--

    "O Earth-Shaker, rumble and quake!
    Let iron needles be my body-hairs,
    Let copper needles be my body-hairs!
    Let poisonous snakes be my beard,
    A crocodile my tongue,
    And a roaring tiger in the dimple of my chin.
    Be my voice the trumpet of an elephant,
    Yea, like unto the roar of the thunderbolt.
    May your lips be fast closed and your teeth clenched;
    And not till the Heavens and the Earth are moved
    May your heart be moved
    To be wroth with or to seek to destroy me.
    By the virtue of 'There is no god but God,'" etc.

To which may be added--

    "Kun! Payah Kun!
    Let (celestial) splendour reside in my person.
    Whosoever talks of encountering me,
    A cunning Lion shall be his opponent.
    O all ye Things that have life
    Endure not to confront my gaze!
    It is I who shall confront the gaze of you,
    By the virtue of 'There is no god but God.'"

When tigers were wounded, it was said (in Selangor) that they would
doctor themselves with ubat tasak, which is the name generally
given to a sort of poultice used by those who have just undergone
circumcision. And when a tiger was killed a sort of public reception
was formerly always accorded to him on his return to the village.

Though I have not seen the actual reception (generally miscalled a
"wake"), I once saw near Kajang in Selangor a tiger which had been
prepared for the ceremony. The animal was propped up on all fours
as if alive, and his mouth kept open by propping the roof with a
stick. It was unfortunately impossible for me to wait for the ceremony,
but from a description which I received afterwards, it was evidently
regarded as a sort of "reception" given by the people of the village
to a live and powerful war-chief or champion (hulubalang) who had
come to pay them a visit, the dancing and fencing which takes place
on such occasions being intended for his entertainment.

One of these ceremonies, which took place in Jugra in Selangor,
was thus described:--

A Tiger's Wake

"At 10 A.M. a great noise of rejoicing, with drums and gongs,
approaching Jugra by the river, was heard, and on my questioning
the people, I was told Raja Yakob had managed to shoot a tiger
with a spring gun behind Jugra Hill, and was bringing it in state
to the Sultan. I went over to the Sultan's at Raja Yakob's request
to see the attendants on the slaughter of a tiger. The animal was
supported by posts and fastened in an attitude as nearly as possible
approaching the living. Its mouth was forced open, its tongue allowed
to drop on one side, and a small rattan attached to its upper jaw was
passed over a pole held by a man behind. This finished, two swords
were produced and placed crosswise, and a couple of Panglimas [302]
selected for the dance; the gongs and drums were beaten at a quick
time, the man holding the rattan attached to the tiger's head pulled
it, moving the head up and down, and the two Panglimas, after making
their obeisance to the Sultan, rushed at their swords, and holding
them in their hands commenced a most wild and exciting dance. They
spun around on one leg, waving their swords, then bounded forward and
made a thrust at the tiger, moving back quickly with the point of the
weapon facing the animal; they crawled along the ground and sprung over
it uttering defiant yells, they cut and parried at supposed attacks,
finally throwing down their weapons and taunting the dead beast by
dancing before it unarmed. This done, Inas told me the carcase was
at my disposal.

"The death of the tiger now establishes the fact of the existence
of tigers here, for asserting which I have been pretty frequently
laughed at. However this is not the Jugra pest, a brute whose death
would be matter for general rejoicing, the one now destroyed being
a tigress 8 feet long and 2 feet 8 inches high." [303]

I may add that both the claws and whiskers of tigers are greatly
sought after as charms, and are almost invariably stolen from a tiger
when one is killed by a European. I have also seen at Klang a charm
written on tiger's skin.

The Deer [304]

Anthropomorphic ideas are held by the Malays almost as strongly in
the case of the Deer as of any other animal.

The Deer is, by all Malays, believed to have sprung from a man who
suffered from a severe ulcer or abscess (chabuk) on the leg, (which
is supposed to have left its trace on the deer's legs to this day). Of
the Perak form of this legend Sir William Maxwell writes as follows:--

"The deer (rusa) is sometimes believed to be the metamorphosed body
of a man who has died of an abscess in the leg (chabuk), because it
has marks on the legs which are supposed to resemble those caused by
the disease mentioned. Of course there are not wanting men ready to
declare that the body of a man who has died of chabuk has been seen
to rise from the grave and to go away into the forest in the shape
of a deer." [305]

The Selangor legend is practically identical with that current
in Perak.

The deer are frequently addressed, in the charms used by the hunters,
exactly as if they were human beings, e.g.--

    "If you wish to wear bracelets and rings
    Stretch out your two fore-feet."

These rings and bracelets are of course the nooses which depend from
the toils.

In a charm of similar import we find:--

    "Ho, Crown Prince (Raja Muda) with your Speckled Princess
    (Putri Dandi),
    Rouse you quickly (from your slumbers)
    And clasp (round your neck) King Solomon's necklace."

I may add that in some places the Pawang (magician) will himself first
enter the toils, probably with the object of deceiving the stag as
to their nature and purpose.

The ceremonies for hunting deer are somewhat intricate, and it
will perhaps be best to commence by giving a general description of
deer-catching as practised by the Malays.

"This pastime" [306] (deer-catching) "is one the Malay delights
in. After a rainy night, deer may be easily traced to their lair by
their footprints, and as they remain stationary by day the hunters
have ample time to arrange their apparatus. When the hiding-place
is discovered all the young men of the kampong [307] assemble,
and the following ceremony is performed before they sally out on
the expedition: Six or eight coils of rattan rope, about an inch in
diameter, are placed on a triangle formed with three rice-pounders,
and the oldest of the company, usually an experienced sportsman, places
a cocoa-nut shell filled with burning incense in the centre, and taking
sprigs of three bushes, viz. the jellatang, sapunie, and sambon [308]
plants (these, it is supposed, possess extraordinary virtues), he
walks mysteriously round the coils, beating them with the sprigs, and
erewhile muttering some gibberish, which, if possessing any meaning,
the sage keeps wisely to himself. During the ceremony the youths
of the village look on with becoming gravity and admiration. It is
believed that the absence of this ceremony would render the expedition
unsuccessful, the deer would prove too strong for the ropes, and the
wood demons frustrate their sport by placing insurmountable obstacles
in their way. Much faith appears to be placed in the ceremony. Each
coil referred to above is sixty to seventy fathoms long, and to the
rope running nooses, made also of rattan rope, are attached about
three feet apart from each other. On reaching the thicket wherein
the deer are concealed, stakes are driven into the ground a few
feet apart in a straight line, the coils are then opened out, and
the rope attached to the stakes, two or three feet above the ground,
with the nooses hanging down, and two of the party conceal themselves
near the stakes armed with knives for the purpose of despatching
the deer when entangled in the nooses. The remainder of the hunters
arrange themselves on the opposite side of the thicket and advance
towards it, shouting and yelling at the top of their voices. The deer,
startled from their rest, spring to their feet and naturally flee from
the noise towards the nooses, and in a short time are entangled in
them. As they struggle to escape, the concealed hunters rush out and
despatch them. Occasionally the flight is prolonged till the major
party arrives, and then the noble creatures soon fall beneath the
spears and knives of their assailants. The animal is divided between
the sportsmen." [309]

The "gibberish" employed by the deer Pawangs when the latter enter
the jungle is intended to induce the wood demons and earth demons to
recede, or at least to dissuade them from active interference with the
proceedings. Charms are also employed by the Pawang, as he proceeds,
from time to time, to "ask for" a tree (to which the toils may be
fastened); to "ask for" a deer; to unroll and suspend the toils; to
call upon the spirits (who are the herdsmen of the deer) to drive
the latter down to meet the dogs; to turn back the deer when they
have got away; to "prick" or urge on the dogs, or make them bark;
to stop wild dogs from barking in the jungle, or those of the pack
from barking at the wrong moment; to deceive the deer as to the
reality of the toils used by the hunters; to deceive the spirits as
to the identity of the hunting-party; and, finally, to drive out the
"mischief" (badi) from the carcase of the slain animal; examples of
all of which will be found in the course of the next few pages.

The first charm which I give is one used in "asking for deer":--

    "Ho! master of me your slave, Sidi the Dim-eyed,
    Si Lailanang and Si Laigan his brother,
    Si Deripan, Si Baung, Si Bakar,
    Si Songsang (Sir Topsy Turvy), Si Berhanyut (Sir Floater),
    Si Pongking, Si Temungking!
    I demand Deer, a male and a female,
    Blunt-hoofed, hard-browed,
    Long-eared, tight-waisted,
    Shut-eyed, shaggy-maned, spotted;
    If not the shut-eyed, the shaggy-maned and the spotted,
    The "rascal," the starveling, the mere skeleton.
    Most fervently we beg this boon, by the light of this very
    same day,
    By virtue of the 'kiraman katibin.' [310]
    And here is the token of my petition." [311]

The directions proceed:--

"On first entering the jungle, say--

    "Ho, Hantu Bakar, Jembalang Bakar,
    Turn a little aside,
    That I may let loose my body-guard."

(By which the "pack" is no doubt intended.)

"When you meet the slot, examine the slot. If it is a little shortened
on one side, the quarry is in some danger; if it has gone lame of
one hoof, it is a sign that it will be killed within seven days.

"After entering the jungle, and finding the dogs, wait for the dogs
to bark, and then give out this 'cooee'--

    "Ho! Si Lanang, Si Lambaun,
    Si Ketor, Si Becheh!

    Ye Four Herdsmen of the Deer,
    Come ye down to meet the dogs.
    And refuse not to come down
    Or ye shall be rebels unto God, etc.
    It is not I who am huntsman,
    It is Pawang Sidi (wizard Sidi) that is huntsman;
    It is not I whose dogs these are,
    It is Pawang Sakti (the 'magic wizard') whose dogs these are;
    Let Dang Durai cross the water,
    It is only a civet-cat that is left for me.
    Grant this by virtue of my teacher, 'Toh Raja--
    May his art be yet more powerful in my hands. [312]
    By virtue of 'There is no god but God,'" etc.

A deer Pawang ('Che Indut) also gave me this charm for recital when
the support (lit. "shoulder") of the noose is being cut (for which
purpose it would appear that a young tree of the kind called "Delik"
is usually taken).

    "The Delik's branches spread out horizontally (at the top), [313]
    Chop at it, and it will produce roots.
    Though its bark is destroyed, a cudgel is still left for people's
    Even though it be worked on by the charm Kalinting Bakar." [314]

From the same source I obtained this charm, addressed to the Deer,
but intended for fixing the scent (menetapkan bau), and for suspending
the toils (memasang jerat):--

    "Teng [315] [stands for] the satengteng flower,
    Ascend ye the twin stream.
    If you delight in bracelets and rings
    Push forward your two fore-feet.

"When setting the nooses (bubohkan perindu jerat) say, addressing
the deer as before:--

    "Be filled with yearning, be filled with longing,
    As the Holy Basil grows even to a rock,
    Be filled with yearning as you sit, be filled with yearning as
    you go,
    Fast-bound by love of this noose of mine."

The directions given me by another Pawang commenced with a charm for
emboldening the dogs, after which the account proceeds:--

"When you have finished (the charm referred to), take seven steps
forward, leaving the toils behind you, and standing erect, look
forward and call as follows:--

    "O all ye Saids (lawful descendants of the Prophet),
    Unto you, my Lords, belong the Deer,
    Si Lambaun was the origin of the Deer,
    Si Lanang is their Herdsman,
    Drive ye the Deer into our toils.
    This causeway of rock (titian batu) is your high road and
    The resort of innumerable people.
    Follow, follow in long procession,
    And let the "Assembly"-Flower unfold its petals.
    Come in procession, come in succession,
    Our toils have come to summon you to the spot.
    Ho, Deer that are unfortunate, Deer that are curst,
    Enter this path of mine which is empty of men.
    On the left stand spearmen,
    On the right stand spearmen,
    And whichever of (those two) ways you go,
    By that self-same way will you be turned back.

"Now proceed till you meet the stag, and as he rouses himself from
slumber, say:--

    "Ho, Crown Prince with your Speckled Princess,
    Rouse you in haste and slip on King Solomon's royal breast
    Receive it, receive it in your turn,
    And do ye (huntsmen) shout 'Bi' again and again.

"[Here the spearmen right and left shout in concert.]

"So, too, when spearing the deer, say--

    "It is not I who spear you,
    It is Pawang Sidi who spears you.

"When you have secured a deer, flick (kebaskan) the carcase thrice
in a downward direction with a black cloth or with a leafy spray (if
you will), such as the deer feed upon, for instance with the sendayan
(or sendereian, a kind of sedge), or with fern-shoots, and call out:--

    "O Si Lanang, Si Lambaun,
    Si Ketor, Si Becheh, who are Four Persons,
    Take back your own share (of the carcase). [316]

"Here 'take the representative parts, pierce them with a rattan line,
and suspend them from a tree.'"

But the fullest account of this ceremony (of driving out the mischief
from the carcase) runs as follows:--

"When you have caught the deer, cast out the mischief from it (buang
dia-punya badi). To effect this, take a black jacket such as can cast
out this mischief (if no black jacket is obtainable, take the branch
of any tree), and stroke (the carcase) from the head downwards to
the feet and the rump, saying as you do so:--

    "Ho Badi Serang, Badi Mak Buta,
    Si Panchor Mak Tuli,
    It is not I who cast out these mischiefs,
    It is the Junior Dogboy who casts them out.
    It is not I who cast out these mischiefs,
    It is the Dogboy Rukiah who casts them out.
    It is not I who cast out these mischiefs,
    It is Mukaël [317] (Michael) who casts them out.
    It is not I who cast out these mischiefs,
    It is Israfel who casts them out.
    It is not I who cast out these mischiefs,
    It is Azrael who casts them out.
    It is not I who cast out these mischiefs,
    It is Mukarael (?) who casts them out.
    I know the origin of these mischiefs,
    They are the offspring of the Jin Ibni Ujan, [318]
    Who dwell in the open spaces and hill-locked basins.
    Return ye to your open spaces and hill-locked basins,
    And do me no harm or scathe.
    I know the origin from which you spring,
    From the offspring of the Jin Ibni Ujan do ye spring.

"Here take small portions of his eyes, ears, mouth, nose, hind-feet,
fore-feet, hair (of his coat), liver, heart, spleen and horns (if it
be a stag), wrap them up in a leaf, and deposit them in the slot of
his approaching tracks, saying: 'O Mentala (Batara) Guru, one a month,
two a month, three a month, four a month, five a month, six a month,
seven a month (be the deer which fall) by night to you, by day to
me. One deer I take with me, and one I leave behind.'"

A deer Pawang named 'Che Indut gave me a charm for turning the deer
back upon their tracks, "though their flesh was torn to rags and their
bones well-becudgelled." It concluded with the following appeal to
the spirits:--

    "Ho (ye Spirits) turn back my Deer!
    If you do not turn them back,
    At sea ye shall get no drink,
    Ashore ye shall find no food.
    By virtue of the word of God," etc.

I will conclude with the following charm, believed to be a means of
bringing the stag low:--

"Measure off three sticks (probably dead wood taken from the slot of
the deer, as in the case of the elephant), their length being measured
by the distance from the roof of your mouth to the teeth of the lower
jaw. Lay these sticks in a triangular form inside the slot of the
stag, press the left thumb downwards in the centre of the triangle,
and humble your heart. This will humble the deer's heart too."

The Mouse-deer or chevrotin is the "Brer Rabbit" of the Malays. It
figures in many proverbial sayings and romances, in which it is
credited with extraordinary sagacity, and is honoured by the title of
"Mentri B'lukar," the "Vizier of the (secondary) Forest-Growth." [319]

It is generally taken by means of a snare called tapah pelandok, but
sometimes by tapping on the ground with sticks (mengetok pelandok),
the sound of which is supposed to imitate the drumming of the buck's
fore-feet upon the ground in rutting-time, by which the attention of
the doe is attracted. Whatever the reason may be, there is no doubt
that the method is often successful.

When this "tapping" method is adopted, the charms used are similar
to those used for calling the big deer, e.g.--

    "Arak-arak iring-iring
    Kembang bunga si Panggil-Panggil,
    Datang berarak, datang beriring,
    Raja Suleiman datang memanggil.

    Follow in procession, follow in succession,
    The Assembly-flower has opened its petals.
    Come in procession, come in succession,
    King Solomon comes to summon you."

But at the end of the charm is added, "Ini-lah gong-nya," i.e. "This
is his (King Solomon's) gong."

The stick which is used may be of any kind of wood except a creeper,
and the best place for the operation is where the ground sounds
hollow when tapped. Either three, five, or seven leaves must, however,
be laid on the spot before the tapping is commenced.

The directions for setting the snare (jerat or tapah pelandok) were
taken down by me as follows:--

First look for a tree whose sap is viscid, and chop at it thrice
(with a cutlass). If the splinters fall, one the right and the other
the wrong way up (lit. one prone and the other supine), it is a bad
sign (though it is a good sign when one is setting a trap); for in
the case of a snare they must fall the wrong way up (supine).

When this is done, commence to set the snare near the foot of a tree,
at about a fathom's distance, and say:--

    "As a cocoa-nut shell rocks to and fro
    When filled with clay,
    Avaunt ye, Jembalang and Badi,
    That I may set this snare."

Next you say:--

    "Ho, Sir 'Pointed-Hoof,'
    Sir 'Sharp-Muzzle,'
    Do you step upon this snare that I have spread
    Within two days or three.
    If you do not step upon this snare that I have spread
    Within two days or three,
    You shall be choked to death with blood in your throat,
    You shall be in sore straits within the limits of your own
    Big Jungle.
    At sea you shall get no drink,
    Ashore you shall get no food,
    By virtue of," etc.


Hunting-dogs are spoken to continually as if they were human
beings. Several examples of this occur in the deer charms.

Thus we find the following passage addressed to the dogs:--

    "Let not go the scent,
    Formidable were you from the first;

    Hot-foot, hot-foot, do you pursue,
    If you do not pursue hot-foot,
    I will minimise my benediction (lit. my 'Peace be with you').
    If it (the deer) be a buck, you shall have him for a brother;
    If it be a doe, you shall have her for a wife."

So too, again, after calling several dogs by name, the Pawang gets
together the accessories (leaves of the tukas and lenjuang, a brush
of leaves (sa-cherek) and a black cloth), and exclaims:--

    "Bark, Sir Slender-foot; bark, Sir Brush-tail."

The Pawang generally tries to deceive the deer as to his ownership
of the hunting-dogs. Thus he will say:--

    "It is not I whose dogs these are,
    It is the magical deer Pawang whose dogs these are."

So, too, they are called by certain specific names (according to
their breed and colour), which are in several cases identical with
the names of the dogs with which the wild Spectre Huntsman (the
most terrible of all personified diseases in the Malay category)
hunts down his prey. [320]

Ugliness is by no means looked upon as a disadvantage, but rather
the opposite. An ugly dog is apparently formidable. Thus we find a
dog addressed as follows:--

    "Let not go the scent (of the quarry)
    As you were formidable (lit. ugly) [321] from the first."

Again, the description of the "good points" of some of these dogs
which is given in the Appendix would, if ugliness and formidability are
convertible terms, satisfy the most exacting whipper-in, the so-called
good points being for the most part a mere list of deformities. These
points, however, are merely the external sign of the Luck to which
dogs, as well as human beings, are believed to be born. In a fine
passage we are told:--

    "From the seven Hills and the seven Valleys
    Comes the intense barking of my Dogs.
    My Dogs are Dogs of Luck,
    Not Luck that is adventitious,
    But Luck incarnate with their bodies.
    Go tread upon the heaped and rotting leaves,
    And never desert the scent."

Speaking of dog-lore generally, it may be remarked that though dogs
are very frequently kept by the Malays, it is considered unlucky to
keep them. "The dog ... is unlucky. He longs for the death of his
master, an event which will involve the slaying of animals at the
funeral feast, when the bones will fall to the dogs. When a dog is
heard howling at night, he is supposed to be thinking of the broken
bones (niat handak mengutib tulang patah)." [322]

Even the wild dogs in the jungle [323] are warned not to bark, and
are addressed as if they were human:--

    "If you bark your windpipe shall burst,
    If you smack your lips your tongue shall be docked.

    If you come nearer, you shall break your leg;

    Return to the big virgin jungle,
    Return to your caverns and hill-locked basins,
    To the stream which has no head-waters,
    To the pond which was never dug,
    To the waters which bear no passengers,
    To the fountain-head which is [never] dry.
    If you do not return, you shall die,
    Cursed by the First Pen (i.e. the Human Tongue),
    Pierced by the twig of a gomuti-palm, [324]
    Impaled by a palm thatch-needle,
    Transfixed by a porcupine's quill."

Bears and Monkeys

"The Bear [325] is believed to be the mortal foe of the Tiger, which
he sometimes defeats in single combat. (Bruang, the Malay word for
'bear,' has a curious resemblance to our word 'Bruin.' [326]) A story
is told of a tame bear which a Malay left in charge of his house and
of his sleeping child while he was absent from home. On his return
he missed his child, the house was in disorder, as if some struggle
had taken place, and the bear was covered with blood. Hastily drawing
the conclusion that the bear had killed and devoured the child, the
enraged father slew the animal with his spear, but almost immediately
afterwards he found the carcase of a tiger, which the faithful
bear had defeated and killed, and the child emerged unharmed from
the jungle, where she had taken refuge. It is unnecessary to point
out the similarity of this story to the legend of Beth-Gelert. It
is evidently a local version of the story of the Ichneumon and the
Snake in the Pancha-tantra." [327]

Monkeys and men have always been associated in native tradition,
and Malay folklore is no exception to the rule. Thus we get the
tradition of the great man-like ape, the Mawas (a reminiscence of
the orang-outang or mias of Borneo), which is said to make shelters
for itself in the forks of trees, and to be born with the blade of a
cutlass (woodknife) in place of the bone of the forearm, so that it is
able to cut down the undergrowth as it walks through the jungle. It
is believed, moreover, occasionally to carry off and mate with human
kind. [328]

The Siamang (Hylobates lar), [329] which walks on its hind-legs, is,
however, the species which is most commonly associated in legend with
the human race; in fact, it is not impossible that there may sometimes
have been a confusion between its name (siamang) and Semang, which is
the name of one of the aboriginal (Negrito) races of the interior. The
following Malay legend, which I took down at Labu in Selangor is
believed to explain its origin, and also that of the Bear: [330]--

Once upon a time her Highness the Princess Telan became the affianced
bride of Si Malim Bongsu. After the betrothal Si Malim Bongsu sailed
away and did not return when the period of the engagement, which was
fixed at from three to four months, came to an end.

Then Si Malim Panjang, elder brother of Si Malim Bongsu, decided to
take the place of his younger brother, and be married to the Princess
Telan. The latter, however, repelled his advances, and he therefore
attacked her savagely; but she turned herself into an ape (siamang)
and escaped to the jungle, so that Si Malim Panjang desisted from
pursuit. Then the ape climbed up into a pagar-anak tree which grew
on the sea-shore, and leaned over the sea, and there she chanted
these words:--

    "O my dear Malim Bongsu,
    You have broken your solemn promise and engagement,
    And I have to take upon myself the form of an ape."

Now Si Malim Bongsu was passing at the time, and on recognising the
voice of the Princess Telan he took a blow-gun and shot her so that
she fell into the sea. Then he took rose-water and sprinkled it over
her, so that she resumed her natural shape, and they started to go
home together. Still, however, Si Malim Bongsu would not wed her, but
promised that he would do so when he came back from his next voyage,
whereupon the Princess chanted these words:--

    "If you do not return within three months
    You will find me turned into an ape."

The same course of events, however, happened as before. Malim Bongsu
did not return at the time appointed; his elder brother, Malim Panjang
once more attacked her, and, leaping towards an areca palm, she once
more became an ape, whereupon she chanted as before:--

    "O my dear Malim Bongsu,
    You have broken your solemn promise and engagement,
    And I am forced to become an ape."

Again Malim Bongsu, as he passed by, heard and recognised her voice;
but upon learning that he had been for the second time the cause of
his Princess's troubles, he exclaimed, "Better were it for me were I
nothing but a big fish"; and leaping into the water he disappeared,
and was changed into a big fish as he desired.

Now the Princess's nurse (who was called "The Daughter of Sakembang
China") was at the same time transformed into a bear, and as they
were bathing at the time when they were surprised, and had not time
to wash off all the soap (rice-cosmetic), the white marks on the
breast and brows of the bear and on the breast and brows of the ape
(siamang) have remained unto this day.

Occasionally the opposite transformation is believed to take place,
some species of the monkey tribe being supposed to turn into fish.

Thus the k'ra (Macacus cynomolgus) is believed to develop into a
species of fish called senunggang, and of the fish called kalul (kalui
or kalue), Sir W. E. Maxwell writes: "The ikan kalul (is believed)
to be a monkey transformed. Some specially favoured observers have
seen monkeys half through the process of metamorphosis--half-monkey
and half-fish." [331] The species of monkey which is believed to
turn into the ikan kalul is, as I was told in Selangor, the b'rok or
"cocoa-nut monkey."

"Berhakim kapada brok" is a Malay proverbial expression which means,
"'To make the monkey judge,' or, 'to go to the monkey for justice.' A
fable is told by the Malays of two men, one of whom planted bananas
on the land of the other. When the fruit was ripe each claimed it,
but not being able to come to any settlement they referred the matter
to the arbitration of a monkey (of the large kind called brok). The
judge decided that the fruit must be divided; but no sooner was this
done than one of the suitors complained that the other's share was
too large. To satisfy him the monkey reduced the share of the other
by the requisite amount, which he ate himself. Then the second suitor
cried out that the share of the first was now too large. It had to be
reduced to satisfy him, the subtracted portion going to the monkey
as before. Thus they went on wrangling until the whole of the fruit
was gone, and there was nothing left to wrangle about. Malay judges,
if they are not calumniated, have been known to protract proceedings
until both sides have exhausted their means in bribes. In such cases
the unfortunate suitors are said to berhakim kapada brok." [332]

The Wild Pig and Other Animals

There are several superstitions about the Wild Boar which prove that
it was not always regarded as an unclean animal.

Of these the following recipe, which was given me by a Jugra (Selangor)
Malay, for turning brass into gold is the most remarkable:--

"Kill a wild pig and rip open its paunch. Sew up in this a quantity
of old 'scrap' brass, pile timber over it, burn it, and then leave
it alone until the grass has grown right over it. Then dig up the
gold." Again, certain wild boars are believed to carry on their tushes
a talisman of extraordinary power, which is called rantei babi, or
"Wild Boar's Chain." This chain consists, it is asserted, of three
links of various metals (gold, silver, and amalgam), and is hung up
on a shrub by the wild boar when he is enjoying his wallow, so that it
is occasionally stolen by Malays who know his habits. I may add that,
according to a Malay at Langat, the "were-tiger" (rimau jadi-jadian)
occasionally appears in the shape of a wild boar escaping from a grave,
in the centre of which may be afterwards seen the hole by which the
animal has escaped.

"Among the modern Malays avoidance of the flesh of swine and of
contact with anything connected with the unclean animal is, of course,
universal. No tenet of El-Islam is more rigidly enforced than this. It
is singular to notice, among a people governed by the ordinances of
the Prophet, traces of the observance of another form of abstinence
enjoined by a different religion. The universal preference of the
flesh of the Buffalo to that of the Ox in Malay countries is evidently
a prejudice bequeathed to modern times by a period when cow-beef was
as much an abomination to Malays as it is to the Hindus of India
at the present day. This is not admitted or suspected by ordinary
Malays, who would probably have some reason, based on the relative
wholesomeness of buffalo and cow-beef, to allege in defence of their
preference of the latter to the former." [333]

To the above I may add that it is invariably the flesh of the Buffalo,
and not that of the Ox, which is eaten sacrificially on the occasion
of festivities. [334] But the flesh of the so-called White (albino)
Buffalo (kerbau balar) is generally avoided as food, though I have
known it to be prescribed medicinally (as in the case of Raja Kahar, a
son of H.H. the Sultan of Selangor, the circumstances of whose illness
will be detailed elsewhere). [335] As might be expected, a story
is told by the Malays to account for this distinction. The general
outline of the tale is to the effect that a Malay boy (a mere child)
fell into the big rice-bin (kepok) in his parents' absence and was
suffocated by the rice. After some days the body began to decompose,
and the ooze emanating from the rice-bin was licked up by a buffalo
belonging to the boy's parents. The attention of these latter being
thus attracted to the rice-bin, they found therein the remains of
their child, and thereupon cursed the buffalo, which (we are led
to infer) became "white," and has remained so ever since. According
to one version, a ground-dove (tekukur) was implicated both in the
offence and the punishment which followed it. Wherefore to this day
no man eats of the flesh of either of the offenders.

Perhaps the most extraordinary transformation in which the Malays
implicitly believe is that of the Squirrel, which is supposed to be
developed from a large caterpillar called ulat sentadu. [336]

About the Cat there are many superstitions which show that it is
believed to possess supernatural powers. Thus it is supposed to be
lucky to keep cats because they long for a soft cushion to lie upon,
and so (indirectly) wish for the prosperity of their master. [337]
On the other hand, cats must be very carefully prevented from rubbing
up against a corpse, for it is said that on one occasion when this was
neglected, the badi or Evil Principle which resides in the cat's body
entered into the corpse, which thus became endowed with unnatural
life and stood up upon its feet. So too the soaking of the cat in
a pan of water until it is half-drowned is believed to produce an
abundance of rain. [338] It is, besides, believed to be extremely
unlucky to kill cats. Of this superstition Mr. Clifford says:--

"It is a common belief among Malays that if a cat is killed he who
takes its life will in the next world be called upon to carry and
pile logs of wood, as big as cocoa-nut trees, to the number of the
hairs on the beast's body. Therefore cats are not killed; but if they
become too daring in their raids on the hen-coop or the food rack,
they are tied to a raft and sent floating down stream, to perish
miserably of hunger. The people of the villages by which they pass
make haste to push the raft out again into mid-stream, should it in
its passage adhere to bank or bathing-hut, and on no account is the
animal suffered to land. To any one who thinks about it, this long
and lingering death is infinitely more cruel than one caused by a blow
from an axe; but the Malays do not trouble to consider such a detail,
and would care little if they did." [339]

Before leaving the subject of cats, I must mention the belief that the
"fresh-water fish called ikan belidah" was "originally a cat." Sir
W. E. Maxwell says that many Malays refuse to eat it for this reason,
and adds, "They declare that it squalls like a cat when harpooned,
and that its bones are very white and fine like a cat's hairs." [340] A
story is also sometimes told to account both for the general similarity
of habits of the cat and the tiger and for the fact that the latter,
unlike most of the Felidæ, is not a tree-climber. It is to the effect
that the cat agreed to teach the tiger its tricks, which it did,
with the exception of the art of climbing trees. The tiger, thinking
it had learnt all the cat's tricks, proceeded to attack its teacher,
when the cat escaped by climbing up a tree; so the tiger never learnt
how to climb and cannot climb trees to this day.

Even the smallest and commonest of mammals, such as Rats and Mice,
are the objects of many strange beliefs. Thus "clothes which have
been nibbled by rats or mice must not be worn again. They are sure
to bring misfortune, and are generally given away in charity." [341]

So too on the Selangor coast a mollusc called siput tantarang or
mentarang is believed to have sprung from a mouse; and many kinds of
charms, generally addressed to the "Prophet Joseph" (Nabi Yusuf), are
resorted to in order to drive away rats and mice from the rice-fields.

The following passage describes the general ideas about animal
superstitions which prevail on the east coast of the Peninsula:--

"The beliefs and superstitions of the Fisher Folk would fill many
volumes. They believe in all manner of devils and local sprites. They
fear greatly the demons that preside over animals, and will not
willingly mention the names of birds or beasts while at sea. Instead,
they call them all chêweh [342]--which, to them, signifies an
animal, though to others it is meaningless, and is supposed not to be
understanded of the beasts. To this word they tack on the sound which
each beast makes in order to indicate what animal is referred to;
thus the pig is the grunting chêweh, the buffalo the chêweh that says
'uak,' and the snipe the chêweh that cries 'kek-kek.' Each boat that
puts to sea has been medicined with care, many incantations and other
magic observances having been had recourse to, in obedience to the
rules which the superstitious people have followed for ages. After
each take the boat is 'swept' by the medicine man with a tuft of
leaves prepared with mystic ceremonies, which is carried at the bow
for the purpose. The omens are watched with exact care, and if they
be adverse no fishing-boat puts to sea that day. Every act in their
lives is regulated by some regard for the demons of the sea and air,
and yet these folk are nominally Muhammadans, and, according to that
faith, magic and sorcery, incantations to the spirits, and prayers to
demons, are all unclean things forbidden to the people. But the Fisher
Folk, like other inhabitants of the Peninsula, are Malays first and
Muhammadans afterwards. Their religious creed goes no more than skin
deep, and affects but little the manner of their daily life." [343]


The Vegetation Spirit of the Malays "follows in some vague and partial
way," to use Professor Tylor's words, from the analogy of the Animal
Spirit. It is difficult to say, without a more searching inquiry than
I have yet had the opportunity of making, whether Malay magicians
would maintain that all trees had souls (semangat) or not. All that we
can be certain of at present is that a good many trees are certainly
supposed by them to have souls, such, for instance, as the Durian,
the Cocoa-nut palm, and the trees which produce Eagle-wood (gharu),
Gutta Percha, Camphor, and a good many others.

What can be more significant than the words and actions of the men who
in former days would try and frighten the Durian groves into bearing;
or of the toddy-collector who addresses the soul of the Cocoa-nut
palm in such words as, "Thus I bend your neck, and roll up your hair;
and here is my ivory toddy-knife to help the washing of your face";
[344] or of the collectors of jungle produce who traffic in Eagle-wood,
Camphor, and Gutta (the spirits of the first two of which trees are
considered extremely powerful and dangerous) or, above all, of the
reapers who carry the "Rice-soul" home at harvest time?

A special point in connection with the Malay conception of the
vegetation soul perhaps requires particular attention, viz. the fact
that apparently dead and even seasoned timber may yet retain the
soul which animated it during its lifetime. Thus, the instructions
for the performance of the rites to be used at the launching of a
boat (which will be found below under the heading "The Sea, Rivers,
and Streams") [345] involve an invocation to the timbers of the boat,
which would therefore seem to be conceived as capable, to some extent,
of receiving impressions and communications made in accordance with
the appropriate forms and ceremonies.

So, too, a boat with a large knot in the centre of the bottom is
considered good for catching fish, and in strict conformity with
this idea is the belief that the natural excrescences (or knobs)
and deformities of trees are mere external evidences of an indwelling
spirit. So, too, the fruit of the cocoa-nut palm, when the shell lacks
the three "eyes" to which we are accustomed, is believed to serve in
warfare as a most valuable protection (pelias) against the bullets of
the enemy, and the same may be said in a minor degree of the joints of
"solid" bamboo (buluh tumpat) which are occasionally found, whilst to a
slightly different category belong the comparatively numerous examples
of "Tabasheer" (mineral concretions in the wood of certain trees),
which are so highly valued by the Malays for talismanic purposes. Such
trees as the Mali mali, Rotan jer'nang (Dragon's-blood rattan), Buluh
kasap (rough bamboo), etc., are all said to supply instances of the
concretions referred to, but the most famous of them all is without
doubt the so-called "cocoa-nut pearl," of which I quote the following
account from Dr. Denys's Descriptive Dictionary of British Malaya.

Cocoa-nut Pearls

The following remarks concerning these peculiar accretions are
extracted from Nature:--

"During my recent travels," Dr. Sidney Hickson writes to a scientific
contemporary, "I was frequently asked by the Dutch planters and others
if I had ever seen 'a cocoa-nut stone.' These stones are said to be
rarely found (1 in 2000 or more) in the perisperm of the cocoa-nut,
and when found are kept by the natives as a charm against disease and
evil spirits. This story of the cocoa-nut stone was so constantly
told me, and in every case without any variation in its details,
that I made every effort before leaving to obtain some specimens,
and eventually succeeded in obtaining two.

"One of these is nearly a perfect sphere, 14 mm. in diameter, and the
other, rather smaller in size, is irregularly pear-shaped. In both
specimens the surface is worn nearly smooth by friction. The spherical
one I have had cut into two halves, but I can find no concentric or
other markings on the polished cut surfaces.

"Dr. Kimmins has kindly submitted one-half to a careful chemical
analysis, and finds that it consists of pure carbonate of lime without
any trace of other salts or vegetable tissue.

"I should be very glad if any of your readers could inform me if
there are any of these stones in any of the museums, or if there is
any evidence beyond mere hearsay of their existence in the perisperm
of the cocoa-nut." [346]

On this letter Mr. Thiselton Dyer makes the following
remarks:--"Dr. Hickson's account of the calcareous concretions
occasionally found in the central hollow (filled with fluid--the
so-called 'milk') of the endosperm of the seed of the cocoa-nut is
extremely interesting. It appears to me a phenomenon of the same
order as tabasheer, to which I recently drew attention in Nature.

"The circumstances of the occurrence of these stones or 'pearls'
are in many respects parallel to those which attend the formation
of tabasheer. In both cases mineral matter in palpable masses is
withdrawn from solution in considerable volumes of fluid contained
in tolerably large cavities in living plants; and in both instances
they are monocotyledons.

"In the case of the cocoa-nut pearls the material is calcium carbonate,
and this is well known to concrete in a peculiar manner from solutions
in which organic matter is also present.

"In my note on tabasheer I referred to the reported occurrence of
mineral concretions in the wood of various tropical dicotyledonous
trees. Tabasheer is too well known to be pooh-poohed; but some
of my scientific friends express a polite incredulity as to the
other cases. I learn, however, from Prof. Judd, F.R.S., that he
has obtained a specimen of apatite found in cutting up a mass of
teak-wood. The occurrence of this mineral under these circumstances
has long been recorded; but I have never had the good fortune to see
a specimen." [347]

The Durian

The Durian tree (for an account of whose famous fruit the classical
description in Wallace's Malay Archipelago may be referred to) is a
semi-wild fruit-tree, whose stem frequently rises to the height of some
eighty or ninety feet before the branches are met with. It is generally
planted in groves, which are often to be found in the jungle when all
other traces of former human habitation have completely disappeared,
though even then its fruit, if tradition says true, is as keenly
fought over by the denizens of the forest (monkeys, bears, and tigers)
as ever it was by their temporary dispossessors. Interspersed among
the Durian trees will be found numerous varieties of orchard trees
of a less imperial height, amongst which may be named the Rambutan,
[348] Rambei, [349] Lansat, [350] Duku, [351] Mangostin, [352] and
many others. A small grove of these trees, which was claimed by the
late Sultan `Abdul Samad of Selangor, grew within about a mile of my
bungalow at Jugra, and I was informed that in years gone by a curious
ceremony (called Menyemah durian) was practised in order to make the
trees more productive. On a specially selected day, it was said,
the village would assemble at this grove, and (no doubt with the
usual accompaniment of the burning of incense and scattering of rice)
the most barren of the Durian trees would be singled out from the
rest. One of the local Pawangs would then take a hatchet (beliong)
and deliver several shrewd blows upon the trunk of the tree, saying:--

    "Will you now bear fruit or not?
    If you do not I shall fell you." [353]

To this the tree (through the mouth of a man who had been stationed for
the purpose in a Mangostin tree hard by) was supposed to make answer:--

    "Yes, I will now bear fruit;
    I beg you not to fell me." [354]

I may add that it was a common practice in the fruit season for the
boys who were watching for the fruit to fall (for which purpose they
were usually stationed in small palm-thatch shelters) to send echoing
through the grove a musical note, which they produced by blowing
into a bamboo instrument called tuang-tuang. I cannot, however,
say whether this custom now has any ceremonial significance or not,
though it seems not at all unlikely that it once had. [355]

The Malacca Cane

No less distinct are the animistic ideas of the Malays relating to
various species of the Malacca-cane plant. Mr. Wray of the Perak
Museum writes as follows:--

"A Malacca-cane with a joint as long as the height of the owner will
protect him from harm by snakes and animals, and will give him luck in
all things. What is called a samambu bangku [356] or baku, possesses
the power of killing any one even when the person is only slightly
hurt by a blow dealt with it. These are canes that have died down
and have begun to shoot again from near the root. They are very rare,
one of eighteen inches in length is valued at six or seven dollars,
and one long enough to make a walking stick of, at thirty to fifty
dollars. At night the rotan samambu plant is said to make a loud noise,
and, according to the Malays, it says, 'Bulam sampei, bulam sampei,'
[357] meaning that it has not yet reached its full growth. They are
often to be heard in the jungle at night, but the most diligent search
will not reveal their whereabouts. The rotan manoh [358] is also
said to give out sounds at night. The sounds are loud and musical,
but the alleged will-o'-the-wisp character of the rattans which are
supposed to produce them seems to point to some night-bird, tree-frog,
or lizard as being the real cause of the weird notes, though it is
just possible that the wind might make the rattan leaves vibrate in
such a way as to cause the sounds." [359]

In Selangor it is the stick-insect (keranting) which is believed to be
the embodiment of the "Malacca-cane spirit" (Hantu Samambu), by which
last name it is most commonly called. These stick-insects are believed
by the Selangor Malays to produce the sounds to which Mr. Wray refers,
and in order to account for their peculiar character a story is told,
the main features of which are as follows:--

Once upon a time a married couple fell out, and the husband
surreptitiously introduced stones into the cooking-pot in place
of the yams which his wife was cooking. Then he went off to climb
for a cocoa-nut, and as he climbed, he mocked her by calling out
"Masak belum? Masak belum?" ("Are they cooked yet? Are they cooked
yet?"). What she did by way of retaliation is not clear, but as
he climbed and mocked her, she is said to have retorted, "Panjat
belum? Panjat belum?" ("Have you climbed it yet? Have you climbed
it yet?"), a reply which clearly shows that her woman's wit had been
at work, and that she was not going to allow her husband to get the
better of her. [360] However this may be, a deadlock ensued, the result
of which was that both parties were transformed into stick-insects,
but were yet condemned to mock each other as they had done during
the period of their human existence.

I have often from my boat, during dark nights on the Langat river,
listened to the weird note which my Malays invariably ascribed to
these insects, and which is not inaptly represented by one of the
Malay names for them, viz. "belum-belam." I have not yet, however,
succeeded in identifying the real producer of the note, of which all I
can say at present is, that although it may not be itself discoverable,
the Malays look upon it as a certain guide to the localities where
the Malacca-canes grow.

The Tualang or Sialang Tree

So too of the Tualang-tree Mr. Wray writes:--

"One of the largest and stateliest of the forest trees in Perak is that
known as Toallong, or Toh Allong; [361] it has a very poisonous sap,
which produces great irritation when it comes in contact with the
skin. Two Chinamen who had felled one of these trees in ignorance,
had their faces so swelled and inflamed that they could not see out of
their eyes, and had to be led about for some days before they recovered
from the effects of the poison. Their arms, breasts, and faces were
affected, and they presented the appearance of having a very bad attack
of erysipelas. These trees are supposed to be the abiding-places of
hantu, or spirits, when they have large hollow projections from the
trunk, called rumah hantu, or spirit houses. These projections are
formed when a branch gets broken off near the trunk, and are quite
characteristic of the tree. There are sometimes three or four of them
on a large tree, and the Malays have a great objection to cutting down
any that are so disfigured, the belief being that if a man fells one
he will die within the year. As a rule these trees are left standing
when clearings are made, and they are a source of trouble and expense
to planters and others, who object to their being left uncut.

"The following series of events actually happened:--A Malay named
Panda Tambong undertook, against the advice of his friends, to fell
one of the Toh Allong trees, and he almost immediately afterwards was
taken ill with fever, and died in a few weeks' time. Shortly after
this some men were sitting plaiting ataps [362] under the shade
of another of these ill-omened trees, when, without any warning,
a large branch fell down, breaking the arm of one man, and more or
less injuring two others. There was not a breath of wind at the time,
or anything else likely to determine the fall of the branch. After
this it was decided to have the tree felled, as there were coolie
houses nearly under it. There was great difficulty in getting any
one to fell it. Eventually a Penang Malay undertook the job, but
stipulated that a Pawang, or sorcerer, should be employed to drive
away the demons first. The Pawang hung pieces of white and red cloth
on sticks round the tree, burnt incense in the little contrivances
made of the split leaf-stalks of the bertam palm, used by the Malays
for that purpose, cut off the heads of two white fowls, sprinkled
the blood over the trunk, and in the midst of many incantations the
tree was felled without any mishap; but, strange to say, the Pawang,
who was a haji [363] and a slave-debtor of the Toh Puan Halimah,
died about nine months afterwards." [364]

There appears to be very little reason to doubt that the word Tualang
('Toh Alang or Sialang) is the name not of a particular species of
tree, but rather the generic name of all trees in which wild bees have
built their nests, so that in reality it simply means a "Bee-Tree."

I have not yet succeeded in obtaining any of the Malay charms used
by the collectors of these bees' nests, except such as are used
by Sakais under Malay influence on the Selangor coast, the Sakais
being most usually the collectors. Some of these latter, however,
were pure Malay charms, and may perhaps be considered, in the absence
of charms collected from Malays, as evidence of at least secondary
importance. One of these charms commences as follows:--

    "Here is the Peeling-knife, the knife with the long handle,
    Stuck into the buttress of a Pulai-Tree." [365]

And another, which is almost word for word the same, as follows:--

    "Here is the Peeling-knife, the knife with the long handle,
    With which to stab (lit. peck at) the buttress of the
    Pulai-Tree." [366]

It will be noticed that both refer to the Pulai-tree by name, and
not to the Tualang. The footnote which I here quote with reference
to the customs of Siak is, almost word for word, equally true of the
Bee-Trees in Selangor. [367]

Other haunted trees (pokok berhantu) are the Jawi-jawi, the Jelotong,
and Berombong, of which the following tradition will perhaps suffice:--

"All trees," according to Malay tradition, "were planted by 'the
Prophet Elias,' [368] and are in the 'Prophet Noah's' charge. In
the days of King Solomon, trees could speak as well as birds and
animals, and several of the trees now to be seen in the forest are
really metamorphosed human beings. Such are the 'Jelotong' and the
'Berombong,' which in the days of King Solomon were bosom friends,
until there broke out between them an unfortunate quarrel, which
terminated in 'Si Jelotong's' lacing the skin of 'Si Berombong' all
over with stabs from his dagger, the effect of which stabs remains
visible to this day. Si Berombong, on the other hand, cursed Si
Jelotong with his dying breath, praying that he might be turned into a
tree without any buttresses to support his trunk, a prayer which was,
of course, duly fulfilled. Thus originated the lack of buttresses
at the base of the former tree, and the laced and slashed bark of
the latter."

The Lime-Tree

Yet another tree whose spirit is the object, as it were, of a special
cult, [369] is the lime-tree, which is revered and looked up to almost
as their chief patron by the theatrical players (orang ma'yong) of
Penang. The invocations addressed to this spirit show that, as in
most branches of magic, every part of the tree had its appropriate
"alias." Thus the root was called the "Seated Prince," the trunk
the "Standing Prince," the bark the "Prince Stretching Himself,"
the boughs the "Stabbing Prince," the leaves the "Beckoning Prince,"
the fruit the "Prince loosing an arrow."

The Eagle-wood Tree

The following account of Eagle-wood and of the tree which produces
it is quoted from the Journal of the Straits Asiatic Society:--

"In Crawfurd's Dictionary of the Malay Archipelago [370] I find the
following:--'Agila, the Eagle-wood of commerce.--Its name in Malay
and Javanese is kalambak or kalambah, but it is also known in these
languages by that of gharu or kayu gharu, gharu-wood, a corruption of
the Sanskrit agahru.... There can be no doubt but that the perfumed
wood is the result of disease in the tree that yields it, produced
by the thickening of the sap into a gum or resin.'

"This 'Eagle-wood of commerce,' under its more familiar name gharu, is
one of the rarest and most valuable products of our Malayan jungles,
and the following notes may be of interest. They are the result of
inquiries amongst the Malays and Pawangs in Ulu Muar and Johol, and
I am indebted to Mr. L. J. Cazalas for much assistance in obtaining
the information contained in them.

"The gharu-tree is a tall forest tree, sometimes reaching the size
of fifteen feet in diameter. The bark is of a silvery gray colour,
and the foliage close and dense, of a dark hue. The Malay name for the
tree is "tabak," and no other may be used by the Pawang when in search
of the kayu gharu. [371] Gharu, the diseased heart-wood of the tabak,
is found in trees of all sizes, even in trees of one foot in diameter,
thus showing that the disease attacks the tree at an early stage.

"The gharu is found in pockets, and may sometimes be discovered by
the veins which run to these pockets. In other trees the veins are
absent, which renders the process of searching more difficult. The
tree is generally cut down and left to rot, which exposes the gharu
in about six months.

"'Pockets' are found to contain as much as 104 catties; a single tree
has been known to yield 400 catties. [372] Gharu is seldom found in
the sap-wood, generally in the heart-wood or teras.

"Many tabak-trees do not contain gharu at all. To select the
right trees is the special province of the Pawang or wise man. The
tabak-trees are under the care of certain hantu or wood-spirits, and
it would be hopeless for the uninitiated to attempt to find gharu;
even the Pawang has to be very careful.

"The following is the process as far as I have been able to ascertain

"On the outskirts of the forest the Pawang must burn incense, and
repeat the following charm or formula:--

"Homali hamali [373] matilok (mandillah ?) serta kalam mandiyat serta
teboh. Turun suhaya [374] trima suka turun kadim serta aku kabul kata
gharu mustajak [375] kata Allah Berkat la ilaha il'allah. Hei Putri
Belingkah, [376] Putri Berjuntei, Putri Menginjan [377] aku meminta
isi tabak. Ta'boleh di surohkan, ta'boleh lindong kapada aku kalau
di-suroh di-lindong-kan biar durâka kapada tuhan."

"There is no "pantang gharu" except that the words "isi" and "tabak"
must be used instead of "tras" and "gharu." [378]

"He then proceeds to search for a likely tree, and upon finding
one he again burns incense and repeats the spell as above. The tree
having been cut down, the next thing is to separate the gharu from
the sap-wood. The best way is to let the tree rot, but the Pawang is
often "hard-up," and does not mind wasting some of the gharu in his
hurry to realise.

"The following are said to be the tests for finding gharu in a
standing tree:--

    1. The tree is full of knots. (Berbungkol.)
    2. The bark full of moss and fungus. (Bertumuh berchandawan.)
    3. Heart-wood hollow. (Berlobang.)
    4. Bark peeling off. (Bergugor kulit.)
    5. A clear space underneath. (Mengelenggang.)
    6. Stumps jutting out. (Berchulak.)
    7. Tree tapering. (Bertirus.)
    8. The falling of the leaves in old trees.

"There are great differences in the quality of gharu, and great care
is taken in classifying them. It requires a skilled man to distinguish
between some of the varieties.

"The names are as follow:--

    1. Chandan. [379]
    2. Tandok.
    3. Menjulong-ulong. [380]
    4. Sikat.
    5. Sikat Lampam. [381]
    6. Bulu Rusa.
    7. Kemandangan.
    8. Wangkang.

"The chandan (pada tiada champur) is oily, black, and glistening. It
sinks in water.

"The tadak very closely resembles the chandan.

"The menjulong-ulong may be distinguished from the chandan and the
tandok by its length and small breadth. Splinters, 36 inches long,
have been found evidently from veins, not pockets. [382]

"Sikat (bertabun champur kubal dan teras), fibrous, with slight lustre,
will just float in water. Black and white streaks.

"Sikat lampam--the same as sikat, only white streaks more prominent.

"Bulu Rusa will float in water, fibrous, generally of a yellow colour.

"Kemandangan floats in water, whitish, fibrous fragments small.

"Wangkang floats in water, fibrous blocks whitish in colour.

"The chandan tree differs from other gharu-trees in having a maximum
diameter of about 1 1/2 feet, and very soft sap-wood.

"Gharu varies in price between 200 and 50 dollars a pikul [383]
according to the variety. The chandan and the tandok are the most

"Chinese and Malays burn it in their houses on high days and
festivals--the latter generally take a supply with them on the
pilgrimage to Mecca. The better varieties are used in the manufacture
of aromatic oils." [384]

Before setting out to search for gharu, the gharu-wizard burns incense
and repeats these words, "O Grandsire Duita, Divinity of Eagle-wood,
if you are far, be so good as to say so; if you are near, be so
good as to say so," and then sets out on his quest. On finding a
karas-tree he chops the bark of the trunk lightly with his cutlass,
and then puts his ear to the trunk to listen. If he hears a kind
of low singing, or rather whispering noise (bunyi ting ting) in the
tree, he takes this as a signification that the tree contains gharu
(isi), [385] and after marking the bark with a cross (silang ampat)
he collects wood to build a temporary shelter (pondong) for himself,
and when about to plant the first post repeats the following charm:--

    "O Grandsire Batara of the Earth, Earth-Genie, Earth-Spirit,
    Idol of Iron, Son of Wani, Solitary Wani,
    Son of Wayah, Bandan the Solitary,
    I ask you to show me (an eagle-wood tree),
    If you do not do so
    You shall be a rebel against God," etc.

The result of this invocation is, or should be, that the gharu-spirit
appears to the wizard (generally, no doubt, in a dream), and
informs him what kind of sacrifice he requires on this particular
occasion. Whatever kind of sacrifice is asked for, must of course
be given, with the exception of a human sacrifice which, as it is
expressly stated, may be compounded by the sacrifice of a fowl.

When the tree has been felled you must be exceedingly careful to see
that nobody passes between the end of the fallen trunk and the stump;
whoever does so will surely be killed by the "eagle-wood spirit,"
who is supposed to be extremely powerful and dangerous. I myself
received a warning to this effect from some Labu Malays when I saw
one of these trees felled. Malays maintain that men are frequently
killed by this spirit (mati de' Hantu Gharu), but that they may
be recalled to life if the following recipe is acted upon:--"Take
two 'cubits' (?) of 'Panchong leaves' (daun panchong dua heta),
flowers of the sunting mambang, and 'bullock's eye' limes (limau
mata kerbau), squeeze [the limes(?)] and rub them over the corpse,
saying, 'Sir Allah! Sir Mangga Tangan! God's Essence is in your heart
(lit. liver). God's attributes are in your eyes. Go and entertain
the male Borer-Bee that is in your heart and liver.' The dead man
will then revive and stand upon his feet."

The most important point about eagle-wood, however, from the animistic
point of view, is the Pawang's use of the gharu merupa, a strangely
shaped piece of eagle-wood which possesses a natural resemblance to
some animal or bird. It is believed to contain the soul of the tree,
and therefore is always, when possible, carried by the collectors of
eagle-wood in the belief that it will aid them in their search. I
myself once owned one of these gharu merupa, which possessed a
remarkable resemblance to a bird. This appears to me very fairly
sufficient evidence to prove that the tree-soul is not supposed by
the Malays necessarily to resemble a tree. [386]


The following account of the superstitious notions connected with
the search for Camphor (kapur Barus) is extracted from a paper by
Messrs. H. Lake and H. J. Kelsall [387]:--

"The chief interest attaching to the Kapur Barus in Johor lies in
the superstitions connected with the collection of the camphor by
the natives, or Orang Hulu. [388]

"Amongst these superstitions the most important is the use of a special
language, the subject of the present paper, which has been the means
of preserving some remnants of the aboriginal dialects of this part
of the Malay Peninsula. This language is called by the Orang Hulu
"Pantang Kapur"; pantang means forbidden or tabooed, and in this case
refers to the fact that in searching for the camphor the use of the
ordinary Malay language is pantang, or forbidden. In addition to this
there are restrictions as to food, etc.

"This Camphor language is first referred to by Mr. Logan in his
account of the aboriginal tribes of the Malay Peninsula, [389] and
he gives a list of eighty words, thirty-three of which are Malay or
derived from Malay."

"The Jakuns believe that there is a "bisan," or spirit, which presides
over the camphor-trees, and without propitiating this spirit it is
impossible to obtain the camphor. This bisan makes at night a shrill
noise, and when this sound is heard it is a sure sign that there are
camphor-trees near at hand. (This bisan is really one of the Cicadas
which are so numerous in the Malayan jungles.)

"When hunting for camphor the natives always throw a portion of their
food out into the jungle before eating, as an offering to the bisan.

"No prayers are offered up, but all food must be eaten dry,
i.e. without sumbul, [390] or stewed fish, or vegetables. Salt must
not be pounded fine; if it is eaten fine, the camphor when found will
be in fine grains; but if eaten coarse the grains of camphor will
be large. In rainy weather the cry of the bisan is not heard. At
certain seasons regular parties of Jakuns, and sometimes Malays,
go into the jungle to search for camphor, and they remain there as
long as three or four months at a time. Not only must the men who go
into the jungle to search for the camphor speak the 'Pantang Kapur,'
but also the men and women left at home in the Kampongs.

"The camphor occurs in the form of small grains deposited in the cracks
in the interior of the trunk of the tree. Camphor is only found in the
older trees, and not in all of these, and to obtain it the tree must
be cut down and split up. There are certain signs which indicate when
a tree contains camphor, one of which is the smell emitted from the
wood when chipped. A man who is skilled in detecting the presence of
camphor is called Penghulu Kapur. [391] The camphor when taken away
from the tree is washed, and all chips of wood and dirt carefully
removed, and it is then sold to Chinese traders at Kwala Indau at
prices varying according to the quality from $15 to $40 per katti.

"The Camphor language consists in great part of words which are
either Malay or of Malay origin, but contains, as above mentioned,
a large number of words which are not Malay, but which are presumably
remnants of the original Jakun dialects, which are apparently almost
obsolete otherwise in the Indau and Sembrong districts of Johor." [392]


The trees from which Gutta-percha is taken are also supposed to be
inhabited by a spirit; but this, the Gutta-spirit, being far less
dangerous than the Eagle-wood spirit, fewer precautions are taken in
dealing with it. In the invocation addressed to the Gutta-spirit,
the petitioner asks for the boon of a drop of the spirit's blood,
which of course is an indirect way of asking for the tree's sap.

Here is a specimen of the charms used by the gutta-collectors:--

    "Ho, Prince S'ri Bali,
    Prince S'ri Bandang,
    I wish to crave the boon of a drop of blood;
    May the yield be better than from this notch of mine.

(Here the speaker notches the tree.)

    "If it be not better
    You shall be a rebel unto God," etc. [393]

The Cocoa-nut Palm

The following instructions to be followed by toddy-collectors (who
tap the Cocoa-nut palm for its juice, which is boiled into sugar)
were given me by a Kelantan Malay ('Che `Abas of Klanang):--

"When you are about to set foot against the base of the trunk (i.e. to
start climbing) repeat these lines:--

    "Peace be with you, O Abubakar!
    Drowse not as you keep watch and ward in the heart of this tree

Here climb half-way up and say:--

    "Peace be with you, Little Sister, Handmaiden Bidah,
    Drowse not as you keep watch and ward in the middle of the trunk,
    Come and accompany me on my way up this tree."

Here climb up among the leaf-stalks, lay hold of the central shoot,
give it three shakes, and say--

    "Peace be with you, Little Sister, Youngest of the Princesses,
    Drowse not as you keep watch and ward over the central shoot,
    Do you accompany me on my way down this tree."

Now commence by bending down one of the blossom-sheaths, lay hold of
the central shoot, and thrice repeat the following lines:--

    "Peace be with your Highnesses, Princesses of the Shorn Hair and
    (perpetual) Distillation,
    Who are (seen) in the curve (lit. swell) and the ebbing away of
    the Blossom-sheath,
    Of the Blossom-sheath Si Gedebeh Mayang,
    Seven Princesses who are the Handmaidens of Si Mayang."

(Here the speaker addresses the soul (or rather souls) of the tree.)

    "Come hither, Little One, come hither,
    Come hither, Tiny One, come hither,
    Come hither, Bird, come hither,
    Come hither, Filmy One, come hither.
    Thus I bend your neck,
    Thus I roll up your hair,
    And here is an Ivory Toddy-knife to help the washing of your face.

    Here is an Ivory Toddy-knife to cut you short,
    And here is an Ivory Cup to hold under you,
    And there is an Ivory Bath that waits below for you.
    Clap your hands and splash in the Ivory Bath,
    For it is called the 'Sovereign Changing Clothes.'" [394]

Rules for planting various Crops

The following rules have an evident bearing upon the subject of
vegetable animism. They were collected at Langat, in Selangor:--

The time to plant Sugar-cane is at noon: this will make it sweeter,
by drying up the juice and leaving the saccharine matter. If you plant
it in the early morning its joints will be too long, if in the middle
of the day they will be short.

Plant Maize with a full stomach, and let your dibble be thick, as
this will swell the maize ear.

For Plantains (or Bananas) you must dig a big hole, and the evening
is the time to plant them. The evening is the quicker, and if planted
after the evening meal they fill out better.

Plant Sweet Potatoes on a starry night to ensure their filling out
properly (by getting plenty of eyes?)

Plant Cucumbers and Gourds on a dark moonless night, to prevent them
from being seen and devoured by fire-flies (api-api).

Plant Cocoa-nuts when the stomach is overburdened with food (kalau kita
'nak sangat berak); run quickly and throw the cocoa-nut into the hole
prepared for it without straightening the arm; if you straighten it
the fruit-stalk will break. Plant them in the evening, so that they
may bear fruit while they are still near the ground. When you pick
seed cocoa-nuts off the tree somebody should stand at the bottom of
the tree and watch whether the "monkey-face" of each seed cocoa-nut,
as it is thrown down, turns either towards himself or the base of the
tree, or whether it looks away from both. In the former case the seed
will be good, in the latter it is not worth planting.

Plant Rice in the early morning, about five, because that is the hour
at which infants (the Rice Soul being considered as an infant) get up.

The Cultivation of Rice

The most important contribution of the Malays to the animistic theory
of vegetation is perhaps to be found in the many strange ceremonies
with which they surround the culture of Rice. In order to properly
understand the significance of these ceremonies, however, a proper
understanding of the Malay system of rice-planting is essential,
and I therefore quote in extenso a description of rice-culture,
which possesses the additional interest of being translated from the
composition of a Malay: [395]--

"It is the established custom in Malacca territory to plant rice once
a year, and the season for doing so generally falls about the month
of Zilka`idah or Zilhijah. [396]

"In starting planting operations, however, the object is, if possible,
to coincide with the season when the West wind blows, because at
that time there are frequent rains, and accordingly the earth of the
rice-field becomes soft and easy to plough. Moreover, in planting
rice it is an invariable rule that there must be water in the field,
in order that the rice may sprout properly; though, on the other hand,
if there is too great a depth of water the rice is sure to die. It
has also been observed that as a rule the season of the West wind
coincides with the fourth month [397] of the Chinese calendar, and
sometimes also with the month of Zilka`idah or Zilhijah. [398]

"2. In olden time the order of planting operations was as
follows:--First, the elders had to hold a consultation with the Pawang;
then the date was fixed; then Maulud [399] prayers were read over
the 'mother-seed,' and benzoin, (incense) supplied by the Pawang,
was burned; then all the requisites for rice-planting were got ready,

"(1) A strong buffalo (to pull the plough).
(2) A plough with its appurtenances (to turn over the earth and the
    short weeds).
(3) A harrow with its appurtenances (to level and break up small the
    clods of earth left by the plough).
(4) A roller with its appurtenances (to knock down the long weeds,
    such as sedges, in fields that have lain fallow for a long while).
(5) A wood-cutter's knife, to mend any of the implements that may
    get out of order at the time of ploughing.
(6) A hoe to repair the embankments and level the higher grounds.
(7) A scythe [400] to cut the long weeds.
(8) And a whip to urge the buffalo on if he is lazy.

"3. When the proper season has arrived for beginning the work of
planting, and the elders have come to an agreement with the Pawang,
then on some Friday after the service in the Mosque the Penghulu
addresses all the people there present, saying that on such a day of
the month every one who is to take part in rice-cultivation must bring
to the Mosque half a quart of grain (for 'mother-seed') in order that
Maulud prayers may be read over it. (At that time ketupats [401] and
lepats [402] are prepared for the men who are to read those prayers.)

"When the Maulud prayers are over, every man goes down to the
rice-field, if possible on the same day or the next one, in order to
begin ploughing the nursery plot, that is, the plot which is near
his house or in which he has been in the habit of sowing the seed
every year.

"But if a man has a great number of plots, he will begin by ploughing
half of them, and then at the end of the month of Zilhijah he must
diligently prepare the nursery plot so as to be ready in about ten
days' time.

Of Sowing

"4. Before sowing one must first of all lay out the grain, both the
seed-grain and the 'mother-seed,' each separately, to dry. It must then
be soaked in a vessel (a bucket or pot) for two days and two nights,
after which it is taken out, strained and spread quite evenly on a
mat with fresh leaves (areca-nut fronds are best), and every afternoon
one must sprinkle water on it in order that the germ may quickly break
through, which will happen probably in two days' time or thereabouts.

"5. While the seed is soaking, the nursery plot must be carefully
prepared; that is to say, it must be ploughed over again, harrowed,
levelled, ditched, and the soil allowed to settle; the embankments
must be mended, and the surface made smooth. When the germs have
sprouted the seed is taken to the nursery plot. Benzoin supplied by
the Pawang is burnt, and the plot sprinkled with tepong tawar. [403]
Then a beginning is made by sowing the 'chief of the seed,'
i.e. 'mother-seed,' in one corner of the nursery prepared for the
purpose, and about two yards square; afterwards the rest of the seed
is sown all over the plot. It is well to sow when the plot contains
plenty of water, so that all the germs of the seed may be uppermost,
and the roots may not grow long, but may be pulled up easily. The
time for sowing must be during the dark half of the month, so that
the seedlings may be preserved from being eaten by insects. [404]

"Three days after the seed is sown the young shoots begin to rise
like needles, and at that time all the water should be drawn off
the plot; after seven days they are likened to a sparrow's tail,
and about the tenth or fifteenth day they break out into blades. At
that period the water is again let into the plot, little by little,
in order that the stalks of the seedlings may grow thick.

"The seedlings have to remain in the nursery for at least forty or
forty-four days from the time of sowing before they are sufficiently
grown; it is best to let them remain till they are about seventy
days old.

"6. While the seedlings are in the nursery the other plots are
being ploughed, one after another; and this is called the first
ploughing. Then the embankments are mended and re-formed with earth,
so that the water in the field may not escape and leave it dry. After
the embankments have been mended the harrowing begins: a start is
made with the plot that was first ploughed (other than the nursery
plot), for there the earth will have become soft, and the weeds being
rotten after many days of soaking in the water will form a sort of
manure. Each plot is so dealt with in its turn. Then all have to be
ploughed once more (which is called the second ploughing) and harrowed
again; for the first harrowing merely breaks up the clods of earth,
and a second is required to reduce them to a fine state and to kill
the weeds. Most people, having first used an iron harrow, use a
wooden one for the second harrowing, in order that the earth may
be broken up quite fine. Their rice is sure to thrive better than
that of people who are less careful; for in rice-planting, as the
saying goes, there is 'the plighted hope of good that is to come,'
in the way of bodily sustenance I mean. So day by day the different
plots are treated in the way that has been described in connection
with the nursery plot in paragraph 5 above.

Of Planting

"7. When the seedling rice has been in the nursery long enough,
and the fields are clean and ready for planting (which will be about
the month of Safar, or August) the seedlings are pulled up and tied
together with strips of dried palas [405] leaves into bundles of
the size known as sachekak (i.e. the space enclosed by the thumb
and the index finger when their ends meet). If the roots and blades
are long the ends can be clipped a little, and the roots are then
steeped in manure. This manure is made of buffalo bones burnt with
chaff till they are thoroughly calcined, and then pounded fine,
passed through a sieve and mixed with mud: that is the best kind of
manure for rice-planting, and is known as 'stock manure.' (It can
also be applied by merely scattering it in the fields. In that case,
after cutting off the ends of the blades, the seedlings are planted,
and afterwards, when they are green again and appear to be thriving,
the manure is scattered over the whole field. There are some places,
too, where no manure at all is used because of the perennial richness
of the soil.)

"Afterwards the seedlings are allowed to remain exposed to the air
for about two nights, and then taken to the field to be planted. The
bundles are broken up, and bunches of four or five plants together
are planted at intervals of a span all over the different plots till
all are filled up. If there are very many plots, ten or fifteen female
labourers can be engaged to assist in planting, and likewise in pulling
up the seedlings, at a wage of four cents for every hundred bundles.

Of the Rice after it has been Transplanted

"8. Ten days after the young rice has been transplanted it recovers
its fresh green colour; in thirty days the young shoots come out;
in the second month it increases more and more, and in the third it
becomes even all over. After three months and a half its growth is
stayed, and in the fourth month it is styled bunting kechil.

"At that stage the stalk has only five joints, and from that period
it must be fumigated daily till the grain appears.

"About the time when the stalk has six joints it is called bunting
besar; in forty days more the grain is visible here and there, and
twenty days later it spreads everywhere. At this time all the water in
the field must be drawn off so that the grain may ripen quickly. After
five or six days it ripens in patches, and a few days later the rice
is altogether ripe.

"From the time of transplanting to the time when it is ripe is reckoned
six months, not counting the days spent in ploughing and in growing
it in the nursery, which may be a month or two, or even (if there
are many plots) as much as three months to the end of the ploughing.

Of Reaping and taking the Soul of the Rice

"9. When one wishes to begin reaping the grain one must first have
the Pawang's permission, and burn benzoin supplied by him in the field.

"The following implements must be got ready, viz.:--

"(1) A small basket to hold the rice cut first, known as the 'Soul
of the Rice' (semangat padi).

(2) A jari lipan [406] to put round the small basket.

(3) A string of terap [407] bark to tie up the rice that is cut first.

(4) A small stem of bamboo, of the variety known as buloh kasap,
with a flag attached, which is to be planted in the small basket as
a sign of the 'Soul of the Rice' that has been cut first.

(5) A small white cloth to wrap up the 'Soul of the Rice.'

(6) An anchak [408] to hold the brasier.

(7) A brasier, in which to burn the incense provided by the Pawang.

(8) A nail and a kind of nut, known as buah keras, [409] to be put
into the anchak together with the brasier.

"When the rice is ripe all over, one must first take the 'Soul' out
of all the plots of one's field. You choose the spot where the rice
is best and where it is 'female' (that is to say, where the bunch of
stalks is big) and where there are seven joints in the stalk. You begin
with a bunch of this kind and clip seven stems to be the 'soul of the
rice'; and then you clip yet another handful to be the 'mother-seed'
for the following year. The 'Soul' is wrapped in a white cloth tied
with a cord of terap bark, and made into the shape of a little child
in swaddling clothes, and put into the small basket. The 'mother-seed'
is put into another basket, and both are fumigated with benzoin, and
then the two baskets are piled the one on the other and taken home,
and put into the kepuk (the receptacle in which the rice is stored).

"10. One must wait three days (called the pantang tuai) before one may
clip or cut any more of the rice. At first only one or two basketfuls
of rice are cut; the rice is dried in the sun, winnowed in a winnowing
basket, and cleaned in a fanning machine, pounded to free it from the
husk, so that it becomes beras (husked rice), and then boiled so that
it becomes nasi (cooked rice), and people are invited to feast on it.

"11. Then a bucket is made for the purpose of threshing the rest of
the rice, and a granary built to keep it in while it remains in the
field, and five or six labourers are engaged to reap and thresh it
(banting). [410] Their hours of working are from 6 to 11.30 A.M.,
and all the rice they thresh they put into the granary.

"12. If the crop is a good one a gallon of seed will produce a
hundredfold. Each plot in a field takes about a gallon of seed.

"13. When the rice has all been cut it is winnowed in order to get
rid of the chaff, and then laid out in the sun till quite dry, so
that it may not get mouldy if kept for a year.

"Then the wages of the labourers are taken out of it at the rate of
two gallons out of every ten. When that is settled, if the rice is
not to be sold, it is taken home and put into the rice-chest.

"Whenever you want to eat of it, you take out a basketful at a time
and dry it in the sun. Then you turn it in the winnowing basket, and
clean it in the fanning machine, pound it to convert it into beras,
and put a sufficiency of it in a pot and wash it. Enough water is
then poured over it to cover it, and it is put on the kitchen fire
till it is boiled and becomes nasi, when it can be eaten.

"14. The custom of reaping with a sickle (sabit) and threshing the
rice as described in paragraph 11 is a modern method, and is at present
mainly practised by the people living in the neighbourhood of the town
of Malacca, in order to get the work done quickly; but in olden times
it was not allowed, and even to this day the people who live in the
inland parts of the territory of Malacca prefer to clip their rice
with a tuai, [411] and put it into their baskets a handful at a time
[i.e. without threshing it]. (If labourers are employed to do this
their wage is one-tenth of the rice cut.) It takes ever so many days
to get the work done, but the idea is that this method is the pious
one, the 'Soul of the Rice' not being disturbed thereby. A good part
of the people hold this belief, and assert that since the custom of
threshing the rice has been introduced, the crops have been much less
abundant than in years of olden time when it was the custom to use
the tuai only.

"15. If a man has broad fields so that he is unable to plant them
all by his own labour, he will often allow another to work them on an
agreement, either of equal division of the produce (each bearing an
equal share of the hire of a buffalo and all other expenses incidental
to rice-planting), or of threefold division (that is, for example,
the owner bears all expenses, in which case the man who does the work
can get a third of the produce; or the latter bears all expenses,
in which case the owner only gets a third of the produce). Or again,
the land can be let; for instance, a field which ordinarily produces
a koyan [412] of rice a year will fetch a rent of about two hundred
gallons more or less.

"16. Every cultivator who does not act in accordance with the ordinance
laid down in paragraphs 9 and 10 above, will be in the same case as
if he disregarded all the prohibitions laid down in connection with
planting. If a man does not carry out this procedure he is sure to
fail in the end; his labour will be in vain and will not fulfil his
desires, for the virtue of all these ordinances and prohibitions lies
in the fact that they protect the rice, and drive away all its enemies,
such as grubs, rats, swine, and the like." [413]

I will now deal with the ceremonies indicated in the foregoing article
from the ceremonial point of view exclusively.

The Sowing of the Rice-Seed

The ceremony to be observed at the sowing of the rice-seed was thus
described to me by the Pawang who performed the reaping ceremony
described below:--

"First arrange four poles upon the ground, so as to form a rectangular
frame (galang dapor), in the middle of the clearing. Then plant in
succession at the four corners--

    "1. A young banana-tree.
     2. A plant of lemon grass (serai).
     3. A stem of sugar-cane (of the kind called lanjong).
     4. A plant of saffron (kunyit).

Perform the operation carefully, so that they are all likely to live.

"In the centre of the ground enclosed by the frame deposit a cocoa-nut
shell full of water.

"Early next morning go out and observe the omens. If the frame has
moved aside (berkuak) ever so little, or if the water has been spilt,
it is a bad omen. But if not, and if the water in the cocoa-nut
shell has not been spilt, or if a black ant (semut) or a white ant
(anei-anei) is found in the water, it is a good sign.

"When good omens have been obtained, proceed by planting rice-seed in
seven holes with a dibble of satambun wood, repeating the following

    "In the name of God, etc.,
    Peace be with you, Prophet 'Tap,
    Here I lodge with you, my child, S'ri Gading, Gemala Gading, [414]
    But within from six months to seven
    I will come and receive it back,
    Cluck, cluck, soul! cluck, cluck, soul! cluck, cluck, soul!"

The Planting out of the Young Rice

The following account (by Mr. C. O. Blagden) of the ceremony of
planting out the young rice (from the rice-nursery) appeared in the
Journal of the Straits Asiatic Society in 1896:--

"In agricultural operations the animistic ideas of the Malays are
clearly apparent: thus, before the rice is cut a sort of ritual
is performed which is known as puji padi, and which is regarded,
apparently, as a kind of propitiatory service, a sort of apology to
the padi (rice) for reaping it. The padi is usually sprinkled with
tepong tawar (flour mixed with water) before the reaping is commenced,
and the first lot cut is set apart for a ceremonial feast.

"At planting there are also ceremonies: as a rule the beginning of
the planting season is ushered in by a visit of the whole body of
villagers to the most highly revered kramat in the neighbourhood,
where the usual offerings are made and prayers are said. Sometimes,
however, there is a special service known as bapua, [415] consisting
of a sort of mock combat, in which the evil spirits are believed to
be expelled from the rice-fields by the villagers: this is not done
every year, but once in three or four years.

"Another occasional service of a peculiar character, which is not
of very frequent occurrence, is the ceremony which would perhaps be
best described as the propitiation of the earth-spirit. Some years
ago I happened, by chance, to be present at a function of this kind,
and as its details may be of some interest as illustrating the wide
dispersion of certain points of ritual, I will end these notes by
giving a full description of it as noted down at the time. It was
in the month of October, and I happened to be out shooting snipe in
the padi-fields of the village of Sebatu on a Sunday morning, when
I was met by the Penghulu, the headman of the village, who asked me
to leave off shooting for an hour or so. As I was having fair sport,
I naturally wanted to know the reason why, so he explained that the
noise of gunshots would irritate the hantu, and render unavailing the
propitiatory service which was then about to begin. Further inquiry
elicited the statement that the hantu in question was the one who
presided over rice-lands and agricultural operations, and as I was
told that there would be no objection to my attending the ceremony,
I went there and then to the spot to watch the proceedings. The place
was a square patch of grass-lawn a few yards wide, which had evidently
for years been left untouched by the plough, though surrounded by
many acres of rice-fields. On this patch a small wooden altar had been
built: it consisted simply of a small square platform of wood or bamboo
raised about three or four feet above the ground, each corner being
supported by a small sapling with the leaves and branches left on it
and overshadowing the platform, the sides of which appeared to face
accurately towards the four cardinal points. To the western side was
attached a small bamboo ladder leading from the ground to the edge
of the platform. At the four corners of the patch of grass were four
larger saplings planted in the ground. On the branches of all these
trees were hung a number of ketupats, which are small squarish bags
plaited of strips of the leaves of the screw-pine (mengkuang) or some
similar plant, like the material of which native bags and mats are
made. A larger ketupat hung over the centre of the altar, and all
of them were filled with a preparation of boiled rice. On the altar
were piled up various cooked foods laid on plantain leaves, including
the flesh of a goat cooked in the ordinary way, as well as rice and
different kinds of condiments and sweetmeats. The Pawang was present as
well as a number of the villagers, and soon after my arrival with the
Penghulu the ceremony began by some of the villagers producing out of
a bag the skin of a black male goat with the head and horns attached
and containing the entrails (the flesh having been cooked and laid on
the altar previously). A large iron nail four or five inches long,
and thick in proportion, was placed vertically in a hole about two
feet deep which had been dug under the altar, and the remains of the
goat were also buried in it, with the head turned towards the east, the
hole being then closed and the turf replaced. Some of the goat's blood,
in two cocoa-nut shells (tempurong), was placed on the ground near
the south side and south-west corner of the altar close to the ladder.

"The Pawang, after assisting at these preliminaries, then took his
stand at the west side of the altar, looking eastward: he covered
his head, but not his face, with his sarong wrapped round it like a
shawl, and proceeded to light a torch, the end of which was tipped
with incense (kemenyan). With this he touched the bottom of the altar
platform four times. He then took a cup of tepong tawar and dipped in
it a small bundle of four kinds of leaves, with which he then sprinkled
the north-west and south-east corners of the platform. He then
coughed three times--whether this was part of the ritual, or a purely
incidental occurrence, I am unable to say, as it was not practicable
to stop the ceremony for the purpose of asking questions--and again
applied the torch under the altar and sprinkled with tepong tawar
all the corners of it, as well as the rungs of the ladder.

"At this stage of the proceedings four men stationed in the rice-field
beyond the four corners of the patch of turf, each threw a ketupat
diagonally across to one another, while the rest of the assembly,
headed by the Penghulu, chanted the kalimah, or Muhammadan creed,
three times.

"Then a man holding a large bowl started from a point in the rice-field
just outside the north side of the patch of turf, and went round it
(first in a westerly direction). As he walked, he put handfuls of the
rice into his mouth and spat or vomited them out, with much noise, as
if to imitate violent nausea, into the field. He was followed closely
by another who also held a bowl filled with pieces of raw tapioca root
and beras bertih (rice roasted in a peculiar way), [416] which he threw
about into the field. Both of them went right round the grass plot. The
Pawang then took his cup of tepong tawar and sprinkled the anak padi,
that is, the rice-shoots which were lying in bundles along the south
and east sides of the altar ready for planting. Having sprinkled them
he cut off the ends, as is usually done; and after spitting to the
right and to the left, he proceeded to plant them in the field. A
number of others then followed his lead and planted the rest of the
rice-plants, and then a sweetmeat made of cocoa-nut and sugar was
handed round, and Muhammadan prayers were said by some duly qualified
person, an orang `alim or a lebei, and the ceremony was concluded.

"It was explained to me that the blood and the food were intended for
the hantu, and the ladder up to the altar was for his convenience;
in fact the whole affair was a propitiatory service, and offers
curious analogies with the sacrificial ceremonials of some of the
wild aboriginal tribes of Central India who have not been converted
to Hinduism or Islam. That it should exist in a Malay community
within twenty miles of the town of Malacca, where Muhammadanism
has been established for about six [417] centuries, is certainly
strange. Its obvious inconsistency with his professed religion
does not strike the average Malay peasant at all. It is, however,
the fact that these observances are not regarded with much favour
by the more strictly Muhammadan Malays of the towns, and especially
by those that are partially of Arab descent. These latter have not
much influence in country districts, but privately I have heard
some of them express disapproval of such rites and even of the
ceremonies performed at kramats. According to them, the latter might
be consistent with Muhammadan orthodoxy on the understanding that
prayers were addressed solely to the Deity; but the invocation of
spirits or deceased saints and their propitiation by offerings could
not be regarded as otherwise than polytheistic idolatry. Of course
such a delicate distinction--almost as subtle as that between dulia
and latria in the Christian worship of saints--is entirely beyond the
average Malay mind; and everything is sanctioned by immemorial custom,
which in an agricultural population is more deeply-rooted than any
book-learning; so these rites are likely to continue for some time,
and will only yield gradually to the spread of education. Such as they
are, they seem to be interesting relics of an old-world superstition.

"I have mentioned only a few such points, and only such as have been
brought directly to my knowledge; there are hosts of other quaint
notions, such as the theory of lucky and unlucky days and hours, on
which whole treatises have been written, and which regulate every
movement of those who believe in them; the belief in amulets and
charms for averting all manner of evils, supernatural and natural;
the practice during epidemics of sending out to sea small elaborately
constructed vessels which are supposed to carry off the malignant
spirits responsible for the disease (of which I remember a case a few
years ago in the village of Sempang, where the beneficial effect was
most marked); the widespread belief in the power of menuju, that is,
doing injury at a distance by magic, in which the Malays believe the
wild junglemen especially to be adepts; the belief in the efficacy of
forms of words as love-charms and as a protection against spirits and
wild beasts--in fact, an innumerable variety of superstitious ideas
exist among Malays." [418]

The Reaping Ceremony

On the 28th January 1897 I witnessed (at Chodoi, in the Kuala Langat
district of Selangor) the ceremony of fetching home the Rice-soul.

Time of Ceremony.--I arrived at the house belonging to the Malay owner
of the rice-field a little past 8 A.M., the hour at which the ceremony
was to take place having been fixed at angkat kening (about 9 A.M.) a
few days previously. On my arrival I found the Pawang (sorceress),
an aged Selangor woman, seated in front of the baskets required for
the ceremony. [419]

Accessories.--At her extreme left stood one of the circular brass
trays with high sides which are called dulang by the Malays, containing
the following objects:--

     1. A small bowl of "parched rice" (b'ras ber'tih).
     2. A small bowl of "saffron rice" (b'ras kunyit).
     3. A small bowl of "washed rice" (b'ras basoh).
     4. A small bowl of "oil of frankincense."
     5. A small bowl of "oil of Celebes" (minyak Bugis).
     6. A small bowl of "incense" (kem'nyan).
     7. A small bundle of incense (in addition to the bowl).
     8. One of the hard jungle-nuts called buah k'ras (the candle-nut).
     9. One of the shells called k'rang (a cockle shell).
    10. A hen's egg.
    11. A stone (a small block of quartz).
    12. A large iron nail.
    13 to 15. Three Malay reaping instruments (penuwei). [420]

Close to the dulang stood a cocoa-nut shell filled with the tepong
tawar, which plays so prominent a part in Malay magic ceremonies, and
a brush made up of the leaves of seven different plants, bound up as
usual with a cord of kulit t'rap (the bark of the Wild Breadfruit),
and ribu-ribu (a kind of small creeper). The plants which supplied
the leaves of which the brush was composed, were as follows:--

1. Sapenoh. 2. Sapanggil. 3. Jenjuang (or lenjuang) merah (the Red
Dracæna). 4. Gandarusa. 5. Pulut-pulut. 6. Selaguri. 7. Sambau dara
(a kind of grass).

But the most interesting object was a small oval-shaped basket bound
with the ribu-ribu creeper, and about fourteen inches long, which
was standing just in front of the three rice-baskets and close to the
Pawang, and which, as I afterwards found out, was intended to serve as
the cradle of the Rice-soul (or "Rice-baby"). I examined it, however,
and found that as yet it only contained the following objects:--

1. A strip of white cloth (folded up and lying at the bottom of
   the basket).
2. Some parti-coloured thread (benang panchawarna or pancharona).
3. A hen's egg.
4. One of the hard jungle-nuts (candle-nuts) already referred to.
5. A cockle shell (k'rang).
6. A long iron nail.
7. Five cubits of red cloth by means of which the soul-basket was to
   be slung round the neck of its bearer. (The correcter custom would
   require an expensive cloth of the kind called jong sarat, or the
   "Loaded Junk," according to my informant the Pawang.)

Three new Malay skirts or sarongs were added, (one to each basket),
and everything being ready, the various receptacles described above
were entrusted to five female bearers (Penjawat), who descended
from the house, with the Pawang at their head, and set out for the
rice-field. Before they had gone many yards they were joined by the
owner of the field, who walked in front of them bearing what was
called the junjongan padi. This was the stem and leaves of a dark
red kind of sugar-cane, which was used in substitution for the black
or "raven" variety (tebu gagak) which, the Pawang explained, would
have been used in preference if it had been obtainable. Meanwhile
the procession passed on, and the Pawang repeated as we went the
following prayer to the spirits:--

   "In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate,
    Peace be with thee, O Prophet 'Tap, in whose charge is the Earth,
    I know the origin of the Rice, S'ri Gading, Gemala Gading,
    That (dwelleth at) the end of the clearing, and that (dwelleth at)
    the beginning (top) of the clearing;
    That is scattered broadcast, that is cast headlong,
    That is over-run (!) by the ants called Silambada.
    Ho, Dang 'Pok, Dang Meleni, [421] (and)
    Dang Salamat, who carriest the pole slung on thy back,
    Gather together and press hitherwards your attendants.
    May safety and our daily bread be granted us by God."

On reaching the rice the procession filed through a lane already
made in the rice, until the "mother-sheaf" was reached from which the
Rice-soul was to be taken. But immediately on arriving at the spot,
and before depositing the rice-baskets on the ground, the Pawang
repeated these lines:--

   "Herons from all this region,
    Roost ye upon the shaft of my bow;
    Retire ye, O Spectral Reapers,
    That we may deposit our baskets upon the ground."

Here the baskets were deposited, and the Pawang took up her station
in front of the mother-sheaf, of which mention has just been made.

Covering her head with a flowing white cloth of which the ends fell
upon her shoulders, the Pawang now stood up facing the sheaf, and waved
the ends of this cloth thrice upward to the right, thrice upward to
the left, and finally thrice upward to the right again. Then for a
few moments she stood still, close to the sheaf with her head bent
forward and buried among the ears, after which she reseated herself
and dabbled the tepong tawar thrice upon the roots of the sheaf. One
of the female bearers now planted the stem of the sugar-cane upright
in the centre of the sheaf, [422] whilst the Pawang sprinkled it with
the tepong tawar, and then holding the sharpened end of it over the
incense, fumigated it, saying:--

   "Peace be with thee, O Prophet 'Tap!
    Lo, I plant this Sugar-cane
    For you to lean against,
    Since I am about to take away this Soul of yours, S'ri Gading,
    And carry it home to your palace,
    Cluck, cluck, soul! cluck, cluck, soul! cluck, cluck, soul!"

Here the Pawang and Penjawat (Female Bearer), together proceeded to
plant the sugar-cane in the centre of the sheaf, and (pressing the
sheaf more tightly round the sugar-cane) drew the waist of the sheaf
together and belted it with some of the outer stems of the sheaf
itself; then the Pawang applied the tepong tawar once more to the
sheaf, and after fumigating it in the usual manner, ran her hands up
it. Next she took in one hand (out of the brass tray) the stone and
the egg, cockle-shell and candle-nut, and with the other planted the
big iron nail in the centre of the sheaf close to the foot of the
sugar-cane. Then she took in her left hand the cord of tree-bark,
and after fumigating it, together with all the vessels of rice and
oil, took up some of the rice and strewed it round about the sheaf,
and then tossed the remainder thrice upwards, some of it falling upon
the rest of the company and myself.

This done, she took the end of the cord in both hands, and encircling
the sheaf with it near the ground, drew it slowly upward to the waist
of the sheaf, and tied it there, after repeating what is called the
"Ten Prayers" (do`a sapuloh) without once taking breath:--

   "The first, is God,
    The second, is Muhammad,
    The third, Holy Water of the five Hours of Prayer by Day and Night,
    The fourth, is Pancha Indra,
    The fifth, the Open Door of Daily Bread,
    The sixth, the Seven Stories of the Palace-Tower,
    The seventh, the Open Door of the Rice-sifting Platform,
    The eighth, the Open Door of Paradise,
    The ninth, is the Child in its Mother's Womb,
    The tenth, is the Child created by God, the reason of its creation
    being our Lord.
    Grant this, `Isa! [423]
    Grant this, Moses!
    Grant this, Joseph!
    Grant this, David!
    Grant me, from God (the opening of) all the doors of my daily
    bread, on earth, and in heaven."

This prayer completed, [424] she dug up with the great toe of the
left foot a small lump of soil, and picking it up, deposited it in
the centre of the sheaf.

Next she took the contents of the soul-basket (the egg and stone,
candle-nut and shell as before), and after anointing them with oil and
fumigating them, replaced them in the basket; then taking the penuwei
sulong ("Eldest Rice-cutter"), anointed the blade with the oil of
frankincense, and inserting the thumb of the right hand into her mouth,
pressed it for several moments against the roof of her palate. On
withdrawing it she proceeded to cut the first seven "heads" of rice,
repeating "the Ten Prayers" as she did so. Then she put the seven
"heads" together, and kissed them; turned up the whites of her eyes
thrice, and thrice contracting the muscles of her throat with a sort
of "click," swallowed the water in her mouth. [425] Next she drew the
small white cloth which she took from the soul-basket for the purpose
across her lap, and laying the little bundle of seven ears in it,
anointed them with oil and tied them round with parti-coloured thread
(benang panchawarna), after which she fumigated them with the incense,
and strewing rice of each kind over them, folded the ends of the cloth
over them, and deposited them as before in the basket, which was handed
to the first bearer. Then standing up, she strewed more rice over the
sheaf, and tossing some backwards over her head, threw the remainder
over the rest of the party, saying "tabek" ("pardon") as she did so,
and exclaiming "kur semangat, kur semangat, kur semangat!" ("cluck,
cluck, soul!") in a loud voice. Next she pushed the cocoa-nut shell
(which had contained the tepong tawar) into the middle of the sheaf,
and removed all traces of the lane which had been trodden round the
sheaf (to make it accessible) by bending down the surrounding ears
of rice until the gap was concealed.

Then the First Bearer, slinging the basket of the Rice-child about her
neck (by means of the red cloth before referred to), took an umbrella
[426] from one of the party, and opened it to shield the Rice-child
from the effects of the sun, and when the Pawang had reseated herself
and repeated an Arabic prayer (standing erect again at the end of it
with her hands clasped above her head), this part of the ceremony
came to an end. Moving on to another part of the field, the Pawang
now cut the next seven "heads" and deposited them in one of the three
rice-baskets, which she then handed to one of the female bearers,
telling her and her two companions to reap the field in parallel
straight lines facing the sun, until they had filled the three
rice-baskets, after which they were to return to the house. Leaving
the three reapers at their task, I followed the Pawang and Eldest
Bearer (the latter still shielding the Rice-child from the sun
with the umbrella) and arrived in time to witness the reception
of the party as they reached the foot of the house-ladder. Here
(on the threshold) we were met by the wife of the owner, and other
women of his family, the former thrice calling out as we approached,
"Apa khabar?" ("What news?"), and thrice receiving the reply, "Baik"
("It is well"). On receiving this reply for the third time she threw
saffron-rice over the Pawang and repeated these lines:--

    "Chop the 'tree' Galenggang (a kind of shrub),
    Chop it to pieces in front of the door:
    Yonder comes One swinging (her) arms;
    That (methinks) is a child of mine."

To which the Pawang immediately replied:--

    "Chop the young bamboo-shoots as fine as you can,
    If you wish to stupefy the fish in the main stream.
    In good sooth I have crossed the stream,
    For great was my desire to come hither."

And the bearer of the Rice-child added--doubtless on the Rice-child's

    "This measure is not a measure filled with pepper,
    But a measure filled with rice-husks.
    My coming is not merely fortuitous,
    But great (rather) was my desire, the wish of my heart."

She then entered the house and laid the Rice-child (still in its
basket) on a new sleeping-mat with pillows at the head. About
twenty minutes later the three Bearers returned, [427] each of
their rice-baskets covered with a sarong. These baskets were carried
into the bedroom and deposited in order of size on the mat at the
foot of the soul-basket, the largest basket being the nearest to the
soul-basket. Finally, the Pawang removed the sarongs which covered each
basket and deposited them on the Rice-child's pillow, and sticking
the "penuweis" into her hair, fumigated the entire row of baskets
and the Rice-child, and covered them over with the long white cloth,
after which the wife of the master of the house was told to observe
certain rules of taboo for three days.

The following were the taboos imposed upon her:--

1. Money, rice, salt, oil, tame animals, etc., were forbidden to
   leave the house, though they might enter it without ill
2. Perfect quiet must be observed, as in the case of a new-born child.
3. Hair might not be cut.
4. The reapers, till the end of the reaping, were forbidden to let
   their shadows fall upon the rice. (Yang menuwei sampei habis
   menuwei, tiada buleh menindeh bayang.)
5. The light placed near the head of the Rice-child's bed might not
   be allowed to go out at night, whilst the hearth-fire might not be
   allowed to go out at all, night or day, for the whole three days.

The above taboos are in many respects identical with those which have
to be observed for three days after the birth of a real child.

I may add that every day, when the reapers start their reaping,
they have to repeat the following charm:--

   "A swallow has fallen, striking the ground,
    Striking the ground in the middle of our house-yard;
    But ye, O Shadows and Spectral Reapers,
    See that ye mingle not with us."

When reaping, they must cover their heads and must face the sun,
no matter what hour of the day it is, in order to prevent their own
shadows from falling upon the rice in the basket at their side.

Pounding the first of the padi.--I witnessed this ceremony three
days later, at about 9 A.M. The three baskets filled with the first
reapings were removed from the mat on which they had been placed, and
their contents emptied out upon a new mat, to each corner of which
four rice-ears were tied, and trodden out (di-irekkan) by the owner
of the field. Then the rice was poured back into two of the baskets,
and the straw of the rice "heads" was plaited into a wreath. [428]

Drying the first of the padi.--Preparations being complete, the two
baskets full of newly-cut rice were carried down the steps and out
to an open part of the field, a little way from the house, and there
spread on a mat in the sun to dry. To spread it properly is not an
easy matter, the operator (who in this case was the owner), standing
on the mat and spreading the grains with a long sweeping motion of the
hand from one side of the mat to the other (the process being called
di-kekar, di-kachau, or membalikkan jemoran). In the present case
several objects were placed in the centre of the mat, consisting of--

1. A basket-work stand (one of those used for the cooking-pots,
   and called lekar jantan).
2. A bowl of water deposited upon this stand and intended "for the
   Rice-soul (semangat padi) to drink when it becomes thirsty with
   the heat of the sun."
3. A big iron nail.
4. A candle-nut (buah k'ras).
5. Six trodden-out rice "heads," a couple of which tied in a slip knot
   (simpul pulih) are fastened to each corner of the matting.

Pounding of the rice from the three baskets.--When the rice had been
sufficiently dried, it was once more collected in the baskets, and
carried back to the house to be pounded. [429] That operation took
place the same evening, when the rice was pounded and winnowed [430]
in the ordinary way, the only noteworthy addition being the tying of
bunches of the grass called sambau dara to the upper ends of the long
wooden pestles which the Malays use for the pounding operation.

Disposal of the empty rice-stalks from the three baskets.--The chaff
thus obtained was deposited in a heap by the owner of the field in
a place where three paths met, crowned with a wreath made of the
empty rice-stalks, and covered by a big stone which was intended,
I was told, to keep it from being blown away.

The sugar-cane was left to grow in the midst of the mother-sheaf,
until the latter should be reaped by the wife of the owner; when
this takes place, it is carried back to the house and used for next
year's reaping. Meanwhile the "heads" of the mother-sheaf are pounded,
and the grain thus obtained is mixed with the grain obtained from
the Rice-soul, and deposited in the rice-bin (kepok) together with
a stone, a lump of rosin (damar), and a wreath composed of the empty
rice-ears. I may add that I saw the articles which had been deposited
in the previous year in the rice-bin of the Malay at whose house I
witnessed the ceremony which I have just described.

I did not witness the preliminary search for the mother-sheaf (in which
the Rice-soul was supposed to be contained), but it was described to
me by the Pawang, and performed for my benefit by the people of the
house. The Pawang's description ran as follows: In order to confine
the "Rengkesa" (a Spectral Reaper) to the boundaries, visit the four
corners of the field, and at each corner tie a knot in a rice-leaf,
and hold your breath while you repeat the following charm:--

   "In the name of God, etc.,
    A swallow has fallen striking the ground,
    Striking the ground in the middle of our house-yard.
    But ye, O Shadows and Spectral Reapers (Rengkesa),
    Have your appointed place on the Boundaries (of this field).
    By virtue of," etc.

These noxious spirits being thus confined to the Four Corners, you
may search in safety till you find one of the special varieties of
rice-ear in which the Rice-soul resides.

There are several varieties, of which the best is called Tongkat
Mandah; it may be described as an ordinary "rice-head" bending over
to meet the tip of a second (adventitious) "rice-head," but it is
produced only by a freak of nature. There is some risk connected with
this variety, however, for if the "Reception (Sambut) Ceremony" is
not properly performed the owner will die. The second best is called
"The Kite" (Lang). The third best is called "The Veiled Princess"
(Putri Bertudong); in this case the sheath of the "head" is of unusual
length, and overshadows the "head" itself. A fourth kind is called
Padi Bertel'kum, and is described as a "Female Rice" (padi betina);
like the "Veiled Princess," it has an unusually well-developed sheath;
whilst a fifth kind is the "Padi Mendhara"--a rice-plant whose leaves
show white lines or markings.

How women should reap on ordinary occasions.--Whenever women go out
to reap they should repeat certain charms before leaving the house,
[431] and again before depositing their baskets on the ground. Their
heads should be covered, and they should always be careful to reap,
as has been said, facing the sun, to prevent their shadow from falling
upon the rice in the basket at their side. Occasionally, however,
the body is uncovered, and I was even told of one, Inche Fatimah of
Jugra, in Selangor, who when reaping stripped herself bare from the
waist upwards, and when asked why she did so said it was "to make the
rice-husks thinner, as she was tired of pounding thick-husked rice."

The sheaf which is left standing after the taking home of the
Rice-soul is called the Mother of the Rice-soul (Ibu Semangat Padi),
and treated as a newly-made mother; that is to say, young shoots of
trees (putik-putik kayu) are taken, pounded together (di-tumbok), and
scattered broadcast (di-tabor) every evening for three successive days.

When the three days are up you take cocoa-nut pulp (isi niyor) and
what are called "goat flowers" (bunga kambing), mix them, and eat
them with a little sugar, spitting some of the mixture out among
the rice. [So, after a birth (as the Pawang informed me), the young
shoots of the jack-fruit (kababal nangka), the rose-apple (jambu),
and certain kinds of banana (such as pisang abu and pisang Benggala),
and the thin pulp of young cocoa-nuts (kelongkong niyor) are mixed
with dried fish, salt, acid (asam), prawn-condiment (b'lachan), and
similar ingredients, to form a species of salad (rojak). For three
successive days this salad is administered to mother and child,
the person who administers it saying, if the child be a girl,
"Your mother is here, eat this salad," and if the child be a boy,
"Your father is here, eat this salad."]

Invariably, too, when you enter the rice-clearing (menempoh ladang)
you must kiss the rice-stalks (chium tangkei padi), saying, "Cluck,
cluck, soul of my child!" (kur, semangat anak aku!) just as if you
were kissing an infant of your own.

The last sheaf (as I think I have said) is reaped by the wife of the
owner, who carries it back to the house (where it is threshed out
and mixed with the Rice-soul). The owner then takes the Rice-soul
and its basket and deposits it in the big circular rice-bin used by
the Malays, together with the product of the last sheaf. Some of the
product of the first seven "heads" will be mixed with next year's seed,
and the rest will be mixed with next year's tepong tawar. [432]


In the Western States of the Peninsula by far the most important
branch of industry has for many years been that of Tin-mining. Though
something like 90 per cent of the labourers employed in the mines are
Chinese, the ceremonies used at the opening of tin-mines are purely
Malay in character.

The post of mining wizard, once a highly lucrative one, was in
past days almost always filled by a Malay, though occasionally the
services of a Jungle-man (Sakai) would be preferred. These mining
wizards enjoyed in their palmy days an extraordinary reputation,
some of them being credited with the power of bringing ore to a place
where it was known that no ore existed; some, too, were believed to
possess the power of sterilising such ore as existed, and of turning
it into mere grains of sand.

The ore itself is regarded as endued not only with vitality, but also
with the power of growth, ore of indifferent quality being regarded
as too young (muda), but as likely to improve with age. Sometimes,
again, it is described as resembling a buffalo, in which shape it
is believed to make its way from place to place underground. This
idea, however, is probably based upon traditions of a lode, though
it is quite in keeping with Malay ideas about the spirits residing
in other minerals, the Gold spirit being supposed to take the shape
of a kijang or roe-deer (whence the tradition of a golden roe-deer
being found at Raub in Pahang).

In connection with the subject of tin-mining the account contributed
[433] in 1885 by Mr. Abraham Hale (then Inspector of Mines in the Kinta
district of Perak) to the Journal of the Straits Asiatic Society is
of such value as to necessitate its being quoted in extenso. It will
be followed by such notes upon mining invocations as I was able to
collect in Selangor, after which a few remarks upon the Malay theory of
animism in minerals generally will bring the subject to a conclusion.

To commence with Mr. Hale's account:--"The valley of the Kinta is,
and has been for a very long time, essentially a mining country. There
are in the district nearly five hundred registered mines, of which
three are worked by European Companies, the rest being either private
mines, i.e. mines claimed by Malays, which have been worked by them
and their ancestors for an indefinite period, or new mines, in other
words new concessions given indifferently on application to Malays and
Chinese. There are about three hundred and fifty private Malay mines,
and it is with these principally that the following paper will deal.

"So far, no lodes have been discovered in Kinta; it is, however,
probable that, as the country is opened up and prospectors get up
amongst the spurs of the main range, the sources of the stream tin
will come to light.

"Mining in Kinta, like mining in Lârut, is for stream tin, and this
is found literally everywhere in Kinta; it is washed out of the sand
in the river-beds--a very favourite employment with Mandheling women;
Kinta natives do not affect it much, although there is more than one
stream where a good worker can earn a dollar per day; it is mined for
in the valley, and sluiced for on the sides of hills; and, lastly,
a very suggestive fact to a geologist, it has been found on the tops
of isolated limestone bluffs and in the caves [434] which some of
them contain.

"This stream tin has probably been worked for several centuries in
Kinta; local tradition says that a very long time ago Siamese were the
principal miners, and there is evidence that very extensive work has
been done here by somebody at a time when the method was different
from that which is commonly adopted by Kinta Malays at the present
day. There are at least fifty deep well-like pits on the Lahat hill,
averaging about eight feet in diameter and perhaps twenty feet deep.

"Further up country I have seen a large pit which the natives called
a Siamese mine; this is about fifty feet in diameter and over twenty
feet deep, and its age may be conjectured from the virgin forest
in which it is situated. Besides these, at many places extensive
workings are continually brought to light as the country is opened
up, and these appear to have been left undisturbed for at least a
hundred years. Further evidence of old work is furnished by slabs
of tin of a shape unlike that which has been used in Perak in the
memory of living persons; and only a few weeks ago two very perfect
'curry stones' of an unusual shape and particularly sharp grit were
found at a depth of eight feet in natural drift. These may, perhaps,
have been used to grind grain.

"So peculiarly is Kinta a mining district, that even the Sakais
of the hills do a little mining to get some tin sand wherewith to
buy the choppers and sarongs which the Malays sell to them at an
exorbitant price.

"The Malay pawang, or medicine-man, is probably the inheritor of
various remnants and traditions of the religion which preceded
Muhammadanism, and in the olden time this class of persons derived
a very fair revenue from the exercise of their profession, in
propitiating and scaring those spirits who have to do with mines and
miners; even now, although the Malay pawang may squeeze a hundred
or perhaps two hundred dollars out of the Chinese towkay [435]
who comes to mine for tin in Malaya, the money is not perhaps badly
invested, for the Chinaman is no prospector, whereas a good Malay
pawang has a wonderful 'nose' for tin, and it may be assumed that the
Chinese towkay and, before his time, the Malay miner, would not pay
a tax to the pawang unless they had some ground for believing that,
by employing him and working under his advice, there would be more
chance of success than if they worked only on their own responsibility.

"The pawang being a person who claims to have powers of divination
and other imperfectly understood attributes, endeavours to shroud
his whole profession in more or less of mystery. In his vocabulary,
as in that of the gutta-hunters, special terms are used to signify
particular objects, the use of the ordinary words being dropped;
this is called 'bahâsa pantang.' [436]

"The following are some of the special terms alluded to:--

"Ber-olak tinggi, [437] instead of gajah--elephant. The elephant
is not allowed on the mine, or must not be brought on to the actual
works, for fear of damage to the numerous races and dams; to name him,
therefore, would displease the spirits (hantu).

"Ber-olak dâpor, instead of kuching--cat. Cats are not allowed on
mines, nor may the name be mentioned.

"A tiger of enormous size called Ber-olak is said to haunt
Kinta. The legend about him is as follows:-- A long time ago, in the
pre-Muhammadan days, a man caught a tiger kitten and took it home;
it grew up quite tame and lived with the man until he died, when
it returned to the jungle and grew to an enormous size, nine cubits
(hasta) long; it is still there, though nobody ever sees it; it does
no harm, but sometimes very large tracks are seen, and men hear its
roar, which is so loud that it can be heard from Chemor to Bâtu Gajah;
when heard in the dry season, it is a sure prognostication of rain
in fifteen days' time.

"Sial, [438] instead of kerbau--water-buffalo. The buffalo is not
allowed on the mine for the same reason as the elephant.

"Salah nama, [439] instead of limau nipis--lime (fruit). If limes are
brought on to a mine, the hantu (spirits) are said to be offended;
the particular feature of the fruit, which is distasteful, appears
to be its acidity. It is peculiar that Chinese have this superstition
concerning limes as well as Malays; not very long ago a Chinese towkay
of a mine complained that the men of a rival kongsi [440] had brought
limes and squeezed the juice into his head race, and, furthermore,
had rubbed their bodies with the juice mixed with water out of his
head race, and he said they had committed a very grave offence,
and asked that they might be punished for it.

"With Malays this appears to be one of the most important pantang [441]
rules, and to such a length is it carried that belachan (shrimp-paste)
is not allowed to be brought on to a mine for fear it should induce
people to bring limes as well, lime-juice being a necessary adjunct
to belachan when prepared for eating.

"Buah rumput, [442] or bunga rumput, instead of biji--tin sand.

"Akar, or akar hidop, [443] instead of ular--snake.

"Kunyit, [444] instead of lipan--centipede.

"Batu puteh, [445] instead of timah--metallic tin.

"It was important that the Pawang should be a marked man as to
personal appearance; for this reason there are certain positions of
the body which may be assumed by him only when on the mine. These
attitudes are--first, standing with the hands clasped behind the
back; and, secondly, with the hands resting on the hips. This second
position is assumed when he is engaged in 'invocating' the 'spirits'
of a mine; the pawang takes his station in front of the genggulang,
[446] having a long piece of white cloth in his right hand, which he
waves backwards and forwards over his shoulder three times, each time
calling the special hantu whom he wishes to propitiate, by name; whilst
engaged in this invocation his left hand rests on his hip. During the
performance of any professional duty he is also invariably dressed
in a black coat; this nobody but the pawang is allowed to wear on a
mine. These attitudes and the black coat comprise what is technically
termed the pakei pawang.

"The professional duty of the pawang of a mine consists in carrying out
certain ceremonies, for which he is entitled to collect the customary
fees, and in enforcing certain rules for the breach of which he levies
the customary fines. [447]

"At the time of the opening of a mine he has to erect a genggulang,
[448] and to call upon the tutelary hantu of the locality to assist
in the enterprise. The fee for this is one bag (karong) of tin sand.

"At the request of the miners, instead of a genggulang a kapala nasi
[449] may be erected, as cheaper and more expeditious. The fee is
one gantang [450] of tin sand.

"He also assists in the ceremony of hanging the ancha [451] in the
smelting-house; his principal associate in this is the Panglima Klian,
who draws the ancha up to its proper position close under the attaps.

"1. Raw cotton must not be brought on to a mine in any shape, either
in its native state or as stuffing of bolsters or mattresses. The fine
(hukum pawang) is $12.50; the ordinary pillow used by a miner is made
of some soft wood.

"2. Black coats and the attitudes designated pakei pawang [452]
may not be assumed by any one on the mine, with the exception of the
pawang. (Hukum pawang, $12.50.)

"3. The gourd used as a water vessel by Malays, all descriptions
of earthenware, glass, and all sorts of limes and lemons, and the
outer husk of the cocoa-nut, are prohibited articles on mines. (Hukum
pawang, $12.50.)

"Note.--All eating- and drinking-vessels should be made of cocoa-nut
shell or of wood: the noise made by earthenware and glass is said
to be offensive to the hantu. But in the case of a breach of this
regulation the pawang would warn the offenders two or three times
before he claimed the fine.

"4. Gambling and quarrelling are strictly forbidden on mines; the
fine is claimed for the first offence. (Hukum pawang, $12.50.)

"5. Wooden aqueducts (palong) must be prepared in the jungle a long
way from the mine. (Hukum pawang, $12.50.)

"The noise of the chopping is said to be offensive to the hantu.

"6. Any breach of the bahasa pantang is an offence. (Hukum pawang,

"7. Charcoal must not be allowed to fall into the races. (Hukum
pawang, $12.50.)

"8. A miner must not wear and go to work on the mine in another man's
trousers. (Hukum pawang, one karong of tin sand.)

"Note.--This applies only to the senar seluar basah, or working
dress. It is also an offence to work in the garment called sarong.

"9. If the chupak (measure) of the mine is broken, it must be renewed
within three days. (Hukum pawang, one bhara of tin.)

"10. No weapon may be brought within the four posts of the
smelting-house which immediately surround the furnace. (Hukum pawang,

"11. Coats may not be worn within this space. (Hukum pawang, $1.25.)

"12. These posts may not be cut or hacked. (Hukum pawang, one slab
of tin.)

"13. If a miner returns from work, bringing back with him some tin
sand, and discovers that somebody has eaten the cold rice which he
had left at home, he may claim from the delinquent one karong of tin
sand. The pawang adjudicates in the matter.

"14. An earthenware pot (priok) which is broken must be replaced
within three days. (Hukum pawang, one karong of tin sand.)

"15. No one may cross a race in which a miner is sluicing without
going some distance above him, up stream; if he does he incurs a
penalty of as much tin sand as the race contains at the moment,
payable to the owner of the race. The pawang adjudicates.

"16. A kris, or spear, at a mine, if without a sheath, must be
carefully wrapped in leaves, even the metal setting (simpei) must
be hidden. Spears may only be carried at the "trail." (Hukum pawang,

"17. On the death of any miner, each of his comrades on that mine
pays to the pawang one chupak (penjuru) of tin sand.

"It will be noticed that the amount of the majority of these fines
is $12.50; this is half of the amount of the fine which, under the
Malay customary law, a chief could impose on a ra`iyat [453] for minor
offences. It is also the amount of the customary dowry in the case of a
marriage with a slave or with the widow or divorced wife of a ra`iyat.

"The Malay miner has peculiar ideas about tin and its properties;
in the first instance, he believes that it is under the protection
and command of certain spirits whom he considers it necessary to
propitiate; next he considers that the tin itself is alive and has many
of the properties of living matter, that of its own volition it can
move from place to place, that it can reproduce itself, and that it has
special likes--or perhaps affinities--for certain people and things,
and vice versa. Hence it is advisable to treat tin-ore with a certain
amount of respect, to consult its convenience, and what is, perhaps,
more curious, to conduct the business of mining in such a way that
the tin-ore may, as it were, be obtained without its own knowledge!"

Mr. Hale adds an interesting vocabulary of Malay mining terms from
which the following words are extracted as being specially connected
with the superstitions of the miners:--

Ancha.--A square frame 1' 6'' × 1' 6'', composed of strips of split
bamboo for the floor and four pieces of peeled wood for the sides. The
proper wood is kayu sungkei, [454] because it has flat even twigs and
leaves which lie flat and symmetrically; these must be bound together
with a creeper: rattan may not be used; it is hung to the tulang
bumbong [455] just under the attaps [456] of the smelting-shed; it
is used as an altar, the offerings made by the miners to the spirits
being placed on it.

Genggulang.--The platform or altar erected by the pawang at the
opening of a mine. It should be built entirely of kayu sungkei. The
wood is peeled, except the four branches which serve as posts; these
are only peeled up to the twigs and leaves, which are left on, about
4 feet 6 inches from the ground. At 3 feet 3 inches from the ground
a square platform of round peeled sticks, about 1 foot 3 inches each
way, is arranged; one foot above the level of the platform a sort
of railing is fixed round three sides of the square, and from the
open side a ladder with four steps reaches down to the ground; the
railing is carried down to the ground on each side of the ladder,
and supports a fringe of cocoa-nut leaves (jari-lipan). The whole
erection must be tied together with creepers; rattan must not be used.

Jari lipan.--A fringe made of the young white leaflets of the cocoa-nut
palm plaited together. [457]

Jampi.--The incantation of the pawang.

Kapala nasi.--A stake of peeled wood (kayu sungkei) stuck in the
ground; the top of this is split into four so as to support a platform
similar to that of the genggulang. Offerings are made upon it. [458]

Pantang burok mata.--The period of mourning observed when a death
occurs at a mine.

Mourning consists in abstention from work (in the case of a neighbour
or comrade) for three days, or, in the case of the death of the pawang,
penghulu kelian, or the feudal chief, for seven days. The expression is
derived from the supposition that in three days the eyes of a corpse
have quite disappeared. Chinese miners have a similar custom; whoever
goes to assist in the burial of a corpse must not only abstain from
work, but must not go near the mine or smelting furnace for three
days. [459]

Perasap.--Half a cocoa-nut shell, a cup, or any other vessel, in
which votive offerings of sweet-smelling woods and gums are burnt.

Sangka.--A receptacle in which to burn offerings of sweet woods and
gums; it is made of a stick of bamboo about three feet long, one end
being split and opened out to receive the charcoal; it is stuck in
the ground near races and heaps of tin sand. [460]

Tatin gulang.--The pawang's fee for the ceremony of erecting a
genggulang. [461]

The following notes on tin-mining in Selangor were contributed to
the Selangor Journal by Mr. J. C. Pasqual, a well-known local miner:--

"The Malay mining pawang will soon be a thing of the past, and many a
pawang has returned to tilling the soil in place of his less legitimate
occupation of imposing upon the credulity of the miners. The reason for
this is not far to seek, as the Malay miner, as well as the Chinese
miner, of the old school, with their thousand-and-one superstitions,
has given place to a more modern and matter-of-fact race, who place
more reliance for prospecting purposes on boring tools than on
the divination and jampi of the pawang. But the profession of the
pawang has not altogether died out, as he is sometimes called into
requisition for the purpose of casting out evil spirits from the mines;
of converting amang [462] (pyrites) into tin-ore, and of invoking the
spirits of a mine previous to the breaking of the first sod in a new
venture. These ceremonies generally involve the slaying of a buffalo,
a goat, or fowls, and the offering of betel-leaf, incense, and rice,
according to the means of the towkay lombong.

"The term pawang is now used by the Chinese to indicate the 'smelter'
(Chinese) of a mine (probably from the fact that this office was
formerly the monopoly of the Malay pawang).

"To the pawangs are attributed extraordinary powers, for besides
inducing tin-ore to continue or become plentiful in a mine, he
can cause its disappearance from a rich 'claim' by the inevitable
jampi, this latter resource being resorted to by way of revenge in
cases where the towkay lombong (or labor) fails to carry out his
pecuniary obligation towards the pawang whose aid he had invoked in
less prosperous times. Some of the stories told of the prowess of
pawangs are very ridiculous; for instance, a native lady in Ulu Langat
(for women are also credited with the pawang attributes), who was the
pawang of Sungei Jelok in Kajang, could command a grain of tin-ore to
crawl on the palm of her hand like a live worm. [463] The failure of
the Sungei Jelok mines was attributed to her displeasure on account
of an alleged breach of contract on the part of the towkay lombong.

"The term pawang is sometimes used as a verb in the sense of 'to
prospect' a sungei or stream; thus in alluding to certain streams or
mines, it is not uncommon to hear a Malay say that they have been
prospected (sudah di-pawangkan) by 'Inche' So-and-so--meaning that
the stream had been discovered and proved by a pawang prior to the
opening of the mines." [464]

In a later article Mr. Pasqual says: "It is believed that tin will
even on rare occasions announce its presence by a peculiar noise
heard in the stillness of night, and that some birds and insects by
their chirrupings and whirrings will proclaim its whereabouts." [465]

In a still later article, after briefly referring to the use of
the bhasa pantang, or "Taboo Language," by tin-miners in Selangor,
Mr. Pasqual proceeds:--

"There are, again, certain acts which are forbidden. In the mine,
especially if the karang [466] has not yet been removed, it is
forbidden to wear shoes or carry an umbrella. This rule, it seems,
originated with the coolies themselves, who in olden times insisted
that the Towkay Labur should take off his shoes and close his
umbrella whenever he visited the mine, so that, as they alleged,
the spirits might not be offended. But their real object was not to
allow him to pry too much into the mine, in case it might not bear
scrutiny; and thus, by depriving him of the protection from the sun
and from the rough mining quartz which would have been afforded by
the umbrella and shoes, they prevented him from going about here,
there, and everywhere, and making unpleasant inquiries, as he would
otherwise have liked to do.

"Quarrelling and fighting in the mine is strictly forbidden, as it
has a tendency to drive away the ore.

"Bathing in the mine is not allowed.

"A man must not work in the mine with only his bathing-cloth around
his body. He must wear trousers.

"If a man takes off his sun hat and puts it on the ground, he must
turn it over and let it rest upon its crown.

"Limes cannot be brought into the mine. This superstition is peculiar
to the Malay miner, who has a special dread of this fruit, which,
in pantang language, he calls salah nama (lit. 'wrong name') instead
of limau nipis.

"In looking at the check-roll it is forbidden to point at the names
with the finger. No one may examine the check-roll at night with an
open light, owing more probably to the fear of setting it on fire
than to superstitious prejudices.

"It is considered unlucky for a man to fall off the mining ladder,
for, whether he is hurt or not, he is likely to die within the year.

"An outbreak of fire in the mine is considered an omen of
prosperity. Several mines have been known to double or treble their
output of tin after the occurrence of a fire.

"It is unlucky for a coolie to die in the kongsi house. When,
therefore, a man is very sick and past all hopes of recovery, it is
customary to put him out of the house in an extempore hut erected in
the scrub, so that death may not take place in the kongsi amongst the
living. His chuleis [467] attend him during his last hours and bury
him when dead. These and other superstitious ideas and observances are,
however, fast dying out, though it would still be an unsafe experiment
to enter a mine with shoes on and an umbrella over your head." [468]

The remaining notes on mining ceremonies and charms were collected
by me in Selangor. On reaching the tin-bearing stratum, the tin-ore
is addressed by name:--

   "Peace be with you, O Tin-Ore,
    At the first it was dew that turned into water,
    And water that turned into foam,
    And foam that turned into rock,
    And rock that turned into tin-ore;
    Do you, O Tin-Ore, lying in a matrix of solid rock,
    Come forth from this matrix of solid rock;
    If you do not come forth
    You shall be a rebel in the sight of God.
    Ho, Tin-Ore, Sir 'Floating Islet,'
    'Flotsam-at-sea,' and 'Flotsam-on-land,'
    Do you float up to the surface of this my tank, [469]
    Or you shall be a rebel to God," etc.

Sometimes each grain of ore appears to be considered as endowed with a
separate entity or individuality. Thus we find in another invocation
the following passage, where the wizard is addressing the grains
of ore:--

   "Do You (Grains of Ore) that are on the Hills descend to the
    You that are at the Head-waters descend to Mid-stream,
    You that are at the Estuary ascend to Mid-stream.
    And assemble yourselves together in this spot.

    Assemble yourselves together, 'Rice-grains' and 'Spinach-seed,'
    'Tobacco-seed,' 'Millet,' and 'Wild Ginger-Seed,'
    Assemble ye together in this spot.
    I am desirous of excavating this spot,
    And of making a mine here;
    If ye do not assemble yourselves together
    I shall curse you;
    You shall be turned into dust, and turned into air,
    And you shall also be turned into water."

The separate personality of each individual grain is remarkably clear
in the above passage. The names of the different kinds of seed are
in allusion to the various shapes and sizes of the grains of ore.

Yet in the very same charm various kinds of lizards and centipedes are
begged to "bring the tin-ore with them, some of them a grain or two,
some of them a fistful or two, some of them a gallon or two, some of
them a load or two," and so on. No doubt the wizard was determined
to allow the grains no loophole for escape.

The objects of the charms employed by the mining wizards are the

(1) To clear the jungle of evil spirits (and propitiate the good
ones?) before starting to fell, as is shown by the following passage:--

   "O Grandfather King Solomon, Black King Solomon,
    I desire to fell these woods,
    But it is not I who am in charge of these woods,
    It is Yellow King Solomon who is in charge of them,
    And Red King Solomon who is in charge of them.
    It is I who fell the jungle,
    But only with the permission of those two persons.
    Rise, rise, O Ye who watch it (the tin?),
    [Here are] three 'chews' of betel for you, and three cigarettes,
    O Maimurup, O Maimerah, O Gadek Hitam,
    Si Gadek Hitam (Black Grannie) from Down-stream,
    Si Gadek Kuning (Yellow Grannie) from Up-stream,
    And Si Maimerah from Mid-stream."]

(Here some lines follow which are as yet untranslatable.)

   "Retire ye and avaunt from hence,
    If ye retire not from hence,
    As you stride, your leg shall break,
    As you stretch your hand out, your hand shall be crippled,
    As you open your eye (to look), your eyeball shall burst,
    Your eye stabbed through with a thorn of the T'rong Asam, [470]
    And your hand pierced with the Sega jantan, [471]
    And your finger-nails with Heart of Brazilwood.
    Moreover, your tongue shall be slit with a bamboo splinter,
    For thus was it sworn by 'Grandfather Sakernanaininaini' [472]
    Into the leaf (of the) Putajaya,
    Upon the summit of the mountain of Ceylon.

    I know the origin from which you spring,
    From the Black Blood and the Red,
    That was your origin.
    We are two sons of one father, but with different inheritances;
    In my charge is Gold and Tin-ore,
    In yours are Rocks and Sand,
    With chaff and bran."

(2) To clear evil spirits away from the ground before commencing
the work of excavation. The charm for this is given in the Appendix,
but is little more than a list of names.

(3) To propitiate the local spirits and induce the tin-ore to show
itself, when the tin-bearing stratum is reached, by means of the
charm quoted above.

(4) To induce the spirits to partake of a banquet which is spread
for them in a receptacle intended to be the model of a royal

This, the "spirits' audience-chamber" (as it is called), is usually
from two to three feet square, and is filled with offerings similar in
character to those usually deposited on the sacrificial tray (anchak),
with the addition, however, of certain articles which are considered
to be specially representative of the miners' food. These articles are
sugar-cane, plantains, yams, sweet potatoes, and fish, etc.; all of
which should be placed together with the customary offerings in the
"spirits' audience-chamber." Outside the "audience-hall," at each of
the two front corners, should be placed a red and a white flag and
a wax taper; and at each of the two back corners should be placed a
taper, making in all four flags and seven tapers.

A standard censer (perasapan) must be erected in front of the
"audience-chamber," and a second small censer must also be obtained,
so that burning incense may be "waved" to and fro underneath the floor
of the audience-chamber in order to fumigate it before the offerings
are deposited inside it.

During the fumigation a charm is recited, in which the assistance
of the spirits of certain canonized Muhammadan worthies is invoked,
concluding thus:--

   "Peace be with you, O White Sheikh, wizard of the virgin jungle,
    Wizards old, and wizards young,
    Come hither and share the banquet I have prepared for you.
    I crave pardon for all mistakes,
    For all shortcomings I beg pardon in every particular."

Then when the tapers are all lighted and the offerings ready, a
further charm is recited, which begins as follows:--

   "Ho, White Sheikh, king of the virgin jungle,
    It is you to whom belong all people of the jungle and virgin
    Do you, whose back is turned towards heaven,
    Give your orders to all the Elders of the earth and Princes who
    are here,
    You who here hold the position of Indra,
    Come hither and partake of my banquet.

    I wish to ask for your assistance,
    I wish to open (excavate) this mine." [473]

The chief taboos are the killing of any sort of living creature within
the mine; to wear a sarong (Malay skirt); to bring into the mine the
skin of any beast; and to wear shoes or use an umbrella within the
mine. These are some of the perpetual taboos, but no doubt there are
many others.

In the case of a sacrifice, however, the white buffalo may of course be
killed, not within the mine itself, but still upon its brink; and when
this is done, the head is buried, and small portions (which must be
"representative" of every part of the carcase) should be taken and
deposited in the "audience-chamber."

Among the seven days' taboos are mentioned the killing of any living
timber (within the precincts of the mine?), lewdness, and the praising
or admiring of the "grass seed" (puji buah rumput), which is the name
by which the tin-ore must invariably be called within the precincts
of the mine. This last taboo is due to the use of a special mining
vocabulary to which the greatest attention was formerly paid, and
which did not differ very greatly from that used in Perak.

Another account of the ceremony runs as follows; I give it word for
word as I took it down from my Malay informant:--

"Take five portions of cooked and five portions of uncooked fowls,
both white and black, together with black pulut rice, [474] millet-seed
(sekoi), seeds of the chebak China, etc. etc. When all is ready, burn
incense, scatter the black rice with the right hand over the bottom of
a tray, i.e. an anchak (such as is used for offerings to the spirits),
fumigate and deposit the offerings in five portions upon this layer
of rice (one portion going to each corner and one to the middle of
the tray). Take black cloth, five cubits long, fumigate it, and wave
it thrice round the head with the right hand from left to right,
repeating the following invocation (serapah):--

   "O Grandfather 'Batin' [475] the Elder,
    In whose charge are caverns and hill-locked basins,
    O Grandfather 'Batin' the Younger,
    In whose charge are all these your civil and military companies,
    May the Ore which is on the Hills descend to the Plain,
    May that which is Up-stream descend to Mid-stream,
    And that which is Down-stream ascend to Mid-stream,
    Assemble you together, O Ores, in this spot;
    It is not I who call you,
    It is Grandfather Batin the Elder who calls you,
    It is Batin the Younger who calls you,
    It is the Elder Wizard who calls you,
    It is the Younger Wizard who calls you,
    Assemble yourselves together, Rubbish and Trash,
    House-lizards, 'Kalerik,' Centipedes, and Millipedes,
    And partake of my banquet.
    Let whosoever comes bring me ore,
    A ketong [476] or two,

    A fistful or two,
    An arai [477] or two,
    A gallon or two,
    A basket or two,
    Assemble yourselves together, Boiled Rice-seed,
    Spinach-seed, Tobacco-seed, Millet-seed, Wild Ginger-seed,
    Assemble yourselves together in this spot.
    I wish to excavate this spot,
    I wish to open a mine:
    If you do not come, if you do not gather yourselves together,
    I shall curse you;
    You shall turn into dust, into air, and into water.
    By virtue of the magic arts of my teacher be my petition granted.
    It is not I who petition,
    It is the Elder Wizard who petitions,
    It is the Younger Wizard who petitions.
    By the grace of 'There is no god but God,'" etc.

The foregoing descriptions of mining ceremonies and charms refer to
tin only, but in so far as general animistic ideas go, they might be
equally well applied to other metals, such as silver and gold.

It has already been remarked that as the Tin spirit is believed
to take the form of a buffalo, so the Gold spirit is said to take
the form of a golden roe-deer (kijang). Of the ceremonies which the
Malays believe to be essential for successful gold-mining, not much
information has yet been published. In Denys' Descriptive Dictionary,
however, we read the following:--

"Gold is believed to be under the care and in the gift of a dewa,
or god, and its search is therefore unhallowed, for the miners must
conciliate the dewa by prayers and offerings, and carefully abstain
from pronouncing the name of God or performing any act of worship. Any
acknowledgment of the sovereignty of Allah offends the dewa, who
immediately 'hides the gold,' or renders it invisible. At some of
the great limbongan [478] mas or gold-pits in the Malay States of the
interior, any allusion to the Deity subjects the unwitting miner to
a penalty which is imposed by the Penghûlu. The qualities of the gold
vary greatly in the same country. The finest gold brought to market is
that of the principality of Pahang, on the eastern side of the Malay
Peninsula, which brings a higher price than even that of Australia
by better than three per cent. The gold is all obtained by washing,
and the metal has never been worked, and scarcely even traced to
the original veins. It is mostly in the form of powder or dust--the
mas-urai of the Malays, literally 'loose or disintegrated gold.'" [479]

Gold, silver, and an amalgam formed of the two, are regarded as
the three most precious metals, and of these gold is, to a very
uncertain and partial extent, still sometimes regarded as a royal
prerogative. [480]

Of Silver still less information has been collected than of gold. This,
however, is but natural, as silver has not yet been found in payable
quantities, whereas many gold mines exist. It is just possible,
however, that silver may be worked by the Malays on a small scale
in the Siamese-Malay States, as it would be difficult on any other
hypothesis to account for the following invocation, which was given
me by a Malay of Kelantan ('Che `Abas):--

   "Peace be with you, O Child of the Solitary Jin Salaka (Silver),
    I know your origin.
    Your dwelling-place is the Yellow Cloud Rock;
    The Place of your Penance the Sea of Balongan Darah;
    The Place of your Penance is a Pond in every stream;
    The Place of your Birth was the Bay where the Wind Dies;
    Ho, Child of the Solitary Jin Salaka,
    Come hither at this time, this very moment,
    I wish to make you a propitiatory offering, to banquet you on
    arrack and toddy.
    If you do not come hither at this very moment
    You shall be a rebel unto God,
    And a rebel unto God's Prophet Solomon,
    For I am God's Prophet Solomon."

No other metals, so far as I am aware, are worked to any extent in the
Peninsula, yet there is the clearest possible evidence of animistic
ideas about Iron. Thus for the Sacred Lump of Iron which forms part of
the regalia of more than one of the petty Sultans in the Peninsula,
the Malays entertain the most extraordinary reverence, not unmingled
with superstitious terror. [481] It is upon this "Lump of Iron,"
when placed in water, that the most solemn and binding oath known to
those who make use of it is sworn; and it is to this "Lump of Iron"
that the Malay wizard refers when he recites his category of the most
terrible denunciations that Malay magic has been able to invent. [482]

It is possible that there may be, in the Malay mind at all events, some
connection between the supernatural powers ascribed to this portion
of the regalia and the more general use of iron as a charm against
evil spirits. For the various forms of iron which play so conspicuous
a part in Malay magic, from the long iron nail which equally protects
the new-born infant and the Rice-Soul from the powers of evil, to the
betel-nut scissors which are believed to scare the evil spirits from
the dead, are alike called the representatives (symbols or emblems)
of Iron (tanda besi). So, too, is the blade of the wood-knife, or
cutlass, which a jungle Malay will sometimes plant in the bed of a
stream (with its edge towards the source) before he will venture to
drink of the water. So, too, is the blade of the same knife, upon the
side of which he will occasionally seat himself when he is eating alone
in the forest; both of these precautions being taken, however, as I
have more than once been told, not only to drive away evil spirits,
but to "confirm" the speaker's own soul (menetapkan semangat).

Even Stone appears to be regarded as distinctly connected with ideas of
animism. Thus the stone deposited in the basket with the Rice-soul, the
stone deposited in the child's swinging cot by way of a substitute when
the child is temporarily taken out of it, and above all the various
concretions to be found from time to time both in the bodies of animals
("Bezoar" stones) and in the stems or fruit of trees (as tabasheer),
are examples of this. Examples of tabasheer have already been quoted
(under Vegetation Charms), but a few remarks about Bezoar stones may
be of interest.

The Bezoar stones known to the Peninsular Malays are usually obtained
either from monkeys or porcupines. Extraordinary magical virtues are
attached to these stones, the gratings of which are mixed with water
and administered to the sick. [483]

I was once asked $200 for a small stone which its owner kept in
cotton-wool in a small tin box, where it lay surrounded by grains of
rice, upon which he declared that it fed. [484] I asked him how it
could be proved that it was a true Bezoar stone (which it undoubtedly
was not), and he declared that if it were placed upon an inverted
tumbler and touched with the point of a k'ris (dagger) or a lime-fruit
it would commence to move about. Both tests were therefore applied in
my presence, but the motion of the Bezoar stone in each case proved
to be due to the most overt trickery on the part of the owner, who
by pressing on one side of the stone (which was spherical in shape)
naturally caused it to move; in fact I was easily able to produce
the same effect in the same way, as I presently showed him, though
of course he could not be brought to admit the deception. [485]

Before I leave this portion of the subject, I may mention that magic
powers are very generally ascribed to the "celts" or "stone-age"
implements which are frequently found in the Peninsula, and are called
thunderbolts (batu halilintar). They are not unfrequently grated and
mixed with water and drunk like the Bezoar stones, but usually they
are kept merely as a touch-stone for gold.

(c) Water


The following description (by Sir W. E. Maxwell) of the bathing
ceremony, as practised by the Perak Malays, may be taken as typical
of this subject:--

"Limes are used in Perak, as we use soap, when a Malay has resolved on
having a really good "scrub." They are cut in two and squeezed (ramas)
in the hand. In Penang a root called sintok is usually preferred to
limes. When the body is deemed sufficiently cleansed the performer,
taking his stand facing the East, spits seven times, and then counts
up seven aloud. After the word tujoh (seven) he throws away the
remains of the limes or sintok to the West, saying aloud, Pergi-lah
samua sial jambalang deripada badan aku ka pusat tasek Paujangi,
'Misfortune and spirits of evil begone from my body to the whirlpool
of the lake Paujangi!' Then he throws (jurus) a few buckets of water
over himself, and the operation is complete.

"The lake Paujangi is situated in mid-ocean, and its whirlpool most
likely causes the tides. All the waters of the sea and rivers are
finally received there. It is probably as eligible an abode for
exorcised spirits as the Red Sea was once considered to be by our
forefathers."  [486]

The ceremony just described is evidently a form of purification
by water. Similar purificatory ceremonies form an integral part of
Malay customs at birth, adolescence, marriage, sickness, death, and
in fact at every critical period of the life of a Malay; but will be
most conveniently discussed in detail under each of the particular
headings referred to. The tepong tawar ceremony (for the details of
which see Chapter III., and which is perhaps the commonest of all
Malay magic rites) would also seem to have originated from ideas of
ceremonial purification.


The Malays have been from time immemorial a sea-faring race, and are
quite as superstitious in their ideas of the sea as sailors in other
parts of the world.

As has been already indicated, [487] their animistic notions
include a belief in Water Spirits, both of the sea and of rivers,
and occasionally this belief finds expression in ritual observances.

Thus, for instance, it was formerly the custom to insert a number of
sugar-palm twigs (segar kabong) into the top of the ship's mast, making
the end of it look not unlike a small birch of black twigs. [488]

This was intended to prevent the Water Spirit (Hantu Ayer) from
settling on the mast. His appearance when he does settle is described
as resembling the glow of fire flies or of phosphorescence in the
sea--evidently a form of St. Elmo's fire.

The ship being a living organism, one must, of course, when all is
ready, persuade it to make a proper start. To effect this you go on
board, and sitting down beside the well (petak ruang), burn incense
and strew the sacrificial rice, and then tapping the inside of the
keelson (jintekkan serempu) and the next plank above it (apit lempong),
beg them to adhere to each other during the voyage, e.g.:--

   "Peace be with you, O 'big Medang' and 'low-growing Medang!'
    Be ye not parted brother from brother,
    I desire you to speed me, to the utmost of your power,
    To such and such a place;
    If ye will not, ye shall be rebels against God," etc.

I need hardly explain, perhaps, that "big medang" and "low-growing
medang" are the names of two varieties of the same tree, which are
supposed in the present instance to have furnished the timber from
which these different parts were made.

Then you stand up in the bows and call upon the Sea Spirits for their
assistance in pointing out shoals, snags, and rocky islets. [489]

Sometimes a talisman is manufactured by writing an Arabic text on a
leaf which is then thrown into the sea.

So, too, it is not unusual to see rocks in mid-stream near the mouths
of rivers adorned with a white cloth hanging from a long stick or pole,
which marks them out as "sacred places," and sometimes in rapids
where navigation is difficult or dangerous, offerings are made to
the River Spirits, as the following quotation will show:--

"We commenced at last to slide down a long reach of troubled water
perceptibly out of the horizontal. The raft buried itself under the
surface, leaving dry only our little stage, and the whole fabric shook
and trembled as if it were about to break up. Yelling 'Sambut, sambut'
('Receive, receive') to the spirits of the stream, whom Kulup Mohamed
was propitiating with small offerings of rice and leaves, the panting
boatmen continued their struggles until we shot out once more into
smooth deep water, and all danger was over." [490]

The importance of rivers in the Malay Peninsula, and for that matter,
in Malayan countries generally, can hardly be overrated. It was
by the rivers that Malay immigration, coming for the most part, if
not entirely, from Sumatra, entered the interior of the Peninsula,
and before the influx of Europeans had superseded them by roads and
railways the rivers were the sole means of inland communication. All
old Malay settlements are situated on the banks of rivers or streams,
both on this account and because of the necessity of having a plentiful
supply of water for the purpose of irrigating the rice-fields, which
constitute the main source of livelihood for the inhabitants.

Accordingly the backbone, so to speak, of a Malay district is the river
that runs through it, and from which in most cases the district takes
its name; for here, as elsewhere, the river-names are generally older
than the names of territorial divisions. They are often unintelligible
and probably of pre-Malayan origin, but are sometimes derived from
the Malay names of forest trees. As a rule every reach and point has a
name known to the local Malays, even though the river may run through
forest and swamp with only a few villages scattered at intervals of
several miles along its banks.

Of river legends there are not a few. The following extract relates
to one of the largest rivers of the Peninsula, the river Perak,
which gives its name to the largest and most important of the Malay
States of the West Coast. Perak means silver, though none is mined
in the country; and the legend is a fair specimen of the sort of
story which grows up round an attempt to account for an otherwise
inexplicable name:--

"On their return down-stream, the Raja and his followers halted at
Chigar Galah, where a small stream runs into the river Perak. They were
struck with astonishment at finding the water of this stream as white
as santan (the grated pulp of the cocoa-nut mixed with water). Magat
Terawis, who was despatched to the source of the stream to discover
the cause of this phenomenon, found there a large fish of the kind
called haruan engaged in suckling her young one. She had large white
breasts from which milk issued. [491]

"He returned and told the Raja, who called the river 'Perak'
('silver'), in allusion to its exceeding whiteness. Then he returned
to Kota Lama." [492]


The Crocodile

Of the origin of the Crocodile two conflicting stories, at least,
are told. One of these was collected by Sir William Maxwell in Perak;
the other was taken down by me from a Labu Malay in Selangor, but
I have not met with it elsewhere; a parallel version of the story
quoted by Maxwell being the commonest form of the legend in Selangor
as well as Perak.

Sir William Maxwell's account runs as follows:--

"In the case of the crocodile, we find an instance of a dangerous
animal being regarded by Malays as possessed of mysterious powers,
which distinguish him from most of the brute creation, and class him
with the tiger and elephant. Just as in some parts of India sacred
crocodiles are protected and fed in tanks set apart for them by
Hindus, so in Malay rivers here and there particular crocodiles are
considered kramat (sacred), and are safe from molestation. On a river
in the interior of Malacca I have had my gun-barrels knocked up when
taking aim at a crocodile, the Malay who did it immediately falling
on his knees in the bottom of the boat and entreating forgiveness,
on the ground that the individual reptile aimed at was kramat, and
that the speaker's family would not be safe if it were injured. The
source of ideas like this lies far deeper in the Malay mind than his
Muhammadanism; but the new creed has, in many instances, appropriated
and accounted for them. The connection of the tiger with Ali, the
uncle of the prophet, has already been explained. A grosser Muhammadan
fable has been invented regarding the crocodile.

"This reptile, say the Pêrak Malays, was first created in the
following manner:--

"There was once upon a time a woman called Putri Padang Gerinsing,
whose petitions found great favour and acceptance with the Almighty.

"She it was who had the care of Siti Fatima, the daughter of the
Prophet. One day she took some clay and fashioned it into the likeness
of what is now the crocodile. The material on which she moulded the
clay was a sheet of upih (the sheath of the betel-nut palm). This
became the covering of the crocodile's under-surface. When she
attempted to make the mass breathe it broke in pieces. This happened
twice. Now it chanced that the Tuan Putri had just been eating
sugar-cane, so she arranged a number of sugar-cane joints to serve
as a backbone, and the peelings of the rind she utilised as ribs. On
its head she placed a sharp stone, and she made eyes out of bits of
saffron (kuniet); the tail was made of the mid-rib and leaves of a
betel-nut frond. She prayed to God Almighty that the creature might
have life, and it at once commenced to breathe and move. For a long
time it was a plaything of the Prophet's daughter, Siti Fatima; but
it at length became treacherous and faithless to Tuan Putri Padang
Gerinsing, who had grown old and feeble. Then Fatima cursed it, saying,
'Thou shalt be the crocodile of the sea, no enjoyment shall be thine,
and thou shalt not know lust or desire.' She then deprived it of its
teeth and tongue, and drove nails into its jaws to close them. It is
these nails which serve the crocodile as teeth to this day. Malay
Pawangs in Pêrak observe the following methods of proceeding when
it is desired to hook a crocodile:--To commence with, a white fowl
must be slain in the orthodox way, by cutting its throat, and some
of its blood must be rubbed on the line (usually formed of rattan)
to which the fowl itself is attached as bait. The dying struggles
of the fowl in the water are closely watched, and conclusions are
drawn from them as to the probable behaviour of the crocodile when
hooked. If the fowl goes to a considerable distance the crocodile
will most likely endeavour to make off; but it will be otherwise if
the fowl moves a little way only up and down or across the stream.

"When the line is set the following spell must be repeated: 'Aur
Dangsari kamala sari, sambut kirim Tuan Putri Padang Gerinsing;
tidak di-sambut mata angkau chabut' ('O Dangsari, lotus-flower,
receive what is sent thee by the Lady Princess Padang Gerinsing;
if thou receivest it not, may thy eyes be torn out'). As the bait
is thrown into the water the operator must blow on it three times,
stroke it three times, and thrice repeat the following sentence, with
his teeth closed and without drawing breath: 'Kun kata Allah sapaya
kun kata Muhammad tab paku,' ('Kun saith God, so kun saith Muhammad;
nail be fixed.') Other formulas are used during other stages of the
proceedings." [493]

The rarer story, to which allusion has been made, was the following:--

"There was a woman who had a child which had just learnt to sit up
(tahu dudok), and to which she gave the name of 'Sarilang.' One day
she took the child to the river-side in order to bathe it, but during
the latter operation it slipped from her grasp and fell into the
river. The mother shrieked and wept, but as she did not know how to
dive she had to return home without her child. That night she dreamed
a dream, in which her child appeared and said, 'Weep no more, mother,
I have turned into a crocodile, and am now called 'Grandsire Sarilang'
('Toh Sarilang): if you would meet me, come to-morrow to the spot
where you lost me.' Next morning, therefore, the mother repaired to
the river and called upon the name of her child, whereupon her child
rose to the surface, and she saw that from the waist downwards he had
already turned into a crocodile, though he was still human down to the
waist. Now the child said, 'Come back again after fourteen days, and
remember to bring an egg and a plantain (banana).' She therefore went
again at the time appointed, and having called upon him by his new name
('Toh Sarilang), he again came to the surface, when she saw that from
the waist upwards he had also now turned into a crocodile. So she gave
him the egg and the plantain, and he devoured them, and when he had
done so he said, 'Whenever the crocodiles get ferocious (ganas), and
commence to attack human beings, take a plantain, an egg, and a handful
of parched rice, and after scattering the rice on the river, leave the
egg and the plantain on the bank, calling upon my name ('Toh Sarilang)
[494] as you do so, and their ferocity will immediately cease.'"

The notes on crocodile folklore which will now be given were reprinted
in the Selangor Journal from the "Perak Museum Notes" of Mr. Wray.

"When the eggs of a crocodile are hatching out, the mother watches;
the little ones that take to their native element she does not molest,
but she eats up all those which run away from the water, but should
any escape her and get away on to the land they will change into
tigers. Some of these reptiles are said to have tongues, and when
possessed of that organ they are very much more vicious and dangerous
than the ordinarily formed ones. When a crocodile enters a river it
swallows a pebble, so that on opening the stomach of one it is only
necessary to count the stones in it to tell how many rivers it has been
into during its life. The Malays call these stones kira-kira dia,
[495] on this account. The Indians on the banks of the Orinoco,
on the other hand, assert that the alligator swallows stones to
add weight to its body to aid it in diving and dragging its prey
under water. Crocodiles inhabiting a river are said to resent the
intrusion of strangers from other waters, and fights often take place
in consequence. According to the Malays they are gifted with two pairs
of eyes. The upper ones they use when above water, and the under pair
when beneath the surface. This latter pair is situated half-way between
the muzzle and the angle of the mouth, on the under surface of the
lower jaw. These are in reality not eyes, but inward folds of skin
connected by a duct with a scent gland, which secretes an unctuous
substance of a dark gray colour, with a strong musky odour. Medicinal
properties are attributed to the flesh of the males, which are
believed to be of very rare occurrence, and to be quite unable to
leave the water by reason of their peculiar conformation. The fact
is that the sexes are almost undistinguishable, except on dissection,
and therefore the natives class all that are caught as females. While
on this subject, it may be worth mentioning that at Port Weld there
used to be a tame crocodile which would come when called. The Malays
fed it regularly, and said it was not vicious, and would not do any
harm. It was repeatedly seen by the yearly visitants to Port Weld,
or Sapetang, as the place was then called, and was a fine big animal,
with a bunch of seaweed growing on its head. Some one had it called,
and then fired at the poor thing; whether it was wounded or only
frightened is uncertain, but it never came again." [496]

The following notes upon the same subject were collected by me in

The female crocodile commonly builds her nest, with or without the
aid of the male, among the thorny clumps of lempiei (or dempiei) trees
just above high-water mark, using the fallen leaves to form the nest,
and breaking up the twigs with her mouth. The season for laying is
said, in the north of the Peninsula, to coincide with the time "when
the rice-stalks swell with the grain," i.e. the end of the wet season.

The most prolific species of crocodile is reputed to be the buaya
lubok, or Bight crocodile (also called buaya rawang, or Marsh
crocodile), which lays as many as fifty or sixty eggs in a single
nest. Other varieties, I may add, are the buaya tembaga (Copper
crocodile), the buaya katak (Dwarf crocodile), which is, as its name
implies, "short and stout," and the buaya hitam or besi (Black or
Iron crocodile), which is reported to attain a larger size than any
other variety. This latter kind is often moss-grown, and is hence
called buaya berlumut (Mossy crocodile). The largest specimen of this
variety of which I have had any reliable account is one which measured
"four fathoms, less one hasta" (about 23 feet), and which was caught
in the time of Sultan Mahmat at Sungei Sembilang, near Kuala Selangor,
by one Nakhoda Kutib.

The buaya jolong-jolong, which has attracted attention owing to its
reputed identification with the gavial of Indian waters, and which
is therefore no true crocodile, is pointedly described by Malays as
separating itself from the other species.

Finally, there is the buaya gulong tenun (the "Crocodile that Rolls
up the Weft"?), which is not, however, the name of a separate variety,
but is the name applied to the Young Person or New Woman of the world
of crocodile-folk--the aggressive female who "snaps" at everything
and everybody for the mere glory of the snap!

"After hatching," says Mr. Wray, "the mother watches, and ... eats up
all those which run away from the water, but should any escape her and
get away on to the land they will turn into tigers." There is perhaps
more point in the Selangor tradition, according to which the little
runaways turn, not into tigers, but into "iguanas" (Monitor lizards).

As regards the want of a tongue, which is supposed to be common
to all crocodiles, it is said they were so created by design, in
order that they might not acquire too pronounced a "taste" for human
flesh. Hence the proverb which declares that no carrion is too bad
for them to welcome: "Buaya mana tahu menolak bangkei?" ("When will
crocodiles refuse corpses?") [497]

After the outbreak of ferocity (ganas) among the crocodiles in the
Klang River last year, some account of the way in which the crocodile
is here said to capture and destroy his human victims may prove
of interest.

Every crocodile has, according to the Selangor Malay, three sets of
fangs, which are named as follows: (1) si hampa daya [498] (two above
and two below), at the tip of the jaws; (2) entah-entah (two in the
upper and two in the lower jaw), half-way up; (3) charik kapan (two
in the upper and two in the lower jaw), near the socket of the jaws.

The first may be translated by "Exhaust your devices"; the second by
"Yes or no"; and the third by "Tear the shroud," the latter being
a reference to the selvage which, among the Malays, is torn off the
shroud and afterwards used for tying it up when the corpse has been
wrapped in it.

If a man is caught by the "Exhausters of all Resources," he has
a fair chance of escape; if caught by the "Debateable" teeth his
escape is decidedly problematical; but if caught by the "Tearers of
the Shroud," he is to all intents and purposes a dead man. Whenever
it effects a capture the crocodile carries its victim at once below
the surface, and either tries to smother him in the soft, thick mud
of the mangrove swamp, or pushes him under a snag or projecting root,
with the object of letting him drown, while it retires to watch him
from a short distance. After what it considers a sufficient interval
to effect its purpose, the crocodile seizes the body of the drowned
man and rises to the surface, when it "calls upon the Sun, Moon,
and Stars to bear witness" that it was not guilty of the homicide--

    "Bukan aku membunoh angkau,
    Ayer yang membunoh angkau."

Which, being translated, means--

    "It was not I who killed you,
    It was water which killed you." [499]

After thrice repeating this strange performance, the crocodile
again dives and proceeds to prepare the corpse for its prospective
banquet. Embracing the corpse with its "arms," and curving the tip of
its powerful tail under its own belly (until the tail is nearly bent
double), it contrives to break the backbone of the victim, and then
picking up the body once more with its teeth, dashes it violently
against a trunk or root in order to break the long bones of the
limbs. When the bones are thus so broken as to offer no obstruction,
it swallows the body whole--thus affording a remarkable parallel to
the boa in its method of devouring its prey, and recalling Darwinian
ideas of their cousin-hood. Miraculous escapes have, however,
occasionally occurred. Thus Lebai `Ali was caught by a crocodile
at Batu Burok (Kuala Selangor), one evening as the tide was ebbing,
and the crocodile, after smothering him effectually (as it thought)
in the thick mud, retired to await the end. Insensibly, however, it
floated farther and farther off with the falling tide, and Lebai `Ali,
seeing his opportunity, made a bold and successful dash for freedom.

A similar case was that of Si Ka', who was pushed under a bamboo
root on the river bank by the crocodile which caught him, and who,
after waiting till his formidable enemy had floated a little farther
off than usual, drew himself up by an overhanging stem and swarmed up
it. At the same moment the crocodile made a rush, and actually caught
him by the great toe, which latter, however, he willingly surrendered
to his enemy as the price of his liberty.

A yet more marvellous escape, was that of the youth belonging to
the Government launch at Klang, who escaped, it is related, by the
time-honoured expedient of putting his thumbs into the crocodile's
eyes. In connection with this latter exploit, by the way, Malay
authorities assert that the crocodile's eyes protrude from their
sockets on stalks (like those of a crab) so long as he stays under
water, the stalks being "as long as the forefinger," so that it is
quite an easy matter to catch hold of these living "pegs."

For the rest, crocodiles are said by the Malays to have a sort of
false stomach divided into several pouches or sacs, one sac being
for the stones which they swallow, and another for the clothes and
accoutrements of their human victims, these pouches being in addition
to their real stomach (in which the remains of monkeys, wild pig,
mouse-deer, and other small animals are found), and, in the case
of female specimens, the ovary. The second pair of eyes in the neck
which, Mr. Wray says, they are supposed to use when below the surface,
are in Selangor supposed to be used at night, whence they are called
mata malam, or night-eyes, as opposed to their real eyes which they
are supposed to use only by day.

As regards the stones, which crocodiles undoubtedly swallow, they are
sometimes supposed to enable each male crocodile to keep an account
of the number of rivers which it has entered, of the number of bights
it has lived in, or even of the number of its human victims. The
noise which crocodiles make when fighting resembles a loud roar or
bellow, and the Malays apply the same word menguak to the bellow of
the crocodile as well as to that of the buffalo.

The wrath of the crocodile-folk is provoked by those who wish to
shoot them, in various ways, of which, perhaps, the commonest is
to dabble a sarong, or (as is said to be more effectual) a woman's
mosquito-curtain, in the water of the river where they live. So also
to keep two sets of weights and measures (one for buying and another
for selling, as is sometimes done by the Chinese), is said to be a
certain means of provoking their indignation.

The crocodile-wizard is sometimes credited with the power of calling
the crocodile-folk together, and of discovering a man-eater among
them, and an eye-witness lately described to me the scene on one such
occasion. A Malay had been carried off and devoured by a crocodile
at Larut, and a Batu Bara man, who went by the sobriquet of Nakhoda
Hassan, undertook to discover the culprit. Sprinkling some of the
usual sacrificial rice-paste (tepong tawar) and "saffron" rice upon
the surface of the river, he called out in loud tones to the various
tribes of crocodiles in the river, and summoned them to appear on
the surface. My informant declares that not less than eight or ten
crocodiles actually appeared, whereupon the Pawang commanded them
all to return to the bottom with the exception of the one which was
guilty. In a few moments only one crocodile remained on the surface,
and this one, on being forthwith killed and cut open, was found to
contain the garments of the unfortunate man who had been captured by
it. Similar stories of the prowess of crocodile charmers are told by
the Javanese. [500]

I shall now proceed to describe the methods and ceremonies used
for the catching of crocodiles. The following is a description by
Mr. J. H. M. Robson, of Selangor, of the most usual method, at all
events in Selangor, but it would appear from remarks upon the subject
in Dr. Denys' work, that live as well as dead bait is commonly used:--

"A small piece of hard wood, about 6 in. or 8 in. long, and about
three-quarters of an inch thick, is sharpened at both ends, and to
the middle of this the end of a yard of twine is firmly fastened,
the twine having about a dozen strands just held together by say a
couple of knots, so as to prevent the crocodile from biting it through,
as the strands simply get between his teeth; to the other end of this
twine is fastened a single uncut rattan, at least 20 feet long, which
can be only a quarter of an inch in diameter, but may with advantage
be a little bigger; a small stick affixed to the end of the line, to
act as a visible float, completes this part of the gear. Probably a
crocodile will eat anything, but he is certainly partial to chicken--at
least that bait is always successful in the Sepang river--so, having
killed some sort of fowl, the body is cut right through the breast
lengthways from head to tail, and the small piece of pointed hard
wood inserted, and the bird bound up again with string. Next, two
pieces of light wood are nailed together, forming a small floating
platform about a foot square, and on this the fowl is placed, raised
on miniature trestles. The small platform thus furnished is placed in a
likely spot near the bank, and the rattan line is hitched over a small
branch or a stake, so that the bait platform may not be carried away
by the tide. By the next morning the rattan line, bait and platform
may all have disappeared, which probably means that the crocodile,
having swallowed the fowl, has gone off with the rattan in tow, a tug
being sufficient to set it free, whilst the platform, thus released,
has drifted away. A crocodile will try the aggressive sometimes, so,
when going in pursuit, it is better to have a boat than a sampan, [501]
but Malay paddles are the most convenient in either case. It is also
advisable to have a second man with a rifle. The crocodile has probably
a favourite place up-stream, so the boatmen paddle up on the look-out
for the rattan (which always floats), finding it at length close to
the mangrove roots bordering on the river, perhaps. The boat-hook
picks up the floating-stick end of the line, and, with a couple of
boatmen on to this and a crocodile at the other end, with the small
pointed hard wood stick across his throat, the excitement begins. The
crocodile plunges about amidst the mangrove roots under the water,
and then makes a rush; the rattan is paid out again and the boat
follows; then he rushes under the boat, perhaps at the boat, whilst
the line is steadily pulled in. This sort of thing may last some time,
but the only thing to be afraid of is the rattan's getting twisted
round a bakau [502] root under water, which might prevent a capture;
otherwise, after a good deal of playing of a rather violent nature,
the continual pulling of the rattan-holders in the boat, or his own
aggressiveness, induces him to show his head above the surface, whereat
the rifles crack, and the crocodile dies, though often not till four
or five bullets have been put into different parts of his body." [503]

I will now proceed to describe the religious ceremonies which accompany
this performance.

The following outline of the ceremonies used in catching a crocodile
who is known to be a man-eater, was taken down by me from the mouth of
a noted crocodile-wizard on the Langat river. First, you take strips of
bark of a river-side bush or tree called baru-baru (which must be cut
down at a single stroke), and fasten them together at each end only, so
that they form a rope with divided (unravelled) strands. This will form
that part of your tackle which corresponds to the gut (perambut) of a
fishing line, (i.e. the part just above the hook), and the advantage
of it is that the loose strands get between the crocodile's teeth,
and prevent it from being bitten through as a rope would certainly be.

Next, you take a piece of the bottommost rung of a house-ladder
(anak tangga bongsu), and sharpen it to a point at both ends, so
as to form a cross-piece (palang) such as will be likely to stick
in the crocodile's throat. Having fastened one end of the "gut"
round the middle of the cross-piece, and the other to your rattan
line, the length of which may be from ten to fifteen fathoms or so,
according to the depth of the river at the spot where the crocodile
is supposed to lie, you must next cut down a young tree to serve as
the pole (chanchang) to which the floating platform and bait may be
subsequently attached. This pole may be of any kind of wood except
bamboo; so when you have found a suitable tree, take hold of it with
the left hand and chop at it thrice with the right, saying a charm
as you do so--

   "Peace be with you, O Prophet Tetap, in whose charge is the earth,
    Peace be with you, O Prophet Noah, Planter of Trees,
    I petition for this tree to serve as a mooring-post for my
    If it is to kill him (the crocodile), do you fall supine,
    If it is not to kill him, do you fall prone." [504]

These last two lines refer to the omens which are taken from the way
the tree falls; the "supine" position being that of a crocodile which
has "turned turtle," whereas the prone position would be its natural
attitude as it swims.

Then start making the floating platform or raft (rakit) by chopping
a plantain stem (any kind will do) into three lengths (di-k'ratkan
tiga), and then skewering these lengths together at their ends so as
to form a triangle.

Into the apex of this triangle firmly plant the lower end of a strong
and springy rod, making the upper end curve over slightly in a forward
direction (di-pasang-nya kayu melentor ka-atas) and securing it in
its position by two lashings, which are carried down from its tip and
fastened to the two front corners of the triangle. Then utter the charm
and plant the pole by the river-side in the spot you have selected,
holding your breath and making believe that you are King Solomon
(di-sifatkan kita Raja Suleiman) as it sinks into the ground. The
charm consists of these lines:--

   "Peace be with you, O Prophet Khailir,
    In whose charge is the water;
    Peace be with you, O Prophet Tetap,
    In whose charge is the earth;
    Pardon, King of the Sea, Deity of Mid-currents,
    I ask only for the 'guilty' (crocodiles),
    The innocent do you assist me to let go,
    And drive out only the guilty which devoured So-and-so.
    If you do not do so, you shall die," etc.

Now prepare the bait. To do this you must kill a fowl (in the orthodox
way), cut it partly open and insert the ladder-rung into its body,
wrapping the flesh and feathers round it, and binding the whole bird
seven times round and seven times across with a piece of rattan,
not forgetting, however, to observe silence and hold your breath as
you pass the first rattan lashing round the fowl's carcase. When you
have finished binding it up as directed, chew some betel-leaf and
eject (semborkan) the chewed leaf upon the fowl's head, repeating
the appropriate charm. [505] Then hook the bait (sangkutkan umpan)
on to the tip of the bent rod (on no account tie it on, as it must
be left free for the crocodile to swallow), and having prepared the
wonted accessories--including three chews of betel-leaf, a richek of
ginger (halia bara sa-richek), and seven white pepper-corns (lada
sulah tujoh biji)--breathe (jampikan) upon the betel-leaf, and at
the end of the invocation eject the chewed betel-leaf upon the head
of the cock intended for the bait.

The charm to be recited (which makes allusion to the fable concerning
the supposed origin of the crocodile) runs as follows:--

   "Follow in procession, follow in succession,
    The 'Assembly-flower' begins to unfold its petals;
    Come in procession, come in succession,
    King Solomon's self comes to summon you.
    Ho, Si Jambu Rakai, I know your origin;
    Sugar-cane knots forty-four were your bones,
    Of clay was formed your body;
    Rootlets of the areca-palm were your arteries,
    Liquid sugar made your blood,
    A rotten mat your skin,
    And a mid-rib of the thatch-palm your tail,
    Prickles of the pandanus made your dorsal ridge,
    And pointed berembang suckers your teeth. [506]
    If you splash with your tail it shall break in two,
    If you strike downwards with your snout it shall break in two,
    If you crunch with your teeth they shall all be broken.
    Lo, Si Jambu Rakai, I bind (this fowl) with the sevenfold binding,
    And enwrap it with the sevenfold wrapping
    Which you shall never loosen or undo.
    Turn it over in your mouth before you swallow it.
    O, Si Jambu Rakai, accept this present from Her Highness Princess
    Rundok, from Java: [507]
    If you refuse to accept it,
    Within two days or three
    You shall be ... choked to death with blood,
    Choked to death by Her Highness Princess Rundok, from Java.
    But if you accept it,
    A reach up-stream or a reach down-stream, there do you await me;
    It is not my Word, it is King Solomon's Word;
    If you are carried down-stream see that you incline up-stream,
    If you are carried up-stream see that you incline down-stream,
    By virtue of the Saying of King Solomon, 'There is no god but
    God,'" etc.

Then take a canoe paddle (to symbolise the crocodile's tail) and
some strong thread, fasten one end of the thread to the front of
the floating platform, and the other end to the bow of your boat,
back water till it grows taut, and strike the surface of the water
thrice with the aforesaid "mock" crocodile's tail. If the first time
you strike it the sound is clearest (terek bunyi) it is an omen that
the crocodile will swallow the bait the first day; if the second time,
it will be the second day when he does so; if the third time, it will
be the third day. But every time you strike the water you must say
to yourself, "From Fatimah was your origin" (Mani Fatimah asal'kau
jadi), in order to make the crocodile bold. After striking the water
you may go home and rest; but you must get up again in any case at
about two in the afternoon (dlohor), and whatever happens you must
remember never to pass underneath a low overhanging bough (because
such a bough would resemble the bent rod of the floating platform),
and never (for the time being) to eat your curry without starting
by swallowing three lumps of rice successively. If you do this it
will help the bait to slide more easily down the crocodile's throat,
and in the same way you must never, until the brute is safely landed,
take any bones out of the meat in your curry--if you do, the wooden
cross-piece is sure to get loose and work out of the fowl--so it
is just as well to get somebody to take the bones out of your meat
before you begin, otherwise you may at any moment be compelled to
choose between swallowing a bone and losing all your labour.

I will pass on to the final capture. The crocodile has taken the
bait, we will say, and with the last of the ebb, not unfrequently in
a perilously rickety boat, you go out to look for the tell-tale end
of the line that floats up among the forked roots of the mangrove
trees. First you must go to the place where you left the floating
platform; take hold of the pole to which it is moored and press it
downwards into the river-bottom, saying (to the hooked crocodile)
as you do so:--

   "Do not run away,
    Our agreement was a cape (further) up-stream,
    A cape (further) down-stream." [508]

(Here hold your breath and press upon the pole.) Then wait for the
tide to turn, search for the end of the line (which, being of rattan,
is sure to float) up and down the river banks, and when you find it
take hold of the end and give it three tugs, repeating as you do so
this "crippling charm":--

   "I know the origin from which you sprang,
    From Fatimah did you take your origin.
    Your bones (she made from) sugar-cane knots,
    Your head from the cabbage of a cocoa-nut palm,
    The skin of your breast from the leaf-case of a palm,
    Your blood from saffron,
    Your eyes from the star of the east,
    Your teeth from the pointed suckers of the berembang tree,
    Your tail from the sprouting of a thatch-palm."

As you utter the last words give the end of the line three twists
(pioh) and then clench the teeth upon it (katup di gigi) thrice,
holding your breath as you do so; then jerk it (rentak) thrice
and haul upon it (runtun); if you feel much resistance slack it off
again and repeat the ceremony, using the "crippling charm" as before,
"until you break all the bones in his body." Besides this, in order
to drive the "mischief" out of the crocodile, you may say:--

   "Pardon, King of the Sea, God of Currents,
    I wish to drive the 'mischief' out of this crocodile." [509]

And strike the water and middle of the line with the end of the
line itself.

Now you haul on the line, and the crocodile comes up to the top with a
rush, and the fun begins. As he comes up to the surface you ask him,
"Was it you who caught So-and-so?" [510] And if he wishes to reply
in the affirmative he will bellow loudly. When he does so, say,
"Wind yourself up" ("lilit"), and he will wind the line round his
muzzle. And when you want to kill him, chop across the root of his
tail with a cutlass; this will kill him at once.

I may add that it is not generally wise to keep a captured crocodile
alive overnight, as he happens to be one of the clientèle of a
certain powerful hantu (spirit) named Langsuir [511] who comes to the
assistance of his follower at night and endows him with supernatural
strength, thus enabling him, if he is not very sufficiently tied up, to
get loose, which might be awkward. You should also never bring one into
the house, on account of an understanding, prejudicial to yourself,
which exists between him and the common house-lizard (chichak).

Of the folklore which is concerned with other classes of "reptilia"
that which deals with Snakes is the most important.

"The gall-bladder of the python, uler sawah, is in great request
among native practitioners. This serpent is supposed to have two
of these organs, one of which is called lampedu idup, or the live
gall-bladder. It is believed that if a python is killed and this organ
is cut out and kept, it will develop into a serpent of just twice
the size of that from which it was taken. The natives positively
assert that the python attains a length of sixty to seventy feet,
and that it has been known to have killed and eaten a rhinoceros.

"One of the pit vipers is exceedingly sluggish in its movements,
and will remain in the same place for days together. One individual
that was watched, lay coiled up on the branch of a tree for five
days, and probably would have remained much longer, but at the end
of that time it was caught and preserved. The Malays call it ular
kapak daun, and they say that it is fed three times a day by birds,
who bring it insects to eat. One man went so far as to say that he
had actually once seen some birds engaged in feeding one of these
beautiful bright-green snakes." [512]

In Selangor, as in Perak, the "live gall-bladder" of the python will
(it is believed), if kept in a jar, develop into a serpent; when
dried it is in great request as a remedy for small-pox. The story that
Mr. Wray tells of the pit viper (ular kapak daun) is in Selangor told
of a snake called chintamani. Selangor Malays say that it was once
upon a time a Raja of the country, and that the birds which bring it
food were then its subjects. A Malay told me that he once saw this
operation, and that the birds fed it with insects. It is reputed to
be a perfectly harmless snake, and it is considered extremely lucky
to keep one of the species in one's house, or even to see it. It
is described as of a bright and glittering blue [513] colour (biru
berkilat-kilat), and is frequently referred to in charms, especially
those connected with the Rice-soul ceremony, and is sometimes said
to spring from the egg of the chandrawasih or bird of paradise.

The cobra (ular tedong) is said to have a bright stone (kemala or
gemala) [514] in its head, the radiance of which causes its head
to be visible on the darkest night. A "snake bezoar" (guliga ular)
is also said to be occasionally found in the back of a snake's head
(?), whilst the snake-stone (batu ular) is carried in its mouth.

This batu ular is a prize for the possession of which snakes are not
unfrequently believed to fight, and appears to correspond to the pearl
for which in Chinese legendary lore the dragons of that country were
believed to engage in mortal combat. A Malay remarked to me that it
was always worth while if one came upon two snakes thus engaged to kill
them both, as one of them was sure to possess this much-coveted stone,
which is said to confer an almost certain victory upon its possessor.

Another species of "snake-stone," which is said to be manufactured by
Pawangs from gold, silver, amalgam (of silver and gold), tin, iron,
and quicksilver, is called Buntat Raksa, and is said to be invaluable
in case of snake-bite. It is believed that this stone will adhere
to the wound, and will not fall off until it has sucked out all the
poison. One of these stones, which was sold to me in Selangor for a
dollar, was about an inch long and oval in shape; it was evidently
made of some mixture of metals, and was perforated so as to enable
it to be carried on a string.

The ular gantang is said to be a snake, though from the description
given it would seem more likely to be some species of slow-worm
or blind-worm. It is only a "few inches" long, and is "black," and
there is said to be little if any difference between its head and
its tail. It is considered to be extremely lucky, and when a Malay
meets it, he spreads out his head-cloth or turban on the ground,
and allows it to enter, when he carries it home and keeps it.

To dream of being bitten by a snake is thought to portend success in
a love affair. [515]

"A horned toad, known as katak bertandok, but not the common one of
that name (Megalophrys nasuta, Gunther), has a very bad reputation
with the Malays. It is said to live in the jungle on the hills, and
wherever it takes up its abode all the trees and plants around wither
and die. So poisonous is it, that it is dangerous even to approach it,
and to touch or be bitten by it is certain death.

"The bite of the common toad (Bufo melanostictus, Cantor) is also said
to prove fatal. That toads have no teeth is an anatomical detail that
does not seem to be thought worthy of being taken into account.

"The supposed venomous properties of this useful and harmless tribe
have a world-wide range. In Shakespeare many allusions to it are made;
one of them, which mentions the habit of hibernation possessed by
those species which inhabit the colder parts of the earth, says--

   'In the poison'd entrails throw,
    Toad, that under coldest stone
    Days and nights hast thirty-one,
    Swelter'd venom sleeping got,
    Boil thou first i' the charmed pot.'

"In another, reference is made to the toad-stone, which seems to be
represented in Malayan tradition by the pearl carried in the bodies
of the hamadryad, the cobra, and the bungarus, the three most deadly
snakes of the Peninsula:--

   'Sweet are the uses of adversity,
    Which, like the toad, ugly and venomous,
    Wears yet a precious jewel in its head.'

"There is some foundation of fact for the popular belief, as toads
secrete an acrid fluid from the skin, which appears to defend them
from the attacks of carnivorous animals." [516]

It may not be out of place to give here a Malay tradition about a
species of snail:--

"A strange superstition is attached to a small snail which frequents
the neighbourhood of the limestone hills in Perak. It belongs to the
Cyclophoridæ, and is probably an Alycæus. Among the grass in the shadow
of a grazing animal these creatures are to be discovered, and if one of
them is crushed it will be found to be full of blood, which has been
drawn in a mysterious way from the veins of the animal through its
shadow. Where these noxious snails abound, the cattle become emaciated
and sometimes even die from the constant loss of blood. In the folklore
of other countries many parallels to this occur, but they differ in
either the birds, bats, or vampires, who are supposed to prey on the
life-blood of their fellows, going direct to the animals to suck the
blood, instead of doing so through the medium of their shadows." [517]


Fish are in many cases credited by the Malay peasant with the same
portentous ancestry as that which he attributes to some of the larger
animals and birds.

"Many Malays refuse to eat the fresh-water fish called ikan belidah,
[518] on the plea that it was originally a cat. They declare that it
squalls like a cat when harpooned, and that its bones are white and
fine like a cat's hairs. Similarly the ikan tumuli is believed to be
a human being who has been drowned in the river, and the ikan kalul
to be a monkey transformed. Some specially favoured observers have
seen monkeys half through the process of metamorphosis--half-monkey
and half-fish." [519]

Similarly, the Dugong (Malay duyong) is asserted by some Malays to
have sprung from the remains of a pig, which Muhammad himself dined
off before he pronounced pork to be the accursed thing. Being cast by
the Prophet into the sea, it revived and took the shape of the dugong,
in which shape it is still to be found off the coast of Lukut and Port
Dickson, where it feeds upon sea-grass (rumput setul), in common with
a species of small tripang or bêche-de-mer. [520]

The origin of the Eel (ikan b'lut) is derived from a stem of the
g'li-g'li plant; the "white-fish" (ikan puteh) from splinters, or
rather shavings of wood (tatal kayu or tarahan kayu); the senunggang
fish from the long-tailed monkey (k'ra); the aruan fish from a frog
(katak) or lizard (mengkarong); the bujok fish from charred fire-logs
(puntong api); the telan fish from the creeping roots of the yam (sulur
k'ladi); and so on. There is even the leaf of a certain tree which is
sometimes said to turn into a fish (the ikan belidah), [521] while the
following story is held to account for the origin of the Porpoise:--

Once upon a time there was a fishing-wizard (Pawang Pukat) who had
encountered nothing but misfortune from first to last, and who at
length determined to put forth all his skill in magic in one last
desperate effort to repay the burden of debt which threatened to crush
him. One day, therefore, having tried his luck for the last time,
and still caught nothing, he requested his comrades to collect an
immense quantity of mangrove leaves in their boat. Having carried
these leaves out to the fishing-ground, he scattered them on the
surface of the water, together with a few handfuls of parched and
saffron-stained rice, repeating a series of most powerful spells as he
did so. The next time they fished, the leaves had turned into fish of
all shapes and sizes, and an immense haul of fish was the result. The
wizard then gave directions for the payment in full of all his debts
and the division of the balance among his children, and then without
further warning plunged into the sea only to reappear as a porpoise.

"A species of fish-like tadpole, [522] found at certain seasons of
the year in the streams and pools, is supposed to divide when it
reaches maturity, the front portion forming a frog and the after-part
or tail becoming the fish known as ikan kli, one of the cat-fishes
or Siluridæ. In consequence of this strange idea many Malays will
not eat the fish, deeming it but little better than the animal from
which it is supposed to have been cast.

"The ikan kli is armed with two sharp barbed spines attached to the
fore-part of the pectoral fins, and can and does inflict very nasty
wounds with them, when incautiously handled. The spines are reputed to
be poisonous, but it is believed that if the brain of the offending
fish is applied to the wound, it will act as a complete antidote to
the poisonous principle, and the wound will heal without trouble. The
English cure for hydrophobia--that is, 'the hair of the dog that bit
you'--will occur to all as a modification of the same idea." [523]

The fish called seluang is used for purposes of magic. It is supposed
that any one who pokes out its eyes with a special needle (which must
be one out of a score--the packets being made up in scores--and must
possess a torn eye) will be able to inflict blindness, by sympathy,
upon any person against whom he has a grudge. [524]

The fish called kedera is supposed to change into a sea-bird.

I will now proceed to describe the ceremony which is supposed to
secure an abundant catch of fish in the stakes.

In January 1897 I witnessed the ceremony of sacrificing at the
fishing-stakes (menyemah b'lat) which took place at the hamlet
of Ayer Hitam (lit. "Blackwater"), in the coast district of Kuala
Langat (Selangor). The chief performer of the rites was an old Malay
named Bilal Umat, who had owned one of the fishing-stakes in the
neighbourhood for many years past, and had annually officiated at the
ceremony which I was about to witness. I and my small party arrived
in the course of the morning, and were received by Bilal Umat, who
conducted us to the long, low palm-thatch building (bangsal kelong),
just above high-water mark, in which he and his men resided during
the fishing-season. Here we found that a feast was in course of
preparation, but what most attracted my attention was the sight of
three large sacrificial basket-work trays, [525] each about 2 1/2 feet
square, and with high fringed sides which were suspended in a row from
the roof of the verandah, on the seaward side of the building. These
trays were empty, but had been lined with banana leaves to prepare
them for the reception of the offerings, which latter were displayed
upon a raised platform standing just in front of them.

Shortly after our arrival the loading of the trays commenced. First
Bilal Umat took a large bowl of parched rice, and poured it into
the trays, until the bottom of each tray was filled with a layer of
parched rice about an inch in depth.

Next he took a bowl of saffron-stained rice, and deposited about
five portions of it in the centre and four corners of each tray;
then he made a similar distribution of small portions of washed rice,
of sweet potatoes (k'ledek), of yams (k'ladi), of tapioca (ubi kayu),
of bananas (pisang), and betel-leaf (sirih)--there being two sets,
one cooked and one uncooked, of each of these portions, except the
last. Finally, he added one cigarette to each portion, the cigarette
being intended for the spirits to smoke after their meal!

A fine black goat, "without blemish and without spot," had been killed
by Bilal Umat early that morning, and he now deposited its head in
the middle of the central tray, two of the feet in the middle of the
right-hand tray, and the other two feet in the middle of that on the
left. To each of these three central portions were now added small
portions of the animal's viscera (liver, spleen, lights, tripe, heart,
etc.), and then the small diamond-shaped (ketupat) and cylindrical
(lepat) rice-bags [526] were suspended in the usual manner. A wax
taper was added to each portion of each tray, and the loading of the
trays declared complete.

Everything being now ready, Bilal Umat carried a smoking censer
thrice round the row of trays (walking always towards the left),
and then lighting the five wax tapers of the left-hand tray, directed
two of his men to take down this tray and sling it on a pole between
them. This they did, and we set off in procession along the sandy
foreshore at the back of the building until we came to a halt at a
spot about fifty yards off, where Bilal Umat suspended the tray from
the branch of a mangrove-tree about five feet from the ground. This
done, he faced round towards the land, and breaking off a branch
of the tree, gave utterance to three stentorian cooees, which he
afterwards informed me were intended to notify the Land Spirits (Orang
darat, lit. "Land Folk") of the fact that offerings were awaiting
their acceptance. Returning to the house, he manufactured one of the
leaf-brushes [527] which the Malays always used for the "Neutralising
Rice-paste" (tepong tawar) rite, and we then started in a couple of
boats for the fishing-stakes, taking with us the two remaining trays.

Of these two trays, one was suspended by Bilal Umat from a high wooden
tripod which had been erected for the purpose, the site selected being
the centre of a shoal about half-way between the fishing-stakes and the
house. The third tray, which contained the head of the goat (kapala
kambing dengan buah-nya), was then taken on to the fishing-stakes,
Bilal Umat disposing of a large quantity of miscellaneous offerings
which he had brought with him in a basket by strewing them upon the
surface of the sea as we went along. [528]

On reaching the stakes, the Pawang (Bilal Umat) suspended the tray
from a projecting pole at the seaward end of the fishing-stakes,
[529] and then seating himself upon one of the timbers almost
directly underneath it, scattered handfuls of saffron-stained rice,
"washed" rice, and native cigarettes upon the water, just outside
the two seaward posts at the end of the stakes, and emptied out
the remainder of the parched rice upon the water just inside the
"head" of the stakes. Then he recited a charm, stirred the bowl of
neutralising rice-paste (tepong tawar) with the brush of leaves,
and taking the latter out of the bowl, sprinkled, or rather daubed it
first upon the two "tide-braces" of the stakes (first upon the left
"tide-brace," and then upon the right), then upon the heads of the
two upright posts next to the tide-braces, and then delegated the
brush to two assistants. One of these sprinkled the heads of all the
(remaining) upright posts in the seaward compartment of the stakes,
while the other boarded the big boat belonging to the stakes, and
sprinkled the boat and all its gear from stem to stern (commencing
on the left side of the bows, and working right down to the stern,
and then recommencing on the right and working down to the stern
again). Finally, the same assistant returning to the stakes, washed
the rice-bowl in the sea just beneath the place where Bilal Umat was
sitting, and fastened up the leaf-brush to the left-hand head-post
(kayu puchi kiri) at the seaward end of the stakes. To the above
account I may add that a number of taboos are still pretty rigorously
enforced by the fishing-wizards (Pawang B'lat) upon the coast of
Selangor. I was never allowed to take either an umbrella or boots
into the fishing-stakes when I visited them--the spirits having,
I was told, the strongest possible objection to the use of either.

Other "perpetual taboos" (pantang salama-lama-nya) are to bathe
without wearing a bathing-cloth (mandi telanjang), to throw the wet
bathing-cloth over the shoulder when returning to the house, and to
rub one foot against the other (gosok satu kaki dengan lain). Sarongs,
umbrellas, and shoes must never on any pretence be worn. I may add that
the first pole planted is called Turus Tuah (tua?), and if the response
of the spirits to the invocation be favourable, it is believed that
it will enter the ground readily, as if pulled from below. The only
seven-days' taboo which I have heard mentioned (though, no doubt,
there are many others) is the scrupulous observance of chastity.

A boat which possesses a knot in the centre of its keel, or to which
the smell of fish long adheres (p'rahu peranyir, or perhanyir),
is supposed to bring good luck to the fishermen.

There is also a regular "taboo language" used by the fishermen,
of which the following are examples:--

   "Fish = daun kayu (tree-leaves) or sampah laut (jetsam).
    Snake = akar hidup (living creeper).
    Crocodile = batang kayu (tree-log).
    Seaward compartment of the stakes (bunohan) = kurong."

At the close of the ceremony Bilal Umat repeated to me one of the
kelong [530] invocations which he had just been making use of, and
which ran as follows:--

   "Peace be with you, God's Prophet, 'Tap!
    Peace be with you, God's Prophet, Khizr!
    Peace be with you, God's Prophet, Noah!
    Peace be with you, god of the Back-water!
    Peace be with you, god of the 'Bajau'!
    Peace be with you, god of Mid-currents!
    Peace be with you, god of the Yellow Sunset-glow!
    Peace be with you, Old Togok the Wizard!
    Peace be with you, O Elder Wizard!
    It is not I who make you this peace-offering,
    It is Old Togok the Wizard who makes it.
    It is the Elder Wizard who makes it,
    By the order of Old Aur Gading (lit. 'Ivory Bamboo').
    By virtue of 'There is no god,'" etc. [531]

The following was the charm used by the Pawang at the planting of
the first pole of a jermal: [532]--

   "Peace be with you, Eldest Wizard, First of Wizards, Allah,
    And Musa, the Converser with Allah.
    Sedang Bima, Sedang Buana,
    Sedang Juara, and King of the Sea,
    Come let us all together
    Plant the pole of this jermal."

Even when fishing with rod and line, a serapah (invocation) of some
sort, such as the following, was generally used:--

   "Ho, God of Mid-currents,
    See that you do not agitate my hook!
    If my hook is to the left,
    Do you go to the right.
    If my hook is to the right,
    Do you go to the left.
    If you approach this hook of mine
    You shall be cursed by the Saying of God," etc.

(Before casting the line, a chew of betel-leaf should be thrown into
the water.)

Another very common rhyming charm would frequently be addressed to
the fish:--

   "Swallow (lit. receive) the gut of my line,
    Be it broken sooner than torn from my hands,
    If you tear it from my hands
    Your eye shall be plucked out."

(d) Fire


"Procuring fire by friction is an accomplishment as common to the
Malay as to the North American Indian. The process is, however,
slightly different. While the latter resorts to circular friction,
the Malay cuts a notch on the converse surface of a bamboo, across
which he rapidly rubs another piece cut to a sharp edge. A fine
powder is rubbed away and this ignites. Bamboo is also used as a
flint with tinder. The all-pervading match, however, is alone used
in all districts under foreign influence." [533]

The foregoing description requires to be supplemented, for the method
of procuring fire by circular friction is hardly (if at all) less
common among the Malays than the method of cross friction. The former
process takes the form of the well-known "fire-drill," both the block
and the upright stick being generally made of mahang wood. The upright
stick is frequently worked by a species of "bow," such as that used
by carpenters, and is kept from jumping out of the socket in which
it revolves by means of a cocoa-nut shell, which is pressed down from
above. When cross friction is used, a long narrow slit is usually cut,
following the grain, in the convex surface of the piece of bamboo,
the dust which is rubbed away falling through it and gradually forming
a little pile which presently ignites. It is hardly necessary to cut a
notch for the cross-piece, as a groove is very quickly worn when the
friction is started. A species of fire-syringe has also, I believe,
been collected by Mr. L. Wray in Perak.


In procuring fire by circular or cross friction the performer will
often say, by way of a charm--

   "The Mouse-deer asks for Fire [534]
    To singe his mother-in-law's feathers."

The "mouse-deer's mother-in-law" is the name of a small bird, which is
said to have very gay plumage of five colours and to resemble the green
pigeon (punei) in shape, and the explanation of this charm is said
to be that in the days of King Solomon, when both the mouse-deer and
his mother-in-law wore their human forms, the Mouse-deer was greatly
annoyed by the conduct of his mother-in-law, who kept dancing in front
of him as he went. A quarrel ensued, [535] as the result of which they
were both transformed into the shapes which they now respectively bear;
but the mother-in-law has not yet abandoned her exasperating tactics,
and may still often be seen tantalising the Mouse-deer by hopping in
front of it as it goes along.

There are still some traces of the influence of animistic ideas
in that part of Malay folklore which is concerned with fire. If an
inflammable object, such as wood, falls by accident into the fire,
a stick must be used in extracting it, and the stick left, as a
substitute, in its place.

The hearth-fire (api dapor) must never be stepped over
(di-langkah-nya), nor must the rice-pot which stands upon it, as in
the latter case the person who does so will be "cursed by the Rice."

Both fire and smoke (fumigation) are a good deal used by the Malays
for purposes of ceremonial purification, but the details of such
rites cannot be conveniently discussed except in connection with the
complete ceremonies of which they form a part; they will accordingly
be found under such headings as Birth, Adolescence, Marriage, Medicine,
and Funerals. [536]




We now come to the spirits which are believed to attack both women
and children at childbirth.

These are four in number: the Bajang, which generally takes the form
of a pole-cat (musang) and disturbs the household by mewing like a
great cat; the Langsuir, which takes the form of an owl with long
claws, which sits and hoots upon the roof-tree; the Pontianak or
Mati-anak, which, as will be seen presently, is also a night-owl,
and is supposed to be a child of the Langsuir, and the Penanggalan,
which is believed to resemble a trunkless human head with the sac
of the stomach attached to it, and which flies about seeking for an
opportunity of sucking the blood of infants.

With the above are often associated the Polong, which is described as
a diminutive but malicious species of bottle-imp, and the Pelesit,
which is the name given to a kind of grasshopper (or cricket?), but
these latter, though often associated with the regular birth-spirits,
partake also of the character of familiar spirits [537] or bottle-imps,
and are usually private property.

I will now take these spirits in the above order. The Bajang, as I have
said, is generally described as taking the form of a pole-cat (musang),
but it appears to be occasionally confused with the Pelesit. Thus
a Malay magician once told me that the Bajang took the form of a
house-cricket, and that when thus embodied it may be kept by a man,
as the Pelesit may be kept by a woman. This statement, however,
must not be accepted without due reserve, and it may be taken as a
certainty that the usual conception of the Bajang's embodiment is a
pole-cat. [538]

I need hardly say that it is considered very dangerous to children,
who are sometimes provided with a sort of armlet of black silk threads,
called a "bajang bracelet" (g'lang bajang), which, it is supposed,
will protect them against it. On the opposite page will be seen
a remarkable drawing [539] (of which a facsimile is here given),
which appears to represent the outline of a Bajang, "scripturally"
modified to serve as a counter-charm against the Bajang itself. [540]

The following account of the Bajang is by Sir Frank Swettenham:--

"Some one in the village falls ill of a complaint the symptoms of
which are unusual; there may be convulsions, unconsciousness, or
delirium, possibly for some days together or with intervals between
the attacks. The relatives will call in a native doctor, and at her
(she is usually an ancient female) suggestion, or without it, an
impression will arise that the patient is the victim of a bâjang. Such
an impression quickly develops into certainty, and any trifle will
suggest the owner of the evil spirit. One method of verifying this
suspicion is to wait till the patient is in a state of delirium,
and then to question him or her as to who is the author of the
trouble. This should be done by some independent person of authority,
who is supposed to be able to ascertain the truth.

"A further and convincing proof is then to call in a 'Pawang' skilled
in dealing with wizards (in Malay countries they are usually men),
and if he knows his business his power is such that he will place
the sorcerer in one room, and, while he in another scrapes an iron
vessel with a razor, the culprit's hair will fall off as though the
razor had been applied to his head instead of to the vessel! That is
supposing he is the culprit; if not, of course he will pass through
the ordeal without damage.

"I have been assured that the shaving process is so efficacious
that, as the vessel represents the head of the person standing his
trial, wherever it is scraped the wizard's hair will fall off in a
corresponding spot. It might be supposed that under these circumstances
the accused is reasonably safe, but this test of guilt is not always
employed. What more commonly happens is that when several cases of
unexplained sickness have occurred in a village, with possibly one or
two deaths, the people of the place lodge a formal complaint against
the supposed author of these ills, and desire that he be punished.

"Before the advent of British influence it was the practice to kill the
wizard or witch whose guilt had been established to Malay satisfaction,
and such executions were carried out not many years ago.

"I remember a case in Perak less than ten years ago, when the people
of an up-river village accused a man of keeping a bâjang, and the
present Sultan, who was then the principal Malay judge in the State,
told them he would severely punish the bâjang if they would produce
it. They went away hardly satisfied, and shortly after made a united
representation to the effect that if the person suspected were allowed
to remain in their midst they would kill him. Before anything could be
done they put him, his family, and effects on a raft and started them
down the river. On their arrival at Kuala Kangsar the man was given
an isolated hut to live in, but not long afterwards he disappeared.

"The hereditary bâjang comes like other evils, the unsought heritage
of a dissolute ancestry, but the acquired bâjang is usually obtained
from the newly-buried body of a stillborn child, which is supposed to
be the abiding-place of a familiar spirit until lured therefrom by the
solicitations of some one who, at dead of night, stands over the grave
and by potent incantations persuades the bâjang to come forth." [541]

"It is all very well for the Kedah ladies to sacrifice their shadows
to obtain possession of a pelsit, leaders of society must be in the
fashion at any cost; but there are plenty of people living in Perak
who have seen more than one ancient Malay dame taken out into the river
and, despite her protestations, her tears, and entreaties, have watched
her, with hands and feet tied, put into the water and slowly pushed
down out of sight by means of a long pole with a fork at one end which
fitted on her neck. Those who have witnessed these executions have no
doubt of the justice of the punishment, and not uncommonly add that
after two or three examples had been made there would always ensue
a period of rest from the torments of the bâjang. I have also been
assured that the bâjang, in the shape of a lizard, has been seen to
issue from the drowning person's nose. That statement no doubt is made
on the authority of those who condemned and executed the victim." [542]

The popular superstition about the Langsuir is thus described by Sir
William Maxwell:--

"If a woman dies in childbirth, either before delivery or after
the birth of a child, and before the forty days of uncleanness have
expired, she is popularly supposed to become a langsuyar, a flying
demon of the nature of the 'white lady' or 'banshee.' To prevent this
a quantity of glass beads are put in the mouth of the corpse, a hen's
egg is put under each arm-pit, and needles are placed in the palms of
the hands. It is believed that if this is done the dead woman cannot
become a langsuyar, as she cannot open her mouth to shriek (ngilai)
or wave her arms as wings, or open and shut her hands to assist her
flight." [543]

The superstitions about the Langsuir, however, do not end here,
for with regard to its origin the Selangor Malays tell the following

The original Langsuir (whose embodiment is supposed to be a kind of
night-owl) is described as being a woman of dazzling beauty, who died
from the shock of hearing that her child was stillborn, and had taken
the shape of the Pontianak. [544] On hearing this terrible news, she
"clapped her hands," and without further warning "flew whinnying
away to a tree, upon which she perched." She may be known by her
robe of green, by her tapering nails of extraordinary length (a mark
of beauty), and by the long jet black tresses which she allows to
fall down to her ankles--only, alas! (for the truth must be told)
in order to conceal the hole in the back of her neck through which
she sucks the blood of children! These vampire-like proclivities
of hers may, however, be successfully combated if the right means
are adopted, for if you are able to catch her, cut short her nails
and luxuriant tresses, and stuff them into the hole in her neck,
she will become tame and indistinguishable from an ordinary woman,
remaining so for years. Cases have been known, indeed, in which she
has become a wife and a mother, until she was allowed to dance at a
village merry-making, when she at once reverted to her ghostly form,
and flew off into the dark and gloomy forest from whence she came.

In their wild state, a Malay once informed me, these woman-vampires are
exceedingly fond of fish, and once and again may be seen "sitting in
crowds on the fishing-stakes at the river mouth awaiting an opportunity
to steal the fish." However that may be, it seems curiously in keeping
with the following charm for "laying" a Langsuir:--

   "O ye mosquito-fry at the river's mouth
    When yet a great way off, ye are sharp of eye,
    When near, ye are hard of heart.
    When the rock in the ground opens of itself
    Then (and then only) be emboldened the hearts of my foes and
    When the corpse in the ground opens of itself
    Then (and then only) be emboldened the hearts of my foes and
    May your heart be softened when you behold me,
    By grace of this prayer that I use, called Silam Bayu."

The "mosquito-fry at the river's mouth" in the first line is no
doubt intended as an allusion to the Langsuir who frequent the

The Pontianak (or Mati-anak), as has already been said, is the
stillborn child of the Langsuir, and its embodiment is like that of
its mother, a kind of night-owl. [545] Curiously enough, it appears
to be the only one of these spirits which rises to the dignity of
being addressed as a "Jin" or "Genie," as appears from the charms
which are used for laying it. Thus we find in a common charm:--

   "O Pontianak the Stillborn,
    May you be struck dead by the soil from the grave-mound.
    Thus (we) cut the bamboo-joints, the long and the short,
    To cook therein the liver of the Jin (Demon) Pontianak.
    By the grace of 'There is no god but God,'" etc.

To prevent a stillborn child from becoming a Pontianak the corpse is
treated in the same way as that of the mother, i.e. a hen's egg is put
under each armpit, a needle in the palm of each hand, and (probably)
glass beads or some simple equivalent in its mouth. The charm which
is used on this occasion will be found in the Appendix.

The Peenanggalan is a sort of monstrous vampire which delights in
sucking the blood of children. The story goes that once upon a time
a woman was sitting, to perform a religious penance (dudok bertapa),
in one of the large wooden vats which are used by the Malays for
holding the vinegar made by drawing off the sap of the thatch-palm
(menyadap nipah). Quite unexpectedly a man came in, and finding her
sitting in the vat, asked her, "What are you doing there?" To this
the woman replied, "What business have you to ask?" but being very
much startled she attempted to escape, and in the excitement of the
moment, kicked her own chin with such force that the skin split round
her neck, and her head (with the sac of the stomach depending from it)
actually became separated from the trunk, and flew off to perch upon
the nearest tree. Ever since then she has existed as a spirit of evil,
sitting on the roof-tree whinnying (mengilai) whenever a child is
born in the house, or trying to force her way up through the floor
on which the child lies, in order to drink its blood. [546]

The only two spirits of this class which now remain are the Polong
and the Pelesit, and these, as I have said, partake to a great extent
of the character of familiar spirits or bottle imps, and are by no
means confined to a single "rôle" as the preceding ones have been.

The Polong resembles an exceedingly diminutive female figure or
mannikin, being in point of size about as big as the top joint of the
little finger. It will fly through the air to wherever it is told to
go, but is always preceded by its pet or plaything (pemainan), the
Pelesit, which, as has already been said, appears to be a species
of house-cricket. Whenever the Polong wishes to enter (di-rasoki)
a new victim, it sends the Pelesit on before it, and as soon as the
latter, "flying in a headlong fashion (menelentang menjerongkong),"
has entered its victim's body, which it usually does tail-foremost,
and begins to chirp, the Polong follows. It is generally hidden away
outside the house by its owner (Jinjangan), and fed with blood pricked
from the finger. The description usually given of a Polong tallies
curiously with the Malay definition of the soul. [547]

The last of these spirits, the Pelesit (or house-cricket?), which
is the Polong's "plaything" or pet, flies to and fro (rasok sini,
rasok sana) till it finds the body which its mistress has ordered
it to enter, harm only being done when it enters tail-foremost, as
it generally does. It is occasionally caught and kept in a bottle by
Malay women, who feed it either on parched or saffron-stained rice,
or on blood drawn from the tip of the fourth finger which they prick
for the purpose, and who, when they wish to get rid of it, bury it in
the ground. When a sick person is affected by a Pelesit (one of the
signs of which is to rave about cats) [548] the medicine-man comes and
addresses the Pelesit (or Polong?), which has taken up its residence
in the patient's body, with the words: "Who is your mother?" To this
question the Pelesit replies, speaking with the patient's voice,
but in a high falsetto key, and giving the name of the person who
sent it, whereupon prompt measures are taken to compel the owner
to recall it. It now only remains to describe the means employed
by the Malays to secure one of these familiar spirits, which can be
guaranteed to cause the greatest possible annoyance to your enemy,
with the least possible trouble on your own part.

Receipt for securing a Pelesit

"Go to the graveyard at night and dig up the body of a first-born
child whose mother was also first-born, and which has been dead less
than forty days. On digging it up, carry it out to an ant-hill in the
open ground, and there dandle it (di-timang). After a little while,
when the child shrieks and lolls its tongue out (terjelir lidah-nya),
bite off its tongue and carry it home. Then obtain a cocoa-nut shell
from a solitary 'green' cocoa-nut palm (niyor hijau), and carry it
to a place where Three Roads Meet, light a fire and heat the shell
till oil exudes, dip the child's tongue in the oil, and bury it in
the heart of the three cross roads (hati sempang tiga). Leave it
untouched for three nights, then dig it up and you will find that it
has turned into a Pelesit." [549]


In or about the seventh month of pregnancy (mengandong tujoh bulan) a
"Bidan" [550] (sage femme) is engaged (menempah), the ceremony being
described as follows:--

A copper vessel called cherana (which is something like a fruit-dish
with a stand or foot to it) is filled with four or five peeled
areca-nuts, a small block of gambier, a portion of lime (kapor
sa-perkaporan), a "tahil" (sa-tahil) of tobacco, and three or four
packets (susun) of betel-leaf, and carried to the Bidan's house, where
it is presented to her with the words, "I wish to engage you for my
child" (Ini'ku mahu menempah anak'ku), or words to that effect. [551]

Usually the contents of the cherana are enclosed in small brass
receptacles, but on such occasions as the present no receptacles
are used, the usual accessories of the betel-chewing ceremony being
deposited in the cherana itself. The Bidan, on receiving the cherana,
and charming the contents, inverts it, pouring out (di-chorahkan)
its contents upon the floor, and taking omens for the coming event
from the manner in which they fall. [552] She then commences to chew
the betel-leaf, and when she has taken as much as she requires, she
generally performs some species of divination (tengo' dalam petua) in
order to ascertain the nature of the child's horoscope. This object
may be achieved in several ways; e.g. by astrological calculations;
by casting up (palak or falakiah) the numerical values of the letters
of both parents' names, in accordance with the abjad, or secret cipher
alphabet; [553] by observance of a wax taper fixed upon the brim of a
jar of water (dian di tepi buyong ayer); and by observance of a cup of
"betel-leaf water" (ayer sirih). [554]

When the time arrives the Bidan is sent for and escorted to the
spot, where she points out the luckiest place in the house for the
child to be born. Such a spot must not be under the ends of the
slats of the palm-thatch, but between them, the exact spot being
discovered by repeatedly dropping the blade of a hatchet or cutlass
haft downwards into the ground below the raised floor of the house,
until a spot is found wherein it sticks and remains upright. A rattan
loop (tali anggas) to enable the patient to raise herself to a sitting
posture, is suspended from the rafters over the spot selected, [555]
while just exactly beneath it under the floor of the house (which
is raised on piles like the old Swiss lake-dwellings) are fastened
a bunch of leaves of the prickly pandanus, the "acid" egg-plant,
[556] and a lekar jantan, which is a kind of rattan stand used for
Malay cooking-pots. The leaves of these plants are used because it is
thought that their thorns will prick any evil spirit [557] which tries
to get at the child from below, whilst the circular cooking-pot stand
will act as a noose or snare. Over the patient's head, and just under
the rafters, is spread a casting-net (jala), together with a bunch
of leaves of the red dracæna (jenjuang or lenjuang merah) and the
"acid" egg-plant. [558]

A big tray (talam) is now filled with a measure of uncooked husked rice
(b'ras sa-gantang), and covered over with a small mat of screw-palm
leaves (tikar mengkuang). This mat is in turn covered with from three
to seven thicknesses of fine Malay sarongs (a sort of broad plaid
worn as a skirt), and these latter again are surmounted by a second
mat upon which the newly-born infant is to be deposited.

The next process is the purification of mother and child by a ceremony
which consists of bathing both in warm water just not hot enough
to scald the skin (ayer pesam-pesam jangan melochak kulit), and in
which are leaves of lengkuas, halia, kunyit t'rus, kunyit, pandan bau,
areca-palm blossom, and the dried leaves (keronsong or keresek) of the
pisang k'lat. This has to be repeated (every?) morning and evening. In
most places the new-born infant is, as has been said, laid upon a mat
and formally adopted by the father, who breathes into the child's ear
[559] a sort of Muhammadan prayer or formula, which is called bang in
the case of a boy, and kamat in the case of a girl. After purification
the child is swaddled in a sort of papoose; an inner bandage (barut) is
swathed round the child's waist, and a broad cloth band (kain lampin)
is wound round its body from the knees to the breast, after which
the outer bandage (kain bedong) is wound round the child's body from
the feet to the shoulder, and is worn continually until the child is
three or four months old, or, in Malay parlance, until he has learned
to crawl (tahu meniarap). This contrivance, it is alleged, prevents
the child from starting and straining its muscles. Over the child's
mat is suspended a sort of small conical mosquito-net (kain bochok),
the upper end of which is generally stitched (di-semat) or pinned on
to the top of the parent's mosquito curtain, and which is intended
to protect the child from any stray mosquito or sandfly which may
have found its way into the bigger net used by his parents.

Next comes the ceremony of marking the forehead (chonting muka),
which is supposed to keep the child from starting and straining itself
(jangan terkejut terkekau), and from convulsions (sawan), and at the
same time to preserve it from evil spirits. The following are the
directions:--Take chips of wood from the thin end (kapala?) of the
threshold, from the steps of the house-ladder, and from the house
furniture, together with a coat (kesip) of garlic, a coat of an
onion, assafoetida, a rattan cooking-pot stand, and fibre from the
"monkey-face" of an unfertile cocoa-nut (tampo' niyor jantan). Burn
all these articles together, collect the ashes, and mix them by means
of the fore-finger with a little "betel-water." Now repeat the proper
charm, [560] dip the finger in the mixture, and mark the centre of the
child's forehead, if a boy with a sign resembling what is called a
bench mark [V], if a girl with a plain cross +, and at the same time
put small daubs on the nose, cheeks, chin, and shoulders. Then mark
the mother with a line drawn from breast to breast (pangkah susu) and
a daub on the end of the nose (cholek hidong). If you do this properly,
a Langat Malay informed me, the Evil One will take mother and child for
his own wife and child (who are supposed to be similarly marked) and
will consequently refrain from harming them!

In addition to the above, if the child is a girl, her eyebrows are
shaved and a curve drawn in their place, extending from the root
of the nose to the ear (di-pantiskan bentok taji deri muka sampei
pelipis). The mixture used for marking these curves consists of
manjakani mixed with milk from the mother's breast.

Another most curious custom which recalls a parallel custom among
North American Indians, is occasionally resorted to for the purpose of
altering the shape of the child's head. When it is considered too long
(terlampau panjang), a small tightly-fitting "yam leaf cap" (songko'
daun k'ladi), consisting of seven thicknesses of calladium (yam)
leaves is used to compress it. This operation is supposed to shorten
the child's skull, and the person who fits it on to the child's head
uses the words--"Muhammad, short be your head" in the case of a boy,
and "Fatimah, short be your head" in the case of a girl.

Now comes the ceremony of administering to the infant what is called
the "mouth-opener" (lit. "mouth-splitter," pemb'lah mulut); first,
you take a green cocoa-nut (niyor sungkoran), split it in halves
(di-b'lah niyor), put a "grain" of salt inside one-half of the shell
(di-buboh garam sa-buku), and give it to the child to drink, counting
up to seven, and putting it to the child's mouth at the word seven
(letakkan di mulut-nya). Then repeat the ceremony, substituting asam
(tamarinds?) for the salt. Finally, take a gold ring, and after rubbing
it against the inside of the cocoa-nut (cholek di-dalam niyor), lay it
upon the child's lips, (letakkan di bibir-nya), saying "Bismillah,"
etc. Do the same with a silver and amalgam (gold and silver) ring
respectively, and the ceremony will be at an end.

I may note, in passing, that it is in allusion to the above ceremony
that you will sometimes hear old men say "It's not the first time I
tasted salt, I did so ever since I was first put into my swinging-cot"
(aku makan garam dahulu, deripada tatkala naik buayan).

Sometimes a little "rock" sugar (gula batu) is added to make the
"mouth-opener" more palatable.

From the time when the child is about twenty-four hours old until it
is of the age of three months, it is fed with rice boiled in a pot on
the fire, "broken" (di-lechek) by means of a short broad cocoa-nut
shell spoon (pelechek), mixed with a little sugar and squeezed into
small receptacles of woven cocoa-nut leaf (ketupat).

Later it is taught to feed at the breast (menetek), which continues
until it is weaned by the application of bitter aloes (jadam) to the
mother's breasts.

In the rice-jar (buyong b'ras) during this period, a stone, a big
iron nail, and a "candle-nut" must be kept, and a spoon (sendok)
must always be used for putting the rice into the pot before boiling
it. Moreover, the mother, when eating or drinking, must always cross
her left arm under her breasts (di-ampu susu-nya di lengan kiri)
leaving the right arm free to bring the food to the mouth.

When the child has been bathed, it is fumigated, and deposited for
the first time in a swinging-cot (the Malay substitute for a cradle)
which, according to immemorial custom, is formed by a black cloth
slung from one of the rafters. To fumigate [561] it you take leaves of
the red dracæna (jenjuang merah), and wrap them round first with the
casing of the charred torch (puntong) used at the severing of the cord
(pembuang tali pusat), then with leaves of the t'rong asam ("acid"
egg-plant), and tie them round at intervals with a string of shredded
tree-bark (tali t'rap). The funnel-shaped bouquet thus formed is
suspended above the child's cot (buayan); a spice-block (batu giling)
is deposited inside it, and underneath it are placed the naked blade
of a cutlass (parang puting), a cocoa-nut scraper (kukoran), and one
of the basket-work stands used for the cooking-pots (lekar jantan),
which latter is slung round the neck of the cocoa-nut scraper. This
last strange contrivance is, I believe, intended as a hint to the
evil spirit or vampire which comes to suck the child's blood, and
for whom the trap described above is set underneath the house-floor.

Now get a censer and burn incense in it, adding to the flame, as it
burns, rubbish from beneath a deserted house, the deserted nest of a
mer'bah (dove), and the deserted nest of the "rain-bird" (sarang burong
ujan-ujan). When all is ready, rock the cot very gently seven times,
then take the spice-block out of the cot and deposit it together with
the blade of the cutlass upon the ground, take the child in your arms
and fumigate it by moving it thrice round in a circle over the smoke
of the censer, counting up to seven as you do so, and swing the child
gently towards your left. At the word "seven" call the child's soul
by saying "Cluck, cluck! soul of Muhammad here!" [562] (if it is a
boy), or "Cluck, cluck! soul of Fatimah here!" (if it is a girl);
deposit the child in the cot and rock it very gently, so that it does
not swing farther than the neck of the cocoa-nut scraper extends
(sa-panjang kukoran sahaja). After this you may swing it as far as
you like, but for at least seven days afterwards, whenever the child
is taken out of the cot, the spice-block, or stone-child (anak batu)
as it is called, must be deposited in the cot as a substitute for
the child (pengganti budak).

Once in every four hours the child should be bathed with cold water,
in order that it may be kept "cool." This custom, I was told, is
diametrically opposite to that which obtains at Malacca, where the
child is bathed as rarely as possible. The custom followed in Selangor
is said to prevent the child from getting a sore mouth (guam).

For the first two months or so, whenever the child is bathed, it is
rubbed over with a paste obtained by mixing powdered rice with the
powder obtained from a red stone called batu kawi. This stone, which is
said by some Malays to take its name from the Island of Langkawi, is
thought to possess astringent (k'lat) qualities, and is used by Malay
women to improve their skin. Before use the paste is fumigated with
the smoke of burning eagle-wood, sandal-wood, and incense, after which
the liquid, which is said to resemble red ink, is applied to the skin,
and then washed off, no doubt, with lime-juice in the ordinary way.

In the cold water which is used for bathing the child are deposited a
big iron nail (as a "symbol of iron"), "candle-nuts" and cockle-shells
(kulit k'rang), to which some Malays add a kind of parasite called si
ber'nas (i.e. Well-Filled Out, a word applied to children who are fat,
instead of the word gemok, which is considered unlucky) and another
parasite called sadingin or si dingin, the "Cold" one.

After bathing, the Bidan should perform the ceremony called sembor
sirih, which consists in the ejecting of betel-leaf (mixed with other
ingredients) out of her mouth on to the pit of the child's stomach, the
ingredients being pounded leaves of the bunglei, chekor, and jerangau,
and chips of brazil-wood, ebony, and sugar-palm twigs (segar kabong);
to these are sometimes added small portions of the "Rough" bamboo
(buluh kasap), of the bemban balu, and of the leaf-cases of the
areca-palm (either upih b'lah batang or upih sarong).

The child is generally named within the first week, but I have not yet
heard of any special ceremony connected with the naming, though it is
most probably considered as a religious act. The name is evidently
considered of some importance, for if the child happens to get ill
directly after the naming, it is sometimes re-adopted (temporarily)
by a third party, who gives it a different name. When this happens a
species of bracelets and anklets made of black cloth are put upon the
child's wrists and ankles, the ceremony being called tumpang sayang.

A few days later the child's head is shaved, and his nails cut for
the first time. For the former process a red lather is manufactured
from fine rice-flour mixed with gambier, lime, and betel-leaf. Some
people have the child's head shaved clean, others leave the central
lock (jambul). In either case the remains of the red lather, together
with the clippings of hair (and nails?) are received in a rolled-up
yam-leaf (daun k'ladi di-ponjut) or cocoa-nut (?), and carried
away and deposited at the foot of a shady tree, such as a banana
(or a pomegranate?).

Sometimes (as had been done in the case of a Malay bride at whose
"tonsure" I assisted [563]), the parents make a vow at a child's
birth that they will give a feast at the tonsure of its hair, just
before its marriage, provided the child grows up in safety.

Occasionally the ceremony of shaving the child's head takes place on
the 44th day after birth, the ceremony being called balik juru. A
small sum, such as $2.00 or $3.00, is also sometimes presented to
a pilgrim to carry clippings of the child's locks to Mecca and cast
them into the well Zemzem, such payment being called 'kêkah (`akêkah)
in the case of a boy, and kerban in the case of a girl. [564]

To return to the mother. She is bathed in hot water at 8 o'clock each
morning for three days, and from the day of birth (after ablution)
she has to undergo the strangest ceremony of all, "ascending the
roasting-place" (naik saleian). A kind of rough couch is prepared
upon a small platform (saleian), which is about six feet in length,
and slopes downwards towards the foot, where it is about two feet
above the floor. Beneath this platform a fireplace or hearth (dapor)
[565] is constructed, and a "roaring fire" lighted, which is intended
to warm the patient to a degree consistent with Malay ideas of what is
beneficial! Custom, which is stronger than law, forces the patient to
recline upon this couch two or three times in the course of the day,
and to remain upon it each time for an hour or two. To such extremes
is this practice carried, that "on one occasion a poor woman was
brought to the point of death ... and would have died if she had not
been rescued by the kind interposition of the Civil Assistant-Surgeon;
the excessive excitement caused by the heat was so overpowering that
aberration of mind ensued which continued for several months." [566]

As if this were not enough, one of the heated hearth-stones (batu
tungku) is frequently wrapped up in a piece of flannel or old rags,
applied to the patient's stomach so as to "roast" her still more
effectually. This "roasting" custom is said to continue for the whole
of the forty-four days of uncleanness. During this period there are
many birth-taboos (pantang beranak) applying to food, the following
articles being usually forbidden: (1) things which have (from the
Malay point of view) a lowering effect on the constitution (sagala
yang sejuk-sejuk), e.g. fruits, with some exceptions, and vegetables;
(2) things which have a heating effect on the blood (sagala yang
bisa-bisa), e.g. the fish called pari (skate), the Prickly Fish (ikan
duri), and the sembilang (a kind of mudfish with poisonous spines on
both sides and back), and all fresh-water fish; (3) all things which
have an irritating effect on the skin (sagala yang gatal-gatal),
e.g. the fish called tenggiri, and terubok, shell-fish, and the
egg-plant or Brinjal, while the fish called kurau, g'lama, senahong,
parang-parang may be eaten, so long as they are well salted; (4) things
which are supposed to cause faintness (sagala yang bentan-bentan), or
swooning (pengsan), such, for instance, as uncooked cocoa-nut pulp,
gourds and cucumbers; (5) sugar (with the exception of cocoa-nut
sugar), cocoa-nuts, and chillies. [567]

The following description of birth-taboos in Pahang, taken from
Mr. H. Clifford's Studies in Brown Humanity, will give a good general
idea of this part of the subject:--

"When Umat has placed the sîrih leaves he has done all he can for
Selema, and he resigns himself to endure the anxiety of the next few
months with the patience of which he has so much command. The pantang
ber-ânak, or birth-taboos, hem a husband in almost as rigidly as they
do his wife, and Umat, who is as superstitious as are all the Malays
of the lower classes, is filled with fear lest he should unwittingly
transgress any law, the breach of which might cost Selema her life. He
no longer shaves his head periodically, as he loves to do, for a
naked scalp is very cool and comfortable; he does not even cut his
hair, and a thick black shock stands five inches high upon his head,
and tumbles raggedly about his neck and ears. Selema is his first
wife, and never before has she borne children, wherefore no hair of
her husband's must be trimmed until her days are accomplished. Umat
will not kill the fowls for the cook now, nor even drive a stray dog
from the compound with violence, lest he should chance to maim it,
for he must shed no blood, and must do no hurt to any living thing
during all this time. One day he is sent on an errand up-river and
is absent until the third day. On inquiry it appears that he passed
the night in a friend's house, and on the morrow found that the wife
of his host was shortly expecting to become a mother. Therefore he
had to remain at least two nights in the village. Why? Because if
he failed to do so, Selema would die. Why would she die? God alone
knows, but such is the teaching of the men of old, the wise ones of
ancient days. But Umat's chief privation is that he is forbidden to
sit in the doorway of his house. To understand what this means to
a Malay, you must realise that the seat in the doorway, at the head
of the stair-ladder that reaches to the ground, is to him much what
the fireside is to the English peasant. It is here that he sits and
looks out patiently at life, as the European gazes into the heart of
the fire. It is here that his neighbours come to gossip with him,
and it is in the doorway of his own or his friend's house that the
echo of the world is borne to his ears. But, while Selema is ill,
Umat may not block the doorway, or dreadful consequences will ensue,
and though he appreciates this and makes the sacrifice readily for
his wife's sake, it takes much of the comfort out of his life.

"Selema, meanwhile, has to be equally circumspect. She bridles her
woman's tongue resolutely, and no word in disparagement of man or
beast passes her lips during all these months, for she has no desire
to see the qualities she dislikes reproduced in the child. She is
often tired to death and faint and ill before her hour draws nigh,
but none the less she will not lie upon her mat during the daytime
lest her heavy eyes should close in sleep, since her child would
surely fall a prey to evil spirits were she to do so. Therefore she
fights on to the dusk, and Umat does all he can to comfort her and
to lighten her sufferings by constant tenderness and care." [568]

The medicine (sambaran bara), used by the mother after her confinement,
consists of the ashes of a burnt cocoa-nut shell pounded and mixed
with a pinch of black pepper (lada hitam sa-jimput), a root of garlic
(bawang puteh sa-labuh), and enough vinegar to make the mixture
liquid. This potion is drunk for three consecutive mornings. A bandage
is swathed about her waist, and she is treated with a cosmetic (bedak)
manufactured from temu kuning, which is pounded small (and mixed as
before with garlic, black pepper, and vinegar), and applied every
morning and evening for the first three days. During the next three
days a new cosmetic (bedak kunyit t'rus) is applied, the ingredients
being kunyit t'rus pounded and mixed in the same way as the cosmetic
just described.

At the same time the patient is given a potion made from the ash of
burnt durian skins (abu kulit durian), mixed as before with vinegar;
the fruit-stalk, or "spire," of a cocoa-nut palm (manggar niyor)
being substituted if the durian skin is not obtainable.

A poultice (ubat pupok) is also applied to the patient's forehead,
after the early bathing, during the "forty-four days" of her
retirement; it consists of leaves of the tahi babi, jintan hitam,
and garlic, pounded and mixed as usual with vinegar.

After three days an extraordinary mixture, called in Selangor the
"Hundred Herbs" (rempah 'ratus), but in Malacca merely "Pot-herbs"
(rempah p'riok), is concocted from all kinds of herbs, roots, and
spices. The ingredients are put into a large vessel of water and left
to soak, a portion of the liquor being strained off and given to
the patient as a potion every morning for about ten days. Similar
ingredients boiled in a large pot, which is kept hot by being
hermetically sealed (di-getang), and by having live embers placed
underneath it from time to time, furnish the regular beverage of the
patient up to the time of her purification. After the first fortnight,
however, the lees are extracted from the vessel and used to compose
a poultice which is applied to the patient's waist, a set of fresh
ingredients replacing the old ones. [569] It is sold for fifty cents
a jar.

On the forty-fourth day the raised platform or roasting-place (saleian)
is taken down and the ceremony called Floor-washing (basoh lantei)
takes place, the whole house being thoroughly washed and cleaned. The
floor having been smeared with rice-cosmetic (bedak) (such as the
Malays use for the bathing ceremony), it is well scratched by the
claws of a fowl, which is caught (and washed) for the purpose, and
then held over the floor and forced to do the scratching required of
it. The cosmetic is then removed (di-langir) by means of lime-juice
(again as in the bathing ceremony) and the hearth-fire is changed. The
Bidan now receives her pay, usually getting in cash for the eldest
child $4.40 (in some places $5.40), for the second, $3.40, the third,
$2.40, and for the fourth, and all subsequent children, $1.40; unless
she is hastily summoned (bidan tarek) and no engagement (menempah) has
been made, in which case she may demand half a bhara ($11). Besides
this somewhat meagre remuneration, however, she receives from the
well-to-do (at the floor-washing ceremony) such presents as cast-off
clothes (kain bekas tuboh), a bowl of saffron rice, a bowl of the
rice-cosmetic and limes (bedak limau), and a platter of betel-leaf,
with accessories (cherana sirih). Though the remuneration may appear
small, it was, nevertheless, sure; as in former days an unwritten
law allowed her to take the child and "cry it for sale" (di-jaja)
round the country, should her fee remain unpaid.

Before concluding the present subject it will be necessary to describe
certain specific injunctions and taboos which form an important part
of the vast body of Malay customs which centre specially round the
birth of children.

Before the child is born the father has to be more than usually
circumspect with regard to what he does, as any untoward act on
his part would assuredly have a prejudicial effect on the child,
and cause a birth-mark or even actual deformity, any such affection
being called kenan. In a case which came to my notice the son was born
with only a thumb, forefinger, and little finger on the left hand,
and a great toe on the left foot, the rest of the fingers and toes on
the left side being wanting. This, I was told, was due to the fact
that the father violated this taboo by going to the fishing-stakes
one day and killing a crab by chopping at it with a cutlass.

In former days during this period it was "taboo" (pantang) for the
father to cut the throat of a buffalo or even of a fowl; or, in fact,
to take the life of any animal whatever--a trace no doubt of Indian
influences. A Malay told me once that his son, soon after birth,
was afflicted with a great obstruction of breathing, but that when
the medicine-man (Pawang) declared (after "diagnosing" the case)
that the child was suffering from a "fish-affection" (kenan ikan),
he remembered that he had knocked on the head an extraordinary number
of fish which he had caught on the very day that his son was born. He
therefore, by the advice of the medicine-man, gave the child a potion
made from pounded fish bones, and an immediate and permanent recovery
was the result.

Such affections as those described are classified by the Malays
according to the kind of influence which is supposed to have produced
them. Thus the unoffending victim may be either fish-struck (kenan
ikan), as described above, ape-struck (kenan b'rok), dog-struck (kenan
anjing), crab-struck (kenan ketam), and so forth, it being maintained
that in every case the child either displays some physical deformity,
causing a resemblance to the animal by which it was affected, or else
(and more commonly) unconsciously imitates its actions or its "voice."

Another interesting custom was that the father was stringently
forbidden to cut his hair until after the birth of the child.

The following passage bearing on the subject is taken from Sir
W. E. Maxwell's article on the "Folklore of the Malays": [570]--

"In selecting timber for the uprights of a Malay house care must
be taken to reject any log which is indented by the pressure of any
parasitic creeper which may have wound round it when it was a living
tree. A log so marked, if used in building a house, will exercise
an unfavourable influence in childbirth, protracting delivery and
endangering the lives of mother and child. Many precautions must be
taken to guard against evil influence of a similar kind, when one of
the inmates of a house is expecting to become a mother. No one may
'divide the house' (belah rumah), that is, go in at the front door
and out at the back, or vice versâ, nor may any guest or stranger be
entertained in the house for one night only; he must be detained for
a second night to complete an even period. If an eclipse occurs, the
woman on whose account these observances are necessary must be taken
into the penangga (kitchen), and placed beneath the shelf or platform
(para) on which the domestic utensils are kept. A spoon is put into
her hand. If these precautions are not taken, the child when born
will be deformed."

Sir W. E. Maxwell in the above is speaking of Perak Malays. The passage
just quoted applies to a great extent to Selangor, but with a few
discrepancies. Thus a house-post indented by a creeper is generally
avoided in Selangor for a different reason, viz. that it is supposed
to bring snakes into the house.

"Dividing the house," however, is generally considered an important
birth-taboo in Selangor, the threatened penalty for its non-observance
being averted by compelling the guilty party to submit to the
unpleasant ceremony called sembor ayer, a member of the family being
required to eject (sembor) a mouthful of water upon the small of the
culprit's back.

In Selangor, again, a guest must stay three nights (not two) in
the house, his departure on the first or second night being called
"Insulting the Night" (menjolok malam). To avert the evil consequences
of such an act, fumigation (rabun-rabun) is resorted to, the "recipe"
for it running as follows:--"Take assafoetida, sulphur, kunyit
t'rus (an evil-smelling root), onion skins, dried areca-nut husk,
lemon-grass leaves, and an old mat or cloth, burn them, and leave
the ashes for about an hour at sunset on the floor of the passage
in front of the door." That a sensible and self-respecting "demon"
should avoid a house where such an unconscionable odour is raised is
not in the least surprising!

In the event of an eclipse the customs of the two sister States
appear to be nearly identical; the only difference being that in
Selangor the woman is placed in the doorway (in the moonlight as far
as possible), and is furnished with the basket-work stand of a cooking
pot, as well as a wooden rice-spoon, the former as a trap to catch
any unwary demon who may be so foolish as to put his head "into the
noose," and the latter as a weapon of offence, it being supposed that
"the rattan binding of the spoon (which must, of course, be of the
orthodox Malay pattern) will unwind itself and entangle the assailant"
in the case of any real danger. Finally, the Bidan must be present to
"massage" the woman, and repeat the necessary charms.

From the following passage it would appear that the corresponding
Pahang custom does not materially differ from that of Perak and

"But during the period that the Moon's fate hung in the balance,
Selema has suffered many things. She has been seated motionless in the
fireplace under the tray-like shelf, which hangs from the low rafters,
trembling with terror of--she knows not what. The little basket-work
stand, on which the hot rice-pot is wont to rest, is worn on her
head as a cap, and in her girdle the long wooden rice-spoon is stuck
dagger-wise. Neither she nor Umat know why these things are done, but
they never dream of questioning their necessity. It is the custom. The
men of olden days have decreed that women with child should do these
things when the Moon is in trouble, and the consequences of neglect
are too terrible to be risked; so Selema and Umat act according to
their simple faith." [571]


Of the purely Malay ceremonies performed at Adolescence, the most
important are the "filing of the teeth" (berasah gigi), [572] and
the cutting of the first locks of hair, in cases where this latter
operation has been postponed till the child's marriage by a vow of
its parents.

The following is a description of the rite of tonsure (berchukor),
at which I was present in person:--

"Some time ago (in 1897) I received, through one of my local Malay
headmen, an invitation to attend a tonsure ceremony.

"When I arrived (about two P.M.), in company of the headman referred
to, the usual dancing and Koran-chanting was proceeding in the
outer chamber or verandah, which was decked out for the occasion
with the usual brilliantly coloured ceiling-cloth and striped
wall-tapestry. After a short interval we were invited to enter an
inner room, where a number of Malays of both sexes were awaiting
the performance of the rite. The first thing, however, that caught
the eye was a gracefully-draped figure standing with shrouded head,
and with its back to the company, upon the lowest step of the dais
(g'rei), which had been erected with a view to the prospective wedding
ceremony. This was the bride. A dark-coloured veil, thrown over her
head and shoulders, allowed seven luxuriant tresses of her wonderful
raven-black hair to escape and roll down below her waist, a ring of
precious metal being attached to the end of each tress. Close to the
bride, and ready to support her, should she require it, in her motherly
arms, stood the (on such occasions) familiar figure of the Duenna
(Mak Inang), whose duty, however, in the present instance was confined
to taking the left hand of the bride between her own, and supporting
it in a horizontal position whilst each of the seven Representatives
(orang waris) [573] in turn was sprinkling it with the 'Neutralising
Rice-paste' (tepong tawar) by means of the usual bunch or brush of
leaves. A little in front of this pair stood a youth supporting in
his hands an unhusked cocoa-nut shell. The crown of this cocoa-nut
had been removed, and the edges at the top cut in such a way as to
form a chevroned or 'dog-tooth' border. Upon the indentations of this
rim was deposited a necklace, and a large pair of scissors about the
size of a tailor's shears were stuck point downwards in the rim. The
cocoa-nut itself was perhaps half-filled with its 'milk.' Close to
this youth stood another, supporting one of the usual circular brass
trays (with high sides) containing all the ordinary accessories of the
tepong tawar ceremony, i.e. a bowl of rice-paste, a brush of leaves,
parched rice, washed saffron-stained rice, and benzoin or incense.

"I was now requested to open the proceedings, but at my express desire
the Penghulu (Malay headman) did so for me, first scattering several
handfuls (of the different sorts of rice) over the bride, and then
sprinkling the rice-paste upon the palm of her left hand, which was
held out to receive it as described above. The sprinkling over, he
took the scissors and with great deliberation severed the end of the
first lock, which was made to fall with a little splash, and with the
ring attached to it, into the cocoa-nut with the 'dog-tooth' border.

"Five other waris (Representatives) and myself followed suit, the
seven tresses with the rings attached to them being all received in
the cocoa-nut as described.

"A child of the age of about two or three years underwent the tonsure
at the same time, each of the Representatives, after severing the
bride's lock, snipping off a portion of the child's hair. The child was
in arms and was not veiled, but wore a shoulder-cloth (bidak) thrown
over his shoulder. At the conclusion of the ceremony we left the room,
and the Koran-chanting was resumed and continued until the arrival of
the bridegroom in procession (at about five P.M.), when the bride and
bridegroom went through the ceremony of being 'seated side by side'
(bersanding), and the business of the day was concluded.

"The cocoa-nut containing the severed tresses and rings is carried
to the foot of a barren fruit-tree (e.g. a pomegranate-tree),
when the rings are extracted and the water (with the severed locks)
poured out at the tree's foot, the belief being that this proceeding
will make the tree as luxuriant as the hair of the person shorn, a
very clear example of 'sympathetic magic.' If the parents are poor,
the cocoa-nut is generally turned upside down and left there; but if
they are well-to-do, the locks are usually sent to Mecca in charge
of a pilgrim, who casts them on his arrival into the well Zemzem."

I will now describe the ceremony of filing or "sharpening" the teeth,
from notes taken by myself during the actual ceremony (20th March,

The youth whose teeth I saw filed must have been quite fifteen or
sixteen years of age, and had not long before undergone the rite
of circumcision. When I arrived I found the house newly swept and
clean, and all the accessories of the ceremony already prepared. These
latter consisted of a round tray (dulang) containing the usual bowl of
rice-paste (tepong tawar), with the brush of leaves, [574] three cups
(containing different sorts of rice), an egg, [575] three rings of
precious metals (gold, silver, and amalgam), a couple of limes, and
two small files (to which a small tooth-saw and two small whetstones
should be added). [576]

The ceremony now commences: the tooth-filer (Pawang gigi) first
scatters the three sorts of rice and sprinkles the tepong tawar upon
his instruments, etc., repeating the proper charm [577] at the same
time; the patient meanwhile, and throughout the operation, reclining
upon his back on the floor with his head resting on a pillow. Next
the Pawang, sitting beside the patient, "touches" the patient's teeth,
first with each of the three rings of precious metal and then with the
egg, throwing each of these objects away as he does so, and repeating
each time a charm (Hu, kata Allah, d. s. b.), which is given in the
Appendix. Next he props open (di-sengkang) the patient's mouth by means
of a dried areca-nut, and repeats another charm (Hei, Bismi) in order
to destroy the "venom" of the steel, laying the file upon the teeth,
[578] and drawing it thrice across them at the end of the charm. He
then cuts off (di-k'rat) the crowns of the teeth (with one of the
files), smooths their edges (di-papar) with one of the whetstones,
and polishes them (melechek). During the whole of this part of the
performance, which is a trying ordeal to witness, although it is borne
with the utmost fortitude on the part of the sufferer, the latter
holds a small mirror in front of his mouth in order to be assured
that the operation is progressing to his satisfaction. When the actual
filing is over, the areca-nut is extracted, and a piece of cocoa-nut
husk or small block of pulai wood inserted in its stead, in order
to facilitate the proper polishing of the now mutilated teeth. This
latter part of the operation is accomplished by means of the file,
a small piece of folded white cloth protecting the lips from injury.

Considerable interest attaches to the filing of the first tooth,
on account of the omens which are taken from the position in which
the crown happens to lie when it falls. If, when the tooth is filed
through, the crown adheres to the file, it is taken as a sign that
the patient will die at home; if it flies off and lies with its edge
turned upwards, this means, on the contrary, that he will die abroad.

At the conclusion of the operation a species of poultice (ubat tasak),
consisting mainly of cooked ginger (halia bara di-pahis-ki), which is
intended to "deaden (the feeling of) the gums" (matikan daging gusi)
is duly charmed [579] and applied to the gums of the jaw which happens
to be under treatment. The Pawang now lays one hand (the left) on the
top of the patient's head and the other upon the teeth of the upper
jaw, and presses them together with a show of considerable force,
making believe, as it were, that he is pressing the patient's upper
teeth firmly into their sockets. Finally, a portion of betel-leaf is
charmed (with the charm Hong sarangin, etc.) and given to the patient
to chew, after which, it is asserted, all pain immediately ceases. The
Pawang then washes his hands, resharpens his tools, and those present
sit down to a meal of saffron-stained pulut rice. This concludes the
ceremony for the day, the lower jaw being similarly treated upon a
subsequent occasion.

In the course of three such operations (the Pawang informed me)
the teeth can be filed down even with the gums, in which case they
are, I believe, in some instances somewhat roughly plated or cased
with gold. Sometimes, however, they are merely filed into points,
so that they resemble the teeth of a shark. [580] Very frequently,
too, they blacken them with a mixture of the empyreumatic oil of the
cocoa-nut shell (baja or g'rang) and kamunting (Kl. karamunting) wood,
[581] which is also used for blackening the eyebrows. These customs,
however, are already dying out in the more civilised Malay States.

Whenever I made inquiries as to the reason of this strange custom,
I was invariably told that it not only beautified but preserved the
teeth from the action of decay, which the Malays believe to be set up
by the presence of a minute maggot or worm (ulat), their most usual
way of expressing the fact that they are suffering from toothache
being to say that the tooth in question is being "eaten by a maggot"
(di-makan ulat).

The "Batak" Malays (a Mid-Sumatran tribe, many of whom have settled
in Kuala Langat) are said to chip the teeth of their children into
the desired shape by the use of a small chisel, the operation causing
such exquisite agony that the sufferer will not unfrequently leap to
his feet with a shriek.

Even when the file is used, the work of an unskilful performer
(who does not know how to destroy the "venom" of his instruments)
will cause the sufferer's face to be completely swollen up (bakup)
for a long period subsequent to the operation. Yet young people of
both sexes cheerfully submit to the risk of this discomfort, and the
only remark made by the youth whom I saw undergoing it was that it
"made his mouth feel uncomfortable" (jelejeh rasa mulut-nya).

The ear-boring ceremony (bertindek) appears to have already lost
much of its ceremonial character in Selangor, where I was told that
it is now usually performed when the child is quite small, i.e. at
the earliest, when the child is some five or seven months old,
and when it is about a year old at the latest, whereas in Sumatra
(according to Marsden) it is not performed until the child is eight
or nine. [582] Still, however, a special kind of round ear-ring,
which is of filagree-work, and is called subang, is as much the emblem
of virginity in the western States as it ever was. The "discarding"
of these ear-rings (tanggal subang), which should take place about
seven days after the conclusion of the marriage rites, is ceremonial
in character, and it is even the custom when a widow (janda) is
married for the second time, to provide her with a pair of subang
(which should, however, it is said, be tied on to her ears instead
of being inserted in the ear-holes, as in the case of a girl who has
never been married).

The rite of circumcision is of course common to Muhammadans all over
the world. Some analogous practices, however, have also been noticed
among the non-Muhammadan Malayan races of the Eastern Archipelago,
and it is at least doubtful whether circumcision as now practised by
Malays is a purely Muhummadan rite. Among Malays it is performed by
a functionary called the "Mudim," [583] with a slip of bamboo, at any
age (in the case of boys) from about six or seven up to about sixteen
years, the wound being often dressed (at least in town districts) with
fine clay mixed with soot and the yolk of eggs, but when possible, the
clay is mixed with cocoa-nut fibre (rabok niyor), selumur paku uban,
and the young shoots of the k'lat plantain (puchok pisang k'lat),
the compound being called in either case ubat tasak. The ceremony
is associated with the common purificatory rite called tepong tawar,
and with ayer tolak bala (lit. evil-dispelling water). Lights are kept
burning in the house for several days ("until the wound has healed"),
and the performance of the ceremony is always made the occasion for a
banquet, together with music and dancing of the kind in which Malays
take so much delight. The cause of these rejoicings is dressed for the
occasion "like a bridegroom" (pengantin), and is said to be sometimes
carried in procession.

4. Personal Ceremonies and Charms

Ceremonies and charms for protecting or rendering the person more
attractive or formidable, form one of the largest, but not perhaps the
most interesting or important division of the medicine-man's repertory.

The following remarkable specimen of the charms belonging to the first
of these classes was given me by 'Che `Abas of Klanang in Selangor,
a Kelantan Malay:--

   "If the corpse in the grave should speak,
    And address people on earth,
    May I be destroyed by any beast that has life,
    But if the corpse in the grave do not speak,
    And address people on earth,
    May I not be destroyed by any beast that has life, or by any foe
    or peril, or by any son of the human race.

    And if the chicken in the egg should crow,
    And call to chickens on earth,
    May I be destroyed by any beast that has life,
    But if the chicken in the egg do not crow,"
                                    (etc. etc., as before.)

As a general rule, however, this particular class of charms shows
particularly strong traces of Arabic influence, most often, perhaps,
taking the form of an injunction (addressed to Jins or Angels) to
watch over the person of the petitioner.

To rightly understand charms of the second class, which includes
Bathing and Betel-charming charms, [584] we must have some idea of the
Malay standard of beauty. This, I need hardly say, differs widely from
that entertained by Europeans. In the case of manly beauty we should,
perhaps, be able to acquiesce to some extent in the admiration which
Malays express for "Brightness of Countenance" (chahia), which forms
one of the chief objects of petition in almost every one of this
class of charms; [585] but none of our modern Ganymedes would be
likely to petition for a "voice like the voice of the Prophet David";
[586] or a "countenance like the countenance of the Prophet Joseph";
still less would he be likely to petition for a tongue "curled like
a breaking wave," or "a magic serpent," or for teeth "like a herd of
(black) elephants," or for lips "like a procession of ants." [587]

Malay descriptions of female beauty are no less curious. The "brow"
(of the Malay Helen, for whose sake a thousand desperate battles
are fought in Malay romances) "is like the one-day-old moon," [588]
her eyebrows resemble "pictured clouds," [589] and are "arched like
the fighting-cock's (artificial) spur," [590] her cheek resembles "the
sliced-off-cheek of a mango," [591] her nose "an opening jasmine bud,"
[592] her hair the "wavy blossom-shoots of the areca-palm," [593]
slender [594] is her neck, "with a triple row of dimples," [595] her
bosom ripening, [596] her waist "lissom as the stalk of a flower,"
[597] her head "of a perfect oval" (lit. bird's-egg-shaped), her
fingers like the leafy "spears of lemon-grass," [598] or the "quills
of the porcupine," [599] her eyes "like the splendour of the planet
Venus," [600] and her lips "like the fissure of a pomegranate." [601]

The following is a specimen of an invocation for beautifying the
person which is supposed to be used by children:--

   "The light of four Suns, five Moons,
    And the seven Stars be visible in my eye.
    The brightness of a shooting star be upon my chin,
    And that of the full moon be upon my brows.
    May my lips be like unto a string of ants,
    My teeth like to a herd of elephants,
    My tongue like a breaking wave,
    My voice like the voice of the Prophet David,
    My countenance like the countenance of the Prophet Joseph,
    My brightness like the brightness of the Prophet Muhammad,
    By virtue of my using this charm that was coeval with my birth,
    And by grace of 'There is no god but God,'" etc.

When personal attractions begin to wane with the lapse of years,
invocations are resorted to for the purpose of restoring the
petitioner's lost youth. In one of the invocations referred to (which
is said to have been used by the Princess of Mount Ophir, Tuan Putri
Gunong Ledang, to secure perpetual youth), the petitioner boasts that
he (or she) was "born under the Inverted Banyan Tree," and claims the
granting of the boon applied for "by virtue of the use of the "Black
Lenggundi Bush," which when it has died, returns to life again,"
[602] the idea being, no doubt, that a judicious use of black magic
will enable the petitioner to "live backwards."

The third class of invocations, for rendering the person formidable,
belong rather to the chapter on war, under which heading they will
be included.


Betrothal is called tunangan or pinangan. When the parents of a
marriageable youth perceive a suitable "match" for their son, they
send a messenger to her parents to ask if she has yet been "bespoken"
(kalau ada orang sebut). If the reply is satisfactory, the messenger
is again despatched to intimate the desire of the youth's parents to
"bespeak" the hand of the favoured individual for his son, and to
arrange a day for a meeting. These preliminaries are accompanied by
the usual polite self-depreciation on both sides. Thus, the girl's
father begins by saying, "You wish to bespeak the hand of my daughter,
who knows neither how to cook nor how to sew" (yang ta'tahu masak,
ta'tahu menjait). But the custom is not carried to such extremes as
it is in China. [603]

The girl's parents next call four or five witnesses (saksi) of either
sex to "witness" the betrothal, and after preparing a meal (nasi dan
kueh) for their expected guests, await the arrival of the youth's
"Representatives," the youth himself remaining at home. One of the
party carries a betel-leaf tray furnished with the usual betel-chewing
appliances, together with half a bhara of dollars ($11) according
to the stricter custom; although (failing the dollars), a ring or
bracelet, or other jewellery of that value, may be substituted.

Bearing these presents with them, the youth's representatives proceed
to the house of the girl's parents, where they are invited to enter
and partake of the betel-leaf provided for them. A meal is then served,
Malay cakes (kueh-kueh) brought forward, and the company again partake
of betel.

The two parties now sit down in a "family circle," and one of the
youth's representatives pushes forward (di-sorongkan) the betel which
they had brought with them, and offers it to the people of the house,
saying, "This is a pledge of your daughter's betrothal." The girl's
father replies, "Be it so, I accept it," or words to that effect,
and inquires how long the engagement is to last, the answer being
"six months" or "a year" as the case may be. Both parties then appeal
to the witnesses to "hear what is said," and the youth's relatives
return to their homes.

The marriage portion being fixed (in Selangor) by an almost universal
custom at two bharas of dollars ($44), the amount is not usually
mentioned at the betrothal, it being understood that the usual
amount is intended. But if the girl's parents should afterwards prove
reluctant to proceed with the match, they forfeit twice the amount
of the pledge-money which they have received; whereas if the youth
refuses to proceed he merely forfeits the pledge-money ($11) already
paid to the girl's parents. Some families pay a marriage portion of
$30 only, and others (such as the family of 'Toh Kaya Kechil of Klang)
pay as much as $50, but exceptions are rare, $44 being now generally
recognised as the customary wedding portion.

However, the girl's family does not really receive anything like the
full value of the $44, because if the $44 is paid in full the proposer
has a right to demand a complete outfit (persalinan) of silk attire,
to the value of about $20, so that the amount which actually changes
hands is seldom more than about $24.

The Malay fiancée, unlike her European sister, is at the utmost
pains to keep out of her lover's way, and to attain this object she
is said to be "as watchful as a tiger." No engagement-ring is used in
this neighbourhood, no priest (or Lebai) is present at the engagement
ceremony, nor is the girl asked for her consent. On the other hand,
a regular system of exchanging presents, after the engagement, is
said to have been formerly in vogue in Selangor, the man sending
betel-leaf, fruit, and eggs to his fiancée from time to time in
net-work receptacles, and the woman sending specially prepared rice,
etc. in rush-work receptacles of various patterns. It is said, too,
that the woman would occasionally carve a chain, consisting of three
or four links, out of a single areca-nut, in which case the prospective
bridegroom was supposed to redeem it by the payment of as many dollars
as there were links. The betel-nut presented on these occasions would
be wrapped up in a gradation of three beautifully worked cloths, not
unlike "D'oyleys" in general appearance, whilst the actual engagement
ceremony in former days is said to have received additional interest
and formality from the recital of verses appropriate to the occasion
by chosen representatives of each party. Specimens of the betrothal
verses formerly used in Selangor will be found in the Appendix. The
following is a translation:--

   "Q. Small is my cottage, but it has five shelves
    For roasting the kerisi fish;
    Hearken, good people, whilst I inquire of you
    What is the price of your Diamond [604] here?

    A. Your fishing-line must be five fathoms long
    If you would catch the tenggiri fish;
    Seven tahils, a kati, and five laksa, [605]
    That is the price of our Diamond here.

    Q. If there are no rengas trees growing on the Point,
    One must go up-stream and cut down a screw-palm;
    If one has not gold in one's girdle,
    One must make over one's person to begin with.

    A. If there are no rengas trees growing on the Point,
    You must take banyan-wood for the sides of your trays;
    If you have no gold in your girdle,
    You need not hope to get Somebody's daughter.

    Q. Thousands are the supports required
    For the stem of the sago-palm to recline upon; [606]
    Though it be thousands I would accept the debt
    So I be betrothed to Somebody's daughter.

    A. My head-kerchief has fallen into the sea,
    And with it has fallen my oar-ring; [607]
    I stretch out my hand in token of acceptance,
    Though I have naught wherewith to requite you.

    Q. Oar-ring or no,
    The lenggundi bush grows apace in the thatch channels.
    Whether it is well to go slowly or no,
    It is the favour you have shown me that subdues my heart."

If, however, there is a hitch in the proceedings, and the parties
commence to lose their temper, the stanzas may end very differently;
for instance, the girl's father or representative will say:--

   "A. My lord has gone up-stream
    To get his clothes and wash out the dye. [608]
    If that is all, let it alone for the present;
    If there is anything else you will always find me ready.

    Q. 'Che Dol Amat's mango-tree
    When it fell rolled into the swamp.
    If I cannot get what I want by peaceful means,
    Look that you be not hit in the war of strategy.

    A. If the rim is not properly fitted to the rice-box, [609]
    Let us get saffron-rice and roast a fowl.
    If I cannot get you to make acknowledgment,
    Let Heaven reel and Earth be submerged."

These last two lines constitute a direct challenge, and no more words
need be wasted when once they have been uttered.


When the term of betrothal is drawing to its close, a suitable day
(which is frequently a Tuesday) is chosen for the work of decoration
(bergantong-gantong) by the parents of both parties, and notified to
the relations and friends who wish to assist in the preparations for
the wedding. [610]

Both houses are decorated with vertically striped hangings (p'lang
tabir) and ornamental ceiling-cloths (langit-langit), and mats, rugs,
carpets, etc. are laid down. In the bridegroom's house little is done
beyond erecting a small platform or dais (petarana) about six feet
square, and raised about ten inches from the floor, upon which he is
to don his wedding garments when he sets out to meet the bride. A
similar platform (petarana) is erected in the bride's house, and a
low dais called rambat in front of her door, at the outer corners of
which are fixed two standard candlesticks (tiang rambat), which are
sometimes as much as six feet high, and each of which carries three
candles, one in the centre and one on each side, those at the side
being supported by ornamental brackets (sulor bayong). The rambat
may measure some 14 feet in length by 5 feet in width, and should be
about 14 inches in height.

A dais (with two steps to it) is then built as follows, generally
opposite the doorway, but standing a little way back from it, and
facing the rambat, so as to leave a narrow passage (tela kechil)
between the threshold and the dais, which latter is decked with
scarlet, or at least scarlet-bordered cloth (kain berumpok dengan
sakalat). The lower step of the dais (ibu g'rei) is raised about 12
inches from the floor, and measures from 10 feet to 12 feet in length
by 8 feet in width. The upper step (g'rei penapah) is a little smaller,
and is only raised about 10 inches above the lower one. The top of
the dais is covered with a mattress, and both steps are decorated
with expensive borders, which at the wedding of a Raja are made of
embossed gold or silver, and may easily cost as much as $150 each,
or even more. The mattress is covered in its turn with a quilt (lihap
or pelampap), made of coloured silk stuffed with cotton; upon this
quilt is laid a white cotton sheet, and the whole is surmounted by
a row of colossal "pillows" (of the size of small packing-cases),
surmounted by others of moderate size.

A mosquito-curtain is hung over all, and the completed couch is called
pelamin. The head of the pelamin, it must be added, where the pillows
are piled, is always on the left-hand side as you look towards it.

The number of the pillows used is of the highest importance, as
indicating the rank of the contracting parties. The larger ones
are about 5 feet in length and 2 feet in height by 1 1/2 feet in
width. They are covered with rich embroidery at the exposed end,
and are arranged in a horizontal row (sa-tunda), with their sides
just touching, in the front left-hand corner of the mosquito-curtain,
so as to leave a clear passage of about 3 feet behind them (at the
back of the curtain) by which the bride and bridegroom may escape to
the peraduan after the ceremony. These big pillows are white, with
the exception of the embroidered ends, unless they are intended for
a Raja, when the royal colour (yellow) is of course substituted. The
one nearest the centre of the couch is called bantal tumpu, and usually
has a hexagonal or (in the case of a Raja) octagonal bolster deposited
beside it.

The smaller pillows are red (occasionally purple, ungu, or orange,
jingga), and are called the "embroidered pillows" (bantal bertekat,
or bantal p'rada). Occasionally a set of twelve small pillows is
used (when they are called bantal dua-b'las, or the Twelve Pillows),
but often there is only one of them to each "Big Pillow," the set
of twelve being said to be an innovation, probably introduced from
Malacca. Sometimes, however, when many small pillows are piled upon
each other, measures have to be taken to keep them from falling,
in which case the space between the piles is said to be filled up
with wool or cotton stuffing (penyelat), the front being covered with
embroidered cloth, the upper border of which is carried up diagonally
from the top of one pile to the top of the next.

As regards the permissible number of big pillows, according to a scale
in use at Klang, the common people are allowed three big pillows
(including the bantal tumpu); a wealthy man, four; and a Headman,
such as the 'Toh Kaya Kechil, five; a Raja being presumably allowed
one or two more. According to this scale it is only the big pillows
that are of importance, [611] and the people are allowed to use as
few or as many small ones as they like. The topmost small pillow,
however, is always triangular, and is called gunong-gunongan.

The mosquito-curtain (enclosing the couch on which the pillows rest)
of course varies in size according to the dimensions of the pelamin,
but may be roughly taken to be from 7 to 9 hasta [612] in length,
by 8 ft. in width, and 4 ft. to 5 ft. in height (reaching to the
ceiling-cloth). Its upper edges (kansor) are stiffened externally with
a square frame, consisting of four bamboo rods (galah k'lambu), and
it is decorated in front with a beautifully embroidered fringe called
"Bo-tree leaves" (daun budi). The front of this mosquito-curtain is
rolled up [613] to within 2 or 3 ft. of the top, instead of being drawn
aside as usual. At the back of the curtain is suspended, except in
the case of a Raja's wedding, a bamboo clothes-rod (buluh sangkutkan
kain). This rod terminates at each extremity in an ornamental piece
of scroll-work (sulor bayong) covered with scarlet cloth, which is
sometimes made to issue from a short stem of horn or ivory, and has
a wooden collar called dulang-dulang. This dulang-dulang, moreover,
is sometimes provided with small hollows ('mbat-'mbat) at the top,
two in front which are filled with rose-water or perfume (ayer mawar
or ayer wangi), and two at the back which are filled with flowers.

Above the clothes-rod, and between its suspending cords (tali
penggantong)--which, by the way, are also covered with scarlet
cloth--an inner fringe of "Bo-leaves" (daun budi dalam) is sometimes
added at the top of the curtain.

At the wedding of a Raja nothing else should be put inside the curtain,
but at an ordinary wedding a few small articles of typical marriage
furniture are usually added as follows:--

Three or four small clothes boxes (saharah), such as are kept by every
Malay family, and peti kapor (boxes whose corners are strengthened
and decorated with brass) are ranged upon the mattress just below the
clothes-rod. Upon these should be placed (a) the bangking, which is a
kind of jar or urn of lacquered wood, ranging from about half a foot
to a foot in height, and contains a portion of the bride's wardrobe;
and (b) the bun, [614] which is either octagonal (pechah d'lapan),
or hexagonal (pechah anam), as the case may be, and which may be
described as a box of tin, or sometimes of lacquered wood, whose
contents are as follows:--(1) a couple of combs (sikat dua bilah), one
with large and one with small teeth; (2) a small cup or saucer of hair
oil (a preparation of cocoa-nut oil), or attar of roses (minyak attar),
or pomatum (kateneh); (3) a small pen-knife for paring the nails; (4)
a pair of scissors; (5) a preparation of antimony (chelak), which is
a sort of black ointment applied by the Malays to the inside edge of
the eyelids; and (6) a Malay work-box (called dulang in Selangor and
bintang at Malacca), which is a circular box of painted or lacquered
wood, furnished with a lid, and containing needles, cotton, and the
rest of the Malay housewife's paraphernalia.

Near the door of the curtain is placed an earthenware water-jar,
called gelok (gelok Kedah and gelok Perak are the usual "makes"); this
jar stands upon a small brass or earthenware plate with high sides
(bokor), and its mouth is covered with a brass or earthenware saucer
(chepir), on which is laid the brass or earthenware bowl (penchedok
ayer or batil) which is used for scooping up water from the water-jar,
and which, when it is in use, is temporarily replaced by an ornamental
cap woven from strips of screw-palm leaves. A couple of candlesticks
placed near the water-jar, a betel tray (tepah or puan), a basin
(batil besar) for washing off the lees of henna, and a "cuspadore"
(ketor), all of which are placed inside the curtain, complete the
preparations for this portion of the ceremony.

The day concludes, as far as the workers are concerned, with a meal
in which all who have assisted in the preparations take part, and
this is followed by various diversions dear to Malays, such as the
chanting of passages from the Koran. [615]

At a royal wedding, either the "Story of 'Che Megat" ('Che Megat
Mantri), or a royal cock-fight (main denok), or a performance by
dancing girls or fencers (pedikir), may be substituted for these more
devotional exercises.

These performances (whatever they may be) are kept up (with intervals
for rest and refreshment) till four or five in the morning, when the
guests disperse to their respective homes to sleep off the night's

Whilst the games are progressing (at about nine or ten P.M.) the first
staining of the finger-nails of the bride and bridegroom is commenced,
the ceremony on this occasion being conducted in the seclusion of
the inner apartments, and hence called the "Stolen Henna-staining"
(berhinei churi). Leaves of henna are taken and pounded together with a
small piece of charcoal, and the "mash" is applied to the finger-nails
of both hands (with the exception of the middle or "Devil's finger,"
jari hantu). The centre of each palm is also touched with the dye,
the area stained being as much as would be covered by a dollar. A line
(of a finger's breadth) is also said to be drawn along the inner side
of the sole of each foot, from the great toe to the heel (hinei kaus).

A couple of what we should call "pages," of about ten years of age,
are seated right and left of the bridegroom, and are called Pengapit.

The bride usually provides herself with one or more girl companions;
but these are supposed to "hide themselves" when there is company,
their place being taken by more staid duennas, who are called Tukang
Andam (i.e. "coiffeurs"), and a personal attendant or nurse, called
Ma'inang (Mak Inang), who appears to act as a sort of Mistress of
the Ceremonies.

The second day is spent by the guests (as was said above) in sleeping
off their night's fatigue, and they do not reassemble till evening,
at about five P.M.

When the last has arrived (at about seven P.M.) a meal is served,
and at about half-past eight the games recommence; but after a round
or so (zikir sa-jurus), say at about ten P.M., the bride at her house
and bridegroom at his respectively make their first appearance in
public, clad in their wedding garments, for the ceremony of staining
the finger-nails, this time in public. When they are seated (between
the two candlesticks, which are lighted to facilitate the operation)
a tray is brought forward, furnished with the usual accessories
of Malay magic, rice-paste (tepong tawar), washed rice, "saffron"
rice, and parched rice, to which is added, in this instance, a sort
of pudding of the pounded henna-leaves. A censer is next produced,
and a brass tray with a foot to it (called semb'rip) is loaded with
nasi berhinei (pulut or "glutinous" rice stained with saffron), in
which are planted some ten to fifteen purple eggs (dyed with a mixture
of brazil wood (sepang) and lime, and stuck upon ornamental sprays
of bamboo decorated with coloured paper). The bride (or bridegroom)
is then seated in a "begging" attitude, with the hands resting upon a
cushion placed in the lap; the first of the guests then takes a pinch
of incense from the tray and burns it in the brazier (tempat bara);
next he takes a pinch of parched rice, a pinch of newly-washed rice,
and a pinch of saffron rice, and, squeezing them together in the right
fist, fumigates them by holding them for a moment over the burning
incense, and then throws them towards the sitter, first towards the
right, then towards the left, and finally into the sitter's lap.

The "Neutralising Paste" [616] is then brought and the usual leaf-brush
dipped into the bowl of paste, with which the forehead of the sitter
and the back of each hand are duly "painted."

A pinch of the henna is then taken and dabbed upon the centre of
each palm, the hands of the sitter being turned over to enable this
to be done.

The sitter then salutes the guest by raising his (or her) hands with
the palms together before the breast in an attitude of prayer; the
guest replies by a similar action, and the ceremony is at an end.

The same operation is performed by from five to seven, or even nine,
relations (Orang Waris, lit. "Heirs,") the last operator concluding
with an Arabic prayer.

While this ceremony is proceeding inside, music strikes up and
a special dance, called the Henna Dance (menari hinei), [617] is
performed, a picturesque feature of which is a small cake of henna,
which is contained in a brazen cup (gompong hinei) and surrounded
by candles. This cup is carried by the dancer, [618] who has to keep
turning it over and over without letting the candles be extinguished
by the wind arising from the rapid motion.

The step, which is a special one, is called the "Henna-dance Step"
(Langkah tar' hinei, i.e. tari hinei), and the tune is called the
"Henna-staining tune" (Lagu berhinei).

This ceremony over, the "henna-staining" rice (nasi berhinei) is
partaken of by those present, the remainder being distributed to the
guests engaged in "main zikir."

On the third night the same ceremonies are repeated without variation.

On the fourth morning, called the "Concluding Day" (Hari Langsong),
everybody puts on his finest apparel and jewellery.

The bride's hair is done up in a roll (sanggul) and this is surmounted
with a head-dress of artificial flowers (called g'rak gempa), cut
out of p'rada kresek ("crackling tinsel") and raised on fine wires;
her forehead is bound with a band or fillet of tinsel--gold-leaf
(p'rada Siam) being used by the rich--which is called tekan kundei,
and is carried round by the fringe of the hair (gigi rambut) down
to the top of each ear (pelipis) [619]; for the rest the bride is
clad in a "wedding jacket" (baju pengantin), which has tight-fitting
sleeves extending down to the wrist, or sleeves with gathers (simak)
over the arm, and which is generally made of "flowered satin" (siten
berbunga) in the case of the rich, or of cloth dyed red with kasumba
[620] (kain kasumba) in the case of the poorer classes. This "wedding
jacket" fits tightly round the neck, has a gold border (pendepun 'mas),
is fastened with two or three gold buttons, and fits closely to the
person; the wealthy add a necklace or crescent-shaped breast-ornament
(rantei merjan or dokoh) round the bride's neck. She also wears
bracelets (g'lang) and ear-rings (subang) and perhaps anklets,
of five different metals (keronchong panchalogam). A silk sarong,
which takes the place of a skirt, and is girt about the waist with
a waist-cord (but not usually, in Southern Selangor, fastened with
belt and buckle), and a pair of silk trousers, complete her attire.

The groom, on the other hand, is clad in his best jacket and
trousers, with the Malay skirt (sarong), fastened at the side,
and girt above the knee (kain kembang). His head is adorned with
the sigar, a peculiar head-dress of red cloth arranged turbanwise,
with a peak on the right-hand side, from which artificial flowers
(gunjei) depend, and which preserves its shape through being stuffed
with cotton-wool. Its border is decorated with tinsel, and it has a
gold fringe (kida-kida). Besides this head-dress the bridegroom has
a small bunch of artificial flowers (sunting-sunting) stuck behind
each ear, whilst two similar bunches are stuck in the head-dress
(one on the right and the other on the left).

Bridegrooms, however, who belong to the richer classes wear what is
called a lester (=destar?), whilst former Sultans of Selangor are
said to have worn a gold cap (songkok leleng), which is reputed to
have contained eighteen bongkal [621] (or bungkal) of gold.

The remainder of the company are of course merely dressed in their
best clothes.

The "Rice of the Presence" (nasi adap-adap) is now prepared for what is
called the astakona or setakona, which may be described as a framework
with an octagonal ground-plan, built in three tiers, and made of pulai
or meranti or other light wood; it has a small mast (tiang) planted
in the centre, with cross pieces (palang-palang) in each of the upper
stories to keep it in its place; the framework is supported by four
corner-posts, on which it is raised about a foot and a half from the
floor. The box thus formed is filled to the top with "saffron rice"
(nasi kunyit), and in the rice at the top are planted the aforesaid
coloured eggs. Into a hole at the top of the mast is fitted the end
of a short rattan or cane, which is split into four branches, each
of which again is split into three twigs, whilst on the end of each
twig is stuck one of the coloured eggs (telor joran), an artificial
flower, and an ornamental streamer of red paper called layer, [622]
which is cut into all sorts of artistic and picturesque patterns.

The setakona is erected in front of the pelamin, on which the bride
takes her seat at about 4 P.M. to await the coming of the bridegroom,
the members of her own bridal party, including the Muhammadan priest
or Imam, continuing the zikir maulud in the reception room at frequent
intervals from 9 A.M. until the bridegroom's arrival. The arrangements
are completed by placing ready for the bridegroom the "Bridal Mat"
(lapik nikah), which consists of a mat of screw-palm leaves (or in
the case of a Raja, a small quilt, embroidered in the manner called
jong sarat) five cubits of white cloth, which are rolled up and put
on one side, and a tray of betel.

Returning to the bridegroom, holy water (ayer sembahyang) is now
fetched in a cherek (a kettle-shaped vessel) or bucket, for the
bridegroom to wash his face and hands, and he then proceeds to put
on his wedding garments, as described above, after which a scarf
(salendang) is slung across his shoulder. The marriage procession
(perarakan) then sets out, the women heading it (penganjor) and the
men following, the bridegroom carried upon somebody's shoulders
(di-sompoh), and right and left the musicians beating drums,
tabors, etc., whilst those who have any skill amuse the company with
exhibitions of Malay fencing (main silat) and dancing, etc., to the
accompaniment of the zikir intoned by their companions.

The arrival of the bridegroom at the bride's house is the signal for
a mimic conflict for the person of the bride, which is called melawa,
and is strangely reminiscent of similar customs which formerly obtained
in Europe.

In some cases a rope or piece of red cloth would be stretched
across the path to bar the progress of the bridegroom's party, and
a stout enough resistance would be offered by the defenders until
the bridegroom consented to pay a fine which formerly amounted, it
is said, to as much as $20, though not more than $3 or $4 would now
be asked. Occasionally the bridegroom would pay the fine by pulling
the ring off his finger and handing it to the bride's relations, but
the ceremony would not unfrequently end in a free fight. Verses were
recited on these occasions, of which a few stanzas will be found in
the Appendix. [623]

On arriving at the door the musicians strike up their liveliest tune,
and as the bridegroom is carried up the steps he has to force his way
through an Amazonian force consisting of the ladies of the bride's
party, who assemble to repel the invader from the threshold. A
well-directed fire is maintained by others, who pour upon the foe
over the heads of the defenders repeated volleys of saffron rice (or,
at a royal wedding, ambor-ambor--i.e. clippings from a thin sheet of
silver or gold which are thrown among the crowd as largess).

Meanwhile the bridegroom persists until his efforts are crowned with
success, and he makes his way (assisted possibly by some well-meant act
of treachery on the part of the garrison) to the reception room, when
the mat already referred to is unrolled and the white cloth suspended
over it. Here the bridegroom takes his seat and the priest comes out
to perform the wedding ceremony. [624] This, strangely enough, is
performed with the bridegroom alone, the priest saying to him in the
presence of three or four witnesses and his surety (wali), generally
his father, "I wed you, A., to B., daughter of C., for a portion of
two bharas." To this the bridegroom has to respond without allowing an
interval, "I accept this marriage with B., for a portion of two bharas"
(or one bhara if one of the parties has been married before). Even
this short sentence, however, is a great deal too much for the nerves
of some Malay bridegrooms, who have been known to spend a couple of
hours in abortive attempts before they could get the Imam to "pass"
it. As soon, however, as this obstacle has been surmounted, the priest
asks those present if they will bear witness to its correctness,
and on their replying in the affirmative, it is followed by the
"bacha salawat," which consists of repeated shouts from the company
of "Peace be with thee." This part of the ceremony completed, one
of the brothers or near relations of the bridegroom leads him into
the bridal chamber, and seats him in the usual cross-legged position
on the left side of the bride, who sits with her feet tucked up on
his right. Even the process of seating the couple (bersanding) is a
very fatiguing one; each of them has to bend the knees slowly until
a sitting posture is reached, and then return to a standing posture
by slowly straightening the knees, a gymnastic exercise which has to
be repeated thrice, and which requires the assistance of friends. [625]

The seating having been accomplished, friends put in the right hands
of bride and bridegroom respectively handfuls of rice taken from
the nasi setakona; with this the two feed each other simultaneously,
each of them reaching out the hand containing the rice to the other's
mouth. (This part of the ceremony is often made the occasion for
a race.)

The bridegroom is then carried off by his friends to the outer chamber,
where he has to pay his respects (minta' ma`af, lit. "ask pardon") to
the company, after which he is carried back to his old post, the bride
in the meantime having moved off a little in the mosquito curtain.

The sweetmeats are then brought and handed round, the setakona is
broken up, and the bundles of rice wrapped in plantain leaves which
it contains distributed to the company as largess or berkat. Each
of the company gets one of the telor chachak, the telor joran being
reserved for the Imam and any person of high rank who may attend,
e.g. a Raja. [626]

This completes the wedding ceremony, but the bridegroom is nominally
expected to remain under the roof (and eye) of his mother-in-law for
about two years (reduced to forty-four days in the case of "royalty"),
after which he may be allowed to remove to a house of his own. No
Kathi [627] was present until quite recently at marriages in Selangor,
nor has it in the past been the practice, so far as I could find out,
for him to attend. Sir S. Raffles gives as part of the formula used
in Java:--"If you travel at sea for a year, or ashore for six months,
without sending either money or message to your wife, she will complain
to the judge and obtain one talak (the preliminary stage of divorce),"
and this condition should, strictly speaking, be included in the Malay
formula. It is now growing obsolete, but was in former days repeated
first by the priest, and then by the bridegroom after him. The marriage
portion (isi kahwin, Arabic mahar) is here generally called b'lanja
kahwin or mas kahwin. [628] No wedding-ring should, strictly, be given.

For three days lustrations are continued by the newly-married pair, but
before they are completed, and as soon as possible after the wedding,
friends and acquaintances once more put on their finery, and proceed
to the house to pay their respects, to bathe, and to receive largess.

On the third day after the hari langsong there is a very curious
ceremony called mandi tolak bala, or mandi ayer salamat (bathing for
good luck).

On the night in question the relatives of the bridegroom assemble
under cover of the darkness and make a bonfire under the house of the
newly-married couple by collecting and burning rubbish; into the fire
thus kindled they throw cocoa-nut husks and pepper, or anything likely
to make it unpleasant for those within, and presently raise such a
smoke that the bridegroom comes hastily down the steps, ostensibly
to see what is the matter, but as soon as he makes his appearance, he
is seized by his relatives and carried off bodily to his own parents'
house; these proceedings being known as the stealing of the bridegroom
(churi pengantin). Next day there is a grand procession to escort him
back to the house of his bride, which he reaches about one o'clock
in the afternoon, the processionists carrying "Rice of the Presence"
(nasi adap-adap) with the eggs stuck into it as on the last day of
the wedding, two sorts of holy water in pitchers, called respectively
ayer salamat (water of good luck), and ayer tolak bala (water to
avert ill-luck), vases of flowers (gumba) containing blossom-spikes
of the cocoa-nut and areca-nut palms, and young cocoa-nut leaves
rudely plaited into the semblance of spikes of palm-blossom, k'risses,
etc. etc., together with a large number of rude syringes manufactured
from joints of bamboo, and called panah ayer, or "water-bows."

A set of similar objects (including nasi adap-adap), is prepared by
the relatives of the bride, and deposited upon the ground in the place
selected for the bathing ceremony. A bench being added for the bride
and bridegroom to sit upon, the ceremony commences with the customary
rite of tepong tawar, after which the two kinds of holy water, ayer
tolak bala and ayer salamat, are successively thrown over the pair.

Now, according to the proper custom, during the proceedings which
follow, all the bride's relatives should surround the bride's seat,
and the bridegroom's relatives should stand at a distance; but, in
order to save themselves from a wetting, the women of both parties
now usually assemble round the bride and bridegroom, where they are
protected by a sheet which is hung between them and the men; for all
the young men now proceed to discharge their "water arrows," and as
they are stopped by the sheet they proceed to turn their syringes
against each other, until all are thoroughly wetted.

Meanwhile a young cocoa-nut frond, twisted into a slip-knot with
V-shaped ends (something like the "merry thought" of a fowl), is
presented to the bride and bridegroom, each of whom takes hold of
one end, and blowing on it (sembor) thrice, pulls it till it comes
undone, and the lepas-lepas rite is concluded. Finally, a girdle
of thread is passed seven times over the heads and under the feet
of the bride and bridegroom, when the bridegroom breaks through
the thread and they are all free to return homewards. This latter
ceremony is called 'lat-'lat. The guests then return to their homes,
divest themselves of their wet garments, and put on their wedding
attire. The bersuap-suapan, or feeding ceremony, is then performed
(both vessels of adap-adap rice being used), and then all parties
disperse for the usual games. Seven days after the "Concluding Day"
(Hari Langsong), the ceremony of Discarding the Earrings (i.e. subang,
the emblems of virginity) is performed by the bride.

Raja Bôt of Selangor, who attaches great importance to the lustration
ceremony, and says that it ought not to take place later than the
seventh day (at a Raja's wedding), thus describes the full ceremony
as once arranged by himself:--A small bath-house was built at the top
of a flight of seven steps, and water was pumped up to it through a
pipe, whose upper end was made fast under the roof of the shed, and
terminated in the head of a dragon (naga), from whose jaws the water
spouted. The steps were completely lined with women, of whom there
must have been an immense number (no men being allowed to be present),
and the Raja and his bride bathed before them. A royal bath-house
of this kind is called balei pancha persada, and should be used not
only at "royal" weddings, but at coronations (waktu di-naubatkan);
it is described in the following lines:--

   "Naik balei pancha persada
    Di-hadap uleh sagala Biduanda,
    Dudok semaiam dengan bertakhta.
    Mandi ayer yang kaluar di mulut Naga"--

which may be translated:--

   "Ascend to the Royal Bath-House
    In the presence of all your courtiers,
    Take your seat in royal state,
    And bathe in the water that flows from the Dragon's Mouth."

It must not be supposed that, with such a mass of detail, many things
may not have been overlooked, but it may be remarked as some sort of a
practical conclusion to this account, that the Malay wedding ceremony,
even as carried out by the poorer classes, shows that the contracting
parties are treated as royalty, that is to say, as sacred human beings,
and if any further proof is required, in addition to the evidence
which may be drawn from the general character of the ceremony, I may
mention, firstly, the fact that the bride and bridegroom are actually
called Raja Sari, (i.e. Raja sa-hari, the "sovereigns of a day");
and, secondly, that it is a polite fiction that no command of theirs,
during their one day of sovereignty, may be disobeyed.

I will now give accounts of two Malay weddings which took place at
Klang: both accounts were composed by respectable Malays, the first
one being translated by Mr. Douglas Campbell of Selangor, and the
second by the present writer:--

"The following account of the ceremonies connected with the marriage
of Siti Meriam, a daughter of the Orang Kaya Badu, [629] of Selangor,
to Wan Mahamed Esa, a son of Datoh Mentri [630] Ibrahim of Perak,
has been furnished by a Malay contributor, Haji Karrim, and in
translating it into English an endeavour has been made to follow,
as far as possible, the style of the native writer.

"On Monday, the 1st of August, the house was prepared and the hangings
and curtains put up, and on that evening the ceremony of dyeing the
fingers of the bridegroom with henna was performed for the first
time. Then there were readings from the Koran, with much beating of
drums and kettledrums and Malay dances, and when this had gone on for
some time, supper was served to all the men present in the balei,
or separate hall, and to the women in the house adjoining. Supper
over, readings from the Koran and beating of drums were continued
till daylight.

"On Tuesday evening the dyeing of the fingers of the bridegroom was
performed for the second time, as on the preceding evening.

"The third occasion of dyeing the fingers of the bridegroom took place
on Wednesday evening, but with much more ceremony than previously. The
bridegroom, after being dressed in silks and cloth of gold, was paraded
in an open carriage. On each side of him was seated a groom'sman
shading him with a fan, and behind, holding an umbrella over him,
was another. And thus, with many followers beating drums and singing,
and with the Royal sireh [631]-box, on which are seated the dragons
known as naga pura and naga taru, and with two Royal spears carried
before him and two behind, the bridegroom was taken through the streets
in procession. On arriving at the bride's house he was received with
showers of rose-water, and then conveyed by the elders to the raised
dais on which the bride and bridegroom awaited their friends.

"The bridegroom being seated, fourteen of the elders came forward
and dyed his fingers with henna, and afterwards others, who were
clever at this, followed their example. While this was going on there
was much beating of gongs and drums, and then the same process of
dyeing was repeated on the bride by women. Next the Imam came, and,
after stating that the dowry was $100 cash, heard Wan Mahamed Esa
publicly receive Siti Meriam as his wife, whereupon the Bilal [632]
read a prayer and afterwards pronounced a blessing.

"Supper was then served to all the guests present as before, the men
having their meal in the balei and the women in the house adjoining,
and singing and dancing was kept up until daylight.

"On Thursday afternoon the bride, dressed in her best, with her
father and relations, received the Resident, who was accompanied by
Mrs. Birch, the Senior District Officer and Mrs. Turney, Captain and
Mrs. Syers, Mr. Edwards, and many other ladies and gentlemen. Cakes
and preserves were served, of which the ladies and gentlemen present
partook. Then the bridegroom arrived, seated in an open carriage with
a groom'sman on each side of him, while one, carrying the Royal silk
umbrella, kindly lent by H.H. the Sultan, went before him.

"The procession was headed by one of the Royal spears, and two
more were carried before the bridegroom and two behind him, and so,
accompanied by the Selangor Band, kindly lent by the Resident, and
by a crowd of people singing and beating gongs and drums, he was
conveyed to the bride's house. His arrival was greeted with showers
of rice, and he was seated, together with the bride, on the dais,
where they, with the assistance of Mr. and Mrs. Birch, helped each
other to partake of yellow rice.

"So the marriage was completed satisfactorily, and then, as it
was evening, the Resident and Mrs. Birch, and the other ladies and
gentlemen present, returned to Kuala Lumpur; the people who remained
amusing themselves with dagger dances (main dabus).

"On Friday evening the bride and bridegroom left for Jugra in the
Esmeralda, which had been lent by the Resident, to pay their respects
to H.H. the Sultan, returning to Klang on Saturday.

"On the same afternoon the ceremony of the bath was performed, to
the great satisfaction of every one present, and was kept up till
six o'clock, by which time every one was wet through.

"This was the last ceremony in connection with the marriage, and then
every one wished the bride and bridegroom much happiness." [633]

The following account was translated by the writer:--

"Preparations for the wedding of Inche Halimah, daughter of Sheikh
`Abdul Mohit Baktal, and Said `Abdul Rahman Al Jafri, commenced on
Monday, the 2nd of August 1895.

"The mosquito-curtain, tapestries and canopies were suspended,
and decorations, including the marriage furniture (peti betuah dan
bangking), arranged. Moreover, the bridal couch was adorned with
decorations of gold and mattresses raised one above the other,
one with a facing of gold and the other with a facing of silver,
and four pillows with gold facings, and five piled-up pillows with
silver facings; and the kitchen apparatus was got ready, including
ten pans and coppers of the largest size, and the sheds for those
who were to cook rice and the meats eaten therewith. On this day,
moreover, a buffalo was sent by Towkay Teck Chong, with the full
accompaniments of music, and so forth.

"On Tuesday, the 3rd day of the month, took place the first
Henna-staining, the bride being led forth by her Coiffeur and seated
upon the marriage throne. And the bride seated herself against the
large pillow, which is called 'The Pillow against which One Rests,'
or bantal saraga. And towards evening all the relatives on the woman's
side sprinkled the tepong tawar (upon the forehead and hands of the
bride), and after the Henna-staining, dishes of confectionery and
preserved fruits were offered to all the guests who were present in
the reception-room.

"And on the 3rd [634] day of the month there took place in like
manner the second Henna-staining. And on the 5th day of the month
took place the Private Henna-staining (berhinei churi); the bride's
hair being dressed after the fashion known as Sanggul Lintang, and
further adorned with ornaments of gold and diamonds to the value
of about $5000. And after this Henna-staining all persons present
descended to the rooms below, where fencing and dagger dances, and
music and dancing were kept up at pleasure.

"On the 6th day of the month, being Friday, Inche Mohamad Kassim,
Penghulu of the Mukim of Bukit Raja, was commissioned by Datoh Penghulu
Mohit to summon the bridegroom, inasmuch as that day was fixed for
the marriage rite. And the bridegroom, wearing the robe called jubah
and a turban tied after the Arab fashion, [635] arrived at about three
o'clock, and was met by the priest (Tuan Imam) at the house. Very many
were the guests on that day, and many ladies and gentlemen, and his
renowned Highness the Tungku Dia-Uddin, were assembled in the house.

"And the Tuan Imam read the marriage service, Datoh Penghulu Mohit
giving his permission for Tuan Haji Mohamad Said Mufti to wed Inche
Halimah to Said `Abdul Rahman Al Jafri, with a marriage portion of
$100. And after the marriage rite Tuan Imam proceeded to read prayers
for their welfare. And afterwards dishes of rice were brought, of
which the guests present were invited to partake. And when all had
eaten, the Coiffeur led forth the bride to the scaffolding for the
ceremony called 'Bathing in State.' And upon that same evening took
place the Great Henna-staining, and the guests assembled in exceeding
great numbers, both men and women, and filled the house above and
below to overflowing. And when the henna-staining was completed,
all the men who were present chanted (bacha maulud) until daybreak.

"And upon the 7th day of the month, being Saturday, the bride being
adorned, the bridegroom seated in a buggy was drawn in procession
at about 5 o'clock from the house of his renowned Highness Tungku
Dia-Uddin, accompanied by the Government Band and all kinds of music,
to the house of the Datoh Penghulu, where he was met and sprinkled with
saffron-rice and rose-water. Afterwards, being seated on the marriage
throne side by side, both husband and wife, they offered each other
in turn the mouthfuls of saffron-rice which were presented by the
ladies and gentlemen and His Highness Tungku Dia-Uddin.

"And afterwards the elder relatives on the side of both husband
and bride presented the rice, and Inche Mohamad Kassim presented
red eggs (telor berjoran) to all the ladies and gentlemen, and the
bridegroom led the bride with him into the bridal chamber by the
finger, walking upon cloth of purple and gold. And afterwards all
the ladies and gentlemen were invited to eat and drink, and the band
played, fireworks and artificial fires were burned, and great was
the brightness thereof, and all the young people danced and sang at
their pleasure until the evening was spent." [636]

The marriage customs hitherto described have been only such as
are based on a peaceful understanding between the parents of the
contracting parties. An account of Malay marriage customs would
not, however, be complete without some mention of the customs which
regulate, strange as it may seem, even the forcible abduction of a
wife. Of these customs Sir W. E. Maxwell says:--

"The word panjat in Malay means literally 'to climb,' but it is used
in Pêrak, and perhaps in other Malay States, to signify a forcible
entry into a house for the purpose of securing as a wife a woman whom
her relations have already refused to the intruder. This high-handed
proceeding is recognised by Malay custom, and is regulated by certain
well-known rules.

"Panjat is of two kinds--panjat angkara and panjat 'adat--entry by
violence and entry by custom. In the first case, the man makes his
way into the house armed with his kris, or other weapon, and entering
the women's apartment, or posting himself at the door, secures the
person of his intended bride, or prevents her escape. He runs the
risk of being killed on the spot by the girl's relations, and his
safety depends upon his reputation for courage and strength, and upon
the number of his friends and the influence of his family. A wooer
who adopts this violent method of compelling the assent of unwilling
relations to his marriage to one of their kin must, say the Malays,
have three qualifications--

   "Ka-rapat-an baniak,
    Wang-nia ber-lebih,
    Jantan-nia ber-lebih,

'A strong party to back him, plenty of money, and no lack of bravery.'

"Plenty of money is necessary, because, by accepted custom, if the
relations yield and give their consent all the customary payments
are doubled; the fine for the trespass, which would ordinarily be
twenty-five dollars, becomes fifty dollars; the dower is likewise
doubled, and the usual present of clothes (salin) must consist of two
of each of the three garments (salendang, baju, kain), instead of one
as usual. The fine for panjat angkara may be of any amount, according
to the pleasure of the woman's relations, and they fix it high or low
according to the man's position. I have heard of one case in Pêrak,
where the fine was five hundred dollars, and another in which the
suitor, to obtain his bride, had to pay one thousand seven hundred
and fifty dollars, namely, one thousand two hundred and fifty dollars
as a fine, and five hundred dollars for the marriage expenses. But in
this case the girl was already betrothed to another, and one thousand
dollars out of the fine went to the disappointed rival.

"Sometimes the relations hold out, or the man, for want of one of
the three qualifications mentioned above, has to beat an ignominious
retreat. In the reign of Sultan Ali, one Mat Taib, a budak raja, or
personal attendant on the Sultan, asked for Wan Dêna, the daughter
of the Bandahara of Kedah (she then being at Kota Lama in Pêrak) in
marriage. Being refused he forced his way into the house, and seizing
the girl by her long hair drew his kris, and defied everybody. No
one dared to interfere by force, for the man, if attacked, would
have driven his kris into the girl's body. This state of things is
said to have lasted three days and three nights, during which the
man neither ate nor slept. Eventually he was drugged by an old woman
from whom he accepted some food or water, and when he fell asleep the
girl was released from his grasp and taken to the Sultan's palace,
where she was married off straightway to one Mat Arshad. Mat Taib had
his revenge, for within a year he amoked at Bandar, where Mat Arshad
lived, killing the latter and wounding Wan Dêna.

"Panjat 'adat is a less lawless proceeding. A man who is in love with
a girl, the consent of whose parents or relations he cannot obtain,
sends his kris to their house with a message to the effect that he
is ready with the dower, presents, etc., doubled according to custom,
and that he is ready to make good any demands they may make.

"The kris is symbolical of the violent entry, which in this case is
dispensed with. If the girl's guardians are still obdurate they send
back the kris, but with it they must send double the amount of the
dower offered by the man. [637]"

7. FUNERALS [638]

When a man dies, the corpse (called Maiat, except in the case of
a Raja, when it is called Jenaja or Jenazah) is laid on its back,
and composed with the feet towards Mecca, and the hands crossed (the
right wrist resting upon the left just below the breast-bone, and the
right fore-finger on the top of the left arm). It is next shrouded
from head to foot in fine new sarongs, one of which usually covers
the body from the feet upwards to the waist, the other covering it
from the waist to the head. There are generally (in the case of the
peasantry) three or four thicknesses of these sarongs, but when a
rich man (orang kaya) dies, as many as seven may be used, each of the
seven being made in one long piece, so as to cover the body from the
head to the feet, the cloth being of fine texture, of no recognised
colour, but richly interwoven with gold thread, while the body is laid
upon a mattress, which in turn rests upon a new mat of pandanus leaf;
finally, all but the very poorest display the hangings used on great
occasions. At the head of the corpse are then piled five or six new
pillows, with two more on the right and left side of the body resting
against the ribs, while just below the folded hands are laid a pair
of betel-nut scissors (kachip besi), and on the matting at either
side a bowl for burning incense is placed. Some say that the origin
of laying the betel-nut scissors on the breast is that once upon a
time a cat brushed against the body of a dead person, thereby causing
the evil influence (badi) which resides in cats to enter the body,
so that it rose and stood upon its feet. The "contact with iron"
[639] prevents the dead body from rising again should it happen by
any mischance that a cat (which is generally the only animal kept
in the house, and which should be driven out of the house before the
funeral ceremonies commence) should enter unawares and brush against
it. From this moment until the body is laid in the grave the "wake"
must be religiously observed, and the body be watched both by day
and night to see that nothing which is forbidden (pantang) may come
near it. [640] The Imam, Bilal, or Khatib, or in their absence the Pah
Doja, or Pah Lebai, is then summoned, and early notice of the funeral
is given to all relations and friends to give them an opportunity of
attending. Meanwhile the preparations are going on at the house of
the deceased. The shroud (kain kapan) and plank or planks for the
coffin are got ready: of coffins there are three kinds, the papan
sakeping (the simplest form, generally consisting of a simple plank
of pulai or jelutong wood about six feet long by three spans wide),
the karanda (a plain, oblong plank box, of the same dimensions), and
the long (consisting either of two planks which form a sort of gable
with closed ends called kajang rungkop, or the long betul, which is
like three sides of a box with its sides bulging out, both ends open,
and no bottom). Varnish or paint is forbidden in Malay coffins, but
the planks are washed to insure their cleanliness, and lined with
white cloth (alas puteh). About three inches of earth is put into the
karanda ordinarily, but if the coffin is to be kept, about a span's
depth of earth, quicklime, and several katis [641] of tea-leaves,
rush-piths (sumbu kumpai), and camphor are also deposited in it,
in successive layers, the rush-piths at the top. Afterwards when the
corpse has been laid on the top, tea-leaves are put at front and back
of the corpse as it lies.

The next operation is to wash the corpse, which is carried for this
purpose into the front or outer room. If there are four people to be
found who are willing to undertake this disagreeable duty, they are
told to sit upon the floor in a row, all looking the same way, and
with their legs stretched out (belunjor kaki), the body being then laid
across their laps (riba). Several men are then told off to fetch water
in jars, scoop it out of the jars and pour it on the body in small
quantities by means of the "scoop" (penchedok ayer), which is usually
a small bowl, saucer, or cocoa-nut shell (tempurong). It frequently
happens, however, that this unpleasant task finds no volunteers, in
which case five banana stems are turned into improvised "rollers"
(galang), on which the body is raised from the floor during the
process of washing (meruang). When the body is ready for washing,
a chief washer (orang meruang) is engaged for a fee of about a
dollar; this is usually the Bilal or Imam, who "shampoos" the body
whilst the rest are pouring water on it. The body then undergoes a
second washing, this time with the cosmetic called ayer bedak which
is prepared by taking a handful of rice (sa-genggam b'ras), two or
three "dips" of lime (cholek kapur),and a pinch of gambier (gambir
sa-chubit)--the last three being the usual concomitants of a single
"chew" of the betel-leaf--and pounding them up together with the
rice. When pounded they are mixed with water (di-banchor [642]) in
a large bowl holding about two gallons, the water at the top being
poured off into a vessel of similar capacity, and scooped up and
sprinkled as before on the corpse. The next washing is with juice of
limes. Four or five limes (limau nipis) are taken, the ends cut off,
and each lime slashed crosswise on the top without completely severing
the parts. These limes are then squeezed (di-ramaskan) into another
large bowl containing water, and the washing repeated. The final
washing, or "Nine Waters" (ayer sambilan, so called from the water
being scooped up, and poured thrice to the right, thrice to the left,
and thrice over the front of the corpse from head to foot) is performed
with fresh water as at first, and the whole ceremony when completed
is called bedara. The washing completed, the orifices--e.g. ears,
nostrils, eyes--are generally stopped with cotton, and the body is
carried back to its mattress, and laid in a shroud of white cotton
cloth, which should be about seven feet long by four feet in width
(salabuh), so that the edges meet over the breast. After this the
last kiss is given by the nearest relatives, who must not, however,
disturb the corpse by letting their tears fall upon its features. The
shroud is usually of three thicknesses in the case of poor people, but
wealthier families use five, and even seven-fold shrouds. In Selangor,
however, each shroud is usually a separate piece of cloth. The dead
body of a child is sometimes covered in addition with a fine sort of
white powder (abok tanah or tayamam), which is sprinkled over the face
and arms. Five knots are used in fastening the shroud, the ends being
drawn up and tied (kochong) by means of the unravelled hem or selvage
of the shroud torn into tape-like strips, [643] which are bound thrice
round the body at the breast, the knees, and the hips respectively,
as well as above the head and below the feet. The corpse is then laid
on the mattress or mat again, this time with its head to the north,
and on its right side looking towards the west (Mecca), which is
the position it is to occupy in the grave. Prayers are then offered
by four or five "praying-men" (orang menyembahyang), who know the
burial service by heart, the Bilal or Imam joining in the service,
and all turning towards the west in the usual way. One "praying-man"
is sufficient, if no more are to be had, his fee ranging from 50 cents
to a dollar in the case of the poorer classes, and among the rich
often amounting to $5 or $6. This service is held about 1 P.M. so
as to give plenty of time to carry the body to the grave and return
before nightfall.

A jugful of eagle-wood (gharu) and sandal-wood (chendana) water is
then prepared, a small piece of each wood being taken and grated on
a stone over the jug until the water becomes appreciably scented;
about twenty leaves of the sweet-scented pandanus (pandan wangi) are
then added, together with a bunch of fragrant areca-palm blossoms,
and other scented flowers, such as the champaka and kenanga, which
are shredded (di-iris) into a wooden tray and mixed together, whilst
fragrant essences, such as rose-water (ayer mawar), lavender water
(ayer labenda), attar of roses (minyak attar or turki) are added when
obtainable. A betel-leaf tray containing all the articles required
for chewing betel is then prepared, together with a new mat of
pandanus-leaf, in which are rolled up five hasta [644] of white cloth,
and a brass bowl or alms box, in which latter are to be placed the
contributions (sedekah) of the deceased's relations. The preparations
are completed by bringing in the bier (usongan), which has to be made
on purpose, except in towns where a bier is kept in the mosque.

In the case of the single plank coffin the body is laid on the plank
(which is carried on the bier) and a sort of wicker-work covering
(lerang-lerang) of split bamboo is placed over the corpse, so as
to protect it on its way to the grave. In the case of the karanda
the body is laid in the coffin, which is carried on the bier; and in
the case of the long, there being no bottom in this form of coffin,
the body lies on a mat. In each case the bier is covered with a pall
(kain tudong) of as good coloured cloth (never white, but often
green) as may be obtainable. There are generally two or three of
these coverings, and floral decorations are sometimes thrown across
them, the blossoms of the areca-palm and the scented pandanus being
woven into exquisite floral strips, called "Centipedes' Feet" (jari
lipan), about three feet long by two fingers in breadth, and laid at
short intervals across the pall. There are generally from five to
six of these floral strips, the areca blossom alternating with the
pandanus. The number of bearers depends on the rank of the deceased;
in the case of a Sultan as many as possible bear a hand in sending him
to the grave, partly because of the pahala or merit thereby obtained,
and partly (no doubt) for the sake of the sedekah or alms given
to bearers. The procession then starts for the grave; none of the
mourners or followers here wear any special dress or sign of mourning,
such as the white sash with coloured ribbon which is sometimes worn
at Singapore (unless the kabong puteh or strip of white cloth which
is distributed as a funeral favour at the death of a Sultan may be so
reckoned). The only mourning which appears to be known to Malays is
the rare use of a kind of black edging for the envelopes of letters,
and that is no doubt copied from the English custom, though I may add
that a letter which announces a death should have no kapala. [645] Loud
wailing and weeping is forbidden by the Imam for fear of disturbing the
dead. The mosque drum is not usually beaten for funerals in Selangor,
nor is the body usually carried into the mosque, but is borne straight
to the tomb. If the coffin is a single plank one, on arriving at the
grave (which should have been dug early in the morning) an excavation
is made on the left side of the grave for the reception of the corpse,
the cavity being called liang lahad. Three men then lower the corpse
into the grave, where three others are waiting to receive it, and
the corpse is deposited in the cavity on its right side (mengiring
ka lambong kanan), looking towards the west (Mecca), and with the
head therefore lying towards the north. Four pegs (daka-daka) are
then driven in to keep the plank in a diagonal position and prevent
it from falling on the body, while the plank in turn protects the
corpse from being struck by falling earth.

The karanda is lowered into the centre of the grave in the same way
as a European coffin, the body, however, being invariably deposited
in the position just described; whilst the long acts as a sort of
lid to a shallow trench (just big enough to contain the body) which
is dug (di-k'roh) in the middle of the grave-pit. The five bands
swathing the corpse (lima tali-pengikat maiat) are then removed,
and at this point the bystanders occasionally hand lumps of earth
(tanah sa-kepal) to the men standing in the pit, who, after putting
them to the nostrils of the deceased "to be smelled," deposit them at
the side of the grave, when they are shovelled in by those standing at
the top. [646] The filling of the grave then proceeds, but as it is
"taboo" (pantang) to let the earth strike against the coffin in its
fall, the grave-diggers, who are still standing in the pit, receive it
as it falls upon a sort of small hurdle or screen made of branches,
and thence tilt it into the grave. As the grave (which is usually
dug to about the level of a man's ear) fills up, the grave-diggers,
who are forbidden to shovel in the soil themselves, tread down the
earth and level it, and they are not allowed to leave the pit till it
is filled up to the top. One of the relations then takes a piece of
any hard wood, and rudely fashions with a knife a temporary grave-post
(nisan or nishan), which is round in the case of a man and flattened
in the case of a woman; one of these grave-posts is placed exactly
over the head (rantau kapala) and the other over the waist (rantau
pinggang), not at the feet as in the case of Europeans. Thus the two
grave-posts are ordinarily about three feet apart, but tradition says
that over the grave of a kramat or saint, they will always be found
some five or six feet at least apart, one at the head and one at the
feet, and it is said to be the saint himself who moves them. To the
knob of the grave-post is tied a strip of white cloth as a sign of
recent death. [647]

Leaves are then strewn on the ground at the left of the grave,
and the five cubits of white cloth alluded to above are spread out
to form a mat, upon which the Imam takes his seat, the rest of the
company being seated upon the leaves. Eagle-wood and sandal-wood water
(ayer gharu chendana) is then brought to the Imam, who pours it out in
three libations, each time sprinkling the grave from the head to the
foot. If any water is left, the Imam sprinkles it upon any other graves
which may be near, whilst the shredded flowers (bunga rampai) are then
similarly disposed of. Next is read the talkin, which is an exhortation
(ajaran) addressed to the deceased. It is said that during the process
of reading the Talkin the corpse momentarily revives, and, still lying
upon its side, raises itself to a listening position by reclining upon
its right elbow (bertelku) and resting its head upon its hand. [648]
This is the reason [649] for removing the bands of the shroud, as the
body is left free to move, and thus in groping about (meraba-raba)
with its left hand feels that its garment is without a hem or selvage,
and then first realising that it must be really dead, composes itself
to listen quietly to whatever the Imam may say, until at the close of
the exhortation it falls back really lifeless! Hence the most absolute
silence must be observed during the exhortation. The Imam then repeats,
by way of "doxology," the tahalil or meratib, "la-ilaha-illa-'llah"
("there is no god but God"), in company with the rest of the assembly,
all present turning their heads and rocking themselves from side
to side as they sit, whilst they reiterate the words a hundred
times, commencing slowly till thirty-three times are reached, then
increasing the pace up to the sixty-sixth time, and concluding with
great rapidity. The contributions in the alms-basin (batil) are then
divided among the entire company as alms (sedekah). The master of the
house then invites those present to partake at about five p.m. of the
funeral feast, which in no way differs from an ordinary Malay banquet,
the more solid portion of the meal (makan nasi) being followed by
the usual confectionery and preserved fruits. The Imam then reads
prayers, and the company breaks up. The decorations for the funeral
are left for three days undisturbed. During these three days the
nearer neighbours are feasted, both in the morning and evening, at
the usual Malay hours; and for three days every night at about ten
P.M. the service called "Reading the Koran to the Corpse" (mengajikan
maiat) is performed, either by the Imam or somebody hired for the
purpose. This is an important duty, the slightest slip being regarded
as a great sin. At the end of the three days there is yet another
feast, at one P.M. (kanduri meniga hari), when those who are farther
off are invited, and after this meal the tahalil is repeated as before.

On the seventh day a similar feast (called kanduri menujoh hari) is
followed by the tahalil, which necessitates a further distribution of
fees (sedekah tahalil); but in the case of poor people this second
tahalil may be omitted, or the master of the house may say to the
company, "I ask (to be let off) the praying fees" (Sahya minta'
sedekah tahalil), in which case the tahalil is free.

Yet another feast is held on the fourteenth day (kanduri dua kali
tujoh hari), when the ceremonies are at end, except in the case of
the richer classes who keep the kanduri ampat puloh hari, or forty
days' feast, and the kanduri meratus hari, or 100 days' feast, whilst
the anniversary is also kept as a holiday by all who wish to show
respect for the deceased. This closes the usual funeral ceremonies,
but a day is generally chosen at pleasure in the month of Ramthan or
Maulud for the purpose of offering prayers and feasting the ancestors.

The only difference made in the case of the death of a woman is that
the washing of the corpse devolves upon women, whilst in the case
of very young infants the talkin is sometimes omitted. The woman's
nisan, as has been explained, is distinguished by its shape. [650]
The temporary nisan may be replaced by a permanent one at any time
after the funeral. At the time the grave is made up, four planks
(dapor-dapor), with the upper edges and ends roughly carved and
scalloped, are placed round the grave mound (tanah mati) to keep the
earth from falling down. Whenever the grave is thus finally made up
a feast is held, but from the necessities of the case this pious duty
is generally left to the rich.


"The successful practice of (Malay) medicine must be based on the
fundamental principle of 'preserving the balance of power' among the
four elements. This is chiefly to be effected by constant attention to,
and moderation in, diet. To enforce these golden precepts, passages
from the Koran are plentifully quoted against excess in eating or
drinking. Air, they say, is the cause of heat and moisture, and earth
of cold and dryness. They assimilate the constitution and passions
of man to the twelve signs of the Zodiac, and the seven planets, etc."

"The mysterious sympathy between man and external nature ... was the
basis of that system of supernatural magic which prevailed in Europe
during the Middle Ages." [651]

The foregoing quotation shows that the distinctive features of the
Aristotelian hygienic theory, as borrowed by the Arabs, did eventually
filter through (in some cases) until they reached the Malays. Such
direct references, however, to Greek theories are of the rarest
character, and can hardly be considered typical.

Most of the more important rites practised by the Malay medicine-men
(Bomor [652]) may be divided into two well-defined parts. Commencing
with a ceremonial "inspection" (the counterpart of our modern
"diagnosis"), the Bomor proceeds to carry out a therapeutic ceremony,
the nature of which is decided by the results of the "inspection." For
the purposes of the diagnosis he resorts to divination, by means of
omens taken from the smoke of the burning censer, from the position of
coins thrown into water-jars (batu buyong), and parched rice floating
upon the water's surface.

The therapeutic rites, on the other hand, may be roughly classified
as follows according to their types: [653]--

    1. Propitiatory Ceremonies (limas, ambangan, etc.).
    2. "Neutralisatory" Ceremonies for destroying the evil principle
    3. "Expulsory" Ceremonies (for the casting out of the evil
       principle; [654] of which the "sucking charm" rite (mengalin)
       is an example).
    4. "Revivificatory" Ceremonies (for recalling a sick person's soul,
       riang semangat).

I shall take each of the types in order.

For the water-jar ceremony three jars (buyong) containing water
are brought to the sick man's room and decorated with the fringe or
necklace of plaited cocoa-nut leaves, which is called "Centipedes'
Feet" (jari 'lipan). A fourth jar should contain a sort of bouquet
of artificial flowers to serve as an attraction to the sick man's
soul (semangat). You will also require a tray filled with the usual
accessories of Malay magic ceremonies (incense, three sorts of rice,
etc.), besides three wax tapers, one of which you will plant upon
the brim of each of the three jars.

When all is ready, drop the incense upon the embers, and as the smoke
rises repeat this charm:--

   "If you are at one with me, rise towards me, O smoke;
    If you are not at one with me, rise athwart me, O smoke,
    Either to right or left." [655]

As you say this, "catch" the first puff of smoke and inhale it
(tangkap-lah puchok asap, chium), as it rises towards you. If the smell
is pleasant (sedap) it is a good sign; if it has a scorched smell
(hangit) it is bad; but if it smells offensive (busok) no medicine
can save the patient.

Next, before you look into the jars, take handfuls of "parched,"
"washed," and "saffron" rice, and after fumigating them over the
incense, strew them all round the row of jars, saying as you do so:--

   "Cluck, cluck! souls of So-and-so, all seven of you! [656]
    Come, and let all of us here together
    See (about the) medicine for (you) O souls of So-and-so."

Here strew (tabor) the rice first to the right, then to the left,
and then to the right again.

Before removing the calladium-leaves from the jar-mouths, repeat
the following:--

   "Peace be with you, Prophet 'Tap, in whose charge is the earth,
    Suawam, in whose charge are the heavens,
    Prophet Noah, in whose charge are the Trees,
    Prophet Elias, Planter of Trees,
    And Prophet Khailir (Khizr), in whose charge is the water,
    I crave permission to see the remedies for So-and-so."

Here remove the calladium-leaves from the jar-mouths, and taking one
of the wax tapers, wave it in the smoke of the censer seven times
towards the right, and say:--

   "Peace be with you, O Tanju, I adopt you to be a guardian for
    my brother,
    You who are sprung from the original elements,
    From the former time unto the present,
    You who sprang from the gum of the eyes of Muhammad,
    I ask to see the disease of So-and-so."

Here plant the taper firmly upon the edge of the jar, and "gaze"
into the water "to see the signs" (`alamat-nya).

Thus if there is an oily scum on the water (ayer berk'rak lemak) it
is a bad sign; and to this may be added that if the calladium-leaf
covering has acquired a faded look (layu) in the interim, it is a
sign of severe sickness.

Fumigate the outside of the jars with the smoke of the incense (the
medicine-man does this by "washing" his hands in the smoke and then
rubbing over the outside of the jars as if he were "shampooing" them);
and anoint them with "oil of Celebes" (minyak Bugis). Then take a
"closed fistful" (sa-genggam) of parched rice, and holding it over the
smoke of the censer (ganggang di asap kem'nyan), repeat this charm:--

   "Peace be with you, Mustia Kembang,
    I adopt you as a guardian for my brother,
    If in truth you are sprung from the primordial elements,
    From the former time unto the present,
    I know the origin from which you sprang,
    For you sprang from our Lady Eve (Siti Hawa),
    You I order, your co-operation I invoke,
    That whatsoever shape you assume
    Within this your garden of splendour,
    You break neither plighted faith nor solemn promise."

Here throw the parched rice into the jars, and say:--

   "Peace be unto you, O Prophet 'Tap, in whose charge is the Earth,
    O Prophet Noah in whose charge are the Trees,
    And Prophet Khailir in whose charge is the Water,
    I crave this water (lit. 'exudation') as a boon,
    For the healing of So-and-so."

And observe these signs:--

    1. If the water is perfectly still it is a bad sign.
    2. If it is a little disturbed it is a good sign.
    3. If the rice floats in a line across the sun's path (berator
       melintang matahari) it is a fatal sign.
    4. If you see a solitary grain travelling by itself (bersiar)
       you may know the sickness to be caused by the making of an image
       (buatan orang).
    5. If the parched rice travels towards the right of the jar the
       patient will recover quickly.
    6. If it travels towards the left of the jar he will recover,
       but slowly.
    7. If, however, it floats right underneath the candle it is
       generally a fatal sign.

Next, see what patterns are formed by the rice-grains as they lie on
the water:--

    1. If they take the shape either of a boat or a crocodile, this
       means that the spirit demands the launching of a spirit-boat
    2. If they take a square shape, a tray of offerings (anchak)
       is demanded.
    3. If they take the shape of a house, a 'state-hall' (balei)
       is demanded.

Now take all kinds of fragrant flowers and shred them (buat bunga
rampai), add the shredded blossoms of four which are scentless
(for instance, blossoms of the selaguri, pulut-pulut, bali-adap, and
kedudok), mix them and throw them into the jars, then plant in each
jar the flower-spathe of an areca-palm (mayang pinang). Throw into
each a "jar-stone" (i.e. a dollar), and the jars will be ready. You
should then read the foregoing charms over each of them.

The extra jar which is filled with a sort of big nosegay (gumba)
represents a pleasure-garden (taman bunga), and is intended to attract
the soul (semangat) of the sick man.

Now take parched rice and hold it over the incense (di-ganggang)

   "Peace be with you, O Wheat,
    You I wish to command, your co-operation I invoke
    In 'inspecting' the sickness of So-and-so.
    Break neither plighted faith nor solemn promise,
    But inspect the sickness of this grandson of Adam,
    This follower of the Prophet Muhammad, of the race of the sons
    of men, So-and-so;
    If anything should supervene,
    Do you 'stir' within this pure heart (of mine)."

Now scatter the parched rice upon the surface of the water in the jars,
and watch for the signs:--

    1. If the rice is lumped together (bulat or berlubok) it is a
       good sign.
    2. If it extends itself crosswise (panjang melintang) it is a
       bad sign.
    3. If it takes the shape of a spirit-boat (lanchang) you must
       make a spirit-boat; that is what is wanted.
    4. If it keeps travelling either to the left or the right, it is
       a stream-spirit (anak sungei) which has affected the patient.
    5. If it takes the shape of a crocodile, or anything of that sort,
       it is an earth-spirit (puaka) which has affected the patient.

The most popular method of propitiating evil spirits consists in the
use of the sacrificial tray called Anchak.

This is "a small frame of bamboo or wood," [657] usually from two
to three feet square and turned up at the sides, which are decorated
with a long fringe (jari'lipan) of plaited cocoa-nut leaf. Four rattan
"suspenders" of equal length (tali penggantong) are fastened to the
four corners, and are thence carried up to meet at a point which may
be from two to three feet above the tray.

These trays appear to be divisible into two classes, according to
the objects which they are intended to serve. In the one case certain
offerings (to be described presently) are laid upon the tray, which
is carried out of the house to a suitable spot and there suspended
to enable the spirits for whom it is designed to feed upon its
contents. [658] In the other case certain objects are deposited upon
it, into which the evil spirits are ceremoniously invited to enter,
in which case it must obviously be got rid of after the ceremony,
and is therefore hung up in the jungle, or set adrift in the sea
or the nearest river; in the latter case it is called the "keeled
sacrifice-tray" (anchak pelunas), and falls into line with other
objects which are occasionally set adrift for the same purpose.

The offerings placed on the sacrificial tray vary considerably,
according to the object of the ceremony, the means of the person for
whose benefit they are offered, the caprice of the medicine-man who
carries out the ceremony, and so on. [659]

I shall therefore, in the present place, merely describe the
contents of a more or less typical tray, with the main points of the
accompanying ritual.

The bottom of the tray having been lined with banana-leaf, and
thickly strewn with parched rice, there are deposited in the tray
itself five "chews" of betel-leaf, five native "cigarettes" (rokok),
five wax tapers, five small water-receptacles or limas (made of
banana-leaf and skewered together at each end), and five copper cents
(or dollars). The articles just enumerated are divided into five
portions, one of which is deposited in the centre of the tray, and the
remainder in its four corners. Besides this there are to be deposited
in the tray fourteen portions of meat (of fowl, goat, or buffalo, as
the case may be), and fourteen portions of Malay "cakes," care being
taken in each case to see that there are seven portions of cooked and
seven portions of uncooked food provided. The rattan "suspenders,"
again, are hung with two sets of ornamental rice-receptacles made of
plaited cocoa-nut leaf (fourteen of the long-shaped kind, or lepat,
and fourteen of the diamond-shaped kind, or ketupat). Besides this,
two sets of (cooked and uncooked) packets of rice (each stained a
different colour) are sometimes deposited in the tray, the colours
used being white, yellow, red, black, blue, green, and purple. The
only other articles required for the tray are a couple of eggs,
of which one must, of course, be cooked and the other raw.

Of the water-receptacles, those in alternate corners are filled with
water and cane-juice, the central receptacle being filled with the
blood of the fowl (or other animal slain for the sacrifice).

Upon the ground, exactly underneath the tray, should be deposited
the feathers, feet, entrails, etc., of the fowl, portions of whose
flesh have been used for the tray, together with the refuse of
the parched rice and a censer. Strictly speaking, a white and a
black fowl should be killed, but only half of each cooked, the
remainder being left raw. The "portions" of fowl are as small as
they can possibly be, a mere symbol (`isharat) of each kind of
food being all that the spirits are supposed to require. Sometimes
funnel-shaped rice-receptacles are used, which are skewered with a
bamboo skewer and called keronchot. Occasionally a standard censer
(sangga?) is used, the end of a piece of bamboo being split up and
bent or opened outwards for several inches, and a piece of rattan
(cane) being wound in and out among the split ends, so as to form a
sort of funnel (about nine inches in diameter at the top), which is
lined with banana leaf, filled with earth, and planted vertically in
the ground, great care being taken to see that it does not lean out of
the perpendicular. Live embers are placed upon it, incense crumbled
over it (between the finger and thumb), and the appropriate charm
recited. A specimen of a charm or formula used during the burning of
incense will be found in the Appendix. [660]

The ketupats are called--(1) S'ri neg'ri (seven-cornered), or the "luck
of the country"; (2) Buah k'ras (six-cornered), or the "candle-nut";
(3) Bawang puteh (six-cornered), or "garlic"; (4) Ulu pengayoh
(four-cornered), or the "paddle-handle"; (5) Pasar (five-cornered),
or the "market"; (6) Bawang merah (six-cornered), or the "onion";
(7) Pasar Pahang (six-cornered), or the "Pahang market"; (8) Telor,
or the "hen's egg."

The lepats are called--(1) Lepat daun niyor (5-6 inches long and
made of cocoa-nut leaves); (2) Lepat tilam (of plantain leaves);
(3) Lepat daun palas (of palas leaves, three-sided).

Diminutive models of various objects (also made of cocoa-nut leaves)
are often added, e.g. burong ponggok, the owl; ker'bau, the buffalo;
rusa, the stag; tekukur, the ground-dove; ketam, the crab; and (but
very rarely) kuda, the horse.

The things deposited in the tray are intended for the spirits (Hantus)
themselves; the refuse on the ground beneath it for their slaves

Of the food in the tray, the cooked food is for the king of the
spirits (Raja Hantu), who is sometimes said to be the Wild Huntsman
(Hantu Pemburu) and sometimes Batara Guru, and the uncooked for
his following. But of the two eggs, the uncooked one is alleged
to be for the Land-spirit (i.e. the Wild Huntsman), and the cooked
for the Sea-spirit; this assertion, however, requires some further
investigation before it can be unreservedly accepted.

The Wave-Offering

On one occasion, during my residence in the Kuala Langat district of
Selangor, I had the good fortune to be present at the "waving" of a
sacrificial tray (anchak) containing offerings to the spirits. The
account of this ceremony, which I shall now give, is made up from
notes taken during the actual performance. To commence:--The Pawang sat
down with his back to the patient, facing a multitude of dishes which
contained the various portions of cooked and uncooked food. The tray
itself was suspended at a height of about three feet from the ground in
the centre of the room, just in front of the Pawang's head. Lighting
a wax taper and removing the yam-leaf covering from the mouth of the
jar containing "holy" water, the Pawang now "inspected" the water
in the jar by gazing intently into its depths, and re-extinguished
the taper. Then he fumigated his hands in the smoke of the censer,
extended them for a brief interval over the "holy" water, took the
censer in both hands, described three circles round the jar with it,
set it down again, and stirred the water thrice with a small knife
or dagger (k'ris), the blade of which he kept in the water while he
muttered a charm to himself. Then he charmed the betel-stand and the
first dish of cooked food, pushing the latter aside and covering it
with a small dish-cover as he finished the charm. Next, at the hands
of one of the company, he accepted, in two pieces, five cubits of
yellow cloth (yellow being the royal colour), and a small vessel of
"oil of Celebes," with which, it may be added, he anointed the palms of
both hands before he touched the cloth itself. Next, he fumigated the
latter in the smoke of the censer, one end of the cloth being grasped
firmly in the right hand, and the remainder of it being passed round
the right wrist, and over and under the right arm, while the loose
end trailed across his lap. Next, after repeating the usual charm,
he breathed on one end of the cloth, passed the whole of the cloth
through his fingers, fumigated it, and laid it aside; took an egg
which was presented to him upon a tray, and deposited it exactly in
the centre of a large dish of parched rice. Next, he pushed aside the
jar of holy water, lowered the tray by means of the cord attached to it
(which passed over a beam), and proceeded to supervise the preparation
of the tray, which was being decorated with the "centipede" fringe
by one of the company acting as an assistant. The fringe having been
fitted by the latter to the edges of the tray, and the latter lined
with three thicknesses of banana leaf, the Pawang described a circle
round it thrice with the censer, and then deposited the censer upon
the floor, exactly under the centre of the tray. Then anointing his
hands again he passed them over both tray and fringe. A brief pause
followed, and then the Pawang took the larger piece of yellow cloth
and wrapped it like a royal robe around the shoulders of the patient
as he sat up inside his mosquito curtain. Another brief pause, and the
Pawang betook himself once more to the filling of the tray. Taking
a large bowl of parched rice, he scooped up the rice in his hands,
and let it run through his fingers into the tray, until there was
a layer of parched rice in the latter of at least an inch in depth,
and then deposited the egg, already alluded to, in the very centre of
the parched rice. Next he took a comb of bananas (presented by one
of the company), and cutting them off one by one deposited them in
a dish, from which they were presently transferred to the tray. The
Pawang now returned to the patient, and kneeling down in front of him,
fumigated his hands in the smoke of the censer, and then, muttering
a charm, wrapped the smaller piece of yellow cloth turban-wise round
his own head, and slowly and carefully pushed the yellow-robed patient
(who was still in a sitting posture) forward until he reached a spot
which was exactly under the centre of the tray, and which faced,
I was told, the "place of the Rising Sun."

The long straw-coloured streamers of the tray-fringe dropped
gracefully around the patient on every side, and had it not been for
occasional bright glimpses of the yellow cloth he would have been
almost invisible.

The censer, voluming upwards its ash-gray smoke, was now passed from
hand to hand three times round the patient, and finally deposited on
the floor at his feet.

The loading of the tray now recommenced, and the Pawang standing up
and looking towards the south, deposited in it carefully the several
portions of "cooked" offerings (the sum of the various portions
making up a whole fowl). Then, after washing his hands, he added
to the tray small portions of rice variously prepared and coloured
(viz. parched and washed rice, and rice stained yellow (saffron),
green, red, blue, and black, seven kinds in all). Next he deposited
in the tray the uncooked portions, whose sum also amounted to a whole
fowl, then, after a further hand-washing, the "cakes," and finally,
after a last washing, he fastened to the "suspenders" [661] of the
tray the small ornamental rice-bags called ketupat and lepat. [662]

But the list of creature comforts provided for the spirits
comprised other things besides food. Five miniature water-buckets,
each manufactured from a strip of banana leaf skewered together at
each end with a bamboo pin, were now filled, the alternate corner
ones with water and cane-juice (called "palm-toddy" in the Spirit
Language), and the central one with the blood of the fowls killed
for the sacrifice. They were then duly deposited in the tray by the
Pawang. Five waxen tapers, to "light the spirits to their food,"
were next "charmed" and lighted, and planted in the centre and four
corners respectively.

Finally, no doubt for the spirits' after-dinner enjoyment, five "chews"
of betel-leaf and five native-made cigarettes (tobacco rolled in
strips of palm-leaf), were charmed and actually lighted at a lamp, and
deposited in the tray with the other offerings, and at the same time
five 50 cent (silver) pieces of Straits money, called "tray-stones,"
were added to the medley, evidently with the object of preventing the
good temper of the spirits from being disturbed by "shortness of cash."

The loading of the tray being now complete, the Pawang walked thrice
round the patient (who was still overshadowed by the tray), and passed
the censer round him thrice. Standing then with his face to the east,
so as to look in the same direction as the patient, he grasped the
"suspenders" of the tray with both hands at their converging point,
and thrice muttered a charm, giving a downward tug to the cord of
the tray at the end of each repetition. This done, he removed the
yellow cloth from his head, and fastened it round the tray-cord at
the point where the "suspenders" converged, and then "waved" the
offering by causing the loaded tray with its flaring tapers to swing
slowly backwards and forwards just over the patient's head. Next,
letting the tray slowly down and detaching it from the cord, at the
converging point, he again "waved" it slowly to and fro amid the
flaring of the tapers, seven times in succession, and held it out
for the patient to spit into. When this was done he sallied out into
the darkness of the night carrying the tray, and gaining the jungle,
suspended it from a tree (of the kind called petai belalang) which had
been selected that very day for the purpose. A white ant, immediately
settling upon the offering, was hailed by the Malays present with
great delight as a sign that the spirits had accepted the offering,
whereupon we all returned to the house and the company broke up. The
ceremony had commenced about 8 P.M., and lasted about an hour and a
half, and the number of people present was fourteen, seven male and
seven female, which was the number stipulated by the Pawang.

Another form of "propitiation" (buang-buangan limas) ceremony consists
in loading a limas with the offerings. The limas is a receptacle
of about a span (sa-jengkal) in length, made of banana-leaf folded
together at the ends and skewered with a bamboo pin. Inside it are
deposited the offerings, which consist of the following articles:
a chupak (half cocoa-nutful) of "parched" rice, a set of three, five,
or seven bananas, a "pinch" (sa-jemput) of "saffron" rice, a pinch of
"washed" rice, a native cigarette (rokok), an egg, a wax taper, two
"chews" of betel-leaf, and a betel-leaf twisted up into the shape
of a spiral (pantat siput). One (at least) of the two "chews" of
betel must be specially prepared, as it is to be left behind for the
spirits to chew, whilst the other is taken back into the presence of
the sick man, where the medicine-man chews it and ejects the chewed
leaf (di-sembor) upon the "small" of the sick man's back. In the
case of the "chew" which is left behind for the spirits, the ordinary
portion of betel-nut must be replaced by nutmeg, the gambier by mace,
and the lime by "oil of Celebes" (minyak Bugis).

When the ceremony of loading the limas is complete, it is carried
down to the nearest river or sea, and there set adrift with the
following words:--

   "Peace be with you, Khailir (Khizr), Prophet of God and Lord
    of water,
    Maduraya is the name of your sire,
    Madaruti the name of your mother,
    Si Kekas the name of their child;
    Accept this present from your younger brother, Si Kekas,
    Cause him no sickness or headache.
    Here is his, your younger brother's, present."

Here the limas is set adrift, and the water underneath it scooped up
and carried home, where it is used for bathing the sick man.

Another very simple form of "propitiation" is called ambang-ambangan,
and is performed as follows:--

Take seven "chews" of betel-leaf, seven native cigarettes (rokok),
seven bananas, an egg, and an overflowing chupak (half cocoa-nutful)
of parched rice (ber'tih sa-chupak abong), [663] roll them all up
together in a banana leaf (which must be a cubit in length and of
the same variety of banana as the first), and deposit them in a place
where three roads meet (if anything "a little way along the left-hand
road of the three,") and repeat this charm:--

   "Jembalang Jembali, Demon of the Earth,
    Accept this portion as your payment
    And restore So-and-So.
    But if you do not restore him
    I shall curse you with the saying,
    'There is no god but God,'" etc.

The above ceremony is generally used in the case of fever complaint.

Counter-charms for "neutralising" the active principle of poisons form,
as a rule, one of the most important branches of the pharmacopoeic
system among the less civilised Malay tribes. A settled form of
government and the softening of manners due to contact with European
civilisation has, however, diminished the importance (I speak, of
course, from the Malay point of view) of this branch of the subject
in the Western Malay States of the Peninsula, where poisoning cases
are very rarely heard of. Malay women have always possessed the
reputation of being especially proficient in the use of poison;
ground glass and the furry spicules obtained from the leaf-cases of
some kinds of bamboo being their favourite weapons.

This idea (of using a charm to "neutralise" the active principle of
poison) has been extended by Malay medicine-men to cover all cases
where any evil principle (even, for instance, a familiar spirit) is
believed to have entered the sick person's system. All such charms are
piously regarded by devout Muhammadans as gifts due to the mercy of
God, who is believed to have sent them down to the Prophet Muhammad
by the hand of his servant Gabriel. This doctrine we find clearly
stated in the charms themselves, e.g. (somewhat tautologically):--

   "Neutralising charms sprang from God,
    Neutralising charms were created by God,
    Neutralising charms were a boon from God,
    Who commanded Prince Gabriel
    To bring them unto Muhammad."

The ceremony of applying such charms generally takes the form of
grating a bezoar-stone [664] (batu guliga), mixing the result with
water, and drinking it after repeating the charm.

Thus in one of the charms quoted in the Appendix we read:--

   "The Upas loses its venom,
    And Poison loses its venom,
    And the Sea-Snake loses its venom,
    And the poison-tree of Borneo loses its venom,
    Everything that is venomous loses its venom,
    By virtue of my use of the Prayer of the Magic Bezoar-Stone."

Of the sea-snake (ular gerang) I was told that it was about two cubits
in length, and that it was the most poisonous snake in existence;
"In fact," my informant declared, "if your little finger is bitten
by it you must cut off the finger; if your oar-blade is bitten by it
you must throw away the oar." [665] And again of the Ipoh, or "upas"
(which is one of the chief ingredients in the blow-gun poison used
by the wild tribes), I was told that if a man who was "struck" by
it was supported by another his supporter would die, and that so
far from its virulence becoming then exhausted, it would even kill
a person who was seven times removed, in point of contact, from the
person originally affected. [666]

The above charm terminates as follows:--

   "Let this my prayer be sharp as steel,
    Swift as lightning,
    Fleet as the wind!
    Grant this by virtue of my use of the prayer of Dato' Malim
    Who has become a saint through religious penance
    Performed at the headwaters of the river of Saïran in the interior
    of Egypt,
    By the grace of," etc.

I may add that when you are collecting the materials for a neutralising
ceremony (tawar) the following formula should be used:--

   "Not mine are these materials,
    They are the materials of Kemal-ul-hakim; [667]
    Not to me belongs this neutralising charm,
    To Malim Saidi belongs this neutralising charm.
    It is not I who apply it,
    It is Malim Karimun who applies it."


The next class of medicinal ceremonies consists of rites intended to
effect the expulsion from the patient's body of all kinds of evil
influences or principles, such as may have entered into a man who
has unguardedly touched a dead animal or bird from which the badi
has not yet been expelled, or who has met with the Wild Huntsman in
the forest. [668]

Badi is the name given to the evil principle which, according to the
view of Malay medicine-men, attends (like an evil angel) everything
that has life. [It must not be forgotten when we find it used of
inert objects, such as trees, and even of stones or minerals, that
these too are animate objects from the Malay point of view.] Von de
Wall describes it as "the enchanting or destroying influence which
issues from anything, e.g. from a tiger which one sees, [669] from
a poison-tree which one passes under, from the saliva of a mad dog,
from an action which one has performed; the contagious principle of
morbid matter."

Hence the ceremony which purports to drive out this evil principle is
of no small importance in Malay medicine. I may take this opportunity
of pointing out that I have used the word "mischief" to translate
it when dealing with the charms, as this is the nearest English
equivalent which I have been able to find; indeed, it appears a very
fairly exact equivalent when we remember its use in English in such
phrases as "It's got the mischief in it," which is sometimes used
even of inanimate objects.

There are a hundred and ninety of these mischiefs, according to some,
according to others, a hundred and ninety-three. Their origin is very
variously given. One authority says that the first badi sprang from
three drops of Adam's blood (which were spilt on the ground). Another
(rather inconsistently) declares that the "mischief" (badi) residing
in an iguana (biawak) was the origin of all subsequent "mischiefs,"
yet adds later that the "Heart of Timber" was their origin, and yet
again that the yellow glow at sunset (called Mambang Kuning or the
"Yellow Deity") was their origin. These two latter are, perhaps the
most usual theories, but a third medicine-man declares that the first
badi was the offspring of the Jin ("genie") Ibn Ujan (Ibnu Jan?),
who resides in the clouds (or caverns?) and hollows of the hills. Thus
do Malay medicine-men disagree.

These "mischiefs" reside not only in animate, but also in inanimate
objects. Thus in one of the elephant-charms given in the Appendix
several different "mischiefs" are described as residing in earth,
ant-hills, wood, water, stone, and elephants (or rhinoceroses)
respectively. Again, in a deer-charm, various "mischiefs" are
requested to return to their place of origin, i.e. to the Iguana
(strictly speaking, the Monitor Lizard), Heart of Timber, and the
Yellow Glow of Sunset. Yet another deer-charm calls upon "Badi"
(as the offspring of the Jin Ibn Ujan, who resides in the clouds and
hollows of the hills), to return thereto. [670]

I will now proceed to describe the ceremony of "casting out" these

The chief occasions on which this casting out takes place are, first,
when somebody is ill, and his sickness is attributed to his accidental
contact with (and consequent "possession by") one of these mischiefs;
and, secondly, when any wild animal or bird is killed. The ceremony of
casting out the mischief from the carcases of big game will be found
described under the heading of "Hunting Ceremonies." I shall here
confine myself to a brief description of the ceremony as conducted
for the benefit of sick persons.

First make up a bunch of leaves (sa-cherek), consisting of the shrubs
called pulut-pulut and selaguri, with branches of the gandarusa and
lenjuang merah (red dracæna), all of which are wrapped together in a
leaf of the si-pulih, and tied round with a piece of tree-bark (kulit
t'rap), or the akar gasing-gasing. With this leaf-brush you are to
cast out the mischief. Then you grate on to a saucer small pieces
of ebony wood, brazil wood, "laka" wood, sandalwood, and eagle-wood
(lignaloes), mix them with water, putting in a few small pieces of
scrap-iron, and rub the patient all over with the mixture.

As you do this, repeat the appropriate charm; then take the brush of
leaves and stroke the patient all over downwards from head to foot,

   "Peace be with you, Prophet Noah, to whom belong the trees,
    And Prophet Elias who planted them.
    I crave as a boon the leaves of these shrubs
    To be a drug and a neutralising (power)
    Within the body, frame, and person of So-and-So.
    If you (addressing the leaves) refuse to enter (the body of
    You shall be cursed with my 'curse of the nine countries,'
    By (the power of) the word 'There is no god but God,'" etc.

Whilst reciting the above, stand upright, close to the patient's head,
grasping a spear in your left hand. Brandish this spear over the body
of the patient, drawing a long breath. [671]

This spear must afterwards be ransomed, (say) for forty cents; in
default of which payment it is forfeited to the medicine-man.

The directions for another form of the ceremony just described
("casting out the mischief"), are as follows:--

Whenever a person is suffering from the influence of a waxen image
(such as is described elsewhere), [672] you must rub him (or her)
all over with limes in order to "cast out the mischief." These limes
must be of seven different kinds, and you will require three of each
kind. When you have got them, fumigate them with incense and repeat
the appropriate charm, which is practically an appeal addressed to the
spirit of the limes to assist in extracting the poisonous principle
from the body of the sick man:--

   "Peace be with you, O Lelang,
    We have been brothers from the former time until now,
    I am fain to order you to assist me in extracting everything that
    is poisonous
    From the body and limbs of So-and-So.
    Break not your solemn promise,
    Break not your plighted faith,
    And use not deceit or wiles," etc.

Of course the luckless spirit is told that if he does not do exactly
as he is bidden he must expect the curse to follow.

This charm must be repeated overnight, and early next morning three
thicknesses of birah leaves must be laid down (for the patient to
stand upon during the lustration). The seven sorts of limes are
at the same time to be squeezed into a bowl and divided into three
portions. These portions are to be used three times during the day,
at sunrise, noon, and sundown respectively, partly for washing off
the cosmetics (which are rubbed all over the body), and partly as a
medicinal draught or potion.

In the morning the cosmetic must be white (bedak puteh lulut), at noon
it must be red (bedak merah), and at sundown black (bedak hitam). The
"trash" of the limes (after squeezing) is wrapped up in a birah
leaf at evening, and either carried out to the sea (into which it is
dropped), or deposited ashore at a safe distance from the house. The
only special taboo mentioned for this ceremony is that the patient must
not during its continuance meet anybody who has come from a distance.

Another very curious form of this ceremony of "casting out devils" was
described to me by a Kelantan Malay. It is worked on the substitute
or "scapegoat" principle (tukar ganti), and the idea is to make
little dough images of all kinds of birds, beasts, fishes, and even
inanimate objects (a few of the former being fowls, ducks, horses,
apes, buffaloes, bullocks, wild cattle (seladang), deer, mouse-deer,
and elephants, besides those enumerated in the charm itself, whilst
exceptions are to be the "unlucky" animals (benatang sial) such as
cats, tigers, pigs, dogs, snakes, and iguanas). When made they are
to be deposited together in a heap upon a sacrificial tray (anchak),
together with betel-leaves, cigarettes, and tapers. One of the tapers
is made to stand upon a silver dollar, with the end of a piece of
particoloured thread inserted between the dollar and the foot of the
taper; and the other end of this thread is given to the patient to
hold whilst the necessary charm is being repeated.

Part of this charm is worth quoting, as it helps to explain the line
of thought on which the medicine-man is working:--

   "I have made a substitute for you,
    And engage you for hire.

    As for your wish to eat, I give you food,
    As for your wish to drink, I give you drink.
    Lo, I give you good measure whether of sharks,
    Skates, lobsters, crabs, shell-fish (both of land and sea)--
    Every kind of substitute I give you,
    Good measure whether of flesh or of blood, both cooked and raw.
    Accept, accept duly this banquet of mine.
    It was good at the first: if it is not good now,
    It is not I who give it."

The explanation of this part of the ceremony is that the evil spirit,
or "mischief," is supposed to leave the body of the sick man, and to
proceed (guided, of course, by the many-coloured thread which the
patient holds in his hand) to enter into the choice collection of
"scapegoats" lying in the tray. As soon as his devilship is got fairly
into the tray, the medicine-man looses three slip-knots (lepas-lepas),
and repeats a charm to induce the evil spirit to go, and throws away
the untied knots outside the house.

The original "disease-boat" used in Selangor was a model of a special
kind of Malay vessel called lanchang. This lanchang was a two-masted
vessel with galleries (dandan) fore and aft, armed with cannon,
and used by Malay Rajas on the Sumatran coast. This latter fact was,
no doubt, one reason for its being selected as the type of boat most
likely to prove acceptable to the spirits. To make it still further
acceptable, however, the model was not unfrequently stained with
turmeric or saffron, yellow being recognised as the royal colour
among the Malays.

Occasionally, on the other hand, a mere raft (rakit) is set adrift,
sometimes a small model of the balei (state-chamber), and sometimes
only a set of the banana-leaf receptacles called limas.

The vessel in the case of an important person is occasionally of
great size and excellent finish--indeed, local tradition has it that
an exceptionally large and perfect specimen (which was launched upon
the Klang river in Selangor some years ago, on the occasion of an
illness of the Tungku 'Chik, eldest daughter of the late Sultan),
was actually towed down to sea by the Government steam launch `Abdul
Samad. When all is ready the lanchang is loaded with offerings, which
are of an exactly similar character to those which are deposited
on the sacrificial tray or anchak [673] already described. Then one
end of a piece of yellow thread is fastened to the patient's wrist
(the other end being presumably made fast to the spirit-boat, or
lanchang); incense is burnt and a charm recited, the purport of it
being to persuade the evil spirits which have taken possession of the
patient to enter on board the vessel. This, when they are thought
to have done so, is then [674] taken down to the sea or river and
set adrift, invariably at the ebb tide, which is supposed to carry
the boat (and the spirits with it) "to another country." One of the
charms used at this stage of the ceremony even mentions the name of
the country to which the devils are to be carried, the place singled
out for this distinction being the Island of Celebes! The passage in
question runs as follows:--

   "Peace be unto you, Devils of the sea, and Demons of the sea,
    Neither on cape, nor bay, nor sandbank be ye stuck or stranded!
    This vessel (lanchang) is that of Arong, [675]
    Do you assist in guarding this offering from his grandchildren,
    And vex not this vessel.
    I request you to escort it to the land of Celebes,
    To its own place.
    By the grace of," etc.

This same charm is used mutatis mutandis for the Balei (Spirit-hall).

A common form of the "Lanchang" charm runs as follows:--

   "Ho, elders of the upper reaches,
    Elders of the lower reaches,
    Elders of the dry land,
    Elders of the river-flats,
    Assemble ye, O people, Lords of hill and hill-foot,
    Lords of cavern and hill-locked basin,
    Lords of the deep primeval forest,
    Lords of the river-bends,
    Come on board this Lanchang, assembling in your multitudes,
    So may ye depart with the ebbing stream,
    Depart on the passing breeze,
    Depart in the yawning earth,
    Depart in the red-dyed earth.
    Go ye to the ocean which has no wave,
    And the plain where no green herb grows,
    And never return hither.
    But if ye return hither,
    Ye shall be consumed by the curse.
    At sea ye shall get no drink,
    Ashore ye shall get no food,
    But gape (in vain) about the world.
    By the grace of," etc.

Sometimes the crocodile-spirit is requested to act as the forwarding
agent in the transaction; thus we find a short lanchang-charm running
as follows:--

   "Ho, Elder of the Sloping Bank, Jambu Agai, [676]
    Receive this (lanchang) and forward it to the River-Bay,
    It is So-and-So who presents it.
    Sa-rekong is the name of the (spirit of the) Bay,
    Sa-reking the name of the (spirit of the) Cape,
    Si `Abas, their child, is the rocky islet;
    I ask (you) to forward this present at once to the God of

A somewhat longer charm, which is given in the Appendix, commences
by making an interesting point--

   "Peace be with you! O crew newly come from your shipwrecked barque
    on the high seas,
    Spurned by the billows, blown about by the gale;
    Come on board (this lanchang) in turn and get you food."
    . . . . . . . . .

The speaker goes on to say that he recognises their right to levy
toll all over the country, and has made this lanchang for them as
a substitute (tukar ganti), implying, no doubt, in place of the one
which they had lost. In any case, however, there can be little doubt
that the "barque wrecked on the high seas" is the wasted body of the
sick man, of which the spirits were so recently in possession, and
in substitution for which they are offered the spirit-boat in question.

Tiger Spirit

I shall now proceed to describe the ceremony of invoking the Tiger
Spirit for the purpose of obtaining his assistance in expelling a
rival spirit of less power.

In the autumn of 1896 (in the Kuala Langat District of Selangor)
the brother of my Malay collector `Umar happening to fall ill of
some slight ailment, I asked and obtained permission to be present
at the ceremony of doctoring the patient. The time fixed for the
commencement of the ceremony (which is usually repeated for three
consecutive nights) was seven o'clock on the following evening. On
reaching the house at the time appointed I was met by `Umar, and
ascending the house-ladder, was invited to seat myself upon a mat
about two yards from the spot where the medicine-man was expected
to take up his position. Having done so, and looking round, I found
that there were in all nine persons present (including myself,
but exclusive of the Pawang, his wife, or the patient), and I was
informed that although it is not necessary for the same persons to
be present on each of the three nights, the greatest care must be
taken to see that the number of persons present, which should never,
in strictness, be an even number, does not vary from night to night,
because to allow any such variation would be to court disaster. Hence
I myself was only enabled to be present as a substitute for one of the
sick man's relatives who had been there on the preceding night. [677]

The accompanying diagram shows (approximately) the relative positions
of all who were present. In one corner of the room was the patient's
bed (sleeping-mat) and mosquito curtain with a patchwork front, and
in a line parallel to the bed stood the three jars of water, each
decorated with the sort of fringe or collar of plaited cocoa-nut
fronds called "centipedes' feet" (jari 'lipan), and each, too,
furnished with a fresh yam-leaf covering to its mouth. A little
nearer to me than the three water-jars, but in the same line, stood
a fairly big jar similarly decorated, but filled with a big bouquet
of artificial "flowers" and ornaments instead of the water. These
flowers were skilfully manufactured from plaited strips of palm-leaf,
and in addition to mere "flowers" represented such objects as rings,
cocoa-nuts, centipedes, doves, and the like, all of which were made
of the plaited fronds referred to. This invention was intended (I was
informed) to represent a pleasure-garden (taman bunga), and indeed
was so called; it was (I believe) intended to attract the spirit
whom it was the object of the ceremony to invoke. In front of the
three jars stood, as a matter of course, a censer filled with burning
embers, and a box containing the usual accessories for the chewing of
betel. Everything being now ready, the medicine-man appeared and took
his seat beside the censer, his wife, an aged woman, whose office was
to chant the invocation, to her own accompaniment, taking her seat at
the same time near the head of the patient's sleeping-mat. Presently
she struck up the invocation (lagu pemanggil), and we listened in rapt
attention as the voice, at first weak and feeble with age, gathered
strength and wailed ever higher and shriller up to the climax at the
end of the chant. At the time it was hard to distinguish the words,
but I learnt from her afterwards that this was what she sang:--

   "Peace be unto you, Penglima Lenggang Laut!
    Of no ordinary beauty
    Is the Vessel of Penglima Lenggang Laut!
    The Vessel that is called 'The Yellow Spirit-boat,'
    The Vessel that is overlaid with vermilion and ivory,
    The Vessel that is gilded all over;
    Whose Mast is named 'Prince Mendela,'
    Whose Shrouds are named 'The Shrouds that are silvered,'
    Whose Oars are named 'The Feet of the Centipede'
    (And whose Oarsmen are twice seven in number).
    Whose Side is named 'Civet-cat Fencing,'
    Whose Rudder is named 'The Pendulous Bees'-nest,'
    Whose Galleries are named 'Struggling Pythons,'
    Whose Pennon flaps against the deckhouse,
    Whose Streamers sport in the wind,
    And whose Standard waves so bravely.
    Come hither, good sir; come hither, my master,
    It is just the right moment to veer your vessel.
    Master of the Anchor, heave up the anchor;
    Master of the Foretop, spread the sails;
    Master of the Helm, turn the helm;
    Oarsmen, bend your oars;
    Whither is our vessel yawing to?
    The vessel whose starting-place is the Navel of the Seas,
    And that yaws towards the Sea where the 'Pauh Janggi' grows,
    Sporting among the surge and breakers,
    Sporting among the surge and following the wave-ridges.
    It were well to hasten, O Penglima Lenggang Laut,
    Be not careless or slothful,
    Linger not by inlet or river-reach,
    Dally not with mistress or courtesan,
    But descend and enter into your embodiment."

A number of rhymed stanzas follow which will be found in the Appendix.

Meanwhile the medicine-man was not backward in his preparations for
the proper reception of the spirit. First he scattered incense on
the embers and fumigated himself therewith, "shampooing" himself,
so to speak, with his hands, and literally bathing in the cloud of
incense which volumed up from the newly-replenished censer and hung
like a dense gray mist over his head. Next he inhaled the incense
through his nostrils, and announced in the accents of what is called
the spirit-language (bhasa hantu) that he was going to "lie down." This
he accordingly did, reclining upon his back, and drawing the upper end
of his long plaid sarong over his head so as to completely conceal
his features. The invocation was not yet ended, and for some time
we sat in the silence of expectation. At length, however, the moment
of possession arrived, and with a violent convulsive movement, which
was startling in its suddenness, the "Pawang" rolled over on to his
face. Again a brief interval ensued, and a second but somewhat less
violent spasm shook his frame, the spasm being strangely followed
by a dry and ghostly cough. A moment later and the Pawang, still
with shrouded head, was seated bolt upright facing the tambourine
player. Then he fronted round, still in a sitting posture, until he
faced the jars, and removed the yam-leaf covering from the mouth of
each jar in turn.

Next he kindled a wax taper at the flame of a lamp placed for the
purpose just behind the jars, and planted it firmly on the brim of
the first jar by spilling a little wax upon the spot where it was to
stand. Two similar tapers having been kindled and planted upon the
brims of the second and third jars, he then partook of a "chew" of
betel-leaf (which was presented to him by one of the women present),
crooning the while to himself.

This refreshment concluded, he drew from his girdle a bezoar or
talismanic stone (batu penawar), and proceeded to rub it all over the
patient's neck and shoulders. Then, facing about, he put on a new white
jacket and head-cloth which had been placed beside him for his use,
and girding his plaid (sarong) about his waist, drew from its sheath
a richly-wrought dagger (k'ris) which he fumigated in the smoke of
the censer and returned to its scabbard.

He next took three silver 20-cent pieces of "Straits" coinage, to
serve as batu buyong, or "jar-stones," and after "charming" them
dropped each of the three in turn into one of the water-jars, and
"inspected" them intently as they lay at the bottom of the water,
shading, at the same time, his eyes with his hand from the light
of the tapers. He now charmed several handfuls of rice ("parched,"
"washed," and "saffron" rice), and after a further inspection declared,
in shrill, unearthly accents, that each of the coins was lying exactly
under its own respective taper, and that therefore his "child" (the
sick man) was very dangerously ill, though he might yet possibly
recover with the aid of the spirit. Next, scattering the rice round
the row of jars (the track of the rice thus forming an ellipse),
he broke off several small blossom-stalks from a sheaf of areca-palm
blossom, and making them up with sprays of champaka into three separate
bouquets, placed one of these improvised nosegays in each of the three
jars of water. On the floor at the back of the row of jars he next
deposited a piece of white cloth, five cubits in length, which he had
just previously fumigated. Again drawing the dagger already referred
to, the Pawang now successively plunged it up to the hilt into each
of the three bouquets (in which hostile spirits might, I was told,
possibly be lurking). Then seizing an unopened blossom-spathe of the
areca-palm, he anointed the latter all over with "oil of Celebes,"
extracted the sheaf of palm-blossom from its casing, fumigated it,
and laid it gently across the patient's breast. Rapidly working
himself up into a state of intense excitement, and with gestures of
the utmost vehemence, he now proceeded to "stroke" the patient with
the sheaf of blossom rapidly downwards, in the direction of the feet,
on reaching which he beat out the blossom against the floor. Then
turning the patient over on to his face, and repeating the stroking
process, he again beat out the blossom, and then sank back exhausted
upon the floor, where he lay face downwards, with his head once more
enveloped in the folds of the sarong.

A long interval now ensued, but at length, after many convulsive
twitchings, the shrouded figure arose, amid the intense excitement
of the entire company, and went upon its hands and feet. The Tiger
Spirit had taken possession of the Pawang's body, and presently a low,
but startlingly life-like growl--the unmistakable growl of the dreaded
"Lord of the Forest"--seemed to issue from somewhere under our feet,
as the weird shrouded figure began scratching furiously at the mat
upon which it had been quietly lying, and then, with occasional pauses
for the emission of the growls, which had previously startled us,
and the performance of wonderful cat-like leaps, rapidly licked up
the handfuls of rice which had been thrown upon the floor in front of
it. This part of the performance lasted, however, but a few minutes,
and then the evident excitement of the onlookers was raised to fever
pitch, as the bizarre, and, as it seemed to our fascinated senses,
strangely brute-like form stooped suddenly forward, and slowly licked
over, as a tigress would lick its cub, the all but naked body of the
patient--a performance (to a European) of so powerfully nauseating
a character that it can hardly be conceived that any human being
could persist in it unless he was more or less unconscious of his
actions. At all events, after his complete return to consciousness at
the conclusion of the ceremony, even the Pawang experienced a severe
attack of nausea, such as might well be supposed to be the result of
his performance. Meanwhile, however, the ceremony continued. Reverting
to a sitting posture (though still with shrouded head), the Pawang
now leaned forward over the patient, and with the point of his dagger
drew blood from his own arm; then rising to his feet he engaged in a
fierce hand-to-hand combat with his invisible foe (the spirit whom he
had been summoned to exorcise). At first his weapon was the dagger,
but before long he discarded this, and laid about him stoutly enough
with the sheaf of areca-palm blossom.

Presently, however, he quieted down somewhat, and commenced to
"stroke" the sick man (as before) with the sheaf of palm-blossom,
beating out the blossom upon the floor as usual at the end of the
operation. Then sitting down again and crooning to himself, he partook
of betel-leaf, faced round towards the patient and stooped over him,
muttering as he did so, and passing his hands all over the prostrate
form. Next he turned once more to the jars and again plunged his
dagger into each of them in turn (to make sure that the evil spirit
was not lurking in them), and then drawing his head-cloth over his
head so as to completely hide his face, he once more took his seat
beside the patient, stooping over him from time to time and crooning
charms as he did so.

Finally he clapped his hands, removed his head-cloth, "stroked"
the patient over and flicked him with the corners of it, and then
shrouding himself once more in the sarong, lay down at full length
in a state of complete exhaustion. A pause of about ten minutes'
duration now followed, and then with sundry convulsive twitchings the
Pawang returned to consciousness and sat up, and the ceremony was over.

The following description of a ceremony similar to the one just
described is taken from Malay Sketches:--

"The ber-hantu is, of course, a survival of præ-Islam darkness,
and the priests abominate it, or say they do; but they have to be a
little careful, because the highest society affects the practice of
the Black Art.

"To return to the king's house. In the middle of the floor was
spread a puâdal, a small narrow mat, at one end of which was
seated a middle-aged woman dressed like a man in a short-sleeved
jacket, trousers, a sârong, and a scarf fastened tightly round her
waist. At the other end of the mat was a large newly-lighted candle
in a candlestick. Between the woman and the taper were two or three
small vessels containing rice coloured with turmeric, parched padi,
and perfumed water. An attendant sat near at hand.

"The woman in male attire was the Pâwang, the Raiser of Spirits, the
Witch, not of Endor, but of as great repute in her own country and
among her own people. In ordinary life she was an amusing lady named
Raja Ngah, a scion of the reigning house on the female side, and a
member of a family skilled in all matters pertaining to occultism. In
a corner of the room were five or six girls holding native drums,
instruments with a skin stretched over one side only, and this is
beaten usually with the fingers. The leader of this orchestra was
the daughter of Raja Ngah.

"Shortly after I sat down, the proceedings began by the Pâwang covering
her head and face with a silken cloth, while the orchestra began to
sing a weird melody in an unknown tongue. I was told it was the spirit
language; the air was one specially pleasing to a particular Jin, or
Spirit, and the invocation, after reciting his praises, besought him
to come from the mountains or the sea, from underground or overhead,
and relieve the torments of the King.

"As the song continued, accompanied by the rhythmical beating of the
drums, the Pâwang sat with shrouded head in front of the lighted taper,
holding in her right hand against her left breast a small sheaf of
the grass called daun sambau, tied tightly together and cut square
at top and bottom.

"This châdak she shook, together with her whole body, by a stiffening
of the muscles, while all eyes were fixed upon the taper.

"At first the flame was steady, but by and by, as the singers screamed
more loudly to attract the attention of the laggard Spirit, the wick
began to quiver and flare up, and it was manifest to the initiated
that the Jin was introducing himself into the candle. By some means
the Pâwang, who was now supposed to be 'possessed' and no longer
conscious of her actions, became aware of this, and she made obeisance
to the taper, sprinkling the floor round it with saffron-coloured
rice and perfumed water; then, rising to her feet and followed by the
attendant, she performed the same ceremony before each male member of
the reigning family present in the room, murmuring all the while a
string of gibberish addressed to the Spirit. This done, she resumed
her seat on the mat, and, after a brief pause, the minstrels struck
up a different air, and, singing the praises of another Jin, called
upon him to come and relieve the King's distress.

"I ascertained that each Malay State has its own special Spirits,
each district is equally well provided, and there are even some to
spare for special individuals. In this particular State there are four
principal Jin; they are the Jin ka-râja-an, the State Spirit--also
called Junjong dunia udâra, Supporter of the Firmament; Mâia udâra,
the Spirit of the Air; Mahkôta si-râja Jin, the Crown of Royal Spirits;
and S'tan Ali.

"These four are known as Jin âruah, Exalted Spirits, and they are the
guardians of the Sultan and the State. As one star exceeds another
in glory, so one Jin surpasses another in renown, and I have named
them in the order of their greatness. In their honour four white
and crimson umbrellas were hung in the room, presumably for their
use when they arrived from their distant homes. Only the Sultan of
the State is entitled to traffic with these distinguished Spirits;
when summoned they decline to move unless appealed to with their own
special invocations, set to their own peculiar music, sung by at least
four singers, and led by a Beduan (singer) of the royal family. The
Jin ka-râja-an is entitled to have the royal drums played by the State
drummers if his presence is required, but the other three have to be
satisfied with the instruments I have described.

"There are common devils who look after common people; such as Hantu
Songkei, Hantu Malâyu, and Hantu Blîan; the last the 'Tiger Devil,'
but out of politeness he is called 'Blîan,' to save his feelings.

"Then there is Kemâla ajaib, the 'Wonderful Jewel,' Israng, Raja
Ngah's special familiar, and a host of others. Most hantu have their
own special Pâwangs, and several of these were carrying on similar
proceedings in adjoining buildings, in order that the sick monarch
might reap all the benefits to be derived from a consultation of
experts, and as one spirit after another notified his advent by the
upstarting flame of the taper, it was impossible not to feel that
one was getting into the very best society.

"Meanwhile a sixteen-sided stand, about six inches high and shaped
like this diagram, had been placed on the floor near the Pâwang's
mat. The stand was decorated with yellow cloth; in its centre stood
an enormous candle, while round it were gaily-decorated rice and
toothsome delicacies specially prized by Jin. There was just room
to sit on this stand, which is called Petrâna panchalôgam (meaning
a seat of this particular shape), and the Sultan, supported by many
attendants, was brought out and sat upon it. A veil was placed on his
head, the various vessels were put in his hands, he spread the rice
round the taper, sprinkled the perfume, and having received into his
hand an enormous châdak of grass, calmly awaited the coming of the Jin
Ka-râja-an, while the minstrels shouted for him with all their might.

"The Sultan sat there for some time, occasionally giving a convulsive
shudder, and when this taper had duly flared up, and all the rites had
been performed, His Highness was conducted back again to his couch,
and the Pâwang continued her ministrations alone.

"Whilst striding across the floor she suddenly fell down as though
shot, and it was explained to me that Israng, the spirit by whom
she was possessed, had seen a dish-cover, and that the sight always
frightened him to such an extent that his Pâwang fell down. The cause
of offence was removed, and the performance continued.

"There are other spirits who cannot bear the barking of a dog, the
mewing of a cat, and so on.

"Just before dawn there was a sudden confusion within the curtains
which hid the Sultan's couch; they were thrown aside, and there lay
the King, to all appearance in a swoon. The Jin Ka-râja-an had taken
possession of the sick body, and the mind was no longer under its
owner's control.

"For a little while there was great excitement, and then the King
recovered consciousness, was carried to a side verandah, and a quantity
of cold water poured over him.

"So ended the séance.

"Shortly after, the Sultan, clothed and in his right mind, sent to
say he would like to speak to me. He told me he took part in this
ceremony to please his people, and because it was a very old custom,
and he added, 'I did not know you were there till just now; I could not
see you because I was not myself and did not know what I was doing.'

"The King did not die, after all--on the contrary, I was sent for
twice again because he was not expected to live till the morning,
and yet he cheated Death--for a time." [678]

The ceremony called Mengalin, or the "sucking charm" ceremony, is
one which is very curious, and deserves to be described in some detail.

First of all you perform the ceremony called "Driving out the Mischief"
(buang badi) from the sick man (vide supra) in or to drive away all
evil spirits (menolak sakalian chekedi atau hantu). Then wrap the
patient up in a white or black cloth, and taking a ball of (kneaded)
dough (tepong pengalin), eggs and saffron, repeat the suitable charm,
and roll it all over the skin of the patient's body in order to draw
out all poisonous influences (menchabut sagala bisa-bisa). Then if you
find inside the ball of dough after opening it an infinitesimally small
splinter of bone, or a few red hairs, you will know that these belong
to the evil spirit who has been plaguing the patient. The charm to
be used when rolling the ball of dough over the skin runs as follows:--

   "Peace be unto you, O Shadowy Venom!
    Venom be at ease no longer!
    Venom find shelter no longer!
    Venom take your ease no longer!
    May you be blown upon, O Venom, by the passing breeze!
    May you be blown upon, O Venom, by the yellow sunset-glow,
    May the Pounce of this Lanthorn's lightning kill you;
    May the Pounce of this Twilight's lanthorn kill you,
    May the Shaft of the Thunderbolt kill you;
    May the Fall of the heavy Rains kill you,
    May the Inundation of Flood-waters kill you;
    May you be towed till you are swamped by this my head-cloth,
    May you be drowned in the swell of this my dough-boat.
    By the grace of," etc.

A second charm of great length follows, the object of which is to
drive out the evil spirit in possession of the man.

An example of this form of cure as practised by Malay medicine-men is
referred to by Mr. Clifford, who, in speaking of his punkah-puller,
Umat, says:--

"It was soon after his marriage that his trouble fell upon Umat,
and swept much of the sunshine from his life. He contracted a form of
ophthalmia, and for a time was blind. Native Medicine Men doctored him,
and drew sheaves of needles and bunches of thorns from his eyes, which
they declared were the cause of his affliction. These miscellaneous
odds and ends used to be brought to me at breakfast-time, floating,
most unappetisingly, in a shallow cup half-full of water; and Umat
went abroad with eye-sockets stained crimson, or black, according to
the fancy of the native physician. The aid of an English doctor was
called in, but Umat was too thoroughly a Malay to trust the more simple
remedies prescribed to him, and though his blindness was relieved,
and he became able to walk without the aid of a staff, his eyesight
could never really be given back to him." [679]

In the above connection I may remark that, whether from the working
of their own imaginations or otherwise, those who were believed to be
possessed by demons certainly suffered, and that severely. H.H. Raja
Kahar, the son of H.H. the late Sultan of Selangor, was attacked by a
familiar demon during my residence in the Langat District, and shortly
afterwards commenced to pine away. He declared that the offending
demon was sitting in his skull, at the back of his head, and that it
dragged up and devoured everything that he swallowed. Hence he refused
at length to eat any sort of solid food, and gradually wasted away
until he became a mere skeleton, and went about imploring people to
take a hatchet and split his skull open, in order to extract the demon
which he believed it to contain. Gradually his strength failed, and at
length I learned from H.H. the Sultan (then Raja Muda) that all the
Malays in the neighbourhood had assembled to wail at his decease. As
we strolled among the cocoa-nut palms and talked, I told him of the
many miraculous cures which had attended cases of faith-healing in
England, and suggested, not of course expecting to be taken seriously,
that he should try the effect of such a cure upon his uncle, and "make
believe" to extract some "mantises" from the back of his head. To
my intense astonishment some days later, I learned that this idea
had been carried out during my temporary absence from the district,
and that the Muhammadan priest, after cupping him severely, had shown
him seven large mantises which he pretended to have extracted from the
back of his head. The experiment proved extraordinarily successful, and
Raja Kahar recovered at all events for the time. He declared, however,
that there were more of these mantises left, and eventually suffered a
relapse and died during my absence in England on leave. For the time,
however, the improvement was quite remarkable, and when Said Mashahor,
the Penghulu of Kerling, visited him a few days later, Raja Kahar,
after an account of the cure from his own point of view, declared
that nobody would now believe that he had been so ill, although "no
fewer than seven large mantises" had been "extracted from his head."

I now give a specimen of the ceremonies used for recalling a wandering
soul by means of a dough figure or image (gambar tepong). It is not
stated whether any of the usual accessories of these figures (hair
and nails, etc.) are mixed with the dough, but an old and famous
soul-doctor ('Che Amal, of Jugra) told me that the dough figure
should be made, in strictness, from the ball of kneaded dough which
is rolled all over the patient's body by the medicine-man during the
"sucking-charm" ceremony (mengalin). The directions for making it
run as follows:--

Make an image of dough, in length about nine inches, and representing
the opposite sex to that of the patient. Deposit it (on its back)
upon five cubits of white cloth, which must be folded up small for
the purpose, and then plant a miniature green umbrella (made of cloth
coated thickly with wax, and standing from four to five inches in
height) at the head of the image, and a small green clove-shaped
taper (of about the same height) at its feet. Then burn incense;
take three handfuls each of "parched," "washed," and "saffron" rice,
and scatter them thrice round the figure, saying as you do so:--

   "O Flying Paper,
    Come and fly into this cup.
    Pass by me like a shadow,
    I am applying the charm called the 'Drunken Stars [680]'
    Drunken stars are on my left,
    A full moon (lit. 14th day moon) is on my right,
    And the Umbrella of Si Lanchang is opposite to me
    Grant this by virtue of 'There is no god but God,'" etc.

The statement that this dough image should represent the opposite sex
to that of the patient should be received with caution, and requires
further investigation to clear it up. My informant explained that the
"Flying Paper" (kretas layang-layang) referred to the soul-cloth,
and the "cup" to the image, but if this explanation is accepted,
it is yet not unlikely that a real cup was used in the original
charm. The "drunken stars" he explained as referring to the parched
rice scattered on his left, and the full moon to the eyes of the
image. Arguing from the analogy of other ceremonies conducted on the
same lines, the wandering soul would be recalled and induced to enter
the so-called cup (i.e. the dough image), and being transferred thence
to the soul-cloth underneath it, would be passed on to the patient
in the soul-cloth itself.

Another way to recall a soul (which was taught me by 'Che `Abas of
Kelantan) is to take seven betel-leaves with meeting leaf-ribs (sirih
bertemu urat), and make them up into seven "chews" of betel. Then
take a plateful of saffron-rice, parched rice, and washed rice, and
seven pieces of parti-coloured thread (benang pancharona tujoh urat)
and an egg; deposit these at the feet of the sick man, giving him
one end of the thread to hold, and fastening the other end to the egg.

The soul is then called upon to return to the house which it has
deserted, is caught in a soul-cloth, and passed (it is thought)
first of all into the egg, and thence back into the patient's body
by means of the thread which connects the egg with the patient. The
charm runs as follows:--

   "Peace be with you, O Breath!
    Hither, Breath, come hither!
    Hither, Soul, come hither!
    Hither, Little One, come hither!
    Hither, Filmy One, come hither!
    Hither, I am sitting and praising you!
    Hither, I am sitting and waving to you!
    Come back to your house and house-ladder,
    To your floor of which the planks have started,
    To your thatch-roof 'starred' (with holes).
    Do not bear grudges,
    Do not bear malice,
    Do not take it as a wrong,
    Do not take it as a transgression.
    Here I sit and praise you.
    Here I sit and drag you (home),
    Here I sit and shout for you,
    Here I sit and wave to you,
    Come at this very time, come at this very moment," etc.

Another way of recalling the soul is as follows:--

Put some husked rice in a rice-bag (sumpit) with an egg, a nail, and
a candle-nut; scatter it (kirei) thrice round the patient's head, and
deposit the bag behind his pillow (di kapala tidor), after repeating
this charm:--

   "Cluck, cluck, souls of So-and-so, all seven of you,
    Return ye unto your own house and house-ladder!
    Here are your parents come to summon you back,
    Back to your own house and house-ladder, your own clearing
    and yard,
    To the presence of your own parents, of your own family and
    Go not to and fro,
    But return to your own home."

When three days have expired, gather up the rice again and put it all
back into the bag. If there is a grain over throw it to the fowls,
but if the measure falls short repeat the ceremony.

Again, in order to recall an escaping soul (riang semangat) the
soul-doctor will take a fowl's egg, seven small cockle-shells (kulit
k'rang tujoh keping), and a kal [681] of husked rice, and put them
all together into a rice-bag (sumpit). He then rubs the bag all over
the skin of the patient's body, shakes the contents well up together,
and deposits it again close to the patient's head. Whilst shaking
them up he repeats the following charm:--

   "Cluck! cluck! soul of this sick man, So-and-so,
    Return into the frame and body of So-and-so,
    To your own house and house-ladder, to your own ground and yard,
    To your own parents, to your own sheath."

At the end of three days he measures the rice; if the amount has
increased, it signifies that the soul has returned; if it is the same
as before, it is still half out of the body; if less, the soul has
escaped and has not yet returned. In this case the soul is expected
to enter the rice and thus cause its displacement.

Another method, not of recalling the soul, but of stopping it in
the act of escaping, is to take a gold ring, not less than a maiam
[682] in weight, an iron nail, a candle-nut (buah k'ras), three small
cockle-shells, three closed fistfuls of husked rice (b'ras tiga genggam
bunyi), and some parti-coloured thread. These articles are all put
in a rice-bag, and shaken up together seven times every morning for
three days, by which time the soul is supposed to be firmly reseated
in the patient's body; then the rice is poured out at the door "to
let the fowls eat it." The ring is tied to the patient's wrist by
means of a strip of tree-bark (kulit t'rap), and it is by means of
this string that the soul is supposed to return to its body. When
the shaking takes place the following charm must be recited:--

   "Peeling-Knife, [683] hooked Knife,
    Stuck into the thatch-wall!
    Sea-demons! Hamlet-demons!
    Avaunt ye, begone from here,
    And carry not off the soul of So-and-so," etc.

In conclusion, I will give a quotation from Malay Sketches, which is
perhaps as good an example as could be given of the way in which the
Black Art and the medical performances that in their methods closely
resemble it, are regarded by many respectable Malays:--

"One evening I was discussing these various superstitions with the
Sultan of Perak, and I did not notice that the spiritual teacher of His
Highness had entered and was waiting to lead the evening prayer. The
guru, or teacher, no doubt heard the end of our conversation, and
was duly scandalised, for the next day I received from him a letter,
of which the following is the translation:--

"'First praise to God, the Giver of all good, a Fountain of Compassion
to His servants.

"'From Haji Wan Muhammad, Teacher of His Highness the Sultan of Perak,
to the Resident who administers the Government of Perak.

"'The whole earth is in the hand of the Most High God, and He gives it
as an inheritance to whom He will of His subjects. The true religion
is also of God, and Heaven is the reward of those who fear the Most
High. Salvation and peace are for those who follow the straight path,
and only they will in the end arrive at real greatness. No Raja
can do good, and none can be powerful, except by the help of God,
the Most High, who is also Most Mighty.

"'I make ten thousand salutations. I wish to inquire about the
practice of ber-hantu, driving oneself mad and losing one's reason,
as has been the custom of Rajas and Chiefs in this State of Perak;
is it right, according to your religion, Mr. Resident, or is it
not? For that practice is a deadly sin to the Muhammadan Faith,
because those who engage in it lose their reason and waste their
substance for nothing; some of them cast it into the water, while
others scatter it broadcast through the jungle. How is such conduct
treated by your religion, Mr. Resident; is it right or wrong? I
want you in your indulgence to give me an answer, for this practice
is very hard on the poor. The Headmen collect from the rayats, and
then they make elaborate preparations of food, killing a buffalo or
fowls, and all this is thrown away as already stated. According to
the Muhammadan religion such proceedings lead to destruction.

"'I salute you many times; do not be angry, for I do not understand
your customs, Mr. Resident.

"'(Signed) Haji Muhammad Abu Hassan.'" [684]


Dance Ceremonies

The following passage is an account of a characteristic Malay dance,
the Joget:--

"Malays are not dancers, but they pay professional performers to
dance for their amusement, and consider that 'the better part' is
with those who watch, at their ease, the exertions of a small class,
whose members are not held in the highest respect. The spectacle
usually provided is strangely wanting in attraction: a couple of
women shuffling their feet and swaying their hands in gestures that
are practically devoid of grace or even variety--that is the Malay
dance--and it is accompanied by the beating of native drums, the
striking together of two short sticks held in either hand, and the
occasional boom of a metal gong. The entertainment has an undoubted
fascination for Malays, but it generally forms part of a theatrical
performance, and for Western spectators it is immeasurably dull. [685]

"In one of the Malay States, however, Pahang, it has for years been
the custom for the ruler and one or two of his near relatives to keep
trained dancing girls, who perform what is called the 'Jôget'--a real
dance with an accompaniment of something like real music, though the
orchestral instruments are very rude indeed.

"The dancers, bûdak jôget, belong to the Raja's household, they may
even be attached to him by a closer tie; they perform seldom, only for
the amusement of their lord and his friends, and the public are not
admitted. Years ago I saw such a dance, [686] and though peculiar to
Pahang, as far as the Malay States are concerned, it is probable that
it came originally from Java; the instruments used by the orchestra
and the airs played are certainly far more common in Java and Sumatra
than in the Peninsula.

"I had gone to Pahang on a political mission accompanied by a friend,
and we were vainly courting sleep in a miserable lodging, when at 1
A.M. a message came from the Sultan inviting us to witness a jôget. We
accepted with alacrity, and at once made our way to the astâna, a
picturesque, well-built, and commodious house on the right bank of
the Pahang river. A palisade enclosed the courtyard, and the front
of the house was a very large hall, open on three sides, but covered
by a lofty roof of fantastic design supported on pillars. The floor
of this hall was approached by three wide steps continued round the
three open sides, the fourth being closed by a wooden wall which
entirely shut off the private apartments save for one central door
over which hung a heavy curtain. The three steps were to provide
sitting accommodation according to their rank for those admitted
to the astâna. The middle of the floor on the night in question was
covered by a large carpet, chairs were placed for us, and the rest
of the guests sat on the steps of the dais.

"When we entered, we saw, seated on the carpet, four girls,
two of them about eighteen and two about eleven years old, all
attractive according to Malay ideas of beauty, and all gorgeously
and picturesquely clothed. On their heads they each wore a large and
curious but very pretty ornament of delicate workmanship--a sort of
square flower garden where all the flowers were gold, trembling and
glittering with every movement of the wearer. These ornaments were
secured to the head by twisted cords of silver and gold. The girls'
hair, combed down in a fringe, was cut in a perfect oval round their
foreheads and very becomingly dressed behind.

"The bodices of their dresses were made of tight-fitting silk,
leaving the neck and arms bare, whilst a white band of fine cambric
(about one and a half inches wide), passing round the neck, came
down on the front of the bodice in the form of a V, and was there
fastened by a golden flower. Round their waists were belts fastened
with large and curiously-worked pinding or buckles of gold, so large
that they reached quite across the waist. The rest of the costume
consisted of a skirt of cloth of gold (not at all like the sârong),
reaching to the ankles, while a scarf of the same material, fastened
in its centre to the waist-buckle, hung down to the hem of the skirt.

"All four dancers were dressed alike, except that the older girls
wore white silk bodices with a red and gold handkerchief, folded
corner-wise, tied under the arms and knotted in front. The points of
the handkerchief hung to the middle of the back. In the case of the two
younger girls the entire dress was of one material. On their arms the
dancers wore numbers of gold bangles, and their fingers were covered
with diamond rings. In their ears were fastened the diamond buttons so
much affected by Malays, and indeed now by Western ladies. Their feet,
of course, were bare. We had ample time to minutely observe these
details before the dance commenced, for when we came into the hall
the four girls were sitting down in the usual [687] Eastern fashion
on the carpet, bending forward, their elbows resting on their thighs,
and hiding the sides of their faces, which were towards the audience,
with fans made of crimson and gilt paper which sparkled in the light.

"On our entrance the band struck up, and our special attention was
called to the orchestra, as the instruments are seldom seen in the
Malay Peninsula. There were two chief performers: one playing on
a sort of harmonicon, the notes of which he struck with pieces of
stick held in each hand. The other, with similar pieces of wood,
played on inverted metal bowls. Both these performers seemed to have
sufficiently hard work, but they played with the greatest spirit from
10 P.M. till 5 A.M.

"The harmonicon is called by Malays chelempong, and the inverted
bowls, which give a pleasant and musical sound like the noise of
rippling water, gambang. The other members of the orchestra consisted
of a very small boy who played, with a very large and thick stick,
on a gigantic gong, an old woman who beat a drum with two sticks,
and several other boys who played on instruments like triangles called
chânang. All these performers, we were told with much solemnity, were
artists of the first order, masters and a mistress in their craft,
and if vigour of execution counts for excellence they proved the
justice of the praise.

"The Hall, of considerable size, capable of accommodating several
hundreds of people, was only dimly lighted, but the fact that, while
the audience was in semi-darkness, the light was concentrated on the
performers added to the effect. Besides ourselves, I question whether
there were more than twenty spectators, but sitting on the top of
the dais, near to the dancers, it was hard to pierce the surrounding
gloom. The orchestra was placed on the left of the entrance to the
Hall, that is, rather to the side and rather in the background,
a position evidently chosen with due regard to the feelings of the

"From the elaborate and vehement execution of the players, and the
want of regular time in the music, I judged, and rightly, that we had
entered as the overture began. During its performance the dancers sat
leaning forward, hiding their faces as I have described; but when it
concluded and, without any break, the music changed into the regular
rhythm for dancing, the four girls dropped their fans, raised their
hands in the act of Sembah or homage, and then began the dance by
swaying their bodies and slowly waving their arms and hands in the
most graceful movements making much and effective use all the while of
the scarf hanging from their belts. Gradually raising themselves from
a sitting to a kneeling posture, acting in perfect accord in every
motion, then rising to their feet, they floated through a series of
figures hardly to be exceeded in grace and difficulty, considering
that the movements are essentially slow, the arms, hands, and body
being the real performers, whilst the feet are scarcely noticed and
for half the time not visible.

"They danced five or six dances, each lasting quite half an hour, with
materially different figures and time in the music. All these dances, I
was told, were symbolical: one of agriculture, with the tilling of the
soil, the sowing of the seed, the reaping and winnowing of the grain,
might easily have been guessed from the dancer's movements. But those
of the audience whom I was near enough to question were, Malay-like,
unable to give me much information. Attendants stood or sat near the
dancers, and from time to time, as the girls tossed one thing on the
floor, handed them another. Sometimes it was a fan or a mirror they
held, sometimes a flower or small vessel, but oftener their hands
were empty, as it is in the management of the fingers that the chief
art of Malay dancers consists.

"The last dance, symbolical of war, was perhaps the best, the music
being much faster, almost inspiriting, and the movements of the dancers
more free and even abandoned. For the latter half of the dance they
each held a wand, to represent a sword, bound with three rings of
burnished gold which glittered in the light like precious stones. This
nautch, which began soberly like the others, grew to a wild revel
until the dancers were, or pretended to be, possessed by the Spirit
of Dancing, hantu menâri as they called it, and leaving the Hall for
a moment to smear their fingers and faces with a fragrant oil, they
returned, and the two eldest, striking at each other with their wands,
seemed inclined to turn the symbolical into a real battle. They were,
however, after some trouble, caught by four or five women and carried
forcibly out of the Hall, but not until their captors had been made
to feel the weight of the magic wands. The two younger girls, who
looked as if they too would like to be "possessed," but did not know
how to accomplish it, were easily caught and removed.

"The bands, whose strains had been increasing in wildness and in
time, ceased playing on the removal of the dancers, and the nautch,
which had begun at 10 P.M., was over.

"The Raja, who had only appeared at 4 A.M., told me that one of the
elder girls, when she became "properly possessed," lived for months
on nothing but flowers, a pretty and poetic conceit.

"As we left the Astana, and taking boat rowed slowly to the vessel
waiting for us off the river's mouth, the rising sun was driving the
fog from the numbers of lovely green islets, that seemed to float like
dew-drenched lotus leaves on the surface of the shallow stream. [688]"

The religious origin of almost all Malay dances is still to be
seen in the performance of such ritualistic observances as the
burning of incense, the scattering of rice, and the invocation of
the Dance-spirit according to certain set forms, the spirit being
duly exorcised again (or "escorted homewards," as it is called)
at the end of the performance.

The dances which have best preserved the older ritual are precisely
those which are the least often seen, such as the "Gambor Dance"
(main gambor), the "Monkey Dance" (main b'rok), the "Palm-blossom
Dance" (main mayang), and the "Fish-trap Dance" (main lukah). These
I will take in the order mentioned.

The "Gambor Dance" (lit. Gambor Play) should be performed by girls just
entering upon womanhood. The débutante is attired in an attractive
coat and skirt (sarong), is girt about at the waist with a yellow
(royal) sash, and is further provided with an elaborate head-dress,
crescent-shaped pendants (dokoh) for the breast, and a fan. The
only other "necessary" is the "Pleasure-garden" (taman bunga),
which is represented by a large water-jar containing a bunch of
long sprays, from the ends of which are made to depend artificial
flowers, fruit, and birds, the whole being intended to attract the
spirit (Hantu Gambor). In addition there is the usual circular tray,
with its complement of sacrificial rice and incense. Everything being
ready, the débutante lies down and is covered over with a sheet, and
incense is burnt, the sacrificial rice sprinkled, and the invocation
of the spirit is chanted by a woman to the accompaniment of the
tambourines. Ere it has ended, if all goes well, the charm will have
begun to work, the spirit descends, and the dance commences.

At the end of this dance, as has already been said, the spirit is
exorcised, that is, he is "escorted back" to the seventh heaven from
whence he came.

The invocations, which are used both at the commencement and
the conclusion of the performance, consist of poems which belong
unmistakably to the "Panji" cycle of stories; here and there they
contain old words which are still used in Java.

The "Monkey Dance" is achieved by causing the "Monkey spirit" to enter
into a girl of some ten years of age. She is first rocked to and fro
in a Malay infant's swinging-cot (buayan), and fed with areca-nut
and salt (pinang garam). When she is sufficiently dizzy or "dazed"
(mabok), an invocation addressed to the "Monkey spirit" is chanted
(to tambourine accompaniments), and at its close the child commences
to perform a dance, in the course of which she is said sometimes to
achieve some extraordinary climbing feats which she could never have
achieved unless "possessed." When it is time for her to recover her
senses she is called upon by name, and if that fails to recall her,
is bathed all over with cocoa-nut milk (ayer niyor hijau).

The foregoing does not, of course, in any way exhaust the list of Malay
dances. Others will be found described in various parts of this book,
amongst them the "Henna Dance" (at weddings); the medicine-man's dance,
as performed at the bedside of a sick person; the dance performed in
honour of a dead tiger; theatrical dances, and many kinds of sword and
dagger dances, or posture-dances (such as the main bersilat, or main
berpenchak), whether performed for the diversion of the beholders or by
way of defiance (as in war). The main dabus is a dance performed with
a species of iron spits, whose upper ends are furnished with hoops,
upon which small iron rings are strung, and which accordingly give
out a jingling noise when shaken. Two of these spits (buah dabus)
are charmed (to deaden their bite), and taken up, one in each hand,
by the dancer, who shakes them at each step that he takes. When he is
properly possessed, he drives the points of these spits through the
muscle of each forearm, and lets them hang down whilst he takes up a
second pair. He then keeps all four spits jingling at once until the
dance ceases. The point of each spit goes right through the muscle,
but if skilfully done, draws no blood. [689]

We now come to a class of dances in which certain inanimate objects,
that are believed to be temporarily animated, are the performers,
and which therefore closely correspond to the performances of our
own spiritualists.

The Palm-blossom dance is a very curious exhibition, which I once saw
performed in the Langat District of Selangor. Two freshly-gathered
sheaves of areca-palm blossom (each several feet in length) were
deposited upon a new mat, near a tray containing a censer and the
three kinds of sacrificial rice.

The magician ('Che Ganti by name) commenced the performance by playing
a prelude on his violin. Presently his wife (an aged Selangor woman)
took some of the rice in her hand and commenced to chant the words
of the invocation, she being almost immediately joined in the chant
by a younger woman. Starting with the words, "Thus I brace up,
I brace up the Palm-blossom" ('ku anggit mayang 'ku anggit), their
voices rose higher and higher until the seventh stanza was reached,
when the old woman covered the two sheaves of Palm-blossom with a
Malay plaid skirt (sarong) and the usual "five cubits of white cloth"
(folded double), both of which had of course first been fumigated. Then
followed seven more stanzas ("Borrow the hammer, Borrow the anvil,"
and its companion verses), and rice having been thrown over one of
the sheaves of palm-blossom, its sheath was opened and the contents
fumigated. Then the old woman took the newly-fumigated sheaf between
her hands, and the chant recommenced with the third septet of stanzas
("Dig up, dig up, the wild ginger plant"), as the erect palm-blossom
swayed from side to side in time to the music. Finally the fiddle
stopped and tambourines were substituted, and at this point the
sheaf of blossom commenced to jump about on its stalk, as if it were
indeed possessed, and eventually dashed itself upon the ground. After
one or two repetitions of this performance, other persons present
were invited to try it, and did so with varying success, which
depended, I was told, upon the impressionability of their souls,
as the palm-blossom would not dance for anybody whose soul was not
impressionable (lemah semangat).

When the first blossom-sheaf had been destroyed by the rough treatment
which it had to undergo, the second was duly fumigated and introduced
to the company, and finally the performance was brought to a close
by the chanting of the stanzas in which the spirit is requested to
return to his own place. The two spoiled sheaves of blossom were then
carried respectfully out of the house and laid on the ground beneath
a banana-tree.

The Dancing Fish-trap (main lukah) is a spiritualistic performance, in
which a fish-trap (lukah) is substituted for the sheaf of palm-blossom,
and a different invocation is used. In other respects there is very
little difference between the two. The fish-trap is dressed up much
in the same way as a "scare-crow," so as to present a rough and ready
resemblance to the human figure, i.e. it is dressed in a woman's
coat and plaid skirt (sarong), both of which must, if possible, have
been worn previously; a stick is run through it to serve as the arms
of the figure, and a (sterile) cocoa-nut shell (tempurong jantan)
clapped on the top to serve as a head. The invocation is then chanted
in the same manner and to the same accompaniment as that used for the
"Palm-blossom." At its conclusion the magician whispers, so to speak,
into the fish-trap's ear, bidding it "not to disgrace him," but rise
up and dance, and the fish-trap presently commences to rock to and
fro, and to leap about in a manner which of course proves it to be
"possessed" by the spirit. Two different specimens of the invocations
used will be found in the Appendix.

Buffalo Fights and Cock Fights

"The Malays are passionately addicted to buffalo and cock
fighting. Whole poems are devoted to enthusiastic descriptions of these
'sports of princes,' and laws laid down for the latter as minute as
those of the Hoyleian code." [690]

"The bulls have been trained and medicined for months beforehand, with
much careful tending, many strength-giving potions, and volumes of the
old-world charms, which put valour and courage into a beast. They stand
at each end of a piece of grassy lawn, with their knots of admirers
around them, descanting on their various points, and with the proud
trainer, who is at once keeper and medicine-man, holding them by the
cord which is passed through their nose-rings. Until you have seen
the water-buffalo stripped for the fight, it is impossible to conceive
how handsome the ugly brute can look. One has been accustomed to see
him with his neck bowed to the yoke he hates, and breaks whenever the
opportunity offers; or else in the pâdi fields. In the former case he
looks out of place,--an anachronism belonging to a prehistoric period,
drawing a cart which seems also to date back to the days before the
Deluge. In the fields the buffalo has usually a complete suit of grey
mud, and during the quiet evening hour goggles at you through the
clouds of flies which surround his flapping ears and brutal nose, the
only parts that can be seen of him above the surface of the mud-hole or
the running water of the river. In both cases he is unlovely, but in
the bull-ring he has something magnificent about him. His black coat
has a gloss upon it which would not disgrace a London carriage horse,
and which shows him to be in tip-top condition. His neck seems thicker
and more powerful than that of any other animal, and it glistens with
the chili water, which has been poured over it in order to increase
his excitement. His resolute shoulders, his straining quarters,--each
vying with the other for the prize for strength,--and his great girth,
give a look of astonishing vigour and vitality to the animal. It is
the head of the buffalo, however, which it is best to look at on these
occasions. Its great spread of horns is very imposing, and the eyes,
which are usually sleepy, cynically contemptuous and indifferent,
or sullenly cruel, are for once full of life, anger, passion, and
excitement. He stands there quivering and stamping, blowing great
clouds of smoke from his mouth and nose:--

   "With his nostrils like pits full of blood to the brim,
    And with circles of red for his eye-socket's rim.

"The wild joy of battle is sending the blood boiling through the
great arteries of the beast, and his accustomed lethargic existence is
galvanised into a new fierce life. You can see that he is longing for
the battle with an ardour that would have distanced that of a Quixote,
and, for the first time, you begin to see something to admire even
in the water-buffalo.

"A crowd of Râjas, Chiefs, and commoners are assembled, in their
gaily-coloured garments, which always serve to give life and beauty
to every Malay picture, with its setting of brilliant never-fading
green. The women in their gaudy silks, and dainty veils, glance
coquettishly from behind the fenced enclosure which has been
prepared for their protection, and where they are quite safe from
injury. The young Râjas stalk about, examine the bulls, and give
loud and contradictory orders as to the manner in which the fight
is to be conducted. The keepers, fortunately, are so deafened by
the row which every one near them is making, that they are utterly
incapable of following directions which they cannot hear. Malays love
many people and many things, and one of the latter is the sound of
their own voices. When they are excited--and in the bull-ring they
are always wild with excitement--they wax very noisy indeed, and,
as they all talk, and no one listens to what any one else is saying,
the green sward on which the combat is to take place speedily becomes
a pandemonium, compared with which the Tower of Babel was a quiet
corner in Sleepy Hollow.

"At last the word to begin is given, and the keepers of the buffaloes
let out the lines made fast to the bulls' noses, and lead their charges
to the centre of the green. The lines are crossed, and then gradually
drawn taut, so that the bulls are soon facing one another. Then
the knots are loosed, and the cords slip from the nose-rings. A dead
silence falls upon the people, and for a moment the combatants eye one
another. Then they rush together, forehead to forehead, with a mighty
impact. A fresh roar rends the sky, the backers of each beast shrieking
advice and encouragement to the bull which carries their money.

"After the first rush, the bulls no longer charge, but stand with
interlaced horns, straining shoulders, and quivering quarters,
bringing tremendous pressure to bear one upon the other, while each
strives to get a grip with the point of its horns upon the neck,
or cheeks, or face of its opponent. A buffalo's horn is not sharp,
but the weight of the animal is enormous, and you must remember that
the horns are driven with the whole of the brute's bulk for lever
and sledgehammer. Such force as is exerted would be almost sufficient
to push a crowbar through a stone wall, and, tough though they are,
the hardest of old bull buffaloes is not proof against the terrible
pressure brought to bear. The bulls show wonderful activity and skill
in these fencing matches. Each beast gives way the instant that it
is warned by the touch of the horn-tip that its opponent has found
an opening, and woe betide the bull that puts its weight into a stab
which the other has time to elude. In the flick of an eye--as the
Malay phrase has it--advantage is taken of the blunder, and, before
the bull has time to recover its lost balance, its opponent has found
an opening, and has wedged its horn-point into the neck or cheek. When
at last a firm grip has been won, and the horn has been driven into
the yielding flesh, as far as the struggles of its opponent render
possible, the stabber makes his great effort. Pulling his hind-legs
well under him, and straightening his fore-legs to the utmost extent,
till the skin is drawn taut over the projecting bosses of bone at
the shoulders, and the knots of muscle stand out like cordage on a
crate, he lifts his opponent. His head is skewed on one side, so that
the horn on which his adversary is hooked is raised to the highest
level possible, and his massive neck strains and quivers with the
tremendous effort. If the stab is sufficiently low down, say in the
neck or under the cheek-bone, the wounded bull is often lifted clean
off his fore-feet, and hangs there helpless and motionless 'while a
man might count a score.' The exertion of lifting, however, is too
great to admit of its being continued for any length of time, and as
soon as the wounded buffalo regains its power of motion--that is to
say, as soon as its fore-feet are again on the ground--it speedily
releases itself from its adversary's horn. Then, since the latter
is often spent by the extraordinary effort which has been made, it
frequently happens that it is stabbed and lifted in its turn before
balance has been completely recovered.

"Once, and only once, have I seen a bull succeed in throwing his
opponent, after he had lifted it off its feet. The vanquished bull
turned over on its back before it succeeded in regaining its feet,
but the victor was itself too used up to more than make a ghost
of a stab at the exposed stomach of its adversary. This throw is
still spoken of in Pahang as the most marvellous example of skill
and strength which has ever been called forth within living memory
by any of these contests.

"As the stabs follow one another, to the sound of the clicking of the
horns and the mighty blowing and snorting of the breathless bulls,
lift succeeds lift with amazing rapidity. The green turf is stamped
into mud by the great hoofs of the labouring brutes, and at length
one bull owns himself to be beaten. Down goes his head--that sure
sign of exhaustion--and in a moment he has turned round and is off
on a bee-line, hotly pursued by the victor. The chase is never a long
one, as the conqueror always abandons it at the end of a few hundred
yards, but while it lasts it is fast and furious, and woe betide the
man who finds himself in the way of either of the excited animals.

"Mr. Kipling has told us all about the Law of the Jungle--which
after all is only the code of man, adapted to the use of the beasts
by Mr. Rudyard Kipling--but those who know the ways of buffaloes
are aware that they possess one very well-recognised law. This is,
'Thou shalt not commit trespass.' Every buffalo-bull has its own
ground; and into this no other bull willingly comes. If he is brought
there to do battle, he fights with very little heart, and is easily
vanquished by an opponent of half his strength and bulk who happens
to be fighting on his own land. When bulls are equally matched, they
are taken to fight on neutral ground. When they are badly matched
the land owned by the weaker is selected for the scene of the contest.

"All these fights are brutal, and in time they will, we trust,
be made illegal. To pass a prohibitionary regulation, however,
without the full consent of the Chiefs and people of Pahang would be
a distinct breach of the understanding on which British Protection
was accepted by them. The Government is pledged not to interfere
with native customs, and the sports in which animals are engaged are
among the most cherished institutions of the people of Pahang. To
fully appreciate the light in which any interference with these
things would be viewed by the native population, it is necessary to
put oneself in the position of a keen member of the Quorn, who saw
Parliament making hunting illegal, on the grounds that the sufferings
inflicted on the fox rendered it an inhuman pastime. As I have said
in a former chapter, the natives of Pahang are, in their own way, very
keen sportsmen indeed; and, when all is said and done, it is doubtful
whether hunting is not more cruel than anything which takes place in a
Malay cock-pit or bull-ring. The longer the run the better the sport,
and more intense and prolonged the agony of the fox, that strives to
run for his life, even when he is so stiff with exertion that he can do
little more than roll along. All of us have, at one time or another,
experienced in nightmares the agony of attempting to fly from some
pursuing phantom, when our limbs refuse to serve us. This, I fancy,
is much what a fox suffers, only his pains are intensified by the
grimness of stern reality. If he stops he loses his life, therefore
he rolls, and flounders, and creeps along when every movement has
become a fresh torture. The cock, quail, dove, bull, ram, or fish,
[691] on the other hand, fights because it is his nature to do so,
and when he has had his fill he stops. His pluck, his pride, and his
hatred of defeat alone urge him to continue the contest. He is never
driven by the relentless whip of stern, inexorable necessity. This it
is which makes fights between animals, that are properly conducted,
less cruel than one is apt to imagine." [692]

I will now pass to the subject of cock-fighting, of which the
following vivid description is also taken from Mr. Clifford's In
Court and Kampong. [693]

"In the Archipelago, and on the West Coast of the Peninsula,
cock-fights are conducted in the manner known to the Malays as
ber-tâji, the birds being armed with long artificial spurs, sharp as
razors, and curved like a Malay woman's eyebrow. These weapons make
cruel wounds, and cause the death of one or other of the combatants
almost before the sport has well begun. To the Malay of the East Coast
this form of cock-fighting is regarded as stupid and unsportsmanlike,
an opinion which I fully share. It is the marvellous pluck and
endurance of the birds that lend an interest to a cock-fight--qualities
which are in no way required if the birds are armed with weapons
other than those with which they are furnished by nature.

"A cock-fight between two well-known birds is a serious affair in
Pahang. The rival qualities of the combatants have furnished food for
endless discussion for weeks, or even months, before, and every one
of standing has visited and examined the cocks, and has made a book
upon the event. On the day fixed for the fight a crowd collects before
the palace, and some of the King's youths set up the cock-pit, which
is a ring, about three feet in diameter, enclosed by canvas walls,
supported on stakes driven into the ground. Presently the Juâra,
or cock-fighters, appear, each carrying his bird under his left
arm. They enter the cock-pit, squat down, and begin pulling at,
and shampooing the legs and wings of their birds, in the manner
which Malays believe loosen the muscles, and get the reefs out of
the cocks' limbs. Then the word is given to start the fight, and the
birds, released, fly straight at one another, striking with their
spurs, and sending feathers flying in all directions. This lasts
for perhaps three minutes, when the cocks begin to lose their wind,
and the fight is carried on as much with their beaks as with their
spurs. Each bird tries to get its head under its opponent's wing,
running forward to strike at the back of its antagonist's head, as
soon as its own emerges from under its temporary shelter. This is
varied by an occasional blow with the spurs, and the Malays herald
each stroke with loud cries of approval. Bâsah! Bâsah! 'Thou hast
wetted him! Thou hast drawn blood!' Ah itu dia! 'That is it! That is
a good one!' Ah sâkit-lah itu! 'Ah, that was a nasty one!' And the
birds are exhorted to make fresh efforts, amid occasional burst of the
shrill chorus of yells, called sôrak, their backers cheering them on,
and crying to them by name.

"Presently time is called, the watch being a small section of cocoa-nut
in which a hole has been bored, that is set floating on the surface
of a jar of water, until it gradually becomes filled and sinks. At
the word, each cock-fighter seizes his bird, drenches it with water,
cleans out with a feather the phlegm which has collected in its throat,
and shampoos its legs and body. Then, at the given word, the birds are
again released, and they fly at one another with renewed energy. They
lose their wind more speedily this time, and thereafter they pursue
the tactics already described until time is again called. When some
ten rounds have been fought, and both the birds are beginning to
show signs of distress, the interest of the contest reaches its
height, for the fight is at an end if either bird raises its back
feathers in a peculiar manner, by which cocks declare themselves to
be vanquished. Early in the tenth round the right eye-ball of one
cock is broken, and, shortly after, the left eye is bunged up, so
that for the time it is blind. Nevertheless, it refuses to throw up
the sponge, and fights on gallantly to the end of the round, taking
terrible punishment, and doing but little harm to its opponent. One
cannot but be full of pity and admiration for the brave bird, which
thus gives so marvellous an example of its pluck and endurance. At
last time is called, and the cock-fighter who is in charge of the
blinded bird, after examining it carefully, asks for a needle and
thread, and the swollen lower lid of the still uninjured eye-ball
is sewn to the piece of membrane on the bird's cheek, and its sight
is thus once more partially restored. Again time is called, and the
birds resume their contest, the cock with the injured eye repaying its
adversary so handsomely for the punishment which it had received in
the previous round, that, before the cocoa-nut shell is half full of
water, its opponent has surrendered, and has immediately been snatched
up by the keeper in charge of it. The victorious bird, draggled and
woebegone, with great patches of red flesh showing through its wet
plumage, with the membrane of its face and its short gills and comb
swollen and bloody, with one eye put out, and the other only kept
open by the thread attached to its eyelid, yet makes shift to strut,
with staggering gait, across the cock-pit, and to notify its victory
by giving vent to a lamentable ghost of a crow. Then it is carried
off followed by an admiring, gesticulating, vociferous crowd, to be
elaborately tended and nursed, as befits so gallant a bird. The beauty
of the sport is that either bird can stop fighting at any moment. They
are never forced to continue the conflict if once they have declared
themselves defeated, and the only real element of cruelty is thus
removed. The birds in fighting follow the instinct which nature
has implanted in them, and their marvellous courage and endurance
surpass anything to be found in any other animals, human or otherwise,
with which I am acquainted. Most birds fight more or less--from the
little fierce quail to the sucking doves which ignorant Europeans,
before their illusions have been dispelled by a sojourn in the East,
are accustomed to regard as the emblems of peace and purity; but no
bird, or beast, or fish, or human being fights so well, or takes such
pleasure in the fierce joy of battle, as does a plucky, lanky, ugly,
hard-bit old fighting-cock.

"The Malays regard these birds with immense respect, and value their
fighting-cocks next to their children. A few years ago, a boy, who
was in charge of a cock which belonged to a Râja of my acquaintance,
accidentally pulled some feathers from the bird's tail. 'What did
you do that for? Devil!' cried the Râja.

"'It was not done on purpose, Ungku!' said the boy.

"'Thou art marvellous clever at repartee!' quoth the Prince, and,
so saying, he lifted a billet of wood, which chanced to be lying near
at hand, and smote the boy on the head so that he died.

"'That will teach my people to have a care how they use my
fighting-cocks!' said the Râja; and that was his servant's epitaph.

"'It is a mere boyish prank,' said the father of the young Râja, when
the matter was reported to him, 'and, moreover, it is well that he
should slay one or two with his own hand, else how should men learn
to fear him?' And there the matter ended; but it should be borne in
mind that the fighting-cock of a Malay Prince is not to be lightly
trifled with."

Of the form of cock-fighting practised on the West Coast of the
Peninsula Newbold writes:--

"The following is a specimen from a Malay MS. on the subject,
commencing with remarks on the various breeds of this noble bird:--

"The best breeds of game-cocks are the Biring, the Jalak, the Teddong,
the Chenantan, [694] the Ijou, the Pilas, the Bongkas, [695] the Su,
the Belurong, [696] and the Krabu. [697]

"The colour of the Biring is red with yellow feet and beak.

"The Jalak is white mixed with black, with yellow feet, and beak also
yellow mixed with black.

"The Teddong has black eyes and legs, red and black plumage, and
a black beak. It is named from a sort of serpent, whose bite is
accounted mortal.

"The Chenantan has white feathers, feet, and beak.

"The Ijou has a greenish black beak, feathers black mixed with white,
legs green.

"The Pilas has a black beak, red and black feathers, legs white mixed
with black.

"The Bongkas has a yellow beak, white feathers and yellow feet.

"The Su has a white beak with white spots, plumage white and black,
legs white with black spots.

"The Belurong has a white beak with red spots, plumage red, white feet.

"The Krabu has a red beak mixed with yellow, red feathers and yellow

"There are two kinds of spurs: first, the Golok Golok, in the form of
a straight knife known by this name and in use with the Malays; and,
secondly, the Taji Benkok, or curved spur: the last is most in vogue.

"There are various modes of tying on the spur, viz. Salik, or below the
natural spur; Kumbar, on a level with it; Panggong, above the spur;
Sa ibu Tangan, a thumb's breadth below the knee joint; Sa Kalinking,
a little finger's breadth; Andas Bulu, close to the feathers under the
knee; Jankir, upon the little toe; Sauh wongkang, on the middle toe;
Berchingkama, tying the three large toes together with the spur--this
is the most advantageous; Golok, binding the little toe and the toe on
the left with the spur; Golok di Battang, below the natural spur. It is
necessary to observe that the Malays generally use one spur; though two
spurs are sometimes given to match a weaker against a stronger bird.

"1. The winner takes the dead bird.

"2. If a drawn battle (Sri) each takes his own.

"3. No person but the holder shall interfere with the cocks after
they have been once set to, even if one of them run away, except by
the permission of the Juara, or setter-to. Should any person do so,
and the cock eventually win the battle, the owners shall be entitled
to half the stakes only.

"4. Should one of the cocks run away, and the wounded one pursue
it, both birds shall be caught and held by their Juaras. Should the
runaway cock refuse to peck at its adversary three times, the wings
shall be twined over the back, and it shall be put on the ground for
its adversary to peck at; should he too refuse, after it has been
three times presented, it is a Sri, or drawn battle. The cock that
pecks wins.

"5. The stakes on both sides must be forthcoming and deposited on
the spot.

"6. A cock shall not be taken up unless the spur be broken, even by
the Juaras.

"When a cock has won his disposition changes.

"A cock is called Cheyma when he chooses round grains of paddy,
or fights with his shadow, or spurs or pecks at people.

"The Malays believe in the influence of certain periods in the day
over the breeds of cocks. They will not bet upon a bird with black
plumage that is matched against one with yellow and white at the period
Kutika Miswara; nor against a black one set to with a white one at
the period Kutika Kala. Kutika Sri is favourable in this case for
the white feathered bird. Kutika Brahma is propitious to a red cock
matched against a light grey; and Kutika Vishnu for a green cock. [698]

"I once witnessed a grand contest between two Malayan States at the
breaking up of the Ramazan fast. Most of the cock-fighters presented
themselves at the Golongan or cock-pit with a game-cock under each
arm. The birds were not trimmed as in England, but fought in full
feather. The spurs used on this occasion were about two and a half
inches long, in shape like the blade of a scythe, and were sharpened
on the spot by means of a fine whetstone; large gashes were inflicted
by these murderous instruments, and it rarely happened that both cocks
survived the battle. Cocks of the same colour are seldom matched. The
weight is adjusted by the setters-to passing them to and from each
other's hands as they sit facing each other in the Golongan. Should
there be any difference, it is brought down to an equality by the spur
being fixed so many scales higher on the leg of the heavier cock, or
according to rules adverted to, as deemed fair by both parties. One
spur only is used, and is generally fastened near the natural spur
on the inside of the left leg. In adjusting these preliminaries
the professional skill of the setters-to is called into action, and
much time is taken up in grave deliberation, which often terminates
in wrangling. The birds, after various methods of irritating them
have been practised, are then set to. During the continuance of
the battle, the excitement and interest taken by the Malays in the
barbarous exhibition is vividly depicted in their animated looks and
gestures--everything they possess in the world being often staked on
the issue.

"The breed of cocks on the Peninsula more resembles the game-fowl
of England than the large lanky breed known in Europe under the term
'Malay.' Great attention is paid by natives to the breed and feeding
of game-cocks." [699]


"Gambling of various descriptions, both with dice and with cards, is
much in vogue. These, as well as the poe-table, have been introduced
by the Chinese, who are even greater adepts than the Malays in all
that relates to this pernicious vice.

"Saparaga [700] is a game resembling football, played by ten or twenty
youths and men, who stand in a circle, keeping up a hollow ratan ball
in the air, which is passed to and fro by the action of the knees and
feet--the object being to prevent the ball from touching the ground;
it is frequently, however, taken at the rebound. The awkwardness of
novices occasions great merriment.

"The Sangheta [701] is a game implicating broken heads; but,
properly speaking, is a 'vi et armis' mode of arbitration in matters
of dispute between two Sukus or tribes. A certain number of men from
each tribe turn out and pelt each other with sticks and logs of wood,
until one of the parties gives in. The victors in this petty tourney
are presumed to have the right on their side.

"The Malays are remarkably attached to singing reciprocal Pantuns,
stanzas comprising four alternate rhyming lines, of which notice has
been taken elsewhere. Poetical contests in the Bucolic style are often
carried on to a great length by means of Pantuns. To music Malays
are passionately devoted, particularly to that of the violin. They
evince a good ear, and great readiness in committing to memory even
European airs. A voyage or journey of any length is seldom undertaken
by the better classes without a minstrel.

"Takki Takki [702] are riddles and enigmas, to the propounding and
solving of which the females and educated classes of the people are
much inclined.

"The games played by children are Tujoh Lobang, [703] Punting, Chimpli,
Kechil Krat, Kuboh, etc." [704]

Of all minor games, top-spinning and kite-flying are perhaps the most
popular. The kites are called layang-layang, which means a "swallow,"
but are sometimes of great size, one which was brought to me at Langat
measuring some six feet in height by about seven feet between the tips
of the wings. The peculiarity of the Malay kite is that it presents a
convex, instead of a concave, surface to the wind, and that no "tail"
is required, the kite being steadied by means of a beak which projects
forward at the top of the framework. They are also usually provided
with a thin, horizontal slip of bamboo (dengong) stretched tightly
behind the beak, and which hums loudly in the wind. They are of a
great number of different but well-recognised patterns, such as the
"Fighting Dragons" (Naga berjuang), the Crescent (Sahari bulan),
the Eagle (Rajawali), the Bird of Paradise (Chendrawasih), and so
forth. A small kind of roughly-made kite is, as is well known, used
at Singapore for fishing purposes, but I have never yet met with any
instance of their being used ceremonially, though it is quite certain
that grown-ups will fly them with quite as much zest as children.

Top-spinning, again, is a favourite pastime among the Malays, and is
played by old and young of all ranks with the same eagerness. [705]
The most usual form of top is not unlike the English pegtop, but has
a shorter peg. It is spun in the same way and with the same object
as our own pegtop, the object being to split the top of one's opponent.

Teetotums are also used, and I have seen in Selangor a species of
bamboo humming-top, but was told that it was copied from a humming-top
used by the Chinese.

"The game of chess, which has been introduced from Arabia, [706]
is played in almost precisely the same manner as among Europeans,
but the queen, instead of being placed upon her own colour, is
stationed at the right hand of the king. In the Malay game the king,
if he has not been checked, can be castled, but over one space only,
not over two, as in the English game. The king may, also, before he
is checked or moved from his own square, move once, like a knight,
either to left or right, and he may also, if he has not moved or
been checked, move once over two vacant squares instead of one." The
following are the names of the pieces:--

    1. Raja, the King.
    2. Mentri ("Minister"), the Queen.
    3. Têr or Tor, the Castle.
    4. Gajah ("Elephant"), the Bishop.
    5. Kuda ("Horse"), the Knight.
    6. Bidak, the Pawns. [707]

Main chongkak, again, is a game played with a board (papan chongkak)
consisting of a boat-shaped block.

In the top of this block (where the boat's deck would be) are sunk
a double row of holes, the rows containing eight holes each, and two
more holes are added, one at each end. Each of the eight holes (in both
rows) is filled at starting with eight buah gorek (the buah gorek being
the fruit of a common tree, also called kelichi in Malacca). There are
usually two players who pick the buah gorek out of the holes in turn,
and deposit them in the next hole according to certain fixed rules of
numerical combination, a solitary buah gorek, wherever it is found,
being put back and compelled to recommence its journey down the board.

A similar game is, I believe, known in many parts of the East, and
was formerly much played even by Malay slaves, who used to make the
double row of holes in the ground when no board was obtainable.

The Malay game of Draughts (main dam) is played, I believe, in exactly
the same manner as the English game. Backgammon (main tabal), on the
other hand, is played in two different ways.

The "Tiger" Game (main rimau), or "Tiger and Goat" Game (main rimau
kambing), is a game which has a distinct resemblance to our own "fox
and goose," there being usually four tigers to a dozen of the goats.


"Cards are called Kertas sakopong. The Malays are fond of card games,
but few Europeans have taken the trouble to understand or describe
them. The late Sir W. E. Maxwell contributed the following description
of daun tiga 'lei to the Notes and Queries of the Journal of the
Straits Asiatic Society. It refers to the game in question as played
in Perak:--

          "Hearts,     Lekoh.       King,    Raja.
           Diamonds,   Retin.       Queen,   Bandahara
           Clubs,      Kalalawar.   Knave,   Pekah.
           Spades,     Sakopong.    Ace,     Sat.

       To shuffle,                              Kiyat, mengiyat.
       To deal,                                 Membawa.
       To cut,                                  Kerat.
       To sweep the board, make everyone pay,   Mengelong.

"Three cards are dealt out to each player. The highest hand counting
by pips is that which contains the greatest number of pips after the
tens are deducted. Thus a knave, ten, and nine is a good hand.

"The best hand is three aces, Sat tiga.

"The next best is three court-cards, Kuda; naik kuda.

"The next is nine.

"The next is eight.

"All these four hands are known as terus. A hand of three threes is
really a good hand, being nine, but it is considered a propitiation
of good luck to throw it down (without exposing it), and announce
that one is buta, in the hopes of getting good luck afterwards.

"Each player makes two stakes--kapala and ekor. They may be of equal
value, or the ekor may be of greater value than the kapala.

"The kapala must not be of greater value than the ekor; that is called
tual ka ujong (tual = berat).

"Or there may be a single stake only, which is called podul.

"Betting between players is called sorong, or tuwi, or sorong tuwi.

"A pool, tuwi tengah.

"The ekor stake is only paid to the dealer if he holds one of the
hands called terus, and if a smaller hand is held by a player, then
the dealer takes both kapala and ekor (mengelong).

"A player who holds thirty exactly (except when he has three
court-cards, kuda) is said to be out (buta).

"Any one except the player on the right of the dealer may cut. The
player who cuts looks at the bottom card of those that he lifts,
and if he thinks it is a lucky cut he accepts it and puts down the
card he has lifted (pengerat).

"The dealer then puts the rest of the pack on top of the cut, and in
his turn lifts a portion of the pack (pengangkat), and looks at the
bottom card.

"There are all sorts of names for different cards and combinations of
cards of various degrees of luck, and these are quoted by the cutter
and dealer, each declaring his confidence in the luck coming to him
by reason of the cutting or lifting of a particular card.

   Five of clubs,                      Tiang ampat Penghulu chelong.
                                       Chukup dengan gambala-nia.
   Nine of diamonds,                   Bunga kachang raja budiman.
   Ten of clubs,                       Gagak sa-kawan raja di-hilir.
                                       Singgah makan pedindang masak.
                                       Masak pun lalu muda pun lalu.
   Ace of diamonds if cut,             Buntut kris Raja Bandahara.
   Do. if the hands of the dealer,     Anak yatim jalan sa'orang.
                                       Satu pun tidak marabahaya.
   Two of diamonds,                    Semut ginting Che Amat pelak.
   Two of hearts,                      Batang jamban.
   Six is an unlucky card,             Daun anam jahanam.
   Nine of hearts,                     Hari panas kubang ber-ayer.

"A player does not hastily look at his three cards and learn his fate
at once, but he prolongs the excitement by holding his cards tight
together, and looking alternately at the outside ones, and last of
all at the middle one, sliding out the latter between the two others
little by little. Thus it is left uncertain for some time whether a
card is an eight or a seven, a nine or a ten.

"A man to whom a court-card, an eight, and an ace is dealt (if
the eight is in the middle), on finding that he has eleven by the
two outside ones, says, for instance, Handak kaki tiga, and then
commences to slide out the middle card, hoping that it is going to
be an eight, or at all events a seven (three pips on each side). This
particular hand is called lang siput, because it is certain to carry
off something.

"A man who has just held a winning hand will say, in expressing
a hope of continued good luck, 'Teman handak pisang sarabu, sudah
sa-batang sa-batang pula.' (The plantain called sarabu is one which
puts out fruit from every stem of the perdu about the same time,
or one immediately after another.)" [708]

The following account of card games as played in Selangor was compiled
some years ago by the writer. The names of the cards used in Selangor
are these:--

     Hearts,                    Lekok or Pangkah.
     Diamonds,                  Reten (retim), or Chiduk.
     Clubs,                     K'lawer, or Kelalawer.
     Spades,                    Dayong Kling, or Sakopong.
     King,                      Raja.
     Queen,                     Proh, or Nyonya.
     Knave,                     Pekak, or Hamba.
     Ace,                       Sat.
     To shuffle,                Banchoh, or Menggaul.
     To deal,                   Membagi.
     To cut,                    K'rat.
     To sweep the board,        Merelong, or Mengg'long.
     To pay all round,          Mendader chingkeh.
     A picture or court card,   Angkong, or Kuda.
     A three,                   Jalor (e.g. two threes, dua jalor).
     A card (ordinary),         Daun.
     A sequence,                G'lik (Daun sa-g'lik).

The three most important card games are--(1) main sakopong, (2)
main chabut, (3) main tiga 'lei, or pakau.

1. In the game called sakopong all cards from two to six are cast
out, and five cards are dealt out to each of the players (who may
be from two to four in number); a player leads (turunkan) the card,
and the next player has either to follow suit (turunkan daun sagaji)
or throw down a card, turning it over (susupkan). If the next player
is able to follow suit, whoever plays the highest card of the suit
wins. If each player wins a trick it is declared drawn (s'ri), and
in this case all stakes are returned.

2. Main chabut is a species of vingt-et-un, and is played with either
twenty-one or thirty-one points. If twenty-one points only is the game,
court-cards are not counted; but if the game is thirty-one points
they are also added in. Two cards are dealt by the dealer (perdi)
to each player, who draws (chabut) fresh cards from the bottom of
the pack in his turn, and gets as near as possible to thirty-one. If
he thinks he cannot safely draw another card (e.g. after twenty-six
pips are in his hand) he "passes" (which is called b'lit kechil if he
stops at twenty-six, twenty-seven, or twenty-eight, and b'lit besar
if he stops at twenty-nine or thirty).

If he obtains exactly thirty-one pips he is said to "enter the points"
(masok mata); but no player can draw more than seven cards, and if he
has, after drawing to the full limit, still failed to obtain as many
pips as he wants, he is said to "enter the pack" (masok daun). I may
add that the first two cards are called lunas or "keels," and this
may be of various kinds, e.g.:--

1. Lunas nikah, i.e. angkong dengan sat (a court-card and an ace).
2. Kachang di-rendang di-tugalkan, i.e. two aces; a very convenient
   hand, as the aces may be reckoned as either one or eleven, as
   occasion may require.
3. Lunas sa-glabat, or sagaji ampat-b'las, i.e. angkong dengan daun
   ampat (court-card and four).
4. Lunas dua jalor, two threes.
5. Ace and two, which is the best of all.

In playing chabut or "casting out," the tens should be thrown away
(di-buang daun puloh). When two players have the same number of
pips--e.g. nine and nine or eight and eight--the coincidence is
described in the words, Jumpa di jalan, di-adu, kalah, di-chabut,
mati. To be "bluffed" is called kena ranjau (wounded by a caltrop).

And again, when a player has obtained, let us say, twenty-six pips
with six cards, and so has only one more chance, and is afraid to
risk it, his position is ridiculed in the phrase, Sa-nepak Ulu Klang,
a jest of obviously local coinage.

The phrase Tengah tiang (half mast), again, is applied to twenty-five
pips held irrespective of the number of cards; and if more than
thirty-one are obtained, the player is said to be out (mati, or
masok piring).

3. Daun tiga 'lei or Pakau is played here as follows:--

Three cards are dealt by the dealer to each player, and the winner
is he who holds the greatest number of pips, with certain exceptions.

  Daun t'rus      The best hand is three aces (tiga sat).
                  The next is three threes (tiga jalor).
                  The next is three tens (tiga puloh).
                  The next is three court-cards (tiga angkong or
                  tiga kuda).
                  Of other hands the best is a remainder of nine
                  pips left after deducting ten from a hand of
                  nineteen pips.
                  The next is a remainder of eight pips, and so

A hand of three threes, it will be observed, is the second best hand
in Selangor, whereas in Perak, according to Sir W. E. Maxwell, it is
thrown away as the worst.

The stakes, which are deposited in two heaps by each player, are
here called kapala or "head," and buntut (or ekor), the "tail,"
respectively; the kapala being generally, though perhaps not always,
greater than the ekor in Selangor, instead of the reverse. The latter
can only be lost when a player sweeps the board. A single stake,
again, is podul (or occasionally tual), but bertuwi is applied to
betting between players, and sorong or tokong means to put down a
stake before your rival replies with a counter-stake (berteban or
topah). A player who holds thirty exactly is not out here--e.g.,
he may hold a court-card and two tens. To look at the bottom card is
menengo' angkatan.

Sir W. E. Maxwell gives a number of names and phrases applied to
particular cards and combinations of cards, to which I may add--

    Two nines and a two--China Keh mengandar ayer.
    An eight and an ace (making nine) with a court-card, or a ten and
    two nines--Sembilang bertelor.
    Two court-cards and a nine--Parak hari 'nak siang.
    The four of any suit--Tiang jamban Lebai `Ali.

The explanation of handak kaki tiga, as applied to an eight, appears
to be that the eight has three pips on each side. It is also called
berisi sa-b'lah. Minta' penoh (I ask for a full one) means I want
a nine (?), and minta' tombak (I ask for a lance), I want two pips
(or three, as the case may be).

Besides the above, there are miniature or bijou cards
(cheki)--e.g. cheki dua-b'las, cheki lima-b'las and 'tan or beretan
daun sambilan, etc., the daun cheki being distinguished by their
borders, e.g. iyu kuching, iyu nyonya, iyu panjang, iyu merak besar,
iyu kasut; and again gapet, gapet k'rang, gapet rintek, gapet lichin;
babi, babi rintek, babi pusat, babi lichin; kau merah, kau bulat,
kau lichin; layer, layer rintek, layer pitis, layer lichin. Six to
seven people play these games. A sort of whist is also played from
time to time under the name of main trup. At this game a trick is
called sapudi; to sweep the board is pukol tani; and the players who
get no tricks at all are said to be sold up (kena kot). [709]

Children's Games

I will now give some specimens of the games I have seen played by

"Throwing the Flower across" (champak bunga sa-b'lah) is a game which
I have seen thus played by boys.

A handkerchief was twisted up (like a rope) from corner to corner,
folded in half, and then tied together at the ends.

Two couples stood facing one another at a few yards' distance, and at
a given signal one of the boys in each couple took his companion up
on to his shoulders. The two who were mounted threw the handkerchief
across to each other, and back again by turns. When the one failed
to catch it, both riders dismounted and offered backs to their late
"mounts," who thus became riders, and threw the handkerchief in their
turn. Each time, however, that a catch was made both parties crossed
over. When three catches were made in unbroken succession (kelerik)
the riders had the privilege of being carried across three times
before recommencing play.

I should add that a coin was tossed up at the outset of the game to
decide who were to start as the riders, and who were to be the ridden.

Main Sesel (or Kachau kueh) bears a strong family resemblance to our
own "Hen and chickens." When I witnessed it, a big boy played the
"Paterfamilias" with a string of children at his back, each of whom
was holding on to the one in front of him. Presently a "Cakeseller"
presented himself, and the following conversation ensued:--

    Paterfamilias: Ada kueh? (Have you any cake?)

    Cakeseller: Ada. (I have.)

    P.F.: Buleh aku b'li? (Can I buy some?)

    C.: Buleh. (Yes.)

Here the Cakeseller hands a ball of earth to Paterfamilias, who passes
it down the line of children to the youngest child at the end of the
row. The conversation then recommenced--

    Cakeseller: Aku minta' duit. (I want my money.)

    P.F.: Duit t'ada, anak kunchi tinggal di jamban. (I have got no
    money, I have mislaid the key.) Kalau mahu ambil budak, ambil
    yang di-b'lakang. (If you wish to take one of my children, take
    the last.)

Here a desperate effort was made by the poor Cakeseller to dodge
past Paterfamilias and get at the boy, whom he eventually succeeded
in carrying off.

Main Tul is a game somewhat resembling our own "Puss in the corner,"
but with only one "home." The "home" consisted of a stake planted
upright, and the first "Puss" (orang tul) was selected by a species of
divination depending upon repetition of the same formula as is used to
select the blind man in Blind Man's Buff (Main China Buta). There was
(as I have said) only one home in this game, from which the players
sallied forth to taunt the orang tul, and which they were obliged to
touch in order to save themselves when closely pursued.

Main Seladang (Wild Bull game) is an excellent game for children with
the shoeless feet of the East. A "wild bull" having been selected
by repetition of the Ping hilang formula, went upon all fours, and
entered into the following conversation between himself and one of the
other players specially selected for the purpose. The latter opened
negotiations with the clearly non-committal, if not very lucid remark,
"Tam tam kul" to which the "Bull" replied, "Buat apa guna bakul"
(What are you going to do with your basket?)

Boy: Mengisi arang. (To hold charcoal.)

Bull: Buat apa guna arang? (What will you do with the charcoal?)

Boy: Menempa (or masak) lembing. (I shall forge a spear.)

Bull: Buat apa guna lembing? (What use will you make of the spear?)

Boy: Menikam seladang. (To stab a bull with.)

Bull (who is getting excited): Buat apa guna di-tikam? (What use will
it be to stab him?)

Boy: Mengambil hati-nya. (To get his heart.)

Bull (who is now fairly savage): Buat apa guna hati-nya? (What use
will you make of his heart?)

Boy: Buat santap Raja Muda. (Get the Crown Prince to partake (of it).)

The Bull at the end of this baiting was ready to "charge" anybody
and everything, and did accordingly run at the rest of the players,
kicking out with all his might at anybody who came near. As he had
to move on all fours he could not go very fast, and the other players
took advantage of this to bait him still further by slapping him on the
back and jumping over him. Whenever they came near enough he lashed
out with his heels, and when he succeeded in kicking another player
below the knee, the latter became a Bull in his turn. Much agility
is displayed in this game, which is thoroughly enjoyed by the players.

"Blind Man's Buff" (Main China Buta, or "Blind Chinaman") is played in
exactly the same manner as our own Blind Man's Buff; one of the party,
with bandaged eyes, being required to catch any one who comes near him.

The first blind man--at the commencement of the game--is chosen as
follows: the intending players sit down together in a close circle,
each of them putting down the tips of their forefingers in the centre
of the circle; then somebody who is not playing taps each of them
on the head in turn, repeating at each tap a word of the following

              1                  2           3       4
              ping               hilang      patah   paku
              plate (=piring?)   disappear   break   nail

             5        6                   7            8
             dalam    biling              chhari       aku
             within   chamber (=bilek?)   search for   me

                     9      10     11         12
                     ping   'dah   'ning      'dah
                            got    clear(?)   got


The meaning of this formula (as is the case with so many "nursery"
rhymes) is very obscure, several words being unintelligible or at
least doubtful. It is, however, the regular formula used for such
games and is quite common. [710]

Chan chan siku rembat is a game which I saw played in Selangor as

The intending players stood in a row, looking straight in front of
them, but with their hands behind their backs, whilst another boy, who
had a piece of wood in his hand, walked down the line touching their
hands and counting as he went the words of the following refrain:--

                      1      2      3      4
                      chan   chan   siku   rembat

       5                     6            7              8
       buah                  lalu         di-            b'lakang
       the fruit (or ball)   is passing   behind (you)

           9           10             11                12
           mata        pejam          tangan            lihat
           your eyes   (are) closed   (but your) hand   sees!

           13        14            15          16
           siapa     chepat        dia         melompat
           whoever   (is) nimble   (let) him   take the leap.

The "fruit" (or piece of wood, as the case may be) was left in the
palm of one of the boys, and as soon as the reciter came to the end of
the rhyme the boy with the token had to jump out of the ranks before
he was stopped by the boys on each side of him, each of whom suddenly
stretched out his legs for the purpose of tripping up the runaway. When
they touched him he lost his turn, but if he succeeded in getting
clear without being touched he obtained the privilege of going to the
other end of the ground and calling any boy he chose out of the ranks
to carry him back again, at the invitation of the late spokesman. On
his return he was stopped in front of the ranks with the challenge:--

    Q. Datang de'mana? (Whence do you come?)
    A. Datang de' Bali. (I come from Bali.)
    Q. Apa di-bawa? (What do you bring?)
    A. Bawa kuali. (I bring a cooking-pot.)
    Q. Siapa nakhoda? (Who is the master (of the vessel)?)
    A. Nakhoda 'Che `Ali. ('Che `Ali is the master.)
    Q. Mana sampan tunda? (Where is the boat you were towing?)
    A. Putus tali. (Parted from the rope.)
    Q. Mana pas? (Where is your pass?)

In reply to this last question the pass (i.e. the fruit or piece of
wood) was shown and both boys rejoined the ranks, whereupon the game
recommenced da capo.

Hantu Musang or "The Pole-cat Fiend," is a game in which a boy sits
down (between two others) with a cloth thrown over his head, the
ends of which are twisted up (like rope ends) by the two boys on each
side of him; the cloth fits his head like a cap, with a long end at
the back and in front. First the boy in front pulls his end of the
cloth and then the boy at the back pulls his end, thus causing the
boy between them to rock to and fro. This treatment is continued for
some time while they repeat the following rhyme:--

        Chok gelechok         ....
        Gali-gali ubi.        A-digging tapioca
        Mana kayu bongkok     Wherever (there is) knotted timber
        Disitu musang jadi.   There the pole-cat breeds.
        Chang gulichang       ....
        Serak bunga lada      Scatter (?) pepper-blossom.
        Datang hantu musang   The pole-cat fiend has arrived
        Ayam sa'ekor t'ada.   And not a fowl is left.

As soon as this rhyme is finished the two outside boys make off as
fast as they can, pursued by the "pole-cat," who is allowed to give
a really good bite (in the arm) to the first person he overtakes.

Main Tunggul.--This game I saw played with four boys a side. A
boy was selected to represent the tunggul or stump, and took up his
position at a little distance (about half-way between the two parties
as they stood facing each other a few yards apart). Up to the stump
(tunggul) a boy from each of the sides alternately ran and whispered
the name of a boy belonging to the opposite party. This whispering
was continued until the names of the two boys selected happened to
agree, the tunggul then making a gesture, at which the boys of one
of the sides crossed over and carried back on their shoulders the
boys belonging to the opposite side.

Kuching (the Cat Game) was a mere guessing game. The "guesser,"
or witness (saksi), stood at a little distance with his face turned
away whilst another boy was selected to play "puss," and yet another
boy was permitted to twitch him on the ear or wherever else he might
prefer. Then the "witness" was told to turn round, and going up to the
"cat" he made his guess.

Sorok-sorok is merely the Malay equivalent of our hide-and-seek,
with the exception that whereas hide-and-seek may be played by day as
well as by night, the game of sorok-sorok should properly be played
at night alone.

Main Galah Panjang.--A square of ground is marked out into four
quarters by a cross (as in the accompanying figure), and on it a game
not unlike our own "Tom Tiddler's Ground" is played (by three players
on each side). The name means the "Long Pole" game.

Another child's game is called Sanebang, and is played as follows:--

Two players sit down on the floor facing each other and chant the
following rhyme, one of them lightly touching the other's left arm
in time to the music:--

         Sanebang sanebu     Sanebang! sanebu!
         Kuala Sambau        At the mouth of the (river) Sambau
         Ujan bunut          In the drizzling rain
         Mandi katong        Bathes the Katong, [711]
         Sentak pelok        Twitch and embrace
         Tangan Tuan Putri   The Princess's hand.

The well-known game called Sapu-sapu 'Ringin I have seen played
as follows:--

Two players sit down on the floor opposite each other, with their legs
stretched out straight in front of them and their hands in their laps,
and join in singing these lines:--

    Sapu-sapu beringin,           Brush, brush the banyan-tree,
    Katimbun dayong-dayong,       A pile of oars lies stacked;
    Datang 'Che Aji Lebai         Here comes 'Che Aji Lebai
    Bawa buaya kudong.            Bringing a maimed crocodile:
    Kudong kaki, kudong tangan,   Maimed in foot and maimed in hand,
    Tiada buleh berpulangan.      It can't go home again.

Here both players double up one leg under them as they sit; then they
repeat the lines just quoted, doubling up the left leg at the end of
the recital; then they close the fists and pile them one on each other,
the lowest resting on one of the player's knees, and say--

    Pong along-along            ......
    Kerinting riang-riang,      Crick-crick (?) (sing) the crickets (?)
    Ketapong kebalok            ......
    Minyak `Arab, minyak sapi,  Arabian oil and ghee; [712]
    Pechah telor sa-biji.       Here's one egg broken.

Here the lowest fist is flattened out. In the same way each of the
four eggs (i.e. fists) is broken till the top is reached, when the
four hands are moved up and down on the left knee of one of the
players as the chant recommences--

    P'ram p'ram pisang                    ... the plantain,
    Masak sa-biji di-gonggong bari-bari   The fruit-bat seizes a ripe
    Bawa lari,                            And takes it away
    Terbang-lah dia!                      As off he flies!

Here both players raise their hands above their heads; then one player
commences to rock to and fro (with arms now folded), the other holding
him (or her) by the arms and crying--

    Goyang-goyang Pah Ponggor   Swing, swing, Father Ponggor;
    Pah Ponggor mati akar!      Father Ponggor, the climbing rattan is
    Si `Ali ka padang           Si `Ali's gone to the plain,
    [Di-]tudongkan daun         Sheltered by the leaves,
    Sa-hari ta' makan,          With nothing to eat for a day,
    Ta' makan sa-tahun.         Nothing to eat for a year.

Here they hook their little fingers together, and rock their bodies
to and fro, singing--

    Angkei-angkei p'riok      ... the cooking-pot,
    P'riok deri Jawa          The cooking-pot from Java;
    Datang 'Wa' Si Bagok      Here comes Uncle Bagok
    Bawa ketam sa'ekor:       Bringing a crab.
    Chepong masok ayer,       A dish (?) to put water in,
    Chepong masok api,        A dish (?) to put fire in,
    O nenek, O nenek,         O granny, O granny,
    Rumah kita 'nak runtoh!   Our house is tumbling down.
    Reh! Reh! Rum!            . . . . . .

Finally they sit still with hands clasped on knees, and sing--

    Nuria! Nuria!              . . . . . .
    Tali timba 'ku             The rope of my bucket,
    'Nak 'nimba lubok dalam,   To draw water from a deep hole,
    Dalam sama tengah,         Right in the middle of it,
    Saput awan tolih mega.     Veiled by the clouds, looking up at (?)
                               the welkin. [713]

Of minor children's games the following may be mentioned:--

(1) Tuju (not tujoh, [714]) lobang, which appears to be identifiable
with "Koba," and which is played by throwing coins as near as possible
to a hole (or holes?) in the ground.

(2) Chimplek, which is a sort of "heads and tails" game; "heads"
being called chaping, and "tails" sim.

(3) Porok, which consists in kicking (with the side of the foot)
a small cocoa-nut shell, with the object of hitting a similar shell
a few yards off.

This game appears to be identical with what is called main gayau in
Selangor, in which, however, a fruit or seed called buah gandu is
substituted for the cocoa-nut shell and propelled by the big toe of
the player's foot.

(4) Main seremban, which is played with cockle-shells by two girls at a
time, each player taking twenty cockle-shells (kulit k'rang) into her
lap. Each player in turn has to toss up one of the cockle-shells and
catch, simultaneously snatching a fresh shell from the heap. If the
girl who is playing fails in either task, she loses to her opponent.


The Malay Drama, taking the word in its widest sense as comprising
every kind of theatrical exhibition, includes performances of several
different types, which derive their origin from various distinct
sources. Most of them bear some traces of their foreign extraction,
and though they have been much modified by the Malays, and are now
quite "naturalised" in the Peninsula, it is pretty clear that the
greater part have been borrowed from India, Siam, China, and possibly
other countries. It is noteworthy that many, perhaps most, of the
plots represented in these performances owe their origin to the old
classical Indian Epics, and especially to the story of the Ramayana,
which has been handed down traditionally, much modified by local
colouring, in Java and Siam as well as in the Malay Peninsula.

It is not within the scope of this work to give anything like a full
description of these different kinds of dramatic representations, but
it is desirable to give some account of the ritual which accompanies
them, and the ideas and superstitions which they seem to involve.

The most important of the ceremonies which relate to the Malay theatre
is that of inaugurating or "opening" (as it is called) a site for
the performance. The following is an account (by Mr. Hugh Clifford)
of the performance of this ceremony:--

"When one of these companies arrives at a place where it intends to
'open,' it erects a small, square shed, open at all four sides, but
carefully roofed in, and with a hand-rail running round it about two
feet from the ground. This shed is called a Bangsal, and the space
which its sides enclose is termed Panggong. Before the play begins,
the ceremony called Bûka Panggong, which has for its object the
invocation and propitiation of certain spirits, is gone through....

"The ceremony, which is a curious one, is performed in the following
manner: The company having entered the shed and taken their seats, a
brazier is placed in front of the Pâwang, or Medicine-Man, who is also
the head of the theatrical troop. In this brazier precious woods and
spices are burned, and while the incense ascends, the Pâwang intones
the following incantation, the other members of the troop repeating
each sentence in chorus as he concludes it.

"'Peace be unto Thee, whose mother is from the earth, and whose father
has ascended to the Heavens! Smite not the male and female actors,
and the old and young buffoons with Thy cruelty, nor yet with the
curse of poverty! Oh, do not threaten with punishment the members
of this company, for I come not hither to vie with Thee in wisdom
or skill or talent: not such is my desire in coming hither. If I
come unto this place, I do so placing my faith in all the people,
[715] my masters who own this village. Therefore suffer not any
one to oppress, or envy, or do a mischief unto all the body of
male and female actors, together with the young and old buffoons,
and the minstrels and bridegroom, [716] together with Sri Gemûroh,
Sri Berdengong. [717] Oh, suffer them not to be hurt or destroyed,
injured, or maimed; let not the male or female actors be contused
or battered, and let them not be injured or maimed; let them not be
afflicted with headache, nor with undue physical heat, nor yet with
throbbing pains or with shooting aches. Oh, let them not be injured
by collisions like unto ships, the bows of which are telescoped, [718]
nor afflicted with excessive voiding. Suffer them not to vomit freely,
nor to be overcome by heavy weariness or fatigue or weakness. I ask
that Thou wilt suffer them to be as they have been accustomed to
be in former times, and to feel cool and fresh like unto the snake,
the chinta-mâni. [719]

"'Peace be unto Thee, O Black Awang, [720] who art King of the
Earth! Be not startled nor deranged, and be not offended, for Thou
art wont to wander in the veins of the ground, and to take Thy rest
in the portals of the Earth. [721] I come not hither to vie with Thee
in wisdom, for I only place my trust in Thee, and would surrender
myself wholly into thy hands; and I beg Thee to retire but three
paces from the four corners of our shed, and that Thou shalt refrain
from wandering hither and thither, for under Thy care I place the
male and female actors, and all the buffoons, both young and old,
together with all the musicians and the bridegrooms. I place them
under Thy care, and do not oppress or envy them, neither suffer evil
to befall them, do not strike against them as Thou passest by. I place
them under Thy charge, together with the actors and actresses, the
musicians and bridegrooms, the buffoons, both young and old, also the
spectators and the owners of this house and compound; suffer them not
to be afflicted with headaches, throbbing pains, nor yet with shooting
pains, nor yet with toothache, nor with itchings and skin irritations,
nor with burning sensations; for I pray that they may be suffered to
get cool and refreshed like unto the snake, the chinta-mâni.'

"The Pâwang here scatters parched rice stained with saffron in
every direction, and chants the following incantation the while:
`Peace be unto thee! I am about to move from within this enclosure
four paces in each direction of the four corners of the universe. O
ye Holy Ones who are present in this place, within the space of
these four paces towards the four extremities of the universe, be
not startled nor deranged, do not remove to a distance, and be not
angry or wrathful, for thy servant cometh not hither to vie with
ye in wisdom within this thy territory and village. Your servant
cometh to satisfy the desires of all the people who own this place,
and your servant desires to abandon himself unto ye, his guardians,
the Holy Ones of this place, and thus presuming he asks pardon of ye,
and would commend to your care himself, and the actors and actresses,
O Grandsires, ye Holy Ones of this place; and in like manner would
he commend unto ye the musicians and the bridegrooms, the buffoons,
both old and young; and he prays ye not to show envy towards them,
nor yet to oppress them, nor do them any injury; suffer them not
to be destroyed or injured; and he entreats thee, his Grandsires,
and all your many imps, to refrain from striking against them as ye
pass by them, neither to address them, nor to pinch or nip them, and
let not your youths, O Grandsires, remove our means of livelihood;
and your servant prays ye to refrain from destroying or damaging,
injuring or hurting the whole company of the ma'iong, and suffer them
to be cool and refreshed like unto the snake, the chinta-mâni.

"'Peace be unto Thee! I am about to remove from thee my Grandsire
who art styled Petera Gûru, the original teacher, who art from the
beginning, and who art incarnate from thy birth. Teacher who dwellest
as a hermit in the recesses of the Moon, and who practisest thy magic
arts in the womb of the Sun; teacher of mine whose coat is wrought
of green beads, whose blood is white, who hast stumps for bones, the
hairs of whose body are turned the wrong way, and the veins of whose
body are adamant, whose neck is black, whose tongue is fluent, whose
spittle is brine! [722] Oh, because thou, my Grandsire, art a man of
magic, whose prayers are answered, whose desires come to pass, do not,
O Grandsire, show cruelty, or afflict with poverty or with punishment
any of the actors or actresses, the musicians and bridegrooms,
and the buffoons both young and old! And I pray thee, O Grandsire,
to stretch forth thy feet--the feet at which I prostrate myself;
and thy hands--the hands which I take in salutation. And I beg from
thee, O Grandsire, the white charm (antidote), the medong ber-sîla;
cause to descend upon me three drops thereof together with thy magic,
O Grandsire; I wish to sprinkle therewith all the actors and actresses,
the buffoons both young and old, together with all the musicians
and bridegrooms, and suffer them not to be destroyed or injured,
and let them not be laid open or exposed to any evil influence; I
pray thee not to suffer them to be injured, maimed, or battered. And
now I will arouse all the actors and actresses from within the seven
Chambers of the seven Palaces, the seven Pavilions--the Palaces which
are on high, the Palaces which were from the beginning, which in the
beginning came into being in their entirety. [723] I am about to open
the portals of the seven Chambers of the seven Palaces; I am about to
open the closed doors from the exterior even unto the inner portals of
the seven chambers of the seven Palaces. Let them be opened together
with the Gates of Lusts and Passion, together with the Gate of Desire
and Faith, together with the Gates of Longing and Supreme Desire. The
Longing which lasts from Dawn unto Dawn, which causes food to cease to
satisfy, and renders sleep uneasy, which remembering causes to remember
unceasingly, hearing to hear, seeing to see! I will awake all from
the exterior even unto the inner Chambers of the seven Apartments of
the seven Palaces! remain not plunged in slumber, but awake! One and
all awake and hear my tidings and my words! Awake and hearken unto
my words, for they vanish not, neither are my senses slumbering, nor
is my memory a blank! Awake, O actors and actresses, and await one
upon another! Awake, O buffoons, together awake! Awake, ye drummers,
together awake! Awake, ye gong-smiters, together awake! Awake,
ye bridegrooms, together awake! Be not removed far from your means
of livelihood, nor destroyed or injured! Oh, suffer them not to be
hurt or damaged--all this company of actors and actresses, all this
company of players who sit within this shed!'

"When this incantation is finished the player, whose turn it is to
begin the performance, prostrates himself before the Herbab, or large
Malay fiddle, washes his face in some imaginary essence which the
gong is supposed to contain, and then arises and begins to act his
part." [724]

A similar ceremony was witnessed in 1897 by Mr. Everard Fielding
and the present writer at the back of the Bungalow at Jugra
(in Selangor). The object of the ceremony was to drive away evil
spirits from the spot where the performance was to take place, and the
performers were a little band of players from Penang who had settled in
the neighbourhood and had planted their holdings with Liberian coffee.

The Pawang or magician in this instance was a Malay named 'Che Hussein,
who acted as clown, and subsequently wrote out at my request rough
transcripts of more than a dozen of the plays acted by his company.

A big mat or mats having been laid upon the ground in a spot carefully
selected for the purpose, four corner posts were planted and a big
awning or ceiling-cloth (langit-langit) stretched between them. The
square space between the posts was then fenced off by carrying a
couple of cords round it horizontally from post to post, one at the
height of two, and the other about five feet above the ground. From
these cords were suspended various ornamental objects made of plaited
strips of cocoa-nut leaf, fashioned into rough resemblances of animals,
birds, fruit and flowers, a few bananas being added at intervals,
these latter serving as light refreshments for the players whenever
they felt so minded. Stems of banana trees with their leaves fastened
at each post made the structure complete, and the general effect,
enhanced by the bright costumes of the performers, was extremely
picturesque, and, as it was intended to be, extremely rural. [725]

A tray with the usual brazier of incense and small bowls of rice
variously prepared was then brought in, and all the instruments,
though not necessarily the players, being in their places, the ceremony
commenced as follows:--

First came the Lagu Pemanggil, or Invocation, a peculiar air performed
on the instruments and accompanied by the Pawang. The latter heaped
incense on a brazier in front of him, and "waved" in the incense
first the fiddle (rebab) and then the masks, wooden daggers, and other
"properties" of the company, until they were well fumigated. He next
lighted three tapers, which he charmed and took between the closed
palms of his hands (held in front of him), with the fingers straight
and the thumbs crossed. He then proceeded to "wave" these tapers,
pointing them first to the right, then in front of him, and finally
to the left, and then distributed the tapers, putting the first
on the rebab, and the second on the big gong, and the third on the
edge of a brazen ring in front of the place where he is sitting. He
now reached for the betel-leaf box (which should be close by), and
dipping the tip of his finger into the moist lime which it contained,
smeared the metal all round with it, and made the sign of the cross
inside the ring. Next he shrouded his head with a black cloth, and
taking a handful of rice in his closed fist held it in the incense,
sprinkled some of it over the brazier and "charmed" it, holding it
close to his mouth. Then he suddenly scattered it first to the right,
then in front, and lastly to the left, the scattering being in each
case accompanied by a single boom of the big gong.

The distribution of the rice being completed, he took four "chews"
of betel and handed one to each of the two drummers (juru-gendang);
the third he threw on to the top of the ceiling-cloth (or roof in the
case of a shed, bumbong bangsal), and the fourth he buried underneath
the bottom mat. [726] With his head still shrouded he now placed the
tip of his right thumb within the metal ring, in the very centre of
the cross, called the Heart of the Earth (pusat bumi or hati tanah),
and pressing downwards with it, worked it round to the left and back
again repeatedly whilst he recited the necessary charm. After this
he leaned in turn on the upper end of each of the drums, which he
inclined over the brazier and "charmed," concluding in each case with
three loud taps on the drum which he was "charming," each tap being
accompanied by similar taps on the other two drums. Finally, the Pawang
put the flageolet (serunei) to his lips, and the other instruments
accompanied him in the performance of the tune called taboh. [727]

As has already been observed, the performances at these theatrical
exhibitions are of several distinct kinds, and vary considerably
in different places. The Joget, a kind of dramatic and symbolical
dance, has been described under the head of Dances. The Ma'yong is a
theatrical performance which includes both dancing (or posturing as
Europeans would be tempted to call it) and singing. It is generally
performed by travelling companies of professional actors and actresses,
who go on tour and perform either at the houses of Rajas or other
persons of some social standing, or before the general public in some
public place. [728] Just as the dances of the Joget are supposed to
be symbolical of different actions and ideas, and are accompanied by
appropriate music, so in the Ma'yong there is quite a long list of
tunes, each of which is considered to be appropriate to a particular
action, or to some one or more of the dramatis personæ. In fact,
one may almost say that we have here, in principle, the rude germ
of the Wagnerian Leitmotif. Thus when one of the performers is
supposed to be sent to sleep, the Lagu Legor Radin is the one used;
in the representation of a death, the Lagu Merayu; when a character
is supposed to be entering the jungle, the Lagu Samsam; when any one
sits down, the Lagu Patani Tuah. Similarly the Lagu Puyuh, the Lagu
Dang Dondang Lanjut Kedah, and the Lagu Sendayong Dualapis Putri are
appropriated to the Princess (Putri), one of the stock characters
of this species of play, while other tunes can be used only by the
Princess and the Raja or principal male character (Pa'yong); and
others, again, are employed indifferently to accompany any of the
parts, whether prince, princess, clown (P'ran), or maid (Inang).

The costumes of the performers in the various kinds of dramatic
exhibitions vary, of course, with the subject-matter of the
representation. The clown's masks and the forest demon (hantu hutan),
of which illustrations are given, will serve as specimens to indicate
the nature of some of the accessories in use. A fairly full list of
their Malay names will be found in the classification given below.

The Ma'yong is perhaps the most typical form of Malay theatrical
representations, but another very characteristic performance is the
Shadow-Play, properly termed Wayang, a name that has been loosely
extended to cover theatrical exhibitions in general.

"The show is called Wayang Kulit, or leather puppets. It is exhibited
in a rough shed, which has a flooring raised about three feet from
the ground; the building is usually twenty feet square and enclosed on
three sides, the front alone being open; across this opening a white
sheet is stretched on which the shadows of the puppets are thrown and
seen through by the audience; the latter sit or stand in the open air.

"The show seems to be of Hindu origin, if we may judge from the
strong resemblance the figures bear to the representations of gods and
goddesses worshipped by the Hindus of India; it is probably obtained
from Java.

"The figures are made of buffalo hide, and the arms alone are movable;
they are moved by slips of wood attached to them, which are very
clumsily contrived, and as their shadows are seen with the puppets
the effect is very much destroyed. Various scenes of a domestic nature
are exhibited, and they take the shape of a play, but with no definite
plot running through or connecting the different scenes.

"The following is a specimen:--

"An old man appears weeping for a long-lost son, and moves to
and fro for some time bewailing his loss; the showman speaks each
figure's part, and alters the tone of his voice to suit the age of
the speaker; a second figure comes on, representing a young man armed
with a kris, who endeavours to pick a quarrel with the first comer,
and the conversation is witty and characteristic, eliciting roars
of laughter from the lookers-on; a fight ensues, and the old man is
wounded; he falls and cries out that were he a young man, or if his
lost son were present, his adversary should not thus triumph over
him. In his conversation he happens to mention his son's name; the
young man intimates that his name is the same, an explanation ensues,
and it ends by the old man discovering in his late adversary his
long-lost son. The old fellow weeps and laughs alternately, caresses
his son frequently, and declares they shall never part again; the
scene ends by the youth shedding tears over his late inhuman conduct,
and he finally walks off with the old gentleman on his back.

"The conversation is carried on solely in the Malayan dialect. Warlike
scenes please most: a warrior comes on the stage and challenges his
invisible enemy to mortal combat; suddenly another figure comes on at
the opposite side and a desperate fight ensues, which lasts for a very
long time, and ends in one of the combatants being killed. Occasionally
a battle in which ten or twelve figures join takes place, and for
hours will the Malays look on at such scenes.

"The show concludes with an exhibition of various animals--deer,
horses, tigers, crocodiles, etc., also birds and fishes. The figures
are perforated to represent the eyes, shape of the dress, etc.

"At the back of the shed, concealed by the sheet, sit the musicians,
who keep up an incessant din on drums and cymbals." [729]

The puppets for these shadow-plays are usually cut out of deer-skin
(not buffalo hide) and it is worth remarking that they are all
considered to be more or less animated; a stringent propitiatory
ceremony has to be performed in their honour, incense being burnt
and rice scattered about, just as in the Ma'yong ceremony already

The present writer, while in Selangor, bought from a Kelantan
Malay named 'Che `Abas, a performer of shadow-plays, his entire
stock-in-trade, including not only his musical instruments (amongst
which were some curious drums called gedu and gedombak), but also his
candle (with its shade), the rice used for the ceremony, and his entire
stock of shadow-pictures, all of which are now in the Cambridge Museum.

The following classification of the more important kinds of theatrical
performances, which was drawn up for the present writer by 'Che
Hussein of Penang, the actor of whom mention has already been made,
may be of interest, and will serve to indicate briefly their several
characteristic features, though it does not profess to be absolutely

Classification of Theatrical Performances known to Malays of the Peninsula

    Name of        Instruments.          Dress.                 No. of          Place of           Names of Stories
    Performance                                                 Performers.     Performance,       Represented.
    and Reputed                                                                 etc.
    Place of

1   Lekun or       Gendang besar,        Head-dress:            100 to 200      Indoors, with      S'ri Rama, Dewa
    Lakun (Kedah   gong, gambang         kechobong, chawat      (in choruses)   proper scenery     Matahari, Sendrong,
    and Siam).     dua-b'las, kromong    (sayap                 all females,    and dresses        Prak Jusin.
                   (or mong-mong),       layang-lay-ang),       except the      (masks).
                   anak ayam,            sabok, bimpau, sap     musicians.
                   breng-breng,          suang, g'lang,
                   serunei, cherek.      g'lang kana (=
                                         kena), changgei,
2   Mendura        Gedombak, gedu,       Same as in the         About 10 to     Out doors; no      S'ri Rama, Lak
    (Siam).        serunei, cherek,      Lekun.                 15 good         scenery.           Kenawan, Timun Muda,
                   mong, breng-breng                            performers;                        Iprat, Prak Jusin,
                   anak ayam; but not                           all male,                          Pran Bun, Sendrong,
                   gendang, rebab, or                           including the                      Dewa Matahari.
                   gong.                                        Princess.
3   Ma'yong        Rebab (yang           Head-dress: tanjak     10 to 20 (15    Out doors; no      Dewa Sri Rama, Dewa
    (Siam).        betuah), gendang      (sapu tangan), g'rak   is the          scenery, which     Muda, Dewa Pechi,
                   (2), gong (2),        gempa, sabok, bimpau   average),       is, however,       Gambar Lilin, Batak
                   gedombak (2),         g'lang, changgei,      both male and   described by the   Puteh, Siamang Gila,
                   gedu-gedu (1),        saluar, sarong,        female.         performers.        Raja Gondang, Gajah
                   b'reng-b'reng (1);    baju, topeng (pran).                   Panggong and       Dang Daru, Bijak
                   mong-mong (2),                                               langit-langit      Laksana, Raja Muda
                   serunei (1), anak                                            are all that is    sama Puyuh, Pran
                   ayam (2), cherek                                             required.          Bun, Timun Muda, Lak
                   (10-20).                                                                        Kenawan, Iprat,
                                                                                                   Putri Duab'las, Dewa
                                                                                                   Bisnu, Solong Sakti,
                                                                                                   Putri Bongsu, Megat
                                                                                                   Gembang Sultan
                                                                                                   Kechil Bongsu
                                                                                                   di`Alam, Bongsu
                                                                                                   Kechil S'ri`Alam,
                                                                                                   Bujang Lempawi.
4   Wayang Kun     Gong, gendang,        Same as in the         30 to 40,       Indoors; no        Same as in the
    (Siam).        kromong, anak ayam,   Lekun, except that     both male and   scenery.           Lekun.
                   b'reng-b'reng,        the kechobong is not   female.
                   gambang dua-b'las,    used, but a sort of
                   serunei; but not      ornamental sampul or
                   cherek or rebab.      songko' with
                                         artificial flowers,
                   Different airs        g'rak gempa. Females
                   (lagu) from those     wear jambangan, a
                   used in the Lekun.    made-up head-dress,
                                         also sambok, sap
                                         suang, chawat,
                                         saluar; but not
                                         g'lang or changgei.
5   Mek Mulong     Same as in the        Same as in the         8 to 15,        Out doors; a       Malim Bongsu, Awang
    (Siam?)        Ma'yong, but the      Ma'yong.               males and       panggong, as in    Salamat.
                   rebana is used                               females.        the Ma'yong.
                   instead of the
                   rebab, gendang, and
6   Bangsawan      Biola, kechapi,       Persian in             30 to 50, all   Indoors;           Lela Majnun, Sap
    Parsi Indra    gendang (dul),        character.             males except    sevenfold langit   Jafri, Raja Gelepam,
    Sabor          gong, etc., as in                            2 or 3          langit, and        etc.
    (Persia?)      the Mendu.                                   females.        tabir; wires are
                                                                                used in some
                                                                                performances to
                                                                                Dewas, etc. to
7   Mendu          Gendang (dul),        Same as in the         20 to 50        Indoors; the       Saifu-'l-Yazan, Siti
    (Pontianak).   gong,                 Wayang China, i.e.     Malays acting   same rough         Zubeidah, Ken
                   b'reng-b'reng,        Chinese in             Malay           scenery as in      Tabohan, `Abdul
                   biola, kechapi,       character: a baju      stories, but    Chinese            Muluk, Bestamam,
                   piano (or argin,      teratei, a small       in Chinese      theatres; there    Mara Karma,
                   i.e. concertina),     jacket without         dress; both     are small          Bidasari, Dewa Mendu
                   sam dyen (Chinese),   sleeves; head-dress:   male and        theatres for the   di Negri Langkadura,
                   resembling the        mahkota (bulu          female.         Mendu at           etc., most, if not
                   rebab; chên-chên      kuang), beard and                      Singapore,         all, being war-like
                   (cymbals), and        whiskers. Pahla-wans                   Penang, and        themes.
                   gendang singa.        are distinguished by                   Malacca.
                                         a koh sah
                                         (decoration on the
                                         fore-head); socks
                                         are worn.
8   Wayang Makau   The same as in the    Chinese in             20 to 50,       Indoors.           Siti Zubeidah, and
    (China).       Mendu.                character.             male and                           also Chinese
                                                                female.                            subjects.
9   Wayang Kulit   Various.              According to the       --              Indoors.           Chekil Wanam Pati,
    (Java) [but                          nationality                                               Jarang K'lena, Misa
    the stories                          represented.                                              Perbu Jaya, Misa
    are                                                                                            Kiamang, Lalat
    Javanese,                                                                                      Hijau, Kalang
    Malay,                                                                                         Bongkang, Panji
    Siamese and                                                                                    Samerang, K'ra Amas,
    Chinese].                                                                                      Iran Kasuma, etc.


Such charms as might be used in time of war, or in case of danger
from wild beasts or other enemies, are partly what may be called
"defensive" and partly "offensive" in character.

The Malays who use them pray, on the one hand, for a supernatural
appearance wherewith to scare their enemies and protect themselves,
and on the other for supernatural powers to assist in the destruction
of their foes.

Thus, one of their charms runs:--

   "Let me face the Seven Suns,
    But let not my enemies face me.
    Ha! I am a Tiger and thou art a Dog." [730]

The use of such charms is supplemented in various ways: thus a
champion (penglima) will sometimes draw a line in front of him, which
he believes his enemy will be unable to pass; [731] this is done by
simply scraping the ground with the right foot and threatening the
foe with a dire curse if he attempts to cross it.

   "Push and you die, step across and your leg shall break.
    I apply the charm of the Line called the Swollen Corpse."

According to another method of gaining martial vigour and immunity in
fighting, you take a wick as long as the short span between your thumb
and first finger (sa-jengkal telunjok), and after passing it over your
body upwards (di-naikkan) thrice, take it between your two hands and
try and turn it round while you repeat the charm. The ceremony must
take place at the time of full moon, and if you do not succeed in
turning it the first time, you can try again at the next full moon,
and so on up to three full moons. At night, if you succeed you will
(according to the Malay account) see the vision of a man, a sign,
it is to be supposed, that the charm has been effectual, and that
the prayer has been heard.

The charm begins as follows:--

   "In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate!
    May this nerve of stone pierce stone,
    Pierce stone and split stone,
    Pierce planks and go right through them,
    Pierce water and dry it up,
    Pierce the earth and make a hole in it,
    Pierce the grass and wither it,
    Pierce mountains and cause them to fall,
    Pierce the heavens that they may fall," etc.

The charm concludes with the following magnificent boast:--

   "Of Iron am I, and of Copper is my frame,
    And my name is 'Tiger of God.'"

In a somewhat similar charm, a warrior prays that he may be

   "Fenced with Hell-fire up to the eyes;"

and another expresses the wish that his enemies may be

   "Ground to powder like tin-ore after washing."

In actual warfare a number of rules are laid down, the observance of
which is supposed to be necessary in order to achieve success. As in
several other pursuits, [732] there is, of course, a "taboo" language
of war (bhasa pantang p'rang), of which the following are examples:--

Dagger (k'ris) = pisau (lit. knife).
Bullet (peluru senapang) = kumbang puteh (lit. white beetle).
Ball of swivel-gun (peluru lela) = kumbang hitam (lit. black beetle).
Stockade (kubu) = batang melintang (lit. transverse trunk), or balei
Cannon (meriam) = batang kabu-kabu (lit. cotton-tree trunk), or batang
buloh (lit. trunk of bamboo).
Cannon-ball = buah niyor (lit. cocoa-nut).

When a man is out in the wars his pillows and sleeping-mat at home
have to be kept rolled up. If any one else were to use them the
absent warrior's courage would fail, and disaster would befall him
(ter-tentu-lah kachau hati tuan-nya yang di p'rang itu, datang-lah
mara). His wife and children must not have their hair cut (ta'
buleh potong rambut atau berandam) during his absence, nor may
he himself. Strict chastity must be observed in a stockade, or
the bullets of the garrison will lose their power (peluru jinak di
kubu-nya), and it is also forbidden to abuse or mock at the enemy,
or even at their weapons. [733]

Bullets are frequently, if not always, "charmed" before being used,
and their efficacy is supposed to be increased thereby. The Orang
Kaya Pahlawan, a chief of some local notoriety in recent times,
claimed to be invulnerable (kebal) to the extent that nothing but a
silver bullet would hurt him.

The following legendary tale illustrates a somewhat similar idea:--The
assailant, one Magat Terawis, an unknown warrior who had joined the
Sultan's investing army, had four bullets, on each of which were
inscribed the words: "This is the son of the concubine of the Raja
of Pagar-ruyong; his name is Magat Terawis; wherever his bullet falls
he will become a Chief."

"Magat Terawis levelled his matchlock and fired, and his bullet struck
Tan Saban's leg. The skin was hardly broken, and the bullet fell to
the ground at the chief's feet; but, on taking it up and reading
the inscription, he knew that he had received his death-wound. He
retired to his house, and, after ordering his flag to be hauled down,
despatched a messenger to the opposite camp to call the warrior whose
name he had read on the bullet. Inquiries for Magat Terawis were
fruitless at first, for no one knew the name. At length he declared
himself, and went across the river with Tan Saban's messenger,
who brought him into the presence of the dying man. The latter
said to him, 'Magat Terawis, thou art my son in this world and the
next, and my property is thine. I likewise give thee my daughter in
marriage, and do thou serve the Raja faithfully in my place, and not
be rebellious as I have been.' Tan Saban then sued for the Sultan's
pardon, which was granted to him, and the marriage of his daughter
with Magat Terawis was permitted to take place. Then Tan Saban died,
and was buried with all the honours due to a Malay chief." [734]

The national and favourite weapon of the Malays is the k'ris, [735] a
short dagger usually with an undulating or wavy blade set in a handle
of peculiarly carved pattern, as to the probable origin of which some
allusion has already been made, [736] and furnished with a sheath
which is generally of wood and quite plain, but sometimes of metal
chased, hammered, and set with gems in the most elaborate and lavish
style. The blade is quite different in appearance from the steel or
iron blades to which we are accustomed, being prepared in a peculiar
way by a process of "damasking" which produces a variety of designs on
the roughened surface. To the shape of these designs much importance
is attached, as will appear from the following passage extracted from
Newbold's British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca:--

"Translation of Malayan MS. on Krises and Process of Damasking

"Fasl I.--On the Pamur, or Damasking of Krises

"If the damasking of a kris only reach within a finger's breadth of the
point, and if it reach the edge, it is inauspicious for combat. Should
the damask not be even with the point, a stab made with such a kris
would err; but if even, then the kris will never deviate, although
its possessor lose strength to thrust; still, by the grace of God,
it will hit the mark should he cast it at his adversary. If it be
damasked on both sides, it is good; but not so should the damask be
separated at intervals.

"If the damask on the point be that of Alif besar (a damask running in
the shape of the Arabian letter Alif), the kris is good for combat;
but it is not lucky to wear such a weapon while trading, nor one in
which the damask runs from the pangkal (the stem which runs into the
handle), to the tali.

"If it possess the Alif damask near the handle, the middle, and
point, it is very auspicious for commercial transactions; men cannot
resist the force of the possessor's arguments; should it be worn
whilst planting, the crop will be fruitful. The possessor will be
irresistible in fight, nor can any person thwart his wishes.

"If the kris (called Tuah) have the pamur kutilang, or the bird's-eye
damask, at its point and stem, it becomes entitled to the appellation
Manikam [737] di Ujong Gala (the ruby at the end of the pole). The
possessor of such a kris is most lucky. If the damask be that of
battu ampar, and reach to the ganja (the lower part of the blade
immediately above the ikat tali), it ensures the safety of the wearer.

"Fasl II.--On the Blade of the Kris

"If the blade of the kris be split in the direction of the tali tali
(the silk and ratan appendage by which the kris is fastened in the
girdle), you cannot return an adversary's thrust with it. If the
betala be cracked to the ikat tali (or bottom welt), it is not
auspicious. Should the point of the kris be split, it is a sign
that it requires blood; if this want be not gratified, the possessor
becomes sick.

"Fasl III.--On the Badik, or Sendrik

"If the blade of the badik be damasked all over to its edge, it is
lucky to wear while trading or dividing property. If the back bear
the damask Alif, it is also good for trading with, or for combat,
by God's assistance. If the blade have the pamur gunong, or mountain
damask, it softens the hearts of men, and is good for trading and
warlike excursions. If the lines of damask be of equal breadth from
the pangkal to the tali, and straight, it is auspicious.

"Should the belly of the blade be veined, it is lucky to trade, and
good for making a stab with, as the possessor's antagonist will not
be able to return the thrust. If the damask be that called pamur kait
(or the damask like a hook), it is auspicious.

"Should the back of the blade be damasked and streaked, it is good;
and also, if it has the pamur belanga [738] in one or two places only,
and on its back. If the damask run waving from the top to the bottom
of the back, it is very auspicious. [739]

"How to damask krises.--Place on the blade a mixture of boiled rice,
sulphur, and salt beat together, first taking the precaution to cover
the edges of the weapon with a thin coat of virgin wax. After this
has remained on seven days, the damask will have risen to the surface;
take the composition off, and immerse the blade in the water of a young
cocoa-nut, or the juice of a pineapple, for seven days longer, and
wash it well with the juice of a sour lemon. After the rust has been
cleared away, rub it with warangan (arsenic) dissolved in lime juice;
wash it well with spring water; dry, and anoint it with cocoa-nut oil.

"Fasl IV.--Measurement of Krises

"Measure the kris with a string below its aring (a jutting out of
the blade near its bottom) to its point; cut the string and fold
it trebly; cut off one of the trebles, and with the remaining two
measure up the blade of the kris, then make a mark how far the string
reaches. Measure the blade across at this mark, and find how many
times its breadth is contained in two-thirds of its length; cut
the string into as many pieces. These form the sloca, or measure,
of which the kris consists. If none of the string remain over, the
blade is perfect, if a minute portion remain, it is less perfect,
but if half the breadth remain, or more, it is chelaka, unlucky."

Newbold adds:--

"The krises most preferred are those of the kinds termed Simpana,
Cherita, and Sapokal. The kris panjang is worn generally by the
Malayan aristocracy and bridegrooms. I have seen some beautiful
specimens of this weapon in Rumbowe, worn by the chiefs of that
state. The blades resembled that of a long, keen poniard of
Damascus steel; the handles of ebony, covered with flowered gold,
and sheaths richly ornamented with the same metal; they are used
in the execution of criminals. Malays do not prize their krises
entirely by the quantity of gold with which they may be inlaid,
but more for their accurate proportions agreeably to the measurement
which is laid down in their treatises on this subject; the damask on
the blade; the antiquity and a certain lucky quality that they may
possess either from accurate proportions, the damask, the having
shed human blood, or from supernatural endowment, like the famous
sword "Excalibur." This property is termed betuah, which signifies
literally exempt from accident, invulnerable. The reverse is termed
chelaka, ill-omened. They believe the betuah in some cases imparts
invulnerability to the possessor of such a kris, which is handed
down as an heirloom from father to son, and honoured as something
divine. The kris is, as with the Javanese, an indispensable article
in dress on particular occasions, and there are numerous regulations
regarding the wearing of it. The Undang Undang Malacca [740] contains
strict injunctions, which are observed to this day, against a person
of inferior birth wearing a kris ornamented with gold." [741]

Besides the mode above described, several other methods of measuring
the k'ris are also in vogue. They differ in various matters of detail,
and will be found in the Appendix.

The measurement of one-edged weapons is effected as follows:--

Measure the length of the weapon from hilt to point, and fold the
string so measured in two. Measure off this half-length from the hilt
and see how often the breadth of the blade is contained in the whole
length of the string. Each time, however, that the edge is reached,
the string must be marked or dented, and the long end wrapped round and
round the blade, so that the measurement of each breadth is consecutive
to the preceding breadth, the portion of the string which is stretched
across the back of the blade not being counted.

This method is called ukor mata sa-b'lah, and is used by Sumatran
Malays, especially in Menangkabau.

Spearheads can also be measured:--

Measure off the length of the spearhead and fold the string in two;
see how often the breadth is contained in the half of the string;
if the blade is a good one, it must be five and a half times (tengah
anam). This is called ukor orang Perak or ukor tengah anam.

Another superstition connected with weapons is described as follows
by Sir Frank Swettenham. It illustrates the magic powers attributed
to the Pawang in so many departments of nature and life, but does
not seem to have any special object or meaning.

"A great many Malays and one or two Europeans may be found who profess
to have seen water drawn from a kris. The modus operandi is simple. The
pâwang (I dare not call him conjurer) works with bare arms to show
there is no deception. He takes the kris (yours, if you prefer it)
from its wooden handle, and, holding the steel point downwards in
his left hand, he recites a short incantation to the effect that he
knows all about iron, and where it comes from, and that it must obey
his orders. He then with the thumb and first two fingers of his right
hand proceeds to gently squeeze the steel, moving his fingers up and
down the blade. After a little while a few drops of water fall from
the point of the kris, and these drops quickly develop into a stream
that will fill a cup. The pâwang will then hand round the blade and
tell you to bend it; this you will find no difficulty in doing, but
by making two or three passes over the kris the pâwang can render it
again so hard that it cannot be bent.

"The only drawback to this trick or miracle is that the process ruins
the temper of the steel, and a kris that has been thus treated is
useless." [742]

The subject of this section, more perhaps than any of the others,
has lost its former importance, and become almost a matter of merely
historical interest. In the Malay Peninsula, at least in the States
which are under British protection, offensive weapons are seldom
worn now-a-days except on State occasions and for purely ceremonial
purposes; and warfare, it may be hoped, is now a thing of the past. In
spite of the halo of romance thrown round it in native writings,
Malay warfare (in modern times, at least) has never been anything
but the barest and most bloodthirsty piracy by sea, and the merest
"bushwhacking" and stockade-fighting on land; its final suppression,
even if in some degree it should involve a slackening of fibre in the
Malay character, is not a matter for regret. With it will disappear
much of the curious lore that surrounded it, and indeed a good deal
of it must have been lost already. Little has been said here of the
methods of divination used in warfare which take up so much space
in Malay treatises on the subject; success in war is held to depend
on a great number of minute observances, and to be capable of being
foretold by careful attention to omens and signs. But the divination
applied in warfare does not seem to differ in principle from that which
is used in all the other avocations of life, and a sufficient idea of
its nature will be gathered from the account given in the next section.


Omens and Dreams

The significance of ominous signs and dreams is a subject which
possesses vast ramifications, extending so deeply into every department
of the Malay national life, that it will be impossible to do it
anything like full justice within the narrow limits of this book. My
object will be merely to indicate the main lines on which these two
important doctrines of the Malay natural religion appear to have
been developed.

Briefly, then, omens may be drawn either from the acts of men or the
events of nature. Examples of the ominous import attributed to the
acts of man will at once suggest themselves. Thus sneezing is said to
be fortunate as tending to drive away the demons of disease; [743]
yawning is a bad sign, for obvious reasons, if the breath is loudly
emitted, but if a quiet yawn occurs when the stomach is craving for
food, it imports that it will soon be filled. So too stumbling is a
bad omen, especially if the person who stumbles is about to set out on
a journey. [744] Then, again, "to be long in getting up after a meal
is said to be a bad omen. It means that the person, if unmarried, will
meet with a bad reception from his or her parents-in-law hereafter. The
Malay saying in the vernacular is 'Lambat bangket deri tampat makan,
lambat di-tegur mentuwak.' Clothes which have been nibbled by rats
or mice must not be worn again. They are sure to bring misfortune,
and are generally given away in charity. ... When a Malay dinner is
served, the younger members of the family sometimes amuse themselves
by throwing rice into the pan from which the curry has just been taken,
stirring it round in the gravy that remains and then eating it. This is
not permitted when one of them is to be married on the following day,
as it would be sure to bring rainy weather. It is unlucky for a child
to lie on his face (menyehrap), and kick his feet together in the air
(menyabong kaki). It betokens that either his father or mother will
die. A child seen doing this is instantly rebuked and stopped....

"The evil eye is dreaded by Malays. Not only are particular people
supposed to be possessed of a quality which causes ill-luck to
accompany their glance (the mal'occhio of the Italians), but the
influence of the evil eye is often supposed to affect children, who are
taken notice of by people kindly disposed towards them. For instance,
it is unlucky to remark on the fatness and healthiness of a baby,
and a Malay will employ some purely nonsensical word, or convey his
meaning in a roundabout form, rather than incur possible misfortune
by using the actual word 'fat.' 'Ai bukan-nia poh-poh gental budak
ini?' ('Isn't this child nice and round?') is the sort of phrase
which is permissible." [745]

Among omens drawn from natural events are the following:--

"When a star is seen in apparent proximity to the moon, old people
say there will be a wedding shortly....

"The entrance into a house of an animal which does not generally
seek to share the abode of man is regarded by the Malays as ominous
of misfortune. If a wild bird flies into a house it must be carefully
caught and smeared with oil, and must then be released in the open air,
a formula being recited in which it is bidden to fly away with all
the ill-luck and misfortunes (sial jambalang) of the occupier. An
iguana, a tortoise, and a snake, are perhaps the most dreaded of
these unnatural visitors. They are sprinkled with ashes, if possible,
to counteract their evil influence.

"A swarm of bees settling near a house is an unlucky omen, and
prognosticates misfortune." [746]

So, too, omens are taken either from the flight or cries of certain
birds, such as the night-owl, the crow, some kinds of wild doves,
and the bird called the "Rice's Husband" (laki padi).

Passing from the idea of mere omens drawn from fortuitous events we
easily arrive at the idea of a conscious attempt on the part of the
worshipper to ascertain the divine pleasure with respect to a sacrifice
newly offered. This effort of the worshippers becomes crystallised in
time into a sub-rite, which yet forms an integral portion of most,
if not all, of the more important ceremonies, [747] and eventually
develops into a special and separate rite called Tilek (divination),
of which examples will now be given.

One form of this rite was taught by a Malay of Penang extraction,
whose instructions, taken down by me at the time, ran as follows:--

Take a lemon (limau purut), a hen's egg, a taper made of bees'-wax
(lilin lebah), four bananas, four Malay (palm-leaf covered) cigarettes,
four "chews" of betel-leaf, a handful of parched rice, washed rice, and
rice stained with turmeric (saffron), one of the prickles or "thorns"
(duri) of a thorn-backed mudfish, a needle with a torn eye (taken
out of one of the sets of a "score" in which they are sold--jarum
rabit dalam sekudi), and a couple of small whips, or rather birches,
one of which must be composed of seven, and the other of twelve,
leaf-ribs of the "green" cocoa-nut palm (niyor hijau).

Two of the bananas, two cigarettes, two chews of "betel," half of each
of the three kinds of rice, the egg, and the birch of seven twigs,
must now be taken outside the house and set down under a tree selected
for the purpose. When setting it down the egg must be cracked, the
cigarettes lighted, and finally the taper also. On one occasion when I
witnessed the performance, the taper, after being taken up between the
outstretched fingers of my friend's two hands, was waved slowly to and
fro--first to the right and then to the left; finally it was set down
on the ground and began to burn blue, the flame becoming more and more
dim until it almost expired. On seeing this the medicine-man exclaimed,
"He has promised" (dia mengaku), and led the way back to the house,
where he proceeded to go through the remainder of the ceremony.

First, he deposited the brazier with incense upon the leaf of
a banana-tree, then took the prickle of the fish and thrust it
horizontally through the lower end of the lemon, leaving both ends
exposed; then he thrust the needle through in a transverse direction,
so as to form a cross, the ends of the needle being likewise exposed,
and slipped the noosed end of a piece of silken thread of seven
different colours over the points thus exposed.

Next he scattered the rice round the censer and fumigated the birch and
the lemon, recited a charm as he held the latter in his right hand,
recited the charm for the second time [748] as he took the birch
in both hands, with the upper end close to his mouth and the lower
(spreading) end over the brazier, and finally repeated the charm for
a third time, suspending, as he did so, the lemon over the brazier
by means of the thread held in his left hand and holding the birch
in the right.

Everything being ready, he now began to put questions to the lemon
into which the spirit was supposed to have entered, rebuking it and
threatening it with the birch whenever it failed to answer distinctly
and to the point. The conversational powers of this spirit were
extremely limited, being confined to two signs signifying "Yes" and
"No." The affirmative was indicated by a pendulum-like swaying of the
lemon, which rocked to and fro with more or less vehemence according
to the emphasis (as my friend informed me) with which the reply was
to be delivered. Negation, on the other hand, was indicated by a
complete cessation of motion on the part of the lemon.

When it is required to discover, for instance, the name of a thief,
the names of all those who are at all likely to have committed the
theft are written on scraps of paper and arranged in a circle round
the brazier, when the lemon will at once swing in the direction of
the name of the guilty party. The best night for the performance of
this ceremony is a Tuesday.

Sir Frank Swettenham's account of a similar ceremony of which he was
an eye-witness will serve as a good illustration of the methods in
use for this purpose:--

"It was my misfortune some years ago to be robbed of some valuable
property, and several Malay friends strongly advised me to take the
advice of an astrologer, or other learned person who (so they said)
would be able to give the name of the thief, and probably recover
most of the stolen things. I fear that I had no great faith in this
method of detection, but I was anxious to see what could be done,
for the East is a curious place, and no one with an inquiring mind
can have lived in it long without seeing phenomena that are not always
explained by modern text-books on Natural Philosophy.

"I was first introduced to an Arab of very remarkable appearance. He
was about fifty years old, tall, with pleasant features and
extraordinary gray-blue eyes, clear and far-seeing, a man of striking
and impressive personality. I was travelling when I met him, and tried
to persuade him to return with me, but that he said he could not do,
though he promised to follow me by an early steamer. He said he would
be able to tell me all about the robbery, who committed it, where
the stolen property then was, and that all he would want was an empty
house wherein he might fast in solitude for three days, without which
preparation, he said, he would not be able to see what he sought. He
told me that after his vigil, fast, and prayer, he would lay in his
hand a small piece of paper on which there would be some writing; into
this he would pour a little water, and in that extemporised mirror
he would see a vision of the whole transaction. He declared that,
after gazing intently into this divining-glass, the inquirer first
recognised the figure of a little old man. That having duly saluted
this Jin, it was necessary to ask him to conjure up the scene of the
robbery, when all the details would be re-enacted in the liquid glass
under the eyes of the gazer, who would there and then describe all
that he saw. I had heard all this before, only it had been stated to
me then that the medium through whose eyes the vision could alone be
seen must be a young child of such tender years that it could have
never told a lie! The Arab, however, professed himself not only able
to conjure up the scene, but to let me see it for myself if I would
follow his directions. Unfortunately, my gray-eyed friend failed to
keep his promise, and I never met him again.

"A local Chief, however, declared his power to read the past by this
method, if only he could find the truthful child. In this he appeared
to succeed, but when, on the following day, he came to disclose to
me the results of his skill, he said that a difficulty had arisen,
because just when the child (a little boy) was beginning to relate
what he saw he suddenly became unconscious, and it took the astrologer
two hours to restore him to his normal state. All the mothers of
tender-aged and possibly truthful children declined after this to
lend their offspring for the ordeal.

"My friend was not, however, at the end of his resources, and,
though only an amateur in divination, he undertook to try by other
methods to find the culprit. For this purpose he asked me to give
him the names of every one in the house at the time the robbery was
committed. I did so, and the next day he gave me one of those names
as that of the thief. I asked how he had arrived at this knowledge;
he described the method, and consented to repeat the experiment in my
presence. That afternoon I went with him to a small house belonging
to his sister. Here I found the Chief, his sister, and two men whom I
did not recognise. We all sat in a very small room, the Chief in the
centre with a copy of the Korân on a reading-stand, near to him the
two men opposite to each other, the sister against one wall, and I
in a corner. A clean, new, unglazed earthenware bowl with a wide rim
was produced. This was filled with water and a piece of fair white
cotton cloth tied over the top, making a surface like that of a drum.

"I was asked to write the name of each person present in the house
when the robbery was committed on a small piece of paper, and to fold
each paper up so that all should be alike, and then to place one of
the names on the cover of the vessel. I did so, and the proceedings
began by the two men placing each the middle joint of the fore-finger
of his right hand under the rim of the bowl on opposite sides, and
so supporting it about six inches above the floor. The vessel being
large and full of water was heavy, and the men supported the strain
by resting their right elbows on their knees as they sat cross-legged
on the floor and face to face. It was then that I selected one of
the folded papers, and placed it on the cover of the vessel. The
Chief read a page of the Korân, and as nothing happened he said that
was not the name of the guilty person, and I changed the paper for
another. This occurred four times, but at the fifth the reading had
scarcely commenced when the bowl began to slowly turn round from
left to right, the supporters letting their hands go round with it,
until it twisted itself out of their fingers and fell on the floor
with a considerable bang and a great spluttering of water through
the thin cover. 'That,' said the Chief, 'is the name of the thief.'

"It was the name of the person already mentioned by him.

"I did not, however, impart that piece of information to the company,
but went on to the end of my papers, nothing more happening.

"I said I should like to try the test again, and as the Chief at
once consented we began afresh, and this time I put the name of the
suspected person on first, and once more the vessel turned round and
twisted itself out of the hands of the holders till it fell on the
floor, and I was surprised it did not break. After trying a few more
I said I was satisfied, and the ordeal of the bowl was over. Then
the Chief asked me whose name had been on the vessel when it moved,
and I told him. It was a curious coincidence certainly. I wrote the
names in English, which no one could read; moreover, I was so placed
that no one could see what I wrote, and they none of them attempted
to do so. Then the papers were folded up so as to be all exactly
alike; they were shuffled together, and I did not know one from the
other till I looked inside myself. Each time I went from my corner
and placed a name on the vessel already held on the fingers of its
supporters. No one except I touched the papers, and no one but the
Chief ever spoke till the séance was over. I asked the men who held
the bowl why they made it turn round at that particular moment, but
they declared they had nothing to do with it, and that the vessel
twisted itself off their fingers against their inclination.

"The name disclosed by this experiment was certainly that of the
person whom there was most reason to suspect, but beyond that I
learnt nothing.

"Another plan for surprising the secret of the suspected person is
to get into the room where that person is sleeping, and after making
certain passes to question the slumberer, when he may truthfully
answer all the questions put to him. This is a favourite device of
the suspicious husband.

"Yet another plan is to place in the hand of a pâwang, magician,
or medium, a divining-rod formed of three lengths of rattan, tied
together at one end, and when he gets close to the person 'wanted,'
or to the place where anything stolen is concealed, the rod vibrates
in a remarkable manner." [749]

A somewhat analogous practice is the ordeal by diving, described by
the late Sir W. E. Maxwell as "a method of deciding a disputed point
which was occasionally resorted to in Perak in former times. I got
the following account of the manner of conducting the ordeal from
a Malay chief who saw it carried out once at Tanjong Sanendang near
Pasir Sala, in the reign of Sultan Abdullah Mohamed Shah, father of
the present Raja Muda Yusuf:--

"The ordeal by diving requires the sanction of the Sultan himself,
and must be conducted in the presence of the Orang Besar Ampat,
or Four Chiefs of the first rank. If two disputants in an important
question agree to settle their difference in this way they apply to
the Raja, who fixes a day (usually three days off) for the purpose,
and orders that a certain sum of money shall abide the event. This
appointment of time and place is the first stage in the proceedings,
and is called bertepat janji, and the laying of the bet or deposit
of stakes is called bertiban taroh. On the day appointed the parties
attend with their friends at the Raja's balei, [750] and there,
in the presence of the Court, a krani [751] writes down a solemn
declaration for each person, each maintaining the truth of his side
of the question. The first, invoking the name of God, the intercession
of the Prophet, and the tombs of the deceased Sultans of the country,
asserts the affirmative proposition, and his adversary with the same
solemnity records his denial. This is called bertangkap mangmang or
'taking up the challenge.' Each paper is then carefully rolled up by
the krani, and is placed by him in a separate bamboo tube; the ends
of both are then sealed up. When thus prepared the bamboo tubes are
exactly alike, and no one, not even the krani, can tell which contains
the assertion and which the denial. Two boys are then selected; one
of the bamboos is given to each, and they are led down to the river,
where the Raja and Chiefs take up their station, and the people flock
down in crowds. Two stakes have been driven into the bed of the river
in a pool previously selected, and the boys are placed beside them,
up to their necks in water. A pole is placed horizontally on their
heads, and on a given signal this is pressed downwards, and the boys
are made to sink at the same moment. Each holds on to his post under
water and remains below as long as he can. As soon as one gives in and
appears above water his bamboo tube is snatched from him and hurled
far out into the stream. The victor is led up in triumph to the balei,
and the crowd surges up to hear the result. His bamboo is then opened
and the winner declared.

"The Perak Malays believe this to be an infallible test of the truth
of a cause. The boy who holds the false declaration is half-drowned,
they say, as soon as his head is under the water, whereas the champion
of the truth is able to remain below until the bystanders drag the
post out of the river with the boy still clinging to it. Such is the
power of the truth backed by the sacred names and persons invoked!

"The loser is often fined in addition to suffering the loss of his
stakes (one-half of which goes to the Raja). He also has to pay the
customary fees, namely, $6.25 for the use of the balei, $12.50 to
the krani, and $5 to each of the boys.

"This ordeal is not peculiar to Perak. I find a short description of a
similar custom in Pegu in Hamilton's New Accounts of the East Indies
(1727). In Pegu, he says, the ordeal by water is managed 'by driving
a stake of wood into a river and making the accuser and accused take
hold of the stake and keep their heads and bodies under water, and
he who stays longest under water is the person to be credited.'" [752]

But by far the largest class of divinatory rites consists of
astrological calculations based on the supposed values of times and
seasons, or the properties of numbers. For the purposes of the native
astrologer, exhaustive tables of lucky and unlucky times and seasons
have been compiled, which are too long to be all examined here in
detail, but of which specimens will be found in the Appendix. Few of
them are likely to be original productions, most, if not all, being
undoubtedly translated from similar books in vogue either in India
or Arabia. Besides these tables, however, use is frequently made of
geometrical (and even of natural) diagrams, to the more important
parts of which certain numerical values are assigned. [753]

Perhaps the oldest and best known of the systems of lucky and unlucky
times is the one called Katika [754] Lima, or the Five Times. Under it
the day is divided into five parts, and five days form a cycle [755]:
to each of these divisions is assigned a name, the names being Maswara
(Maheswara), Kala, S'ri, Brahma, and Bisnu (Vishnu), which recur in
the order shown in the following table or diagram:--

               Morning.   Forenoon.   Noon.     Afternoon.   Evening.
               (pagi)     (tengah     (tengah   (tengah      (petang)
                          naik)       hari)     turun)

   (1st day)   Maswara    Kala        S'ri      Brahma       Bisnu
   (2nd day)   Bisnu      Maswara     Kala      S'ri         Brahma
   (3rd day)   Brahma     Bisnu       Maswara   Kala         S'ri
   (4th day)   S'ri       Brahma      Bisnu     Maswara      Kala
   (5th day)   Kala       S'ri        Brahma    Bisnu        Maswara

These names are the names of Hindu divinities, Maheswara being Shiva,
and constituting with Brahma and Vishnu the so-called Hindu Trinity,
while Kala is either another title of Shiva, or stands for Kali,
his wife, and S'ri is a general title of all Hindu gods [756]; but
it may be doubted whether this division of time is not of Javanese
or Malayan origin, although the importance of the number five is also
recognised by the Hindus. [757]

The same mystic notions of colour and the like are attached to these
divisions by the Malays as obtain in the case of the Javanese days
of the week: thus Maheswara's colour is yellow-white (puteh kuning):
if you go out you will meet a man of yellow-white complexion, or
wearing yellow-white clothes; it is a lucky time for asking a boon
from a Raja, or for doing any kind of work; good news then received
is true, bad news is false, and so on.

Kala's colour is a reddish black (hitam merah [758]); if you go
out you will meet a bad man or have a quarrel; it is an unlucky time
altogether: the good news one hears turns out untrue, and the bad true;
illness occurring at this time is due to a ghost (hantu orang), and
the remedy is a black fowl; in cock-fighting a black cock will beat
a white one at this time, but when setting him to fight you must not
face towards the west, etc.

Similarly S'ri's colour is white, Brahma's is red, Vishnu's is green,
and each division has its respective advantages or disadvantages. [759]

Another version of this system, known as the Five Moments (sa`at),
is based on a somewhat similar diagram, but has orthodox Muhammadan
names for its divisions, viz. Ahmad, Jibra'il (Gabriel), Ibrahim
(Abraham), Yusuf (Joseph), and `Azra'il (Azrael).

Its diagram, as will be seen, is not quite the same as that of the
Katika Lima, though the general scheme of the two systems corresponds

           Sunrise.     Forenoon.   Noon.      Afternoon.   Sunset.
           (k'luar      (tengah     (tengah    (tengah      (waktu
           mata hari)   naik)       hari)      turun)       maghrib)

(1st day)  Ahmad        Jibra'il    Ibrahim    Yusuf        `Azra'il
(2nd day)  Jibra'il     Ibrahim     Yusuf      `Azra'il     Ahmad
(3rd day)  Ibrahim      Yusuf       `Azra'il   Ahmad        Jibra'il
(4th day)  Yusuf        `Azra'il    Ahmad      Jibra'il     Ibrahim
(5th day)  `Azra'il     Ahmad       Jibra'il   Ibrahim      Yusuf [760]

So in Ahmad's division if you lose a buffalo or a bullock, it has
gone to the southward and will be recovered; good news then received
is true, bad news is false; the time is auspicious for any kind of
work, for going on a voyage, sailing, or planting, and very profitable
for trading; it is a lucky time for going to war, but you must wear
white clothes and face southwards by a little east, and pray to God
Almighty. Jibra'il's time is fairly lucky too, being good for planting
and profitable for trading, and if gold or silver is lost then,
it will be quickly found, but there may be some trouble in getting
it back; a lost buffalo or bullock has gone southwards, but will be
recovered after some slight trouble; if you go to war at this time you
must wear green, but must not face towards the south. Ibrahim's time
is most unlucky, and going out then is sure to involve bloodshed or
other misfortune; bad news is true, good is false; things lost then
will not be recovered; going to war is ruinous, and if you do go,
the only way of safety is to face to the north, but it is best to
stay at home altogether at this time.

Yusuf's time is lucky in some respects, but unlucky in others; in
warfare one must face towards the west, and wear yellow. `Azra'il's
time is most unlucky; to go to war then is most disastrous; any
business pending at this ill-omened time should be postponed to a
more favourable occasion. [761]

Besides these two there is a system in which each of the seven days
of the ordinary week is divided into five parts, each of which is
characterised by one of the words ampa, bangkei, rezki, and aral
(for `aradl), symbolical apparently of No Success, Death, Success,
and Unforeseen Obstacle. [762]

Another scheme (Katika Tujoh), based on the Seven Heavenly Bodies,
divides each day into seven parts, each of which is distinguished by
the Arabic name of one of the Heavenly Bodies.

The first day runs,--

     (1)   Shams    (2)   Zuhrah     (3)   `Utarid   (4)   Kamar
           Sun            Venus            Mercury         Moon
     (5)   Zuhal    (6)   Mushtari         and       (7)   Mirrikh
           Saturn         Jupiter          Mars

and the times are--early morning (pagi-pagi), morning (tengah naik),
just before noon (hampir tengah hari), noon (tengah hari), afternoon
(dlohr), late afternoon (`asr), and sunset (maghrib).

For the second day the series begins with the Moon, and goes on in
the above order to Mercury; and for the third day it begins with Mars;
so that each day of the week begins with its appropriate planet in the
usual order, which is best seen in the French names Mardi, Mercredi,
Jeudi, Vendredi, and the English Saturday, Sunday and Monday.

Each of the seven divisions has its lucky or unlucky characteristics,
much as in the systems already described.

Besides these, each day of the week has its own appropriate
occupations, according to another system, at times ascertained by
measuring the length of one's shadow. Further, it would appear that
some days are unlucky altogether: one account gives seven unlucky
days in every month; another asserts that Thursday is unlucky in the
months Dhu-'l-hijjah, Muharram, and Safar; Tuesday in Rabi`-al-awal,
Rabi`-al-akhir, and Jumada-'l-awal; Saturday in Jumada-'l-akhir, Rejab
and Sha`ban; Sunday in Ramadhan, Shawal, and Dhu-'l-ka`idah; a third
specifies twelve other most inauspicious days in every year, viz. the
28th of Muharram, the 10th of Safar, the 14th of Rabi`-al-awal, and so
on, while for greater convenience a calendar has been drawn up, which
is far too long to be reproduced here, but which closely resembles
the weather chart illustrated on another page, and gives the whole
list of days of the Muhammadan year classified under the heads lucky
(baik), somewhat unlucky, very unlucky, and neutral.

Besides this, whole years are lucky or unlucky according as the first
of Muharram falls on a Sunday, Monday, etc.; and, moreover, years vary
in luck according to the letter they bear in the Cycle of Eight. [763]

Most of these systems of divination involve the construction of a
sort of calendar, and require some degree of astronomical knowledge;
but of astronomy properly so-called the Malays have scarcely even a
smattering, its place being taken by the, to them, far more important
science of astrology. "Their meagre ideas regarding the motions of
the heavenly bodies are derived, through the Arabs, from the Ptolemaic
system." [764]

The seven Heavenly Bodies (Bintang Tujoh), mentioned above, whose
motions they believe to be produced by the agency of angels, [765]
retain their Arabic names, [766] and are believed to rule the "seven
ominous moments" (Katika Tujoh), which are supposed to depend on the
influences of these several sidereal bodies. [767]

The signs of the Zodiac similarly bear Arabic appellations, the form
of divination in which they bear the principal part being called the
Twelve Constellations (Bintang Dua-b'las). [768]

This form of divination is not quite so common as are those of the Five
Ominous Times (5-square) and the Seven Heavenly Bodies (7-square), and
I have not been able to find out much about the methods of working it,
but a copy of one of the diagrams used for the purpose will be found
on another page.

According to one view, which is perhaps the prevalent one, every man's
luck is determined by one or other of the zodiacal constellations,
and in order to find out which one it is, the following direction
is given:--

"Reckon the numerical equivalent of the person's name and of the name
of his mother by the values of the letters according to the system of
the Abjad; add the two numerical equivalents together, and divide the
total by twelve; if the remainder is 1, his sign is the Ram, if 2,
the Bull, and so on."

Each constellation has a series of characteristics which are supposed
to influence the whole life of the person who is subject to it. [769]

Besides the above, a few of the other constellations are known to
possess Malay names, and wherever this is the case, the name given
appears usually to be quite original, having no connection with
the nomenclature obtaining among nations with which we are more
familiar. [770]

In addition to the above, the Malays possess a curious system
by which the lunar month is divided into a number of parts called
Rejang. According to Newbold, "the twenty-eight Rejangs resemble the
Nacshatras or lunar mansions of the Hindoos, rather than the Anwa
of the Arabs"; [771] and it is a priori very probable that they owe
their origin to this Hindu system. But by the Malays their application
has been generally misunderstood, and their number is usually raised
to thirty so as to fit the days of the lunar month. Each of these
divisions has its symbol, which is usually an animal, and the first
animal in the list is (in almost all versions) the horse. A horse's
head is also the figure of the first of the Hindu Nakshatras, but
there seems to be little trace of identity in the remaining figures,
which for the sake of comparison are given, side by side with the
Malay symbols, in the Appendix. The Malays have embodied this system
in a series of mnemonic verses (known as Sha`ir Rejang), of which
there are several versions, e.g. the Rejang of 'Che Busu, the Rejang
Sindiran Maiat, and others. [772]

The Rejangs are also dealt with at length in prose treatises: one of
these, which identifies the Rejangs with the days of the lunar month,
begins "on the first day of the month, whose rejang is a horse, God
Almighty created the prophet Adam; this day is good for planting,
travelling, and sailing, and trading on this day will be profitable;
it is also a good day for a wedding, and on this day it is lucky to
be attacked (i.e. in war), but rather unlucky to take the offensive;
... good news received (at this time) is true, bad news is false;
property lost (on this day) will soon be recovered; the man who stole
it is short of stature, with scanty hair, a round face, a slender
figure and a yellow complexion; the property has been placed in a
house, ... under the care of a dark man; ... if a child is born on
this day it will be extremely fortunate; if one is ill on this day,
one will quickly recover; the proper remedy for driving away the
evil (tolak bala), is to make a representation of a horse and throw
it away towards the (East?)" [773] In other respects this system of
divination seems to agree in its main features with those which have
already been described.

Having mentioned the divisions of the calendar which are chiefly
used in divination, it seems desirable, for the sake of completeness,
to allude briefly to those that remain.

"The better informed Malays acknowledge the solar year of 365 days,
which they term the toun (tahun) shemsiah, but in obedience to their
Mohammedan instructors, adopt the lunar year (toun kumriah) of 354
days." [774]

This remark is still true, no doubt, of the up-country Malays on the
West Coast, but in most districts, and to an extent commensurate with
European influence, the solar year is now being gradually introduced.

The same remark applies to the method of reckoning months, a dual
system being now in vogue in many places where there is most contact
with Europeans. Regarding the native methods the following quotation
is to the point:--

"There are three ways of reckoning the months. First, the Arabian,
computing thirty days to the first month, and twenty-nine to the
second month, and so on alternately to the end of the year.

"Second, the Persian mode, viz. thirty days to each month; and,
thirdly, that of Rum, i.e. thirty-one days to the month. The first is
in general use. Some few, with greater accuracy, calculate their year
at 354 days eight hours, intercalating every three years twenty-four
hours, or one day to make up the deficiency, and thirty-three days
for the difference between the solar and lunar years.

"But the majority of the lower classes estimate their year by
the fruit seasons and by their crops of rice only. Many, however,
obstinately adhere to the lunar months, and plant their paddy at the
annual return of the lunar month."

"The Malay months have been divided into weeks of seven days, marked by
the return of the Mohammedan Sabbath. Natives who have had intercourse
with Europeans divide the day and night into twenty-four parts, but
the majority measure the day by the sun's apparent progress through
the heavens, the crow of the cock, etc. The religious day commences
at sunset, like that of the Arabs and Hebrews."

"There are two cycles borrowed from the Arabs, and known only to
a few, viz. one of 120 years, the dour [775] besar, and the other
of eight, dour kechil. The latter is sometimes seen in dates of
letters, and resembles the mode adopted by us of distinguishing
by letters the different days of the week, substituting eight
years for the seven days. The order of the letters is as follows:
Alif-ha-jim-za-dal-ba-wau-dal-Ahajazdabuda. The present year (1251)
is the year Toun-za.

"In a Malay MS. history of Patani, in my possession, I find the Siamese
mode of designating the different years of the cycle by the names of
animals adopted." [776]

Most if not all these systems of reckoning seem to have been treated
by the Malays from the astrological point of view as forming a basis
for divination, and these crude notions of the lucky or unlucky nature
of certain times and seasons are to some extent systematised by or in
some degree mixed up with the idea of the mystic influence of numbers
and geometrical figures.

Of the mystic figures used in divination, the first in importance is,
no doubt, what has been called the "magic square," a term applied to
"a set of numbers arranged in a square in such a manner that the
vertical, horizontal, and diagonal columns shall give the same sums."

The ordinary form of magic square, which was formerly in use in Europe,
is the following; it is occasionally found even among the Malays.

Magic Square of 3.

                               8   1   6
                               3   5   7
                               4   9   2

Magic Square of 5.

                         17   24    1    8   15
                         23    5    7   14   16
                          4    6   13   20   22
                         10   12   19   21    3
                         11   18   25    2    9

Magic Square of 7.

                    30   39   48    1   10   19   28
                    38   47    7    9   18   27   29
                    46    6    8   17   26   35   37
                     5   14   16   25   34   36   45
                    13   15   24   33   42   44    4
                    21   23   32   41   43    3   12
                    22   31   40   49    2   11   20

But the form of magic square generally used by the Malays is the same
figure reversed.

Magic Square of 3. [777]

                               6   1   8
                               7   5   3
                               2   9   4

Magic Square of 5.[777]

                         15    8    1   24   17
                         16   14    7    5   23
                         22   20   13    6    4
                          3   21   19   12   10
                          9    2   25   18   11

Magic Square of 7.[777]

                    28   19   10    1   48   39   30
                    29   27   18    9    7   47   38
                    37   35   26   17    8    6   46
                    45   36   34   25   16   14    5
                     4   44   42   33   24   15   13
                    12    3   43   41   32   23   21
                    20   11    2   49   40   31   22

The ordinary Malay astrologer most likely understands very little
of the peculiar properties of a magic square, and consequently he
not unfrequently makes mistakes in the arrangement of the figures. I
believe, also, that in using the squares for purposes of divination he
now usually begins at one corner and counts straight on, the beginning
place being almost always distinguished by a small solitary crescent
or crescent and star just over the square. [778] When coloured squares
are introduced, as is the case with several of the 5-squares, the sum
of 25 squares is subdivided into five sets or groups of five squares
each, a different colour being assigned to each group. These colours
would no doubt retain the comparative values usually assigned to them
by Malay astrologers. Thus white would be the best of all; yellow,
as the royal colour, little, if at all inferior to white; brown,
blue, or red would be medium colours; black would be bad, and so on.

Sometimes, again, the names of the five Hindu deities already
mentioned will be found similarly arranged, in which case they appear
to refer to the divisions of the day, described above under the name
of Katika Lima. Besides this class of magic squares, however, there
are other kinds which present irregularities, and are not so easily
explainable. Some of these violate the fundamental rule of the magic
square, which insists that each square shall have an equal number
of small squares running each way, and that this number shall be an
odd one.

Others exhibit the right number of small squares (3 × 3 or 5 × 5 or
7 × 7), but instead of a subdivision into sub-groups, have merely an
arrangement of alternative emblems, such as a bud and a full-blown
flower, or the like.

An analysis of the squares whose figures are given in the illustrations
shows that the order of the colours, deities, and planets is by no
means always the same.

Thus, in the matter of the order of the five colours, we have:--

  In Plate 26, Fig. 1,

  1-5      brown (? red).
  6-10     yellow.
  11-15    white.
  16-20    black.
  21-25    white.

  and in another figure,

  1-5      white.
  6-10     black (red is substituted by mistake in No. 9).
  11-15    red.
  16-20    blue (17 is made black by mistake).
  21-25    yellow.

And in the matter of the order of the Five Deities we find:--

  In Plate 26,                            and in another figure,
  Fig. 1,
  1-5      Brahma (Brahma).               1-5     Besri (S'ri).
  6-10     Bisnu (Vishnu).                6-10    Kala.
  11-15    Maswara (Maheswara).           11-16   Maswara
  16-20    S'ri (17 is called Kala by             (Maheswara).
           mistake). [779]                16-20   Bisnu (Vishnu).
  21-25    Kala (23 and 24 are called
           S'ri by mistake).              21-25   Brahma.

And yet another 5-square containing the names of Deities (Pl. 26,
Fig. 2) is composed as follows:--

                      1-5     Bisnu (Vishnu).
                      6-10    Brahma.
                      11-15   Maswara (Maheswara).
                      16-20   [a diagonal cross].
                      21-25   [a small circle].

From Pl. 26, Fig. 2, it would appear that this form of the 5-square
is used to ascertain the best time of day to commence an operation,
e.g. to start on a journey.

In a 7-square we find the following:--

             1-7     Shams (Sun); Sunday (1).
             8-14    Mirrikh (Mars); Tuesday (2).
             15-21   Mushtari (Jupiter); Thursday (3).
             22-28   Zuhal (Saturn); Saturday (4).
             29-35   Kamar (Moon); Monday (5).
             36-42   Ketab [780] (Mercury); Wednesday (6).
             43-49   Zahari [781] (Venus); Friday (7).

This 7-square is based on a heptacle in which every alternate day is
skipped, thus:--


This form of square is evidently used to ascertain the best day of
the week to commence any operation.

Next in importance to the methods of divination by the use of magic
squares, come those which depend upon "aspect," and involve the use
of diagrams which I propose to call "aspect-compasses." Of these the
commonest form is a drawing, in which the places usually occupied by
the points of the compass are occupied by the names of certain things
(usually animals or birds) which are supposed to be naturally opposed
to each other. Thus in one of these compass-like figures we find
(vide Pl. 25, Fig. 2):--

     The Bird [sic] (N.)    opposed to the   Fowl   (S.)
     The Crocodile (N.E.)   opposed to the   Fish   (S.W.)
     The Rat (E.)           opposed to the   Cat    (W.)
     The Tiger (S.E.)       opposed to the   Stag   (N.W.)

Another has:--

     The Kite (N.)          opposed to the   Fowl   (S.)
     The Crocodile (N.E.)   opposed to the   Fish   (S.W.)
     The Rat (E.)           opposed to the   Cat    (W.)
     The Tiger (S.E.)       opposed to the   Stag   (N.W.)

And a third:--

      The New Moon (N.)    opposed to the   Kite    (S.)
      The Cat (N.E.)       opposed to the   Rat     (S.W.)
      The Crocodile (E.)   opposed to the   Fish    (W.)
      The Stag (S.E.)      opposed to the   Tiger   (N.W.)

whilst a fourth has alternately cape and bay.

The way in which these figures were used for divination is very
clearly shown by Pl. 25, Fig. 1, which is copied from a figure in
one of my (Selangor) charm-books, which had the days of the month,
from the 1st to the 30th, written round it in blue ink. Starting from
the north aspect, you count round to the left until (allowing one day
to each aspect) you arrive at the aspect corresponding to the number
of the day of the month upon which you wish to start your journey. If
it coincides with an aspect assigned to one of the weaker influences,
it will be most imprudent to start on that day. Start on a day assigned
to one of the stronger influences, and you will be all right. If the
first aspect-compass which you consult is not accommodating enough
for your requirements, go on consulting others until you find one
which is satisfactory.

Other forms of the compass-figure are used for divining whether if
he starts on a certain day the man will get the better of his enemy,
or meet with a person (e.g. a slave or a thief) who has run away. In
the former case a double circle of human figures is used, the figures
of the inner circle representing the person who seeks the information,
and those of the outer circle his enemy. The counting is carried out
in precisely the same manner as before, and the headless figure in
each case represents the man who will lose. In the case of a drawn
battle neither party, of course, loses his head.

In the case of an absconder, a single circle of figures is used, the
figures pointing towards the centre signifying that the absconding
party will return or be caught, and those pointing away from the
centre signifying the opposite. In one case (Pl. 25, Fig. 2) there
are fourteen human figures arranged in two opposing rows of seven,
every alternate figure being headless. In this case you start the
counting at the right-hand figure of the bottom row, and count towards
the left. Yet another form of divination in which the human figure
is made use of, is shown in Pl. 25, Fig. 1; a number of small red
circles (which should be alternately dark and light) are drawn at the
salient points of the figure, and counted down to the left in order,
beginning at the head. All I have yet been able to discover about the
villainous-looking individual here portrayed is the fact that he is
said to represent one "Unggas Telang," who was described to me as an
"old war-chief" (hulubalang tua) of the Sea-gypsies (Orang Laut)
and the Malay pirates.

Figures of dragons (naga) and scorpions (kala) are sometimes used
in a similar manner; and there is also an aspect-compass known as
the Rajal-al-ghaib or Jinazah Sayidna `Ali ibn Abu Talib (the body
or bier of Our Lord `Ali, the son of Abu Talib), which, according to
this notion, "is continually being carried by angels [782] towards the
different quarters of the heavens, and must not be faced; for if one
faces towards it, one is sure to be defeated in battle or fight." The
aspect to be avoided varies from day to day, turning towards each of
the eight points of the ordinary Malay compass three or four times
in the lunar month.

The subject of omens in general has been shortly dealt with at
the beginning of this section, and also incidentally mentioned in
connection with various departments of nature and human life. It would
hardly be possible to make a complete or systematic list of the things
from which omens are taken. Apart from those depending merely on Times,
Seasons, Numbers, and Aspect, which have been already dealt with at
quite sufficient length, it may be noted that omens are drawn from
earthquakes, thunder, "house-lizards, rats, and other four-footed
things," according to the times at which they are observed, from
the colour, smell, and nature of soil (in choosing building-sites),
from birds, and, in fact, from a very large variety of matters which
cannot be classified under any general head. The lines of the hand
are, of course, interpreted among the Malays, as elsewhere, as signs
of good and evil fortune. It has not been possible to collect much
information on the subject of Malay chiromancy, but for the benefit
of European adepts in "palmistry" (as it seems to be usually styled
nowadays) it may be worth while mentioning that the Malays attach
importance, as an indication of long life (`alamat panjang `umor),
[783] to the intersection of the line round the base of the thumb [784]
with the one which runs round the wrist (simpeian `Ali), while a broken
line across the palm (retak putus) is believed by them to be a sign
of invulnerability (tanda penggetas, ta' buleh di-tikam). Upright
lines running up the lower joints of the fingers, in the same line
as the fingers themselves, are a sign of prospective wealth (`alamat
'nak di-panjat de' duit, tanda orang kaya), and a whorl of circular
lines on the fingers (pusat belanak) is a sign of a craftsman (`alamat
orang tukang).

More important, perhaps, are the omens believed to be derived
from dreams, of which there seem to be several different methods
of interpretation. According to one system the initial letter of
the thing dreamt of determines the luck: thus to dream of a thing
beginning with T is very lucky indeed, to dream of a thing beginning
with H means that a visitor from a distance is to be expected; N
indicates sorrow, L is a hint to give alms to the poor and needy,
and so forth. According to another system, a purely arbitrary
meaning is put upon the subject-matter of the dream, or, at most,
some slight analogy is the basis of the interpretation. Thus to
dream of a gale of wind in the early morning is an omen of sorrow,
to dream of hail means acquisition of property, to dream of bathing
in a heavy shower of rain indicates escape from a very great danger,
a dream about mosquitoes, flies, and the like, means that an enemy
is coming to the village, to dream about eating jack-fruit (nangka)
or plantain (pisang) is an indication of great trouble impending,
and so on; an extract from a treatise on this subject is given in
the Appendix, and it is impossible to dwell at greater length upon it
here. Among Malay gamblers special importance is attached to dreams
as an indication of luck in gambling (mimpi paksa or dapat paksa). If
the gambler dreams of "sweeping out the gambling farm" (menyapu pajak),
i.e. "breaking the bank," or of running amok in it (mengamok pajak), or
of bailing out the ocean (menimba lautan), or of the ocean running dry
(lautan k'ring), or even of his breeding maggots on his person (badan
berulat), he is confident of great good fortune in the near future.

As a specimen of the importance traditionally ascribed to dreams,
it seems worth while to give the following popular legend, which also
illustrates the type of folk-tales in which hidden treasure plays a
great part:--

"Che Puteh Jambai and his wife were very poor people, who lived many
generations ago at Pulo Kambiri on the Perak river. They had so few
clothes between them that when one went out the other had to stay at
home. Nothing seemed to prosper with them, so leaving Pulo Kambiri,
where their poverty made them ashamed to meet their neighbours, they
moved up the river to the spot since called Jambai. Shortly after
they had settled here Che Puteh was troubled by a portent which has
disturbed the slumbers of many great men from the time of Pharaoh
downwards. He dreamed a dream. And in his dream he was warned by a
supernatural visitant to slay his wife, this being, he was assured, the
only means by which he could hope to better his miserable condition.

"Sorely disturbed in mind, but never doubting that the proper course
was to obey, Che Puteh confided to his wife the commands which he
had received, and desired her to prepare for death. The unhappy lady
acquiesced with that conjugal submissiveness which in Malay legends,
as in the Arabian Nights, is so characteristic of the Oriental
female when landed in some terrible predicament. But she craved and
obtained permission to first go down to the river and wash herself
with lime juice. So taking a handful of limes she went forth, and,
standing on the rock called Batu Pembunoh, she proceeded to perform
her ablutions after the Malay fashion. The prospect of approaching
death, we may presume, unnerved her, for in dividing the limes with
a knife she managed to cut her own hand and the blood dripped down
on the rocks and into the river; as each drop was borne away by the
current, a large jar immediately rose to the surface and floated,
in defiance of all natural laws, up-stream to the spot whence the
blood came. As each jar floated up Che Puteh's wife tapped it with
her knife and pulled it in to the edge of the rocks. On opening
them she found them all full of gold. She then went in search of
her husband and told him of the treasure of which she had suddenly
become possessed. He spared her life, and they lived together in
the enjoyment of great wealth and prosperity for many years. Their
old age was clouded, it is believed, by the anxiety attending the
possession of a beautiful daughter, who was born to them after they
became rich. She grew up to the perfection of loveliness, and all the
Rajas and Chiefs of the neighbouring countries were her suitors. The
multitude of rival claims so bewildered the unhappy parents that,
after concealing a great part of their riches in various places,
they disappeared and have never since been seen. Their property was
never found by their children, though, in obedience to instructions
received in dreams, they braved sea-voyages and went to seek for it
in the distant lands of Kachapuri and Jamulepor.

"Several places near Jambai connected with the legend of Che Puteh
are still pointed out; at Bukit Bunyian the treasure was buried and
still lies concealed. A deep gorge leading down to the river is the
ghaut down which Che Puteh's vast flocks of buffaloes used to go to
the river. Its size is evidence of the great number of the animals,
and therefore of the wealth of their owner. Two deep pools, called
respectively Lubuk Gong and Lubuk Sarunai, contain a golden gong
and a golden flute which were sunk here by Che Puteh Jambai. The
flute may sometimes be seen lying on one of the surrounding rocks,
but always disappears into the depths of the pool before any mortal
can approach it. The treasures of Lubuk Gong might before now have
passed into human possession, had it not been for the covetousness of
the individual selected as their recipient. A Malay of Ulu Perak was
told in a dream to go and fish in the pool of the gong and to take a
pair of betel-nut scissors (kachip) with him. He was to use the kachip
immediately on being told to do so. Next morning he was at the pool
early, and at his first cast hooked something heavy and commenced to
draw it up. When the hook appeared above water there was a gold chain
attached to it. The lucky fisherman then commenced to pull up the chain
into his canoe, and hauled up fathoms of it, hand over hand, until the
boat could hardly hold any more. Just then a little bird alighted on
a branch close by and piped out a couple of notes, which sounded for
all the world like kachip. The man heard, but he wanted a little more,
and he went on hauling. 'Kachip,' said the bird again. 'Just a very
little more,' thought the fisherman, and he still continued dragging
up the chain. Again and again the warning note sounded, but in vain,
and suddenly a strong pull from the bottom of the pool dragged back the
chain, and before the Malay had time to divide it with his tweezers,
the last link of it had disappeared beneath the water." [785]

Charms, Talismans, and Witchcraft

While by divination and by inferences from omens and dreams, Malays
attempt to ascertain the course of fate, so by charms of the nature
of amulets and talismans they sometimes endeavour to influence its
direction or modify its force. Charms of the nature of invocations
have been dealt with already under different headings in connection
with a variety of matters, and it will only be necessary to refer here
to a few miscellaneous ones of a less elaborate character. It should
be observed that some charms are directly effective or protective,
like amulets or talismans, while others are supposed to work only by
influencing the volition of another mind. Under the latter head come
the great mass of love-charms, charms for securing conjugal fidelity,
or for compelling the revelation by another person of his or her secret
thoughts, and the like, of which Malay books of magic are full; while
under the former come sundry recipes of a more or less medicinal nature
for the purpose of curing various diseases, of increasing physical
power or virility, or of protecting the person against evil influences,
natural or supernatural. In most of these cases the modus operandi is
of the simplest character; the charm consists usually of a short Arabic
prayer or a few letters and figures, sometimes quite meaningless and
conventional, sometimes making up one or more of the sacred names
(Allah, Muhammad, `Ali, etc.). These charms are written on paper
or cloth and worn on the person; sometimes they are written on the
body itself, especially on the part to be affected; occasionally they
are written on a cup which is then used for drinking purposes. Such
prescriptions are infinite in number, and are to be found in Malay
charm-books, wedged in amongst matter of a more strictly medical kind;
in fact, it would be quite correct to say that letter-charms (rajah,
`azimat) and sacred names have their place in the Malay Pharmacopoeia
side by side with spices, herbs, roots, and the like. But such charms
are also used for many other purposes: "to ward off demons (sheitan),
to make children feed at the breast properly, to prevent them from
crying and from going into convulsions, to prevent the rice-crops
from being devoured by pigs, rats, and maggots," are consecutive
instances of the charms contained in a page of one of the numerous
Malay treatises on these matters. It would, from the nature of the
case, be utterly impossible to exhaust this endless subject, and it
is not necessary to dwell upon it at greater length, as the details
of the charms used (of which a few are quoted in the Appendix) do
not as a rule offer any features of general interest. [786]

Far more interesting is that form of the Black Art which attempts to
"abduct," or in some way "get at" another person's soul, whether (as
in the case of the ordinary love-charm), in order to influence it in
the operator's favour, or, on the other hand, with a view to doing
the victim some harm, which may take the form of madness, disease,
or even death.

These results can be arrived at by a variety of methods: in some of
them the influence works entirely without contact, in others there is
some sort of contact between the victim and the receptacle into which
his soul is to be enticed. A few specimens of the methods employed
will conclude this part of the subject; they are necessarily somewhat
of a miscellaneous character; but it will be seen that they are really
only different applications of the same general principle, the nature
of which has already been indicated in the section on the Soul. [787]

The following is an instance of direct contact between the soul
receptacle and its owner's body--

"Take soil from the centre of the footprint (hati-hati tapak) of
the person you wish to charm, and 'treat it ceremonially' (di-puja)
for about three days.

"The 'ceremonial treatment' consists in wrapping it up in pieces of
red, black, and yellow cloth [788] (the yellow being outside), and
hanging it from the centre of your mosquito-curtain with parti-coloured
thread (penggantong-nya benang pancharona). It will then become (the
domicile of) your victim's soul (jadi semangat). You must, however,
to complete the ceremony, switch it with a birch of seven leaf-ribs
taken from a 'green' cocoa-nut (penyembat-nya lidi niyor hijau tujoh
'lei) seven times at sundown, seven times at midnight, and seven times
at sunrise, continuing this for three days, and saying as you do so:--

  "'It is not earth that I switch,
    But the heart of So-and-so.'

    (Bukan-nya aku menyembat tanah,
    Aku menyembat hati Si Anu).

"Then bury it in the middle of a path where your victim is sure to
step over it (supaya buleh di-langkah-nya), and he will certainly
become distraught. The only taboo in connection with it is that you
should let no one share your sleeping-mat." The soul-receptacle in
this case is the lump of earth taken from the centre of the victim's
footprint. It is said to actually "become (the victim's) soul," but
no doubt this is merely figurative, though it completely proves the
identification of the soul with its receptacle in the Malay mind. The
object of the birching is not self-evident, but may be intended to
dispel evil influences, and so purify it for the incoming soul.

Another way of obtaining the required result is to scrape off some of
the wood of the floor from the place where your intended victim has
been sitting. Having secured this, take some of the soil from his or
her footprint and mix them both together with wax from a deserted bees'
comb, moulding the figure into his or her likeness. Fumigate it with
incense, and "beckon" to the soul by waving a cloth (lambei semangat)
every night for three nights successively, reciting this charm:--

  "'OM!' shout it again and again!
    Stupid and dazed
    Be the heart of Somebody,
    Thinking of me.
    If you do not think of me,
    The forty-four angels shall curse you."

Another method is as follows:--

Take parings of nails, hair, eyebrows, saliva, etc. of your intended
victim (sufficient to represent every part of his person), and make
them up into his likeness with wax from a deserted bees' comb. Scorch
the figure slowly by holding it over a lamp every night for seven
nights, and say:--

   "It is not wax that I am scorching,
    It is the liver, heart, and spleen of So-and-so that I scorch."

After the seventh time burn the figure, and your victim will die.

The description of the next ceremony is taken word for word from a
charm-book which I obtained from a Langat Malay (named 'Che Indut),
and which is still in my possession. As it illustrates several new
points about these wax figures, and as such charms are exceedingly
rare and all but impossible to obtain, I here give a word for word
translation of the whole text, the original Malay version of which
will be found in the Appendix: [789]--

"This refers to making images to harm people. You make an image to
resemble a corpse out of wax from an empty bees' comb, [790] and of
the length of a footstep. If you want to cause sickness, you pierce
the eye and blindness results; or you pierce the waist and the stomach
(lit. the waist) gets sick, or you pierce the head and the head gets
sick, or you pierce the breast and the breast gets sick. If you want
to cause death, you transfix it from the head right through to the
buttocks, the 'transfixer' being a gomuti-palm [791] twig; then you
enshroud the image as you would a corpse, and you pray over it as if
you were praying over the dead; then you bury it in the middle of the
path (which goes to) the place of the person whom you wish to charm,
so that he may step across it. This refers to when you want to bury
the image--

   "Peace be to you! Ho, Prophet 'Tap, in whose charge the earth is,
    Lo, I am burying the corpse of Somebody,
    I am bidden (to do so) by the Prophet Muhammad,
    Because he (the corpse) was a rebel to God.
    Do you assist in killing him or making him sick:
    If you do not make him sick, if you do not kill him,
    You shall be a rebel against God,
    A rebel against Muhammad.
    It is not I who am burying him,
    It is Gabriel who is burying him.
    Do you too grant my prayer and petition, this very day that
    has appeared,
    Grant it by the grace of my petition within the fold of the Creed
    La ilaha," etc.

There are, as I have said, several new points to be got from this
charm. You must make the image resemble a corpse; you must make it of
the length of the footstep (doubtless that of the intended victim);
you must pierce the part which you want to affect; if you want to kill
your man, you must transfix him from the head downwards with the twig
of a gomuti-palm (that is to say, with one of the black splinters used
as pens by the Malays [792]); you must wrap the image in a shroud,
and read the burial service over it; and, finally, in order to absolve
yourself from blood-guiltiness, you shift the burden of your crime
on to the shoulders of the Archangel Gabriel!!!

There are, of course, many slight variations of the actual
ceremony. Sometimes the wizard, during the insertion of the pins into
the image, exclaims:--

   "It is not wax that I slay [793]
    But the liver, heart, and spleen of So-and-so."

And then, after "waving" the figure in the smoke of the incense,
and depositing it in the centre of a sacrificial tray (anchak),
he invites the spirits to banquet upon his victim's body:--

   "I do not banquet you upon anything else, [794]
    But on the liver, heart, and spleen of So-and-so."

When the ceremony is over the image is buried in the usual way in
front of the victim's door-step.

Another method is described as follows:--

"Make the wax figure in the usual way and with the usual
ingredients. At sundown take parched rice, with white, black, green,
and yellow (saffron) rice, a "chew" of betel-leaf, a wax taper and an
egg--this latter as the representative of a fowl (`isharat ayam). Burn
incense, and recite this charm:--

   "Peace be with you, O Earth Genie,
    Bull-shaped Earth-spirit, Earth-demon, Bull-shaped World-spirit.
    Come hither, come down, I pray you, and accept the banquet I offer.
    I have a something that I want you for,
    I want to give you an order,
    I want to get you to aid me
    And assist me in causing the or madness (as the case may be),
                                  or death
    of Somebody.
    If you do not accept the banquet I offer
    You shall be a rebel to God," etc.

This is a charm for sowing dissension between husband and wife

Make two of the wax figures in the ordinary way, but taking care
that one resembles the husband and the other the wife. Sit down with
your legs stretched out before you, and hold the figures face to face
while you repeat the charm thrice, and at the end of each repetition
breathe upon their heads. Then lay the man upon the ground on your
right side close to your thigh, but looking away from it; and the
woman at the side of the left thigh in a similar position, so that
they both look away from each other. Then burn incense and recite
the same charm twenty-two times over the man and twenty-two times
over the woman. Now put them back to back, and wrap them up in seven
thicknesses of the leaves of tukas, [795] and tie them round with
thread of seven colours wrapped seven times round them, repeat the
charm and bury them. Dig them up after seven days and see if they are
still there. If you find them the charm has failed, but if not, it will
work, and they will assuredly be divorced. The charm runs as follows:--

   "'Ndit marangan 'ndit!
    Angkau Fatimah kambing,
    Si Muhammad harimau Allah;
    Kalau Fatimah tentangkan Muhammad,
    Saperti kambing tentang harimau.
    Muhammad sabenar-benar hulubalang,
    Harimau Allah di-atas dunia.
    Dengan berkat" d. s. b.

Which, so far as it is intelligible, appears to mean:--

     . . . . . . . . . .
    "Thou, Fatimah, art a goat;
    Muhammad is God's tiger.
    If Fatimah is face to face with Muhammad,
    She will be as a goat facing a tiger.
    Muhammad in very truth is the Chief,
    The Tiger of God upon earth.
    By the grace of," etc.

The following is a clear example of soul abduction without contact:--

The simplest way, perhaps, of abducting another person's soul is
to go out, when the sun clears (matahari mencharak, at sunrise?),
or when the newly-risen moon looks red, and standing with the big
toe of the right foot resting on the big toe of the left, to make a
trumpet of your right hand and recite the appropriate charm through
this improvised speaking-trumpet thrice. At the end of each recital
you blow through the hollowed fist. The charm runs as follows:--

  "'OM.' I loose my shaft, I loose it and the moon clouds over,
    I loose it, and the sun is extinguished,
    I loose it, and the stars burn dim.
    But it is not the sun, moon, and stars that I shoot at,
    It is the stalk of the heart of that child of the congregation,
    Cluck! cluck! soul of So-and-so, come and walk with me,
    Come and sit with me,
    Come and sleep and share my pillow.
    Cluck! cluck! soul," etc.

A second method is to beat your own shadow, [796] ceremonially;
according to this method you take a cane (of rattan or rotan sega),
in length as long as your body, fumigate it with incense and recite
a charm over it seven times, striking your own shadow with the cane
once after each recital. Repeat this at sundown, midnight, and early
morning, and sleep under a coverlet made of five cubits of white cloth,
and the soul you wish for will assuredly come to you. The following
is the charm, a very curious one:--

   "Ho! Irupi, Shadowy One,
    Let the Queen come to me.
    Do you, if Somebody is awake,
    Stir her and shake her, and make her rise,
    And take her breath and her soul and bring them here,
    And deposit them in my left side.
    But if she sleep,
    Do you take hold of the great toe of her right foot
    Until you can make her get up,
    And use your utmost endeavours to bring them to me.
    If you do not, you shall be a rebel to God," etc.

Another method of abducting another person's soul is as follows:--

"Take a lime branch which has seven limes on a single stalk, and
suspend it from the top of your mosquito-curtain on three successive
nights. When you suspend it recite the charm already given [797]
(beginning 'Om! shout it again and again!')."

The following ceremony is one in which the soul of another person
is abducted without any direct contact between the soul-receptacle,
which in this case is a head-cloth, and the soul-owner. The directions
are as follows:--

"Go out on the fourteenth night of the lunar month (full moon) and
two successive nights; seat yourself on a male ant-hill (busut jantan)
facing the moon, burn incense, and repeat the charm:--

   "I bring you a (betel-) leaf to chew,
    Dab the lime on to it, Prince Ferocious,
    For Somebody, Prince Distraction's daughter, to chew.
    Somebody at sunrise be distraught for love of me,
    Somebody at sunset be distraught for love of me.
    As you remember your parents, remember me,
    As you remember your house and house-ladder, remember me.

    When thunder rumbles, remember me,
    When wind whistles, remember me,
    When the heavens rain, remember me,
    When cocks crow, remember me,
    When the dial-bird tells its tales, remember me,
    When you look up at the sun, remember me,
    When you look up at the moon, remember me,
    For in that self-same moon I am there.
    Cluck! cluck! soul of Somebody come hither to me,
    I do not mean to let you have my soul,
    Let your soul come hither to mine."

Here wave the end of your head-cloth (puncha detar) in the direction
of the moon seven times every night for three successive nights. Then
take the turban (detar) home and place it under your pillow (for the
three nights). If you want to use it by day, burn incense, and say:--

   "It is not a turban that I carry in my girdle but the soul of
    Somebody." [798]

At sundown, when the sun is hovering on the brink of the horizon
(matahari ayun termayun), chew betel, and spit out (semborkan) the
chewed leaf thrice. Then stand opposite the door, looking if possible
towards the west, burn incense, and repeat this charm:--

   "Nur Mani is your name,
    Si Pancha Awalis my name;
    By the grace of my using the prayer called 'Kundang Maya Chinta
    Concentrate your thoughts on me,
    Be enamoured of me,
    Be distraught for love of me,
    Distraught both by day and by night,
    Distraught seven times in the day,
    And distraught seven times in the night.
    Come back to your home,
    Come back to your palace."

Although this looks at first sight not unlike a love-charm, the last
two lines show that it is really intended to induce a wandering soul
(semangat riang) to return to its owner. In fact, the wizard who gave
me this charm told me that it was taboo to let any one pass during
the whole evening, when this charm was used, between the light and
the patient.

It seems possible, however, that it might be used on occasion, and
mutatis mutandis, as a love charm as well.

The following ceremony is professedly a species of divination (tilek
or penilek), but as it is clearly only another form of soul-abduction
I give it here. The instructions are as follows:--

"First take some wax from a deserted bees' comb and make a wax taper
out of it as well as you can; stick it upon the rim of a white cup,
and repeat this charm, when you will be able to see the person you
wish to affect in the taper's flame (buleh di-tengo' orang-nya didalam
puchok api). The charm runs as follows:--

   "I know the origin from which you sprang,
    From the glitter of the White Blood.
    Come down then to your mother,
    Stemming both ebb and flood tides,
    Cluck! cluck! souls of Somebody,
    Come all of you together unto me.
    Whither would ye go?
    Come down to this house and house-ladder of yours.
    This solitary taper is your house and house-ladder,
    Since already the liver, stomach, heart, spleen, and great maw
    Of all of you have been given into my care,
    So much the more have the body and life
    Of all of you been given into my care.
    Grant this by the grace of my use
    Of the prayer called divination by (secret) cognizance (tilek
    ma`rifat) of Somebody.

"Next you take a fathom's length of thread, with seven strands, and
seven colours running through the strands (benang tujoh urat, tujoh
warna melintang benang), and a pen made of a splinter of the sugar-palm
(puchok kabong), and draw a portrait of the person you wish to charm
(menulis gambar orang itu). When the portrait is finished you suspend
it from the end of a pole by means of the parti-coloured thread,
and make fast the lower end of the pole to the branch of a tree,
fixing it at an angle, so that the portrait may hang free and be
blown to and fro without ceasing by every breath of wind. This will
cause her heart to love you."

It will be noticed that a general similarity underlies these several
methods of soul-abduction in spite of their apparent variety, and
the diversity of the objects in view in the different cases. On this
point it is impossible to enlarge here: the purpose of this book has
been primarily to collect authentic specimens of the various magic
practices in vogue among the Malays of the Malay Peninsula, and to
indicate the nature of the beliefs on which these practices are based,
leaving it for others to draw from them such inferences and to make
such comparisons as may throw further light on the subject. It has not
been deemed desirable to anticipate such inferences and comparisons
here; but, without trespassing beyond the scope of the present work, it
may be noticed that there is a special appropriateness in concluding it
with the above account of the various methods of soul-abduction. From
them, taken together with what has already been said on the subject,
[799] a fairly complete idea can be gathered of the Malay conception
of the Soul; and it is hardly too much to say that this conception is
the central feature of the whole system of Malay magic and folklore,
from which all the different branches with their various applications
appear to spring.

The root-idea seems to be an all-pervading Animism, involving a
certain common vital principle (semangat) in Man and Nature, which,
for want of a more suitable word, has been here called the Soul. The
application of this general theory of the universe to the requirements
of the individual man constitutes the Magic Art, which, as conceived by
the Malays, may be said to consist of the methods by which this Soul,
whether in gods, men, animals, vegetables, minerals, or what not,
may be influenced, captured, subdued, or in some way made subject to
the will of the magician.

It would, however, probably be a mistake to push this analysis too far;
for side by side with the theory of a universe animated by souls,
which by the use of the appropriate words and forms can be cajoled
or threatened, there are the ideas of Luck and Ill-luck, and the
notion, strong in Muhammadans all over the world, of a preordained
course of events. Sometimes, presumably in extreme cases, there is
no escape from this destiny: if a man is fated to die at a certain
time, die he must, whatever he may do. But to a great extent ill-luck
can be avoided if one knows how; though we cannot stop it, we need
not expose ourselves to its influence. Thus a particular hour may be
unlucky for the doing of a certain act; but if we know that it is so,
we need not incur the danger.

There are, therefore, for a Malay three alternatives, it would seem:
viz. Charms, for occasions where moral pressure can be brought
to bear; Divination, to assist in detecting dangers which in the
ordinary course must come but can be avoided; and, finally, Islam
(Resignation), when he has to meet the inevitable, whether it be
regarded as the course of Fate or the eternal purpose of God.



Creation of the World

[i] Introduction to Pawang's Book [800] [Chap. i. p. 2.

Bahwa ini fasal pada menyatakan surat pawang yang pertama-tama
katurunan deripada Nabi Allah Adam, dengan berkat mu`jizat Nabi kita
Muhammad Rasul Allah sall' Allahu `aleihi al-salam dengan berkat Dato'
Kathi Rabun Jalil, yang diam di Medinah yang sembahyang di Ka`bat
Allah dengan berkat Toh Sheikh A`alim Puteh yang bersandar di tiang
`arash, yang tahu 'kan Lokh Mahpar yang menyuratkan dua kali mahshadat
yang mengedap di pintu Ka`bah serta dengan berkat Toh Saih Panjang
Janggut yang diam di Beringin Sonsang serta dengan berkat Toh Kuning
Ma`alim Jaya yang berdiam di Gunong Ledang dengan berkat Toh Puteh
Sabun Mata yang diam di Gunong Berapi serta dengan berkat Toh Ma`alim
Karimun yang berdiam di Pulau Karimun, serta dengan berkat Toh Lambang
Lebar Daun yang diam di hulu Palembang di lembah Patawalau di bukit
Saguntang-guntang tempat pinang beribut, dengan berkat Dang Pok Dang
Leni, dengan berkat sakalian Wali Allah, dengan berkat Ibu serta Bapa,
dengan berkat mu`jizat Bulan dan Matahari, dengan berkat Daulat Sultan
Manikam yang diam di Puncha `Arash, yang memegang sakalian benih anak
Adam ia itulah ada-nya.

Tatkala Klam di-kandong Kabut, Kabut lagi di-kandong Klam, lagi
didalam rahim hewanan Tuhan diam-diam aldiaman, Bumi belum bernama
Bumi, Langit pun belum bernama Langit, Allah pun belum bernama Allah,
Muhammad pun belum bernama Muhammad, `Arash pun belum, Krusi pun
belum, Samad awang-awang pun belum ada, maka sedia terjali dengan
sendiri, yang jadikan sakalian `alamini, maka Ia-lah Pawang yang Tuha
ada-nya. Maka jadikan Bumi itu sa-lebar dulang Langit sa-lebar payong,
maka ia-itu `alam-nya Pawang ada-nya, maka datang-lah ia berahi sedia
itu dengan sendiri-nya, maka terpanchar-lah sri manikam-nya itu di
hati bumi sa-tapak [k]adam [801]itu, tersunjam tujoh petala Bumi,
tersondak tujoh petala Langit, maka bergetoh-lah [802] tiang `arash,
maka ia-itulah kuderat Pawang ada-nya.

Shahadan adalah asal-nya Pawang itu terlebeh dahulu deripada dahulu,
ia-itulah Allah serta di-thahirkan-nya dengan chahia bulan dan
matahari, maka ia-itu kanyata'an-nya pawang yang sabenar-benar-nya
pawang ada-nya.

Menyatakan sri mana manikam itu menjadikan pusat Bumi tiang Ka`bah,
maka tumboh-lah ia di-`ibaratkan sa-pohun kayu, di-namai kayu itu
Kayu Rampak, Kayu Sinang, Kayu Langkah Langkapuri, kayu tumboh di
halaman Allah maka ia-itulah tumboh-nya; dan ampat chawang kayu itu,
dan sa-chawang bernama Sajeratul Mentahar, dan sa-chawang bernama
Taubi, dan sa-chawang nama Khaldi, dan sa-chawang bernama Nasrun
`Alam, sa-chawang ka [dak]sina, sa-chawang ka pa'sina, dan sa-chawang
ka mashrik, dan sa-chawang ka maghrib, maka bharu-lah bernama ampat
penjuru `alam.

Maka pusat Bumi itulah yang bernama Ular Sakatimuna, ia-lah yang
memblit Bumi sa-tapak Nabi itu. [803]

Maka firman Allah ta`ala didalam rahsia-nya kapada Jibrail "Palukan-lah
aku Ular Sakatimuna itu, ambil uleh-mu besi tongkat Kalimah yang
terjuntei di pintu Langit itu," maka di ambil-lah besi itu serta
di palukan-nya kapada ular itu maka putus dua ular itu, sa-k'rat
kapala-nya ka-atas Langit menyentak naik, ekor-nya ka-bawah Bumi pun
menyentak turun.

Dan kapala-nya itu menjadi Jin Sri `Alam, lidah-nya itu menjadi
Jin Sakti, dan benih yang didalam mata-nya itu menjadi Jin Puteh;
dan ruang-ruang mata-nya itu jadi Dato' Mentala Guru, dan chahia
mata-nya itu jadi sakalian Jin, Jin Hitam, Jin Hijau, Jin Biru,
Jin Kuning, dan nyawa-nya itu jadi Si Raja Jin. Dan hati-nya itu
jadi Lembaga Nyawa dan buah mata-nya itu menjadi limau dan tahi
mata-nya itu menjadi kem'nyan; dan salupat mata-nya itu jadi kapas;
dan hujut-nya itu jadi Jin Si Putar `Alam.

Dan prut-nya itu jadi Jin Si Lengkar `Alam dan jantong-nya itu jadi Jin
Bentara `Alam, dan chahia manikam-nya itu menjadi Jin Gentar `Alam,
dan suara-nya itu menjadi Halilintar `Alam, dan chahia pedang-nya
jadi kilat. Dan hawa pedang itu menjadi tuju Si Raja Wana.

Dan pedang-nya itu menjadi plangi, dan hulu pedang jadi tunggul-nya,
dan sengkang hulu pedang-nya itu menjadi bantal-nya; dan darah-nya
itu jadi Mambang Kuning dan chahia darah-nya itu menjadi Mambang Sina;
dan haba darah-nya itu jadi api.

Dan ruh-nya itu menjadi angin, dan jamjam-nya itu menjadi ayer. Dan
mani-nya itu jadi bumi, dan sirmani-nya itu menjadi besi, dan bulu
roma-nya itu menjadi rumput, dan rambut-nya itu menjadi kayu, dan
ayer mata-nya itu menjadi hujan, dan ploh-nya itu menjadi ambun;
dan sri mani-nya itu jadi padi, dan dirmani-nya itu menjadi ikan,
dan darah pusat-nya itu jadi upas; dan penyakit datang deripada sir,
penawar-nya datang deripada nur.

Maka inilah fasal yang ka-atas (langit).

Fasal ekor-nya yang ka-bawah itu menjadi tanah lembaga Adam, yang
bharu, maka di-namai uri, tembuni, pusat, tentuban. Maka yang ampat
inilah menjadi sakalian penyakit yang di-bawah. Dan darah-nya itu
jatoh ka bumi menjadi Hantu Jembalang Puaka. Dan semangat uri tembuni
pusat tentuban-nya itu jadi Polong Penanggal.

Dan bulu mata-nya itu menjadi Jin Bala Saribu. Waktu-nya saperti kilat
manikam itu, ia-lah menjadi Mambang dan Dewa, dudok-nya didalam bulan
dan matahari: maka sebab di-katakan dewa dan mambang ia-itu tiada mati,
dan Toh Mambang Puteh itu dudok-nya dalam matahari, dan Toh Mambang
Hitam dudok-nya dalam bulan. Dan jikalau ka laut di-katakan Mambang
Tali Harus didalam-nya itu. Jikalau ka darat di-namakan ia Toh Jin
Puteh Gemala `Alam, yang diam didalam matahari, maka Toh Jin Hitam
Lembaga Adam, yang diam didalam bulan, maka dem'kian-lah aton-nya [804]
Pawang sakalian-nya itu terhimpun kapada kalimah la ilaha, d. s. b.

Ampat Kuderat Pawang

  (1)   Sri `Alam:                 kanyata'an kapada ruang-ruang mata
  (2)   Si Gentar `Alam:           kanyata'an kapada nafar kita.
  (3)   Si Putar `Alam:            kanyata'an kapada jantong kita.
  (4)   Bentara `Alam:             kanyata'an kapada kalimah itulah
                                   nyawa Pawang.
        (Pawang itulah Toh Kathi
        Rabun Jalil.)

Asal Jin Hantu, d. s. b.

(1)   Asal Jin deripada pancharan manikam.
(2)   Asal Sheitan deripada brahi Adam, tatkala belum bertemu dengan
(3)   Asal Jembalang Puaka deripada uri, tembuni, pusat, tentuban
      (menjadi nyawa kapada tanah, diam di gaung guntong, busut, kayu,
      batu, tras).

[ii] Asal Kayangan

Inilah risik Semar Hitam:--

    Al-salam `aleikum, hei Jin Hitam,
    Jembalang Tunggal, Jin Kuning,
    Hei Jin Ishma [805] Allah Tunggal.

Tahu'kan asal-mu kaluar deripada bayang Allah mu yang bernama
Isma Allah nama yang awal lagi yang dahulu; tatkala ashikkan [806]
diri-mu bernama Jin Salenggang Bumi Tunggal rupa 'kan diri-mu maka
ashikkan diri-mu bernama Raja Jin Sahabak mu tinggal rupa akan diri-mu
ashikkan diri-mu di pintu langit yang pertama bernama nenek Berumbung
Sakti bertekak hitam berdarah puteh bertulang tunggal beroma songsang
hulubalang yang asal maka tinggal rupa 'kan diri-mu masa maka jatoh
deri atas pohun narun-narun [807] bernamakan Dewana maka datang uleh
Suri Peri yang baik rupa-nya maka terpandang atipak uleh Dewana maka
berchita si kaluar mani satitek maka cherah gilang gemilang maka
terpandang uleh Suri Peri maka di-ambil uleh Suri Peri maka memiling
[808] maka kaluar-lah anak ampat orang sa-hulu-hulu, sa-hilir-hilir
akan Dewana tinggal rupa 'kan diri-nya maka mengashik akan diri-mu
kamana jatoh ura-masa maka kembali-lah angkau rupa-mu bersipat dengan
sipat yang kahar rupa angkau-mu sedia kala maka bernama Isma Allah
tatkala sujud [kapada] Tuhan maka sakian lama minta menjadi negri
kayang-kayangan, antara langit tudongan [809] bumi maka di-benar
uleh Tuhan maka memohun kapada Tuhan maka hilang akan diri-nya dia
ka-mana jatoh ura-masa, maka jatoh kapada awan yang kuning maka bernama
Dewa Asal Yang Tunggal maka berikat tapa `umor dua-b'las tahun maka
tinggal rupa [810] akan dirimu-nya, maka di-bangkitkan Aji Pesuna,
maka tutup lambongan kiri, tutup lambongan kanan, tujoh-tujoh ekhlas;
maka pandang sa-b'lah awun t'rus sa-b'lah awun, pandang sa-b'lah
wetan t'rus sa-b'lah wetan, maka pandang sa-b'lah pipiran t'rus
sa-b'lah pipiran, pandang sa-b'lah pagalan t'rus sa-b'lah pagalan
pandang turun tujoh petala bumi t'rus tujoh petala bumi, pandang
naik tujoh petala langit, t'rus tujoh petala langit maka di-jadikan
satu hikmat maka di-jadikan satu negri kakayangan tujoh maka masokkan
[811] diri-mu kamana jatoh ura masa jatoh didalam negri kakayangan,
didalam negri ratna gading petah tinggi mutu manikam maka di-jadikan
Dewa Bentara `Umar di-tilek uleh Dewa Bentara `Umar aku sa-orang-orang
diri maka di-jadikan Dewa Bentara Guru, maka di-tilek uleh Bentara
Guru aku-lah Dewa Asa yang tunggal, Jin yang dahulu, Dewa yang asal,
aku-lah mengakukan diri aku-lah sa-orang-orang Dewa asal yang tunggal
cherah gilang gemilang, terlalu baik rupa-nya bersemayam terlalu
malu akan Dewa yang katiga, maka sujud, maka lalu berpesan tinggal
jikalau rosak didalam negri kakayangan di-sebut akan nama aku Isma
Allah nama aku yang asal lagi dahulu, maka masokkan diri-mu kamana
jatoh ura masa maka jatoh didalam awan yang hitam maka bernama Jin
Sagebang Langit, sa-b'lah hidong mengidukan langit, sa-b'lah hidong
mengidukan bumi, maka tinggal rupa akan diri-mu mengashik tatkala
mutu-mutu 'kan `alam dunia maka bernama Jin Hitam Sa-halilintar,
maka tinggal akan rupa diri-mu maka mengashik jadi mengambor naik ka
kayangan tujoh maka di-tilek ampat penjuru `alam maka mengambor turun
berikat tapa di-bawah baloh matahari jatoh bernamakan Ajai Biku Puteh
maka di-tinggal rupa-mu mengashikkan diri-mu bernama Anak Jin Sakti
`Alam tunggal maka berdiri di pintu langit sa-b'lah kaki berdiri di
pintu bumi sa-b'lah kaki jatoh ka tanah Jawa maka bernama Alan Semar.



(a) Creation of Man

[iii] Asal Pawang [Chap. i. p. 4. [Chap. ii. p. 19.

    "Kun" kata Allah, payah [812] "kun" kata Muhammad:
    Menjadi benih, benih jadi urat,
    Urat jadi batang, batang jadi daun;
    "Kun" kata Allah, payah[1] "kun" kata Muhammad:
    Tanah sa-tapak pembahagian Tuhan,
    Tanah sa-tapak didalam Tuhan;
    Ada Bumi, ada Langit,
    Kechil Bumi sagelang dulang,
    Kechil Langit sagelang payong.
    Bertitah Allah ta`ala:
    "Jangan angkau engkar Jibrail,
    Pergi ambil hati Bumi."
    Ta' dapat ambil hati Bumi:
    "Aku ta' kasih" kata Bumi.
    Pergi mendapat Nabi Israfil,
    Ta' dapat juga ambil hati Bumi.
    Pergi mendapat `Ijrail, [813]
    Tiada juga dapat hati Bumi.
    Pergi mendapat `Ijrail, [814]
    Bharu-lah dapat hati Bumi.
    Sudah dapat hati Bumi bergunchang `arash dengan krusi
    Dengan sagala `alam.
    Dapat hati Bumi di-buat-nya lembaga Adam,
    Menjadi kras pula hati Bumi itu.
    Ayer pula masok lampau lembut pula,
    Masok api, bharu di-tempa lembaga Adam.
    Sudah-lah bangkit lembaga Adam,
    Minta nyawa kapada Allah ta`ala.
    Bri-nya nyawa Allah ta`ala, bersin-lah
    Allah ta`ala, redam-lah lembaga Adam.
    Balik membuat lembaga Adam;
    Menyuroh Allah ta`ala ambil besi Khersani,
    Di-lantakkan di blakang, menjadi tiga puloh tiga tulang,
    Di-atas besi yang tua, yang muda di-bawah.
    Besi yang tua tersundak ka langit,
    Besi muda tertunjam ka bumi.
    Sudah bernyawa lembaga Adam
    Tinggal didalam shurga,
    Di-tengok-nya merak chantek bukan kapalang,
    Tiba malaikat Jibrail:
    "Ya malaikat Jibrail, aku sa'orang diri,
    Murah lagi berdua, aku minta bini."
    Bertitah Allah ta`ala, "Suroh-lah Adam
    Sembahyang suboh dua raka`at,"
    Sembahyang-lah Adam, turun-lah
    Baba Hawa, di-tangkap-nya Nabi Adam
    Belum chukup sembahyang, di-ambil balik.
    Maka sembahyang hajat dua raka`at,
    Habis di-dapat-lah Baba Hawa:
    Sudah nikah, sakali beranak
    Berdua, sampei ampat puloh ampat anak.
    Maka anak pun kahwin, chantek sama chantek,
    Burok sama burok.

    Uri anak yang sulong Dato' Petala Guru
    Jadi bijeh:
    Darah-nya jadi amas nur Allah.
    Maka anak-nya Dato' Gemalakim [815] tinggal di langit,
    Itulah Pawang yang Tua,
    Yang ka'ampat kita.


A'uzu billahi min al-sheitani 'l-rajimi. Bismillahi 'l-rahmani
'l-rahimi. Adapun angin bertiup, ombak berpalu, `arash belum bernama
`arash, kursi belum bernama kursi, tanah satapak pemberi Tuhan kita
singga(h) tanah terbalik sahelei akar putus sabatang kayu rebah,
maka ada pawang di-jadikan Allah ta`ala, "Kun" kata Allah, paya "Kun"
kata Muhammad, ada Langit, ada Bumi, di-jadikan Allah ta`ala, maka
bertitah Allah subhana wa ta`ala kapada Jibrail [suroh pergi mengambil
hati Bumi, maka Jibrail pun] sudah pergi tidak dapat; kemdian Jibrail
balik mengadap Tuhan mengatakan tidak dapat, kemdian bertitah Allah
ta`ala kapada Mikail menyuroh mengambil hati Bumi warna-nya puteh;
kemdian Mikail pun tidak dapat juga, kemdian bertitah Allah subhana wa
ta`ala kapada Israfil, menyuroh mengambil hati Bumi warna-nya puteh,
kemdian Israfil pun tidak dapat juga; kemdian bertitah Allah subhana
wa ta`ala dengan merka-nya kemdian lalu bertitah Allah subhana wa
ta`ala kapada `Ijrail menyuroh mengambil hati Bumi kemdian `Ijrail
pun lalu-lah pergi. Kemdian apakala sampei kapada Bumi maka `Ijrail
pun lalu memberi salam kapada Bumi maka kata-nya "Al-salam `aleikum,
Ya Bumi!" dan Bumi pun menyahut "W'`aleykum salam, wa rahmat Allah,
wa bertuah, ya `Ijrail!" Kemdian `Ijrail pun berchakap kapada Bumi "Aku
ini datang kapada angkau, aku di-titahkan uleh Allah subhana wa ta`ala
mengambil hati angkau," kemdian di-jawab uleh Bumi "Aku tidak kasih,
karna aku Allah ta`ala yang membuat dan jikalau angkau ambil hati aku
tentu aku mati," Kemdian marah `Ijrail "Jikalau angkau kasih-pun aku
ambil juga, dan jikalau angkau tidak kasih-pun aku mengambil juga,"
kemdian `Ijrail-pun menolakkan Bumi dengan tangan kanan-nya, dan
tangan kiri-nya menchapei hati Bumi lalu di-dapat-nya, betul juga
warna-nya puteh. Kemdian `Ijrail pun lalu mengadap Allah subhana wa
ta`ala menyembahkan hati Bumi; kemdian sudah di-terima Allah subhana
wa ta`ala hati Bumi itu, kemdian maka di-panggil Allah ta`ala Jibrail,
kemdian Jibrail pun datang mengadap Allah subhana wa ta`ala, kemdian
bertitah Allah subhana wa ta`ala kapada Jibrail "Angkau tempa lembaga
Adam itu;" kemdian Jibrail handak menempa lembaga Adam tidak buleh
jadi sebab keras, kemdian bertitah Allah subhana wa ta`ala "Buboh
ayer," maka Jibrail lalu di-buboh ayer, kemdian terlalu banyak ayer
jadi chayer pula, kemdian Jibrail pun pergi mengadap Allah subhana wa
ta`ala menyembahkan terlalu chayer, maka bertitah Allah subhana wa
ta`ala kapada Jibrail "Buboh api," kemdian lalu-lah Jibrail menempa
lembaga Adam. Kemdian sudah jadi Adam, kemdian Jibrail pun pergi
mengadap Allah subhana wa ta`ala memintakan nyawa lembaga Adam,
kemdian di-bri Allah ta`ala nyawa kapada Jibrail dan Jibrail pun
pegang dengan tangan kanan nyawa lembaga Adam dan nyawa Siti Hawa
di-sablah tangan kiri, kemdian sampei di tengah jalan di-buka Jibrail
tangan kiri-nya kemdian nyawa Siti Hawa balik kapada Allah subhana
wa ta'ala dan nyawa lembaga Adam lalu di-hinggapkan kapada ubun-ubun
lembaga Adam nyawa itu, lalu-lah hidup lembaga Adam kemdian Siti Hawa
pun sudah jadi, kemdian lalu-lah kahwin lembaga Adam sama Siti Hawa,
kemdian lalu hamil Siti Hawa lama-nya sambilan bulan, kemdian lalu
beranak, kemdian gelap gulita tidak tampak handak mengrat pusat anak
Adam itu, kemdian lalu Adam mengambil serban-nya lalu di-kebaskan
kapada anak-nya, lalu-lah trang: itulah asal terbit badi kapada
anak Adam, dan uri-nya anak Adam itu di-timbunkan didalam tanah,
dan itulah asal jadi bijeh, dan chahia-nya anak Adam itu jadi intan,
dan darah-nya anak Adam itu jadi amas.

Adapun terbuat Pawang itu kapada lembaga Adam adapun sahabat lembaga
Adam itu ampat orang, nomber satu nama Kedus, nomber dua nama Kedim,
nomber tiga nama Kempas, nomber ampat nama Merjan--itulah ampat orang
asal Pawang yang di-jadikan Allah subhana wa ta`ala.

Dan yang nomber satu, dia-nya tinggal di hulu ayer; dan yang nomber
dua tinggal di-sablah matahari hidup; dan yang nomber tiga tinggal
di-sablah matahari mati, dan yang nomber ampat tinggal didalam lautan.

(1) Anak Pawang Hutan; (2) anak Pawang [?]; (3) anak Pawang Rusa;
(4) anak Pawang Bijeh. Maka anak sakalian Pawang-Pawang melainkan
di-satu-lah [816] terbit (?) dan ta`lok-nya, dan itulah Pawang yang
di-turunkan Allah subhana wa ta`ala ada-nya.

[v] (b) Sanctity of the Body [Chap. ii. p. 23.

It is impossible for want of space to give illustrations of this
subject other than those quoted in the text.

For further details, vide inter alia Leyden, Malay Annals, pp. 20-24,
95-107; Newbold, British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca,
vol. ii. pp. 83-86, 176, 178; J.R.A.S., S.B. No. 9, pp. 87-89;
J.R.A.S., S.B. No. 28, pp. 67-72.

(c) The Soul

Invocations to the Soul [Chap. ii. p. 47.

[vi] Mengalih semangat [Chap. vi. p. 454.

    Al-salam `aleikum hei Ruh yang berusoh [817] yang berasal
    Mari Ruh kamari,
    Mari Semangat kamari,
    Mari Kechil kamari,
    Mari Burong kamari,
    Mari Halus kamari,
    Mari, aku dudok puja mu
    Mari, aku dudok melambei mu
    Balik kapada rumah tangga mu
    Kapada lantei sudah jongkat-jongkatan,
    Atap sudah bintang-bintangan
    Jangan angkau berkechil hati
    Jangan angkau berkechil rasa
    Jangan angkau mengambil salah
    Jangan angkau mengambil sileh.
    Aku dudok puja mu
    Aku dudok hela mu
    Aku dudok sru mu
    Aku dudok lambei mu
    Mari pada waktu ini, mari pada katika ini.

[vii] Riang Semangat [Chap. ii. p. 48.[Chap. vi. p. 455.

    Kur! Semangat Si Anu ini yang sakit,
    Kembali-lah kamu ka-dalam salerang tuboh Si Anu ini
    Ka rumah tangga kampong 'laman,
    Ka mak bapa, sarong kamu.

[viii] Another Version [Chap. ii. p. 50.[Chap. vi. p. 454.

    Kur, semangat-semangat Si Anu yang ka-tujoh,
    Balik-lah kamu ka rumah tangga sendiri,
    Inilah mak bapa 'kau datang memanggil,
    Ka rumah tangga, kampong 'laman,
    Mengadap ka mak bapa, ka kaum kalurga:
    Jangan 'kau sara-bara,
    Pulang ka rumah-'kau sendiri.


The Malays believe that it is very bad for one to be awakened
suddenly, and even when one coolie is waking another, he does so with
the greatest gentleness, calling him softly by his name in an ever
varying tone until he has succeeded in awaking him. Rajas and Chiefs
are never aroused until they wake naturally. The European passion of
being called in the morning is regarded by the Malays as only one more
symptom of the madness which is known to possess these people. [818]



The Magician

[x] `Isharat Pawang [Chap. iii. p. 56.

The Pawang's Shibboleth

    Ashahadu Allah ilaha-illa-'llah
    Wa ashadu anna Muhammadu-'l-rasul Allah.
    Ya saudara-ku Jibrail, Mikail, Israfil, `Azrail,
    Angkau berampat berlima dengan aku
    Aku dudok di Krusi Allah
    Aku bersandar di tiang `Arash
    Aku bertongkatkan di pusat tiang Ka'bah,
    Tembuni akan alas-ku.
    Hak Bumi, satahan Bumi, sengga Langit
    Ya Allah arastu rabi-ku
    La-ilaha-illa-'llah ya pata
    La-ilaha, d.s.b.

[xi] Pendinding Pawang

    Hei S'ri `Alam, Si Gentar `Alam
    Sheikh `Alam, Dato' Si Putar `Alam,
    Yang diam di kandang besi puteh ampat penjuru `alam:
    Yang diam di kandang hulubalang ampat penjuru `alam:
    Hu tidor di-luar, liput chahia ensan,
    Ensan tidor di-luar, liput chahia Hu. [819]
    Ghaib-lah aku di-dalam kandang kalimah
    La-ilaha-illa-'llah: Hu!

Nature of Rites

[xii] Invocation to the Spirit of Incense [p. 75.

    Zabur Hijau nama-nya kem'nyan,
    Zabur Bajang nama-nya abu-'kau,
    Zabur Puteh nama-nya asap-'kau,
    Daki Rasul Allah asal 'kau jadi;
    Asap dikau tujoh Petala Bumi,
    Asap dikau tujoh Petala Langit,
    'Kan penyeru sagala ruh yang sakti yang kramat,
    Ruh aulia Allah, yang diam di galang-gang matahari,
    Yang berulang ka Ka`bat Allah,
    'Kan pemanggil aulia Allah,
    Yang diam di Pintu Lawang Langit,
    Yang berulang ka Intan Puteh
    Dahulu [820] Misir, petang dan pagi,
    Tahu menghidupkan ranting yang mati
    Tahu mengembang bunga yang layu,
    Tahu menjawatkan kata Allah,
    Dengan berkat la-ilaha-illa-'llah,
    Muhammad Rasul Allah.

[xiii] Rice Paste Invocations and Charms [p. 81.

(a) Tepong tawar, tepong jati,
    Katiga dengan tepong Kadangsa,
    Jikalau buleh kahandak hati
    Jangan sakit, jangan mati,
    Jangan chachat, jangan binasa.

(The tepong tawar is made of rice-flour and water with pounded leaves
of selaguri and sambau dara mixed up in it. The brush is censed first
at the bottom and then at the top before being used to sprinkle the
tepong tawar.)

(b) Tepong tawar, tepong jati,
    Katiga dengan tepong Kadangsa,
    Naik-lah 'mas berkati-kati,
    Naik-lah wang be-ribu laksa.

(c) Tepong tawar, tepong jati,
    Tepong tawar sa-mula jadi,
    Barang 'ku chinta, aku peruleh,
    Barang yang di-pint samua-nya dapat.

(d) Tepong tawar, tepong jati,
    Kerakap tumboh di batu,
    Allah menawar, Muhammad men-jampi,
    Gunong runtoh di-riba aku.
    Bukan aku yang punya tepong tawar,
    Toh Sheikh Puteh Gigi yang punya tepong tawar;
    Bukan aku yang punya tepong tawar,
    Dato' La'ailbau yang punya tepong tawar;
    Bukan aku yang punya tepong tawar,
    Dato' Betala Guru yang punya tepong tawar:
    Kabul Allah, d.s.b.

(e) Ini `isharat menurunkan padi; maka tepong tawar: dahulu pertama
ambil daun ati-ati daun gandarusa daun ribu-ribu daun sadingin daun
sipuleh dan tanah liat puteh: ini tawar-nya:--

    Tepong tawar, tepong jati,
    Dapat amas berkati-kati,
    Aku menepong tawar beras padi
    Sudah berisi maka menjadi.



[xiv] Gods [Chap. iv. p. 88.

List of Mythical and Religious Terms [821]

        English.             Malay.
        A god, a deity.      Dewa, dewata.
        A goddess.           Dewi.
        A great god.         Batara.
        Vishnu(?)            Batara Guru.
        Vishnu.              Bisnu.
        Durga.               Durga.
        Varuna.              Baruna.
        Yama.                Batara Yama.
        Buddha.              Buda.
        Brahmin.             Brahmana.
        Spiritual guide.     Guru.
        God.                 Tuhan, Allah.
        Praise, adoration.   Puji, puja.
        Heaven.              Swarga.
        Hell.                Naraka, Patala.
        The soul.            Nyawa.
        Fast.                Puwasa.
        Idol.                Brahala.
        Astrology.           Panchalima.
        Astrologer.          Satrawan.
        Charm, spell.        Guna, ubat, mantra.

[xv] Invocation of the Earth-Spirit

    Hei, Toh Mentala Guru Sakti yang di hutan,
    Aku-lah yang bernama Dato' Mentala Guru Sakti yang di rumah,
    Kita berdua bersaudara.
    Sedang Saleh nama-nya angkau
    Sedang Sidi nama-nya aku:
    'Kau di hutan, aku di rumah.
    Aku meminta membuat kuasa [yang aku kahandak].
    Perminta'an aku sa-pemukol gendang ka-hulu,
    Sa-pemukol gendang ka-hilir.

[xvi] Pendinding

    Sa-pemukol gendang ka laut,
    Sa-pemukol gendang ka darat,
    Yang aku pinta, mana-mana sakalian anak chuchu angkau,
    Tolong-lah kawalkan anak chuchu aku,
    Jangan-lah rosakkan, jangan `kau binasakan,
    Angkau bla pleherakan-lah,
    Mana-mana sakalian anak chuchu angkau,
    Mana-mana yang bertapa di gunong,
    Mana-mana yang bertapa di bukit,
    Mana-mana yang bertapa di busut,
    Mana-mana yang bertapa di tras,
    Mana-mana yang bertapa di akar kayu,
    Mana-mana yang bertapa di batang,
    Mana-mana yang bertapa di dahan,
    Mana-mana yang bertapa di daun,
    Mana-mana yang bertapa di bungkul,
    Mana sakalian itu, aku minta kawalkan
    Ampat penjuru ladang-ku.
    Jangan-lah angkau mungkirkan satia kapada aku:
    Jikalau angkau mungkirkan,
    Mati-lah angkau di-timpa tiang Ka`bah,
    Mati di-sula Besi Kawi,
    Mati di-panah halilintar `Alam,
    Ia-itu-lah ada-nya!

[xvii] Relation of various Deities [p. 90.

    Batara Guru nama di balei,
    Batara Kala nama di gigi rimba,
    Panjang Kuku nama di hati rimba.

Raja Kala pegang deripada ayer timpas sampei ayer naik besar
sakali. Raja Guru di Laut is identified with Mambang Tali Harus or
Nabi Khidhr; Panjang Kuku with the Hantu Pemburu. Batara Guru membri
hukum kapada Jin Ibni al Ujan, di-suroh memarentahkan ra`yat-nya:
dia sendiri berjalan bawa sumpitan chari makan.

Nama-nama Hantu Laut

Si Raya nama bapa-nya, tinggal di kuala, Madaruti nama mak-nya,
tinggal di hulu, Wa' Ranai nama anak-nya, tinggal di tengah.

[xviii] Tangkal Hantu Hitam [p. 93.

Fasal Hantu Hitam dudok di pusat Bumi

    Jin Hitam, Lembaga Adam,
    Yang berjijak di hati Bumi,
    Yang bergantong di pintu Langit,
    Berkat Sidi terjali sendiri
    Menjadikan sakalian `Alam!
    Barang aku chinta, aku peruleh;
    Barang 'ku minta, samua-nya dapat!
    Aku taku asal-nya Tanah,
    Uri tembuni pusat tentoban
    Mula asal-'kau jadi:
    Jangan angkau naik angkau ganggit [822] Si Anu itu,
    Karana aku tahu asal-'kau jadi,
    Aku talakkan [823]-lah tiada buleh menjadi manah. [824]
    Hei saudara-ku Jibrail, Mikail, `Azrail, Israfil!
    Angkau berampat berlima dengan aku!
    Aku dudok di Krusi Allah
    Aku bersandar di tiang `Arash
    Tembuni akan alas-ku
    Hak Bumi satahan Bumi
    Sangga Langit, ya Allah arastu
    Ya rabi-kum ya katu hul Ali
    Ya hulallah kuwata illah billah
    Hil Ali yil Ali.

[xix] Invocation to the Earth-Spirit

Memanggil Jembalang Tanah ia-itu Nyawa Tanah yang deri uri tembuni
tentoban, d.s.b.

    Al-salam `aleikum!
    Aku tahu asal 'kau jadi, sa-pachal Nabi Muhammad asal 'kau jadi
    Sa-pachal Baginda `Ali asal-nya mula-'kau jadi
    Diri-mu tanah lembang, turun bertudong daun golah [825]
    Jadi diri-mu pagi-pagi, Raja Sinar nama-nya diri;
    Jadi diri-mu tengah naik, Raja Paksi nama-nya diri;
    Jadi diri-mu tengah hari, Raja Buana nama-nya diri;
    Jadi diri-mu tengah turun, Raja Kilu nama-nya diri;
    Jadi diri-mu petang-petang, Kilat Senja nama-nya diri.
    Diam 'kau di rimba besar, Sakat Rendang nama-nya 'kau,
    Diam 'kau di kayu ara, Si Chakah nama-nya 'kau,
    Diam 'kau di tunggul buta, Si Rempenai [826] nama-nya 'kau,
    Diam 'kau di busut jantan, Si Rimpun [827] nama-nya 'kau,
    Diam 'kau di gunong guntong, Si Betoto' [828] nama-nya 'kau,
    Diam 'kau di tengah padang, Si Hampar nama-nya 'kau,
    Diam 'kau di anak ayer, Si Belunchau [829] nama-nya 'kau,
    Diam 'kau di mata ayer, Si Linchir nama-nya 'kau;
    Jangan-lah angkau mungkirkan satia kapada-'ku!
    Jikalau angkau mungkirkan,
    Mati berkalentong, [830] mati berkalentang,
    Mati tergantong di awan-awan
    Ka bumi ta' sampei, ka langit ta' sampei,
    Mati di-panah halunlintar, [831]
    Mati di-sambar kilat senja,
    Mati di-timpa malaikat yang ampat-puloh-ampat,
    Mati di-timpa daulat ampat penjuru `alam.
    Berkat daulat Kamalu-'l-Hakim,
    Berkat tawar Maliku-'l-Rahman
    La-ilaha, d.s.b.

[xx] Origin of the Spirits [p. 94.

Asal Hantu

When the twins Habil and Kabil were in the womb of their mother Eve
they bit their thumbs till the blood came, and when they were born
the blood turned into spirits both good and evil.

The blood which spurted up to heaven became Kunchi Sa-Raja Ayer; that
which reached the clouds (awan) became Jin Hitam; and that which fell
on the ground Jin Puteh.

Darah sagenggan kiri, darah sagenggan kanan, itu-lah asal Hantu
Darat. For the rest, uri menjadi harimau, tembuni menjadi buaya, bali
(tali pusat) menjadi gajah, tentoban menjadi Hantu Ayer.

[xxi] Charm to cast out Evil Influence

    Daun pekak, daun pegaga
    Katiga dengan mali-mali
    Aku pinta' mana yang ada,
    Membuang sial dengan pemali.
    Lang Pok Lang Melini,
    Katiga dengan awan Shurga,
    Di-tepok jangan-lah tangan kiri,
    Aku pinta' mana yang ada.

[xxii] An Incantation called Arak-arak Jin Sa'ribu, or the Procession
of the Thousand Spirits

(It is the first formula used by a Pawang when commencing an important
series of operations)

    Hei! Jin Allah akan kata-ku
    Kata hak yang sa-benar-nia
    Hei! Janu, jin janu, jin pari, jin aruah,
    Jin manusia, jin bahdi, jin pêla, jin pedâka
    Jin jembalang, jin beranang, jin ebni jana,
    Aku tahu asal mula-mu jadi
    Imam Jamala nama bapa-mu
    Siti Indra Sendari nama mak-mu
    Rubiah Jamin nama datoh-mu
    Hakim Liar Suri nama moyang-mu
    Chichit Malim di hutan
    Piyat Berangga Sakti di belukar
    Siah Badala di rimba
    Siah Rimba di langit
    Sri Jambalang Makar Alam (iya yang di-sru sakarang Tungku Malim
    ka-raja-an) di bumi
    Sang Berangga Bumi (iya yang di-sru sakarang Tungku Setia Guna)
    yang bertegak di pintu bumi di Bukit Kaf.
    Bantara Alam di awan-awan
    Sang Rangga Buana di angin
    Berangga Kala di gunong
    Tambar Boga di bukit
    Langgi Tambar Boga di pangsa tanah
    Berangga Kala di barat
    Sang Bêgor (iya-lah Nasahi) di timor
    Sang Dêgor (iya-lah Nasahu) di-utara
    Sang Rangga Gampita (iya-lah Nasahah) di selatan
    Sang Rangga Gambira (iya-lah Nasahud) di tanah datar
    Apa-apa Sipar Tapa di tanah lepan
    Astara Pancha-mahbota di tanah derut
    Jamshid di tanjong
    Sangka Kala Degor di pangkal tanjong
    Anei-anei Siku Tanei di ujong tanjong
    Anin-anin Siku Tanin di busut
    Si-Kuda Belang di jerulong
    Si-Bedut di mata ayer
    Sang Kabut Lela di perigi buta
    Sang Lela Ma-indra Panchalogam di tras
    Shah Gardan di padang
    Changhong di gaung
    Sang Rangga Berhala di tanah ruab
    Rakshasa Sang Grahab di tanah busong
    Sangka Rakshasa di guha
    Sang Bêgor Indra di teluk
    Purba Kala di permatang
    Sri Permatang di lurah
    Dalik Rani di dani
    Sri Danglit di batu
    Jin Pari di kayu
    Jin Bota Sri di umah
    Rangga Kala di bendang
    Sangka Kala di danau
    Dangga Rahab di paya
    Sang Lela Chandra di ayer
    Misei di arus di ayer mati
    Sangka Pana di laut
    Mambang Indra Gampita Simun Bangkana di tasek
    Sang Begor Indra di arus
    Sri Gemuntar di tasek
    Sri Jala di pulau
    Sri Gantala di kuala sungei
    Jiji Azbar Jiji Dang Siti Udara Salam di sungei
    Mezat di dusun
    Simun di dalam kampong
    Adas di rumah
    Sang Lela di dalam manusia
    Al kanas ruh hewani nama niawa-mu
    Gardam-gardin kapada tampat-mu diam
    Nabi Kayani nama Penghulu-mu
    Aku jangan angkau pechat-i. [832]

[xxiii] Invocation to the Hantu Songkei [p. 105.

    Al-salam `aleikum, anak chuchu Hantu Pemburu!
    Yang diam di rimba sa-kampong
    Yang dudok di cheroh banir,
    Yang bersandar di pinang boring,
    Yang bertedoh dibawah tukas,
    Yang berbulukan daun resam,
    Yang bertilamkan daun lerek,
    Yang berbuai di medang jelawei
    Tali buayan-nya samambu tunggal,
    Kernia Tungku Sultan Berumbongan
    Yang diam di Pagar Ruyong,
    Rumah bertiang teras jelatang,
    Rumah berbendul batang bayam
    (Bertaborkan batang purut-purut),
    Yang berbulu roma songsang,
    Yang bersusu ampat susu-nya,
    Yang menaroh jala lalat,
    Yang bergendang kulit tuma.
    Jangan-lah angkau mungkir satia kapada 'ku.
    Mati-lah angkau di-timpa daulat ampat penjuru `alam,
    Mati di-timpa malaikat yang ampat puloh ampat,
    Mati di-timpa tiang Ka`bah,
    Mati di-sula Besi Kawi,
    Mati di-panah halilintar,
    Mati di-sambar kilat senja,
    Mati di-timpa Koran tiga puloh juz,
    Mati di-timpa Kalimah, d.s.b.




[xxiv] Charm to Call the Wind [Chap. v. p. 107.

Timangan Memanggil Angin

    Mari-lah Inche, mari-lah Tuan
    Ureikan rambut-'kau yang panjang lampei.

(If the wind is to be changed.)

    Getir-lah Angin, sa-jarum, dua jarum,
    Sa-jarum menampang Kapar,
    B'rat-b'rat dagangan membawa sa-orang
    Ka Klang berulang makan,
    Ka Langat berulang mandi.
    Mari-lah Inche, mari-lah Tuan,
    Ureikan rambut-'kau yang panjang lampei.

Charm to Restrain the Wind

[xxv] Menahan Angin [p. 108.

    Telor chichak, telor mengkarong,
    Ka-tiga dengan si labi-labi.
    Panchang 'ku chachak tengah harong,
    Angin ribut tidak menjadi.
    Puteh menjadi kapor,
    Hitam menjadi arang.

Charm to Allay the Storm Fiend

[xxvi] Tawar Hantu Ribut

    Terbang burong si anggau-anggau
    Hinggap di rumah Malim Palita,
    Mati tersandar, mati tersorok,
    Mati di-tuju Pangeran Chemcha.

Charm to Prevent Rain

[xxvii] Menahan Ujan [p. 109.

    Enggang inggut batang meranti,
    Tebal-tebal daun k'ladi,
    Ujan ribut tidak menjadi.

Bird Charms

[xxviii] (Hantu Pemburu) [p. 113.

Charm against the Spectre Huntsman

Take the extreme tips of the shoots (puchok-nya yang bulat) of the
kapas, [833] lerik, [834] resam, [835] and lenjuang merah, [836]
and chew them with betel-leaf, repeating this charm:--

    Hei Kedah, [837] kamana Kadim?
    Pergi berburu ka benchah mahang?
    Kun tapi, kun talak,
    Juru-juru gagak buta,
    Hantu bota, Si Adunada [838]
    Menyandang terbongko'-bongko',
    Salampuri nama sekin-nya,
    Silambuara nama kris-nya,
    Terantan [839] Hantu Rama.
    Si Pintas [840] nama anjing-nya,
    Si Tampoi nama anjing-nya,
    Si Arau nama anjing-nya,
    Si Sukum nama anjing-nya yang tua,
    Si Tompang [841] nama saudara-nya;
    Si Kedah nama laki-nya,
    Si Gadeh nama bini-nya,
    Si Aduan nama anak-nya
    Si Adunada menyandang pedang,
    Terbongko'-bongko' datang angkau deri benchah mahang,
    Tiada sangkil [842] angkau disini,
    Karna Si Aduan ada disini
    'Nak pulang malu rasa-nya,
    Karna sudah menjadi hantu,
    Hantu Pemburu.
    Kabul berkat pengajar guru-ku.

[xxix] Another Version of the same [p. 119.

    Hei Kedah, kamu Kadim,
    Pergi berburu ka kinchah [843] mahang,
    Sirih-pun kunta, [844] pinang-pun kunta,
    Teletak di juru-juru, [845]
    Gagak-pun buta, Hantu-pun buta;
    Tabong tertuntong [846] antara mani, [847]
    Silambuara nama kris-nya
    Silambuara [sic] nama sekin-nya,
    Si Kapas nama anjing-nya,
    Si Pintau nama anjing-nya,
    Si Merbah nama anjing-nya,
    Si Kusanun nama istri-nya,
    Nyah-lah angkau ka kinchah mahang.
    Si Aduan tiada disini,
    Si Aduan sakali tiada pula disini,
    Si Aduan mengenyahkan Si Hantu Pemburu
    'Nak pulang malu, sudah menjadi
    Si Hantu Pemburu. [848]

[xxx] Another Charm against the Spectre Huntsman [p. 119.

    Pisau raut, panjang ulu
    Akan peraut pinang berbulu,
    Si Kedah laki, mak Kedeh,
    Berburu ka benchah mahang.
    Si Kumbang nama anjing-nya,
    Si Lansat [849] nama anjing-nya,
    Si Muntong nama anjing-nya,
    Rangkesa nama anjing-nya,
    Dang Saleh nama anjing-nya,
    Dang Mesa(h) [850] nama anjing-nya,
    Langkat Langkapuri batang lembing-nya,
    Dang Buara nama mata-nya.
    Aku tahu asal-mu, orang petapa'an, [851]
    Yang dudok di bukit Gunong Ledang [852]
    Anak Nabi Yusuf [853] merajok kapada bunda-nya
    Sebab mahu makan hati burong chendrawasi. [854]
    Dengan berkat, d.s.b.
    Hu, Allah!

[xxxi] Fowling Ceremonies [p. 132.

    O Si Lanang, Si Tempawi,
    Mari-lah kita menyabong
    Mentara [855] rimba dan belukar.
    Ayam nenek bertaji besi,
    Ayam sahya bertaji buluh.

[xxxii] Charms used in Snaring Wild Pigeon [p. 135.

On setting out--

    Bukan-nya aku yang menggrak,
    'Toh Bujang Sibor yang menggrakkan.

After sounding the decoy-tube--

    Aku minta' arak, minta' iringkan,
    Masok kadalam gendala [856] kami.

On reaching the hut--

    Bumbun bernama Raja Sakti, [857]
    Dekut bernama Si Raja Gila [858]
    Gila Kapor, gila Puding, gila Sarap,
    Gila masok gendala kami.

[xxxiii] Another Version [p. 136.

    Do' Ding, [859] punei Do'ding
    Katiga punei Madukara; [860]
    Patah ranting, tindeh ranting,
    Pulang `adat sedia kala.

When Scattering the Rice

[xxxiv] Tabor Melukut

    Indang-indang melukut
    Indang di lapek [861] purun,
    Hilang-hilang di-jeput
    Di-jeput di-bawa turun.

[xxxv] A longer Version of the same

    Indang-indang melukut
    Indang di sumpit purun,
    Hilang-hilang di-jeput
    Hilang di-bawa turun.
    Ta'turun makan menturun, [862]
    Ta' datang, makan benatang
    Hinggap di ranting terpelanting
    Hinggap di dahan mati terbahan.
    Hinggap di daun di-petok ular daun
    Turun ka tanah di-petok ular yang bisa,
    Terbang ka atas di-sambar sikap rajawali,
    Kalau ta' turun.
    Kur, semangat! Si Raja Kapor,
    Putri Puding, Dayang Sarap!
    Turun berkampong ka balei Raja Suleiman,
    Mengenakan dokoh [863] lolah Raja Suleiman.

[xxxvi] When Sprinkling the Rice-water

    Tepong tawar, [864] tepong jati
    Menawar sakalian bisa, menolak sakalian bala.

[xxxvii] A longer Version of the same

    Tepong tawar, tepong jati,
    Tambah tumbun berisi,
    Turun limbok beribu kati,
    Naik kabaleian [865] gading
    Hamparan perak, susoran suasa,
    Hidangan Tuan Putri Sa-lebar Nyiru.
    Arak-arak kalangkiri [866]
    Kembang bunga Si Panggil-Panggil
    Turun berarak, turun berderei,
    Raja Suleiman datang memanggil.
    Indang-indang (di) sumpit beras,
    Raja Suleiman menyuroh deras,
    Indang-indang ujong melukut
    Indang-indang di sumpit purun
    Hilang-hilang di-jeput,
    Di-jeput di-bawa turun.
    Indang-indang melukut
    Indang di sumpit garam
    Hilang-hilang di-jeput,
    Bawa kadalam.

[xxxviii] When Sounding the Call (melaung) [p. 137.

    Kur semangat, Putri Puding,
    Si Raja Kapor, Si Raja Sarap,
    Masok-lah kadalam menala kami.
    Hinggap-lah di ampeian [867] gading.
    Arak-arak, iring-iring
    Kembang bunga Si Panggil-Panggil,
    Turun berarak, turun beriring
    Raja Suleiman datang memanggil.
    Ta' turun makan menturun
    Ta' datang makan benatang
    Hinggap di ranting terpelanting
    Tujoh lorah tujoh pematang,
    Pergi ka bukit ta' dapat makan,
    Pergi ka lembah ta' dapat minum.

[xxxix] Another Charm used on the same occasion

    Tetak dahan [868] mengkudu [869]
    Tetak tekan [870] tekankan,
    Yang dekat datang dahulu
    Yang jauh pesan-pesankan;
    Yang bertelor tinggalkan telor
    Yang beranak tinggalkan anak
    Yang buta datang berpimpin
    Yang patah datang bertongkat.
    Datang berkampong ka balei Raja Suleiman,
    Kur semangat, Si Raja Kapor, Putri Puding, Dayang Sarap,
    Turun berkampong ka balei Raja Suleiman,
    Mengenakan dokoh lolah Raja Suleiman.

[xl] Alternative version to be repeated both in the centre and at
each corner of the "Palace-yard" (halaman)

    Pelaung buluh pelaung
    Pelaung merpati utan
    Tujoh lorah tujoh pematang
    Ka lampau suara dekut-ku.
    Turun-lah Si Raja Kapor, Raja Puding, Si Dayang Sampah,
    Dengan saratus sambilan puloh.
    Turun-lah ka tanah tumpu ini
    Turun deri utara
    Turun deri selatan
    Turun deri timor
    Turun deri barat.

[xli] When about to enter the Hut [p. 138.

    Hati-hati si merpati
    Tetak sa-nila-nila [871]
    Bumbun nama Si Raja Sakti
    Buluh bernama Si Raja Gila
    Gila siang, gila malam,
    Gila 'nak berkampong ka balei Raja Suleiman
    Kur semangat Si Raja Kapor, Putri Puding, Dayang Sarap.
    Turun berkampong ka balei Raja Suleiman
    'Nak mengenakan dokoh lolah Raja Suleiman.

[xlii] Alternative Version

    Hati-hati kelampati  [872]
    Putik akar Si Raja Nila (or Nyila)
    Bumbun bernama Si Raja Sakti
    Dekut bernama Si Raja Gila.
    Gila Kapor, gila Puding,
    Gila Lela Sarap,
    Hinggap di ampeian gading, d.s.b.
    (And the rest as in charm No. xxxviii.)

[xliii] Alternative Version

    Arak-arak, etc. (with three lines following as in previous charms)
    Ta' datang mati mampeh  [873]
    Mati mawah, [874] mati sapepak rimba raya
    Ka lorah ta' buleh minum
    Ka darat ta' buleh makan
    Kalau 'kau turun kembang beriak [875]
    Kalau 'kau turun kembang ber-ingin
    Kembang sapepak [876] rimba raya.
    Turun-lah Raja Kapor, etc. (as in No. xl. down to barat)
    Turun ka tanah tumpu ini
    Masok mahaligei "Fatimah lalu." [877]

[xliv] Alternative Version

    Pelaung buluh pelaung
    Pelaung buluh merpati utan
    Tujoh bukit, tujoh lorah,
    Tujoh permatang, tujoh pelaung,
    Akan pelaung anak burong merpati hutan,
    Mengampongkan ka 'laman Nabi Allah Suleiman. [878]
    Arak-arak iring-iring
    Kembang bunga Si Panggil-panggil
    Datang berarak turun beriring
    Nabi Suleiman datang memanggil
    Memanggil anak burong merpati hutan
    Ka 'laman Nabi Allah Suleiman.
    Indang-indang melukut
    Aku indang di sumpit purun
    Aku kundang, aku jeput,
    Aku jeput, aku bawa turun,
    Turun ka 'laman Nabi Allah Suleiman.
    Ta' turun, makan menturun
    Ta' datang, makan benatang,
    Mati mampik  [879] mati mawai, [880]
    Mati sengk'lan bulu,
    Mati telan tulang,
    Hinggap di akar di-lilit [881] akar,
    Hinggap di daun di-petok [882] ular daun,
    Segra-lah angkau turun
    Ka kandang Nabi Allah Suleiman.
    Tetak batang mengkudu,
    Tetak tekan tekankan.

[xlv] Alternative Version

    Buluh telang, buluh perindu
    Katiga dengan buluh bulang-baling,
    Turun limbok saperti bulang-baling,
    Buluh telang, buluh perindu,
    Turun-lah limbok beribu-ribu,
    Mendengarkan bunyi buluh merindu-rindu.
    Tanam sulasi tumboh di-julang,
    Menyelisih angkau di bumbun orang,
    Tundok kasih ka bumbun aku,
    Anak salempati, anak itek nyila-nyila,
    Gila Kapor, gila Puding,
    Gila (di) hutan rimba raya;
    Yang patah datang bertongkat,
    Yang buta meraba-raba.
    Ta' datang makan benatang,
    Ta' turun makan menturun,
    Hinggap di dahan tergelinchir,
    Hinggap di akar tergelanchar,
    Hinggap di ponggor, ponggor rebah,
    Turun ka tanah, di-patok ular tanah.
    Terbang melambong tinggi, di-sambar rajawali,
    Jika tidak datang ini hari,
    Ka laut ta' dapat minum, ka darat ta' dapat makan
    Mati mengklan bulu, mati mengklan darah.
    Yang dekat, datang-lah dahulu,
    Yang jauh, pesan-pesankan.
    Kur semangat anak burong merpati hutan!
    Turun-lah angkau berkampong
    Ka kandang Nabi Allah Suleiman. [883]

[xlvi] When the Pigeons are Snared [p. 139.

    Wak-wak [884] di-atas para
    Di-sungkop dengan kapala tempurong;
    Berkuak-lah angkau bujang juara, [885]
    Aku 'nak menjerat leher anak burong merpati hutan.


Building Ceremonies and Charms

[xlvii] Directions for selecting a Suitable Site for Building [p. 141.

Fasal pada menyatakan melihat warna tanah rupa dan rasa-nya baik dan
jahat, jikalau handak berbuat negri atau kampong dan dusun atau rumah
sepaya sentosa kadiaman tempat itu:--

Bermula jikalau bumi itu warna-nya hijau kuning bau-nya manis dan
pedas baik, `alamat beruleh amas dan perak sampei pada anak chuchu-nya
beruleh kakaya'an ada-nya.

Dan jika bumi itu warna-nya merah rasa-nya masam baik sagala
kelurga-nya kasih akan dia.

Dan jika bumi itu lain-lain warna-nya dan bau-nya busok dan hanyir
`alamat beruleh dukachita dan penyakit banyak padah-nya.

Dan jika bumi itu warna-nya puteh bau-nya harum rasa-nya manis
maha utama kapala baik kadiami, barang siapa diam disana banyak
beruleh amas dan perak dan sentiasa bersukachita. Dan jika bumi itu
warna-nya lain-lain bau-nya pedas kelat manis banyak kelurga-nya dan
jika bumi itu hijau kuning dan merah bau-nya manis rasa-nya pedas
`alamat beruleh laba amas dan perak lagi beruleh anak dan sahya.

Dan jika bumi itu warna-nya hitam, bau-nya busok tertalu jahat, barang
siapa diam disana papa lagi dukachita padah-nya ada-nya. Bahwa bumi
itu yang baik di-diami pertama-tama puteh, kadua-nya merah, katiga-nya
kuning, ka'ampat k'labu, kalima hitam mesri ada-nya.

Dan yang jahat benar delapan perkara:--Pertama-tama hitam benar, ka-dua
belah-belah, katiga bursurut-surut, ka-ampat berlobang-lobang, ka-lima
berbusut-busut, ka-anam ber-menggul-menggul, ka-tujoh tereban-reban,
ka-delapan bersungei-sungei bersurut-surut, akan papa padah-nya.

Dan jikalau berlobang-lobang anak istri akan mati dan hamba sahya
pun akan lari rabia (? rimba raya) kahilangan padah-nya.

Dan lagi jikalau tanah itu rendah ka mashrik tinggi ka maghrib baik
`alamat beruleh laba ada-nya. Dan jikalau tanah itu rendah ka maghrib
tinggi ka mashrik tiada baik, akan papa dan kamatian dan katurunan
harta padah-nya ada-nya. Dan jikalau tanah itu rendah ka selatan tinggi
ka utara `alamat katurunan harta dan papa dan miskin padah-nya ada-nya.

Dan jikalau tanah itu rendah ka utara tinggi ka selatan maha [b]aik
beruleh sentosa sediakala ada-nya. Dan jikalau tanah itu berbukit-bukit
dan berpusar-pusar tiada harus di-kadiami, sediakala dukachita dan papa
padah-nya ada-nya. Dan jikalau tanah itu berlobang-lobang itu pun tiada
baik di-kadiami, `alamat anak istri akan mati hamba sahya-nya akan lari
padah-nya. Dan jikalau tanah itu berpusar-pusar dan berbukit-bukit
dan tereban-reban itu pun tiada baik di-kadiami sahari-hari hamba
sahya-nya akan habis dan harta, yang berbukit-bukit itu akan karugian
lagi penyakitan banyak tempat itu chelaka padah-nya ada-nya. Bahwa
tanah itu rata yang baik-nya di-perbuat rumah atau kampo[ng] atau dusun
atau negri ada-nya, dan lagi jika handak berbuat negri dan kampong dan
dusun atau rumah atau mengkalei barang suatu-nya pertama-tama terangi
dahulu tanah itu lebar-nya sa-depa bujor-nya [?] sengkar kalang dengan
kayu ampat penjuru, maka sebut-lah yang punya pegangan, kemdian gali
tanah itu ambil sa-kepal sebut nama yang memegang tanah itu.

    "Hei, anak Mentri Guru yang dudok ampat penjuru `alam!
    Aku memohunkan tanah ini."
        [Sebut-lah apa yang handak di-perbuat]
      "Jikalau baik tunjokkan `alamat baik,
      Jikalau jahat tunjokkan `alamat jahat."

Maka bungkus tanah itu dengan kain puteh, asap dengan kemenyan taroh
di-bawah bantal kita tidor, tatkala handak tidor itu berniat-lah.

    "Jikalau baik tunjokkan `alamat baik,
    Jikalau jahat tunjokkan `alamat jahat!"

Lalu-lah tidor; jikalau baik, perbuat-lah, jikalau jahat jangan
di-perbuat ada-nya. Dan lagi jikalau handak menchhari tempat
akan berbuat rumah maka terangi dahulu tanah itu kira-kira arah
(?) ruang tengah-tengah, ambil kayu mati-mati tandah-kan (?) buat
ampat penjuru kemdian chhari ranting kayu mati timbunkan kadalam-nya,
bakar telah hangus samua-nya jadi habu kumpulkan baik-baik tudong,
mak[a] demkian kata-nya.

    "Hei, sagala orang yang memegang tanah ini ampat penjuru `alam!
    Karna aku handak berbuat rumah;
    Jikalau baik tunjokkan `alamat baik
    Jikalau jahat tunjokkan `alamat jahat!"

Pada esok hari buleh [buka] tudong itu pagi-pagi hari Allah tandahi
(? tanda-i) baik dan jahat: w'`aleyhi al-salam.

[xlviii] Lucky and Unlucky Seasons for Building

Dan lagi pada menyatakan jika handak mendirikan rumah mahu-lah
di-katahui baik dan jahat-nya didalam bulan yang duabelas
itu:--Pertama-tama kapada bulan Muharram mendirikan rumah banyak
haru-biru-nya. Dan kapada bulan Safar mendirikan rumah banyak beruleh
harta dan sahya. Dan kapada bulan Rabi'-al-awal mendirikan rumah
satelah sudah rumah itu tuan-nya mati. Dan kapada bulan Rabi'-al-akhir
mendirikan rumah baik sentosa yang ampunya rumah itu. Dan kapada
bulan Jumada-'l-awal mendirikan rumah itu `alamat kahilangan har[ta]
dan pakeian. Dan kapada bulan Jumada-'l-akhir mendirikan rumah
itu penyakitan lagi perchinta'an padah-nya. Dan kapada bulan Rejab
mendirikan rumah terlalu jahat tiada balik lagi harta kahilangan
itu ada-nya. Dan kapada bulan Sha`ban mendirikan rumah di-kasih
sagala Raja-raja dan orang besar-besar bun rahmat akan dia sakalian
ada-nya. Dan kapada Ramthan mendirikan rumah itu `alamat kadatangan
amas dan perak ada-nya. Dan kapada bulan Shawal mendirikan rumah itu
`alamat terbakar lagi bercherei dengan kasih atau istri-nya, tiada baik
padah-nya ada-nya. Dan kapada bulan Zulka`idah mendirikan rumah itu
`alamat kasukaran akan beruleh padah-nya ada-nya. Dan kapada bulan
Zulhaji mendirikan rumah beruleh harta dan sahya dan kerbau dan lembu
di-negrahi Allah ta`ala akan dia: w'`aleyhi al-salam.

[xlix] Directions for Building [p. 143.

Dan lagi jikalau handak mengorek lobang tiang, jangan kena
bayang-bayang, atau handak mendirikan tiang, tiada baik kasusahan-nya
lagi penyakitan terlalu amat jahat padah-nya. Dan tatkala mengorek
lobang tiang itu bacha-lah do`a ini dahulu:--

    "Bismillah al-rahman al-rahim `aleyhi al-salam
      Ani aslak enta (?)
    Hei Benuri Kelbi ma`rifat-ku
    Berahmat-ku ya al-rahim al-rahimin
      Amin, amin."

[l] Ceremonies in fixing the Foundation Posts of the House

Tetar Rumah

[Ambil] sepang, tahi besi, kayu arang, inggu: masokkan di lobang tiang
sadikit-sadikit, di tiang s'ri. Kalau besar puaka semblihkan ayam ka
lobang itu, biar tumpah darah-nya ka dalam-nya, krat kapala dengan
kaki, buat lapik tiang s'ri. Kalau besar lagi, [ambil] kambing atau
kerbau; kalau kechil puaka, telor pun jadi. Maka telor d. s. b. itu
menjadi upah Jembalang Tanah. Kalau 'nak tijakkan (?) tiang baik pakei
chinchin di kelingking, akan membujok jembalang itu. Kemdian sudah,
masokkan lain-lain ramuan yang tersebut, tegahkan tiang.

Pagi-pagi pukol tujoh lebeh mengadap utara, katakan:

    "Sang Bumi, Berakam Bumi,
    Sedang Prahun Hantu Ayer,
    Sedang Janggi Maharaja Lela,

"Aku minta ma`af yang memegang bumi, aku minta undor dengan
pertengahan, aku 'nak dirikan tiang ini,

    "Dengan berkat mengajar Guru-ku
    La-ilaha," d. s. b.

[li] Handak Mendirikan Tiang S'ri

Ambil mangko' sabun isi ayer, letakkan di bekas tiang s'ri, asapkan
dengan kemenyan. Esok pagi tengok; kalau isi ayer pula, baik, kalau
susut burok; benatang masok ka mangko', kalau hidop, baik, mati, burok.

[lii] Tetar Tanah Rumah [p. 144.

    Hei Dato' Si Maharaja Lela!
    Jangan 'kau lalu, anak chuchu takut:
    Siah angkau kasana, ka `alam luas
    Padang Sanjana, ka bukit Kaf.
    Berkat deripada guru-ku Si Anu.
    Aleikum al-salam.

Tanamkan tahi besi, biji timah, buah kras (atau gorek), bliong patah,
duit satu sen. Nanti, kalau lain orang samua sudah pulang berdiri
dekat lobang-nya, ambilkan tanah itu tiga kepal, di-genggam paling
ka blakang katakan "Al-salam `aleikum."

Pantang-nya jangan pandang ka blakang hingga sampei rumah; sudah bawa
tanah tiga kepal itu ka rumah, taroh di bawah bantal, nanti malam
buleh dapat mimpi atau baik atau ta' baik. Kalau mimpi ta' baik, esok
pagi buang satu kepal, sampei tiga malam [bagitu juga]. Kalau baik,
tanamkan tanah itu di bawah tiang s'ri di tengah rumah.

[liii] Tetar Tanah (chachak tiang rumah) [p. 145.

    Hei Raja Guru, Maharaja Guru!
    Angkau-lah anak Batara Guru:
    Aku tahu asal 'kau jadi:
    Deripada kilat sabong menyabong.
    Aku tahu asal 'kau jadi:
    Deripada ambun sa-titek.
    Aku tahu axsal 'kau jadi:
    Deripada tajar menyenseng.
    Hei Hantu Tanah, benah Tanah,
      Jembalang Tanah!
    Undor 'kau deri sini ka laut yang dalam
    Ka rimba yang sunyi!
    Antara aku dengan angkau
    Di-bagi uleh Adam.

[liv] Tetar Tanah

    Al-salam `aleikum, hei sahabat yang bertujoh!
    Mula pertama namai (?) Si Kopat
    Ka-dua-nya Si Kapit
    Ka-tiga Awat
    Ka-ampat Mawat
    Ka-lima Dah
    Ka-anam Deh
    Ka-tujoh Du
    Mari-lah angkau ka-tujoh ini bersama-sama dengan aku.
    Aku bernama Si Putar `Alam
    Aku bernama Si Lindong `Alam
    Aku bernama Si Gentar `Alam.
    Berkat tolong Nabi Allah Ibrahim,
    Berkat tolong Dato' Si Tunggang Awak,
    Berkat Dato' Kamalu-'l-Hakim,
    Tiada-lah angkau yang buleh, aku yang buleh hal ini.
    Nyah-lah angkau ka tasek ta' berhulu, ka ranting ta' patah,
    Ka burong ta' terbang, ka ayer tiada bergemuroh!
    Disana-lah ampat tempat kadiaman angkau:
    Jangan 'kan mara [886] kamari lagi!
    Jikalau 'kan mara[1] kamari lagi
    Derhaka-lah 'kau kapada 'ku
    Derhaka-lah 'kau kapada Allah
    Derhaka-lah 'kau kapada Muhammad!
      Hu Allah! (tiga kali).

[lv] Direction of House-door [p. 141, n.

Bermula jika pintu rumah mengadap ka mashrik, baik: `alamat beruleh
anak chuchu banyak, lagi sentosa; jika mengadap ka utara, baik:
`alamat beruleh mas perak, lagi semperna; jika mengadap ka maghrib,
bertambah-tambah `elmu baik atau orang `alim datang kapada-nya,
lagi salamat; jika mengadap ka selatan malang pada barang kerja-nya,
tiada semperna maksud-nya.

[lvi] To determine the Dimensions of the House [p. 145.

Ini fasal ukoran bendul rumah; maka ambil depa perampuan yang ampunya
rumah itu dua depa di-lipatkan tiga, buang sabhagi; yang dua bhagi
itu, itu lipatkan lipat delapan, buangkan tujoh ambil satu, ukorkan
deripada kapala bendul itu sampei ujong bendul itu, inilah nama-nama
benatang-nya yang tersebut:--

Pertama-tama Naga, ka-dua Sapi, ka-tiga Singa, ka-ampat Anjing, ka-lima
Lembu, ka-anam Kaldei, ka-tujoh Gajah, ka-delapan Gagak. Dan jikalau
tiba pada Naga, terlalu amat baik; jika tiba kapada Sapi, dukachita
orang yang ampunya rumah itu; jika tiba kapada Singa, salamat orang
yang ampunya rumah itu lepas deripada marabhaya lagi beruleh kakaya'an;
jika tiba kapada Anjing, orang yang ampunya rumah itu sakalian lagi
hina pada mata orang sakalian; jika tiba kapada Lembu, orang yang
ampunya rumah itu beruleh kakaya'an lagi di-permuliai orang lagi-pun
barang kata-nya pun di-dengar orang; jika tiba kapada Gajah, orang yang
ampunya rumah itu berkat sagala pencharian, jikalau berniaga beruleh
laba ada-nya; jika tiba kapada Gagak, rumah itu sudah (?) tuan-nya
mati atau sakit payah bageimana-pun merugikan jua: w'`aleyhi al-salam.

[lvii] The Rhyme used for this purpose [887] [p. 146.

   I. Naga umbang, naga gentala, [888]
      Naga beredar sagenap bulan;
      Ka mana pergi tidak gendala, [889]
      Sakalian yang terjumpa menjadi taulan.
  II. Asap api didalam hutan:
      Inche `Ali membakar kapor;
      Anak sapi tengah prahan,
      Tengah di-prah mati tersungkor.
 III. Singa gagah, singa perkasa,
      Singa bermain di ujong tanjong;
      Tuah rumah sanantiasa,
      Beruleh laba sagenap tahun.
  IV. Anjing hutan s'rigala [890]
      Menyalak rusa sagenap malam; [891]
      Barang di-buat jadi gendala, [892]
      Didalam rumah [893] orang bertikam.
   V. Lembu besar tengah ladang
      Pergi beranak didalam rimba;
      Tuah besar pendapatan [894]
      Tiada pernah [895] membuang laba.
  VI. Kaldei didalam [896] kota
      Pagi petang menanggong rumput; [897]
      Tidak sampei barang di-chita [898]
      Modal-nya banyak satengah luput (?) [899]
 VII. Gajah besar penaikan Sultan
      Gading bersalut (?) [900] tembaga suasa;
      Tuah besar pendapatan [901]
      Tiada menanggong chachat [902] binasa.
VIII. Gagak hitam melayang [903] malam
      Hinggap [904] di rumah Maharaja [905] Sakti;
      Bala [906] besar sudah-lah datang,
      Rumah sudah tuan-nya mati.

Beast Charms

The Elephant

[lviii] Pendinding Gajah [p.153.

    O Dato' Moyang Kaban!
    Jangan-lah binasakan anak chuchu.

Moyang Kaban is explained as the name of the Raja Gajah (King of the
Elephant-folk), and calling upon him by name is considered to be a
sufficient protection against wild elephants.

[lix] Charm for blinding an Elephant

Perabun Gajah

    Tanah liat, tanah perabun
    Ka-tiga dengan tanah merkah;
    Melihat, mata angkau rabun,
    Memandang, mata angkau pechah.

Directions for Hunting the Elephant or Rhinoceros

[lx] [p. 155.

Mula-mula berjumpa jijak gajah atau badak, perhatikan kalau ada
kayu mati didalam jijak, ambilkan ranting kayu mati itu, dengan
tanah sa-besar jagong deri dalam tapak-nya, kalau sa-orang sa-buku,
tiga orang tiga buku, sampei tujoh orang tujoh buku, lebeh ta' buleh;
kemdian kita bungkuskan ranting sama tanah sa-buku didalam daun kayu,
kita jampi, kata-nya:--

    "Tanah liat, tanah benchah,
    Tanah memandang deri kabun
    Melihat, mata-nya pechah,
    Memandang, mata-nya rabun,
    Kabul Allah, kabul Muhammad
    Kabul Baginda Rasul Allah
    Kabul-lah do'a Guru aku,
    Guru Lebai Jamal,
    Kabul kapada aku,
    Kabul-lah la-ilaha," d.s.b.

Kemdian kita sisip di pusat, maka pembuang bau badan, bau snapang,
kita ambil daun kayu, daun sa-cherek, daun kerakap sirih, daun chapa
(sambong), daun labu ayer puteh; sudah dapat daun itu, mula-mula ambil
daun itu, patahkan daun itu dengan tangan kiri, di-pejam mata, katakan:
"kalau berbau daun kayu ini, berbau-lah badan, snapang aku."

Kalau sudah mati benatang itu, di-kebas dengan kain hitam sa-kabong,

    "Badiyu, Mak Badi, Badi Panji, Mak Buta!
    Aku tahu asal 'kau jadi,
    Darah Nabi Adam tiga titek asal 'kau jadi!
    Badi tanah pulang ka tanah,
    Badi busut pulang ka busut,
    Badi gajah pulang ka gajah, [907]
    Badi kayu, pulang ka kayu,
    Badi ayer, pulang ka ayer,
    Badi batu, pulang ka batu,
    Jangan rosakkan diri kita!
    Berkat Guru aku
    Ta' buleh di-rosakkan anak sidang manusia."

Hadia, kain hitam sadikit, kain puteh sadikit. Pantang-nya jangan
biar bergesil kulit kita dengan kulit gajah atau badak itu.

The Tiger

[lxi] Penjauh Rimau [p. 167.

A Charm to drive away Tigers

    Hei Bersenu! Hei Berkaih!
    Aku tahu asal 'kau jadi:
    Sheikh Abuniah Lahah Abu Kasap
    Pusat-mu puchok ubun-ubun
    Susu 'kau di tapak tangan
    Simpang 'kau tujoh petala langit
    Simpang 'kau tujoh petala bumi
    Kalau ta' simpang
    Derhaka kapada Allah, d.s.b.

[lxii] Pengunchi Mulut Benatang Buas

A Charm for locking the Mouths of Wild Beasts

    Hei Si Gerenchang, Si Gerenching,
    Patah ranting titian angsa
    Tertutop terkunchi berkat `Ali Mustapah
    Hum [908] aku patahkan sakalian yang bertaring
    Berkat do`a negri Siam.

[lxiii] Pengunchi Mulut Rimau

A Charm for locking the Tiger's Mouth

    Si Odoh nama-nya mak-nya
    Si Balang nama-nya tuboh-nya
    Lidah 'kau 'ku lipat, mulut-kau 'ku simpei.
    'Tah 'ting patah ranting
    Patah dengan Si Gomok Angsa;
    Tertutop terkunchi
    Bujang malas tidak mengapa.
    `Alam terakai Pafar Allah Rap.

Sampei ka rumah 'nak buka; kalau tidak dia dendam: katakan:--"`Alam
terakai Pafar Allah Rap. Buka!"

[lxiv] Tangkal Harimau

    Waman takun berasulillahi nas-ra toho
    Ental koho (? kahul) as-dupin ajar miha tajumi.

[lxv] Charm for blinding a Tiger's Eyes and driving him off

Perabun serta Seliseh Harimau

    Seliseh seliseh, salamun salamun,
    Tersalah tersileh;
    Tersiah kiri tersiah kanan
    Di-siahkan Allah, satru buja lawan-ku,
    Di-siahkan Allah, di-siahkan Muhammad,
    Di-siahkan Baginda Rasul Allah.

[lxvi] Penggrun kapada Harimau atau Penggarang Hati [p. 168.

Charm for fascinating a Tiger or hardening one's own Heart

    Ah Si Gempar `Alam
    Gegak gempita!
    Jarum besi akan ruma-ku,
    Jarum tembaga akan ruma-ku,
    Ular bisa akan janggut-ku,
    Buaya akan tongkat [mulut] [909]-ku,
    Harimau mendram di pengri [910]-ku,
    Gajah mendring bunyi suara-ku,
    Suara-ku saperti bunyi halunlintar!
    Bibir terkatup, gigi terkunchi! [911]
    Jikalau bergrak bumi dengan langit,
    Bergrak-lah [912] hati angkau
    Handak marah atau handak membinasakan kapada aku!
    Dengan berkat la ilaha, d.s.b.
                  (and add)
    Kun paya kun chahia masok ka tuboh-ku!
    Siapa chakap melawan aku
    Singa pasih [913] akan lawan-nya!
    Ah, sagala yang bernyawa
    Tiada-lah dapat menentang mata-ku,
    Aku yang mendapat menentang mata-nya
    Dengan berkat la ilaha, d.s.b.

For a Were-Tiger story the reader is referred to Clifford's In Court
and Kampong, pp. 66-77.

The idea is traceable, with a difference, as far back as A.D. 1416:
a Chinese account of Malacca (in the Ying-yai Shêng-lan) relates,
inter alia--"Sometimes there is a kind of tiger which assumes a
human shape, comes to the town, and goes among the people; when it
is recognised it is caught and killed."

The Deer

[lxvii] Minta Rusa [p. 174.

Asking for Deer

    Hei tuan patek Rabun Sidi,
    Si Lailanang, Si Laigan saudara
    Si Deripan, Si Baung, Si Bakar,
    Si Songsang, Si Berhanyut, Si Pongking,
    Si Temungking,
    Aku minta rusa sa'ekor jantan, sa'ekor betina,
    Yang tumpul tapak, yang bangkar kening,
    Yang jurei telinga, yang bebat pinggang,
    Yang luju, yang jombang, yang bertik:
    Tidak buleh yang luju, yang jombang, yang bertik,
    Yang burok, yang kurus, yang kechar,
    Sabuleh-buleh pinta-pinta [914] kami ari bekari, [915] (ini)
    Berkat kiraman katibin:
    Inilah tanda aku meminta.

Tanda-nya di-panchong kayu, di-tikamkan kesan rusa.

[lxviii] 'Che Indut's Version

Fasal minta rusa, katakan:--

    "Sirih lontor, pinang lontor,
    Teletak di-atas penjuru;
    Hantu buta, Jembalang buta,
    Aku mengangkatkan jembalang rusa."

[lxix] Membalikkan Rusa [p. 179.

To turn back Deer upon their Tracks

    Hei hilir Delik, patah Delik,
    Letak mari tepian lalang,
    Kata berturut jijak berbalik,
    Hanchor daging berbalun [916] tulang!
    Balikkan Allah
    Balikkan Muhammad
    Balikkan Baginda Rasul Allah!
    Hei balikkan rusa aku!
    Kalau ta' angkau balikkan
    Ka laut 'kau ta' dapat minum,
    Ka darat 'kau ta' dapat makan,
    Berkat dengan kata Allah,
    Kata Muhammad, kata Baginda Rasul Allah,
    Serta dengan kata kiraman katibin,
    Kabul berkat Guru-ku.

[lxx] Directions for hunting Deer [p. 174.

Mula-mula masok ka hutan, katakan:--

    "Hei Hantu Bakar, Jembalang Bakar!
    Berkuak-lah angkau,
    Aku melepaskan hulubalang aku."

Kalau sudah jumpa tapak-nya tengo' tapak-nya. Kalau sengkat sa-blah,
adalah groh sedikit. Kalau terjingket kuku, `alamat mati-nya didalam
tujoh hari. Sudah masok jumpa dengan anjing, anjing pun menyalak,
bharu-lah berkuai:--

[p. 175.

    "Hei Si Lanang, Si Lambaun,
    Si Ketor, Si Becheh,
    Angkau berampat gembala rusa
    Turun 'kau kapada anjing!
    Jangan 'kau ta' turun,
    Derhaka-lah 'kau kapada Allah,
    Derhaka kapada Muhammad, d.s.b.
    Bukan-nya aku yang berburu,
    Pawang Sidi yang berburu,
    Bukan-nya aku yang punya anjing,
    Pawang Sakti yang punya anjing;
    Dang Durai menyembrang lautan,
    Tenggalong tinggal kapada aku;
    Kabul berkat deripada Guru-ku Toh Raja
    Lebeh jadi deripada aku
    Berkat la ilaha," d.s.b.

[lxxi] On entering the Jungle to set the Snare

Masok ka dalam hutan, bawa jaring sudah jumpa kesan rusa pohunkan
satu poko' dengan chakap bagini:--

    "Al-salam `aleikum, Nabi Allah 'Tap,
    Yang memegang bumi, d.s.b.
    Aku pohun ini kayu
    'Nak tambat jaring."

Kemdian mulai buka jaring serta berkata:--

    "Si Gombak nama-nya rotan
    Si Chinchin nama-nya jaring."

Sudah itu, buka-lah jaring, sa-habis-habis, dan bagikan dua jaring itu,
sudah bagi dua, masok pegang kajar jaring serta kata-nya:--

    "O Mentala Guru,
    Dengan Guru uru-uru, [917]
    Si Mambang Kuning!
    Mambang Kuning tahu
    Akan salah-sileh-nya.
    Jaring kita, jaring berdua,
    Jaring jangan di-bri magan!
    Kalau magan di-tapakan, [918]
    Jaring kita bunohkan juga!
    Kalau magan di anjing,
    Jaring kita bunohkan juga!
    Kalau magan di orang
    Jaring kita bunohkan juga!
    Dengan berkat, d.s.b."

[lxxii] Jaring Rusa [p. 175.

Preparing the Snare

Bila mahu ambil kayu memasang bau jerat, kata-nya:--

    "Delik kayu mendulang
    Tetak berakar-akar;
    Habis kulit pemalun tulang
    Kena do'a kalinting bakar."

Menetapkan bau, dan bila mahu memasang, katakan:--

    "Teng bunga satengteng,
    Mudik sungei yang kadua;
    Kalau suka berglang berchinchin,
    Sorongkan kaki yang berdua."

Bubohkan pula perindu jerat, kata:--

    "Rindu rindu rindang rindang, [919]
    Sulasih tumboh di batu;
    Dudok 'kau rindu, berjalan 'kau rindang,
    Tonak kasih ka jerat aku."

Kalau 'nak buang badi-nya rusa itu:--

    "Ah Badi, mak Badi,
    Badi saratus sambilan puloh!
    Aku tahu asal 'kau jadi:
    Badi biawak asal 'kau jadi,
    Deri tras asal 'kau jadi,
    Mambang Kuning asal 'kau jadi,
    Kembali-lah ka mana tempat 'kau jadi;
    Jangan angkau menchachat menchidakan!
    Kalau 'kau chachat menchidakan, 'kau di-makan sumpah,
    Di-makan kutop ka bintongan, di-hempap Koran tiga puloh juz,
    Di-timpa daulat ampat penjuru `alam
    Dengan berkat, d.s.b.

[lxxiii] Serapah waktu anjing mengejar Rusa

Charm used when Dogs are hunting Deer

    Asa sabulan, dua sabulan, tiga sabulan,
    Ampat, lima sabulan, anam, tujoh sabulan,
    Bunohkan anjing aku!
    Bukan aku yang berburu,
    Toh Patek Sang Sidi yang berburu,
    Sang Kadadat punya rusa,
    Sunting Hari yang gembala
    Hei Tintanah [920] Betala [921] Guru
    Turun ka ra`yat turun ka bela!
    Menyalak Sukum Srigala
    Si Lansat, Si Raja Anjing,
    Menyalak Si Rinching Kaki, Si Rimbun Ekor!
    Melompat 'kau patah,
    Mengram 'kau lumpoh!
    Halaukan ka medan yang ramei,
    Tujoh telok, tujoh tanjong, tujoh mahali gei,
    Pisang masak dua biji,
    Siamang didalam rimba.
    Tinggal Si Langau hijau;
    Ta' tinggalkan Langau hijau,
    Di-sembar Si Patong rimba!
    Lengah membuka kain panjang,
    Lengah membuka kain pandak.
    Terjun ka tebing belulok
    Di-tikam de' besi belimbing,
    Berkat tuah anjing nenek Batin Tualang.

[lxxiv] (On entering the Jungle)

Kalau masok hutan, kata-nya:--

    "O Lingkian, mu salipatin (?)
    Jangan 'kau tudong, jangan endapkan rezki kami!
    Kalau 'kau lindong, 'kau endapkan,
    Di-sumpah de' Allah ta`ala!"

Kalau ikut kesan-nya, katakan:--

    "Hantu Raya, Si Buta Raya,
    Hantu berjalan, anak beranak,
    Ta'tabek rimba yang raya
    Aku 'nak menempoh hantu yang banyak.

[lxxv] Jerat

(On setting any kind of Snare)

Menchachak jerat sabarang jerat, katakan:--

    Bukan-nya jerat, bukan-nya reman,
    Kalang kaki sa-mata-mata,
    Kena perabun Raja Suleiman,
    Kalau di-pandang mata buta!
    Terpandang, mata-'kau buta!

[lxxvi] Rusa [p. 176.

(After setting the Snare)

    Dua sabulan, tiga sabulan,
    Ampat sabulan, lima sabulan,
    Anam sabulan, tujoh sabulan,
    Malam di-angkau, siang di-aku.

Sudah itu, masok tujoh langkah meninggalkan jaring di blakang berdiri
betul mengadap ka dapan, di-panggilkan:--

    O Serba Saidi
    Tuan patek yang punya rusa!
    Si Lambaun asal-nya rusa,
    Si Lanang gembala-nya,
    Halaukan rusa ka jaring kita.
    Ini titian batu jalan yang raya,
    Pasar yang medan,
    Kasuka'an orang yang ramei:
    Arak-arak iring-iring,
    Kembang bunga Si Panggil-panggil;
    Datang berarak, datang beriring,
    Jaring-ku datang memanggil!
    Hei Rusa Malang, Rusa Chelaka,
    Jalan-ku masok tidak ber-orang!
    Di kiri orang berlembing
    Di kanan orang berlembing
    Dimana jalan 'kau masok
    De' situ angkau jalan balik!

Sudah itu di-jumpa itu rusa, dia pun bangun deri tidor, kita pula

    "Hei Raja Muda, Putri Dandi,
    Bangun-lah angkau dengan segra-nya!
    Sarongkan dokoh berdandan
    Raja Suleiman,
    Sambut beriring sambut!
    Bersorak 'bi' bersorak!"

Sudah itu, orang kiri dan kanan pun bersorak sama-sama.

[lxxvii] Charm used when striking the Deer

Waktu menikam kata:--

    "Bukan-nya aku yang menikam
    Pawang Sidi yang menikam."

[lxxviii] To cast out the Mischief, after catching the Deer

Kalau sudah dapat, kebaskan tiga kali ka bawah, dengan kain hitam-pun
buleh, daun kayu (pemakanan rusa saperti sendayan, atau poko' paku)
pun buleh, triakkan:--

    "O Si Lanang, Si Lambaun,
    Si Ketor, Si Becheh, orang yang berampat,
    Ambil kembali bhagian-kau!"

Ambil `isharat-nya di-chuchok dengan rotan gantong pada poko' kayu.

Another "kuai" is:--

    Hei Si Meliok, Si Melimbai,
    Si Bujang Lanang, Si Biding Baun, dengan gembala-nya!
    Merak [922] turun de' ekor,
    Badi turun de' kapala,
    Merak turun de' kapala,
    Badi turun de' ekor!
    Palis Si Paling!
    Kulit lokan saparoh Badi,
    Badi yang bukan.
    Hei hilir batang k'ladi kertah!
    Dibawah batang lepas anjing ku tadi
    Siah samua sakalian benatang!

[lxxix] (Another version) [p. 177.

Kalau sudah tangkap, buang-lah dia punya badi: maka mahu-lah baju
hitam yang buleh buang dia punya badi, kalau tada baju hitam, daun
kayu sabarang kayu, urut deripada kapala-nya sampei di kaki, di buntut,
di ponggong-nya serta berkata:--

    Hei Badi Serang,
    Badi Mak Buta,
    Si Panchur Mak Tuli!
    Bukan-nya aku yang buang badi,
    Pran Muda yang buang badi;
    Bukan-nya aku yang buang badi,
    Pran Rukiah yang buang badi!
    Bukan aku yang buang badi,
    Mika'il yang buang badi;
    Bukan aku yang buang badi,
    Serafil yang buang badi!
    Bukan aku yang buang badi,
    `Ijra'il yang buang badi;
    Bukan aku yang buang badi,
    Mukarael yang buang badi!
    Aku tahu asal-nya badi,
    Anak Jin Ibni Ujan
    Diam di awan guntong.
    Kembali angkau ka awan guntong,
    Jangan angkau menchachat menchela kapada aku!
    Aku tahu asal 'kau jadi,
    Anak Jin Ibni Ujan asal 'kau jadi.

Sudah itu, ambil sadikit deripada dia punya mata, telinga, mulut,
hidong, kaki, tangan, bulu, hati, jantong, limpa dan tandok (kalau
jantan), tarok di daun kayu, tarokkan di jijak datang-nya serta

    O Mentala Guru
    Asa sabulan, dua sabulan,
    Tiga sabulan, ampat sabulan,
    Lima sabulan, anam sabulan,
    Tujoh sabulan, malam di-angkau, siang di-aku.
    Sa'ekor aku bawa balik,
    Sa'ekor aku tinggalkan.

Buang Badi Rusa

(To drive the Mischief out of a Stag)

    Siah yang malang, yang berpuaka,
    Nabi Momilil yang berbadi, min hak, yang berbadi,
    Sang Marak, sang Badi,
    Badi turun de' kapala
    Badi turun ka kaki.

[lxxx] Snare for Mouse-deer [p. 180.

Jerat P'landok

Mula-mula charikan kayu yang bergetah, tako'kan kayu ini tiga kali,
kaluar bahanan-nya satu telentang, satu tertiarap ta' baik (kalau
buat perangkap, baik), kalau jerat, mahu-lah telentang.

Habis itu, mula-kan memasang jerat di pangkal kayu, sa-kira-kira satu
depa jauh-nya. Habis itu, kata:--

    "Tempurong tergolek-golek
    Berisi tanah liat,
    Pergi-lah angkau Jembalang Badi
    Aku handak memasang jerat!"

Kemdian di-katakan pula:-- [p. 181.

    "Hei Si Ranchap Kaki,
    Si Runching Munchong,
    Angkau pijak-lah jerat tinjak aku ini!
    Dua hari akan katiga
    Jikalau tidak angkau pijak
    Jerat tinjak aku ini,
    Dua hari akan katiga
    Angkau mati terchekek mengklan darah,
    Sesak ka hutan rimba raya angkau,
    Ka laut ta' dapat minum,
    Ka darat ta' dapat makan.
    Dengan berkat, d.s.b."

Another charm or serapah used when setting the snare runs as follows:--

    Jembalang Jembali!
    Tempurong berisi tanah liat:
    Nyah-lah angkau Jembalang Badi!
    Aku handak memasang jerat.

A charm to be used when setting mouse-deer traps, given me by a Labu
Malay named Said Chi':--

    Sirih unta, pinang unta,
    Kerakap memanjat puar.
    Pesan pada jembalang rimba
    Kutu hutan [923] suroh kaluar!
    Suroh kaluar beranak-anak,
    Suroh kaluar berchuchu-chuchu,
    Suroh kaluar berchichit-chichit,
    Suroh kaluar bermoyet-moyet,
    Suroh kaluar berentah-entah,
    Tampoh lapang [924] Raja Suleiman!

[lxxxi] Charm for urging on Dogs [p. 181.

Peransang Anjing

    Sugara [925] nama anjing-ku
    Menyalak memungkal bumi,
    Tujoh lorah, tujoh bukit,
    Terlampau salak anjing-ku!
    Anjing aku anjing betuah
    Bukan tuah di-buat-buat
    Tuah tumboh sama badan.
    Jijak katimbunan sarap
    Bau jangan angkau tinggalkan
    Odoh angkau salama-lama,
    Kayu arang selara arang
    Tanam Si Padi-Padi; [926]
    Hati berang mata berang
    Aku mengenakan peransang hati.
    Si Kujut nama rusa-ku,
    Si Lompat nama anjing-ku,
    Kuat-kuat angkau mengejar!
    Kalau ta' kuat angkau mengejar
    Aku surut al-salam.
    Kalau jantan saudara 'kau,
    Kalau betina 'kan bini 'kau!
    Dengan berkat la-ilaha d.s.b.

[lxxxii] Charm to make Dogs courageous

Penggagah anjing

    Pulih, pulih, Sidang Pulih!
    Bukan aku yang memulih
    Si Pulih yang buleh.
    Selang kayu lagi pulih,
    Lagi rimbun, lagi rampak,
    Lagi pulang bagi dahulu kala:
    Kunun-lah anjing kita lagi pulih,
    Lagi rimbun, lagi rampak,
    Lagi pulang bagi dahulu kala.
    Si Lampeh nama-nya mansor,
    Si Kubah nama-nya bisa,
    Pandei memandang salah yang sileh,
    Tilek de' anjing, anjing-ku, jangan bri magan,
    Tilek de' rimba, jangan bri magan,
    Tilek de' ayer, jangan bri magan,
    Salah tikam bunohkan anjing-ku,
    Salah bantai, bunohkan anjing-ku,
    Asa sabulan, d.s.b.
    Bunohkan anjing aku, jangan di-ambil, jangan di-pepah,
    Jangan di-ikut pulang ka rumah, sahari turun bunoh pula rusa.

[lxxxiii] Charm to prevent Wild Dogs from barking [p. 183.

Tangkal menyalak anjing

    Menyalak anjing didalam benchah
    Menyalak si anak tedong! [927]
    Menyalak tekum 'kau pechah,
    Menjilat lidah 'kau kudong!
    Undor sa-tapak, mara sa-tapak,
    Jikalau undor, lepas kembali,
    Jikalau mara, patah kaki 'kau!
    Datang 'kau menelentang
    Pulang 'kau meniarap!
    Pulang-lah angkau kapada rimba sakampong,
    Pulang-lah angkau kapada rimba yang besar,
    Pulang-lah angkau kapada gaung guntong
    Pulang-lah angkau kapada sungei yang tiada berulu,
    Kapada kolam yang tiada bergali,
    Kapada tasek yang tiada berorang,
    Kapada mata ayer yang [tiada] kring
    Jikalau 'kau tiada mahu kembali, mati-lah angkau,
    Di-sumpah kalam yang awal
    Mati angkau di-sondak segar kabong
    Mati di-sula chuchok rabong
    Mati di-tikam duri landak!
    Hei tebu hitam, kladi hitam,
    Di-tanam tepi prigi, di-pukol dengan kain yang hitam,
    Segra-lah angkau pergi lari
    Berkat la ilaha-illa-'llah, d.s.b.

Ramu-ramuan-nya daun tukas, daun sa-cherek, daun lenjuang merah,
kain hitam.

[lxxxiv] Charm to prevent Wild Boars from damaging Crops [p. 188.

    Ah Semawi [928] nama-nya babi!
    Ka laut jadi lomba-lomba,
    Ka darat jadi babi sungko' [929] nama-nya,
    Bata bawah sakat bengkarong; [930]
    Jangan 'kau rosak binasakan sawah ladang 'ku!
    Jikalau 'kau rosakkan,
    'Kau mati mampe', [931] mati mawei,
    Mati pangkalan darah mati pangkalan tulang
    Mati pangkalan bulu!
    Jikalau tidak 'kau rosa'i
    'Kau kembang beribu, kembang belaksa,
    Kembang sayap [932] rimba blukar!
    Bekua' 'kau ka rimba jauh!
    Aku [tahu] asal 'kau jadi:
    Lampin anak Fatimah asal mula 'kau jadi.

This charm, which was copied from a book in the possession of 'Che
Daud of Naning, Malacca, is evidently corrupt in places.

[lxxxv] A Charm against Rats [p. 192.

Tangkal Tikus

Inilah asal tikus: deripada Nabi Adam ia-ini haris-nya [933](?) didalam
baktal [934](?) Nabi Allah Yusoh kaluar deridalam lobang hidong babi
masa baktal-nya. Dan jikalau di-jadikan tangkal padi, handak-lah
kita masokkan sadikit bulu babi, dan sekam padi sadikit dan tahi
besi sadikit, di-champor tiga-tiga itu, di-tanam ampat penjuru
ladang kita. Dan fasal yang ka-dua, perasapan-nya petang-petang,
tiga petang atau tujoh petang: pertama-tama minyak tir sadikit,
dan ka-dua kapor tohor sadikit, dan ka-tiga balerang yang kuning,
bakar petang hari didalam ladang kita. Maka inilah do`a-nya, bri
salam kapada Nabi Yusoh:--

    'Al-salam `aleikum Noh, `aleyhi Noh' (tiga kali)
    'Noh salam' (tiga kali)

petang petang. Kemdian bacha fatihah akan Nabi satu kali.

    'Kul huallah akhir-nya' (tiga kali)
    'Kul a`uzu bi rabil halaki' (tiga kali)
    'Kul a`uzu bi rabi nuasi' (tiga kali)

Niatkan kapada ladang itu jangan binasa tikus. Pantang-nya jangan
makan petang atau berjalan-jalan dalam ladang atau berklahi atau
bermaki disitu.

Vegetation Charms

[lxxxvi] The Sialang Tree [p. 204.

Charm used on commencing to climb the Tree

(A Malay Charm collected from the "Orang Laut")

    Pisau raut pisau renchong
    Ters'lit [di] banir pulai,
    Hantu laut, hantu kampong
    Minta' undorkan hantu laut hantu rimba.
    Akar bernama Raja Bersila
    Batang bernama Raja Berd'rei.
    Kulit bernama Raja Meligi (? Mahaligei)
    Dahan bernama Raja Menjulei.
    Ranting bernama Raja Melenggang
    Daun bernama Raja Melayang
    Puchok bernama Raja Mentri.

Here blow upon the tree and scrape off the combs (into your basket).

[lxxxvii] Alternative version (collected from the "Orang Bukit")

    Pisau raut, pisau renchong
    Menchato' banir pulai.
    Hantu laut, hantu [kampong],
    Kuching meniti dahan pulai.
    Akar bernama Raja Bersila
    Batang bernama Raja Berd'rei
    Kulit bernama Putri Kembeban (?)
    Dahan bernama Raja Menganjor
    Ranting bernama Changgei Putri.
    Puchok bernama Putri Meninjau,
    Daun bernama daun t'rap,
    Daun t'rap jatoh melayang
    Jatoh [ka] lubok Indragiri
    Tidor sa-g'lap bangun ku dayang
    Ingatkan rumah tinggal sendiri.

On reaching the top:--

    Chinchang chendawan chinchang
    Chinchang mari buku buloh,
    Pesan mari mambang dewana bintang
    Jangan bri tumboh.

The Eagle-wood Tree

[lxxxviii] Pemanggil Hantu Gharu [p. 210.

    Hei nenek Duita Mambang gharu,
    Kalau jauh, tolong katakan,
    Kalau dekat, tolong katakan. [935]
    O Dato' Betala Bumi, Jin Tanah, Jembalang Tanah,
    Berhala Besi, anak Ruwani, Si Bujang Ruwani,
    Anak Wayah, Si Bujang Bandan,
    Aku minta' tunjokkan [hajat-ku]:
    Kalau tidak kau tunjokkan
    [Kau] derhaka kapada Allah, d.s.b.
    Sir Allah, Sir Mangga tangan,
    Dat Allah hati-'kau,
    Sipat Allah mata-'kau,
    Pergi kau jeput kumbang jantan dalam hati jantong-'kau.


[lxxxix] Charm used by Gutta Collectors [p. 215.

    Al-salam `aleikum!
    Hei anak Raja S'ri Bali
    Anak Raja S'ri Bandang,
    Aku handak minta' darah sa-titek.
    Menang isi deri takek:
    Kalau tidak menang isi deri takek,
    Derhaka 'kau kapada Allah, d.s.b.

[xc] The Cocoa-nut Palm [p. 216.

Waktu 'nak pijak pangkal batang-nya bachakan:--

    Al-salam `aleikum, hei Abubakar!
    Jangan ghalip tunggu jaga pada umbi!

Panjat sampei satengah batang: katakan:--

    Al-salam `aleikum, hei adik Dara Dang Bidah!
    Jangan ghalip tunggu jaga pada tengah batang!
    Mari-lah bersama-sama dengan aku
    Naik sampei atas pelepah.

Pegang puchok, gunchang tiga kali, katakan:--

    Al-salam `aleikum, hei adik Putri Busu!
    Jangan ghalip tunggu jaga pada puchok!
    Turun-lah bersama-sama dengan aku.

Mula-mula melentor mayang, pegangkan puchok, gunchang tiga kali,
bacha tiga kali:--

    Al-salam `aleikum Putri Satukum [936] Besir [937]
    Yang berhalun berhilir [938] Si Mayang,
    Si Gedebeh Mayang,
    Putri tujoh Dara Dang Mayang!
    Mari kechil kamari!
    Mari senik kamari!
    Mari burong kamari!
    Mari halus kamari!
    Aku memaut leher-mu,
    Aku menyanggul rambut-mu,
    Aku bawa sada' [939] gading mahu basoh muka-mu.
    Uri manis, tembuni manis,
    Manis sampei ka jari manis;
    Uri manis, tembuni manis,
    Manis sampei ka muka mayang! [940]
    Sada' gading meranchong kamu,
    Kacha gading menadahkan-mu,
    Kolam gading menanti dibawah-mu!
    Bertepuk berkechar didalam kolam gading, [941]
    Kolam bernama Maharaja Bersalin.

Rules for Planting Various Plants

[xci] Fasal petua bertanam tumboh-tumbohan [p. 217.

Piantan tanam tebu tengah hari, jadi manis jadi terkring ayer-nya
tinggal hati: kalau tanam pagi panjang ruas, kalau tengah hari
pandak. Jagong, 'nak tanam prut kenyang; penugal besar, besar-lah
mayang-nya. Pisang, nak gali lobang besar, piantan petang. Bangat
petang, lepas makan petang jadi berisi. Kledek, 'nak bintang banyak,
jadi banyak isi-nya. Labu, timun, bulan glap piantan-nya, jangan
di-makan uleh api-api. Niyor, kalau kita 'nak sangat berak lari bawakan
niyor itu champak ka lobang, jangan di-luruskan tangan; kalau lurus
patah tandan. Piantan petang supaya lagi rendah buleh berbuah. Padi,
pagi-pagi kira-kira pukol lima, sebab budak kechil pagi lagi bangkit.

[xcii] Rice-cultivation [p. 218.

The Malay original of the description of rice-cultivation as carried
on in Malacca territory is too long to quote, but will be found in
J.R.A.S., S.B., No. 30, pp. 286-296.

Charm used in clearing a Patch of Ground for Dry Rice-Planting

[xciii] Tetar huma [p. 219.

    O Dato' Mentala Guru, Saraja Guru,
    Gampitar `Alam, [Jin] Saraja Malik;
    Mari-lah bersama-sama dengan aku!
    Aku handak meminta' tempat ini
    Aku handak tebang tebas
    Aku handak tanam sakalian tumboh-tumbohan.
    Hei Satinjau Rantau, Sakuntum Raya,
    Orang bertujoh beranak tujoh bersaudara, [942]
    Pergi-lah angkau ka bukit Siamang Biru,
    Tujoh lorah, tujoh permatang,
    Tujoh antaran tempat ini:
    Jangan angkau berbalik-balik kamari!
    Kalau 'kau berbalik, kaki-'kau patah,
    Kalau 'kau memandang, mata-'kau buta,
    Telinga-'kau mendengar, telinga-'kau pekak!
    Bukan-nya aku yang punya kata,
    Datoh Mentala Guru yang punya kata,
    Dengan berkat, d.s.b.

Ceremonial used when sowing the Rice Seed

[xciv] Menurunkan benih [p. 229.

Di-buatkan galang dapor di tengah ladang pada tempat yang di-tetar. Di
penjuru-nya (1) anak pisang pinang satu batang, (2) poko' serai satu
batang, (3) tebu lanjong satu batang, (4) kunyit satu batang, akan
buleh hidup samua blaka. Di tengah ayer sa-tempurong. Besok tengo'
petua: kalau galang dapor berkuak, ta' buleh jadi; kalau tidak tumpah
tempurong, kalau semut atau anei-anei masok tempurong baik juga. Jika
baik petua-nya tugal padi tujoh liang dengan tugal satambun, bacha:--

    Al-salam `aleikum Nabi Tap, yang memegang bumi!
    Aku menumpangkan anak-ku
    S'ri Gading, Gemala Gading
    Anam bulan akan ka-tujoh
    Aku datang mengambil balik,
    Dengan la-ilaha, d.s.b.
    Kur semangat! kur semangat! kur semangat!

[xcv] Ceremonies at Seed Time

"Puji padi," or "propitiation of the padi." An Invocation to Dangomala
and Dangomali, spirits of the Sun and Moon

    Sri Dangomala, Sri Dangomali!
    Handak kirim anak sambilan bulan;
    Sagala inang, sagala pengasoh;
    Jangan bri sakit, jangan bri demam;
    Jangan bri ngilu dan pening
    Kechil menjadi besar;
    Tuah jadi muda;
    Yang ta' kejap di-per-kejap;
    Yang ta' sama di-per-sama;
    Yang ta' hijau di-per-hijau;
    Yang ta' tinggi di-per-tinggi;
    Hijau seperti ayer laut;
    Tinggi seperti Bukit Kaf.

    O illustrious spirits of the sun and moon!
    Let there be fruit (offspring) nine months hence.
    O royal nurses, all preserve it from sickness and fever, vertigo
    and headache.
    May it reach the full stature.
    May the old become young again.
    Where backward may it become forward.
    Where unequal may it be made equal.
    Where colourless may it be made green.
    Where short may it become long.
    Green as the waters of the Ocean.
    High as the mountains of Kaf.

[xcvi] A hyperbolical description of each of the nine months during
which the grain is coming to maturity; the tenth, or harvest time,
is compared with the birth of Mahomed, and the incantation closes
with a prayer for an abundant crop.

    Bintang mara chuacha limpat;
    Ka-dua limpat di langit;
    Ka-tiga limpat di bumi;
    Ka-ampat ayer sambayang;
    Ka-lima pintu mazahap;
    Ka-anam pintu rezuki;
    Ka-tujoh pintu mahaligei;
    Ka-dilapan pintu shurga;
    Ka-sambilan anak di-kandong ibu;
    Ka-sapuloh Mahomed jadi.
    Jadi sakilian jadi.
    Bayan Allah didalam rongga batu.
    Lagi ada rezuki;
    Deri hulu deri hilir
    Saref mengaref;
    Deri sina ka daksina
    Manghantar rezuki
    Bertambah bertambun.

    The gloriously resplendent stars lighting the firmament are
    the first;
    The full refulgence is the second;
    The fulness spreading over the earth is the third--causing
    The fourth the blessed waters, harbingers of fertility;
    The fifth the four gates of the world, pouring out plenty.
    The sixth is the door to the abundance of food;
    The seventh is the portal of the palace;
    The eighth the floor of Surga or Heaven;
    The ninth the pregnant mother;
    The tenth (i.e., the harvest) month the birthday of Mahomed
    (the luckiest day of the year);
    May all prove prosperous,
    May dry grain prosper.
    May the hand of the Almighty appear in the filling of the husk,
    as the hole in a rock is shut up by degrees.
    From above, from below, let plenty always flow,
    From East and West may abundance ever increasing pour in.


An Invocation of the Earth-spirit Noh and Dewa Imbang, a sprite of Air

    Hei! Noh yang dalam bumi,
    Dewa Imbang deri udara,
    Anak saraja jin ketala bumi,
    Yang memegang bumi.

    Hail! Noh who dwellest within the earth!
    And thou, Imbang who art ruler in the air,
    Son of the spirit who rules the fields of earth,
    Who guardest with thy power the gates of earth.


An Invocation to Setia Guni, an Earth-spirit

    Hei Tuanku Setia guni
    Yang memegang bumi tujoh lapis
    Aku bertarohkan anak aku
    Sri Chinta rasa chukup dengan inang
    Pengasoh kanda manda itu
    Sampei lima bulan ka-anam
    Aku datang mengambil balik
    Jangan angkau bagi rasa binasa
    Chachat chelah inilah upah-kan mu.

    Hail! Lord Setia Guni,
    Who dost rule the seven-fold earth,
    I herewith lay my child upon thy breast,
    My child, the darling of my heart,
    With his full following of nurses and attendants,
    And when the fifth moon wanes unto the sixth
    I shall come to claim him back again.
    Let him taste no harm or evil, great or small;
    Here is thy reward.

The "upah," or payment of the services of the spirit, is generally
as follows:--

An egg, a bunch of betel-vine leaves, some "bras kunniet" (oryza
glutinosa), some "bras bertik" [943] (i.e., the white pulp which
exudes from rice grains when roasted), and a "ketupat," or little
woven basket of cocoa-nut leaves filled with rice.

After this invocation of Setia Guni loadfuls of rice are sprinkled
on the ground, and the following invocation is then raised to the
spirit of the air:--

    Hei! Tuanku Malim ka-raja-an
    Yang memegang langit tujoh lapis
    Aku bertarohkan anak aku
    Sri Chinta rasa, etc. (as in the last).

    Hail! Malim, who dost supremely rule
    The seven folds of sky,
    I lay my child in pledge with thee,
    My child, the darling of my heart, etc.

After this the rice is thrown into the air, and the ceremony is

The "pawangs," sorcerers, or rather "wise men" who are skilled in these
incantations, are in great request at the sowing of the padi crop.

The above five charms are extracted from a paper entitled "Ceremonies
at Seedtime," by A. W. O'Sullivan, in J.R.A.S., S.B., No. 18,
pp. 362-365. The first two are from a work by Captain James Low on
the Soil and Agriculture of Penang, 1836.

Charms used in the Reaping Ceremony

[xcix] Prayer used in the Procession to the Field [p. 238.

    Al-salam `aleikum, Nabi Tap yang memegang bumi!
    Aku tahu asal-nya padi
    S'ri Gading, Gemala Gading
    Yang di ujong ladang, yang di pangkal ladang.
    Yang terper'chik, yang terplanting,
    Yang di-orong semut silambada.
    Hei Dang 'Pok, Dang Meleni,
    Dang Salamat menyandang galah!
    Bertapok bertimbun dayang kamari,
    Salamat rezki di-bri-nya Allah.
    Dengan berkat, d.s.b.

[c] On Arrival at the Field

    Ruwak-ruwak sakandang desa
    Bertenggek di bauran panah.
    Berkuak-lah angkau Rengkesa,
    'Nak letakkan bakul di-atas tanah.

[ci] On Planting the Sugar-cane in the Sheaf [p. 239.

    Al-salam `aleikum Nabi Tap!
    Inilah 'ku chachakkan tebu ini,
    Akan sandaran 'kau.
    Aku 'nak mengambil semangat 'kau, S'ri Gading,
    Aku 'nak bawa ka rumah, ka istana-'kau.
    Kur semangat! kur semangat! kur semangat!

[cii] Do`a Sapuloh--The Ten Prayers [p. 240.

    Ka-sa, Allah,
    Ka-dua, Muhammad,
    Ka-tiga, Ayer Sembahyang lima waktu sa-hari sa-malam,
    Ka-ampat, Pancha Indra,
    Ka-lima, Pintu rezki-ku terbuka,
    Ka-anam, Pangkat Mahaligei tujoh pangkat,
    Ka-tujoh, Pintu Rengkiang terbuka,
    Ka-lapan, Pintu Shurga terbuka,
    Ka-sambilan, anak di-kandong bunda-nya,
    Ka-sapuloh, anak di-jadikan Allah;
    Jadi, karna jadi, jadi karna Tuhanku juga.
              `Isa, karun!
              Musa, karun!
              Yusuf, karun!
              Daud, karun!
    Karun sakalian pintu rezki-ku, di Bumi, di Langit, deripada Allah.
    Dengan berkat la-ilaha-illa-'llah, etc.

[ciii] On Arrival at the House [p. 243.

    Di-chinchang galenggang batang,
    Di-chinchang di muka pintu,
    Di-tentang melenggang-nya datang,
    Anak aku rupa-nya itu.

    Di-chinchang rebong lumai-lumai
    Buat penuba batang ari,
    Sunggoh sahya sabrang sungei,
    Besar maksud datang kamari.

    Bukan gantang gantang lada,
    Gantang berisi hampa padi,
    Bukan-nya datang datang sahaja,
    Besar maksud kahandak hati.

[civ] Charm used by the Reapers after filling the Baskets [p. 244.

    Al-salam `aleikum Nabi Tap, yang memegangkan bumi,
    Tetapkan anak aku,
    Jangan rosak, jangan binasakan,
    Jauhkan deripada Jin dan Sheitan,
    Dengan la-ilaha, d.s.b.

[cv] Charm used by the Reapers daily on beginning to Reap [p. 245.

    Layang-layang jatoh bertimpa,
    Timpa di laman kami,
    Bayang-bayang dengan Rengkesa,
    Jangan berchampor dengan kami.

[cvi] Charm to confine the Spectral Reapers to the Boundaries of the
Field [p. 247.

    Bismillah, d.s.b.
    Layang-layang jatoh bertimpa,
    Bertimpa di tengah 'laman,
    Bayang-bayang dengan Rengkesa,
    Tempat Rengkesa di sempadan,
    Dengan berkat, d.s.b.


Charm quoted in connection with a Mythical Legend of the Origin of Rice

    Hei Padi, aku tahu
    Mula asal angkau jadi!
    Buah kelubi asal 'kau jadi,
    Datang deri Shurga di-bawa
    Nabi Adam dengan Hawa
    Ka bukit Kaf.


Charm used during Sowing (quoted in the same connection as the last)

    Al-salam `aleikum ibu aku Bumi;
    Al-salam `aleikum bapa aku Langit;
    'Nak bertanam Si Dangomala dengan Si Dangsani;
    Jangan rosak binasakan
    Dalam lima bulan ka-anam
    Sahya datang mengambil balik.

[cix] Charm used when the Seed is about to be sown

    Lagi didalam Shurga
    Bernama buah Khaldi,
    Sampei ka dunia bernama buah S'ri, temiang S'ri
    'Kan penghidup anak-anak Adam
    Tumboh di tanah menang, di-menangkan Allah
    Tumboh di tanah sakti, di-saktikan Allah,
    Jangan rosak jangan binasakan
    Buah S'ri, temiang S'ri
    Karna apa sebab sudah bersumpah
    Di bukit Saguntang Mahaberu,
    Kalau 'kau rosakkan,
    'Kau di-makan sumpah,
    Di-makan besi kawi,
    Di-timpa daulat ampat penjuru `alam;
    Sidik-ku sidik-lah aku
    Dengan berkat la-ilaha-illa-'llah
    Muhammad Rasul Allah.

[cx] When Reaping is about to begin [p. 250, n.

    Kur! Semangat anak aku
    Mari-lah pulang ka rumah aku.
    Perjanjian kita sudah sampei!
    Jangan kena panas,
    Jangan kena angin,
    Jangan di-gigit nyamok,
    Jangan di-gigit agas kemus!


Charm used when the Jungle is to be cleared, after calling on Toh
Mentala Guru, Saraja Guru, Gampitar `Alam, and Saraja Malik

    Mari-lah bersama-sama dengan aku,
    Aku handak meminta' tempat ini,
    Pergi-lah angkau ka bukit Siamang Biru
    Tujoh lorah, tujoh permatang,
    Tujoh antaran tempat aku,
    Mengenyahkan Hantu Sheitan!

[cxii] Do`a Sapuloh (Mengambil padi)

Another Version of the Ten Prayers

    Ka-sa Allah
    Ka-dua-nya Bumi
    Ka-tiga dengan ayer sembahyang,
    Ka-ampat dengan hari Isnayan,
    Ka-lima dengan pangkat Mahaligei,
    Ka-anam Bintang Rezki,
    Ka-tujoh Pintu Shurga
    Ka-'lapan anak 'ku kandongkan,
    Ka-sambilan Muhammad menjadi,
    Ka-sapuloh tenak taman,
    Dengan kampong 'laman-ku.

[cxiii] Do`a Sapuloh (atau Chendrawasi) (mengambil semangat padi)

Another Version of the same

    Ka-sa 'kan Allah,
    Ka-dua 'kan Langit,
    Ka-tiga 'kan Bumi
    Ka-ampat 'kan bulan
    Ka-lima 'kan bintang
    Ra-anam 'kan Matahari
    Ka-tujoh 'kan `arash kursi
    Ka-'lapan 'kan anak di-kandong ibu,
    Ka-sambilan sambilan bulan
    Ka-sapuloh jadi Allah, jadi Muhammad.
    Sejok dingin aku saperti ular chintamani,
    Baya Allah, aku-lah anak ku kasih Allah
    Didalam Laut Hasin!
    Kawa rirang kawa rira
    Kata ular chintamani;
    Aku yang kechil menjadi besar,
    Yang tua menjadi muda,
    Yang hina menjadi mulia,
    Yang miskin menjadi kaya,
    Dengan kuderat Allah ta`ala.
    Raja sagala burong
    Mengantarkan makan-makanan-nya,
    Yang di hulu, yang di hilir,
    Yang di laut, yang di darat,
    Anak unta bertujoh ekor
    Mengantarkan rezki-nya,
    Dan lagi gajah puteh sabrang lautan
    Mengantarkan rezki-mu.
    Rambut sa-'lei di-belah tujoh,
    Menjadikan sengk'la-mu,
    Pisang sa-biji akan makan-makanan-mu,
    Tebu sa-katang akan makan-makanan-mu,
    Telor sa-biji akan kulum-kuluman-mu,
    Dengan kuderat Allah ta`ala
    Mengantarkan rezki-mu
    Dengan berkat, d.s.b.

[cxiv] Do`a Chendrawasi

    Allah Mabirah mati kaya jelah-jelaleh ya munsha!
    Ya Nabi Musa illahi!
    Ya Nabi Abubakar illahi!
    Ya Nabi 'Sman illahi!
    Ya Nabi `Ali illahi!
    Ya Nabi `Umar illahi!
    Ya tuanku illahi!
    Makbul do`a aku hamba-nya `alam
    Terbuat kuasa isi laut dan darat
    Tiada berchita-nya kapada aku,
    Dengan berkat do`a chintamani.
    Berkat la-ilaha-illa-'llah.
    Bayang aku ini bayang ku kasih Allah.
    Bayang aku ini bayang ku kasih Nabi.
    Bayang aku ini bayang ku kasih mala'ikat ampat puloh ampat,
    Didalam kubor,
    Yang kechil menjadi besar
    Yang tua menjadi muda,
    Yang hina menjadi mulia,
    Yang miskin menjadi kaya,
    Kaya deri rumah tangga-nya Raja sagala burong,
    Mengantar makan-makanan-nya,
    Allah Humah menjadi suatu niat sa-bala-bala,
    Laba dunia, laba akhirat.
    Sejok dingin aku saperti ular chintamani,
    Tada siapa yang memakei do`a ular chintamani,
    Melainkan aku yang memakei-nya.
    Allah Humah jadi sa-pohun kayu yang besar,
    Di tengah laut yang puteh
    Antara langit dengan bumi.
    Disana-lah tempat burong chendrawasi
    Bertelor bersarang menetas.
    Menjadikan anak ular chintamani. [945]
    Ya Allah Humah, Ya Jibra'il
    Salamat semperna kabajikan aku,
    Salamat semperna pebuatan aku,
    Salamat semperna kabaikan aku,
    Aku saperti ular chintamani,
    Berkat la-ilaha, d.s.b.

Mining Charms

[cxv] Balai Lumbong [p. 265.

Charm used when the Karang (tin-bearing stratum or overburden)
is reached

    Al-salam `aleikum, hei Bijeh? [946]
    Asal ambun menjadi ayer
    Asal ayer menjadi buih, [947]
    Asal buih menjadi batu
    Asal batu menjadi Bijeh.
    Bijeh terkandong dalam batu yang pejal,
    Kaluar-lah angkau deri dalam batu yang pejal!
    Jikalau angkau t'ada kaluar,
    Derhaka angkau kapada Allah!
    Hei Bijeh, Si Apong-apong,
    Apong di laut, Apong di darat!
    Timbul-lah angkau didalam kolam aku
    Jika t'ada timbul, derhaka angkau kapada Allah
    Derhaka kapada Muhammad, derhaka kapada Baginda Rasul Allah. [948]

Tangkal Lumbong

[cxvi] Before felling the Jungle [p. 266.

    O nenek Raja Suleiman
    Raja Suleiman Hitam!
    Aku `nak menebang hutan;
    Aku tidak memegang hutan,
    Raja Suleiman Kuning memegang hutan,
    Raja Suleiman Merah yang memegang hutan;
    Aku yang menebang hutan,
    Tetapi di-bri orang yang berdua.
    Bangun, bangun, yang menunggu-nya:
    Sirih yang tiga kapor, roko' yang tiga batang [949]
    O Si Mai Murup, O Si Mai Merah, Si Gadek Hitam,
    Si Gadek Hitam yang di hilir ayer,
    Si Gadek Kuning yang di hulu,
    Si Mai Merah (yang di tengah ayer),
    Kalau di-bawa lauk pesok,
    Kalau di-bawa dulang pechah,
    Jamu-lah jamu wadi
    Ali berjuntei jamu watang
    Kalau sa-kisah bharu jadi
    Kalau sa-kisah bharu datang,
    Undor siah-lah angkau deri sini,
    Kalau tidak angkau undor deri sini
    Kaki melangkah patah,
    Tangan menengkan (?) sompong
    Mata menchelek pechah
    Mata di-tikam duri trong asam,
    Tangan di-lantak tras sepang
    Lidah di-sayat sembilu telang
    Sudah di-sumpah nenek Sakernanaini-naini
    Didalam daun Putajaya (?)
    Diatas bukit gunong Selan,
    Bila 'kau kechok 'kau kechal
    Di-kutok Koran tiga puloh juz,
    Di-kampar Bumi dengan Langit!
    Aku tahu asal angkau jadi:
    Darah hitam darah merah,
    Itu asal angkau jadi.
    Kita asal sama sa-bapa
    Bahagian asing-asing:
    Aku memegang mas dan bijeh,
    Angkau memegang batu dan pasir
    Dan sekam dan dedak.

[cxvii] Tangkal Lumbong

Before clearing the Ground to start working

    Al-salam `aleikum kapada Malai'kat,
    Ibu-ku Bumi, bapa-ku Ayer,
    Hei Nang Terni, Kun Pali, Jin Puteh,
    Jembalang di Bumi,
    Nang Prak songsang, Jin Hitam,
    Yang bertapa di kulit Bumi,
    Nang Prak Weihah, Jin Kuning,
    Yang bertapa di selisi Awan,
    Hei Marang Kuan, Berhala Muda,
    Nang Kriak, Raja di Gunong,
    Hei Si Arang-arang, Si Arong-arong
    Asal nanah ampu nanah
    Asal puteh berchampor puteh.

[cxviii] Charm used during Fumigation [p. 268.

    Al-salam `aleikum minta' tabek
    Kapada Sheikh 'Abdul Ghraib
    Sheikh 'Abdul Rahman, Sheikh 'Abdul Kadir,
    Dan Sheikh 'Abdul Hari!
    Tolong-lah kapit bimba aku, pada hari ini!
    Al-salam `aleikum, hei Puteh, Pawang di Rimba
    Pawang Tua, Pawang Muda!
    Mari-lah, aku handak jamu;
    Mana yang salah minta' ampun,
    Mana yang kurang, minta' tabek samua-nya.

Then when the tapers are lighted and the offerings ready, say:--
[p. 269.

    Hei Puteh Raja di Rimba!
    Angkau-lah yang memegang ra`yat di rimba di hutan
    Yang b'lakang ka langit,
    Mehukumkan sakalian Dato' di bumi dan Putra disini
    'Kau yang sa-ka'indra'an disini!
    Mari makan jamu-nya aku,
    Bukan sisa bukan telah,
    Sulong ka'indra'an, sulong Dasman,
    Al-salam `aleikum, hei Sang Gana!
    Al-salam `aleikum, hei Sang Gani!
    Al-salam `aleikum, hei Sang Kremasena,
    Sang Kremaseni, Sang Dermaseni!

[cxix] An Invitation to the Spirits

    Hei Si Arong-arong, Si Arang-arang,
    Marang Kuan, Raja di Rimba,
    Rang Jana Rut Jana, Sang Mertin,
    Sah Mertin, Sang Bujok, Ummai Bujok!
    Sah Jihin nama anak-mu,
    Marang Kuan nama ibu-mu.
    Hei Marang Kuan Raja di Rimba!
    Angkau-lah yang memegang ra'yat di hutan di rimba
    Mari-lah angkau aku 'nak suroh-suroh.
    Panggil mari sagala ra`yat bala-mu,
    Hamba, sahya-mu; budak, kanak-kanak-mu,
    Mari makan jamuan aku ini.
    Aku 'nak minta' tolong-mu,
    Aku 'nak buka kalian ini.

[cxx] Mining [p. 270.

    O Dato' Batin Tua
    Yang memegang gaung guntong
    Yang memegang suak sungei,
    O Dato' Batin Muda,
    Yang memegang sagala ra'yat bala tantra!
    (Bijeh) yang di atas bukit turun ka bawah,
    Yang di hulu ayer turun ka tengah sungei,
    Yang di kuala sungei mudik-lah ka tengah sungei,
    Berkampong-lah angkau disini!
    Bukan-nya aku yang memanggil,
    Dato' Batin Tua yang memanggil,
    Batin Muda yang memanggil,
    Pawang Tua yang memanggil,
    Pawang Muda yang memanggil,
    Berkampong-lah sampah, sarap, chichak, kalerik, [950] lipan,
    Makan jamuan aku.
    Mana yang datang bawakan (kapada) aku bijeh
    Sa-ketong, dua ketong,
    Sa-genggam, dua genggam,
    Sa-arai, dua arai,
    Sa-gantang, dua gantang,
    Sa-sentong, dua sentong,
    Berkampong-lah biji nasi, biji baiam,
    Biji `makau, biji sekoi, biji kantan,
    Berkampong-lah 'kau disini!
    Aku handak buka tempat ini,
    Aku handak buat lombong,
    Kalau 'kau ta' datang, ta' berkampong,
    'Kau aku sumpah,
    Jadi abu angkau, jadi angin angkau, jadi ayer angkau,
    Berkat petua guru-ku, kabul perminta'an-ku:
    Bukan aku yang meminta'
    Pawang Tua yang minta
    Dengan berkat la-ilaha-illa-'llah, d.s.b.

[cxxi] Jin Salaka Tunggal [p. 272.

Invocation to the Silver-Spirit

    Al-salam `aleikum, hei anak Jin Salaka Tunggal,
    Aku tahukan asal-mu
    ('Mu) dudok kapada awan yang kuning,
    Katapa'an-mu di laut Balongan Darah,
    Katapa'an-mu kolam merata sungei,
    Tempat menjadi-mu di telok mati angin,
    Hei anak Jin Salaka Tunggal
    Mari-lah kapada waktu ini, katika ini,
    Aku handak bersemah, 'ku handak berjamu 'arak dan tuak!
    Kalau 'mu ta' kamari pada katika ini,
    Derhaka 'kau kapada Allah,
    Derhaka 'kau kapada Nabi Allah Suleiman,
    Aku-lah Nabi Allah Suleiman!


Charms and Ceremonies connected with the Sea

[cxxii] [p. 279.

Invocation to the Water Spirit, used at the insertion of the Twigs
in the Masthead

    Al-salam `aleikum
    Hei Ayer Si Hantu Ayer,
    Anak bernama Laskar Allah,
    Bersahabat baik dengan Mambang Tali Harus,
    Jangan 'kau imbang-imbang prahu aku ini.
    Jangan 'kau hampir-hampir
    Kembali-lah kapada tempat-'kau,
    Kapada uri tembuni Nabi Allah Musa:
    Kalau kau ta' berbalik
    Derhaka 'kau kapada Allah, d.s.b.

[cxxiii] Starting a Ship on its Journey

Dudok didalam petak ruang, bakar kemenyan, tabor bras kunyit; jintekkan
serempu, kemdian jintekkan apit lempang, katakan:--

    Al-salam `aleikum, Medang Raya, Medang Katanah!
    Jangan angkau bercherei dua beradek:
    Aku 'nak menghantar sabuleh-buleh-nya
    Ka mana-mana tempat handak pergi.
    Kalau tidak, angkau derhaka kapada Allah, d.s.b.

[cxxiv] Invocation to the Spirits, asking them to point out Rocks,
etc. [p. 280.

Stand facing the bows, and say: --

    Hei saudara aku, Uri Buni Tentoban,
    Aku 'nak b'layer ka Pulau Pinang,
    Ampang larang aku ta' tahu,
    Tunggul batang aku ta' tahu
    Tukun [951] pulau aku ta' tahu,
    Angkau yang tahu.
    Inilah b'ras sa-genggam buni, d.s.b.

Charms and Ceremonies used to propitiate the Sea Spirits

[cxxv] Bersahabat Orang Laut

Si Minas yang tua (di tali harus), Si Munas yang tengah (di puchok
gelombang), Si Ganas yang bongsu (di tepi pantai), [itulah] anak
Raja di Arongan (?) yang memegang tali harus yang besar; mak-nya
Si Julam. Tanda sahabat [-nya] roko' tiga batang, sirih tiga kapor,
ayam puteh sa-ekor [katakan]:--

    Hei sahabat-ku [Si Anu]
    Aku minta' sampeikan kapada
          [tempat anu]
    Jangan rosak, jangan binasa.

Ini yang menjaga puting bliong ayer memusing hamba-nya yang bernama
Penglima Si Awang, dada-nya berbulu, mata-nya merah, kulit-nya hitam,
rambut-nya kreting: itulah yang naik ka puchok tiang. Kalau 'nak
timbulkan beting, tabor bras kunyit tiga [? kali] keliling prahu,

[cxxvi] A General Invocation of the Hantu Laut and other Spirits

    Hei Toh Mambang Puteh, Toh Mambang Hitam
    Yang diam di bulan dan matahari
    Melempahkan sakalian `alam asal-nya pawang,
    Menyampeikan sakalian hajat-ku,
    Melakukan sagala kahandak-ku,
    Al-salam `aleikum!
    Hei sahabat-ku Mambang Tali Harus,
    Yang berulang ka pusat tasek Pauh Janggi,
    Sampeikan-lah pesan-ku ini
    Kapada Dato' Si Rimpun `Alam
    Aku minta tolong p'leherakan kawan-kawan-ku.
    Hei, sakalian sahabat-ku yang di laut;
    Hei, Sidang Saleh, Sidang Bayu,
    Sidang Mumin, Sidang Embang,
    Sidang Biku, Mambang Sagara,
    Mambang Singgasana, Mambang Dewata,
    Mambang Laksana, [952] Mambang Sina Mata,
    Mambang Dewati, Mambang Dewani,
    Mambang Tali Harus.
    Imam An Jalil nama-nya Imam di laut,
    Bujang Ransang nama-nya hulubalang di laut,
    'Nek Rendak nama-nya yang diam di bawah,
    'Nek Joring nama-nya yang diam di telok,
    'Nek Jeboh nama-nya yang diam di tanjong,
    Dato' Batin `Alam nama-nya yang Dato' di laut,
    Bujang Sri Layang nama-nya yang diam di awan-awan,
    Mala'ikat Chitar Ali nama-nya yang memegang puting bliong,
    Mala'ikat Sabur Ali nama-nya yang memegang angin,
    Mala'ikat Sir Ali nama-nya yang memegang ayer laut,
    Mala'ikat Putar Ali nama-nya yang memegang palangi,
    Ia-itulah ada-nya: ya Nabi, ya Wali Allah,
    Tertegak panji-panji Muhammad, geda-geda Allah
    Aku minta kramat Pawang,
    Berkat kramat Dato' Mengkudum [953] Puteh
    Berkat kramat daulat Sultan Iskandar Sah ada-nya. [954]

Crocodile Charms

When cutting and planting the stake (to which the floating platform
with the bait is loosely attached)

[cxxvii] [p. 296.

    Al-salam `aleikum, Nabi Allah, 'Tap
    Yang memegang bumi
    Nabi Khailir yang memegang ayer,
    Nabi Setia yang memegang langit,
    Nabi Alias yang memegang kayu,
    Nabi Noh yang tanam kayu!
    Aku pohunkan ini kayu
    'Nak buat tempat meletakkan pekiriman [955] kapada ulubalang
    [956] di rantau.
    Al-salam `aleikum, Mambang Tali Harus,
    Yang dudok di tali harus,
    Al-salam `aleikum, Jin Hitam,
    Yang dudok pematahan [957] telok,
    Al-salam `aleikum, Jin Puteh,
    Yang dudok di ujong tanjong:
    Jangan-lah angkau berkachau-kachau!

[cxxviii] An alternative shorter Version

    Al-salam `aleikum, Nabi Tetap memegang bumi
    Al-salam `aleikum, Nabi Noh tanam kayu,
    Aku memohunkan kayu ini 'nak buat panchang alir: [958]
    Kalau membunoh kau telentang [959]
    Kalau ta' membunoh 'kau telangkup.

[cxxix] When about to plant the Pole in the Water [p. 297.

    Al-salam `aleikum Nabi Khailir memegang ayer,
    Al-salam `aleikum Nabi Tetap memegang bumi,
    Tabek, Raja di Laut, Mambang Tali Harus!
    Aku memohunkan yang berdosa: [960]
    Mana yang tiada berdosa, tolong lepaskan,
    Halaukan yang berdosa itu yang makan Si Anu! [961]
    Jikalau tidak di-halaukan
    Mati mampek, mati mawai,
    Mati di-sumpah kalangan [962] darah!
    Kalau di-halaukan,
    Biak [963] kembang beribu-'kau,
    Di-mudahkan Allah rezki-'kau,
    Dengan berkat Nabi Suleiman!

[cxxx] When hanging up the Bait at the end of the Rod

    Sambu [964] Agak, Sambu Agai!
    Sambut pekiriman Nabi Allah Suleiman, tujoh pengikat;
    Sa-tanjong ka hulu, sa-tanjong ka hilir
    Sambut dalam satu hari akan katiga!
    Kalau 'kau ta' sambut pekiriman Raja Suleiman itu,
    Satu hari akan katiga,
    Mati mampek, mati mawai,
    Mati di-sumpah kalangan darah;
    Ka laut ta' dapat minum,
    Ka darat ta' dapat makan,
    Dengan kata kita Nabi Suleiman.

Repeat this same charm when you blow out the chewed betel on the head
of the cock.

[cxxxi] Alternative Version [p. 298.

    Arak-arak, iring-iring
    Kembang bungi si Panggil-Panggil,
    Datang berarak, datang beriring
    Raja Suleiman datang memanggil.
    Hei Si Jambu Rakai, aku tahu asal 'kau jadi,
    Buku tebu ampat puloh ampat akan tulang 'kau
    Tanah liat akan tuboh-'kau,
    Akar pinang akan urat-'kau,
    Gula chayer akan darah-'kau,
    Tikar burok akan kulit-'kau,
    Pelepah nipah akan ekor-'kau.
    Duri pandan akan ridip-'kau,
    Tunjang berembang akan gigi-'kau,
    Melibas patah ekor-'kau,
    Mengempas patah munchong-'kau,
    Menguniah patah gigi-'kau!
    O Si Jambu Rakai, aku ikat tujoh pengikat,
    Aku barut tujoh pembarut,
    Di-orak di-kembang jangan:
    Lulum-lulum bharu 'kau telan.
    Hei Si Jambu Rakai, sambut-lah pekiriman Tuan Putri Rundok
    Datang deri Jawa;
    Jikalau angkau tidak sambut,
    Didalam dua hari akan katiga
    Mati mampek, mati mawai,
    Mati mengk'lan darah,
    Mati mengk'lan Tuan Putri Rundok deri Jawa!
    Jikalau 'kau ambil,
    Sa-rantau ka hulu sa-rantau ka hilir, di-situ-lah 'kau nanti aku.
    Bukan aku yang punya kata, Raja Suleiman punya kata,
    Jikalau di-bawa ka hilir, chondong 'kau ka hulu,
    Jikalau di-bawa ka hulu, chondong kau ka hilir,
    Dengan berkat perkata`an Raja Suleiman
    La-ilaha-illa-'llah, d.s.b.

[cxxxii] Another Version

Hei Si Jambu Rakai, sambut pekiriman Putri Rundok de' Gunong Ledang:--

    Ambachang masak sa-biji bulat,
    Pengikat tujoh pengikat,
    Pengarang tujoh pengarang,
    Di-orak di-kembang jangan,
    Lulor lalu di-telan!
    Tidak angkau sambut
    Dua hari, jangan katiga,
    Mati mampek, mati mawai,
    Mati tersadai pangkalan tambang!
    Kalau angkau sambut,
    Dua hari jangan tiga,
    Ka darat 'kau dapat makan,
    Ka laut 'kau dapat minum!

[cxxxiii] Crippling Charm [p. 301.


    Aku tahu asal kau jadi
    Mani Fatimah asal 'kau jadi,
    Di-kepal di tanah liat
    Tulang-'kau buku tebu
    Kapala-'kau umbi niyor
    Dada-'kau upih,
    Darah-'kau kunyit
    Mata-'kau bintang Timor,
    Gigi-'kau tunjang berembang
    Ekor-'kau puchok nipah.

Or else this version:--

    Aku tahu asal 'kau jadi
    Tanah liat asal 'kau jadi
    Tulang buku tebu asal 'kau jadi,
    Darah-'kau gula, dada-'kau upih,
    Gigi-'kau tunjang berembang,
    Ridip-'kau chuchoran atap.

Then blow (jampi) thrice upon the line, and carry the end of it over
your shoulder backwards, and then strike the bow of the boat with
its end thrice.

[cxxxiv] If the Crocodile shows Fight when taken

    Pasu jantang, pasu renchana,
    Tutop pasu, penolak pasu,
    Angkau menentang kapada aku,
    Terjentang mata-'kau,
    Jantong-'kau aku gantong
    Hati-'kau sudah 'ku rantei!
    Si Pulut nama-nya usar,
    Berderei daun sulasi:
    Aku tutop hati yang besar,
    Aku gantong lidah yang fasik,
    Jantong-'kau sudah 'ku gantong,
    Hati-'kau sudah 'ku rantei,
    Rantei Allah, rantei Muhammad,
    Rantei Baginda Rasul Allah!


[cxxxv] Kelong Invocation [p. 315.

    Al-salam `aleikum, hei Nabi Allah Tap!
    Al-salam `aleikum, hei Nabi Allah Khailir!
    Al-salam `aleikum, hei Nabi Allah Noh!
    Al-salam `aleikum, hei Mambang di Olak!
    Al-salam `aleikum, hei Mambang di Bajau!
    Al-salam `aleikum, hei Mambang Tali Harus!
    Al-salam `aleikum, hei Mambang Kuning!
    Al-salam `aleikum, hei Toh Pawang Togok!
    Al-salam `aleikum, hei Toh Pawang Tua!
    Bukan-nya aku yang menyemahkan jamuan ini:
    Toh Pawang Togok yang menjamukan,
    Toh Pawang Tua yang menjamukan,
    Yang menyuroh Toh Aur Gading.
    Dengan berkat la-ilaha, d. s. b.

[cxxxvi] Alternative Charm [p. 316.

    Pawang Kisa, Pawang Berima,
    Si Langjuna, Raja di Laut;
    Ai, Durai, Si Biti nama mak-'kau,
    Si Tanjong nama bapa-'kau!
    'Kau yang memegang ujong tanjong,
    'Kau yang memegang sakalian tepi pantei,
    'Kau yang memegang beting alang.
    Mak-'kau buboh di puchi tua,
    Anak-'kau di-buboh di ujong penajor,
    Bapa-'kau di-buboh di pemingkul 'blah barat,
    Berampat kita bersaudara!
    Kalau ya kita bersaudara,
    'Kau tolong bantu aku!

(Here plant the pole.)

    Kaki-'ku berpijak di dul angkasa,
    Puchi-'ku tersandar di tiang 'arash.
    Allah mengulor, Muhammad menyambut,
    Anam depa kiri, anani depa kanan,
    'Kau yang tiga beranak,
    'Kau tolong piarakan!
    Kabul Allah, d.s.b.
    Berkat do'a Pawang Tua 'ku,
    Berkat Dato' Kamalu-'l-Hakim.

[cxxxvii] Propitiation of the Water Spirit

Bawa (1) b'ras bertih, (2) b'ras basoh, (3) b'ras kunyit, tabor diatas
ayer tiga genggam petang-petang, serta kata:--

    Inilah bras sa-genggam buni,
    Tanda kita bersaudara!

Kemdian pulang ka rumah, jam mahu tidor bachakan nama Hantu itu tujoh
kali: maka kalau ada untong, datang-lah ia dalam mimpi. Maka pagi makan
demkian itu juga sampei tujoh petang. Sudah itu pasang kelong. Maka
chachak turus tua(h), kayu sa-batang, pulang ka darat. Maka tabor-lah
b'ras tiga macham tadi, maka berdiri panggil hantu yang kabanyakan:--

    Hei saudara-'ku, uri, buni, tentoban,
    Angkau yang tua, [aku yang muda]!
    Aku minta' tengo' tempat aku pasang kelong:
    Ampang aku ta' tahu, tegor sapa aku ta' tahu.
    Hang yang tahu!
    Aku minta' tengo' tempat aku pasang kelong
    Inilah b'ras sa-genggam, d.s.b.

The charm used at the planting of the turus tua(h) begins the same way,
substituting for the third line the words--

    Aku handak chachak b'lat

or the like.

When finished, stand at the seaward end and repeat the charm, inserting
the words aku yang muda as shown above, followed by--

    Kampong-lah sakalian permainan angkau
    Bawa kamari kapada tempat ini aku buat
    Inilah b'ras, d.s.b.

[cxxxviii] Jermal Charm

    Al-salam `aleikum!
    Pawang Tua, Pawang Pertama Allah!
    Musa Kalam Allah, [965]
    Sedang Bima, Sedang Buana,
    Sedang Juara, Raja Laut!
    Mari-lah kita sama-sama
    Berchachak tiang jermal.

[cxxxix] Serapah Kail

When fishing with a Line and Hook

    Hei Mambang Tali Harus!
    Jangan 'kau imbang-imbang kail-'ku ini!
    Jikalau kail aku di kiri, angkau di kanan,
    Jikalau kail aku di kanan, angkau di kiri!
    Jikalau angkau hampiri kail aku ini,
    Angkau kasumpahi dengan kata Allah!

[cxl] Charm addressed to the Fish [p. 317.

    Sambut tali perambut!
    Biar putus, jangan rabut!
    Kalau rabut, mata-'kau chabut!




[cxli] Langsuir Charm [Chap. vi. p. 326.

    Jintek-jintek di kuala!
    Jauh tajam mata-nya,
    Dekat tumpul hati-nya;
    Terbuka batu dalam tanah,
    Terbuka hati satru lawan 'ku.
    Terbuka maiat dalam tanah,
    Terbuka hati satru lawan-'ku.
    Sayu hati memandang aku
    Berkat aku memakei do`a Silam Bayu.

[cxlii] Charm for laying a Pontianak [p. 327.

    Pontianak, mati beranak,
    Mati di-timpa tanah tambah!
    Krat buluh panjang pandak
    'Kan pelemang hati Jin Pontianak.
    Dengan berkat la-ilaha, d.s.b.

Another version is exactly the same as far as the words Jin Pontianak,
but continues--

    Jembalang, Jembali,
    Daun lalang gulong-gulong,
    Datang angkau kamari,
    'Ku tetak dengan parang gudong.

(Here expel your breath forcibly.)

Alternative Charms

[cxliii] Tangkal Mati Anak (Pontianak)

    Lada kechil, lada hitam [966]
    Sampei ka tunggul muda Peri [967]
    Adek yang kechil, adek yang hitam [968]
    Si Anu terkena sambar (ini).
    Jin Pontianak rimba!
    Aku tahu asal 'kau jadi
    Berumah 'kau diatas Sa-lembar [969]
    Minta' tawar, minta' jampikan.
    Kabul-lah do`a Pontianak
    Kabul Guru, kabul aku,
    Dengan berkat la-ilaha, d.s.b.

[cxliv] Charm for laying a Penanggalan

    Kur, ayam puteh,
    Kur, ayam hitam,
    Chatok-lah prut Manjang yang terjela-jela itu,
    Chatok-lah hati, jantong, limpa Manjang itu,
    Dengan berkat, d.s.b.

[cxlv] Charm for laying (lit. neutralising) a Polong [p. 329.

    Hei Si Tinjak, Si Tertib,
    Ular dan lipan berkelamentang!
    Terbato' terber'sin,
    Berkat aku menangkal polong dengan bajang hantu sakalian.
    Asal-'kau di tanah kang, [970]
    Pulang-'kau ka tanah kang,
    Asal-'kau di tanah dengkang,
    Pulang 'kau ka tanah dengkang,
    Datang 'kau menelentang,
    Pulang angkau meniarap,
    Pulang-lah angkau kapada jinjang angkau,
    Hei, Dato' Ulan, Dato' Puteh,
    Tetap-lah angkau kapada tempat angkau,
    Kapada hulu ayer paya berlendang
    Berkat, d.s.b.

[cxlvi] Charm for killing a Polong (apparently addressed to the

    Hu, aku tahu asal 'kau mula menjadi,
    Si Ruchau nama 'kau mula menjadi,
    Datang menelentang, pulang 'kau menelangkop,
    Terlangkop jinjang guru-'kau,
    Dengan berkat la-ilaha, d.s.b.

[cxlvii] Tangkal Pelesit [p. 330.

    Sa-pertama-nya Nyawa
    Ka-dua-nya Darah
    Ka-tiga-nya Daging
    Ka-ampat-nya Prehat! [971]
    Hantu orang asal 'kau jadi,
    Tanah puteh asal 'kau jadi,
    Tahi Adam asal 'kau jadi,
    Tahi Bali [972] asal 'kau jadi!
    Jangan 'kau dengki,
    Jangan 'kau aniaya
    Kapada anak sidang (manusia)!
    Jikalau 'kau dengki,
    Jikalau 'kau aniaya,
    'Kau di-makan besi kawi,
    Makan kutop ka bintongan,
    Di-hempap Koran tiga puloh juz,
    Di-timpa daulat ampat penjuru `alam!
    Bukan-nya aku punya tawar:
    Nenek Malim Karimun [973] yang punya tawar,
    Tawar tersurat di pintu Ka`bah!
    Sidik Guru, sidik-lah aku,
    Dengan berkat, d.s.b.

In the case of a pelesit (kalau orang sakit merepet kata kuching)

    Aku tahu asal 'kau menjadi;
    Minyak niyor hijau asal 'kau menjadi.
    Kalau ta' undor deri sini,
    Kena salang mak angkau,
    'Ku sula melentang mak 'kau!

[cxlviii] Birth Ceremonies [p. 334.

The treatment of the umbilical cord is generally somewhat as
follows:--The cord is rubbed with dust between the finger tips
(di-gentil dengan abu), and kneaded towards the child (di-urut-nya
kapada budak), the words "Bismillah wadi mari kamari" being pronounced
at the same moment. Then it is tied round with strips of the wild
bread-fruit bark (tali trap) in seven places, each a thumb's breadth
from the next (pengukor ibu tangan). Saffron (turmeric) and a piece
of charcoal (arang saketut) are now laid upon a coin, [974] over which
the cord is drawn tightly; and, finally, the cord is severed at a point
between the second and third bindings, by means of a splinter (sembilu)
of bamboo. The severed ends are now cooled with betel-leaf water
(di-jelum dengan ayer sirih), rubbed with pounded garlic mixed with
fine dust (bawang puteh di-giling-nya dengan hati abu), plugged with a
roasted peppercorn [975] and covered (di-tekup) with mengkudu leaves,
after which the child is swaddled (di-bedong). Within from three to
seven days the dead end of the cord will fall off (tanggal tali pusat),
and the pepper which had previously been inserted will be poured out
(di-chichir). The caul (uri) is deposited in a small rice-bag (sumpit)
[976] with salt, black pepper, and asam gelugor. The bag is then tied
up and roasted in a split stick (sepit) such as is used for cooking
fish. After this it is dried by being kept near the fire in the back
premises (where it is subjected from time to time to the sembor sirih
treatment). When the child can walk, the uri is buried in a hole in
the ground, with the nail, candle-nut, brazil-wood, etc., mentioned
elsewhere. [977] In this case a cocoa-nut is usually planted to mark
the spot where it was buried. Sometimes, however, the bag with its
contents is merely thrown into the nearest river or the sea.

[cxlix] If the Labour is difficult

Kalau sakit benar, di-kemam asam garam, katakan:--

    Bena mudik ka hulu,
    Ker'pok-ker'pak pematah paku,
    Ambil ijok 'kau pengikat si alu-alu
    De' tujoh bukit, tujoh kuala.
    Berkuak bersiah-lah angkau!
    Aku 'nak menengo' anak Si Anu lalu.
    Kabul-lah pengajar guru-'ku mestajap kapada 'ku
    Dengan berkat la-ilaha-illa-'llah.

[cl] When putting the Marks (pangkahan) on the Mother and Child
[p. 336.

    Tetak buluh telang,
    Tetak serba bersisa;
    Ayer lior gilang gemilang
    Menawar serba yang bisa.


[cli] When scattering the Rice, and applying the Tepong Tawar before
commencing to file the Teeth [p. 356.

    Tepong tawar, tepong jati,
    Patah puchok mali-mali;
    Buangkan sial dengan pemali,
    Dengan berkat la-ilaha-illa-'llah.

[clii] When touching the Patient's Teeth with any of the Rings or
the Egg

    Hu, kata Allah!
    Hak, kata Muhammad!
    Bismillah al-rahman al-rahim
    Uru Allah, kopak-kapek
    Aku Kadim, pauh [978] menyemblah
    Wasam si in Allah aku matikan
    Kabul aku memakei do`a mengantok amas. [979]
    Kabul berkat la-ilaha-illa-'llah.

[cliii] To destroy the "Venom" of the Steel (buang bisa besi)

    Bismillah al-rahman al-rahim
    Hei, Bismi!
    Aku tahu asal 'kau jadi!
    Aku menjadi chahia Allah,
    Angkau menjadi mani Allah,
    Ada aku, bharu angkau ada,
    Tiada aku, tiada angkau ada!
    Kalau 'kau derhaka kapada aku,
    'Ku buang ka laut Demi dalam!
    Hak tiada aku [980] bisa,
    Kalau aku[3] bisa, derhaka kapada Tuhan.
    Kabul berkat, d.s.b.

[cliv] When first laying the File across the Teeth

    Al-salam `aleikum, Nabi Tap [yang memegang bumi],
    Al-salam `aleikum, Nabi Khailir [yang memegang ayer],
    Al-salam `aleikum, Nabi Elias yang memegang poko. [981]

[clv] To charm the Betel-leaf (jampi sirih) which is presented to
the Patient after the Operation [p. 357.

    Bismillah al-rahman al-rahim!
    Hong sarangin bulan bintang matahari!
    Tegak ruh-ku saperti bulan bintang matahari!
    Kabul aku memakei do`a Si Awang Lebih
    Berjalan aku berlebih,
    Berkain aku berlebih,
    Berbaju aku berlebih,
    Bersaputangan aku berlebih,
    Kuat kuasa-ku aku berlebih!
    Kabul berkat, d.s.b.

[clvi] Circumcision [p. 360.

A ceremony equivalent to circumcision is performed in the case of girls
at between five and seven years of age, a wound "like the sting of a
gadfly" (saperti di-gigit pikat), i.e. just sufficient to draw blood,
being inflicted by means of scissors wielded by a Bidan (who offers
prayers and burns incense). In the case of a boy the skin parted
from the wound is received in a cleft stick (sepit), and after being
dried is made up into a sort of ring, and used as a charm to secure
invulnerability (pelias) in war, or else carried out on a piece of
banana leaf and thrown away with ashes from the hearth (abu dapor),
which latter are used to stanch the blood. The small bit of skin got
from the girl is similarly dealt with.

Personal Charms

[clvii] Charms for Protection [p. 361.

Tahan Tanggal

    Hei benang, bertali benang,
    Tujoh besi, peratus [982] besi,
    Tujoh pengikat sangka raya!
    Maka [kalau] menguchap maiat dalam kubor
    Di-sahut-ki orang yang di-atas dunia,
    Maka aku di-binasakan
    Sagala benatang yang bernyawa!
    Jikalau tidak menguchap maiat dalam kubor,
    Maka tidak-lah aku di-binasakan
    Sagala benatang yang bernyawa,
    Sagala musoh bahia,
    Sakalian anak sidang manusia!
    Maka [kalau] berkokok ayam dalam telor
    Di-sahut-ki ayam di-atas dunia,
    Maka aku di-binasakan, d.s.b.
    Tahan Allah, tahan Muhammad,
    Tahan Baginda Rasul Allah,
    Berkat aku memakei do`a tahan tunggal.

(Then blow to right, to left, and in front.)

[clviii] Pendinding

    O Jin Sa-Raja Jin,
    Jin bernama Gempa di Rimba,
    Jin bernama Gempa di Bukit,
    Jin bernama Gempa di Baru, [983]
    Saribu Garang Kapala Tujoh nama angkau,
    Itulah Jin Sa-Raja Jin
    Jin Puteh saudara-'kau!
    Jangan angkau rosak binasakan
    Jangan angkau menchachat menchedra
    'Kau-lah saudara-'ku.

[clix] Pendinding ('Che Muntil)

    Allah 'kan payong-ku!
    Nabi muhammad Mimbar-'ku!
    Raja Brahil di kanan-'ku!
    Serafil di kiri-'ku!
    Rasul Allah di hadapan-'ku!
    Turun mala'ikat yang berampat,
    Terkunchi terkanching pintu bahia-'ku.
    Turun mala'ikat yang berampat,
    'Kau jadi pagar badan-'ku.
    Kain Asadasan Asadusin,
    Astabarukin 'kan ganti tudong-'ku!
    Terlindong-lah diri-'ku didalam kalimah la-ilaha, d.s.b.

[clx] Pendinding

    Hei Nur Puteh Maharaja Besi,
    Yang menunggu Astana Allah,
    Jin Puteh Maharaja Dewa,
    Yang menunggu Pintu Langit.
    Hei, Mala'ikat Puteh yang didalam diri-'ku,
    Yang di-kiri, di-kanan, di-hadapan, di-blakang,
    Tolong kawal pleherakan aku ini (or Si Anu ini)!
    Serta angkau temukan dengan Nabi,
    Didalam ampat puloh ampat hari
    Dengan berkat daulat Anak Raja Bulan mengambang,
    Dengan berkat daulat Sultan Muhammad,
    Dengan berkat mu`jizat Bulan dan Matahari,
    Dengan berkat mu`jizat Ibu serta Bapa,
    Dengan berkat mu`jizat Nabi Muhammad salla Allah, d.s.b.

[clxi] Pendinding

    Besi kling, [984] besi tembaga [985]
    Besi melilit [986] di pinggang-'ku
    Aku tidor, angkau-lah jaga,
    Datang marabaya, grak bangun sa-bangat-bangat,
    Datang de' kiri, grak di-kiri,
    Datang de' kanan, grak di-kanan
    Datang de' kapala, menjunjong naik,
    Datang de' kaki, mengangkit bangun,
    Hei mala'ikat Israfil,
    Kalau 'kau ta' grak bangun,
    Derhaka kapada Allah,
    Berdosa kapada aku,
    Dengan berkat la-ilaha-illa-'llah, d.s.b.

    Israfil yang memegang sakalian angin di badan kita
    `Azra'il yang mengambil nyawa sagala makhlok.
    Mika'il yang membri rezki
    Jibra'il yang membawa wahi (khabar).

[clxii] Charm for Health

    Salira reksa baik-baik tuboh badan-mu
    Jangan bri bersengit riang
    Berchelah chachak, [987] berhadoh hanal,
    Jangan bri sakit dan pening,
    Biar segar-degar, sehat pulang pulis
    Pulang pulis sedia kala
    Bagei `adat zaman dahulu;
    Biar lepong-lasa
    Biar tegoh-tegap
    Bagei turus di tengah 'laman
    Pulang tetap pulang nin
    Bagei ayer di taman kacha
    Simpan chawan-nya:
    Dengan berkat, d.s.b.

Charm for Beauty, used by Children

[clxiii] Pemanis Budak [p. 363.

Ambil ayer dalam batil besar, sapu muka di misei-nya. Bachakan ini
yang sebut:--

    Matahari ampat, bulan lima,
    Bintang tujoh ka mata aku,
    Bintang berayun ka dagu aku,
    Bulan pernama di kening aku,
    Semut berliring [988] di biber aku,
    Gajah sa-kawan di gigi aku,
    Ombak beralun di lidah aku!
    Suara aku saperti suara Nabi Daud,
    Rupa aku saperti rupa Nabi Yusoh,
    Chahia aku saperti chahia Nabi Muhammad,
    Berkat aku memakei pemanisan sama jadi dengan aku
    Dengan berkat la-ilaha-illa-'llah, d.s.b.

[clxiv] Another Version


    Suh kalubi anta kalubi
    'Arash mandi krusi mandi
    Loh mandi, kalam mandi,
    Aku mandi didalam `izat Allah
    Mandi didalam sifat Allah,
    Mandi didalam kandang kalimah la ilaha, d.s.b.
    Hai, chahia-ku chahia Nur!
    Nur Allah, Nur Muhammad,
    Chahia Baginda Rasul Allah.
    Bintang tiga berator di dada-'ku,
    Semut beriring di bibir-'ku,
    Ular chintamani di lidah-'ku.
    Berkat 'ku memakei chahia Nur.

[clxv] Another Version, combined with a Love Charm

    Hong si bintang tujoh,
    Bulan perlima [989] di muka aku,
    Ombak mengalun di lidah 'ku,
    Semut beriring di bibir 'ku,
    Angin bertiup di-serta-nya,
    Gajah puteh sabrang lautan,
    Songsang tapak, songsang bulu,
    Songsang belalei, songsang gading,
    Itu lagi bertemu kapada 'ku!
    Ini 'kan pula Si Anu itu
    Bagitu-lah gila kasih sayang kapada 'ku,
    Di-bawa makan tiada termakan,
    Di-bawa tidor tiada tertidorkan
    Berchinta kasih sayang kapada 'ku!
    Panah ma`rifat-'ku
    Sudah terkena terlekat
    Terpaku kapada jantong, hati, ruh, limpa, mempadu, semangat Si
    Anu itu.
    Kabul berkat, d.s.b.

[clxvi] For Beauty


    Bismillah, d.s.b.
    Titek 'ku titek, ayer lior sa-titek di-atas permeidani,
    Tundok kasih sayang ummat Muhammad memandang aku.
    Saperti asam garam [990] bertentangan chahia aku,
    Matahari s'ri aku, bulan rupa aku,
    Berkat aku memakei do`a asam garam!
    S'ri manis, tengkuling [991] manis,
    Aku-lah yang manis;
    Bukan-nya s'ri manis, tengkuling manis,
    Aku-lah yang manis.
    Di-pandang ummat Muhammad sakalian laki-laki sakalian perampuan,
    Chahia naik ka muka aku,
    S'ri turun ka dada aku,
    Chahia Allah, chahia Muhammad,
    Lebih pagi di-bawa(h) petang,
    Lebih petang di-bawa(h) pagi.
    Berkat la-ilaha, d.s.b.

[clxvii] Another Version

Pemanis (makan sirih)

    'Tik, pinang 'ku titek, [992]
    Titek di-atas batu!
    Makan sirih bercharik-charik,
    Naik s'ri ka muka aku!
    S'ri manis, temuning manis;
    Bukan-nya s'ri manis temuning manis,
    Aku-lah yang manis,
    Manis di-pandang ummat Muhammad!
    Ta' si kulita' si kulita' tepi laut
    Tepi laut bunyi guroh halilintar,
    Nabi Daud menengo' chahia muka-'ku yang lebeh,
    Chahia Allah, chahia Muhammad, chahia Baginda Rasul Allah!

[clxviii] Before starting on a Journey

    Sekam burok, sekam bharu,
    [Di-]tampi terlayang-layang,
    Tundok hantu 'ku 'nak lalu,
    Jangan tindeh bayang-bayang,
    Hantu tundok
    Aku langkah.

[clxix] Bathing Charm

Pemandi bersikat

    Merak Si Anggul-anggul
    Anggul-anggul atas kota
    Gerak ikat sanggul,
    S'ri naik ka muka aku,
    Chahia melampar ka tuboh-ku.

[clxx] Mengajar Sultan Makan

    Tabek tuanku ampun beribu-ribu ampun
    Ampun S'ri `Alam S'ri Paduka Jamad-al-`Alam!
    Si Jolong menggali lembah
    Sa Derit tiang panjang
    Tiang sudut menti [993] dulapan
    Tapak tangga jari 'ku aran (?)
    Tulang bumbongan sawa mengampei
    Bergemunehah lebah mengirap,
    Bersampang dengan chahia Linggam.
    Kadudok tanam di-lembah
    Batang padi tepi prigi
    Lagi tundok patek menyembah
    Minta ampun ka-bawah Duli.
    Ampun Tuanku, beribu-ribu ampun
    Ampun Tuanku, S'ri Paduka, S'ri Jamad-al-`Alam.

Love Charms

[clxxi] Pemanis

    Hong Si Lala, pinang Si Laling,
    Katiga dengan pinang Si Lia-lia,
    Tergelak Si Anu lalu tersinyum
    Kena ka panchong Si Guyu Gila,
    Gila siang, gila malam,
    Berkahandakan kapada aku
    Dengan berkat, d.s.b.

[clxxii] Kasih Sa-Kampong

Bab ini kasih sa-kampong: di-[?] kan malam waktu handak tidor,
`isharat-nya handak bertelanjang, sudah di-bacha tiga kali, maka
naikkan [994] deripada kaki sampei muka; pagi-pagi sakali bangun
deripada tidor atau tengah mandi pagi pun buleh juga.

    Hu yahu rupa chermin Rasul Allah,
    Allah akan payong-'ku,
    Muhammad akan selimut-'ku,
    Bernama chinta manis [995] berendamkan Nabi gulongan-'ku,
    Ampar Suleiman di dada aku,
    Berkat aku memakei do`a kasih sa-kampong,
    Tundok blas kasihan ummat Muhammad
    Sakalian laki-laki, sakalian perampuan;
    S'ri tengkuling yang manis, d.s.b.

[clxxiii] Pengasih Sa-Kampong (bacha'an laki-laki)

    Minyak sibuli belang,
    Terletak di hati tangan,
    Kembang bunga semandeka,
    Kembang langsong ka taman Malayu,
    Terbit bulan sapernama,
    Terbit memanchar ka muka aku,
    Paku irang, paku meranti,
    Paku terletak di tengah huma;
    Tegak sagala Raja-raja mentri
    Aku sa'orang tiada bersama,
    Berkat aku memakei do`a Nabi Allah Karimun.
    Menggila bernama si do`a Si Awang Lebeh
    Aku yang di lebehkan Allah
    Aku yang di lebehkan Muhammad
    Aku yang di lebehkan Baginda Rasul Allah.
    Berkat aku memakei do`a Si Awang Lebeh
    Aku yang terlebeh dalam dunia
    Yang jadi 'kan anak Nabi Adam yang pertama
    Hu Allah la-khu Allah, d.s.b.

[clxxiv] Kasih Sa-Kampong (bacha'an betina)

    Sirih si asi-asi,
    Letak menyila-nyila,
    Menurunkan Si Raja Kasih,
    Menetapkan Si Raja Gila,
    Sila ginjang, gila serbaya,
    Gila sa-kampong, kampong raya,
    Gila sa-'laman, 'laman raya,
    Gila mabok hati jantong
    Sakalian yang bernyawa
    Tundok khadmat kapada aku,
    Berkat aku memakei do`a Nabi Allah Suleiman!
    Hu Allah akbar akbar
    La khalu Allah kuwata illah billah ali.
    Ya al-athi hak, ya raba-'l-`alamin,
    Berkat aku memakei do`a Nabi Idris
    Berkat makbul kapada aku. Hu Allah!

Charm against Old Age

[clxxv] Tangkal jangan jadi tua

    Nur puteh, Rum puteh,
    Puteh buleh menjadi hitam,
    Hitam buleh menjadi puteh,
    S'ri Jaya sifat-nya aku,
    S'ri Allah, S'ri Muhammad!
    Aku jadi di beringin songsang,
    Kabul berkat aku memakei do`a Lenggundi Hitam,
    Sudah mati hidup sa-mula,
    Berkat, d.s.b.


[clxxvi] At the Inspection of the Girl [p. 364.

Waris sa-blah jantan pareksa betina; katakan:--

    Hei berbuah gadong satela,
    Gunong Bantan di tepi laut;
    Antah bertuah, antah chelaka,
    Kapada Tuan hati tersangkut.

[Kata waris betina "Choba menengo' kerbau aku, kerbau lepas; antahkan
rabit, antah patah, antah buta."]

    Tinggi tinggi matahari
    Anak kerbau mati tertambat;
    Salama ini sa