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Title: The Romaunce of The Sowdone of Babylone and of Ferumbras his Sone who conquerede Rome
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Language: English
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The Sowdone of Babylone.
Early English Text Society.
Extra Series. No. XXXVIII.
1881.
BERLIN: ASHER & CO., 13, UNTER DEN LINDEN.
NEW YORK: C. SCRIBNER & CO.; LEYPOLDT & HOLT.
PHILADELPHIA: J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO.
THE
ENGLISH CHARLEMAGNE ROMANCES.
PART V.
The Romaunce of
The Sowdone of Babylone
and of
Ferumbras his Sone who conquerede Rome.
RE-EDITED
FROM THE UNIQUE MS. OF THE LATE SIR THOMAS PHILLIPPS,
with Introduction, Notes, and Glossary,
BY
EMIL HAUSKNECHT, PH. D.
LONDON:
PUBLISHED FOR THE EARLY ENGLISH TEXT SOCIETY
BY KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRÜBNER & Co.,
PATERNOSTER HOUSE, CHARING-CROSS ROAD, W.C.
MDCCCLXXXI.
[«Reprinted 1891, 1898.»]
Extra Series,
XXXVIII.
RICHARD CLAY & SONS, LIMITED, LONDON & BUNGAY.
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION … v
Popularity of the Carlovingian Romances … v
Popularity of the Ferumbras Poem … vi
The Provençal Ferabras … ix
The Fierabras Poem an Enlarged and Recast Portion of the Old Balan
Romance … xi
The Poem of the Destruction de Rome … xiii
MSS. of the French Fierabras … xv
The English Sir Ferumbras, its Source, etc. … xvi
The Poem of the Sowdan of Babylon, its Sources, its Differences
from the Original Balan Romance and from the Ashmolean Ferumbras …
xxii
Dialect of the Sowdan … xxxiv
Metre and Rhymes of the Sowdan … xl
Date and Author of the Sowdan … xlv
MS. of the Sowdan … xlvii
Roxburghe Club Edition of the Sowdan … xlviii
ADDITIONS … xlix
The Hanover MS. of the French Fierabras Compared With the Sowdan …
xlix
The Hanover Version Compared With Sir Ferumbras … lii
SKETCH OF THE STORY … liv
THE ROMAUNCE OF THE SOWDONE OF BABYLONE AND OF FERUMBRAS HIS SONE
WHO CONQUEREDE ROME … 1
NOTES … 95
GLOSSARIAL INDEX … 133
INDEX OF NAMES … 141
[p-v]
INTRODUCTION.
The exploits of Charles the Great, who by his achievements as conqueror
and legislator, as reformer of learning and missionary, so deeply
changed the face of Western Europe, who during a reign of nearly half
a century maintained, by his armies, the authority of his powerful
sceptre, from the southern countries of Spain and Italy to the more
northern regions of Denmark, Poland, and Hungary, must have made a
profound and unalterable impression in the minds of his contemporaries,
so that for centuries afterwards they continued to live in the memory
of the people. Evidence of this high pitch of popularity is given
by the numerous «chansons de geste» or romances, which celebrate
the deeds, or are connected with the name, of the great and valiant
champion of Christendom.
It is true that the sublime figure of Charlemagne, who with his
imaginary twelve peers perpetually warred against all heathenish
or Saracen people, in the romances of a later period, has been
considerably divested of that nimbus of majestic grandeur, which the
composers of the earlier poems take pains to diffuse around him.
Whereas, in the latter, the person of the Emperor appears adorned with
high corporeal, intellectual, and warlike gifts, and possessed of all
royal qualities; the former show us the splendour of Royalty tarnished
and debased, and the power of the feodal vassals enlarged to the
prejudice of the royal authority. Roland, in speaking of Charlemagne,
says, in the «Chanson de Roland», l. 376:—
“Jamais n’iert hum qui encuntre lui vaillet,”
and again the same Roland says of the Emperor, in «Guy de Bourgoyne»,
l. 1061:—
“Laissomes ce viellart qui tous est assotez.”
[p-vi]
This glorification of the great Christian hero took its rise in France,
but soon spread into the neighbouring countries, and before long
Charlemagne was celebrated in song by almost all European nations.
Indeed, there are translations, reproductions, compilations of French
Charlemagne romances to be met with in Italy, Spain, and Portugal, as
well as in Scandinavia and Iceland. Even in Hungary and Russia these
«chansons» of the Charlemagne cycle seem to have been known.[1]
A full account of almost all Charlemagne romances will be found
in Gaston Paris’s exhaustive work of the «Histoire poétique de
Charlemagne» (Paris, 1865), and in Léon Gautier’s «Epopées françaises»
(Paris, 1867).
Of all the Charlemagne romances, that of Fierabras or Ferumbras has
certainly obtained the highest degree of popularity, as is shown by
the numerous versions and reproductions of this romance, from the 13th
century down to the present day.
When the art of printing first became general, the first romance that
was printed was a prose version of «Fierabras»; and when the study of
mediæval metrical romances was revived in this century, the «Fierabras»
poem was the first to be re-edited.[2]
The balm of Fierabras especially seems to have been celebrated for
its immediately curing any wound; we find it referred to and minutely
described in Florian’s «Don Quichotte», I. chap. 10. The scene of
Fierabras challenging to a combat the twelve peers of France, and of
his vaunting offer to fight at once with six (or twelve) of them,[3]
must also have been pretty familiar to French readers, as the name of
Fierabras is met with in the sense of a simple common noun, signifying
“a bragging bully or swaggering hector.”[4]
Rabelais[5] also alludes to Fierabras, thinking him renowned enough as
to figure in the pedigree of Pantagruel.
In 1833, on a tour made through the Pyrenees, M. Jomard witnessed
[p-vii] a kind of historical drama, represented by villagers, in which
Fierabras and Balan were the principal characters.[6]
That in our own days, the tradition of Fierabras continues to live,
is evident from the fact, that copies of the Fierabras story, in the
edition of the «Bibliothèque Bleue», still circulate amongst the
country people of France.[7] There is even an illustrated edition,
published in 1861, the pictures of which have been executed by no less
an artist than Gustave Doré. And like Oberon, that other mediæval hero
of popular celebrity,[8] Fierabras has become the subject of a musical
composition. There is an Opera «Fierabras» composed by Franz Schubert
(words by Joseph Kupelwieser) in 1823, the overture of which has been
arranged for the piano in 1827, by Carl Czerny.[9]
The different versions and the popularity of the present romance
in France, Italy, Spain, and Germany, having been treated in the
Introduction to «Sir Ferumbras», we need not repeat it again here.[10]
As to the popularity of the «Fierabras» romance in the Netherlands, the
following passage from Hoffmann, «Horæ Belgicæ» (Vratislaviæ, 1830), I.
50, may be quoted here[11]:—
“Quam notæ Belgis, sec. xiii. et xiv., variæ variarum nationum
fabulæ fuerint, quæ ex Gallia septemtrionali, ubi originem ceperunt,
translatæ sunt, pauca hæc testimonia demonstrabunt:— . . . . in
exordio Sidraci:—[12]
‘Dickent hebbic de gone ghescouden,
die hem an boeken houden
daer si clene oerbare in leren,
also sijn jeesten van heeren,
van Paerthenopeuse, van Amidase,
van Troijen ende van «Fierabrase»,
ende van menighen boeken, die men mint
ende daer men litel oerbaren in vint, [p-viii]
ende dat als leghene es ende mere,
ende anders en hebben ghene lere,
danne vechten ende vrowen minnen
ende lant ende steden winnen . . . . . .’—
“Nec rarius tanguntur fabulæ de Carolo Magno, «Speculum Historiale»,
IV. 1. xxix (cf. Bilderdijk, «Verscheidenh», I. D. bl. 161–2):—
‘Carel es menichwaerf beloghen
in groten boerden ende in hoghen,
alse boerders doen ende oec dwase,
diene beloghen van «Fierabrase»,
dat nie ghesciede noch en was . . . .
die scone walsce valsce poeten,
die mer rimen dan si weten,
belieghen groten Caerle vele
in sconen worden ende bispele
van «Fierabrase van Alisandre»,
van «Pont Mautrible» ende andre,
dat algader niet en was . . . .’”
That the «Fierabras» romance must have been well known and highly
popular in England and Scotland, may be gathered from the numerous
references to this poem in various Middle English works.
Thus the whole subject of the «Fierabras» romance is found in the
following passage, taken from «Barbour’s Bruce», ed. Skeat, 3, 435 ss.,
where the King is described as relating to his followers:—
“Romanys off worthi Ferambrace,
That worthily our-commyn was
Throw the rycht douchty Olywer;
And how the duz Peris wer
Assegyt intill Egrymor,
Quhar King Lawyne lay thaim befor
With may thowsandis then I can say,
And bot elewyn within war thai,
And a woman; and wa sa stad,
That thai na mete thar within had,
Bot as thai fra thair fayis wan.
Y heyte, sua contenyt thai thaim than;
That thai the tour held manlily,
Till that Rychard off Normandy,
Magre his fayis, warnyt the king,
That wes joyfull off this tithing:
For he wend, thai had all bene slayne,
Tharfor he turnyt in hy agayne,
And wan Mantrybill and passit Flagot;
And syne Lawyne and all his flot
Dispitusly discumfyt he:
And deliueryt his men all fre,
And wan the «naylis», and the «sper»,
And the croune that Ihesu couth ber; [p-ix]
And off the «croice» a gret party
He wan throw his chewalry.”[13]
In his poem of «Ware the Hawk», Skelton (ed. Dyce, I. 162) cites
«Syr Pherumbras» as a great tyrant. He also refers to him in one of
his poems against Garnesche, whom he addresses with the following
apostrophe:—
“Ye fowle, fers and felle, as Syr Ferumbras the ffreke.”
The story of the combat between Oliver and Ferumbras is alluded to by
Lyndsay, in his «Historie of ane Nobil and Wailȝeand Squyer, William
Meldrum», ed. Hall, ll. 1313–16:—
“Roland with Brandwell, his bricht brand,
Faucht never better, hand for hand,
Nor Gawin aganis Golibras,
Nor «Olyver» with «Pharambras».”
The tale of the fortified bridge of Mauntrible seems also to have
been very well known in England and Scotland. In the «Complaint of
Scotland», ed. Murray, p. 63, we find the «Tail of the Brig of the
Mantrible» mentioned among other famous romances. In his lampoon on
Garnesche, Skelton describes his adversary as being more deformed and
uglier than
“Of Mantryble the bryge Malchus[14] the murryon.”
As has already been mentioned, amongst all the Charlemagne romances the
(originally French) romance of «Fierabras» is remarkable as being one
of the first that was rescued from the dust of libraries; and it is
worthy of note, in connection with it, that the first printed version
was not a French, but a Provençal one, which was published not in
France, the birth-place of the romance, but in Germany.
The manuscript of this Provençal version having been
discovered by Lachmann in the Library of Prince Ludwig von
Oettingen-Wallerstein,[15] [p-x] somewhere about the year 1820, the
poem was published in 1829 by Immanuel Bekker.[16]
Raynouard, who drew attention to this edition of the poem in the
«Journal des Savants», March 1831, supposed this Provençal version to
be the original.
Soon after Fauriel discovered at Paris two MSS. of the romance in
French, and a third French MS. was found in London,[17] by Fr. Michel,
in 1838.
In 1852 Fauriel gave an account of the poem in the «Histoire Littéraire
de la France, par les religieux bénédictins de congregation de
Saint-Maur . . . . . continuée par des membres de l’Institut», vol.
xxii. p. 196 «et seq.», where he also investigated the question of the
originality of the two versions, without arriving at a final solution;
as from the comparison of the French and the Provençal version, no
conclusion as to the original could be drawn in favour of either of the
two poems.[18]
As early as 1829 Uhland and Diez had expressed their opinion, that
in all probability the Provençal poem was to be looked upon as a
reproduction of some French source;[19] and in 1839 Edelestand du
Méril, in France, had pointed out the French poem as the original of
the Provençal version;[20] Guessard in his lectures at the Ecole des
Chartes, at Paris, had also defended the same opinion; when in 1860,
the editors of the French «Fierabras»[21] finally and irrefutably
proved the impossibility of considering the Provençal poem as anything
but a translation of a French original. [p-xi]
In 1865, Gaston Paris, in his «Poetical History of Charlemagne»,
pointed out that what we have now of the Fierabras romance must
be looked upon as a very different version from the old original
«Fierabras» (or «Balan») romance, the former being indeed only a
portion, considerably amplified and in its arrangement modified, of the
old poem, the first portion of which has been lost altogether. Gaston
Paris had been led to this supposition by the rather abrupt opening
of the «Fierabras», which at once introduces the reader «in medias
res», and by the numerous passages of the «Fierabras», which contain
allusions and references to preceding events; several of which, being
obscure and inexplicable from the context of the «Fierabras» itself,
can only be explained by assuming the existence of an earlier poem.
The main subject of the old «Balan» or «Fierabras» romance may be
given as follows:—“The Saracens having invaded Rome and killed the
Pope, Charlemagne sends, from France, Guy of Burgundy and Richard of
Normandy to the rescue of the city, and follows himself with his main
army. After a fierce combat between Oliver and Ferumbras, the city is
delivered from the Saracens, and a new Pope established.”[22] [p-xii]
Of all the events related in the old «Balan» romance, there is but one
which is contained in the «Fierabras» poem, viz. the combat between
Oliver and Ferumbras, and even this has been greatly modified in
consequence of the composer’s transferring the scene of action from
Italy to Spain. All the other events related in the «Fierabras», the
love of Floripas and Guy, the capture of the twelve peers, their
being besieged in the castle of Agremor, and their deliverance
by Charlemagne, and the ultimate wedding of Floripas and Guy are
altogether wanting in the original «Fierabras» [Balan] romance.
Therefore Gaston Paris was right in saying that the «Fierabras» poem
contained only the second part of the earlier poem, the first part of
which had not come down to us.
Now it seemed as though this view, which had been clearly [p-xiii]
demonstrated and generally adopted, would have to undergo a thorough
modification on the discovery of a new Fierabras Manuscript in Hanover.
Professor Grœber, having been informed of the existence of that MS.
by Professor Tobler, published from it, in 1873, the poem of the
«Destruction de Rome»,[23] which in that MS. precedes the «Fierabras»
romance.[24] In his Address to the Assembly of German Philologists
at Leipzig,[25] the same scholar attempted to show that this poem
represented the first part of the earlier «Balan» romance.
This supposition, however, can only be accepted with reserve, and
needs a great modification, as by no means all the references to
previous events contained in the «Fierabras» receive explanation in
the «Destruction», although all such previous events must have been
narrated in the original «Balan». Moreover, one of these allusions
in the «Fierabras» is in direct contradiction to the contents of the
«Destruction».
Thus ll. 2237 «et seq.» of the «Fierabras»:[26]—
“.i. chevalier de France ai lontans enamé:
Guis a nom de Borgoigne, moult i a bel armé;
Parens est Karlemaine et Rollant l’aduré.
Dès que je fui à Romme, m’a tout mon cuer emblé,
Quant l’amirans mes peres fist gaster la cité,
«Lucafer de Baudas abati ens ou pré,»
«Et lui et le ceval, d’un fort espiel quarré»,”
where Floripas declares that she has seen Guy before Rome when
defeating Lukafer, widely differ from the account given in ll. 1355 «et
seq.» of the «Destruction», where Guy does not arrive at Rome until
«after» the departure of Laban’s army to Spain.
In the «Destruction» no clue is given which would enable us to explain
why Charles should be constantly applying to Richard in the «Fierabras»
(ll. 112 «et seq.») for information about Fierabras, or why Richard, in
particular, should know more about Fierabras than any one else. There
is no mention in the «Destruction» of Richard chasing [p-xiv] the
Emir before him in the plain of Rome, to which event ll. 3708–9 of the
«Fierabras»[27] clearly refer.
“Richars de Normendie au courage aduré,
Qui cacha l’amirant devant Romme ens el pré.”
The allusion contained in l. 2614,[28]
. . . . “Richart de Normendie,
Cil qui m’ocist Corsuble et mon oncle Mautrie,”
where Richard is said to have slain Corsuble and Mautrie, the uncle
of Floripas, is not cleared up by the «Destruction», as in the three
passages, where Richard is mentioned there (ll. 246, 288, 541), he does
not play an active part at all, whereas from Mousket’s analysis of the
original «Fierabras» [«Balan»] romance, we know how important a part
Guy and Richard played in the old poem.[29] There Richard and Guy being
sent off by Charlemagne as a first succour to the oppressed Romans,
succeeded in delivering Château-Miroir, which had been seized by the
Saracens. The story of the combat around Château-Miroir, as related in
the «Destruction», ll. 593 ss., is thoroughly different,[30] as besides
other variations, there is neither Richard nor Guy concerned in it.
Therefore, as the contents of the «Destruction» are not identical with
Mousket’s analysis of the old «Balan» romance, and as several passages
alluding to events previously described are left unexplained in the
«Destruction»; and as there is even an instance of the «Destruction»
being in contradiction to the «Fierabras», the poem of the «Destruction
de Rome» cannot be said to be identical with the first part of the
«Balan» romance.[31] [p-xv]
The Provençal version and the «Destruction» are each printed from
unique MSS., the latter from the Hanover MS., the former from the
Wallerstein MS. Of the French «Fierabras» there are seven MSS. known to
exist.
«a» = the MS. of the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, Supplém. franç.,
No. 180, which has been followed throughout by the editors of the
French «Fierabras», who in cases of evident errors or lacunæ of this
MS., consulted the three following MSS.:
«b» = the MS. of the Biblioth. Nationale, Lancelot, 7566^{3.3}.
«c» = the MS. of the British Museum, MS. Reg. 15. E. vi.[32]
«d» = the MS. of the Vatican Library, Regina 1616.
«D» = the MS. in possession of M. Ambroise-Firmin Didot, a small
fragment of which has been printed by Gautier, «Epopées» fr. ii. 307.
«E» = the Escorial MS., a description of which, together with the
variations, has been given by Knust, in the «Jahrbuch für romanische
und englische Sprache und Literatur», vol. ix. p. 43 et seq.
«H» = the Hanover MS., which also contains the «Destruction de Rome».
It has been described by Professor Grœber in the «Jahrbuch», xiii. p.
111. [p-xvi]
As to the English «Fierabras» romances, there are two versions known
to exist:[33] the poem of «Sir Ferumbras» contained in the Ashmole MS.
33[34] and the present poem.
In the following we shall attempt to point out the differences of these
two versions, and to examine whether there is any relationship between
the English and the French poems, and if possible to identify the
original of the former.
A superficial comparison of the English poem of «Sir Ferumbras» with
the French romance «Fierabras» (edd. Krœber and Servois) will suffice
at once to show the great resemblance between the two versions. In my
«Dissertation» on the sources and language of the «Sowdan of Babylone»
(Berlin, 1879) I have proved (pp. 30–40) that the Ashmolean «Ferumbras»
must be considered as a running poetical translation of a French
original. Since Mr. Herrtage, in the Introduction to his edition of
the Ashmole MS. 33, has also pointed out the closeness with which the
translator generally followed the original, which he believes to belong
to the same type as the «Fierabras», edited by MM. Krœber and Servois.
“The author has followed his original closely, so far as relates to the
course of events; but at the same time he has translated it freely,
introducing several slight incidents and modifications, which help to
enliven and improve the poem. That he has not translated his original
literally, is shown by the fact that the French version consists of
only 6219 lines, or allowing for the missing portion of the Ashmole
MS., not much more than one-half the number of lines in the latter,
and that too, although he has cut down the account of the duel between
Oliver and Ferumbras from 1500 to 800 lines, by leaving out Oliver’s
attempts at converting the Saracen, Charlemagne’s prayers, &c.”
Now, in my opinion, we ought not to lay too much stress on the
fact that the number of lines in the two versions differs, as all
translators of poetical works, who wish to follow their original as
closely as possible, will easily be able to render it ‘literally’ as
long as they write in prose. But adopting a poetical form for their
translation, and still pursuing their intention of a close rendering
of their original, [p-xvii] they must needs be more diffuse, and
the consideration of rhythm and rhyme will compel them sometimes to
abandon a quite literal translation, and to be content with a free
reproduction. This is also the case with the author of «Syr Ferumbras»,
who, notwithstanding the many passages where the French text is not
given ‘literally,’ must be considered as a close rhymed translation
of the French poem. The only liberty which we see the English author
take sometimes, consists in contracting or amalgamating together those
«couplets similaires»,[35] or strophes which contain repetitions.
But not always did the author thus give up his plan of rendering his
original closely: occasionally he has such repetitionary lines in the
same place as the French poem, as, for instance, in ll. 130 «et seq.»
corresponding to «Fierabras», ll. 125 «et seq.»
The closeness and literalness of his translation is well exemplified by
his introduction in an English dress of a great many French words which
are unknown, or at least of a most rare occurrence, in English, and
which in his translation are found in the same place and context, where
the French text has them. This will be best illustrated by juxtaposing
the corresponding phrases of the two versions.
Ashmole «Ferumbras». French «Fierabras».
312 Hit ys «rewarded» ous two 301 ‘Nous jujon Olivier, si
betwyne þat Olyuer schal wende l’avons «esgardé» Qu’il fera la
and take þe batail bataille au paien deffaé.’
330 «Mercy», quaþ he to kyng 333 ‘As piés le roy se jete,
Charles «merchi» li a priié.’
369 þat «paynede» crist 377 ‘—dont vos Diex fu «penès».’
388 Er y «remuvie» me of þis 392 ‘Ains que je m’en «remue» ...’
place
399 y «chalenge» wiþ þe to fiȝt 402 ‘—je te voel «calengier»’
457 «Parfay», ansuerde erld O. 449 ‘«Par foi», dist Oliviers ...’
533 þat he ne . . maden ȝelde his 548 ‘se Roland s’i combat, ne faice
body to him «creaunt» «recréant»’
537 wiþ my swerd «trenchaunt» 553 ‘ . . . à m’espée «trencant»’
538 «Sarsyns», said erld O. 554 «Sarrazins», dist li quans ...
551 long man in «fourchure» 579 Il ot «l’enfourcéure» grant
558 a ful «gret pite», etc. 586 j’ai de toi «grand pité», etc.
[p-xviii]
751 haue «mercy» of me, «iantail» 1494–5 — «merci» li a crié:
knyȝt «Gentix» hom . .
781 to «remurie» þe of þis place 1515 ja par moi n’i seriés . .
«remués»
817 he was «encombred» with F. 1552 Mais de F. est . . .
«encombrés»
922 þey went forth on a «pendant» 1696 Cil s’entornent fuiant le
«pendant» d’un laris
947 wan hure spere gunne to 1712 Quant les lances lor «falent»
«faile»
984 At «avalyng» of an hulle 1734 À «l’avaler» d’un tertre
1008. 1012 to «rescourre» þe 1757 . . les barons «rescous» . .
barons
1016 wel longe hadde þis «chas» 1764 Moult fu grans cele «chace»
ylest
1058 and oþre reliques riche ynow 1806 Et les dignes reliques dont il
wherof y have «plentee» i ad «plenté»
1227 for to wyte wat þay «be» and 2067 Lor «couvine» et lor «estre»
hure «covyne» yknowe enquerre et demander.
1316 By an old forsake ȝeate of 2144 Par une gaste porte de «viel»
þe «olde antiquyte» «antequité»
1773 sittynge on a grene «erber» 2562 . . siét sous cel «arbre»
ramé.
1974 Florippe his doȝtre þe 2712 Floripas la «courtoise» a
«cortoyse» in «chambre» þar le «nois» escoute Puis issi de
she was In þe «paleys» yhurde la «cambre», . . . Entresi c’au
«noise» and þyder þan she gas «palais» . .
2007 þow ert «asotid» 2733 . . vous voi «assoté».
2538 a gret «repref» it were 3136 . . il nous est «reprouvé»
3665 brydel and «paytrel» and al 4117 Li estrier furent d’or,
þe gere wiþ fyn gold yharneyssed rices fu li «poitrés»
were
3672 and þe king him gan «ascrie» 4126 . . . si s’est haut «escriés».
3791 a gret «dul» þay made þere 4236 . . demainent grant «dolour»
4541 with an hard «crestid» 4832 vestu ot la pel d’un dur
«serpentis» fel «serpent» «cresté»
5753 on þan ston a «cracchede» 5910 en «despit» de Ihesu ens es
and in a spatte in «dispit» of fous «ecraca».
god, etc.
Besides these undoubted examples of translation, we must bear in mind
that there occur some variations of readings, where, indeed, the author
of «Syr Ferumbras» seems to have introduced slight incidents and
modifications. But examining them more closely, we shall soon become
aware that many of them also point to a French original, which we may
sometimes identify by comparing these variations with the readings of
those French MSS. that are already printed. Thus, the words “þarto
ys stede þan tyeþ he,” l. 91, render exactly a line of the Escorial
MS.[36]—“son cheval aresna à l’abricel rose”—which is omitted in l. 93
of «F» («i. e.» the French «Fierabras», as edited by MM. Krœber and
Servois).[37] [p-xix]
The following is another example of A (= the Ashmolean «Ferumbras»)
differing from «F», but agreeing with «E»:
A. E.
175 Ne «lyre» he noȝt þys day til 175 ke il puisse tant «vivre» que
evene cis jours soit passés
2131 Adoun þay gunne falle, 2833 Issi «agenoillierent» par
«knellyng» on þe erthe stille bones volentez
... & «kussedem» «everechone», ... «Ils baissent» les reliques ...
etc.
Notwithstanding these resemblances of «A» to «E», in passages where «A»
differs from «F», «E» cannot have been the source of «A», as there are
many instances where «E» and «F» show the same reading, whereas «A»
differs from both versions.
Thus, «A», l. 340 «et seq.», it is Duke Reyner who blesses his son, and
not Charles, as «E» and «F» (l. 357) have it.
The names of Arrenor, Gwychard, Gayot, and Angwyree, given in l. 814,
differ from those which are mentioned in the corresponding passage of
«E» and «F» (ll. 1548–49).
There is no mention of Kargys being slain by Oliver («A» 880) to be
found in «E» or «F» (l. 1670–76).
In «A» 1178, «Lamasour» advises the Soudan not to slay the prisoners;
in «E» and «F» (l. 1948) the same advice is given by «Brulans».
The names of «Lambrock» and «Colbrant» («A» 1616, 1618) are not found
in «E» and «F», 2424.
«A», ll. 1347–48, are wanting in «E» and «F» (2174). [p-xx]
Instead of a giant («A» 1700) we find a giantess mentioned in «E» and
«F» (l. 2483).
Instead of Roland («A» 1793) it is Naymes who speaks first in «E» and
«F», 2570.
These few instances, the number of which might easily be increased,
will certainly suffice to show the impossibility of regarding «E» as
the original of «A».
Only a short passage of the Didot MS. has been hitherto printed;[38]
therefore the arguments drawn from a comparison of «A» with that
printed passage cannot be considered as altogether irrefutable and
final. But as the Didot MS. belongs to the same family of MSS. as «E»,
we may at once presume, that as «E» cannot be taken for the original
of «A», the possibility of the Didot MS. being the source of «A», is
not very strong. Besides it may be stated, that no trace of the two
additional lines (ll. 19 and 20[39]) which the Didot MS. inserts after
l. 63 of «a» (or «F») is found in «A», although this version gives, in
ll. 52 ss., a pretty close translation of the corresponding passage in
«F» (ll. 50 «et seq.»). This may lead us to conclude that the Didot MS.
was not the source of «A».
Comparing now «A» with what is known of the Hanover MS. of
«Fierabras»,[40] we find «A» resembling to «H» in the following names:
«Lucafer» (only once «Lukefer» in «A» 2204), «Maragounde» (once
«Marigounde, A» 1364), «Maubyn A» = «Maupyn H.»—«A» 1700 and 2831,
which differ from «F», equally agree with «H». In the last case «A»
agrees also with «E» (although differing from «F»). Now as we know that
«H» together with «D» and «E» are derived from the same group «z»,[41]
we may perhaps be justified in regarding a MS. of the latter group as
the original of «A». But a more detailed comparison of «A» with «H»
being impossible at present, this argumentation wants confirmation.
The impossibility of regarding the Provençal version as the source
[p-xxi] of the Ashmolean «Ferumbras», is proved by the fact that
the long additional account, the ‘episode’ as Professor Grœber calls
it,[42] is wanting in «A». Another proof is given by «A», ll. 5763 «et
seq.», where «A» agrees with «F», but widely differs from «P».[43]
It seems superfluous to point out the inadmissibility of regarding the
French prose version as the original of «A», the first edition of the
prose version being of a much later date than the Ashmole «Ferumbras».
But also that version from which the prose romance has been copied
or compiled, cannot have been the original of «A». For although the
phrase of «A», 3888—“A skuntede as a bore”—seems to contain some
resemblance of expression with the reading of the prose «Fierabras»—“il
commença à escumer come s’il fust ung senglier eschaufé,” which Caxton
translates—“he began to scumme at the mouthe lyke a bore enchaffed”—the
reading of «A», ll. 1307 ss., which greatly varies from Caxton’s
version (a translation of the French prose «Fierabras»), renders
inadmissible the supposition that the original of the French prose
version is the source of «A».[44]
Having thus compared the Ashmolean «Ferumbras», as far as can be done
at present, with all existing versions of this romance, we arrive at
the following conclusions.
The Ashmole «Ferumbras» is a pretty close translation of some French
version, which we are at present unable to identify. Its original
was neither of the same family («w») as the «Fierabras», edited by
MM. Krœber and Servois, nor yet of that of the Escorial version.
Nevertheless, the original of «Sir Ferumbras» cannot have differed
much from the common original, from which these two groups of MSS. are
derived. To this original, called «y» by Grœber, the MS., from which
«A» has been copied, appears to have been more closely related than to
the Provençal version, from which it certainly is not derived. As the
liberties which the author of «Sir Ferumbras» took in translating his
original, consist only in very slight modifications, we may conclude
[p-xxii] from his closeness of translation in general, that in those
passages of «A» which exhibit significant deviations from the known
French versions, these variations are not due to the composer of the
Ashmolean poem, but were already to be found in its original. Therefore
the Ashmole «Ferumbras» may be considered as representing by itself the
translation of an independent French MS., which perhaps belonged, or at
least was nearly related, to the type «y».
I now come to the consideration of the «Sowdan of Babylone», which
the simple analysis given by Ellis,[45] shows to be an essentially
different work from the Ashmolean «Ferumbras». Indeed, whilst the
«Syr Ferumbras» represents only a portion (viz. the second part) of
the original «Fierabras» [or «Balan», as Gaston Paris has styled
it],[46] the «Sowdan» approaches the original more nearly in that it
contains the long ‘introductory account’.[47] For this first part of
the «Sowdan» (as far as l. 970), although it cannot be considered as
identical with the first portion of the old «Balan» romance, contains
several facts, which, however abridged and modified, show a great
resemblance with those which must have been the subject of the lost
portion of the old original. Whereas the Ashmolean «Ferumbras» is, on
the whole, a mere translation of a French original, the «Sowdan» must
be looked upon as a free reproduction of the English redactor, who,
though following his original as far as regards the course of events,
modelled the matter given there according to his own genius, and thus
came to compose an independent work of his own.
This point being fully treated in my «Dissertation»,[48] I need not
again enter into discussion of it here. I only mention that the
composer of the «Sowdan» has much shortened his original, omitting all
episodes and secondary circumstances not necessarily connected with the
principal action, so that this poem does not contain half the number
of lines which his original had,[49] and that the proportion of the
diffuse Ashmolean «Ferumbras» and the «Sowdan» is over five to one.[50]
[p-xxiii]
The subject of the ‘introductory account,’ or the first part of the
«Sowdan», is nearly the same as that of the «Destruction de Rome»,
differing from this poem only in the omission of a few insignificant
incidents or minor episodes, and in greater conciseness, which latter
circumstances, however, enters into the general plan of the author.
Indeed, the author of the «Sowdan» seems to have known the
«Destruction», as we see from a comparison of the two poems. Thus the
following instances show a great resemblance of expression of the two
versions:
«Sowdan.» «Destruction.»
37 ‘With kinges xii and 420 ‘Ensemble ou li issirent xv
admyralles xiv’ roi corone Et xiv amaceours’
1154 ‘Bien i a xxx roi et xiv
admiré’
689 ‘xxx roi sont ou li et xiv
amaceours’
163 ‘Et xiv amaceours’
77 ‘The Romaynes robbed us 115–16 ‘De cels de Romenie que
anone’ m’ont fait desrobber. Tiel
avoir m’ont robbé’
75 ‘to presente you’ 119 ‘vous quidai presenter’
76 ‘a drift of wedir us droffe to 120 ‘Uns vens nous fist à Rome
Rome’ parmi le far sigler’
110 ‘An hundred thousande’ 217 ‘Par C fois M payen’
128 ‘To manace with the Cristene 228 ‘pour François menacier’
lore’ 332 ‘Et menace François pour faire
les loye’
175–76 ‘Oure sheldes be not broke 546–47 ‘Quant encor nen est lance
nothinge, Hawberkes, spere, ner quassée ne brusie, Ne halbers
poleyne, ner pole’ derompus, ne fors targe percie’
224–27 ‘Lukafere, Kinge of Baldas, 613–19 ‘Lucafer de Baldas
The countrey hade serchid and discent al mestre tre, Devant
sought, Ten thousande maidyns l’amirail vint, forment
fayre of face Unto the Sowdan l’a encline: Voyant tot
hath he broghte’ ses barnages l’a l’eschec
presente, Moignes, prestres
et lais, que sont enchenee,
Hermites et enfants, a tous
lor poign lié; As femmes et
pucels les os furent bende,
Totes vives presentent par
devant l’admiré.’
228 ss. ‘The Sowdane commaunded 614 ‘Maintenant soient tot occis
hem anone That thai shulde al et descoupé. Ne voil que mi
be slayne . . . He saide “My serjant en soient encombré.’
peple nowe ne shalle With hem
noughte defouled be”’
278 ‘He clepede his engynour Sir 908 ‘Sortibrans a mande Mabon
Mavone’ l’engineor’
289 ‘Mahoundis benysone thou shalt 627 ‘Mahon te benoie’
haue’ 925 ‘Mahon te doint honor’
[p-xxiv]
286 ‘And fille the dikes faste 934 ‘Si emplirons les fosses’
anoone’
293 ‘Men myght go even to the 918 ‘K’om poet aler al mure’
walle’ 952 ‘K’om pooit bien au mur et
venir et aler’
307 ‘The hethen withdrowe hem tho’ 979 ‘Payen se sont retrait’
317 ‘His baner knowe I ful welle’ 997 ‘Jeo ai bien ses armes conu et
avisee’
331 ‘He entred to the maistre 1011 ‘Tantost le mestre porte
toure’ aurons moult bien ferme’
332 ‘The firste warde thus they 1057 ‘Mais tot le premier bail ont
wonne’ Sarasin pople’
346–50 ‘And Estragot with him he 1090–94 ‘Estragot le poursuit,
mette With bores hede, blake uns geans diffaes, Teste avoit
and donne. For as a bore an com senglers, si fu rois
hede hadde And a grete mace coronés. El main tient une
stronge as stele. He smote mace de fin ascier trempé, Un
Savaryz as he were madde’ coup a Savariz desur le chef
done’
587 ‘Therfore Gy of Bourgoyne! 1179 ‘Et Guion de Bourgoyne a
Myn owen nevewe so trewe’ a lui apelle, Fils est de
sa soror et de sa parente:
Cosins, vous en irrés . .’
647 ‘He smote of the traytours 1236 ‘Le chief al portier trenche’
hede’
648 ‘And saide “Gode gife him 1244 ‘“Diex” fist il “te maldie et
care, Shal he never more ete que t’ont engendré, Kar
brede, All traitours evel mot traitour au darain averont mal
thai fare”’ dehé.”’
663 ‘Ferumbras to Seinte Petris 1260 ‘Al moustier de saint Piere
wente’ est Fierenbras ales’
727 ‘Thre hundred thousande of 1403 ‘iii C mil chevaliers’
sowdeours’
743 ‘Sir Gye aspied his comynge, 1409 ‘Guis parceut le baniere le
He knewe the baner of Fraunce, roi de saint Dine, Encontre
He wente anoone ayen the Kinge, lui chevalche, la novele ont
And tolde him of that conté Come la fort cité li
myschaunce, payen ont gasté; La corone
Howe that the cursed sowdone, et les clous d’iloec en
Hath brent Rome and bore the sont robbé Et les altres
relequis awaye’ reliques . .’
771 ‘Wynde him blewe ful fayre and 1425 ‘Li vens en fiert es voilles
gode’ que les a bien guies’
778 ‘To londe thai wente iwis’ 1427 ‘il sont en terre entré’
783 ‘Tithinggis were tolde to 1436 ‘Les noveles en vindrent al
Lavan’ soldan diffaié’
787 ‘With three hundred thousand 1443 ‘iii C mile François’
of bacheleris’
Other instances of resemblance may be found in the following passages:
«S» 49–50 = «D» 94–99;[51] «S» 103 = «D» 202, 209; «S» 119 = «D» 385;
«S» 146 = «D» 445–46; «S» 150 = «D» 503–4; «S» 157 = «D» 509; «S» 300 =
«D» 967; [p-xxv] «S» 303 = «D» 915; «S» 396 = «D» 977; «S» 312 = «D»
989; «S» 340 = «D» 1063; «S» 360 = «D» 1101; «S» 376 = «D» 1119, 1121;
«S» 377 = «D» 1133; «S» 380 = «D» 1136; «S» 699 = «D» 1379; «S» 723 =
«D» 1384, &c., &c.
Besides, there are some names which occurring in none of the French
versions, but in the «Destruction», point to this poem as to the
original of the «Sowdan». Thus «Savaris»[52] («S» 171) seems to be
taken from «D» 540.
«Astragot» or «Estragot», «S» 346, 2944, 3022, the name of the giant by
whom Savaris is slain, and who is said to be the husband of Barrock,
occurs in «D» 1090.
The «Ascopartes», a people subjected to the Soudan, are mentioned in
«D» 98, 426, but not in «F» or «P».
King «Lowes», in the context where it occurs («S» 24) is clearly taken
from «D» 9.
«Iffrez», «S» 165, is perhaps the same as «Geffroi» in «D» 1139, 1367,
1122.
[«Mounpelers», «S» 3228, occurs only in «D» 250, 286.]
«Persagyn», «S» 1259, seems to be identical with «Persagon», «D» 162.
The form «Laban» is only met with in the «Destruction», the French and
the Provençal versions, and the Ashmole «Ferumbras» reading «Balan».[53]
The name of the Soudan’s son, «Ferumbras», is explained by the form
«Fierenbras», which occurs in «D» 57, 66, 71, 91, 343, 1210, 1237,
besides the spelling «Fierabras», which is the only one used in the
French, the Provençal and Caxton’s versions.
Also the phrase ‘sowdan’ seems to have been derived from the
«Destruction» (l. 1436, ‘soldan’), as it does not occur in any other
version.
The great number of these resemblances seem evidently to point out the
«Destruction» as the original of the first portion of the «Sowdan»; the
few points in which the two versions differ not being such as to offer
convincing arguments against this supposition. [p-xxvi]
Indeed if, for instance, we find a lot of nations, the names of which
are not in «D», mentioned by the author of the poem as belonging to
the Soudan’s empire, this point can be considered as irrelevant, as
from many other instances we know how fond many composers of mediæval
romances were of citing geographical names, by the great number of
which they believed to show their knowledge in that science.[54] Also
the three names of Saints («Qwyntyn», «Symon», «Fremond»[55]), and the
names of five Saracen gods and of a Saracen bishop,[56] many of which,
moreover, seem to be inserted only for the sake of rhyme, cannot be
regarded as being of great consequence in establishing the source of
the «Sowdan». Others also, as «Oliborn», «Focard», «Hubert», «Gyndard»,
«Tamper» (the last occurring twice as a rhyme-word), being the names
of insignificant characters, may be looked upon as mere expletives.
Another variation is «Isrez» (ll. 625, 641) for «Tabour» («D» 1202).
Besides these variations in the names contained in the two poems,
we find in the «Sowdan» some slight modifications as to the matter
related; none of which, however, is of so significant a character, as
necessarily to point to some other original than the «Destruction»,
which the very striking points of resemblance above cited show almost
decisively to have been the original of the «Sowdan». The differences
in the subject-matter may be explained by the tendency of the poet to
follow his original only as far as the principal events are concerned,
but to have his own way in the arrangement of the subject-matter, and
especially to deal freely with secondary incidents.
Thus he may have thought the combat round Château-Miroir—which,
moreover, is related in the «Destruction» in a rather obscure and
confused style—to be a rather episodical incident, which he had better
leave out in his poem, as not advancing the principal course of events.
A similar explanation may be given of the fact, that the account of
Lukafer’s desiring the hand of Floripas is given on another occasion in
the «Sowdan» than in the «Destruction». In the «Destruction», l. 241,
Lucafer claims that maiden immediately on arriving in the [p-xxvii]
Soudan’s camp, as a reward for his having travelled such a long way
in Laban’s service. The poet of the «Sowdan» thinking, perhaps, that
this was not a sufficient reason to justify such a claim, mentions this
incident at another time, which he may have considered as more properly
chosen for demanding a reward. It is on returning from a victorious
expedition undertaken by Lukafer that the latter in the «Sowdan», ll.
224–242, asks for the hand of Floripas.
As to the following or second part of the «Sowdan», on the whole the
same subject is treated of as in the Ashmole «Ferumbras». But there are
many differences between the two poems.
In the «Sowdan», l. 1411 «et seq.», Roland is captured by the Saracens
at the same time as Oliver, and both on being conducted before Laban at
once avow their names. In the Ashmole MS., ll. 909, &c., Oliver is led
away to the Soudan together with Gwylmer, Berard, Geoffrey, and Aubray,
whereas Roland is among the French peers whom Charlemagne sends on a
mission to Laban to demand the surrender of Oliver.[57]
The names of the twelve peers do not agree in both poems. In the
«Sowdan» we find the following list (cf. ll. 1653 «et seq.», and
ll. 1730, 880):—Roland, Oliver, Duk Neymes of Bavere, Oger Danoys,
Tery Lardeneys, Folk Baliante, Aleroyse of Loreyne, Miron of Braban,
Bishop Turpyn, Bernard of Spruwse, Bryer of Mountez,[58] Guy of
Bourgoyne.[59]—Richard of Normandye, although a most important
personage, is not included amongst the «Douzeperes». Nor is Guenelyn
mentioned as a peer of France. Four of these names, Folk Baliant,
Turpyn, Bernard of Spruwse, Aleroyse of Loreyne, do not occur at all in
the Ashmolean «Ferumbras».[60]
The new game which Lucafer wants to teach Neymes, is differently
described in the two poems, there being no mention made in the Ashmol.
MS. (ll. 2231 «et seq.») of the thread, needle, and coal, as spoken of
in ll. 1998–2000 of the «Sowdan». [p-xxviii]
In the «Sowdan», l. 2507, Laban, being engaged with his gods, seizes
the image of Mahound and smashes it. This incident is omitted in «Syr
Ferumbras» (ll. 3345).
In the Ashmole MS., ll. 5760 «et seq.», Ferumbras tries to persuade
his father to become a Christian, whilst Floripas urges Charles not
to delay in putting him to death. In the «Sowdan», l. 3156 «et seq.»,
there is no mention of either of them interfering either for or against
their father.
Ashm. MS., ll. 130 «et seq.», differs greatly from the corresponding
passage in the «Sowdan» (ll. 1647 «et seq.»). In the latter poem the
knights are pulled up from their dungeon with a rope, whilst in the
former they have their fetters taken off by means of a sledge-hammer,
anvil, and tongs, &c.
In the «Sowdan», l. 3044, Richard of Normandy is left back as a
governor of Mantrible; in the Ashmole version, l. 4881 «et seq.», Raoul
and Howel are ordered to keep that place, whereas Richard accompanies
Charlemagne (cf. l. 5499).
In the Ashm. MS., l. 5209, Neymes sees first Charles coming with his
host; in the «Sowdan», l. 3083, it is Floripas who first discovers the
banner of France.
The prayer which Charlemagne, seeing Oliver in distress, addressed to
Christ, in the «Sowdan», l. 1304 «et seq.», is not mentioned in the
Ashm. version.
The account of the duel between Oliver and Ferumbras differs
considerably in the two versions. In the Ashmolean MS., l. 580, the
incident of Oliver assisting Ferumbras to arm (cf. «Sowdan», 1158) is
omitted, and it is not Oliver (as in the «Sowdan», l. 1270) who is
disarmed, but Ferumbras, whom his adversary offers to accept his own
sword back (Ashm. MS., l. 680).
In the Ashmolean version, l. 102, Ferumbras offers to fight at once
with twelve of Charles’s knights; in the corresponding passage of the
«Sowdan», l. 1067, he challenges only six.
In the «Sowdan», l. 1512 «et seq.», Floripas advises her father not to
slay the captive peers, but to detain them as hostages that might be
exchanged for Ferumbras. In the Ashm. MS., l. 1178, it is not Floripas,
but Lamasour, who gives that advice to the amirant. [p-xxix]
As in many of the variations, mentioned just before, there are many
omissions in the Ashmole MS., which are related in the «Sowdan»,
it becomes evident that the Ashmolean version cannot have been the
original from which the «Sowdan» was copied, which is also proved
by several names occurring in the «Sowdan», but which are not to be
found in «Syr Ferumbras». Thus, for instance, the names of «Espiard»,
«Belmore», «Fortibrance», «Tamper»,[61] do not occur at all in the
Ashmolean version, whereas other names have quite a different form
in the latter poem. For «Generyse», «S» 1135, 1239, we find «Garin»,
«A» 216, 443; «Barrock», «S» 2939, 2943, 3022 = «Amyote», «A» 4663;
«Alagolofur», «S» 2135, 2881 = «Agolafre», «A» 3831, 4327; and «Laban»
is always spelt «Balan» in the Ashmolean poem, &c.
Now as there are some passages where the «Sowdan», while it differs
from the Ashm. MS., corresponds with the French «Fierabras», we might
be inclined to think that poem to be the original of the «Sowdan». Thus
Charlemagne’s prayer and the name of Bishop Turpin, which are omitted
in the Ashm. MS., occur in the French «Fierabras». But there are
several differences between the «Sowdan» and the French poem.
In the «Fierabras», l. 1933, the French prisoners, on being brought
before the Soudan, do not avow their true names as they do in the
«Sowdan», l. 1498.
In the French poem, l. 704, Oliver tells his adversary his name before
the fight begins; in the «Sowdan», l. 1249, he does not confess his
true name until they had fought for a considerable time.
In the «Fierabras», l. 1043, Oliver drinks of the bottles of balm,
which is not mentioned in the «Sowdan», l. 1190.
Again, «Fierabras», ll. 1329 ss., where Ferumbras having disarmed
Oliver, tells him to take his sword back again, does not agree with ll.
1279–82 of the «Sowdan».
Instead of Floripas («S» 1515), «Brulans» advises the Soudan not to
slay the prisoners in «F» 1949.
The French knight slain at the sally of the captives is called «Bryer»
in «S» 2604, but «Basin» in «F» 3313. [p-xxx]
Concerning the sacred relics there is no mention made of the «cross»
(«S» 3236) in the French poem, and the «signe», «i. e.» ‘the shroud or
winding-sheet of the Lord’[62] («F» 6094), is omitted in the «Sowdan».
Besides these variations of the two versions there is an incident
of Marsedag being killed by Guy, and buried by the Saracens («S»
2247–2274), which being omitted in the «Fierabras» proves that the
author of the «Sowdan» cannot have followed the French poem, or at
least not that version which is edited by MM. Krœber and Servois.
Similarly there is no mention made in the French «Fierabras» of Bryer
being charged to take care of the relics and of Charles’s treasure («S»
3204).
The game of blowing burning coals is related in «Sowdan», l. 1996 ss.,
with several details which are wanting in the French poem, l. 2907.
The names also do not always agree in both versions. Thus we find
«Generyse», «S» 1139, for «Garin», «F» 438; «Mapyn», «S» 2325, for
«Maubrun», «F» 3046; «Alagolofur», «S» 2135, for «Agolafre», «F» 4290
or «Golafre», «F» 4267, 4383; «Bryer», «S» 2604, for «Basin», «F» 3313;
«Maragounde», «S» 1563, for «Marabunde», «F» 2196; «Boloyne», «S»
3238, for «St. Denis», «F» 6199; «Barokke», «S» 2939, and «Espiard»,
«S» 2145, are not mentioned at all in the French «Fierabras», nor
does« Belmore», «S» 3122, occur in the «Fierabras», either in the
corresponding passage, «F» 5867, or elsewhere.
On the fact that the names of the twelve peers (see above, p. xxvii)
differ in the «Sowdan» from those mentioned in the «Fierabras», too
much stress need not, I think, be laid, as it might be explained by the
simple inadvertence of the composer. The poet in freely reproducing his
source, which he generally followed pretty closely as far as relates
the course of events, well remembered the names of the principal French
knights; but having forgotten those of less important characters, some
of whom do not appear again in the poem, and being obliged to fill up
their number of twelve, might have placed any names which he remembered
having met with somewhere [p-xxxi] as included in the list of the
douzeperes. By an oversight he omitted to mention Richard, whom however
we see appear afterwards.[63]
Similarly the names of «Laban» and «Ferumbras» for «Balan» and
«Fierabras» afford no convincing proof of the impossibility of
the French «Fierabras» being the original of the second part of
the «Sowdan», as the poet, having found those spellings in the
«Destruction», the source of the first portion of his romance, might
simply have retained them for the whole poem.
But reviewing all the facts of the case, and taking into account those
passages which relate incidents omitted in the «Fierabras», and which
the author of the «Sowdan» therefore cannot have taken from that
poem—and further taking into account the several differences between
the two versions, which, it may be admitted, generally speaking, are
only slight ones—the French «Fierabras», «i. e.» the version edited by
MM. Krœber and Servois, which represents the group «w» (see before, p.
xix, footnote), cannot have been the original of the second part of the
«Sowdan».
Proceeding now to a comparison of the «Sowdan» with the Escorial
MS.,[64] we have not found any passage where «S» differing from «F»
agrees with «E», as «E» and «F» generally have in those places the same
reading. Therefore the Escorial MS. cannot be regarded as the original
of the «Sowdan».
Unfortunately the fragment printed from the Hanover MS. is too short
to allow of an exact comparison with that version. We only know[65]
that some names, the spelling of which in the «Sowdan» differs from
that in the other versions, have the same form in the Hanover MS. as
in the «Sowdan». Thus we find the following names agreeing in both
versions: «Lucafer», «Maragonde», «Maupyn». Only instead of «Laban»
which is used in the «Sowdan», we read «Balan». In the fragment printed
by Grœber,[66] we find the name of the Soudan’s son [p-xxxii] with the
same spelling as in the «Destruction», «Fier»en«bras», which is nearer
to «Fer»um«bras» than «Fier»a«bras».[67]
This resemblance of the names contained in the two versions might lead
us to believe the Hanover MS. of «Fierabras» to be the original of
the second part of the «Sowdan», just as the «Destruction», found in
the same MS., is the original of the first part. But as, according to
Gaston Paris, the Hanoverian version “is the same as the printed text,
differing only in slight variations of readings,”[68] we may suppose it
likely that in all passages where the «Sowdan» differs from the printed
«Fierabras», it also differs from the Hanover MS. Nevertheless, as the
differences between the «Sowdan» and the printed «Fierabras» are, on
the whole, not very significant; for the several instances of omission
in the «Sowdan», being easily accounted for by the general plan of the
poet, cannot be regarded as real variations; and as some names, the
spelling of which differs in «S» and «F», are found to be identical in
«S» and «H», we might, perhaps, be entitled to think the second part of
the «Sowdan» to be founded on a MS. similar to the Hanover one.
It still remains for us to compare the «Sowdan» with the Provençal
version.
In most cases where «S» differs from «F», it also differs from «P»,
therefore «S» cannot have taken those variations of readings from the
Provençal poem.
The account of the knights sent on a mission to Laban, in «S»
1663–1738, considerably differs from the corresponding passage in «P»
2211 ss.
In «P» the scene of the whole poem is placed in Spain, there is no
mention of the combat before Rome,[69] as in the first part of the
«Sowdan».
The game of blowing a coal, «S» 1996 ss., is not mentioned in the
Provençal version.
From these variations, taken at random out of a greater number,
[p-xxxiii] it becomes evident that the Provençal poem has not been the
original of the «Sowdan».
If now we compare the «Sowdan» with Caxton’s version, which we know to
be simply a translation of the French prose romance of «Fierabras»;[70]
the few following instances of differences between «C» and «S» will
show at once, that also that version from which the prose romance was
copied or compiled[71] cannot have been the original of the «Sowdan».
There are several variations in the names contained in the two
versions. Thus we find «Ballant» in «C» for «Laban» in «S»;
«Fyer»a«bras» in «C» for «Fe»rum«bras» in «S»; «Garin», «C» 55/3 =
«Generyse», «S» 1135; «Amyotte», «C» 176/26 = «Barrokk», «S» 1135, &c.
The game of blowing a coal is told with more details in «S» 1998, and
somewhat differently from «C» 118/24; the incident of Laban’s seizing
the image of Mahound and smashing it, which is related in «S» 2507, is
omitted in «C», &c.
Looking back now to our investigation concerning the original of the
«Sowdan», we sum up what results from it, in the following «resumé»:
Most probably the «Destruction de Rome» is the original of the first
part of the «Sowdan». As to the second part, we are unable to identify
it with any of the extant versions. The French «Fierabras», as edited
by MM. Krœber and Servois, is not the original, but the differences
between the two poems are not significant; apparently a version similar
to the Hanover MS. may be thought to be the original.
The «Sowdan» is no translation, but a free reproduction of its
originals; the author of the «Sowdan» following his sources only as
far as concerns the course of the principal events, but going his own
independent way in arranging the subject-matter as well as in many
minor points.
The «Sowdan» differs from the poem of «Syr Ferumbras» in two principal
points:
(1) In being an original work, not in the conception, but in the
treatment of the subject-matter, whereas the Ashmole «Ferumbras» is
little more than a mere translation. [p-xxxiv]
(2) In representing, in its first portion, the first part of the old
«Balan» romance, whereas «Syr Ferumbras» contains only the second.
But as that second part of the old «Balan» romance appears to be
considerably modified and greatly amplified in the Ashmole «Ferumbras»,
so the first part of the «Sowdan» contains a likewise modified, but
much shortened, narration of the first part of the old «Balan» poem, so
that the «Sowdan» has arrived to become quite a different work from the
original «Balan» or «Fierabras» romance, and that a reconstruction of
the contents of that old poem would be impossible from the «Sowdan».
LANGUAGE AND SUMMARY OF GRAMMATICAL FORMS.
As regards the language of the «Sowdan», the first point is the
dialect. Looking at the plurals of the present indicative in «-en»
or «-n», we at once detect the Midland peculiarities of the poem.
Thus we find, l. 1331, «gone» rhyming with «one», l. 1010, «goon» :
«camalyon», l. 506, «gone» : «than», l. 1762, «lyven» : «gyfen», l.
1816, «byleven» : «even».
The verbal forms of the singular present indicative and of the second
person sing. preterite of weak verbs lead us to assign this poem to an
East-Midland writer. The 2nd and 3rd person singular present indicative
end in «-est», «-eth»; and the 2nd person sing. preterite of weak verbs
exhibits the inflection «-est»: l. 1202, «goist» : «moost»; 1314, 1715,
«knowest»; 1344, «trowest»; 1154, «blowest»; 1153, «saiest»; 2292,
«forgetist»; 560, «doist»; 1193, «doistowe»;—1093, «goth» : «wroth»,
1609 : «loth», 1620 : «doth»; 1728, «sleith» : «deth»; 561, «sholdest»;
1244, «shuldist»; 603, «madist»; 563, «hadist»; 2219, «askapedist»,
&c.—Twice we find the 2nd person preterite without «-est» («made»,
«wroght»); but see the note to l. 2.
If, now, we examine the phonological and inflectional peculiarities
of the «Sowdan», we find them thoroughly agreeing with those of other
East-Midland works,[72] which still further confirms the supposition of
the East-Midland origin of the poem. [p-xxxv]
«I» or «y», the descendants of original «u» (which in Old English
[Anglo-Saxon] had already become «y» or «i» in consequence of «i-»
mutation or «umlaut»)—are found rhyming with original «i»:—ll. 449,
881, «kyn» : «him», 2060 : «wynne»; 1657, «fille» : «stille»; 1973,
«fire» : «desire», &c. It must, however, be noted that the rhyme
«king» : «inne» (l. 372) or «king» : «thing» (ll. 173, 236) cannot be
regarded as an East-Midland peculiarity, because «king», «drihten»,
«chikken», the «i» of which is a modification of original «u», are
to be met with in all Middle-English dialects, as has been shown by
Professor Zupitza in the «Anzeiger für deutsches Altertum», vol. vi. p.
6.
Old English short «a», which is liable to change into «o», appears in
this poem—
(1) always as «o», before «n-» combinations («nd», «nt», «ng»):—531,
«stronge» : «istonge»; 3166, «bronte» : «fonte»; 214, «amonge» :
«longe», &c.
(2) as «a», before the single consonants «m» and «n»:—1120, «name» :
«shame», 935 : «same», 1739 : «grame»; 785, 1773, «man» : «Lavan»;
3125, «came» : «Lavan» (cf. 2579, «Lavan» : «tane»); 2160, «came» :
«dame», &c.—The fact that «com» (ll. 547, 1395, 3095, &c.) is used as
well as «cam» as sing. preterite indic. need occasion no difficulty if
we remember that the original short «a» (or «o») of «cam» (or «com»)
had already been lengthened into «ô» in the O.E. period.[73] «Came» and
«come» as pret. sing. are employed indifferently in «Chaucer» as well
as in the «Celestin» (ed. Horstmann, «Anglia», i. 56), which is known
to have been composed in the East-Midland dialect.
«O» long, from O.E. «â», in our poem has that broad sound which is
peculiar to the East-Midland dialect. We find it rhyming with—
(1) original «ô»:—1025, «wrothe» : «sothe»; 801, «goo» : «doo»; 60,
«inowe» : «blowe»; 325, «so» : «ido», &c.
(2) unchangeable «a»:—257, «Aufricanes» : «stoones»; 506, «gon» :
«than»; 2049, «agoon» : «Lavan», &c.
As many East-Midland works[74] the «Sowdan» has three forms for O.E.
þâr:—«thare», «thore», «there», all of which are established by the
rhyme:—1805, «thore» : «Egremoure» (cf. 2895, «Egremoure» : «tresoure»,
1003, «Agremore» : «more»); 126, «thore» : «lore»; 430, «thare» :
«sware»; [p-xxxvi] 2245, «there» : «chere», 2404 : «bere»; 2604,
«there» : «were» (w[^æ]ron), 208 : «were» (werian), &c.
We likewise find «sore» and «sare»[75] (O.E. sâre):—1196, «sore» :
«more»; 166, «sare» : «care»; 1377, «sore» : «thore».
The O.E. diphthongs «ea» and «eo» and the O.E. «ŷ» (mutated from
«êa» or «êo») appear as «e» in this poem:—1595, «me» : «see», 632 :
«fee», 1339 : «free», 405 : «be»; 1535, «depe» : «slepe»; 1011, 1523,
«dere» : «here»; 963, «yere» : «vere», 1257 : «Olyvere»; 996, «nere» :
«were»; 596, 1528, «nede» : «spede»; 1702, «eke» : «speke»; 1726,
«leke» : «speke»; 184, 215, 1208, «shelde» : «felde»; 2530, «hevene» :
«elevene», &c.
A brief summary of the grammatical inflexions employed in the poem will
also give evidence of a great similarity with the forms used by other
East-Midland writers, and will serve to show that the language of the
«Sowdan» agrees closely with that of «Chaucer».
In the declension of substantives the only remnant of case-formation by
means of inflexions is the ending used to form the Genitive Singular
and the Plural.
The genitive singular of nouns ends in «es» (sometimes written «-is» or
«ys») for all genders:—356, «develes»; 1209, «stedes»; 849, «worldis»;
1804, «worldes»; 3035, «dammes»; 1641, «nedes»; 1770, «shippes»; 1072,
«faderis».
Substantives ending in «-s» in the nominative case, remain unchanged
in the genitive case:—1214, 1287, «Ferumbras»; 2006, «Naymes»; 3207,
«Charles»; 1639, 1350, «Floripas».—«Florip», l. 614, is the genitive
case of «Floripe» or «Florip», l. 2027, 1571.
The nominative plural of all genders is formed by «-es» («-is», «-ys»)
or «-s»:—919, «knightes», 1947, 2276, «knightis»; 1384, «horses», 1401,
«horsys»; 429, 2054, «gatis»; 192, «wordes»; 837, «swerdes»; 174,
«hedes»; 2289, «ladies»; 3271, «soules»; 26, «bokes»; 606, «peres»;
297, «tours», &c. Examples of a plural case without «s» are seen in
«thinge», l. 2, 1709:—O.E. «þing»; «honde», 987, O.E. «handa», as
well as «hondes», 1412, 2568; «frende», 3212, O.E. «frŷnd», as well
as «frendes», 1011, O.E. «frêondas». Other plurals which are equally
easily explained by their O.E. forms are:—«eyen», 825, O.E. «êagan»;
«shoone», 1381, O.E. «scêon»; «fete», 1403, O.E. «fêt», «fote», 1427,
O.E. «fôtum», 2673, O.E. «fôta». [p-xxxvii]
To mark the difference between the definite and indefinite forms of
adjectives is a difficult task; as the final «-e» had in most cases
already become silent in the poet’s dialect, it seems probable that he
no longer observed the distinction.
The pronouns are the same as in «Chaucer» and in other East-Midland
poems:—«I», «me», «thou», «the»; «he», «hym»; «sche», «her» and «hir»;
«it» and «hit» (cf. note to l. 41); «we», «us»; «ye», «you». The plural
of the personal pronoun of the 3rd person is «thai» and «he» (cf.
note to l. 2698) for the nominative case; «hem», and in some doubtful
passages (see note to l. 88) «thaym» for the accusative case.
As in «Chaucer», the pronoun of the 2nd person is often joined to the
verb:—«hastow» 1680, «maistow» 1826, «shaltow» 1669, «woltow» 1727,
«wiltow» 1151, «artow» 1967, «kanstow» 2335, &c.
Possessive pronouns:—«myn» and «thyn» are used before vowels and before
«h»; «my», «thy» before consonants. Only once, l. 90, «my» is placed
before a vowel. «His», «hire» and «here»; «our», «your»; «here» and
(twice, 623, 1244) «thair».
The demonstrative pronouns are «this», «these» or «thes»; «that».
The definite article «the» or «þe», is used for all cases singular
and plural. But we find besides, the following examples of
inflexion:—«tho», 2063, O.E. «þâ», and the accusative sing. «þon»,
108. In l. 2052, «tho» means ‘them, those’ = Lat. eos. «Tha», l. 2639,
seems to be a mistake of the scribe, it is perhaps miswritten for «þat»
(day), cf. l. 619.
«Men», 115, 1351, and «me», 287, are used as indefinite pronouns.
«Everyche», «every», «everychone» occur frequently. Note also «ichoon»
2774, «ilka» 2016; «thilke» 2644, «eche» 1865.
«That» or «þat», «who», «whome» are used as relative pronouns. The
interrogative pronouns are «who» and «what».
«Verbs.» The plural imperative ends in «-eth» or «-th», which, however,
we find frequently omitted, as in l. 194, «prove you», 2078 «proveth»;
2131 «sende», 167 «sendith»; «telle» 1977, «tellyth» 1625, &c.
The «-n» of the infinitive mood is often dropped, as in «Chaucer»:—274,
1588, «sene» : «bene»; 1124, «see» : «tre»; 658 : «cite»; 600, «be» :
«cite»; 1225 : «contre»; 1411, «flee» : «cite»; 3065, «fleen» : «men»;
1282, «sloo» : «mo»; 792, «sloone» : «one», &c.
The final -(«e»)«n» of past participles of strong verbs is in most
cases [p-xxxviii] dropped, as in «Chaucer»:—3176 «forlorne»: «borne»,
32 «born», 3011 «wonne», 21 «wonnen», 2756 «comen» : «nomen», 155
«come», 2476 «holpe», 1362 «bygote», 1026 «blowe», &c.
Weak verbs form their past participles in «-ed», «-d», «-et», «-t»,
much as in «Chaucer»:—«lerned» 3042, «eyde» 1648, «toolde» 670, «bogt»
111, «delte» 526, «displaied» 133.
The prefix «i-» or «y-» occurs sometimes, «icome» 784, «come» 155,
«istonge» 533, «itake» 49, «taken» 1430, &c.
The present participles end in «-inge» and «ande», as is often the case
in East-Midland works:—2831 «prikande» : «comande», 435 «cryande», 924
«makande», 3225 «mornynge» : «kynge», 2399 «slepynge» : «honde», where
evidently «slepande» is the true reading.
As in «Chaucer» the 2nd person preterite of strong verbs is sometimes
formed by «-est» or «-ist», «letist» 2167; but we find also regular
forms, as in «slough» 1259, where, however, the O.E. «e» («slôge») is
already dropped.
The «-en» or «-n» of the preterite plural and of past participles is
commonly dropped, «ronnen» 3007, «ronne» 2959, «took» 477, «tokene»
2621, «slough» 78, «sloughen» 401, «ido» 327: «so», &c.
The «-d» in the past participles and in the preterite of weak verbs is
sometimes omitted, as often happens in East-Midland works. Thus we find
«comforte» 2242 and «comforted» 312, «commaunde» 57 and «commaunded»
228, «graunte» 607, «liste» 1132, «list» 1966, «discumfite» 1464, &c.
On the same analogy we find «light» 1125, 1189, and «lighted» 3109,
«worth» 1203, and «worthed» 1163.
As regards the final «-e»’s, it may be remarked that the scribe has
added many final «-e»’s, where the rules would not lead us to suspect
them, and has often given a final «-e» to words which in other passages
of the poem, although similarly used, have no «e»:—«note» 245, 274,
«not» 255, 313; «howe» 19, «how» 275; «undere» 61, «under» 713; «bute»
247, «but» 8; «cooste» 202, «coost» 3062; «crafte» 424, «craft» 2335;
«ashamede» 1295, «ashamed» 558, &c.
This is due either to carelessness on the part of the scribe, or
perhaps to the fact that in the speech of the copyist the final «e»’s
had already become altogether silent, so that finding many words
ending in «-e» and not knowing its meaning, he considered it as a mere
[p-xxxix] “ornament in writing” (Ellis, «Pronunciation», i. 338), and
sometimes added, sometimes omitted it.
With respect to the composer of the «Sowdan» himself, there may be some
doubt left whether in his speech the final «e» had become altogether
silent, or was still pronounced occasionally. From the following
instances it may be concluded with certainty that the poet very
frequently did not sound the final «e»:—757 «boghtẹ» : «noght», 3154
«hat» : «fat», 961 «wrongẹ» : «distruccion», 556 «onlacẹ» : «was»; cf.
also 1383, 1611, 2163; 2795 «spékẹ we of Ríchard», 2999 «fought», 2093,
859 «bringẹ», 9, 2547 «keptẹ», 834 «wentẹ», 142 «comẹ», 713 «wodẹ».
In other cases there is no certainty whether the final «e» is quite
silent or must be slightly pronounced or slurred over, so as to form
trisyllabic measures. It must be noted, however, that in supposing
trisyllable measures in all these doubtful cases, the number of this
kind of measure will increase to a great amount in the «Sowdan».
Therefore I rather incline to think the final «e» silent also in the
following instances:—2090 «défendẹ this place», 1201 «brékẹ both báke»,
861 «cómẹ from ál», 2119 «askẹ consaile», 1597 «wólẹ these traítours»,
1783 «whéns comẹ yé», 2317 «pássẹ that brígge», 1100 «rónnẹ bytwéne»,
2997 «fóught so lónge», 175 «brokẹ nothinge», 1658 «béddẹ with ríght»,
713 «grénẹ wodẹ síde», 571 «hómẹ to Rómẹ that nýght», 1610 «the fáls
jailoúr feddẹ yoúr prisonére», 2152 «fáls traitóurs of Fránce», 921
«chárged the yónge with ál», 380 «aboútẹ midnýghte», 726 «sóne to hím»,
160 «únneth not óne» [Chaucer still pronounces «unnethë»].
Nevertheless there seems to be some instances where the final «e» is
to be sounded, as in ll. 298, 2790, 1332, 1619, 2740, 592, 2166, 2463,
1405, 2386, 895, 332, 91.
Final «en» also seems sometimes not to constitute a separate
syllable:—1365 «waítẹṇ uppon mé», 459 «brékẹṇ our wállis», 45 «slépẹṇ
with ópyne ýȝe», 485 «cómẹṇ by the cóst», 2313 «dídẹṇ it aboút», &c.
In all these cases «n» had very probably already fallen off in the
speech of the poet, as the following examples lead us to suppose:—178
«wynne»: «him», 1582 «dye»: «biwry», 2309 «shewe» : «trewe», 2107
«slépe to lónge», 861 «cóme from ál», &c.
As regards the final «es» of nouns, the poet seems to have observed
the same rules as those followed by Chaucer; viz. «es» is sounded when
[p-xl] joined to monosyllabic stems; it does not increase the number
of syllables (and therefore is often spelt-«s» instead of-«es»), when
the stem has two or more syllables:—197, 277 «goddës», 665 «nailës»,
445 «tentës», 2068 «tentïs», 174, 1799 «hedës», 2032, 2868 «swerdës»,
2327 «wallës», 1209 «stedës», 1770 «shippës», 2702 «somers», 2687, 2591
«felowes», 2660 «felows», 2412 «maydyns», 647, 1597 «traytours», 2036
«orders», 45 «lovers», 2612, 3098 «develes», 1072 «faderis», 203, 862
«sowdons», 881 «sarsyns».
The final «es» of adverbs seems no longer to constitute a separate
syllable:—2213 «hónged’ els bý», 2786 «éls had’ hé», 2109 «éllis I may
sínge», 1525 «élles wol’ hé», 2061 «théns», 1783 «whens».
METRE AND VERSIFICATION.
The poem is composed in four-line stanzas. The arrangement of the rhyme
is such that the 1st and 3rd lines rhyme together, and the 2nd and
4th together, which gives the following rhyme-formula: «a b a b». The
rhyme-endings employed in one stanza do not occur again in the next
following.
But it must be noticed that there seem to occur some instances of
eight-line stanzas, one of which, beginning at l. 1587, is built on the
model employed by «Chaucer». Others are arranged differently. Those
beginning at ll. 1059 and 1219 show the rhyme-formula «a b a b a c a
c», in that of l. 1411 the 2nd and 4th lines are rhymed together, and
the 5th and 7th, whilst the 1st, 3rd, 6th, 8th, all end with the same
rhyme. The formula for the stanzas beginning at ll. 807, 879, 1611
is «a b a b c b c b». In the stanza of l. 939 all the pair lines are
rhymed together, and the odd ones also, which is the only instance in
the poem of eight consecutive lines having only two rhyme-endings, as
generally eight lines show four different rhyme-endings, and three only
in the passages cited above. But the whole stanza of l. 939 seems not
to be due to the author; he has very probably borrowed it from some
other poem.[76]
Turning now our attention to the fact that the lines occurring between
the Initials or Capital Letters, which are met with in some passages in
the MS., are often divisible by eight, we might feel [p-xli] inclined
to regard this as an additional reason for considering the stanza
employed in the «Sowdan» as an eight-line one. Indeed, the portion from
the Initial of l. 1679 to the next one of l. 1689 might be taken for
one single stanza. The 24 lines from l. 575 (beginning with an Initial)
to the next Initial in l. 598 might equally be considered as three
stanzas, whilst there are 5 times 8 lines = 5 eight-line stanzas from
the Initial of l. 2755 to the next Initial in l. 2795.
In all these instances the supposition of eight-line stanzas would
suit the context, as is the case also with other passages. Thus in the
following cases it might seem as though eight lines taken together were
more closely connected and made better sense than four lines, «e. g.»
ll. 583–598, 1703–1710, 1679–1686, 939–962, 1043–1050, 244 ss., 455
ss., 631 ss., 1059 ss.
But, on the other hand, it must be borne in mind that there are also
a great many cases where, as regards the sense, four lines can be
considered as an independent whole, when, «e. g.», the speech spoken
by a person is contained in four lines, and the words of another
person replying to the first follow in the next four lines. Very often
also these next four lines contain only a part of the second person’s
reply, so that the remainder of his reply falls into the following
stanza. This ‘enjambement’ or continuation of the sense, and sometimes
of the syntactical construction from one stanza to another, need not,
of course, prevent us from admitting the supposition of eight-line
stanzas; as, upon the whole, it is met with in all poems composed in
stanzas, and as it is frequently used in «Le Morte Arthur» (Harleian
MS. 2252, ed. Furnivall), which is written in eight-line stanzas;
but as there is no instance known of an eight-line stanza containing
four different rhyme-endings, which at this supposition it would
be the case with the «Sowdan», the eight-line stanzas containing
either three rhyme-endings, as in «Chaucer», or two, as in «Le Morte
Arthur», and as in some passages of the «Sowdan» (ll. 1691, 1695,
1699, 1711, 1715), we find Initials placed after four lines, I believe
a stanza of four alternately rhyming lines to be the one intended
by the composer—a metre which, according to Guest, «History of Eng.
Rhythms», ii. 317—‘must have been well known and familiar during the
fifteenth century.’ The few eight-line stanzas quoted above, may
[p-xlii] then be owing either to the inadvertence of the poet, who
somewhat carelessly employed one of the two rhyme-endings of one stanza
a third and fourth time in the following one, or, perhaps also, he
intentionally retained that rhyme-ending, and he inserted eight-line
stanzas amongst those of four verses as a mere matter of variation. It
is perhaps not impossible that the retention of this rhyme-ending was
not greatly felt.
As regards the rhymes themselves, they are both monosyllabic or
masculine rhymes, and dissyllabic or feminine ones. Frequently they are
used alternating with each other, as in the stanzas beginning with l.
2755.
Sometimes we find four feminine rhymes occurring in an unbroken
succession, as in ll. 1263–66. But it must be noticed that the number
of masculine rhymes is predominant. Thus the stanzas beginning with ll.
3047, 3063, 3123, 1123, 791, 1035, 1271, 1275, 2019, 1311, 1351, 1463,
&c., contain only masculine rhyme-endings.
The rhymes are not always full and true; there occur many imperfect
ones.
(1) A word in the singular number is often rhymed with a word in the
plural number, which therefore has an additional «s» (or «es»):—797,
«thinge» : «tidyngys»; 2647, «fyght» : «knyghtes»; 2087, «light» :
«knightes»; 1455, «cosynes» : «kinge»; 2272, «laye» : «dayes»; 2395,
885, «Ogere» : «peres»; 2456, «alle» : «walles»; 2682, «nede» :
«stedes»; 944, «mone» : «stoones»; cf. also 2376, «wile» : «beguiled».
In l. 68, «poundis» : «dromonde»; the rhyme becomes perfect in reading
«pounde», as in l. 2336, instead of «poundis».
(2) Single «n» is found rhyming with «n-» combinations.
α. «n» : «nd»—cf. 814, «ychoon» : «Mahounde»; 912, «pavilone» :
«Mahounde»; 1201, «crowne» : «Mahounde». The rhyme, 162, «Rome» :
«houne», may be explained in the same manner, for «houne» stands for
«hounde», as it is spelt in ll. 237, 2377, 935, 1756.[77]
β. «n» : «ng»—cf. 2349, «Mapyne» : «endinge»; 86, «Apolyne» :
«tithinge»; 370, «inne» : «kinge»; 1455, «cosynes» : «kinge»;
3249, «Genelyne» : «kinge»; 3171, «serpentyne» : «endinge»; 959,
«distruccion» : «wronge». [p-xliii]
In 614, «love» : «vowe», the second rhyme «vowe» does not contain the
consonant «v».
(3) Rhymes imperfect as concerns the consonants.
«m» : «n»—cf. 76, «Rome» : «one»; 1672, 364 : «done»; 2443, 366,
«come» : «done»; 747, «some» : «soudone»; 1323, «came» : «than»; 1488,
«came» : «ranne»; 2128, «tyme» : «pyne»; 177, «him» : «wynne»; 2375,
«him» : «tene»; 447, 859, «him» : «kyn»; 2004, «hyme» : «skyne»; 2353,
«him» : «inne».
«f» : «v»—cf. 341, «twelve» : «selve»; 415, «wife» : «alive»; 1762,
«gyfene» : «lyvene»; 1912, «gife» : «lyve». But in all these cases the
rhymes are really perfect, they seem only imperfect in consequence
of the copyist writing indiscriminately «f» and «v». Thus the rhyme
of l. 341 reappears in l. 1867, «self» : «twelf». In l. 2336 we find
«ge»f«e», which is written «ge»v«e» in l. 198; «lefe», l. 764; «safe»,
l. 864, are spelt with «v» in ll. 1340, 1529, 2808.
«l» : «n»—cf. l. 363, «consaile» : «slayne». Quite similar is l. 1251,
«felde» : «sende».
«p» : «k»—l. 820, «stoupe» : «stroke». A similar rhyme occurs in «Guy»,
l. 10903, «scapid» : «nakid».
«d» : «t»—l. 2868, «gyrde» : «sterte»; 1151, «plete» : «dede».
«d» : «p»—l. 283, «tyde» : «depe». But this rhyme is very probably
owing to the scribe. For «depe» we ought to read «wide».
A single consonant rhymes with a double consonant. The only certain
instance occurs in l. 311, «tyde» : «chidde». For in ll. 312, 317,
«dele» : «welle», we might read «wele», as this word is frequently
spelt in the poem; cf. ll. 385, 2618, 1173, 1651, &c. For «dedde» in
l. 2980 («rede» : «dedde») we may substitute «dede», which occurs in
l. 2510. The rhyme «glad» : «hadde», 2687, becomes perfect if we read
«gladde», which is the usual spelling of the word in the poem; cf.
ll. 439, 570, 918, &c. Besides, I believe «hadde» to be monosyllabic.
«Ferre» : «nere» l. 1575; in l. 117 we find «fere».
The rhyme, l. 2654, «sloughe» : «drowe» can easily be restored in
reading «slowe», which occurs frequently, as in ll. 2401, 2683, 304,
2208, &c. The rhyme «ane» : «shafe», 555, seems to be due to some
clerical error.
(4) Rhymes imperfect as concerns the vowels.
«a» : «e»—2803, «gate» : «lete»; perhaps we are justified in reading
«late», [p-xliv] cf. «Havelock», 328; l. 2752, «made» : «dede». The
rhymes «thare» : «were», 1383; «bare» : «there», 671; «Agremare» :
«there», 33, are really perfect ones, as we know the poet to have used
«thare», «there», and «thore» indiscriminately; cf. ll. 208, 2604, 430,
1805, 1003; l. 1436, «ladde» : «nede»; 2365, «ladde» : «bedde», the
author probably pronounced «ledde». For «lefte», l. 2335 : «craft»,
we may read «lafte», as is shown by l. 424, «lafte» : «crafte». In
ll. 1781, 544, «tene» : «than», the rhyme will be improved by reading
«then».
«a» : «o» (cf. p. xxxv)—504, «thane» : «gone»; 1143, 1079, «Rolande» :
«honde»; 133, «sowdone» : «Lavan» (where we might read «sowdan», as in
l. 1491); 627, «sowdane» : «towne»; 2527, 1684, «Roulande» : «londe».
«i»(«y») : «e». This rhyme also occurs in «Chaucer»; cf. Ellis,
«Pron.» i. 272; see also «Guy», p. xiv.—l. 21419, «him» : «hem»; 1299,
«dynte» : «lente»; 523, «strike» : «breke»; 1643, «mylde» : «shelde»;
1263, «togedere» : «thidere»; 1277, «wepenless» : «iwis»; 344,
«shitte» : «mette»; 2538, «hende» : «wynde» (read «wende»), &c.; l. 82,
«vilane» : «remedye» (read «vilanye», as in ll. 179, 2577); but 1015,
«vilane» : «me», cf. «Guy», xi, ν—813, «sle» : «curtesye»; 895, «we» :
«lye»; cf. Ellis, «Pron.», i. 271.
The monophthong «y» is rhymed with a diphthong, the second part of
which is «y»:—l. 441, «Sarsynes» : «Romaynes»; 2761, «Apolyne» :
«agayne»; 2105 : «slayne»; 2175 : «eyne»; 2280, «dye» : «waye» (cf.
1582); 589, «fyne» : «Bourgoyne».
«o»: «ou» («ow»).—l. 1023, «wrothe» : «southe» (which is written
«sothe» in ll. 2014, 2024, 2246, 2719); 779, «fonde» : «grounde»;
260, «clarione» : «soune»; 879, «lione» : «crowne»; 2780, «malison» :
«towne», &c. Cf. also 1264, «endured» : «covered».
«o»: «e».—463, «oost» : «best». The rhyme is restored in reading «rest»
instead of «oost».
«o»: «i».—l. 966, «sonne» : «begynne».
«ue»: «ewe».—l. 2312, «vertue» : «fewe». But this rhyme cannot be
objected to, as “final French «u» (as in «due») was diphthongized into
«eu» in Chaucerian English.”[78]
Other irregularities are:—l. 112, «douȝte» : «rowte»; 1987, «use» :
«house»; 1131, «thou» : «lough»; 1200, «moost» : «goist»; 1730,
«dethe» : «sleith»; [p-xlv] 2136, «pas» : «grace»; 1611, «was» :
«mace» (in which cases «e» is silent); 931, 1144, «peris» : «fiers».
A line or verse generally contains four accented syllables, separated
from each other by one or by two unaccented syllables, so that there
are some instances of trisyllabic feet, as in ll. 817, 834, 2035, 2301,
2791, 3020, 3073, 2313, &c. In ll. 692, 695, two accented syllables are
put close together without being separated by an unaccented one, which
is altogether wanting. In some passages we find lines of three accented
syllables alternating with those of four accents, as in ll. 575–582,
763–770, 839–846, 871–878, 2287–2290, &c. But in most cases lines with
four accents follow each other in an unbroken succession, as in ll.
1–372, 995–1010, 1026–1029, 1067–1107, 1147–1154, 1731–1734, &c.
A few instances of verses with more than four accented syllables are
also to be met with in the «Sowdan». They are either due to the author
and therefore intended, as in l. 37, where the poet almost literally
imitates his original,[79] or they may be considered as due to some
clerical error, in which case the metre generally can be restored by a
slight emendation.
A verse has generally an iambic effect, that is to say, the first foot
begins with an unaccented syllable, which is followed by an accented
one. Frequently, however, the first accented syllable is preceded
by two unaccented ones, as in ll. 41, 75, 127, 151, 367, 849, 1060,
1815, 1819, 2289, 2758, &c. There are some instances of the first foot
consisting of a single (accented) syllable only, the unaccented one
being altogether wanting, as in ll. 2120, 2288, 2374, 2394, &c.
DATE OF THE POEM AND NAME OF THE AUTHOR.
George Ellis attributes the present poem to the end of the fourteenth
or beginning of the fifteenth century. “I think,” he says in his
«Specimens of Early English Metrical Romances», ed. Halliwell, p.
380, “it would not be difficult to prove from internal evidence, that
the present translation[80] cannot be earlier than the end of the
fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth century.” [p-xlvi]
Having seen from the summary of grammatical peculiarities that there
is a great similarity between the language of Chaucer and that of the
composer of this romance, we might be inclined to consider the latter
as a contemporary of Chaucer. From some passages of the «Sowdan», which
seem to contain allusions to Chaucerian poetry, we may conclude that
the poet must have known the «Canterbury Tales». Thus ll. 42–46:—
“Whan kynde corage begynneth to pryke,
Whan ffrith and felde wexen gaye,
And every wight desirith his like,
Whan lovers slepen with opyn yȝe,
As Nightingales on grene tre” . . .
appear to be imitated from the «Prologue of the Canterbury Tales», ll.
10–12:—
“And smale fowles maken melodie,
That slepen al the night with open eye,
So priketh hem nature in her corages.”
Further on we remark in ll. 939–40:—
“O thow, rede Marȝ Armypotente,
That in the trende baye hase made þy trone.”
some traces of resemblance with the «Knight’s Tale», ll. 1123–26:—
“And downward on a hill under a bent,
There stood the tempul of Marȝ armypotent,
Wrought al of burned steel, of which thentre
Was long and streyt, and gastly for to see,”
which may still be compared with the first lines of the «Prologue of
Queen Anelida and False Arcite»:—
“Thou ferse God of armes, Mars the rede,
That in thy frosty contre called Trace,
Within thy grisly temples ful of drede,
Honoured art as patroun of that place.”[81]
Now the «Prologue of the Canterbury Tales» and the «Knight’s Tale»,
being written in couplets, or lines arranged in pairs, were certainly
composed after 1385,[82] or rather after 1389.[83] From the treatment
of [p-xlvii] the final «e»’s, which, contrary to Chaucer’s usage, seem
to have been silent in a great number of cases in the poet’s speech, we
may further conclude that the «Sowdan» must be somewhat later than the
«Canterbury Tales». Therefore the poet of the «Sowdan» cannot have been
merely a later contemporary of Chaucer; I rather think it to be more
probable that he must have lived some time after him. This would bring
us to the beginning of the fifteenth century as the date of the romance.
As to the name and profession of the poet nothing is known, and we have
no clue whatever from the poem.
MS. OF THE SOWDAN.
The present edition of the «Sowdan» is printed from the unique MS. of
the late Sir Thomas Phillips, at Middle Hill, Worcestershire, which
is now in the possession of the Rev. John E. A. Fenwick, Thurlestane
House, Cheltenham. Sir Thomas Phillips purchased the MS. at Mr. Heber’s
sale.[84] The oldest possessor’s name which we find noted, is on the
reverse of the last leaf of the Manuscript, where is written, “This is
John Eteyes (or Ebeye’s) boke, witnes by John Staff”—in a hand «circa
temp.» Eliz. or Jac. I. By some notes made by former possessors on the
first fly-leaf of the MS., and by the autograph names which we find
there, we learn that Geo. Steevens bought the MS. “at Dr. Farmer’s
Sale, Friday June 15, 1798, for 1: 10. 0.” On May 20th, 1800, it was
“bought at the Sale of Geo. Stevens, for 3. 4. 6.” by “O. Grah^m
Gilchrist.”
A transcript of the MS. made by Geo. Stevens had been presented by
him to Mr. Douce. This copy was re-transcribed by Geo. Ellis, who, in
1811, published some extracts with an analysis of the romance in the
«Specimens of Early English Metrical Romances».[85] The same copy has
been followed by Halliwell, who in his «Dictionary of Arch. and Prov.
W.», has several quotations[86] from the present romance, which he
styles as “«MS. Douce», 175.” [p-xlviii]
The poem of the «Sowdan» was first printed by the Roxburghe Club in
1854.[87] The text of the present edition differs from that of the
«editio princeps» in so far as punctuation is introduced, which is
altogether disregarded by the MS. and the Roxburghe Club edition. In
some passages words which have been written as one in the MS. are
separated in the text; thus «a laye», l. 2694; «a ras», l. 645, are
printed instead of «alaye», «aras». Sometimes also words written
separately in the MS. are united by a hyphen, as «be-falle», 14;
«i-wiss», 71; «i-sought», 725; «with-oute», 841; «a-bide», 818;
«a-ferde», 1337, &c. These slight deviations from the MS., which are
always indicated in the footnotes, seemed advisable on account of the
great help they afford the reader in understanding the text. More
important emendations and corrections of evident scribal blunders and
other mistakes are given in the foot-notes, and will be found explained
in the Notes.
The Index of Names will be useful to those who wish to compare the
«Sowdan» with any other version of the romance.
The Glossarial Index contains besides the obsolete terms all those
words the spelling or the signification of which essentially differs
from that now accepted. Words which show only slight orthographical
variations from their modern form have not been included, as the reader
will have no difficulty in identifying them.
* * * * *
In conclusion I have the pleasant duty of acknowledging the invaluable
assistance which Professor Zupitza at all times readily and freely gave
me. My best thanks are also due to Mr. Furnivall and to Mr. Napier for
their kind advice and suggestions, and to Mr. Herrtage for collating a
transcript of the poem with the MS.
EMIL HAUSKNECHT.
«Berlin», «January», 1881.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] «Histoire Poét.», p. 133–4.
[2] Gautier, «Epopées», ii. 308.
[3] Cf. the French «Fierabras», l. 84; «Sir Ferumbras», l. 102;
«Sowdone», l. 1067.
[4] Thus in «Scarron», Gigant, iii.
[5] Pantagruel, ii. chap. 1.
[6] See the most interesting account of this piece and its curious
manner of representation in «Histoire Littéraire de la France», xvii.
720–21.
[7] Gautier, «Epopées», ii. p. 308; and «Histoire Poétique», p. 99.
[8] See «Huon de Bourdeaux», edd. Guessard and Grandmaison, p. xxxviii.
[9] See G. Nottebohm, «Thematisches Verzeichniss der im Druck
erschienenen Werke von Franz Schubert». Wien, 1874.—Op. 76.
[10] Cf. besides, «Histoire Poétique», pp. 97, 143, 155, 214, 251;
«Epopées françaises», ii. pp. 307–9; and the «Préface» of the French
edition of «Fierabras».
[11] See also Mone, «Uebersicht der niederländischen Volksliteratur
älterer Zeit». Tübingen, 1836. p. 56.
[12] Cf. Warton, «Hist. of Eng. Poetry», 1824, vol. i. pp. 147–8.
[13] It is worthy of notice that the account of the Fierabras romance
as given by Barbour, may be considered, on the whole, as identical with
the subject of the French «Fierabras» or the English «Syr Ferumbras»,
but not with the «Sowdan», as there is no mention made of the combat
before Rome, nor any trace of what makes up the first part of the
«Sowdan». But the spelling «Lawyn» for «Balan» agrees with the spelling
of the same name in the «Sowdan». As to the relics mentioned in the
passage above, they differ from all other versions.
[14] In the Sowdan the Bridgeward is called «Alagolofre»; cf. Index of
Names.
[15] This MS. consisting of 71 parchment leaves in 4to, with coloured
initials at the beginning of each rhyme-strophe, had formerly been in
the possession “Majoris Monasterii congregationis Sancti Mauri,” at
Paris. Having passed through many hands during the French Revolution,
it finally came to the Library of Wallerstein.
[16] Der Roman von Ferabras, provenzalisch. Berlin, 1829.
[17] British Museum, MS. Reg. 15. E. vi.
[18] Cf. also the «Préface» of the French «Fierabras», p. iv.
[19] See «Leben und Werke der Troubadours», by Friedrich Diez, Zwickau,
1829, p. 613 note, and Berliner «Jahrbücher für wissenschaftliche
Kritik», 1831.
[20] In a footnote to his «Histoire de la Poésie scandinave», p. 183,
where he says:—“Le roman de Ferabras, publié à Berlin par M. Bekker,
est . . . évidemment traduit du français, et en a conservé trop de
formes et d’expressions pour avoir la moindre valeur grammaticale.”
[21] «Fierabras chanson de geste», edd. Krœber and Servois, in the
collection of the «Anciens Poètes de la France».
[22] For a more detailed analysis, see «Histoire Poét.», p. 251, and
cf. the account given of the old «Fierabras» or «Balan» romance by
Philippe Mousket, ed. Reiffenberg, Bruxelles, vol. I. v. ll. 4664–4716,
which runs as follows:—
4664 Puis fu Roume par force prise
et la gent destruite et ocise
et li apostoile ocis
Castiaus-Mireors ars et pris
4668 et toute la cité bruie.
li dus Garins et sa mesnie
entrerent en Castiel-Croisant,
quar Sarrasin, Turc et Persant
4672 amenerent trop grant compagne
et devers Surie et d’Espagne;
si furent crestien dolant,
et manderent tot maintenant
4676 soucours al bon roi Charlemainne
ki sa fieste en France demainne,
et li rois en cele besogne
lor tramist Guion de Bourgogne,
4680 ki nouviaus chevaliers estoit
et des jovenes enfans avoit
devant çou la couronne prise.
et soucoururent sans faintise
4684 lor bon roi en la tiere estrange
u il n’orent ni lin ni lange.
en France estoient revenu
et soujourné et bien péu,
4688 mais à cel soucours le tramist
li rois, ki moult s’entremist,—
et si tramist de Normendie
Ricart à la ciere hardie,
4692 si reprirent li Mireour:
et dus Garins vint à l’estour,
ki tint Pavie en quité
s’ot bien Castil-Croisant gardé,
4696 et Karles ot sa gent mandée,
si vinrent de mainte contrée,
quar il lor faisoit tant de biens,
qu ’à ses amis ne faloit riens.
4700 si trest vers Rome li bons rois
et fist as paiens moult d’anois.
dont se combati Oliviers
a Fierabras ki tant fu fiers;
4704 d’armes l’outra, si reconquist
les .ii. barius qu’à Rome prist,
si les gieta enmi le Toivre
por çou que plus n’en péust boivre;
4708 quar c’est bausmes ki fu remés
dont Ihesu Cris fu embausmés.
puis furent mort tot li paien
et mis en Roume crestiien,
4712 si ot autre apostoile fait
et Karles s’en revint à hait,
si gratia Dieu et St. Piere,
que recouvrée ot sa kaiere,
4716 soujourner vint dont à Parise . . .
[23] «Romania», ii. 1873, pp. 1–48.
[24] Cf. «Jahrbuch für romanische und englische Sprache und Literatur»,
edd. Lemcke, vol. xiii. p. 111.
[25] Printed in «Verhandlungen der 28sten Versammlung deutscher
Philologen und Schulmänner in Leipzig». Leipzig, 1873, p. 209 «et seq.»
[26] Corresponding to ll. 1410 «et seq.» of the Ashmole «Ferumbras».
[27] Cf. «Sir Ferumbras», ll. 8192–3.
[28] Cf. also l. 2784 and «Sir Ferumbras», ll. 1860 and 2059.
[29] See above, p. xi, footnote, and «Histoire Poétique», p. 251.
[30] Cf. Grœber, «Verhandlungen», pp. 217–18.
[31] The following differences between the «Destruction» and the
narration of Philippe Mousket are worthy of note:—
(i) the combat around Château-Miroir is described in a different manner
in the two poems.
(ii) the scene of action, which at the end of the «Destruction» is
transferred to Spain, remains, according to Philippe Mousket, in the
neighbourhood of Rome for the whole time.
(iii) Guy of Burgundy and Richard of Normandy play a most important
active part before Rome, according to Ph. Mousket, whereas in the
«Destruction» this is not the case.
Now, as to the last two items, they must have been in the original such
as they are related by Ph. Mousket. For only thus some obscure passages
of «Fierabras», of which even the «Destruction» affords no explanation,
are cleared up. Thus, «Fierabras», l. 1049,
“Près fu du far de Rome, ses a dedens jetés”—
which is in contradiction to the «Destruction», is explained by ll.
4705–6 of Mousket’s account (see above). Only Mousket relates that
Floripas has seen Guy before Rome («Fierabras», l. 2240; Ashmole
«Ferumbras», l. 1413), and that Richard took part at the combat there.
Therefore the account as given by Ph. Mousket, agreeing with what must
have been the contents of the old original, is based on a version older
than the «Destruction», which exhibits significant differences.
These differences between Mousket and the «Destruction», as well as
the fact that several references to preceding events contained in
«Fierabras» remain unexplained by the «Destruction», were some of the
reasons which led me in my «Dissertation», pp. 41–49, to consider the
«Destruction» as a poem written by another author than that of the
«Fierabras». In order to clear up the allusions to preceding events
contained in the «Fierabras», the very beginning of which necessarily
requires some explanatory account—a circumstance which also gave
rise to the ‘episode’ of the Provençal version—the «Destruction» was
composed as a kind of Introduction to the «Fierabras», whereby it
happened that some allusions remained unexplained.
[32] For a description of this magnificent MS., see «Sir Ferumbras», p.
vi, footnote.
[33] Cf. Warton, «Hist. of Eng. Poetry», ii. 197–8.
[34] Edited for the E. E. T. S. in 1879, by S. J. Herrtage, B.A.
[35] Cf. Gautier, «Epopées Françaises», i. 221.—“Rien n’est plus
fréquent, dans la Chanson de Roland et dans nos poèmes les plus
anciens, que la répétition double, triple et même quelquefois
quadruple, de certains couplets. Cette répétition n’a pas lieu dans les
mêmes termes, ni surtout avec les mêmes rimes. Tout au contraire, la
même idée est reproduite en vers différents, munis d’assonances ou de
rimes différentes.”
[36] The variations of this MS. are printed in the «Jahrbuch der roman.
and engl. Sprachen», vol. ix. pp. 43 ss.
[37] This edition, although printed from the MS. «a», may be said to
represent a group («w») of four MSS., called «a» «b» «c» «d» (see
above xv). Another group («z») is formed by the MSS. «E» and «D». Both
groups belong to the same type «y». Cf. Grœber, «Die handschriftlichen
Gestaltungen der chanson de geste Fierabras», Leipzig, 1869, p. 27,
where we find the following stemma:
«y»
╱╲
╱ ╲
╱ ╲
╱ ╲
«z» ╲
╱╲ ╲
╱ ╲ ╲
╱ ╲ ╲
«E» «D» «w»
╱╱╲╲
╱╱ ╲╲
╱╱ ╲╲
«d»«a» «b»«c»
[38] «Epopées Françaises», ii. 307, and «Cat. rais. des livr. de la
bibl. d’Ambr. F. Didot», I, 361.
[39] Grœber, «Handschriftl. Gestaltungen», p. 6.
[40] «Jahrbuch», xiii. p. 111, and «Zeitschrift für romanische
Philologie», iv. p. 164.
[41] “Die Vergleichung weniger aus allen Hss. bekannten Versen macht
gewiss, dass «H» mit «D» und «E» aus der nämlichen Quelle «z» geflossen
ist.” «Jahrbuch», xiii. 113.
[42] «Handschriftl. Gestalt.», p. 10.
[43] See the note to l. 5763 of «Sir Ferumbras», and cf. «Fierabras»,
5955.
[44] The number of instances where «A» varies from «C’s» version might
easily be increased. Thus we find «A» 340 differing from «C» 52/111 and
from «F» 357; «A» 814 differing from «C» 79/3 and from «F» 1548; «A»
1616 differing from «C» 102/10 and from «F» 2424; «A» 1238 differing
from «C» 92/5 and from «F» 2083; «A» 4652 differing from «C» 171/26 and
from «F» 4900, &c.
[45] «Specimens of Early English Metrical Romances», ed. Halliwell, p.
379 «et seq.»
[46] «Histoire Poétique», p. 251; cf. also «Revue critique d’Histoire
et de Littérature», ii. 1869, p. 121 «et seq.»
[47] Cf. Mr. Shelley’s Paper in Warton, «Hist. of Eng. Poetry», ii.
197–8.
[48] pp. 17 «et seq.»
[49] «Dissertation», p. 18.
[50] «Introduction to Sir Ferumbras», p. xiv.
[51] The French text will be found in the «Notes», which see.
[52] For these names, the «Index of Names» may be referred to.
[53] In some passages the «Destruction» shows also the spelling
«Balan», but «Laban» is more common.
[54] See note to l. 1000.
[55] See note to l. 2842.
[56] «Dissertation», p. 20.
[57] See note to l. 1663.
[58] Cf. note to l. 1723.
[59] Mr. Herrtage, in his note to the Ashmol. MS., l. 259,
reproduces—from the Roxburghe Club edition, «Introd.» p. vi.—the list
of the twelve peers in the French version of the Grenville copy, 10531,
which he erroneously takes for that of the «Sowdan».
[60] But there is one “Alorys þe erld of Brye,” mentioned in the Ashm.
MS., ll. 935, 2842, 4076, &c.
[61] There is one «Templer» mentioned in the Ashm. MS., l. 2673. But he
is not identical with «Tamper» of the «Sowdan», ll. 2641, 2667.
[62] Greek σινδων. Cf. «Dissertation», pp. 45–46.
[63] See note to l. 2535.
[64] There being only a small fragment printed of the Didot MS.
(«Epopées Fr.» ii. 307), a comparison of the «Sowdan» with this version
is impossible at present. But as the Didot MS. belongs to the same
group as «E», what results from a comparison of «S» with «E» may be
assumed for the Didot MS.
[65] See «Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie», iv. pp. 164, 170.
[66] «Jahrbuch für romanische und englische Sprache und Literatur»,
xiii. p. 111.
[67] This example is not very striking, as the spelling «Ferumbras» may
simply have been retained from the first part of the poem; see above,
p. xxxi.
[68] «Syr Ferumbras», «Introduction», p. xiv, footnote.
[69] See «Handschriftliche Gestaltungen», p. 14, and «Dissert.», p. 29.
[70] «Histoire Poétique», p. 157.
[71] And to which only a few very insignificant additions were made by
the author; see «Hist. Poét.», p. 99, bottom.
[72] See Morris’s Preface to «Genesis and Exodus», Skeat’s Introduction
to «Havelock the Dane», and Mall’s edition of «Harrowing of Hell»
(Breslau, 1871).
[73] See Sweet, «Anglia», iii. 152.
[74] Cf. Mall, «Harrowing of Hell», p. 18.
[75] Cf. Schipper, «Alexiuslegenden», 98/121.
[76] See note to l. 939.
[77] “This elision of a final «d» in such words as «hond», «lond»,
«sheld», «held», &c., is by no means uncommon in ancient poetry,
and arises simply from pronunciation.”—Morris, «Specimens of Early
English», 320/261.
[78] Cf. Mr. Nicol’s «Paper in the Academy» of June 23, 1877, vol. xi.
p. 564, col. 1, and «Seventh Annual Address of the President to the
Philol. Soc.», p. 2.
[79] See the note.
[80] Although l. 25 says that the story of the «Sowdan» “is written
in Romance,” this cannot induce us to consider our poem as a mere
translation. It is, on the contrary, a free reproduction of a French
original.
[81] Cf. also Lindsay’s «History of Squyer Meldrum», l. 390:
“Like Mars the God Armypotent.”
[82] Cf. «Prioress’s Tale», ed. Skeat (Clarendon Press Series), p. xx;
and Furnivall’s «Trial Forewords», p. 111.
[83] Cf. «Chaucer», ed. Morris, i. 205, footnote.
[84] «Bibliotheca Heberiana», Part xi. p. 162. MSS. Lot 1533.
[85] Ed. Halliwell, p. 379 «et seq.»
[86] For instances, see the following words:—«Atame», «alayned»,
«ameved», «assorte», «avente», «forcer», &c.
[87] London. Printed by William Nicol, Shakspere Press, MDCCCLIV.
[p-xlix]
ADDITIONS.
Since the «Introduction» was written, I have had an opportunity of
seeing the Hanover MS. of the French «Fierabras». The kind offices of
Professor Koner exerted on my behalf secured me the consent of the
Administration of the Royal Hanoverian Library to have the MS. sent to
Berlin, and their most generous permission to consult it freely in the
Reading Room of the University Library.
Having now compared the «Sowdan» more closely with the Hanover MS.,
I must state that the final result arrived at in my investigation
concerning the original of the «Sowdan» (cf. p. xxxii) is in no way
altered.
As already stated above (p. xxxii), and as the subsequent examination
and the passages of «H» quoted below will serve to confirm, the Hanover
version is, generally speaking, the same as the printed version of the
«Fierabras», differing only in slight variations of readings.
The names in which «S» differs from «F», but agrees with «H», are
already spoken of on p. xxxi. But there are several others in the
spelling of which «H» agrees with «F», but differs from «S». Thus we
find «Balans» or «Balant» in «H» for «Laban» in «S»; «Guarin», «H»,
leaf 80, back, «F» 438 = «Generyse», «S» 1135; «Agolafres», «H», leaf
81 = «Alagolofer», «S» 2135; «Amiotte», «H» leaf 83, back = «Barrokk»,
«S» 2939, etc.
As to the subject-matter, there are no instances where «S», differing
from «F», agrees with «H». In all points in which «S» differs from «F»
we find it also differing from «H».
Thus the game of blowing a burning coal, in the description of [p-l]
which «S» slightly differs from «F», is related in «H» with nearly the
same words as in «F». As, besides the small fragment printed by Grœber
in the «Jahrbuch», xiii, and some few remarks in the «Zeitschrift
für rom. Phil.», nothing is known of the Hanover MS., the following
passages printed here may serve to show how little «H» differs from
«F». The game of the coal («S» 1996–2016, «F» 2907–2934) is thus
described in «H», leaf 58:—
“Veillard, dist Lucafer, vo«us» ni savez juer,
Vo«us» ne savez en F«ra»nce le g«ra»nt charboun soffler.
Certes, ceo dist li dus, mais n’en oie soffler.
Et respont li payen: Mais te feray mostrer.
Ly payen vait le duc au g«ra»nt fowel mener.
Q«ua»nt Rollant l’ad veu, a Berard l’ad mostre
Ore p«or»res boue jeu ver «et» esgarder.
Dahait qui ne laira ly «et» Naimes juer.
Lucafer se beysa pur un tison combrer,
Trestote le plus ardant quil i poet trover,
Par tiel air soffla le fu qil li fist voler.
Puis ad dist a Names ‘Ore vo«us» cove«nt» soffler.’
Names prist le tison qui bien se sout aider,
Vers le payen s’en va pur le tison sofler,
Pur ceo le fist ly dus qa ly se volt meller,
Si suffla le tison qe le fist allumer,
Le barbe «et» le menton fist au payen bruler,
Tres p«ar»my le visaie en fist la flame virer,
Qe par un sule petite qe nel fist souuiler.
Q«ua»nt le voit ly payen, le sanc quida deueher.
Il jette a .ij. ses maines, qi le quide frapper,
Mais ly dus le ferry tres p«ar»my le costes,
Qe les oilz de la teste ly fist en fu voler.
Puys l’ad pris par le flank, s’il voit en le fu ruer.
Lichiers, dist dus Names, Dex te poet mal doner,
Tu me quidoies ore come fole cy trover.”
The distribution of the relics, in which «S» (cf. note to l. 3238)
differs from «F» 6195 «et seq.» is related as follows in «H», leaf 100:—
“Au baron seint Dynis fu mult g«ra»nt l’assemble«e»
Au perron au londy fu la messe chante«e»,
Illok fu la corone p«ar»tie «et» dessevere«e»,
L’un moite fu a saint Dynis done«e»
Et un clow ansiem«ent», cest v«er»ite prove«e»,
De la Corone fu un p«ar»tie a Ais porte«e»,
A Compaign«e» est l’ensigne en l’eglise honore«e»,
Et les altres .ij. clowes a Orliens fu enveie«e»,
Maint p«re»sant fist Charls de France la loi«e»
Des saintisme reliqes, Jh«es»u de maiestes.
En l’onur de Deu est mainte eglise fonde«e»,
La feste de lendit fu pur iceo estore«e».
Jaiaz videront cens ne taille donee. [p-li]
Ne tardoit q«ue» .iiij. ans k’Espaign«e» fu gaste«e».
La fu la treison de Rollant p«or»pense«e»,
Qe Ganes le vendist a la gent diffaee,
Puys fu as chiuals sa chars destreine«e»,
Pinables en fu mortz de suz Lyons en la pre«e»,
La le vengea Terris au trenchant del espee,
Puys fu pendu armes par gule«e» pare«e»,
Toutz iours vegnent traitors a mal destine«e»
Ou aloignee ou apres ia ni aueront duree.
Charles voit a Orliens, la chancheon est fine«e»
Au deu vo«us» commande, tote j’ai ma chancon fine.
De cels romance est bone la fine «et» l’entre«e»,
Et en mileue «et» p«ar»tote qi b«ie»n l’ad escoute«e»
La beneiceon aez de Deu «et» del v«ir»gine honore. Amen.”
The miracle («F» 6101–6123)[88] of the glove, in which Charles had
placed fragments of the thorns, remaining suspended in the air for
over an hour, the description of which is omitted in the «Sowdan» (cf.
«Dissert.», p. 29), is related as follows in «H», leaf 99:—
“L’emp«er»ers de France fist forem«ent» a loier
Il a fait un table sur .ij. trestes lever.
Et par de sur un paille q«ui» fu fait outre mer.
Illok fist Charlm̄ la corone aporter,
Puis ad fait l’arcevesqe p«ar»tir «et» deviser,
Si ad fait les reliqes m«u»lt b«ie»n envoluper,
Dedens son mestre coffres les a fait deffermer,
Et les altres reliqes qe il voudra aporter.
Les petites espignons qil vist esgruner,
De la saint corone qil fist demenbrer,
Trestote les acoillye n«os»tre emp«er»er ber,
Et les mist en son gant qanqil pout trover.
Un chivaler le tent qil vist lez ly ester,
Mais al ne l’ap«er»ceut my qe nele oit parler.
Charlemayn retiret sa mayne, si lesse le gant aler.
Et dex a fait le gant enmy l’air arester
Tant q«ue» d .j. leue en pout home b«ie»n aler;
Kar la presse fu grant, ne l’en puis remenbrer.
Charlemayn comande l’ewe apporter.
De son gant ly sovengre si «quant» il dust laver,
Mais ne seet a ky le comanda abailier,
Par desur la gent le vist en l’air esteer,
L’arcevesqe la monstre «et» tuit l’altre barne.
Ceo fu mult g«ra»nt m«er»veille, ho«m»e en doit b«ie»n p«ar»ler,
Charls a pris son gant, s’est assis au soper.”
«H», leaf 37, agrees with «F», l. 1043, in making Oliver drink of the
bottles of balm, which is not mentioned in the «Sowdan», l. 1190 (cf.
p. xxix). [p-lii]
Similarly we find «S» 2604 differing from «H», leaf 62, where we read
«Basyns» (= «Basin», «F» 3313) instead of «Bryer».
Again «H», l. 40, agreeing exactly with «F», l. 1329 «et seq.», differs
from «S» 1279–82 (cf. p. xxix).
Instead of Floripas, «S» 1515, it is Brulans, «H», l. 49, and «F» 1949,
who advises the Soudan not to slay the prisoners.
The names of the twelve peers are the same in «H» as in «F» (cf. p.
xxvii); and the whole scene of the peers being sent one after the
other on a mission to Laban (cf. note to l. 1665 of the «Sowdan») is
described exactly alike in «F» 2263–2282 and in «H», leaf 51, back,
with the only difference that the names of the peers are given in a
different order in both versions, Richard of Normandy, who is sent off
as the sixth in «F», being the second in «H».
These variations of «S» from «H» clearly exemplify the impossibility of
regarding the Hanover MS. as the original of the «Sowdan». But as on
the whole these differences are not of a very significant nature, and
as, moreover, part of these variations may perhaps be attributed to the
favourite habit of the author of going his own way in the arrangement
of the subject-matter and in some minor points, whereas in the
essential course of the events he strictly adhered to his source (see
above p. xxxviii, and cf. note to l. 2535); and as besides there are
several names, the spelling of which differs in «F», agreeing in «S»
and «H», I think there can be no doubt that the original of the second
part of the «Sowdan» was a version similar to the Hanover MS.
If now we compare the Hanover version with the Ashmole «Ferumbras» more
closely than has been possible on page xx, there are some instances
where «A», whilst differing from «F», agrees with «H».
H. A.
lf. 27. Ha «Glout», dist 163. A «glotoun», saide þe Emperer
Karlemaines,
lf. 27. Que puis «vivre» que cest 175. Ke «lyve» he noȝt þys day to
jours fu passes be evene
lf. 25, bk. Ses chiuals ad reine 91. Þarto ys stede þan tyeþe he
à un arbre rasmee
Et garda les leges tote
contreval li pree
Nevertheless, the following passage in which «A» agrees with «F», but
differs from «H», will at once show the impossibility of regarding «H»
as the original of «A». [p-liii]
A. H.
302. Þanne þer come bifore lf. 28, bk. Atant se sunt drecie
Charloun, Gweneloun and Guinelons et «Alores»
«Hardree»
In other instances «A» is found differing from «H» as well as from «F».
Thus the name of «Enfachoun», «A» 4652, which is «Effraons» in «F»
4900, does not occur at all in «H», which in the passage corresponding
to «F» 4900, as well as in that corresponding to «F» 4913, reads
«Affricons li Geans».
Again, in the story of Myloun, in which «A», l. 2008 «et seq.», differs
from «F», we find «H» disagreeing from «F», 2734 «et seq.», and from
«A»:—
“Volez vo«us» queor de feme essaier «et» esprover
Del riche duc Milon vo«us» deverez remenbrer,
Qe tant nori Galans qe ly fist adouber,
Puys ly tolly sa feile Gabaen au vis cler,
L’enfes Marsilion en fist desherriter.—
Qu«an»t l’entent Floripas, du sens quida deueer.”—(«H», leaf 56.)
But in most cases in which «F» differs from «A», «H» agrees with «F».
Thus we find Ferumbras challenging only «six» French knights in «H»,
lf. 26, as in «F», 84, 105, instead of «twelve» in «A», l. 102.
In «A», l. 5204, Floripas, swooning away, is upheld by Oliver, whereas
in «F», 5373, and in «H», lf. 90, it is Guy who keeps her from falling.
For «Howel of saint Miloun», «A» 5574, we read «Huon de saint Lis» in
«F» 5792, and «Hugon de saint Lis» in «H», lf. 95, bk.
As in «F» 2912 it is to Berard that Roland speaks in «H», lf 57, bk.,
and not to Olyver, as in «A» 2234.
That Maubyn scales the walls by means of a ladder of leather («A» 2406)
is not mentioned in «F» 3061, nor in «H», lf. 59, bk.
In «A» 1386 Floripas gives Oliver, who is wounded, a warm draught,
which heals every wound; in «F» 2209, as well as in «H», lf. 51, it is
by a bit of the mandrake plant that he is healed.
The maid-attendant mentioned in «A» 1238 («chamberere») is a
man-attendant in «F» 2083 («chamberlenc») and in «H», lf. 49, bk.
(«chamberlayn»).
There is no trace of the additional lines of «A», ll. 4867–4875, to be
found in «H», lf. 86 bk., nor in «F», 5094.
Among the relics spoken of in «A», there is nowhere a mention made
of the «signe». In «H» we find the «signe» always mentioned [p-liv]
together with the crown and the nails, just as in «F». In the passage
quoted above from «H», lf. 100, and in the line which corresponds to
«F» 6094, we find «ensigne» instead of «signe»; but «ensigne» certainly
must be looked upon as a clerical blunder. In the other passages in
which we find “the winding sheet, or shroud, of the Lord” mentioned in
«H» it is also called «signe»:—
“Et rendrai la corone et le «signe» honore.”
«H», lf. 42 = «F», 1498; and «H», lf. 45, bk. = «F», 1805.
“Et les saintismes clowes et le «signe» honores.”—«H»,
lf. 57 = «F», 2829.
That the «signe» cannot be the “inscription of the cross” (cf.
«Introduction», p. xxx) is proved by an additional line of the Hanover
MS., in which the Archbishop is said to have covered the heads of the
French with the «signe»:—
“Puys a trait l’ensigne qui bien estoit ovres
Engenolant l’ad ly Rois tote oue lermes baises,
Plus flairoit ducement que basine enbasines.
Quant Franceis l’ont veu, ele vous effraes,
De pite et de ioy fu chescous enplores.
L’ercevesqe le prist, mult fu bien purpenses,
«Et nos Franceis en a les chefs envolupes»,
Puis le mist sur le paille qest a or ornes,
Od les altres relikes dont illi out asses.”
«H», lf. 98, corresponding to «F», 6094 «et seq.»
Abstaining now from citing any more passages where «H» agrees with «F»,
but differs from «A», I think the few quotations above will suffice to
show the impossibility of regarding the Hanover MS. as the original
of the Ashmole «Ferumbras», notwithstanding that there are some
resemblances of «A» to «H» (cf. p. xx). Therefore the result arrived
at on p. xxi as to the original of the Ashmolean version is in no way
altered by the detailed comparison of «A» with «H».
FOOTNOTES:
[88] Cf. «Sir Ferumbras», 185/5988.
SKETCH OF THE STORY.
Laban, the Soudan of Babylon, who was residing at Agremore in Spain,
went to the chase in a wood near the sea (p. 2). Being tired of hunting
he sat down under a tree, and, perceiving a ship drawing near unto
the shore, he sent one of his men to hail the vessel and to inquire
for news. The interpreter of the vessel informs the soudan that the
ship, freighted with a rich cargo at Babylon designed as a [p-lv]
present to Laban, had been driven by violent storms to the shore near
Rome, where the ship had been robbed, and many of its people had been
slain by the Romans. He solicits the Soudan to revenge this insult.
Laban promises to make them pay dearly for it (p. 3). He convokes a
war-council, and assembles a hundred thousand men and seven hundred
sail. Himself goes, with Ferumbras his son and Floripas his daughter,
in a dromond richly adorned (p. 4). They disembark in the haven of
Rome, slay all Christians, and burn towns, abbeys, and churches. The
pope of Rome assembles his council (p. 5). Duke Savaris is to meet the
Saracens. With ten thousand men he draws near the Soudan’s pavilion
on the shore (p. 6); they slay ten thousand Saracens. The Romans,
though masters of the field, cautiously retire within the walls of
the city. Lukafer of Baldas, having scoured the country, brings ten
thousand Christian maidens to the Soudan, who orders them to be put
to death (p. 7). Lukafer demands Floripas for his wife, in return for
which he promises her father to bring Charlemagne and his twelve peers
to the foot of his throne. Floripas agrees to accept him when he has
fulfilled his promise. The next morning Lukafer assaults the city,
but the ditches being too deep (p. 8), the Saracens are obliged to
retire. On the following day the assault is renewed, the ditches are,
on Mavon’s advice, filled with faggots. After a sharp conflict, where
there were ten thousand Saracens slain by the stones of the Romans,
the heathens are obliged to withdraw (p. 9). This second repulse makes
the Soudan almost mad with vexation; he chides his gods. But Lukafer
told him that he had learned from a spy that Savaris would, on the
following day, come out again to fight with them. He now intended, when
Savaris was engaged in the battle, to unfold a banner made exactly like
that of the Romans, and to attempt, by this stratagem, to be admitted
within the gates. And so it turned out: the Romans mistaking him for
Savaris returning from his sally, he entered the main tower, and slew
all therein. Savaris, noticing the artifice of the enemy, and seeing
his troop reduced to seventy-two men, turned back, but found the gate
shut (p. 10). Estragot, a black giant of Ethiopia, slays him with his
steel-mace. The Pope having summoned his council, a senator suggested
the necessity of [p-lvi] sending messengers to Charlemagne to ask his
aid. They all assented, and three messengers (p. 11) left the city by a
postern at midnight; they passed the enemy’s camp without being noticed
by any wight. On the next morning Laban attempted a third assault; he
commanded every man to throw pikes and bills over the walls to kill
the Romans, and ordered the ships to go up the water with their boats
bound to the mast, that they might fight in close combat. Near the
tower there stood a bulwark, or “bastile,” which was a strong defence
to the wall. It was thrown down by stones hurled from an engine. Laban,
growing proud from this event, summoned the Romans to surrender.
Instead of an answer a Roman hurled a dart at his breast-plate, but
his hauberk shielded him. The Soudan, more than mad, charged Ferumbras
to destroy them all (p. 12), and enjoined Fortibrance and Mavon to
direct their engines against the walls. The great glutton Estragot,
with his heavy mace, smote on the gates and brake them in pieces. But
as he was entering one of the gates, they let the portcullis fall,
which crushed him to the ground, where he lay crying like a devil of
hell. The Romans rejoiced, but the Saracens grieved. They withdrew to
their tents, leaving behind the corpse of Estragot, whose soul went up
to Mahound (p. 13). The Pope called all his people to St. Peter’s and
proposed to them to attempt a sally with twenty thousand men, to attack
the enemy before day-break within their camp, and to leave ten thousand
for the defence of the city. In the morning the Pope displayed the
banner of Rome, and after a prayer for the preservation of the city,
they marched out. But Ferumbras, going his rounds (p. 14), noticed
their coming, sounded the alarm, and drew up his troops. Then began a
fierce struggle. Ferumbras slew Sir Bryer of Apulia (p. 15) and the
worthy Hubert. Nine thousand heathens were killed and eight thousand
Romans. Lukafer destroyed eighteen Romans; he also slew Gyndard, a
senator of Rome, who had killed ten Saracens. Then came the Pope with
a great escort and his banner before him. Ferumbras, supposing him to
be the sovereign (p. 16), burst open the thick crowd and threw him
down to the ground. But having opened his ventail, he saw his tonsure,
and recognized the Pope. “Fie, priest,” he said, “what doest thou
here in the battle-field? [p-lvii] It would be a shame for me to slay
thee. Go home and think of thy choir-service.” The Pope, being glad
to get off so easily, retired to Rome with five thousand men, fifteen
thousand being killed. Charlemagne, having learned from the messenger
the great disaster which had befallen the Romans, said he would not
desist until he had chased the Soudan and Ferumbras out of Christendom
(p. 17). He gave ten thousand pounds of francs to his nephew, Guy of
Burgundy, and sent him off with orders to advance against the Soudan
by forced marches. Himself would follow as soon as possible. In the
mean time Laban reminded Lukafer of his vaunting promise to bring him
Charlemagne and his twelve peers in return for his daughter Floripas.
Lukafer said he would do all he had promised. With ten thousand men he
attacked the city on one side, the other being assaulted by Ferumbras.
The combat continued as long as daylight lasted. At night they retired
to their tents (p. 18). Then treason was planned by Isres, who by
inheritance possessed the guard of the chief gate of the town. He went
to the Soudan and offered to betray the city on condition that his
life and property should be spared. The Soudan promised it. Ferumbras
with twenty thousand men went with Isres, but on entering the gate he
caused the traitor’s head to be struck off by the portcullis and to be
carried on the point of a spear through the city. “Treason,” cried the
people (p. 19), when Ferumbras advanced into Rome. All the streets were
soon covered with dead men. Ferumbras went to St. Peter’s, seized the
relics, the cross, the crown, and the nails, burned the whole city,
and carried away all the treasures and the gold to Agremore in Spain,
where the Soudan went back to stay. Three months and three days they
spent there in great festivities, making offerings to their gods, and
burning frankincense in their honour. They drank the blood of beasts
and milk, and ate honey, and snakes fried with oil (p. 20). When Sir
Guy, approaching, drew near Rome, he found the whole city in flames. He
grieved much that he had arrived too late, and resolved to wait there
for Charlemagne, and then to tell him how Laban had burnt the city,
and had sent the relics to Agremore, his principal town in Spain. Soon
king Charles advanced to rescue Rome with his twelve peers and three
hundred thousand soldiers (p. 21). Roland [p-lviii] led the vanguard,
Oliver the rear, and the king was with the main body. The provisions
were conveyed by sea. Guy, seeing the army come, went to meet the king,
and told him the mischief done by the Soudan, who, moreover, had made
a vow to seek Charles in France in order to afflict him with grief.
“He will find me near,” said Charles, “and shall pay dearly for it.
Unless he consents to be baptized (p. 22), he shall never see Babylon
again.” They all took ship without delay. Propitious winds drove them
into the river Gase, where they landed, thirty miles from Agremore,
and laid waste the country. Laban, hearing this news, was astonished
at Charles’s presumption (p. 23). He assembled all his barons, and
charged them to bring him alive that glutton that called himself king
of France, and to slay the rest of his army. Ferumbras went forth
with many Saracens. He meets with Roland. They deal each other heavy
strokes. Oliver cuts off a quarter of Lukafer’s shield. The combat
lasted the whole day. Well fought the twelve peers (p. 24). Ferumbras
charges Oliver. King Charles, seeing this, rides at Ferumbras, and
strikes his helm with a heavy mace. Ferumbras cannot approach him on
account of the crowd. Charlemagne slew thirty Saracens with his sword
Mounjoy. Lukafer of Baldas encountering Charles told him that he had
promised the Soudan to bring him Charles and the twelve peers. Charles
strikes him on his helmet (p. 25), but Lukafer is rescued by a great
throng. Roland, drawing Durnedale, cleared a space around him, and
hammered the heads of the Saracens. So did the other peers, and thirty
thousand Saracens were slain. At night the pagans quit the field.
Ferumbras vows never to desist until he has conquered Roland and Oliver
(p. 26) and been crowned king at Paris. Charles went to his pavilion
and thanked God and St. Mary of France. He praised the elder knights
for having won the victory, and exhorted the young ones to take example
by them. They all make merry and go to supper. The Saracens address
a prayer to the red Mars Armipotent (p. 27), to grant the Mahometans
the victory over the Christians (p. 28). In order to recruit the late
losses in his army, the Soudan sent for his vassals, and assembled more
than three hundred thousand Saracens at Agremore. He addressed them
(p. 29) in order to increase their [p-lix] ardour, ordered a solemn
sacrifice to his gods, and charged Ferumbras to march with thirty
thousand of his people against the Christian king (whom he wished to
teach courtesy), and to slay all his men except Roland and Oliver (p.
30), if they would renounce their gods. Ferumbras led out his troops;
until arriving near Charles’s camp, he ordered them to halt in a wood,
and advanced with only ten of his men to the camp of Charlemagne, and
offered to fight at once against six of his peers. If he should conquer
them, he would lead them away to his father’s hall; but if he should
be conquered, he would be Charles’s man. The king sent for Roland and
ordered him to undertake the combat. Roland refuses (p. 31), because
Charles had praised the old knights: they might show their prowess
now. Charles, vexed, smites Roland on the mouth, so that the blood
springs from his nose, and he calls him a traitor. Roland draws his
sword, but the other barons separate them and try to conciliate them.
Meanwhile Oliver, who being sorely wounded kept his bed, on hearing of
this dispute, had armed himself and went to Charles. He reminds the
king of his long services, in reward for which he demands the battle.
Charles remonstrates with him. But Oliver insists (p. 32). He rides to
the forest, and finds Ferumbras alighted under a tree, to a branch of
which his steed was tied. “Arise,” he said, “I am come to fight with
thee.” Ferumbras, without moving, demands his name. “I am Generyse, a
young knight lately dubbed.” Ferumbras observes: “Charles is a fool
to send thee; go and tell him to send me Roland and Oliver and such
four other douzeperes. For little honour were it to me to fight with
thee.” “Spare thy words,” replies Oliver, “and take thy arms” (p. 33).
Ferumbras is wrath and seizes his helmet, which Oliver assists him
to lace. Ferumbras thanks him, courteously bowing to him. They mount
their steeds, and rushing together like fire of thunder, they have
their lances broken. They draw their swords. Ferumbras smites Oliver
on his helmet so that the fire flies. Oliver strikes at the head of
Ferumbras, breaks away the circle of his helmet, and the sword glancing
off down his back, he cuts off two bottles of balm (p. 34), which he
throws into the river. Ferumbras tells him that they were invaluable to
a wounded man, and that he should atone for their loss with his life.
He [p-lx] strikes at Oliver, who wards off the blow with his shield,
but his steed is killed under him. Oliver quickly starts up and tries
to kill his adversary’s horse, but Ferumbras rides off and ties it to
a hazel. “Yield thyself to me,” says Ferumbras, “believe on Mahound,
and I will make thee a duke in my country, and give thee my sister”
(p. 35). “Ere I yield to thee,” answered Oliver, “thou shalt feel my
strokes.” They fight for a considerable time; the blood runs from both
their bodies. By mutual consent they stop to take breath. Ferumbras
again asks Oliver his name and kin. “Thou must be one of the twelve
peers, as thou fightest so well.” “I am Oliver, cousin to Charlemagne.”
“Thou art welcome here,” says Ferumbras; “thou slewest my uncle (p.
36); now thou shalt pay the penalty.” The fight continued the whole
day. At last Oliver, smiting Ferumbras upon the helmet, had his sword
broken. He ran to the steed at the tree and seized a sword that was
hanging there, but in turning on Ferumbras, he received a blow that
made him kneel down (p. 37). But he returns Ferumbras a fearful stroke.
Charles, seeing Oliver on his knees, prayed to Christ that he might
grant the victory over the pagan. An angel announced to him that his
prayer was heard. Charles thanks God (p. 38). The fight begins again.
Ferumbras breaks his sword on Oliver’s helmet. He runs for another and
asks Oliver to surrender. But Oliver aims at him a blow which cuts
his hauberk, so that his bowels are laid bare. Ferumbras implores his
mercy, and consents to be christened, his gods having proved false. He
requested him to take his hauberk (p. 39), to fetch his horse, and to
carry him to his own tent. But the Saracens who lay concealed in the
wood rush out. Oliver, being surrounded, sets down Ferumbras under an
olive-tree, and defends himself with his sword, dealing the Saracens
many a hard blow. Then Roland rushed into the throng of the enemy
and slew many (p. 40). His horse being killed by arrows and darts,
he fights on foot, but his sword breaking, he is taken and led away.
Oliver rides to rescue him, but his horse being also killed, he is
overpowered and bound. Both were conducted to Lukafer of Baldas (p.
41). Charles sees them, and calls for a rescue. Many enemies were slain
by the French barons, but the Saracens had fled with their prisoners,
and [p-lxi] Charles is obliged to turn back. Under a holm tree they
find Ferumbras, whom the king is going to put to death. But on his
requesting to be baptized Charles took pity on him (p. 42), led him to
his tent, and ordered a surgeon to attend him. He soon recovered, and
bishop Turpin baptized him by the name of Floreyn. But he continued to
be called Ferumbras all his life. Afterwards he was known as Floreyn
of Rome on account of his holiness. Roland and Oliver being brought to
the Soudan, Laban enquires their names. They confess their names (p.
43). The Soudan swears they shall both be executed the next morning
before his dinner. But Floripas advises him to detain them as hostages,
and to remember his son Ferumbras, for whom they might be exchanged.
The Soudan, finding her counsel good, orders his gaoler Bretomayn to
imprison them, but to leave them without food (p. 44). At high tide the
sea filled their deep cells, so that they suffered much from the salt
water, from their wounds, and from hunger. On the sixth day Floripas,
who was gathering flowers in her garden, heard them lament. Moved to
compassion, she asks her governess Maragound to help her in getting
food for the prisoners. Maragound refuses, and reminds Floripas of
her father’s command. Floripas, thinking of a trick, called to her
governess to come to a window (p. 45) and see the porpoises sporting
beneath. As Maragound is looking out, Floripas pushes her into the
flood. She then asks Bretomayn to let her see the prisoners. The gaoler
threatened to complain to her father, but Floripas, having seized his
key-clog, dashed out his brains. She then went to tell her father she
had surprised the gaoler feeding the prisoners (p. 46) and promising
to deliver them, wherefore she had slain him. The Soudan gives the
prisoners into her guard. She now proceeded to the prison, asked the
prisoners what they wanted, and promised to protect them from any
harm (p. 47). She let down a rope, and with her maidens drew up both,
and led them to her apartments. There they ate, took a bath, and went
to bed. The Soudan knew nothing of his prisoners being in Floripas’s
chamber. Meanwhile Charlemagne tells Guy that he must go to the Soudan
to demand the surrender of Roland and Oliver, and of the relics of
Rome. Naymes of Bavaria represents that a messenger to the Soudan
[p-lxii] (p. 48) would certainly be slain; and that they ought to be
anxious not to lose any more besides Roland and Oliver. Then said the
king: “By God, thou shalt go with Guy.” Ogier the Dane remonstrates,
but is ordered to go too. So are Thierry of Ardane, and Folk Baliant,
Aleroys, and Miron of Brabant. Bishop Turpin kneels down to implore the
king’s mercy, but he must go too, as well as Bernard of Spruwse (p.
49) and Brier of Mountdidier. The knights take leave and start. About
the same time the Soudan having assembled his council, Sortibrance and
Brouland (p. 50) advise him to send twelve knights, and to bid Charles
to give up Ferumbras and to withdraw from his country. The knights are
despatched; near Mantrible they meet with the Christian messengers.
Duke Naymes enquires whither they intend to go (p. 51). Having heard
their message, the delegates of Charlemagne cut off their heads, which
they take with them to present to the Soudan at Agremore. Laban was
just dining when Naymes delivers his message: “God confound Laban and
all his Saracens, and save Charles, who commands thee to send back his
two nephews and to restore the relics” (p. 52). They then produce the
heads of the Soudan’s messengers. The Soudan vowed a vow that they
should all ten be hanged as soon as he had finished his dinner. But
Floripas recommended him to put off his resolution until a general
council of his barons had determined on the best way to procure the
liberation of Ferumbras. Thereupon the Soudan gives the prisoners into
her guard. Floripas leads the knights into her tower (p. 53), where
they were glad to find Roland and Oliver. They told each other how they
had fared. After washing, they dined off venison, bread, and wine. The
following day Floripas asks Naymes his name, and enquires after Guy of
Burgundy, whom she had loved for a long time (p. 54), and for whom she
would do all she could for their benefit, and would be baptized if he
would agree to love her in return. Naymes tells Guy to take her for his
wife; but Guy refuses, as he never will take a wife unless she be given
him by Charles. But Roland and Oliver persuade him, so that he at last
consents. Floripas, holding a golden cup of wine (p. 55), kissed him,
and requested him to drink to her after the fashion of her country; she
then would drink to him in return. They all [p-lxiii] make merry, and
prepare to assail the Soudan at supper on the following day. Meanwhile
Lukafer comes to the Soudan and asks leave to see the prisoners, in
order to know how Floripas guards them. Finding the door locked (p.
56), he burst it open with a blow of his fist, and told them he was
come to speak to them, and to enquire after Charlemagne. Duke Naymes
answers. Lukafer then asks what amusements they have after dinner.
Naymes says: “Some joust, some sing, some play at chess.” “I will teach
you a new game,” says Lukafer (p. 57). With a thread he fastened a
needle on a pole and put a burning coal upon it. He blew it at Naymes’s
beard and burnt it. Naymes waxed wroth, and snatching a burning brand
from the fire he smites at Lukafer, and throws him into the fire, where
he was burnt to charcoal. Floripas applauds this, but points out their
danger, and advises them to arm. At supper time she goes to her father
(p. 58). As they were sitting at table, the twelve peers rushed in
and slew all whom they met. Laban, pursued by Oliver, jumps out of a
window on to the sea-shore and escaped without injury. They killed all
in the castle, and then drew up the bridges and shut the gates. Laban
vowed a vow that he would hang them all and burn his daughter. He sent
to Mantrible for troops (p. 59) and engines and besieged Agremore.
Floripas recommends the peers to enjoy themselves. In the morning the
Soudan attacks the castle, but is repulsed (p. 60). He accuses his gods
of sleepiness and shakes them to rouse them out of sleep. Brouland
tells him, as the castle is strong and well stored with provisions,
the peers will hold it very long; but if he would send orders to
Alagolofer, the bridge-keeper at Mantrible, not to allow any one to
pass without leave (p. 61), they would get no assistance from Charles
and die from hunger. Espiard, the Soudan’s messenger, is despatched
to Mantrible, and commands the giant not to suffer any one to pass
the bridge (p. 62). Alagolofer drew four and twenty chains across the
bridge. Meanwhile the Soudan assaults the castle again, but the twelve
peers slew three hundred Saracens (p. 63). Laban threatens to hang
them, and utters imprecations against Floripas, who returns them. He
then calls for Mavon, his engineer, and orders him to direct a mangonel
against the walls. Mavon knocked down a piece of the battlements.
[p-lxiv] Roland and Oliver lament; they are comforted by Floripas (p.
64). Guy kills Marsedage, the king of Barbary, by throwing a dart at
him. The Saracens stop the attack to bury Marsedage, and bewail him
seven nights and seven days. Then the Soudan more closely blockades
the castle (p. 65). The provisions being exhausted, Roland complains
of Charles’s forgetfulness; but Floripas cheers him up, saying she
possessed a magic girdle, which was a talisman against hunger and
thirst for those who wore it. They all successively put it on, and felt
as if they had feasted (p. 66). Laban wondered at their endurance, but
at last remembering the girdle, he induced Mapin to attempt to steal
it at night. Mapin entered the chamber of Floripas (p. 67) through a
chimney. He finds the girdle and puts it on, but Floripas perceives him
and cries out. Roland hurries to her assistance, cuts off Mapin’s head,
and throws him out through the window into the sea without noticing
the girdle. Floripas, seeing her girdle lost, is much grieved; Roland
comforts her. They agree to attempt a sally to obtain food (p. 68). In
the morning Naymes and Ogier remain in the castle, while the others
start and surprise the Saracens sleeping in their huts. They slew three
hundred, and carried off as much food as they could bear (p. 69). The
Soudan is enraged and is going to burn his gods, but, appeased by
his wise men, he sacrifices again, and is assoiled by the priests.
Laban holds council (p. 70). A new assault begins, but so many of the
assailants were slain by the showers of stones hurled down by the peers
that the ditches are filled with dead bodies. The Saracens retire. But
soon a second attack ensues. There being no stones, Floripas gave them
her father’s silver and gold to cast amongst the assailants. The Soudan
in alarm for his treasure gives up the assault (p. 71). He is enraged
with his gods, and smites Mahound so that he fell on his face; but the
priests induce him to kneel down and ask forgiveness (p. 72). Meanwhile
Roland exhorted Richard of Normandy to go on a message to Charles,
that he might come to their rescue. They all would, the following
morning before day-break, make an attack on the Saracens, and meanwhile
he should steal off in the darkness. In the morning they sally out.
Floripas and her maidens draw up the bridges after them. Richard
went off towards Mantrible (p. 73). [p-lxv] The others slay many
Saracens; but Guy, overpowered by the Babylonians, is taken prisoner.
Laban asks his name. Guy tells him. He is to be hanged. Three hundred
Saracens crowding near the gate of the castle, attempted to prevent
the other peers from entering. A fearful struggle begins (p. 74), in
which Sir Bryer is killed. At last the Saracens take to flight. The
peers retire inside the castle, taking the corpse of Bryer with them.
Floripas enquires after Guy, and on hearing of his capture, begins to
lament despairingly. Roland promises to rescue Guy (p. 75). On the
following morning Laban orders Sir Tamper to erect a gallows before the
castle, where Floripas could see it. Guy is led bound. Roland calls
his companions to arms. They rush forth (p. 76). Oliver cuts down Sir
Tamper, Roland kills a king of India, takes his sword and horse, and
gives them to Guy, having unbound him. They slay many Saracens, and
put the rest to flight. Retiring towards the castle, they see Admiral
Costroye, and the Soudan’s standard-bearer, escorting a great convoy,
destined for the sultan, across a field near the high road (p. 77).
Roland calls to them to share the provisions with them. Costroye
refuses, and is slain by Roland. Oliver kills the standard-bearer, and
the convoy is conveyed into the castle (p. 78). Floripas thanks Roland
for bringing back Sir Guy, and proposes that he shall choose himself a
mistress from amongst her maidens. But Roland refuses to take any that
is not a Christian. The Soudan, on hearing such bad news, again defies
his gods, and threatens to throw them into the flames (p. 79). But
bishop Cramadas kneels before him and appeases him. The Soudan makes
an offering of a thousand besants to his gods. When Richard arrived as
far as Mantrible, he found the bridge barred by twenty-four chains,
and Alagolofer standing before it. Determined not to leave his errand
unperformed, he knelt down and commended himself to God. A hind appears
(p. 80) and swims across the river; Richard follows her, and passing
over in safety, hurries on to Charlemagne. Meanwhile Genelyn, the
traitor, had advised Charles to retire to France, because the twelve
peers were all slain. The king believed him, and marched homeward,
lamenting for his peers. Richard overtakes him, and is recognized by
Charles, who asks him about the others. [p-lxvi] Richard tells the
king how they are besieged within the castle of Agremore, and are
waiting for his assistance. Charles, vowing vengeance on Genelyn (p.
81), turned and marched to Agremore. Richard informed him of the giant
who kept the bridge, and how he had passed the river by a miracle. He
proposed a plan that twelve knights, disguised as merchants, with their
arms hidden under their clothes, should pay the toll, and the bridge
being let down, they should blow a horn as a signal for the others to
approach. They start and arrive at Mantrible (p. 82). Alagolofer asks
whither they are going. Richard says they are merchants on their way to
the Soudan, and they are willing to pay the toll. Alagolofer refuses
to let them pass, and tells them about the ten knights, who had passed
there and done so much mischief to the Soudan; therefore he will arrest
them all. Sir Focard draws his sword and smites at him, Richard blows
his horn, and Charles advances (p. 83). Alagolofer fights them with
a great oak club. Richard seizes a bar of brass and knocks him down.
Four men get hold of him and throw him into the river. They loosened
the chains; but the Saracens assembling on the walls of the city, many
Christians were slain. Alagolofer’s wife, Barrock the giantess, comes
on with her scythe and mows down all whom she meets. Charles dashes
out her brains (p. 84), and with fifteen knights enters the outer gate
of the town, thinking his army would follow him. But the gate was
instantly closed upon him, and his men came too late. Charles was in
great danger; but Genelyn, seeing him shut in, exclaimed that the king
and the twelve peers were dead, and proposed to retire, as he wished
to be king himself. They were going to return, but Ferumbras (p. 85)
calls him a traitor; he rallies the French, and with his axe bursts
open the gate. He chased the Saracens and rescued the king. Mantrible
is taken with all its engines and treasures. Richard found two children
of seven months old (p. 86), and four feet high. They were sons of
Barrock, begotten by Astragot. Charles caused them to be baptized, and
called the one Roland and the other Oliver. But they soon died for
want of their mother’s milk. The king appoints Richard governor of
the city, and hurries on to Agremore with his army and with Ferumbras
(p. 87). Laban, being told by a spy [p-lxvii] that his city was taken
and the bridge-ward killed, swears to avenge him. He calls a council,
and charges his barons to take Charles alive that he might flay him.
Charles approaches. Floripas first recognizes the banner of France and
tells the others (p. 88). Roland and all his companions sally forth
to meet Charlemagne. Laban draws up all his people in battle-order.
The French make a great slaughter of the Saracens. Charles encounters
the Soudan; he unhorses him, and would have cut off his head, but
for Ferumbras, who requested that his father might be baptized. The
Saracens, seeing Laban a prisoner, fly; but the Christians pursue them.
Three hundred escaped to Belmarine. Charles leads Laban to Agremore.
Floripas welcomes her father (p. 89), but he is enraged at seeing her.
She then bids Charlemagne welcome, and presents the holy relics to him.
Charles kisses them, and says a prayer; he then thanks Floripas for
her assistance to his knights, and for having preserved the precious
relics. He orders Turpin to prepare a vessel wherein to baptize the
Soudan, and to wash off his sin in the water (p. 90). Turpin leads
Laban to the font, but the Soudan strikes at him, spits on the vessel,
utters invectives against all Christians, and curses Ferumbras. Charles
commands Naymes to cut off his head. He is executed; his soul goes to
hell, there to dance with devils. Floripas was baptized with all her
maidens, and was wedded to Guy. Charles divided Spain between Guy and
Ferumbras (p. 91), and charges Sir Bryer of Bretayne to take care of
the relics, and to bring all his treasure to Paris. After taking leave
of Guy and Floripas, Charles sails to Monpilier, where he thanks God
for the victory (p. 92), and for the relics. He presents the cross to
Paris, the crown to St. Denis, the three nails to Boulogne. Charles
well remembered the treachery of Genelyn, and ordered him to be drawn
and hanged at Montfaucon in Paris (p. 93).
[p001]
The Romaunce of the Sowdone of Babylone
and of Ferumbras his Sone who
Conquerede Rome:
«From the unique MS. of the late Sir Thos. Phillipps.»
GOD in glorye of myghteste[89] moost, 1 God has ordained all
That al thinge made in sapience things wisely.
By vertue of woorde and holy goost,
Gyvinge to man grete excellence, 4 He has subjected the
And alle, þat is in erthe, wroght earth to man, and man
Subiecte to man and man̄ to the, to God.
That he shoulde witħ herte and thought
To loue and serve, and nooɳ but the: 8 The man who keeps His
For ȝyfe man̄ kepte thy co«m»maundemente commandments and loves
In al thinge and loued the welle Him well, will feel
And hadde synnede in his entente, His grace. But many
Thaɳ shulde he fully thy grace fele; 12 who offended Him have
But for the offences to God I-doo«n»[90] felt His vengeance. I
Many vengeaunces haue be-falle. will tell you of one;
Where-of I wole yoᶙ telle of ooɳ, it would take too long
It were to mocħ to telle of alle. 16 to tell of all. Listen
While þat Rome was in excellence to me, and ye shall
Of alle Realmes in dignite, hear how Rome, the
And howe it felle for his offence, former mistress of all
Listinythe a while and ye shal see, 20 nations, came to fall
Howe it was woneɳ and brente by its sins, and was
Of a Sowdoɳ, that heatheɳ was, destroyed by a heathen
And for synne howe it was shente; Soudan. King Lewis has
As Kinge Lowes witnessith þat cas, 24 borne witness to
[p002 LABAN, THE SOUDAN OF BABYLON, HEARS]
As it is wryten in Romaunce that story, which,
And founden in bokes of Antiquyte written in Romance
At Seinte Denyse Abbey in Fraunc[e],[91] and found in very
There as Cronycles remembrede be, 28 old chronicles at
Howe Laban, the kinge of hie degre, St Denys in France,
And sy[rh] and Sowdoɳ of hie Babiloɳ, relates how Laban, the
Conquerede grete parte of Christiante, king of Babylon, who
That was born in Askaloɳ. 32 was born at Ascalon,
And in the Cite of Agremare[92] conquered a great part
Vppon̄ the Rivere of Flagote of Christendom. He was
At þat tyme he soiorned the[rh]† holding his court in
Fulle roially, wel I wote, 36 the city of Agremore,
With kinges xij and Admyralles xiiij, on the river Flagot,
With many a Baron̄ & Kniȝtis ful boold, with 12 kings and 14
That roialle were and semly to sene; admirals, and many
Here worþynesse al may not be told. 40 worthy barons and
Hit bifelle by-twyxte March and Maye, [lf 1, bk] knights,
Whan kynde corage begynneth to pryke, when, in the time
Whan̄ ffritħ and felde wexen gaye, between March and
And every wight desirith his like, 44 May,
Whan̄ lovers slepen̄ withe opyn̄ yȝe,
As Nightyngalis on grene tre,
And sore desire þat thai cowde flye,
That thay myghte withe here lou«er»e be: 48
This worthy Sowdon̄ in this seson̄ he went to the chase
Shope him to grene woode to goon̄,
To chase the Bore or the Veneson̄,
The Wolfe, the Bere and the Bawson. 52
He roode tho vppon̄ a fforeste stronde in a wood near the
With grete rowte and roialte, sea.
The fairest, þat was in alle þat londe,
With Alauntes, Ly«m»meris and Racches free. 56
His huntes to chace he co«m»maunde,
Here Bugles boldely for to blowe,
To fere the beestis in þat launde.
[p003 OF THE CAPTURE OF A SARACEN SHIP BY THE ROMANS.]
The Sowdon̄ woxe wery I-nowe; 60 Being weary with
He rested him vndere an holme tre hunting, he sat down
Sittynge vppon̄ a grene sete under a holm tree,
Seynge a Dromonde com seilyng in þ^e see and, seeing a dromond
Anone he charged to bekyn̄ him w«i»t«h» sailing on the sea, he
honde 64 charged one to enquire
To here of him tidinges newe. for news concerning the
The maist«er» sende a man to londe, ship. The interpreter
Of diuers langages was gode and trewe, of the vessel being
And saide “lorde, this Dromonde[93] 68 sent ashore, informed
Fro Babyloyne comen̄ is, the soudan, that this
That was worþe thousande poundis, dromond, freighted at
As[94] it mete with shrewes I-wis, Babylon, with a cargo
Charged with perle and p«re»cious stones 72 of rich furs, spices,
And riche pelure and spicerye, oil, brass and pearls,
With oyle and bras qweynte for the nones intended as a present
To presente yow, my lorde worthy. to the soudan, had been
A drift of wedi[rh] vs droffe to Rome, 76 driven by stress of
The Romaynes robbed vs anone; weather to Rome, where
Of vs thai slowgh ful many one. they had been robbed by
With sorwe and care we be bygone. the Romans.
Whereof, lorde, remedye 80 [leaf 3]
Ye ordeyne by youre Barons boolde, Therefore he solicited
To wreke the of this vilane; that the soudan would
Or certes oure blis is coolde.” take revenge on those
The Soudon hirynge this tyþinge, 84 who had done such
With egre chere he made a vowe villainy to him.
To Mahounde and to Appolyne, The soudan, hearing
That thai shulde by it dere I-nowe, these tidings, made
Er that he wente fro theyme.[95] 88 a vow to Mahound and
“Where be ye, my kinges boolde, to Apolyn, that they
My Barons and my Admyral? should dearly pay for
Thes tidinges make myn herte coolde, it.
But I be venged, dyen I shalle. 92 ‘Ferumbras, my son,’ he
Sire Ferumbras, my sone so dere, said, ‘and my daughter
Ye muste me comforte in this case; Floripas, ye must
[p004 THE SOUDAN STARTS FROM AGREMORE]
My ioye is alle in the nowe here be my comfort in this
And in my Doghter Dame Florypas. 96 case.
Sortybraunce, my Counselere, Order Sortibrance,
Lete clepe him forthe to counsaile me, my counsellor, to be
And Oliborne, my Chauncelere called for, and my
And noble Clerke of hie degre, 100 chancellor Oliborn,
And Espiarde, my messangere, and Espiard my
To goon to Assye and to Aufrike, messenger, that he
To kinges, princes fer[rh] and ne[rh], may go to Africa and
Barons, Admyralls and Dukes frike, 104 to Asia and to all
Comaundinge hem vppon̄ her legeaunce the princes, who owe
To come in al hast vnto me, me allegiance, and
Wel Armed with shelde and launse, command them hastily to
To Egremoure þon̄ riche Cite.” 108 assemble with shield
In shorte tyme this message was wroghte and lance at Agremore.’
An hundred thouusande on a rowte In a short time 100,000
That robbery was righte dere boght, men had assembled.
Was never none derrer without«en» douȝte. 112 On the advice of
The kinge of Baldas, sir Lukafe[rh], Lukafer,
Of Aufryke lorde and governoure, king of Baldas,
Spake to the Sowdon̄, that me«n» myghte the soudan also
here, brought together 700
And saide “sir, for thyn honou[rh], 116 sail and a
Do sende for shippes both fe[rh] and dromond for himself,
nere.” for Ferumbras of
Carrikes, Galeis and shippes shene, Alexandrie, for the
vij hundred were gadered al in fere Asiatic king of
And a Dromonde for the Sowden̄ kene. 120 [leaf 4] Chaunder and
Sir Ferumbras of Alisaundre for Floripas. There
In the Dromonde with him was, were two masters in
Of Assy the kinge of Chaunde[rh], that vessel, and two
And his faire dogħter Floripas. 124 idols placed on the
Two maistres were in the Dromounde, main top, with round
Two goddes on hye seten̄ thore maces, therewith to
In the maister toppe, withe macis rounde, menace the Christians.
To manace with the Cristen̄ lore. 128 The sails of red
The sailes were of rede Sendelle, sendal-silk were
Embrowdred witħ riche araye,
[p005 TO INVADE ROME WITH A GREAT ARMY.]
With beestes and breddes every dele, richly embroidered
That was right curious and gaye; 132 with figures of
The Armes displaied of Laban animals and birds.
Of Asure and foure lions of goolde. Four golden lions, the
Of Babiloyne the riche Sowdon̄, arms of the soudan of
Moost myghty man he was of moolde, 136 Babylon, were also
He made a vowe to Termagaunte, displayed thereon.
Whan Rome were distroied & hade Laban made a vow to
myschau«n»ce, Termagant, to destroy
He woolde turne ayen erraunte Rome, and after that
And distroye Charles the kinge of Fraunce. 140 Charlemagne.
Fortħ thai sailed on the flode, Having disembarked in
Tille thai come to the haven of Rome: the haven of Rome,
The wynde hem served, it was ful goode. they slew all
Ther londed many a grymlye gome. 144 Christians, and burned
Thai brente and slowen, þat Cristen were, towns, abbeys and
Town̄, Abbey and holy chirche. churches.
The hethen hade such power there, The Pope of Rome,
That moche woo gan thai there wircħ. 148 hearing of the heathens
Tidinggis came to Rome anone laying waste the whole
Unto the Pope, that þ^t tyme was, country,
That the heþen came to bren and slone.
This was to hem a sory cas. 152
He lete cal his counsaile to-geder assembled his council.
To wete, what was beste to don̄.
Anone as thai were come þede[rh],
He asked of hem al ful sone: 156
“Lordinges, it is vnknowne[96] to you,
That this cursed hathen Sowdon̄
Bre«n»nyth and stroyeth oure pepul nowe,
Alive he leveth vnneth not one. 160
Seint Petir be oure governoure [leaf 5]
And save this worthi Cite of Rome,
And Seinte Poule be oure gydoure
From this cursed hethen̄ houne[97]!” 164
Ifreȝ he bispake him than̄, Jeffrez, a senator
[p006 SAVARIS LEADS THE CHRISTIAN TROOPS]
Of Rome he was a Senatoure, of Rome, advised that
And saide “senditħ some worthy man worthy men should be
To Charles kinge of hye honoure. 168 sent to Charles of
He wolde you helpe with al his mygħte, Douce France to implore
That noble kinge of Dowse Fraunce.” his assistance.
“Certes” q«uo»d Savaris “þat weren no But Duke Savariz,
rigħte, thinking this to be
It were right a foule myschaunce, 172 a wretched piece of
To sende to þat worthy kinge. timidity,
We have oure hedes yet al hole, as they had not tried
Oure sheldes be not broke no-thinge, anything for
Hawberke, spere, ner poleyne, ner pole. 176 themselves,
Where-of shul we playn̄ to him,
That no thinge yet have assaide?
Mecħ uylanye we myght wynne,
That for noght were so sone afrayed. 180
Ten thousande men delyu«er»e me tyte asked for 10,000 men
Tomorue next in-to the feelde, to be put under his
And I shall prove with al my myghte command.
To breke there bothe spere and shelde.” 184
Vnto the Senatours it semed welle,
His counsaile goode and honurable.
This worthi Duke was armed in stele
In armes goode and profitable; 188
He bare a Chek of goulis clere,
An Egle of goolde abrode displayed.
With him many a bolde Bachelere
Tho spake Savaryȝ witħ wordes on hye 192 The next morning the
And saide “my felowes alle, duke addressed his men,
This daie prove you men̄ worthy,
And faire you al shal befalle.
Thenke yat Criste is more myghty 196
Than here fals goddis alle;
And he shal geve vs the victorie,
And foule shal hem this day bifalle.”
Fortħ than rode þat faire Ooste 200 and directed them to
With right goode chere and randon̄, the soudan’s
[p007 AGAINST THE SARACENS AND CONQUERS THEM.]
Tille than come ful nyȝe the cooste. pavilion near the
Of the Sowdons Pavylon̄ shore.
Ferumbras was of hem ware 204 [leaf 6] Ferumbras,
And sprange out as a sparkil of glede; that doughty
Of Armes bright a sheelde he bare, warrior, becoming aware
A Doughty man̄ he was of dede. of them, led
xv thousande came oute there 208 15,000 men against the
With him at þat same tyde, Romans.
Ayen the Romaynes for to were,
Witħ bobaunce, booste and grete pride.
The stoure was stronge, enduryn[g|] longe: 212
The Romaynes hade there the feelde;
The Sarysyns thai slougħ amonge,
Ten thousand and mo with spere and sheelde. 10,000 and more of the
Sauariz was wise and ware 216 Saracens were slain,
And drowe towards þat Citee. and the Romans, though
His baner displaied witħ him he bare victorious, were led
To releve with his meyne. back to Rome by the
The Pope with his Senatours 220 cautious Savaris.
Thanked god þat tyme of glorie, The Pope thanked God
That gafe hem þat day grete honours, for the victory.
Of hethen that dai to have the victorie. Lukafer of Baldas
Lukafere, kinge of Baldas, 224 having scoured the
The countrey hade serchid and sought, country,
Ten thousande maidyns faire of face brought 10,000 maidens
Vnto the Sowdan hath he broghte. to the soudan, who
The Sowdon̄ co«m»manded hem anone, 228 ordered them to be
That thai shulde al be slayn̄. slain,
Martires thai were eu«er»ychon̄, saying, he would
And therof were thai al ful fayne. not have his people
He saide “my peple nowe ne shalle 232 polluted by them, and
With hem noughte defouled be, he would destroy every
But I wole distroie ou«er» all Christian seed.
The sede over alle Cristiante.” Lukafer said to the
Tho spake lukefere the kinge, 236 soudan:
That hethen̄ hounde Baldas,
[p008 THE NEXT DAY LUKAFER ASSAULTS THE CITY,]
And saide “Sir Sowdan̄, g«ra»unte me one “Grant me thy daughter
thinge, and I will bring thee
Thi doghter Dame Floripas. Charlemagne and all his
The kinge of Fraunce I shal the bringe 240 twelve peers.”
And the xij dosipers alle in fere.” Laban assented; but
The Sowdan saide in þat tokenyn[g|], Floripas said, she
“I g«ra»unte the here, that is so dere.” would only consent to
Tho sayde Floripe “sire, noon̄ haste, 244 be his darling,
He hath note done as he hath saide.
I trowe, he speketh these wordes in waste, [leaf 7]
He wole make bute an easy brayde.
Whan he bryngith home Charles the kinge 248 when he had taken
And the xij dosipers alle, Charles and the
I g«ra»unte to be his derlynge douzepeers.
What so evere therof by-falle. The next morning the
Than on the morowe the Sowdan̄ 252 soudan ordered Lukafer
Callid to him Lukafe[rh] of Baldas, to assault the City
To assaile the Cite anone: with 30,000 men.
“And loke thou tary not in this cas!
Thritty thousande of my menie, 256
Of Gallopes, Ethiopes and Aufricanes,
Take hem to the walles witħ the.
Betitħ down̄ wallis, towris and stones.”
Lukafe[rh] blewe his clarion̄ 260
To Assemble the Sarasyns þat tide,
Where-of thai knewe right welle the soune,
Thai made hem redy for to ride,
But whan thai come to the yate, 264
The Dikes were so develye depe, The Saracens, finding
Thai helde hem selfe Chek-mate; the ditches too deep,
Ouer cowde thai nothir goo nor crepe. cannot pass, and are
Lukafe[rh] in al the haste 268
Turned to the Sowdan agayn̄ obliged to return.
And saide “sir, it is alle in waste,
We laboure nowe alle in vayne.
To depe and brode the Dikes bene, 272
The Towres so stronge be witħ alle,
[p009 BUT THE HEATHENS ARE OBLIGED TO WITHDRAW.]
That by Mahounde I can note seen̄,
How that we shulde wyne ther to the
walle.”
Who was woode but the Sowdon̄? 276
He reneyed his goddis alle.
He clepede his Engyno«ur» sir mavone, The soudan calls for
To counsaile he did him faste calle. his engineer Mavon,
He tolde him the case of þat myschefe, 280
How it stode at that ilke tyde.
Mavon Gafe him counsel in breefe who advised him to fill
To fille the Dikes þat were depe.[98] the ditch
Every man to woode shal goon̄, 284
Fagotis to hewe and faste bynde, with fagots.
And fille the Dikes faste anoon̄
With alle, that we may ther fynde.
“Gramercy, Mavon̄,” q«uo»d Laban than̄, 288 Laban thanks his wise
“Mahoundis benysone thou shalt haue, engineer.
Of alle myn Ooste the wiseste man, [leaf 8]
With counsaile men for to saue.”
Alle this was done the seconde daye, 292 The following day, the
Men myght go even to the walle; ditch being filled with
On every party the ooste laye, fagots, the city
Thai made assaite[99] then generalle. was assaulted from all
The Romaynes ronnen̄ to the toures, 296 quarters. The Romans
Thai were in ful grete dowte; ran to the towers, and
Thai hade many sharpe shoures, a sharp conflict
Thai were assailed sore a-bowte. ensued.
Wifis and maidyns stones thai bare 300 Women and maidens
To the walles than ful faste, carried stones which
Thai were in grete drede and care; the
The men over the wallis did caste. men threw over the
Thai slowen many a Sarasyn̄, 304 walls.
x «thousande»[100] pepul of hem̄ and moo. 10,000 Saracens were
The daie passed to the fyne, slain and
The hethen withdrowe hem tho. the heathens obliged to
Whan these tidinges came to laban, 308 withdraw.
[p010 LUKAFER ENTERS THE MAIN TOWER OF ROME.]
His goddes he gan chide. Laban chides his gods
He waxe both blake, pale and wan, and nearly grows mad
He was nyȝe woode þat same tyde. with vexation. But
Tho Lukafer comfortede him welle 312 Lukafer told him that,
And saide “sir, be not dismayed, having espied that
For I have aspied everydele, Savaris would, the
Howe thai shalle alle be betrayede. following day, come
Sauariz wole to morowe witħ us fighte, 316 out again to fight
His baner knowe I ful welle; with them, he would
I shal have an othere, I yoᶙ plighte, have a banner made
Like to this every dele. exactly like his, which
Whan he is moste besy in bataile, 320 when Savaris was much
Than wole I with banere displaiede engaged in the battle,
Ride in to Rome w«i»t«h»out faile, he would unfold and
Thus shal thai al be betrayede.” enter Rome.
The Sowdan̄ was glad of this tidinge, 324
Hopinge it shulde be so;
And even as it was in purposynge, And so it
Right so was it aftir I-do. turned out; the Romans
Wenynge it hade be Sauarye, 328 mistaking him for
Relevinge fro the hethen stou[rh], Savaris, returning from
Wenynge doth ofte harme w«i»t«h»oute lye, his sally, he entered
He entred to the maist«er» Toure. the main tower,
The firste warde thus thay wo«n»ne 332 [leaf 9]
By this fals contrevede engyne.
Thus was moche sorowe bygon̄,
Thai slougħ all, that were ther-Inne. and slew all therein.
Whan̄ Sauariz saugħ this discomfitu[rh] 336 Savaris becoming aware
Of the Romaynes in that tyme, of the artifice of the
And howe harde than̄ was here aventu[rh], enemy,
Of sorowe þat myghte he ryme
Of x thousande men̄ lefte no moo 340 and seeing out of
But sexty men̄ and twelfe, 10,000 Romans no more
And whan he sawe this myschief tho, than seventy-two left,
He turned homewarde agayn him selue. turned back, but found
By than̄ he founde the gate shite 344 the gate shut,
[p011 THE POPE DESPATCHES MESSENGERS TO CHARLEMAGNE.]
With Sarisyns, that hade it wone;
And Estragot with him he mette
With bores hede, blake and donne.
For as a bore an hede hadde 348
And a grete mace stronge as stele.
He smote Sauaryz as he were madde, and was slain by
That dede to grounde he felle. Estragot, a black giant
This Astrogot of Ethiop, 352 of Ethiopia.
He was a kinge of grete strengtħ;
Ther was none suche in Europe
So stronge and so longe in lengtħ.
I trowe, he were a develes sone, 356
Of Belsabubbis lyne,
For ever he was thereto I-wone,
To do Cristen̄ men grete pyne.
Whan tidinggis came to the [P]ope, 360 After the death of
That Duke Sauaryz was dede slayn̄, Savaris, the Pope
Than̄ to woo turned alle his hope;
He dide calle than̄ to counsaile summoned his council
Alle the Senatouris of Rome, 364 again.
What þinge þat myght hem most availe,
And what were beste to done.
Tho by-spake a worthy man of counsaile,
An Erille of the Senatouris: 368 An earl of the
“The best counsaile, þat I can senatours suggested
the necessity of
Sending vnto Charles the kinge[101] dispatching messengers
Certifiynge him by your myssangeris to Charlemagne,
The myschief þat ye are Inne, 372 imploring him to come
That he come with his Dosyperys to their deliverance.
To reskue Cristiante fro this heþen.” [leaf 10]
All thai assentede anone therto; They all assented.
The l«ett»res were made in haste. 376 Three messengers, with
Thre messageres we ordeyn̄[102] therto, letters written in
That went forthe at the laste. haste,
[p012 THE SARACENS THROW DOWN A BASTILE OF ROME.]
At a posterne thai wente oute left the city by a
Pryvely aboute mydnygħt, 380 postern at midnight,
And passed through alle the route. and passed the enemy’s
Of hem was war no wigħt. camp without being
BVT let we nowe the messangeris goon̄, noticed by any wight.
And speke we of Laban̄, 384
Howe he dide saile the Cite anoon̄,
And co«m»maundid, þat every man Laban commanded every
Shulde withe Pikeys or witħ bille man to throw pikes and
The Wallis over throwe, 388 bills over the walls,
That he myght the Romaynes kille, to kill the Romans.
Playnly on a rowe,
By water he ordeynede the shippes goon̄, He ordered the ships
The bootis bownden to the maste, 392 to go up the water,
That thai myght fight with hem anoon̄, with their boats bound
Honde of honde, þat was here caste. to the mast, that they
To the Toure a bastile stode, might fight in close
An engyne was I-throwe— 396 combat.
That was to the Cite ful goode— Near the tower there
And brake down̄ towres both hie and lowe. stood a bastile which
Tho sorowede alle the Citesyns formed a principal
And were ful hevy than̄. 400 protection to the city.
Tho wox prowde the Sarasyns, It was laid low by
And than bispake sire laban stones hurled from an
And saide “yolde youe here to me, engine.
Ye may not longe endure, 404 Laban, growing proud,
Or ellis shall ye al slayn̄ be, summoned the Romans to
By mahounde I you ensure.” surrender.
A Romayne drife a darte him to Instead of an answer, a
And smote him on the breste plate, 408 Roman hurled a dart at
Ne hadde his hawberke lasted tho, his breast-plate, but
Mahounde had come to late. his hauberk shielded
Tho was the Sowdon̄ more þan̄ wod, him.
He cried to Ferumbras, 412 The soudan, more than
“For Mahoundes loue, þat is so good, mad, charged Ferumbras
Destroye vp bothe man and place. to destroy them all,
[p013 ESTRAGOT IS CRUSHED BY A PORTCULLIS.]
Spare no thinge that is alyve,
Hows, Toure ner Walle, 416 [leaf 11]
Beest, ner man, Childe nere Wife,
Brenne, slo and distroye alle.”
Tho Ferumbras ordeynede anone
To bende the Engynes to the town̄ 420
And bete down̄ botħ Toure and stoon̄.
He cleped fortħ Fortibraunce and Mavon̄ and enjoined
And saide “be youre Engynes goode? Fortibrance and Mavon
Shewe forth here nowe your crafte 424 to direct their
For Mahoundis love, þat gevith man foode, engines against the
That ther be no Toure lafte.” walls.
Tho the grete gloton̄ Estagote[103] The great glutton
With his myghty mace sware 428 Estragot, with his
On the Gatis of Rome he smote heavy mace,
And brake hem alle on thre thare. smote on the gates
In he entrid at the Gate and brake them in
The Porte-Colis on him thai lete falle. 432 pieces.
He wende, he hade come to late, But as he was
It smote him through herte, lyuer and entering one of the
galle. gates, they let the
He lai cryande at the grounde portcullis fall,
Like a develle of Helle; 436 which crushed him to
Through the Cite wente the sowne, the ground,
So lowde than gan he yelle. where he lay crying
Gladde were al the Romaynes, like a devil.
That he was take in the trappe, 440 The Romans were glad,
And sorye were al the Sarsyns but the Saracens
Of þat myschevos happe. grieved.
Sory was the Soudon̄ than̄
And Ferumbras and Lukafe[rh]. 444 They withdrew to
Thai drowe hem tille her tent«es» than̄, their tents, leaving
Thai left him ligginge there. behind the corpse of
Mahounde toke his soule to him Estragot, whose soul
And broght it to his blis. 448 went up to Mahound.
He loued him wel and al his kyn,
[p014 THE POPE ATTEMPTS A SALLY.]
Of þat myghte he not mys.
Anone the [P]ope dide somon̄ alle; The Pope called all
The peple of the Cite came, 452 his people to St.
To Seinte Petris he dide hem calle, Peter’s,
And thidere came every man.
He saide on hie “my Children dere, and proposed to them
Ye wote wel, howe it is; 456
Ayenst the Sarisyns, þat nowe be here,
We mowe not longe endure I-wis.
Thay brekene oure walles, oure Toures alle [leaf 12]
With caste of his Engyne. 460
Therefore here amonge yoᶙ alle
Ye shalle here counsaile myne.
Thai bene withdrawe to here Oost,[104]
And on-armede thay ben alle. 464
Therfore, me thenketh, is beste to attempt a sally
To-morowe erly on hem to falle. with 20,000 men, to
We have xxx^{ti} thousande men; attack the enemy
Twenty thousande shal go witħ me, 468 before day-break
And in this Cite leve ten within their camp,
To governe the comynalte.” and to leave 10,000
The Senatouris assentede sone for the guard of the
And saide, bet«er» myghte no man seyne. 472 city. The senators
On the morowe this was it done[105]; assented.
God bringe hem wele home agayne. In the morning
The Pope did display than the Pope displayed
The hie baner of Rome, 476 the banner of Rome,
And he assoiled every man̄
Througħ gracious god in Dome.
He praide of helpe and socou[rh] and after a prayer
Seinte Petir and Poule also 480 for the preservation
And oure lady, þat swete floure, of the city,
To saue the Cite of Rome from woo. they marched out.
Forth thai riden̄ towarde the Oost. But Ferumbras, going
Ferumbras romede a-boute; 484 his rounds,
[p015 FERUMBRAS DRAWS UP THE SARACEN TROOPS.]
He saw the Romaynes comen̄ by the Cost,[106] discovered their
Thereof he hade grete dowte. coming,
He blewe an horne, of bras it was; sounded the alarm,
The Sarsyns be-gon̄ to wake. 488
“Arise vp” he saide in aras,[107]
“We bene elles alle I-take,
And Armes anone, every wight,
To horse with spere and shelde! 492
Ye may se here a ferefu[l~l] sighte
Of oure enemyes in the felde.
Astopars,[108] goo ye biforne vs, and drew up his
For ye be men of myghte; 496 troops.
Ethiopes, Assayneȝ and Askalous,
Go nexte afore my sighte.
My Fadir and I with Babyloynes,
Ho[109] shal kepe the rerewarde. 500
King Lukafe[rh] with Baldeseynes,
To venge alle, shalle have the Fowarde.” [leaf 13]
The Romaynes aspied, þat thai were ware
Of here comynge than̄, 504
And therfore hade thay moche care.
Natheles on he«m» thai gon̄—
Seinte Petir be here socoure!—
And laiden on side, bake and bon̄. 508
There bigan a sturdy shoure There began a hard
Sire [110]Ferumbras of Alisaundre oon̄,[111] struggle.
That bolde man was in dede,
Vppon a steede Cassaundre gaye, 512
He roode in riche Weede.
Sire Bryer of Poyle a Romayne to fraye Ferumbras slew Sir
He bare through witħ a spere, Bryer of Apulia
Dede to the grounde ther he lan̄ 516
Might he no more hem dere!
[p016 A GREAT MANY ARE SLAIN ON EITHER SIDE.]
That sawe Huberte, a worthy man,
Howe Briere was I-slayn̄,
Ferumbras to qwite than̄ 520
To him he rode ful even̄.
With a spere vppone his shelde þan̄
Stifly ganne he strike;
The shelde he brake I-myddis the feelde; 524
His Hawberke wolde not breke.
Many goode strokes were delte.
Ferumbras was a-greved tho,
He smote with mayne and mygħte 528 and the worthy Hubert.
The nekke asonder, the ventayle also,
That dede he sate vprighte.
There was bataile harde and stronge;
Many a steede wente ther a-straye, 532
And leyen at the grounde I-stonge,
That resyn never aftyr that day,
IX thousand of the payens pride 9000 pagans were
That day were slayn̄, 536 killed,
And viij thousande of the Romaynes side, and 8000 Romans.
That in the feelde dede lay«n»e.
Lukafere, þat paynym proude, Lukafer destroyed
Slough Romaynes eyȝtene, 540 eighteen Romans,
Of wer[rh] moche sorowe he coude, he also slew Gyndard,
His strokes were over alle sene. a senator of Rome,
Gyndarde, a Senatoure of Rome, who had slain ten
Had slayne Sarsenys ten̄, 544 [leaf 14] Saracens.
Tille he met with the cursed gome,
Lukifere slough him than.
Tho come the Pope with grete aray, Then came the Pope
His baner to-fore him wente. 548 with a great guard
Ferumbras than gan̄ to assaye, and his banner before
If he myght that praye entente, him.
Supposynge in this though[t]e, Ferumbras, supposing
Ther was the souerayne; 552 him to be the
He spared him therfore rigħt nogħt, sovereign,
[p017 FERUMBRAS ENCOUNTERS THE POPE.]
But bare him down̄ ther in þ^e playn̄. burst open the thick
Anoon̄ he sterte on him all ane crowd and threw him
His Ventayle for to onlace, 556 down to the ground.
And saugh his crown̄ newe shafe, But seeing his
A-shamed thanne he was. tonsure, he was
“Fye, preest, god gyfe the sorowe! ashamed.
What doist thou armede in the feelde, 560 “Fie, priest,”
That sholdest saie thi matyns on morwe, he said, “what
What doist thoᶙ witħ spere and shelde? doest thou in the
I hoped, thoᶙ hadiste ben̄ an Emp«er»oure, battle-field?
Or a Cheftayne of this Ooste here, 564
Or some worthy conqueroure.
Go home and kepe thy Qwe[rh]!
Shame it were to me certayne It would be a shame
To sle the in this bataile, 568 for me to slay thee.
Therfore turne the home agayn̄!” Go home and think of
The Pope was gladde þ«er»-of certayne,[112] thy choir-service!”
He wente home to Rome that nyght The Pope retired with
Witħ Five thousande and no more, 572 5000 men,
XV thousande lefte in the feelde aplight, 15,000 being killed.
Full grete sorowe was therfore.
NOWE telle we of the messange[rh],
That wente to Charlemayne, 576 Charlemagne, having
Certyfyinge him by lettres dere, learned from the
Howe the Romaynes were slayne, messenger the great
And howe the Contrey brente was disaster which had
Vnto the Gate of Rome, 580 befallen the Romans,
And howe the people song ‘alas,’
Tille socoure from him come.
“Who” q«uo»d Charles, that worthy kinge, said, he would not
“The Sowdon̄ and Ferumbras? 584 desist until he had
I nyl lette for no thinge, [leaf 15] chased the
Till I him oute of Cristendome chace. soudan and Ferumbras
Therefore Gy of Burgoyn̄, out of Christendom.
Mynne owen nevewe so trewe, 588
[p018 THE SARACENS AGAIN ATTACK THE CITY.]
Take a thausande pounde of Frankis fyne, He gave 1000 pounds
To wage wytħ the pepul newe. of francs to his
Take this with the nowe at this tyme, nephew Guy of
And more I wole sende the, 592 Burgundy,
Loke that thou spare no hors ne shelde, and sent him off with
But þat he dede be; orders to advance
And faste hye the thyderwarde, against the soudan by
For I drede thay haue grete nede, 596 forced marches.
And I shalle come aftirwarde Himself would follow
As faste, as I may me spede.” as soon as possible.
SPEKE we of Sir Laban̄
And let Charles and Gy be, 600
Howe he ordeyned for hem than̄
To Distroye Rome Citee.
“Sir Lukafe[rh], thou madiste thi boost Laban reminded
To conque[rh] the Romaynes 604 Lukafer of his
And to bringe me the Ooste vaunting promise to
Of the xij peris and Charlemayne. bring him Charlemagne
Vppon̄ a condicion̄ I graunte the and his douzepeers,
My doghter, dere Dame Floripas. 608 in return for his
Wherefore, I aske nowe of the daughter Floripas.
To holde coven«au»nte in this cas.”
“That I saide” q«uo»d Lucafere, Lukafer said, he
“To Mahounde I make a vowe 612 would do all he had
To done al þat I hight the the[rh], promised.
Ye and more th«a»n[113] for Florip love.”
He ordeyned assaute anone in haste With 10,000 men he
With x thousande men and moo; 616 attacked the city on
And Ferumbras at that oþ«er» side faste one side, the other
Assailed hem with grete woo. being assaulted by
The saute endured al þ«a»t daye Ferumbras. The combat
From morowe, tille it was nyght, 620 continues as long as
To throwe and shete by eu«er»y waye, daylight lasts. At
While that hem endured the light. night they retired to
Tho wente thai home to thai[rh] tentys, their tents.
[p019 THEY ENTER ROME BY TREASON.]
Tille it were on the morowe. 624 Isres, who possessed
Isres in his fals ententes by inheritance
Purposed treson̄ and sorowe. the guard of the
He was chief Porter of the Town̄, [leaf 16] principal
By heritage and fee so he shulde be. 628 gate, planned treason.
He wente to the Sowdan̄, He repaired to the
For the riche Cite betraye woolde he, soudan and offered to
And saide “lorde, gife me grace betray the city on
For my goodes and for me, 632 condition that his
And I wole del«yu»er the this place life and property
To haue and holde for ever in fee. should be spared.
The keyes of this riche Cite
I haue in my bandon.” 636
“That gr«a»unte I” q«uo»d Laban “the The soudan promised
To be free withoute raunson̄.” it.
Ferumbras made him yare, Ferumbras with 20,000
With xx^{ti} thousand men̄ and moo, 640 men went with Isres.
With this Isres for to fare,
And to wynne the Cite soo.
As sone as he entred was On entering the gate,
The chief Gate of alle, 644
And alle his men in aras,[114] he caused the
He lete the Portcolys falle. traitor’s head to be
He smote of the traitourus hede struck off by the
And saide “god gife him care! 648 portcullis, and
Shal he never more ete brede,
All traito«ur»s evel mot[115] thai fare!
If he myght leve and reigne here,
He wolde betraye me; 652
For go he west, soutħ or Nortħ,
Traito«ur» shalle he never be.” to be carried on the
He dide lete bere his hede on a spere point of a spear
Througħ-oute this faire Citee. 656 through the city.
‘Treson, treson̄’ thai cried there, “Treason,” cried the
Pite it was to here and see. people within,
[p020 FERUMBRAS TAKES THE RELICS TO AGREMORE.]
The people fled by every waye,
Thai durst no-where a-bide. 660
The hye wey ful of dede men laye, and all streets were
And eke by every lanys side. soon covered with
Ferumbras to Seinte Petris wente, dead men. Ferumbras
And alle the Relekes he seased anoon̄, 664 went to St. Peter’s,
The Crosse, the Crown̄, the Nailes bente; seized the relics,
He toke hem with him everychone. the cross, the crown
He dide dispoile al the Cite and the nails,
Both of tresoure and of goolde, 668
And after that brente he [leaf 17] burned
Alle þat ever myght be toolde. the whole city, and
And alle the tresoure witħ hem þai bare carried away all the
To the Cite of Egremou[rh]. 672 treasures and the
Laban the Sowdon̄ soiourned there[116] gold to Agremore,
Thre monþes and thre dayes more where the soudan went
In myrtħ and Ioye and grete solas. to stay. Three months
And to his goddes offrynge he made, 676 and three days they
He and his sone Sir Ferumbras spent there in great
Here goddis of golde dide fade, festivities, making
Thai brente Franken̄sense, offerings to their
That smoked vp so stronge, 680 gods, and burning
The Fume in her presence, frankincense in their
It lasted alle alonge. honour.
Thai blewe hornes of bras,
Thai dronke beestes bloode. 684 They drank the blood
Milke and hony ther was, of beasts and milk,
That was roial and goode. and ate honey and
Serpentes in Oyle were fryed snakes fried in oil.
To serve þ^e Sowdon̄ with alle, 688
“Antrarian Antrarian” thai lowde cryed
That signyfied ‘Ioye generalle.’
Thus thai lived in Ioye and blis
Two monþes or thre. 692
Lete we now be alle this,
[p021 GUY AND CHARLEMAGNE APPROACH.]
And of Gye nowe speke we.
NOW speke we of Sir Gȳe
That toward Rome hied witħ his Oost. 696
Whan̄ he approched there-to so nyȝe, When Sir Guy drew
That he myght se the cooste, near Rome, finding
Alle on a flame þat Cite was, the whole city in
That thre myle al abowte, 700 flames,
Ther durst no man̄, þat ther was,
Come nyȝe the Cite for grete dowte.
That was a sory Cite than,
Sir Gye was in grete care, 704 he grieved much
Ther was nowhere a soryer man̄,
For sorowe he sighed ful sare,
And saide “welallas”[117] the while
“For we come ar to late, 708 that he had arrived
For by some treson or some gyle too late.
Thai entred in at some Gate.
There is no more but for to abyde, He resolved there to
Tille Charles come, the kinge, 712 wait for Charlemagne
In this mede Vnder grene wode side, [leaf 18]
To telle him of this tithinge, and then to tell him,
Howe Laban hath the Cite brente how Laban had burnt
And bore the Religes[118] a-waye, 716 the city, and had
And howe he hath hem to Spayne sente sent the relics to
With Shippes of grete aray, Agremore,
To Egremou[rh] his chief Cite, his principal town in
Ther to live and ende; 720 Spain.
And manassitħ Charles and his baronye.
God gife hem evelle ende!”
Kinge Charles he forgate nought King Charles advanced
To come to reskowe Rome, 724 to rescue Rome with
Alle his Doȝypers were I-sought, his douzepeers
Fulle sone to him thay come.
Thre hundred thousande of Sowdeoures and 300,000 soldiers.
[p022 CHARLES HEARS OF THE MISCHIEF DONE BY THE SARACENS.]
Kinge Charles with him dide lede, 728
They were doughty in all stourys
And worthy men of dede.
Sir Roulande þat worthy knighte, Roland led the
He ladde the Fowarde, 732 vanguard,
And Sir Olyue[rh], that was so wighte, Oliver the rear,
Gouerned the Rerewarde.
The Kinge himselfe and his Baronye, the king was
With Dukes And Erilles roialle, 736
Gouerned alle the medil partye. with the main body.
By co«m»maundemente generall
He ordeynede grete plente The provisions
Of Flessh and Fissh, brede and wyne, 740
In shippes to saile by the see, were conveyed by sea.
To serven him ful wel and fyne.
Sir Gye aspied his comynge, Guy seeing them come,
He knewe the baner of Fraunce, 744 went to
He wente anoon̄ ayen the kinge meet the king, and
And tolde him of þat myschaunce, told him the mischief
Howe that the cursed Sowdan̄ done by the soudan,
Hath brent Rome and bore the Relekis awaye, 748
And how he hath slayn̄ alle and some,
That he hatħ founde of Cristen̄ faye.
And more-over he made his a-vowe, who moreover had made
To seke kinge Charles in Fraunce 752 a vow to seek Charles
And do him wo ther I-nowe. in France in order
“God gif him moch myschaunce!”— to afflict him with
“A” q«uo»[d+] Charles “þat neditħ noght, grief. [leaf 19] “He
He shal fynde me nere. 756 will find me near,”
By god, þat dere me bogħt, said Charles, “and
He shal by it ful dere. shall dearly pay for
I shalle him never leve I-wis it.
Withinne walle ner witħoute, 760
I swere by god and seinte Denys,
Tille I have sought him oute; Unless he consents to
And but if he will Baptised be be baptized,
[p023 HE GOES OVER TO SPAIN.]
And lefe his fals laye, 764
Babyloyne shal he never see he never shall see
For alle his grete aray.” Babylon again.” They
Anoon to shippe every man̄ all took ship without
With vitaile and with store, 768 delay.
Euen towarde the proud Sawdan̄
With-outen̄ any more.
Wynde him blewe ful fayre and goode
Into the Ryver of Gaȝe, 772 Propitious winds
Even over the salte flode drove them into the
And ouer the profounde rase. river Gase, where
XXX legeeȝ from Egremou[rh] they landed, 30 miles
By londe for south it is, 776 from Agremore,
And ther withoute any more
To londe thai wente I-wis,
And brente and sloughen̄ al þ«a»t thai
fonde, and laid waste the
And stroyed both Toure and town̄. 780 country.
Thai lefte no thinge on grounde,
That thai ne bete it down̄.
Tithinggis were tolde to Laban, Laban, hearing this
Howe Charles was I-come 784 news,
And slough bouth childe, wyfe, man
And brente and stroyed alle and some
With thre hundred thousand of Bacheleris,
That were both stoute and gaye, 788
And with him al his Dosyperis,
Pepul of grete araye.
“And but ye ordeyne remedy,
He wole you brenne and sloon̄, 792
Youe and youre riche Baronye,
He wole leve a-life neu«er»e oon̄.”
Whan Laban herde these tidyngys,
His herte woxe alle coolde 796
And saide “this is a wonder thinge! [leaf 20]
Howe durste he be so boolde? was astonished at
Litill ke«n»nyth he what I may doo, Charles’s presumption.
[p024 A GREAT BATTLE ENSUES.]
He dredith me litil nowe. 800
But certes he shalle, e[rh] he goo,
To Mahounde I make a vowe.
Sir Lucafe[rh] and Ferumbras He assembled all his
To him dide he calle 804 barons,
And Mavon̄ and Sortebras
And his Barons alle.
I charge you vppon̄ youre legeaunce,
That ye bringe me that gloton, 808 and charged them to
That clepeth himselfe kinge of Fraunce, bring him alive that
Hidere to my Pavilon̄. glutton that called
Kepe him a-live, the remenaunte sle himself king of
The xij Peris ychoon̄! 812 France, and to slay
I shalle tech him curtesye, the remnant.
I swere by god Mahounde.”
Ferumbras anoon̄ than Ferumbras went forth
Arrayed him for to ride 816 with many Saracens.
With proude Sarasyns many a man,
That boldely durst a-bide.
Rowlande met with Ferumbras He meets with Roland.
And gafe him such a stroke 820
That al astonyed þerof he was,
It made him lowe to stoupe.
Ferombras smote him agayne They deal each other
With myghte and may«n», with ire 824 heavy strokes.
That he stenyed alle his brayne,
Him thought, his eyen̄ were alle on fyre.
With Lucafe[rh] Olive[rh] mette, Oliver cuts off a
And hit him on the sheelde 828 quarter of Lukafer’s
A stroke, that was right wel sette; shield.
A quarter flye in the feelde.
Thus thai hurteled to-gedere The combat lasted the
Alle the lefe longe daye, 832 whole day.
Nowe hider and nowe theder;
Mony an hors wente ther astraye. Well fought the
The Dosyperis thay foughten wele, twelve peers.
[p025 CHARLES ENCOUNTERS FERUMBRAS AND LUKAFER.]
Duke Neymys and Oge[rh], 836
With goode swerdes of fyne stele
And so dide Gye and Syr Brye[rh].
Ferumbras was euer a-bowte [leaf 21]
To fyghte witħ Olyvere, 840 Ferumbras charges
And Olyue[rh] with-oute dowte Oliver.
Leyde on with goode chere.
Kinge Charles saugh Ferumbras, King Charles, seeing
To him fast he rode 844 this, rides on to
And it on the helme witħ his mace, Ferumbras,
That stroke sadlye abode. and strikes his helm
Ferumbras was woode for woo, with his heavy mace.
He myght for prees come him to 848 Ferumbras cannot
For no worldis thinge, that myght be tho. approach him on
Kinge Charles anoon[119] Ioye oute-drowe, account of the crowd.
And with his owen honde Charlemagne with his
XXX^{ti} Sarseynys ther he slowe, 852 sword Mounjoy slew 30
That laie dede vppone the sonde; Saracens.
Many of hem therfore made joy Inowe.
Sir Lucafere of Baldas, Lukafer of Baldas,
He presed to Charles sone, 856 encountering Charles,
And saide “Sir, with harde grace,
What hastowe here to done?
I behight Laban to bringe the to him told him that he had
And the xij peris alle; 860 promised the soudan
Now shaltowe come from al thy kyn to bring him Charles
Into the Sowdans halle. and the douzepeers.
Yelde the to me” he saide,
“Thy life shalle I safe.” 864
A stroke on him than Charles layde; Charles strikes him
He made the Paynym to rafe. on his helmet,
He smote him on the helme
With mown-Ioye, his gode bronde. 868
Ne hadde he be reskued than,
He hade slayn him with his honde.
[p026 THE SARACENS QUIT THE FIELD.]
Than came Baldeȝynȝ with thronge but Lukafer is
To reskue there here lorde, 872 rescued by a great
And nubens with hem amonge throng. Roland,
And Turkes by one accorde. drawing Durendale,
Tho Roulande Durnedale oute-drowe cleared a space
And made Ro«m»me[120] abowte. 876 around him and
XL of hem ther he slowe,
Tho were thai in grete dowte.
Roulande as fiers as a lion̄
With Durnedale[121] tho dinge 880 hammered the heads of
Vppon the Sarsyns crowne, the Saracens.
As harde as he myght flynge. [leaf 22]
Duke Neymys and Sir Olyue[rh], So do the other peers,
Gy and Alloreynes of Loreyne, 884
And alle the noble xij Peris,
Oge[rh] and Brye[rh] of Brytayne,
Thai foughten as feythfully in þat fight,
The feelde ful of dede men laye. 888
XXX^{ti} thousande, I you plight, and 30,000 Saracens
Of Sarsenys ther were slayn̄. were slain.
Al thinge moste haue an̄ ende,
The nyghte come on ful sone, 892 At night the Pagans
Every wighte retourned to wende; quit the field.
Ferumbras to his men gan gone
And saide “oure hornes blowe we,
This day haue we a ful ille afraye, 896
To saie the south and not to lye,
Oure goddis holpe vs not to daye,
What devel þat ever hem̄ eilith.
This bataile was so sharpe in faye, 900
That many a man it wailyth.
Shalle I never in herte be glade to daye, Ferumbras vows, never
Till I may preve my myghte to desist
With Roulande, that proude ladde, 904
Or with Olyue[rh], that is so lighte,
[p027 CHARLES PRAISES THE OLD KNIGHTS.]
That evel hath vs ladde;
And in Paris be crowned kinge unless he be crowned
In despite of hem alle, 908 king at Paris.
I wole leve for no thinge
What so evere byfalle.”
Kinge Charles with grete honou[rh] Charles went to his
Wente to his Pavilon̄; 912 pavilion and
Of the treyumple he bare the flou[rh]
In dispite of Mahounde.
Almyghty God and Seynte Denyse thanked God
He thanked ful ofte sithe 916
And oure lady Marie of Paris, and St. Mary of
That made hem gladde and blitħ. France.
He recomendide the olde Knightes, He praised the elder
That þat daye hade the victorye, 920 knights for having
And charged the yonge with al her myghtes won the victory and
To haue hem in memorye; exhorted the young
For worthynesse wole not be hadde, ones
But it be ofte sougħte, 924 [leaf 23]
Ner knigħthode wole not ben hadde,
Tille it be dere boghte.
“Therfore ye knightes, yonge of age,
Of oolde ye may now lere, 928
Howe ye shalle both hurle and rage
In felde with sheelde and spere.
And take ensample of the xij Peris, to take an example by
Howe thai have proved her myght, 932 them.
And howe thai were both wight and fiers
To wy«n»nen honourys in righte.
These hethen houndes we shal a-tame
By God in magiste, 936 They make merry and
Let us make myrtħ in goddis name go to supper.
And to souper nowe goo we.” Prayer addressed
“O THOW, rede Marȝ Armypotente, to the red Mars
That in the trende baye hase made þy trone, 940 Armipotent,
That god arte of bataile and regent
[p028 SPRING IS THE TIME OF LOVE.]
And rulist alle that alone,
To whom I profre precious present,
To the makande my moone 944
Witħ herte, body and alle myn entente,
A crown̄ of precious stoones,
And howe to the I gyfe
Withouten fraude or engyne, 948
Vppon̄ thy day to make offerynge,
And so shal I ever, while þat I live;
By righte þat longith to my laye,
In worshipe of thy reverence 952
On thyn owen Tewesdaye
With myr[rh], aloes and Frankensense,
Vppon̄ condicion̄ that thou me gr«a»unte, to grant the
The victorye of Crystyn̄ Dogges, 956 Mahometans the
And that I may some[122] hem adaunte victory over the
And sle hem down̄ as hogges, Christians.
That have done me distruccion̄
And grete disherytaunce 960
And eke slayn my men w«i»t«h» wronge.
Mahounde gyfe hem myschaunce!”
IN the semely seson of the yere, In the spring of the
Of softenesse of the sonne, 964 year
In the prymsauns of grene vere,
Whan floures spryngyn̄ and bygy«n»ne, [leaf 24]
And alle the floures in the fritħ
Freshly shews here kynde, 968
Than it is semely therwytħ, man ought to show his
That manhode be in mynde; manhood
For corage wole a man to kitħ,
If he of menske haue mynde, 972
And of loue to lystyn̄ and lithe, and to think of love.
And to seke honu[rh] for þat ende. For none can be a
For he was neu«er»e gode werryou[rh], good warrior, unless
That cowde not loue a-ryght; 976 he knows how to love.
[p029 THE SOUDAN RALLIES HIS TROOPS.]
For loue hath made many a conquerou[rh]
And many a worthy knighte.
This worthy Sowdan, though he heþen we[rh], The soudan was a
He was a worthy conquerou[rh]; 980 great conqueror;
Many a contrey with shelde and spere
He conquerede wyth grete honoure.
And his worthy sone Ferumbras, Ferumbras and
That kinge was of Alisaund[rh], 984
And Lucafe[rh] of Baldas, Lukafer wrought
That cruel kinge of Cassaund[rh],
That wroughten wonders w«i»t«h» here honde wonders with their
With myghte and mayne for to fyghte, 988 hands.
And over-ride mony a manly londe,
As men of Armes hardy and wighte.
The Sowdan seyinge this myschief,
How Charles hade him a-greved, 992
That grevaunce was him no thinge
lese,[123]
He was ful sore ameved.
He sente oute his bassatoures The soudan sent for
To Realmes, provynces fer[rh] and ne[rh], 996 his vassals,
To Townes, Citeis, Castels and Tours,
To come to him the[rh] he were,
To Inde Maior and to Assye,
To Ascoloyne, Venys, Frige and Ethiope, 1000
To Nubye, Turkye and Barbarye,
To Macedoine, Bulga[rh] and to Europe.
Alle these people was gadred to Agremore, and assembled more
Thre hundred thousand of Sarsyns felle, 1004 than 300,000 Saracens
Some bloo, some yolowe, some blake as at Agremore.
more,
Some horible and stronge as devel of
helle.
He made hem drinke Wilde beestes bloode, [leaf 25]
Of Tigre, Antilope and of Camalyon̄, 1008
As is here vse to egre here mode,
Whan þai in werre to battayle goon.
He saide to hem “my frendes de[rh], He addressed them in
As my trust is alle in you, 1012 order
[p030 THE SARACENS SACRIFICE TO THEIR GODS.]
On these Frenche dogges, that bene here, to increase their
Ye moste avenge me nowe. ardour,
Thai have done me vilanye,
Mikille of my people have thay slayn̄. 1016
And yet more-over thay manace me
And drive me to my contrey agayn;
Wherefore I wole at the bygynnynge ordered a solemn
To Mahounde and to my goddis alle 1020 sacrifice to his gods,
Make a solempne offerynge;
The better shall it vs byfalle.
The laste tyme thai were wrothe,
We hade not done oure dute. 1024
Therefore to saye the southe” . . . .
There were many hornys blowe,
The preestes senden̄ thikke I-nowe
Goolde, and silver thikke thai throwe, 1028
With noyse and crye thai beestes slowe,
And thought to spede wel I-nowe;
And every man his vowe he made
To venge the Sowdan̄ of his tene. 1032
Here goddis of golde thai wex alle fade,
The smoke so grete was hem bitwene.
Whan alle was done, the Sowdan than
Charged Ferumbras redy to be 1036 and charged Ferumbras
On the morowe, ere day began,
To ride oute of þat Cite
With xxx^{ti} thousande of Assiens, to march with 30,000
Frigys, Paens and Ascoloynes, 1040 of his people
Turkis, Indeis and Venysyens,
Barbarens, Ethiopes and Macidoynes,
“Bringe him to me, that proude kinge; against the Christian
I shal him teche curtesye, 1044 King, whom he wished
Loke that thou leve for nothinge to teach courtesy,
To sle alle his other mayne, [leaf 26] and to slay
Safe Rouland and Olyuere, all his men except
That bene of grete renowne, 1048 Roland and Oliver,
[p031 FERUMBRAS CHALLENGES 6 CHRISTIAN KNIGHTS TO SINGLE COMBAT.]
If thai wole reneye he[rh] goddis the[rh] if they would
And leven on myghty Mahounde.” renounce their
FERUMBRAS with grete araye gods. Ferumbras led
Rode forthe, Mahounde him spede, 1052 out his troops;
Tille he came nyȝe the[rh] Charles lay until arriving near
By syde in a grene mede. Charles’s camp, he
In a woode he buskede his men ordered them to
Prively that same tyde, 1056 halt in a wood, and
And with his felowes noon but ten advanced with only
To kinge Charles he gan ride ten of his men to the
And said “si[rh] kinge, that Arte so kene, camp of Charlemagne,
Upon trwes I come to speke with the, 1060
If thou be curteis, as I wene,
Thou wolte gr«a»unte a bone to me,
That I migħte fight vppon̄ this grene, and offered him to
With Rouland, Olyvere and Gye, 1064 fight at once against
Duke Neymes and Oge[rh] I mene, Roland, Oliver, Guy,
Ye and Duke Richarde of Normandye, Duke Naymes, Ogier
With al sex attones to fight. the Dane, and Richard
My body I prof[rh] here to the 1068 of Normandy.
And requyre the, kinge, thoᶙ do me right,
As thou art gentille Lord and fre;
And if I may conquere hem in fere, If he should conquer
To lede them home to my Faderis halle; 1072 them, he would lead
And if thai me, I gr«a»unte the here, them away to his
To be thy man, body and alle.” father’s hall; if he
The kinge Answered with word«is» mylde should be conquered,
And saide “felowe, þat neditħ nought, 1076 he would be his man.
I shalle fynde of myn̄ a Childe,
That shal the fynde that thou hast
sought.”
The kinge lete calle Sir Roulande The king sent for
And saide “thou most with this man figħt, 1080 Roland and ordered
To take this bataile here on honde, him to undertake
Ther-to God gyfe the grace and myghte!” the combat. Roland
Roulande answered with woordis boolde refuses,
And saide “Sir, have me excuse[d+]!” 1084
[p032 ROLAND REFUSES TO UNDERTAKE THE COMBAT.]
He saide, certeynly he ne wolde;
The bataile vttirly he refused. because Charles had
“The laste day ye preised faste praised the old
The oolde knightes of he[rh] worthynes. 1088 knights. [leaf 27]
Let hem goon fortħ, I haue no haste, “May they show their
Thai may goo shewen he[rh] prowes.” valour now.” Charles,
For that worde the kinge was wrothe vexed, smites Roland
And smote him on the mouthe on̄ hye, 1092 on the mouth, so that
The bloode at his nose oute-goth, the blood springs
And saide “traito«ur», thou shalte a-bye.” from his nose, and he
“A-bye” q«uo»d Roulande “wole I noughte, calls him a traitor.
And traito«ur» was I never none, 1096
By þat lord, þat me dere hath bought!”
And braide oute Durnedale þe[rh] anone. Roland draws his
He wolde haue smyten̄ the kinge the[rh], sword, but the other
Ne hadde the barons ronne bytwene; 1100 barons separate them
The kinge with-drowe him for fe[rh] and try to conciliate
And passed home as it myght beste bene. them.
The Barons made hem at one
With grete praye[rh] and instaunce, 1104
As every wrath moste over-gone, Meanwhile Oliver,
Of the more myschiefe to make voydaunce. who, being sorely
Olyuere herde telle of this, wounded, kept his
That in his bedde laye seke sore. 1108 bed, on hearing of
He armede him ful sone I-wisse, this dispute, had
And to the kinge he wente withoute more armed himself and
And saide “Sir Kinge, a bone graunte me went to Charles. He
For alle the servyse, that I haue done, 1112 reminds him of his
To fight with þat kinge so free long services, and
To morue day, ere it be none.” demands the battle.
Charles answered to Olyue[rh]: Charles remonstrates
“Thou arte seke and woundede sore, 1116 with him.
And thou also my cosyn̄ dere,
Therfore speke thereof no more.”—
“Sir Kinge” he saide “I am alle hoole, But Oliver insists.
I aske you this bone in goddis name.” 1120
[p033 OLIVER GOES TO FIGHT WITH FERUMBRAS.]
“Certes” he saide “I holde the a fole,
But I praye, god sheelde the fro shame.” Oliver rides to the
Forth he rideth in that Forest, forest, and finds
Tille he gan Ferumbras see, 1124 Ferumbras alighted
Where he was ligħt and toke his rest, under a tree, to
His stede renewed til a grene tre. a branch of which
“Sir” he saide “reste thoᶙ wele! his steed was tied.
Kinge Charles sente me hidu[rh]. 1128 “Arise,” he said,
If thou be curteys knighte and lele, “I am come to fight
Rise vp and let vs fight to-geder.” with thee.” [leaf 28]
Ferumbras sate stille and lough, Ferumbras, without
Him liste not to rise oute of the place. 1132 moving, demands his
“My felowe” q«uo»d he “what arte thou? name.
Telle me thy name for goddis grace.”
“Sir” he saide “Generyse, “I am Generys,” says
A yonge knighte late dobbet newe.” 1136 Oliver, “a young
“By Mahounde” q«uo»d he “thou arte not knight lately dubbed.”
wyse,
For thy comyng shaltowe sore rewe.
I holde Charles but a foole Ferumbras observes,
To sende the hide[rh] to me, 1140 “Charles is a fool to
I shall the lerne a newe scole, send thee.
If thoue so hardy to fighte be.
I wende, he wolde haue sende Roulande,
Olyue[rh] and iiij mo Dosyperys, 1144
That hade bene mygħty men of honde
Bataile to a-bide stronge and fiers. Go and tell him to
With the me liste no playe begynne, send me Roland and
Ride agayn̄ and saye him soo! 1148 Oliver, and such four
Of the may I no worshyp«e» wynne, other douzepeers. For
Though I slougħ the and such V mo.” little honour were it
“Howe longe” q«uo»d Olyue[rh] “wiltowe to me to fight with
plete? thee.”
Take thyn̄ armes and come to me, 1152 “Spare thy words,”
And prove þat thou saiest in dede, says Oliver, “and
For boost thou blowest, and þenkes[124]
me.” take thy arms.”
Whan Ferumbras herde him speke so wel,
[p034 OLIVER LAYS HOLD OF THE BOTTLES OF BALM,]
He caught his helme in grete Ir«e», 1156 Ferumbras is wrath
That wroght was of goode fyne stele and seizes his
With Perlis pight, Rubeis and Saphir«e». helmet, which Oliver
Olyue[rh] halpe him it to onlase; assists him to lace.
Gilte it was alle abowte. 1160 Ferumbras thanks him,
Ferumbras þanked him of his grace courteously bowing to
And curteisly to him gan lowte. him. They mount their
Thai worthed vp on̄ here stedes, steeds,
To Iuste thai made hem preest, 1164
Of Armes to shewe he[rh] myghty dedis
Thai layden here speres in a-reeste, rush together like
To-geder thai ro«n»nen̄ as fire of fire of thunder, and
thonde[rh], have their lances
That both here Launces to-braste. 1168 broken. [leaf 29]
That they seten̄, it was grete wonder; They draw their
So harde it was, þat thay gan threste. swords.
Tho drowen̄ thai oute here swordes kene
And smyten to-geder by one assente. 1172
There thai hitten̄, it was wele sene;
To sle eche other was here entente. Ferumbras smites
Syr Ferumbras smote Olyue[rh] Oliver on his
Vppon̄ the helme righte on hye 1176 helmet so that the
With his swerde of metel cle[rh], fire flies. Oliver
That the fyre he made oute-flye. strikes at the head
Olyue[rh] him hitte agayn̄ vpon̄ the hede of Ferumbras, breaks
[125]the hede than fulle sore, 1180 away the circle of
He carfe awaye with mygħt and mayne his helmet, and the
The cercle, that sate vppon̄ his crown̄. sword glancing off
The stroke glode down by his bak«e», down his back, he
The Arson he smot ther awaye 1184 cuts off two bottles
And the botelle«s» of bawme withoute of balm,
lak«e»,
That uppone the grene ther thai laye,
That were trussed by-hynde him faste.
Tho Ferumbras was fu[l~l] woo; 1188
Olyue[rh] light adown̄ in haste,
The botellis he seased both two,
[p035 THROWS THEM INTO THE RIVER, BUT HAS HIS HORSE KILLED.]
He threwe hem into the River than which he throws into
As fer[rh] as he myghte throwe. 1192 the river.
“Alas” q«uo»d Ferumbras “what
doistowe,[126] manne?
Thou art wode, as I trowe.
Thai were worth an C mɫ pounde Ferumbras tells
To a man, þat were wounded sore. 1196 him that they were
Ther was no p«re»cioso«ur» thinge vppon̄ invaluable to a
grounde, wounded man, and that
That myghte helpe a man more. he
Thou shalt abye by Mahounde,
That is a man of myght«es» moost. 1200
I shall breke both bake and crown̄
And sle the, ther thou goist.” should atone for
Tho Olyue[rh] worth vp agayn̄, their loss with his
His swerde he hade oute I-drawe. 1204 life. He strikes at
Ferumbras him smote with mayne Oliver, who wards off
And mente to haue him slawe. the blow with his
He smote as doth the dinte of þondir; shield, but his steed
It glased down by his sheelde 1208 is killed under him.
And carfe his stedes neke a-sonder, [leaf 30]
That dede he fille in the felde.
Wightly Olyue[rh] vp-sterte Oliver quickly starts
As Bacheler, doughti of dede, 1212 up and tries to kill
With swerde in honde him for to hirte his adversary’s horse,
Or Ferumbras goode stede.
That Ferumbras aspied welle,
He rode a-waye than ful faste 1216
And tiede him to a grene hasel, but Ferumbras rides
And come ayen to him in haste off and ties it to
And saide “nowe yelde the to me! a hazel. “Yield
Thou maiste not longe endure; 1220 thyself to me,” says
And leve on Mahounde, þat is so
de[rh],[127] Ferumbras; “believe
And thy life I shalle the ensure.[128] on Mahound, and I
Thou shalt be a Duke in my cont[rh], will make thee a duke
And men haue at thyn̄ owen̄ wille. 1224 in my country and
To my Sustir shaltowe wedded be, give thee my sister.”
[p036 THEY TAKE BREATH. OLIVER DECLARES HIS NAME.]
It were pite the for to spille!”
“Better” q«uo»d Olyue[rh] “shul we dele,
By God that is in magiste, 1228 “Ere I yield to
And of my strokes shaltow more fele, thee,” answered
Er I to the shalle yelde me.” Oliver, “thou shalt
Thai smeten togeder witħ egre mode, feel my strokes.”
And nathir of othire dradde; 1232 They fight for a
Thai p«er»sed he[rh] hauberk«es», that considerable time;
were so goode, the blood ran from
Tille both thayr bodyes bladde. both their bodies. By
Thay foughten̄ soo longe, þat by assente mutual consent they
Thai drewe hem a litil bysyde, 1236 stop to take breath.
A litil while thaym to avente,
And refresshed hem at þat tyde.
“Generis” q«uo»d Ferumbras, Ferumbras asks Oliver
“As thou arte here gentil knighte, 1240 again his name and
Telle me nowe here in this place kin.
Of thy kyn̄ and what thoᶙ hight;
Me thenkith by the now evermore,
Thou shuldist be one of the xij peris, 1244 “Thou must be one
That maiste fighte with me so sore, of the douzepeers,
And arte so stronge, worthy and fiers.” as thou fightest so
Olyuere answered to hym agayn̄: well.”
“For fe[rh] I leve it not ontoolde, 1248 “I am Oliver, cousin
My name is Olyuere certayn̄, to Charlemagne.”
Cousyn to kynge Charles the boolde, [leaf 31]
To whome I shalle the sende
Qwikke or dede this same daye, 1252
By conqueste here in this feelde,
And make the to renye thy laye.”
“O” q«uo»d Ferumbras than̄ to Olyue[rh],
“Welcome thoᶙ arte in-to this place, 1256 “Thou art welcome
I have desyrede many a yere here,” says
To gyfe the harde grace. Ferumbras; “thou
Thou slough myn̄ uncle Sir P«er»sagyne, slewest my uncle,
The doughty kinge of Italye, 1260
The worthyeste kinge þat lyued of men,
[p037 OLIVER RECEIVES A HEAVY BLOW.]
By Mahounde, thou shalt abye!” now thou shalt pay
Tho thai dongen̄ faste to-gede[rh] the penalty!” The
While the longe day endured, 1264 fight continued the
Nowe hithe[rh] and nowe thide[rh]; whole day.
Fro strokes wytħ sheeld«es» here bodies
þai couered.
And at the laste Olyue[rh] smote him so At last Oliver,
Vppon̄ the helme, þat was of stele, 1268 smiting Ferumbras
That his swerde brake in two. upon the helmet, has
Tho wepen̄ had he nevere a dele. his sword broken.
Who was woo but Olyuere than?
He saugh noone other remedy. 1272
He saide “si[rh], as thoᶙ arte gentile
man,
On me nowe here haue mercy.
It were grete shame I-wis,
And honu[rh] were it noon̄, 1276
To sle a man wepenles;
That shame wolde neve[rh] goon̄.”
“Nay traito«ur», thou getiste noon̄.
Hade I here an hundred and moo! 1280
Knele down̄ and yelde the here anoon̄,
And eles here I woole the sloo.”
Olyue[rh] saugh, it wolde not be,
To truste to moch in his grace. 1284
He ranne to the stede, þ«a»t stode by the He ran to the steed
tr«e», at the tree and
A swerde he raught in þat place, seized a sword that
That was trussed on Ferumbras stede, was hanging there;
Of fyne stele goode and stronge. 1288
He thought he quyte[129] Ferumbras his
mede.
Almoost hadde he abyde to longe;
For in turnynge Ferumbras him smote, [leaf 32]
That stroke he myghte welle fele, 1292 but in turning on
It come on hym so hevy and hoote, Ferumbras he received
That down it made hym to knele. a blow that made him
Tho was Olyue[rh] sore ashamede kneel down.
And saide “thou cursed Sarasyne, 1296
[p038 CHARLES PRAYS TO GOD.]
Thy proude pride shall be atamed,
By God and by seinte Qwyntyne.
Thou hast stole on me that dynte,
I shall quyte the thyn̄ hire.” 1300
A stroke than Olyue[rh] him lente, But Oliver returns
That hym thought his eyen̄ we[rh] on him fearful stroke.
fi[rh].
Kinge Charles in his pavilon̄ was Charles, seeing
And loked towarde þat fyghte 1304 Oliver on his knees,
And saugh, howe fiers Ferumbras
Made Olyuere knele down̄ right.
Wo was him tho in his herte;
To Ih«es»u Criste he made his mone; 1308 prayed to Christ
It was a sight of peynes smerte,
That Olyuere kneled so sone:
“O Lord, God in Trinite,
That of myghtis thoᶙ arte moost, 1312
By vertue of thy maieste
That alle knoweste and woste,
Lete not this hethen man
Thy seru«au»nte ouercome in fyght, 1316
That on the bileve ne kan,
Ih«es»u, Lorde, for thy myghte!
But gr«a»unte thy man the victorye, that he might grant
And the Paynym̄ skomfited to be, 1320 the victory over the
As thou arte Almyghty God of glorye! Pagan.
Nowe mekely, Lorde, I pray to the.”
To Charles anoone an Aungel came
And broght him tidingges sone, 1324 An angel announces
That God had herde his praie[rh] than̄ him, that his prayer
And gr«a»unte him his bone. was heard. Charles
Tho Charles thanked God aboue[130] thanks God.
With herte and thought, worde and dede, 1328
And saide “blessed be thoᶙ, lorde
almyghty,†
That helpiste thy seru«au»nte in nede.”
These Champions to-gedir thai gone [leaf 33]
[p039 FERUMBRAS BEING WOUNDED CRIES MERCY.]
With strokes grete and eke sure, 1332 They begin again.
Eche of hem donge othir on̄,
Alle the while thai myghte endu[rh].
Ferumbras brake his swerde Ferumbras breaks his
On Olyueris helme on hye. 1336 sword on Oliver’s
Tho wexe he ful sore a-ferde; helmet.
He ranne for an othir redyly He runs for another
And saide “Olyuere, yelde the to me and asks Oliver to
And leve thy Cristen̄ laye, 1340 surrender.
Thou shalte have alle[131] my kingdome
free
And alle aftir my daye.”
“Fye, Saresyne” q«uo»d Olyuere than̄,
“Trowest thou, that I were wode, 1344
To forsake him, þat made me man̄
And boght me with his hert blode.”
He raught a stroke to Ferumbras, But Oliver aims at
On his helme it gan down̄ glyde, 1348 Ferumbras a blow
It brast his hawberke at þat ras which cuts his
And carfe hym throughe-oute his syde, hauberk, so
His bare guttis men mygħt see; that his bowels are
The blode faste down̄ ranne. 1352 laid bare.
“Hoo, Olyvere, I yelde me to the, Ferumbras implores
And here I become thy man. his mercy, and
I am so hurte, I may not stonde,
I put me alle in thy grace. 1356
My goddis ben false by water and londe, consents to be
I reneye hem alle here in this place,[132] christened, his gods
Baptised nowe wole I be. having proved false.
To Ih«es»u Crist I wole me take, 1360
That Charles the kinge shal sene,[133]
And alle my goddes for-sake.
Take myn hawberke and do it on the, He requested him to
Thou shalte haue fu[l~l] grete nede. 1364 take his hauberk, to
[p040 THE SARACENS RUSH OUT OF THE WOOD.]
X thousande Saresyns waiten vppon̄ me,
And therfore go take my stede. fetch his horse,
Lay me to-fore the, I the praye, and to carry him
And lede me to thy tente. 1368 to his own tent.
Hye the faste forth in thy way, [leaf 34]
That the Saresyns the not hente.”
A-noon̄ it was done, as he ordeynede,
And faste forth thai ryden.[134] 1372
The Saresyns anone assembled, But the Saracens,
For to haue with hem foghten. who lay concealed
Ferumbras saugħ the feelde thore in the wood, rush
Of Sarsynes fully filled; 1376 out. Oliver, being
Of Olyvere dradde he ful sore, surrounded, sets
That Saresyns shulde him haue killed.
He praide, that he wolde let him down̄
“Vndir yonde Olyfe tree, 1380
For if ye cast me down̄ here, with hors
shoon̄[135]
Alle to-treden̄ shalle I be.” down Ferumbras under
He priked forth and layde him tha[rh],† an olive-tree, and
Out of the horses trase, 1384 defends himself with
And with his swerde by-gan him we[rh], his sword,
For amonge hem alle he was.
A Saresyn̄ smote him witħ a spere,
That it brake on pecis thre; 1388
His hauberke mygħt he not de[rh],
So stronge and welle I-wroght was he.
He hit þat Saresyns with his swerde dealing the Saracens
Througħ the helme in-to the brayne. 1392 many a hard blow.
He made an other as sore aferde,
He smote of his Arme with mayne. Then Roland rushed
But than̄ come Roulande witħ Durnedale into the throng of
And made way him a-bowte. 1396 the enemy and slew
He slowe hem down̄ in the vale, many;
Of him hade thai grete dowte.
The prees of Saresyns was so stronge
[p041 ROLAND AND OLIVER ARE MADE CAPTIVES.]
A-boute Roulande that tyde. 1400
Thai sloughen̄ his horsys with thronge, his horse being
And dartis throwen̄ on every syde. killed by arrows and
Whan Roulande was on his Fete, darts,
Than̄ was he woo witħ-alle. 1404 he fights on foot,
Many of hem he felte yete
And dede to grounde made hem falle.
At the last his swerde brake,
Than̄ hadde he wepyn̄ noon̄, 1408 but his sword
As he smote a Saresyns bak«e» breaking, [leaf 35]
A-sundre down̄ to the Arson̄.
Tho was he caught, he mygħt not flee, he is taken
His hondes thai bounden̄ faste 1412
And lad him forth to here Cite, and led away.
And in depe prison̄ they hem caste.
Olyue[rh] sawe, howe he was ladde,
A sorye man̄ than̄ was he; 1416
Him hadde leuer to haue bene dede
Than suffren that myschief to be.
Smertly aftire he pursued tho, Oliver rides to
To reskue his dere brother. 1420 rescue him,
The prees was so grete, he myghte not so,
It myghte be no othir,
Be he was cowþe[136] by ver[rh] force
With LX of Astopartes.[137] 1424
Thai hurte him foule and slougħ his hors but his horse being
With gauylokes and wyth dartis. also killed,
Yet on foote, ere he were foolde,
He slough of hem fiftene. 1428
He was not slayn̄, as god woolde, he is overpowered
But taken and bounded[138] w«i»t«h» tene. and bound. Both were
Tho were taken̄ to Lucafe[rh], conducted to Lukafer
The proude kinge of Baldas, 1432 of Baldas.
Both Roulande and Olyue[rh].
[p042 CHARLES FINDS FERUMBRAS.]
Gladde was he of that cas.
Kinge Charles was in herte woo,
When he saughe his neuewes so ladde, 1436 Charles sees them,
He cried to the Frenshmen̄ tho: and calls for a
“Reskue we these knyghtes at nede.” rescue. Many enemies
The kyng«e» himselfe slough many one, were slain, but the
So dede the Barons bolde. 1440 Saracens had fled
It wolde not bene, thai were agon̄, with their prisoners,
Magre who so woolde. and Charles is
The Saresyns drewe hem to here Cite, obliged to turn back.
Kinge Charles turned agayne. 1444 Under a holm tree
He saugħ under an holme tre, they find Ferumbras.
Where a knight him semed lay slayn̄.
Thederward he rode witħ swerde in honde.
Tho he saugħ, he was alyve; 1448
He lay walowynge vppon the sonde
With blody woundes fyve. [leaf 36]
“What arte thow?” q«uo»d Charlemayne,
“Who hath the hurte so sore?” 1452
“I am Ferumbras” he saide certayn̄,
“That am of hethen̄ lore.”
“O fals Saresyn̄” q«uo»d the kinge,
“Thou shalte have sorowe astyte; 1456 whom he is going to
By the I haue lost my two Cosynes, put to death.
Thyn̄ hede shalle I of-smyte.”
“O gentil kinge” q«uo»d Ferumbrase,
“Olyuere my maister me hight 1460 But on his requesting
To be Baptised by goddis grace, to be baptized,
And to dyen̄ a Cristen̄ knight«e».
Honu[rh] were it noon to the
A discoumfite man̄ to slo, 1464
That is conu«er»ted and Baptized wolde be
And thy man bycomen̄ also.”
The kinge hade pite of him than̄, Charles took pity
He toke him to his grace 1468 with him,
And assyned anoon̄ a man
[p043 ROLAND AND OLIVER ARE BROUGHT TO THE SOUDAN.]
To lede him to his place. led him to his tent,
He sende to him his surgyne and ordered a surgeon
To hele his woundes wyde. 1472 to attend him.
He ordeyned to him such medycyn̄,
That sone myght he go and ryde. He soon recovered,
The kinge commaunded bishop«e» Turpyn̄
To make a fonte redye, 1476
To Baptise Ferumbras þ«er»in
In the name of god Almygħtye.
He was Cristened in þat welle, and bishop Turpin
Floreyne the kinge alle him calle, 1480 baptised him, by the
He forsoke the foule feende of helle name of Floreyn.
And his fals goddis alle. But he continued to
Nought for than̄ Ferumbras be called Ferumbras
Alle his life cleped was he, 1484 all his life.
And aftirwarde in so«m»me place, Afterwards he was
Floreyne of Rome Cite. known as Floreyn of
God for him many myracles shewe[d+], Rome
So holy a man he by-came, 1488 on account of his
That witnessitħ both lerned and lewde, holiness.
The fame of him so ranne.
NOWE for to telle of Roulande Roland and Oliver
And of Olyuere, that worthy wos,[139] 1492 being brought to
Howe thai were brougħt to þ^e Sowdan̄ the Soudan, Laban
By the kinge of Boldas. enquires their names.
The Sowdan̄ hem sore affrayned,
What þat here names were. 1496
Rouland saide and noght alayned:
“Syr Roulande and sire Olyuere, They confess their
Nevewes to Kinge Charles of Fraunce, names.
That worthy kinge and Emp«er»oure, 1500
That nowe are takyn by myschaunce
To be prisoneres here in thy toure.”
“A, Olyue[rh], arte thou here?
That haste my sone distroyede, 1504
[p044 ROLAND AND OLIVER ARE IMPRISONED.]
And Rouland that arte his fere,
That so ofte me hatħ anoyed.
To Mahounde I make a vowe here, The Soudan swears
That to morue, ere I do ete, 1508 they shall both be
Ye shulle be slayn̄ botħ qwik in fere, executed the next
And lives shalle ye bothe lete.” morning before his
Tho saide maide Florepas: dinner.
“My fader so derewortħ and de[rh], 1512 But Floripas advises
Ye shulle be avysed of this cas, him to detain them as
How and in what manere hostages, and
My brothir, þat is to prison̄ take,
May be delyu«er»ed by hem nowe, 1516
By cause of these two knight«es» sake,
That bene in warde here with yoᶙ.
Wherefore I counsaile yoᶙ, my fader dere,
To have mynde of Sir Ferumbras. 1520 to remember his son
Pute hem in youre prison̄ here, Ferumbras,
Tille ye haue better space.
So that ye haue my brother agayn̄ for whom they might
For hem, þat ye haue here; 1524 be exchanged.
And certeyn̄ elles wole he be slayn̄,
That is to you so lefe and dere.”
“A, Floripp, I-blessed thou bee,
Thy counsaile is goode at nede, 1528 The Soudan finds her
I wolde not leve my sone so free, counsel good,
So Mahounde moost me spede,
For al the Realme of hethen Spayne, [leaf 38]
That is so brode and large. 1532
Sone clepe forth my gaylo«ur» Bretomayne, and orders his gaoler
That he of hem hadde his charge, Bretomayn to imprison
“Caste hem in your prison̄ depe, them,
Mete and drinke gyfe hem none, 1536 but to leave them
Chayne hem faste, þat thay not slepe; without food.
For here goode daies bene a-gone.”
Tho were thay cast in prison depe[140];
[p045 FLORIPAS COMPASSIONATES THEIR SUFFERINGS.]
Every tyde the see came inne. 1540 At high tide the sea
Thay myght not see, so was it myrke, filled their deep
The watir wente to her chynne. cells. They suffered
The salte watir hem greved sore, much from the salt
Here woundis sore did smerte. 1544 water, from their
Hungir and thurste greved heme yet more, wounds, and from
It wente yet more nere here herte. hunger.
Who maye live withoute mete?
vj dayes hadde thay rigħt none, 1548 On the sixth day,
Ner drinke that thay mygħt gete,
Bute loked vppon the harde stone.
So on a daye, as God it wolde,
Floripas to hir garden̄ wente, 1552 Floripas, who was
To geder Floures in morne colde. gathering flowers in
Here maydyns from̄ hir she sente, her garden, heard
For she herde grete lamentacion̄ them lament.
In the Prison̄, that was ther nye; 1556
She supposed by ymagynacion̄,
That it was the prisoners sory.
She wente he[rh] ner[rh] to here more,
Thay wailed for defaute of mete. 1560 Moved to compassion,
She rued on hem anoon̄ ful sore, she asks her
She thought, how she myght hem beste it
gete. governess Maragound
She spake to her Maistras Maragounde, to help her in
Howe she wolde the prisoneres fede. 1564 getting food for the
The develle of helle hir confounde, prisoners. Maragound
She wolde not assente to þat dede, refuses, and reminds
But saide “Damesel, thou arte woode, Floripas of her
Thy Fadir did vs alle defende, 1568 father’s command.
Both mete and drinke and othere goode [leaf 39]
That no man shulde hem thider sende.”
Floripe by-thought hir on a gyle Floripas, thinking of
And cleped Maragounde anoon rigħt, 1572 a trick, called to
To the wyndowe to come a while her governess to come
And se ther a wonder syght: to a window and
“Loke oute” she saide “and see a fer[rh]
[p046 FLORIPAS KILLS THE GAOLER.]
The Porpais pley as thay were wode.” 1576 see the porpoises
Maragounde lokede oute, Floripe come
ne[rh] sporting beneath.
And shofed hire oute in to the flode. Maragound looking
“Go there” she saide “the devel the spede! out, is pushed into
My counsail shaltowe never biwry. 1580 the flood.
Who so wole not helpe a man̄ at nede,
On evel deth mote he dye!”
She toke witħ hire maidyns two,
To Britomayne she wente hir waye 1584 Floripas asks
And saide to him, she moste go Bretomayn to let her
To viseten̄ the prisoneris that daye, see the prisoners.
And saide “sir, for alle loues,
Lete me thy prisoneres seen̄. 1588
I wole the gife botħ goolde and gloues,
And counsail shalle it been̄.”
Brytomayne that Iaylor kene
Answered to hir sone agayne 1592
And saide “Damesel, so mote I then̄,
Than̄ were I worthy to be slayn̄.
Hath not youre Fader charged me,
To kepe hem from̄ every wyght? 1596
And yet ye wole these trayto«ur»s see?
I wole goo telle him Anoon̄ right.”
He gan to turne him anone for to go,
To make a playnte on Floripas. 1600 The gaoler threatened
She sued him as faste as she myghte go, to complain to her
For to gif him harde grace. father, but Floripas,
With the keye cloge, þat she caugħt, having seized his
Witħ goode wille she maute[141] than, 1604 key-clog, dashed
Such a stroke she hym the[rh] raught, out his brains. She
The brayne sterte oute of his hede þan̄. then went to tell
To hire Fader forth she gotħ her father, she had
And saide “Sire, I telle you here, 1608 surprised [leaf 40]
I saugħ a sight, that was me lotħ, the gaoler feeding
Howe the fals Iailo«ur» fedde your
prisone[rh], the prisoners and
[p047 THE SOUDAN GIVES THE PRISONERS INTO HER GUARD.]
And how the coven«au»nte made was, promising to deliver
Whan thai shulde delyu«er»ed be; 1612 them; wherefore she
Wherefore I slougħ him witħ a mace. had slain him.
Dere Fadir, forgif it me!”
“My doghtir dere, that arte so free,[142]
The warde of hem now gif I the. 1616 The Soudan gives the
Loke, here sorowe be evere newe, prisoners into her
Tille that Ferumbras delyu«er»ed be.” guard.
She thanked her Fadere fele sithe
And toke her maydyns, and forth she gotħ, 1620 She now proceeded to
To the prisone she hyed hire swytħ. the prison,
The prison̄ dore vp she dothe
And saide “sires, what be ye,
That make here this ruly moone? 1624
What yoᶙ lakkitħ, tellyth me; asked the prisoners
For we be here nowe alle alone.” what they wanted,
Tho spake Roulande with hevy chere
To Floripe, that was bothe gente and
fr«e», 1628
And saide “lo, we two caytyfes here
For defaute of mete dede moste be.
vj dayes be comyn̄ and goon̄,
Sith we were loked in prison̄ here, 1632
That mete nor drinke hade we noon̄
To comforte witħ oure hevy che[rh].
But woolde god of myght«es» moost,
The Sowdon̄ wolde let vs oute goon̄, 1636
We to fight witħ alle his Ooste,
To be slayn̄ in feelde anoon̄.
To murthir men̄ for defaute of mete,
It is grete shame tille a kinge; 1640
For every man most nedes ete,
Or ellis may he do no thinge.”
Tho saide Floripe with wordes mylde, and promised to
“I wolde fayne, ye were now here, 1644 protect them from any
From harme skatħ[143] I wole you shelde, harm.
[p048 CHARLES DESPATCHES GUY TO THE SOUDAN.]
And gife you mete with right gode
che[rh].”
A rope to hem she lete down̄ goon̄, She let down a rope,
That aboven̄ was teyde faste. 1648 [leaf 41] and drew up
She and hir maydyns drewe þer vppon̄, both, and led them to
Tille vp thay hadde hem at the last. her apartments.
She led hem into here chambir dere,
That arrayed for hem was rigħt wele, 1652
Both Roulande and Olyvere,
And gafe hem̄ there a right gode mele. There they ate,
And whan thay hadde eten̄ alle her fille,
A batħ for hem was redy there, 1656 took a bath,
Ther-to thay went ful fayre and stille,
And aftyr to bedde with right gode
che[rh]. and went to bed.
Now Floripas chamber is here prisone,
Withouten̄ wetinge of the Sowdon̄; 1660 The Soudan knew
Thai were ful mery in that Dongeon̄, nothing of his
For of hem̄ wiste man̄ never oone. prisoners being in
Now lete we hem be and mery make, Floripas’ chamber.
Tille god sende hem gode delyueraunce. 1664
Aftir the tyme, þat thay were take,
What did Charles, the kinge of Fraunce,
Ther-of wole we speke nowe,
Howe he cleped forth Sir Gy 1668 Meanwhile Charlemagne
And saide “on my message shaltowe, tells Guy that he
Therfore make the faste redy, must go to the
To bidde the Sowden̄ sende me my Nevewes
botħ Soudan to demand the
And the Releqes also of Rome; 1672 surrender of Roland
Or I shal make him so wrotħ, and Oliver, and of
He sha[l~l] not wete what to done. the relics of Rome.
And by þat god, þat hath me wroght,
I shal him leve Towre ner Town̄. 1676
This bargan̄ shal so dere be bought
In dispite of his god Mahoun̄.” Naymes of Bavaria
DUKE Neymes of Baue[rh] vp stert than̄ represents that a
And saide “Sir, hastowe no mynde, 1680 messenger to the
How the cursed Sowdan̄ Laban Soudan should
[p049 THE OTHERS REMONSTRATE, BUT MUST GO TOO.]
Alle messengeris doth he shende? certainly be slain;
Ye haue lost inowe, lese no mo and that they ought
Onworthily Olyue[rh] and Roulande.” 1684 to be anxious not to
“By god, and thou shalt with him go, lose any more besides
For al thy grete brode londe.” Rouland and Oliver.
THO Ogere Danoys, þat worthy man̄, [leaf 42] Then said
“Sir” he saide “be not wrotħ! 1688 the king, ‘By god,
For he saitħ soutħ.”—“go thoᶙ than̄! thou shalt go with
By Gode thou shalte, be thoᶙ never so
loth.” Guy.’ Ogier the Dane
“A Sire” quod Bery Lardeneys, remonstrates, but is
“Thoᶙ shalte hem se never more.”— 1692 ordered to go too. So
“Go thou forth in this same rees, are Thierry of Ardane
Or it shalle the repente ful sore.”
FOLK Baliante saide to the kinge, and Folk Baliant,
“Liste ye youre Barons to lese?”— 1696
“Certis, this is a wondir thinge!
Go thou also, thoᶙ shalte not chese!”
ALEROYSE rose vp anone Aleroys
And to the kinge þan gan̄ he speke 1700
And saide “what thinke ye, sir, to
done?”—
“Dresse the forth witħ hem̄ eke!”
MIRON of Brabane spake an worde and Miron of Brabant.
And saide “Sir, thou maiste do þy wille. 1704
Knowist thou not that cruel lorde,
How he wole thy Barons spille?”—
“Trusse the forth eke, sir Dasaberde,
Or I shalle the sone make! 1708
For of all thinge thou arte aferde,
Yet arte thoᶙ neyther hurte ner take.”
BISSHOPE Turpyn̄ kneled adown̄ Bishop Turpin kneels
And saide “lege lorde, mercy!” 1712 down to implore the
The kinge him swore by seynt Symon̄: king’s mercy, but he
“Thou goist eke, make the in hast redye!” must go too,
BERNARDE of Spruwse, þat worthy knygħt, as well as Bernard of
Saide “sir, avyse yoᶙ bette, 1716 Spruwse
Set not of youre Barons so ligħt,
[p050 THE SOUDAN ASSEMBLES HIS COUNCIL.]
Thou maiste haue nede to hem̄ yette.”—
“Thou shalte goon̄ eke for alle thy boost,
Haue done and make the fast yare! 1720
Of my nede gyfe thoᶙ no coost,
Ther-of haue thou right no care!”
BRYE[RH] of Mounteȝ, þat marqwyȝ bolde, and Brier of
Was not aferde to him to speke. 1724 Mountdidier.
To the kinge sharply he tolde,
His witte was not worth a leke: [leaf 43]
“Woltowe for Angre thy Barons sende
To þat Tiraunte, þat alle men sleitħ? 1728
Or thou doist for þat ende,
To bringe thy xij peres to the detħ.”
The kinge was wrotħ and swore in halle
By him, þat boght him witħ his blode: 1732
“On my messange shall ye gon̄ alle!
Be ye never so wrotħ or wode.”
Thay toke here lefe and fortħ thay yede, The knights take
It availed not agayne him to sayne. 1736 leave and start.
I pray, god gif hem gode spede!
Ful harde it was to comen̄ agayn̄.
NOWE let hem passe in goddis name,
And speke we of the Sowdon̄, 1740 The Soudan assembled
Howe he complayned him of his grame, his council.
And what that he myght beste done.
“Sortybrau«n»nce and Bronlande[144]” seyde
he, Sortibrance and
“Of counsail ye be fulle wyse. 1744 Brouland
How shal I do to avenge me
Of kinge Charles, and in what wyse?
He brennyth my Toures and my Citees,
And Burges he levethe me never oon̄. 1748
He stroieth my men̄, my londe, my fees.
Thus shalle it not longe goon̄.
And yet me greveth most of alle,
He hath made Ferumbras renay his laye. 1752
[p051 HE DESPATCHES XII MESSENGERS TO CHARLES.]
Therfore my counselors I calle,
To remedy this, howe thay best maye.
For me were lever that he were slayn̄,
Thane he a Cristen̄ hounde shulde be, 1756
Or witħ Wolfes be rente and slayn̄,
By Mahounde mygħty of dignyte.”
To answerde Sortybraunce and Broulande advise him
And saide “gode counsaile we shal yoᶙ
gyfen̄, 1760
If thoue wilte do aftyr coven«au»nte,
It shal yoᶙ profit, while yoᶙ lyven̄.
Take xij knightis of worthy dede to send 12 knights,
And sende hem to Charles on message nowe. 1764 and to bid Charles
A-raye hem welle in roial wede,
For thȳ honou[rh] and for thy prowe. [leaf 44]
Bidde Charles sende thy sone to the to give up Ferumbras
And voyde thy londe in alle haste, 1768 and to withdraw from
Or ellis thou shalt him honge on a tr«e», his country.
As hye, as any shippes maste.”
“Nowe by Mahounde” q«uo»d Laban,
“This counseil is both trewe and goode, 1772
I shalle him leve for no man̄
To parforme this, though he we[rh] woode.”
He did his lettris write in haste,
The knight«es» were called to goo
þ«er»witħ, 1776 The knights are
That thay hyȝe hem̄ to Charles faste dispatched.
And charke[145] hym̄ vppon̄ life and lithe.
Fortħ thai ride towarde Mantrible þan̄,
In a medowe, was fayre and grene, 1780 Near Mantrible
Thai mette witħ Charles messageris ten̄. they meet with the
Duke Neymes axed hem̄, what thai wolde
mene, Christian messengers.
And saide “Lordynges, whens come ye? Duke Naymes inquires
And whider ye are mente, telle vs this
tyde.” 1784 whither they intend
“From̄ the worthy Sowdon̄” than̄ saide he, to go.
“To Charles on message shalle we ride,
[p052 THE PEERS KILL THE SOUDAN’S MESSENGERS.]
Euel tithyngg«es» we shalle him telle,
Fro Laban, that is lorde of Spayne. 1788
Farewele, felowes, we may not dwelle.”
“A-byde” q«uo»d Gy “and turne agayne, Having heard their
We wole speke with yoᶙ, er ye goon̄, message,
For we be messengeris of his. 1792
Ye shal aby everichone,
So God brynge me to blis.”
Anoon̄ here swerdes oute thay brayde
And smoten̄ down̄ right al a-boute. 1796
Tille the hethen̄ were down̄ layde,
Thai reseyued many a sore cloute.
Thai smyten̄ of here hedes alle, the delegates of
Eche man̄ toke one in his lappe. 1800 Charles cut off their
Fal what so euer byfalle, heads, which they
To the Soudon̄ wole they trappe. take with them to
Tille thai come to Egremoure, present to the Soudan
Thai stynte for no worldes thinge; 1804 at Agremore.
Anone thai fonde the Sawdan̄ thore,
At his mete proudely sittynge, [leaf 45] The Soudan
And þat maide fai[rh] Dame Floripas was just dining.
And xiiij princes of grete price 1808
And kinge Lukafe[rh] of Baldas,
Thas was both bolde, hardy and wyse.
Doughty Duke Neymes of Baue[rh] Naymes delivers
To the Sowdone his message tolde 1812 his message: ‘God
And saide “god, þat made heven̄ so cle[rh], confound Laban and
He saue kinge Charles so bolde all his Saracens, and
And confounde Laban̄ and all his men̄, save Charles,
That on Mahounde byleved[146] 1816
And gife hem evel endinge! amen̄.
To morue, longe er it be even̄, who commands thee
He co«m»maundith the vppon̄ thy life to send back his
His Nevewes home to him sende, 1820 two nephews and to
And the Religes[147] of Rome withoute
strife; restore the relics.’
[p053 THE PEERS ARE IMPRISONED IN FLORIPAS’ TOWER.]
And ellis getist thou an evel ende!
xij lurdeynes mette vs on the waye;
Thai saide, thay come streight fro the. 1824
Thai made it botħ stoute and gay;
Here hed«is» here maistowe see. They then produce the
Thai saide, thai wolde to Charles goon̄, heads of the Soudan’s
Evel tidingg«es» him to telle. 1828 messengers.
Loo here here heddis eu«er»ychone,
Here soulis bene in helle.”
“O” q«uo»d Lavane “what may this be,
To suff[rh] this amonge my knight«es»
alle? 1832
To be rebuked thus here of the The Soudan vowed
At mete in myn owen̄ halle! a vow that they
To Mahounde myghty I make a vowe, should all ten be
Ye shall be hanged alle ten, 1836 hanged as soon as
Anoon as I have eten̄ I-nowe, he had finished
In presence of alle my men̄.” his dinner. But
Maide Floripas answered tho Floripas recommended
And saide “my derworth Fadir de[rh]! 1840 him to put off his
By my counsaile ye shal not so, resolution, until
Tille ye haue your Barons alle in fe[rh], a general council
That thai may se what is the best, of his barons had
For to delyu«er»e my brother Sir
Ferumbras. 1844 determined on the
And aftirward, if þat ye liste, best way of the
Ye may gife hem ful evel grace.” liberation of
“Gramercy, doghter, thou saieste welle, Ferumbras. [leaf 46]
Take hem alle into thy warde. 1848 The Soudan gives them
Do feter hem faste in Iren̄ and stele into her guard.
And set hem in strayȝte garde.
Thus was I neuer rebukede er nowe;
Mahounde myghty gyfe hem̄ sorowe! 1852
Thay shalle be flayn and honged on a bowe,
Longe ere tyme[148] to morowe.” Floripas leads the
Florip̄ toke these messangeris knights into her
And ladde hem vp in-to here tou[rh], 1856 tower, where
[p054 FLORIPAS ENQUIRES AFTER GUY.]
There thai founde two of here feris. they were glad to
Thay thanked thereof god of honoure. find Roland and
Tho sayde Duke Neymys of Baue[rh]: Oliver.
“Gladde men we be nowe here, 1860
To fynde Roulande and Olyue[rh]
In helthe of bodye and of goode che[rh].”
Thai kissed eche other with herte gladde
And thanked god of his grace; 1864
And eche toolde othir, howe thay sped
hadde, They told each other
And howe thay come in-to that place how they had fared.
By helpe of mayde Florip̄ hire self,
“God kepe hir in honoure! 1868
For thus hath she brought vs hider alle
twelfe,
To dwelle in hir owen̄ boure.”
Tho thay wessh and wente to mete, After washing,
And were served welle and fyne 1872
Of suche goode, as she myght gete,
Of Venyson̄, brede and gode wyne.
There thai were gladde and wel at ease; they dined off
The Soudon̄ ne wist it noght. 1876 venison, bread and
Aftyr thay slepe and toke her ese, wine, and then
Of no man than̄ thay ne roght. went to sleep. The
On the morowe Florip̄, that mayde fre, following day,
To Duke Neymes spake in game: 1880 Floripas asks Naymes
“Sir gentil knigħt,” tho saide she, his name,
“Telle me, what is your name.”
“Whi axe ye, my lady dere,
My name here to knowe alle?” 1884
“For he[149] spake with so bolde chere
To my Fadir yestirdaye in his halle.
Be not ye the Duke of Burgoyne, sir Gȳ, and enquires after
Nevewe unto the king«e» Charles so fre?” 1888 [leaf 47] Guy of
“Noe, certes, lady, it is not I, Burgundy, whom she
It is yondir knight, þat ye may see.” had loved for a long
“A, him have I loved many a day; time, and for
[p055 GUY CONSENTS TO TAKE HER FOR HIS WIFE.]
And yet knowe I him noght. 1892 whom she would do all
For his loue I do alle that I maye, she could for their
To chere yoᶙ witħ dede and thought. benefit, and would be
For his love wille I cristenede be baptised,
And lefe Mahoundes laye. 1896
Spekith to him nowe for me,
As I yoᶙ truste maye;
And but he wole gr«a»unte me his loue, if he would agree to
Of yoᶙ askape shalle none here. 1900 love her in return.
By him, þat is almyghty aboue,
Ye shalle abye it ellis ful dere.”
Tho wente Duke Neymes to Sir Gye
And saide “This ladye lovetħ the, 1904 Naymes tells Guy
For thy loue she maketħ us alle merye,
And Baptizede wole she be.
Ye shalle hir take to your wedded wife, to take her for his
For alle vs she may saue.” 1908 wife,
“By God” q«uo»d Gye “þat gafe me life, But Guy refuses,
Hire wole I never haue,
Wyle I neuer take hire ner no woman̄, as he never will take
But Charles the kinge hir me gife. 1912 a wife, unless she be
I hight him, as I was trewe man̄,
To holden̄ it, while I lyve.” given him by Charles.
Tho spake Roulande and Olyue[rh], Rouland and Oliver
Certyfyinge him of he[rh] myschefe, 1916 persuaded him,
Tellinge him of the parelles, þ«a»t þay in
we[rh],
For to take this lady to his wedded wife.
“But thoᶙ helpe in this nede,
We be here in grete doute. 1920
Almyghty god shalle quyte thy mede,
Elles come we nevere he«n»nys oute.”
Thus thay treted him to and fro;
At the laste he sayde, he wolde. 1924 so that he at last
Floripas thay cleped fortħ tho; consented.
And brought fourth a Cuppe of golde, Floripas, holding a
Ful of noble myghty wyne, golden cup of wine,
[p056 LUKAFER VISITS THE PRISONERS.]
And saide “my loue and my lorde, 1928 [leaf 48]
Myn herte, my body, my goode is thyn̄,”
And kissed him witħ that worde, kissed him, and
And “sir” she saide “drinke to me, requested him to
As the Gyse is of my londe; 1932 drink to her after
And I shalle drinke agayn̄ to the, the fashion of her
As to my worthy hosbonde.” country. She also
Thay clipped and kissed botħ in fere drinks to him. They
And made grete Joye and game, 1936 all make merry.
And so did alle, that were the[rh],
Thai made ful mery alle in same.
Tho spake Floripas to the Barons boolde
And saide “I haue armu[rh] I-nowe; 1940
Therfore I tel yoᶙ, what I wolde,
And þat ye dide for your prowe.
To morue, whan̄ my Fadir is at his
soupe[rh], For the following day
Ye shalle come in alle attonys; 1944
Loke ye spare for no fere,
Sle down̄ and breke botħ bake and bones;
Kithe yoᶙ knightis of hardynesse!
Ther is none helpe, but in this wyse, 1948
Then moste ye shewen̄ youre prowes,
And wynne this Castel in this guyse.”
Thai sayden alle, it was welle saide,
And gladde thay were of this counsaile. 1952
Here armu[rh] was fortħ layde, they all prepare to
At souper the Sowdon̄ to assaile. assail the Soudan at
Kinge Lucafere prayde the Sawdon̄, supper. Lukafer comes
That he wolde gif him lysence, 1956 to the Soudan and
To the prisoners for to goon̄, asks leave to see the
To see the maner of her presence. prisoners, in order
He gafe him lefe, and forth he wente to know the manner of
Vp vnto Floripas Toure. 1960 their detention.
To asspie the maner was his enten[t|],
Hem̄ to accuse agayne honoure. Finding the door
Whan̄ he come, he founde the dore fast
I-stoke, locked, he burst it
[p057 HE TEACHES THEM A NEW GAME.]
He smote there-on with his fist, 1964 open with a blow of
That the bar[rh] began̄ to broke. his fist.
To make debate, wel him list.
“Who artowe” q«uo»d Floripas[150]
“Þ«a»t maketh he[rh] sucħ araye†?” 1968
“I am kinge Lucafere of Baldas, [leaf 49]
The Sowdon̄ sente me hidir in faye;
To seen̄ his prisoneris is my desire
And speke with hem everychon̄, 1972 He told them that he
To talke with hem by the fire was come to speak to
And speke of dedis of Armes amonge.” them,
Tho saide Duke Neymes “welcome be ye
To us prisoners here! 1976
What is your wille, nowe telle ye;
For we be men̄ of feble chere.”
“I woolde wete of Charles the kinge, and to enquire after
What man̄ he is in his contre, 1980 Charlemagne.
And what meyne he hatħ, and of what thinge
He rekyneth moost his dignyte.”
Duke Neymes saide “an Emp«er»oure Duke Naymes answers.
And kinge he is of many a londe, 1984
Of Citeis, Castels, and many a Toure,
Dukes, Erles, Barons bowynge to his
honde.”
“But saye me, felowe, what is your vse,
To do in cont[rh] aftyr the none. 1988 He then asks what
And what is the custome of your hous, amusements they have
Tille men̄ to souper shalle gone?” after dinner. Naymes
“Sir, so«m»me men̄ iouste[151] witħ
spe[rh] and shelde, says, ‘Some joust,
And so«m»me men̄ Carol and singe gode
songes, 1992 some sing, some play
Some shote with dartis in the feelde, at chess.’
And so«m»me play at Chesse amonge.”
“Ye bene but foulis of gode dissporte; ‘I will teach you
I wole yoᶙ tech a newe play. 1996 a new game,’ says
Sitte down̄ here by one assorte, Lukafer.
[p058 LUKAFER IS ROASTED TO CHARCOAL.]
And bett«er» myrthe never ye saye.”
He teyde a tredde on a pole With a thread he
With an nedil ther-on I-fest, 2000 fastened a needle
And ther vppon̄ a qwi[k|] cole. on a pole and put a
He bade every man blowe his blast. burning coal upon it.
Duke Neymes hade a long berde, He blew it at
Kinge Lucafe[rh] blewe even̄ to hym̄, 2004 Naymes’s beard and
That game hade he never before lered. burnt it. Naymes
He brent the he[rh] of Neymes berde to the
skyne. waxed wroth, and
Duke Neymes than̄ gan wex wrotħ, snatching a burning
For he hade brente his berde so white 2008 [leaf 50] brand from
To the Chymneye forth he goth the fire he smites at
And caught a bronde him witħ to smyte. Lukafer and throws
Witħ a goode wille he him smote, him into the fire,
That both his eyen̄ bresten̄ oute. 2012
He caste him in the fire al hote;
For sothe he hadde a rigħt gode cloute.
And with a fyre forke he helde him doune,
Tille he were rosted to colis ilkadele. 2016 where he was roasted
His soule hade his god Mahoun̄. to charcoal. Floripas
Florip̄ bade him̄ warme him wele. applauds this,
“Sires” tho saide Floripas,
“Entendith nowe al to me! 2020
This Lucafe[rh] of Baldas
Was a lorde of grete mayne.
My Fadir hade him eu«er» yn che[rh]
I telle you for sothe everydele, 2024
He wolde anoon̄ aftyr him enque[rh], but points out their
And therefore loke, ye arme you we[l~l]!” danger, and advises
Florip wente in, as the maner was, them to arm. At
To here Fadir at soup«er» tyme. 2028 supper time she goes
No man spake worde of kinge Baldas, to her father.
Ner no man knewe of his sharp pyne.
The xij peris armed hem wel and fyne
With swerdes drawe and eg[rh] chere. 2032
While thay mery[152] drinkyn[g|] the wyne
[p059 THE PEERS TURN THE SARACENS OUT OF THE CASTLE.]
And sittinge alle at here soupe[rh]. As they were sitting
Thai reheted the Sowdon̄ and his Barons
alle at table, the twelve
And maden̄ orders wondir fast, 2036 peers rushed in and
Thai slowe down̄ alle, þat were in the
halle, slew all whom they
And made hem wondirly sore a-gast. met.
Olyvere egerly sued Laban̄ Laban, pursued by
With swerd I-drawe in his honde. 2040 Oliver, jumps out of
Oute at the wyndowe lepte he þan̄ a window on to the
Vppon̄ the salte see stronde,[153] sea-shore and escaped
And he skaped away from̄ hime,
But woo was he þerfore, 2044
That he went awaye witħ lym̄ without injury.
To worche hem sorowe more.
Roulande than̄ came rennynge
And axed, where was Laban. 2048
Olyuere answerede moornynge [leaf 51]
And saide, howe he was agoon̄.
Tho thai voided the Court«es» at the last They killed all in
And slowen̄ tho, that wolde a-byde, 2052 the castle, and then
And drewe the brigge and teyed it fast, drew up the bridges
And shitte the gatis, that were so wyde. and shut the gates.
Laban, that by the ebbe escapede,
Of harde, er he come to londe, 2056
He alle astonyed and a-mapide,[154]
For sorowe he wronge botħ his honde
And made a vowe to Mahounde of myght, Laban vowed a vow
He wolde that Cite wynne 2060
And never go thens by day nor nyght,
For foo, for frende, ner for kynne.
“And tho traytouris will I do honge,
On a Galowes hye with-oute the gate; 2064 that he would hang
And my Doghter, þat hore stronge, them all and burn his
I-brente shal be there-ate.” daughter. He sent to
To mauntryble he gan sende anoon̄ Mantrible for troops
Aftir men and tentis goode, 2068 and
[p060 THE SOUDAN BESIEGES THE CASTLE.]
And Engynes to throwe witħ stoon̄ engines,
And goode armu[rh] many foolde.
The sege he did leyen a-bowte and besieged Agremore.
On every side of that Cite. 2072
To wallis with Engynes thai gan rowte,
To breke the Toures so fre.
Tho saide Florip̄, “lordingg«es» goode, Floripas recommends
Ye bene biseged in this toure, 2076 the peers
As ye bene wight of mayne and moode,
Proveth here to saue youre honou[rh].
The toure is stronge, drede yoᶙ nought,
And vitayle we have plente. 2080
Charles wole not leve yoᶙ vnsougħt;
Truste ye welle alle to me.
Therefore go we soupe and make merye, to enjoy themselves.
And takith ye alle your ease; 2084
And xxx^{ti} maydens lo here of
Assyne,[155]
The fayrest of hem ye chese.
Take your sporte, and kith yoᶙ knyght«es»,
Whan ye shalle haue to done; 2088
For to morowe, when the day is light, [leaf 52]
Ye mooste to the wallis goon̄
And defende this place witħ caste of
stoon̄
And with shotte of quarelles and darte. 2092
My maydyns and I sha[l~l] bringe goode
wone,
So eu«er»yche of us shalle bere hir
parte.”
On morowe the Sowdon̄ made assaute In the morning the
To hem, that were witħ-Inne, 2096 soudan attacks the
And certes in hem was no defaute, castle,
For of hem̄ myght thay nought wynne.
Here shotte, here cast was so harde,
Thay durste not nyȝhe the walle. 2100
Thay drowen̄ hem bakwarde, but is repulsed.
Thay were beten̄ over alle.
King Laban̄ turnede to his tent«es»
agayn̄,
[p061 HE ASKS BROULAND’S ADVICE.]
He was nere wode for tene, 2104
He cryede to Mahounde and Apolyne He accuses his gods
And to Termagaunte, þat was so kene, of sleepiness, and
And saide “ye goddes, ye slepe to longe, shakes them to wake
Awake and helpe me nowe, 2108 up.
Or ellis I may singe of sorowe a songe,
And of mournynge right I-nowe.
Wete ye not wele, that my tresoure
Is alle witħ-inne the walle? 2112
Helpe me nowe, I saye therfore,
Or ellis I forsake yoᶙ alle.”
He made grete lamentacion̄,
His goddis byganne to shake. 2116
Yet that comfortede his meditacion̄,
Supposinge thay didde awake.
He cleped Brenlande to aske counsaile,
What was beste to done, 2120
And what thinge myght him̄ moste avayle,
To wynne the Cite sone.
“Thou wotist welle, þat alle my tresou[rh]
Is there in here kepinge, 2124
And my doughter, þat stronge hore,
God yif her evelle endyn[g|]!”
“Sir” he saide “ye knowe welle, [leaf 53] Brouland
That Toure is wondir stronge. 2128 tells him, as the
While þay haue vitayle to mele, castle is strong and
Kepen̄ it thay wole fulle longe. well stored with
Sende to Mauntreble, you[rh] cheif Cite, provisions, the peers
That is the keye of this londe, 2132 will hold it very
That non̄ passe, where it so be, long;
With-oute youre speciall sonde, but if he would send
To Alagolofu[rh], þat geaunte stronge, orders to Alagolafre,
That is wardeyne of þat pas, 2136 the bridge-keeper at
That no man passe that brigge alonge, Mantrible, not to
But he have special grace. allow any one to pass
So shalle not Charles witħ his meyne without leave,
[p062 ESPIARD IS DESPATCHED TO MANTRIBLE.]
Reskowe than̄ Agramoure. 2140 they would get no
Than̄ thay shalle enfamyched be, assistance from
That shalle hem rewe ful sore.”— Charles, and die from
“Mahoundis blessynge have thoᶙ and myne, hunger.
Sortybraunce, for thy rede.”— 2144
“Espyarde, messange[rh] myne, Espiard is despatched
In haste thou most the spede to Mantrible,
To my Cite Mavntreble,
To do my message there, 2148
To Alogolof[rh], þat giaunte orrible.
Bydde him his charge wele lere,
And tel him, howe that the last daye
Ten fals trayto«ur»s of Fraunce 2152
Passed by that same waye
By his defaute witħ myschaunce,
Charginge him vppon̄ his hede to lese,
That no man by the brigge,[156] 2156
Be it rayne, snowe or freze,
But he his heede down̄ ligge.”
Espiarde spedde him in his waye,
Tille he to Mauntrible came, 2160
To seke the geaunte, ther he laye
On the banke bysyde the Dame,
And saide “the worthy Sowdon̄,
That of alle Spayn̄ is lorde and si[rh], 2164
Vppon̄ thy life co«m»maundeth the anoon̄, and commands the giant
To deserue bett«er» thyn hire.
The laste day thoᶙ letist here passe
Ten trattoures of douse Fraunce. 2168
God giffe the evel grace,
And hem̄ also moche myschaunce!
He charged the vppon̄ life and detħ,
To kepe this place sikerlye; 2172
While in thy body lastetħ the bretħ, not to suffer any one
Lette noon̄ enemye passe the[rh]-bye.” to pass the bridge.
[p063 ALAGOLAFRE BARRICADES THE BRIDGE.]
Alagolofur rolled his yen̄
And smote with his axe on̄ the stone 2176
And swore by Termag«a»unte and Apolyne,
That ther-by shulde passe«n» never one,
But if he smote of his hede,
And brought it to his lorde Laban̄, 2180
He wolde never ete no brede,
Nere never loke more on man̄.
xxiiij^{ti} Cheynes he didde ou«er»-drawe, Alagolafre drew 24
That noo man passe mygħt, 2184 chains across the
Neyther for loue nere for awe, bridge.
No tyme by daye, nere by nyghte.
“Go, telle my lorde, I shalle it kepe;
On payne of my grete heede 2188
Shalle ther no man̄ goo ner crepe,
But he be take or dede.”
This geaunte hade a body longe
And hede, like an libarde. 2192
Ther-to he was devely stronge,
His skynne was blake and harde.
Of Ethiope he was bore,
Of the kinde of Ascopartes. 2196
He hade tuskes, like a bore,
An hede, like a liberde.
Laban nolde not forgete The soudan assaults
The saute to renewe,[157] 2200 the castle again,
To wynne the Toure, he wolde not lete.
Here trumpes lowde thay blewe.
Every man wente to the walle,
With pikeys or witħ bowe. 2204 [leaf 55]
Thai made assaute generalle,
The walles downe to throwe.
But thay witħ-inne bare hem̄ soo, but the 12 peers slay
Thay slowe of the Saresyns iij hundre[d+]. 2208 300 Saracens.
Thay wroghten̄ hem both care and woo,
[p064 MAVON BATTERS THE CASTLE.]
Vppon̄ her fightinge thay wondride.
Tho cryed Laban̄ to hem on hye,
“Trayto«u»rs, yelde yoᶙ to me, 2212 Laban threatens to
Ye shall be hongede els by and bye hang them, and utters
Vppon̄ an hye Galowe tree.” imprecations
Tho spake Florip̄ to the Sowdon̄
And sayde “thou fals tyraunte, 2216
Were Charles come, thy pride we[rh] done
Nowe, cursede myscreaunte. against Floripas, who
Alas! that thou ascapediste soo returns them.
By the wyndowe vppon̄ the stronde. 2220
That thy ne[k|] hade broke a-twoo!
God sende the shame and shonde!”—
“A! stronge hore, god gife the sorowe!
Tho[u] venemouse serpente. 2224
Withe wilde horses[158] thoᶙ shalt be
drawe to morowe,
And on this hille be brente,
That al men may be wa[rh] by the,
That cursed bene of kynde. 2228
And thy love shalle honged be,
His hondes bou«n»de him byhynde.”
He called forth Mavon̄, his Engynou[rh], The soudan calls for
And saide “I charge the, 2232 Mavon, his engineer,
To throwe a magnelle to yon tou[rh], and orders him to
And breke it downe on thre.” direct a mangonel
Mavon set vp his engyne against the walls.
With a stoon̄ of .vj. C wigħt, 2236 Mavon knocked down
That wente as even̄ as eny lyne, a piece of the
And smote a cornell down̄ right. battlements.
Woo was Roulande and Olyue[rh],
That þat myschief was be-falle, 2240
And so were alle the xij peres; Roland and Oliver
But Florip̄ than̄ comforte hem alle: lament; they are
“Sires” she saide “beitħ of goode chere! comforted by Floripas.
This Toure is stronge I-nowe. 2244
[p065 MARSEDAGE IS KILLED AND BURIED.]
He may cast twies or thries or he hit ayen
þ«er»,[159] [leaf 56]
For sothe I telle it yoᶙ.”
Marsedage, the roialle kinge,
Rode in riche weede, 2248
Fro Barbary co«m»myng,
Vppon̄ a sturdy stede,
Cryinge to hem vppon̄ the walle:
“Trayto«u»ris, yelde yoᶙ here! 2252
Brenne you alle ellis I shalle,
By myghty god Iubyte[rh].”
Gy aspied, that he came ne[rh], Guy kills Marsedage
A darte to hime he threwe ful even̄, 2256 the king of Barbary,
He smote him throwe herte & liver in
fe[rh]. by throwing a dart at
Dame Florip«e» lough witħ loude steven̄ him.
And saide “Sir Gye, my loue so free,
Thou kanste welle hit the prikke. 2260
He shall make no booste in his contre;
God giffe him sorowe thikke!”
Whan̄ Laban̄ herde of this myschie[f|],
A sory man̄ was he. 2264
He trumped, his mene to relefe; They stop the attack
For to cease that tyme mente he.
Mersadage, kinge of Barbarye,
He did carye to his tente, 2268
And beryed him by right of Sarsenye to bury Marsedage,
With brennynge fire and riche oynemente,
And songe the Dirige of Alkaron̄,
That bibill is of here laye, 2272
And wayled his deth everychon̄, and bewail him 7 days
vij nyghtis and vij dayes. and nights.
Anoon̄ the Sowdon̄, south to say, Then the soudan more
Sente iij hundrid of knightis, 2276 closely blockades the
To kepe the brigge and the waye castle.
Oute of that Castil rightis,
That noon̄ of hem shulde issue oute,
[p066 FLORIPAS PRODUCES A MAGIC GIRDLE.]
To feche vitayle by no waye. 2280
He charged hem to wacche wel a[l~l]
abowte,
That thay for-fameli[d+] myght dye.
Thus thay kepte the place vij dayes, [leaf 57]
Tille alle hire vitaile was nyȝe spente. 2284 The provisions being
The yates thai pas the streyte weyes. exhausted,
Tho helde thai hem with-in I-shente.
Tho spake Roulande with hevy chere
Woordes lamentable, 2288
Whan̄ he saugħ the ladies so whiȝte of
le[rh],
Faile brede on here table,
And saide “Charles, thoᶙ curteys kinge, Roland complains
Why forgetist thoᶙ vs so longe? 2292 of Charles’s
This is to me a wondir thinge; forgetfulness;
Me thinkitħ, thou doiste vs grete wronge,
To let vs dye for faute of mete,
Closed thus in a dongeon̄. 2296
To morowe wol we asaye what we kon̄ gete,
By god, that berithe the crown̄.”
Tho saide Floripas “sires, drede noghte but Floripas cheers
For noon̄ houng[rh] that may befalle. 2300 him up,
I knowe a medycyne in my thoughte
To comforte yoᶙ witħ alle.
I have a girdil in my Force[rh], saying she possessed
Who so girde hem̄ ther-with aboute, 2304 a magic girdle which
Hunger ner thirste shal him neu«er» dere, was a talisman
Though he were vij yere witħ-oute.” against hunger and
“O” q«uo»d Sir Gy “my loue so trewe, thirst for those who
I-blessed mote ye be! 2308 wore it.
I pray yoᶙ, that ye wole us alle hit
shewe,
That we may haue oure saule.”
She yede and set it fortħ anoon̄,
Thai proved alle the vertue, 2312 They all successively
And diden it aboute hem̄ eu«er»ychon̄. put it on and felt as
It comforted alle both moo and fewe, if they had feasted.
As thai hade bene at a feste.
[p067 MAPYN ENTERS FLORIPAS’ CHAMBER.]
So were thay alle wele at ease, 2316
Thus were thai refresshed botħ moost &
lest
And weren bifore in grete disese.
Laban̄ wondred, how thai myght endu[rh]
Witħ-outen̄ vitaile so longe. 2320 Laban wondered at
He reme«m»bred him on Floripas senctu[rh], their endurance, but
And of the vertue so stronge. at last remembering
Tho wiste he welle, that throgħ famyne the girdle, [leaf 58]
Might he hem̄ never wynne. 2324
He cleped to him fals Mapyne, he induced Mapyne
For he coude many a fals gynne:
He coude scale Castel and Toure
And over the walles wende. 2328
“Mapyne” he saide “for myn̄ honoure,
Thou mooste haue this in mynde:
That hore, my doght«er», a girdil hatħ
she,
From̄ hounger it savyth hem̄ alle, 2332
That wonnen may thay never be,
That foule mote hir bifalle!
Kanstowe gete me that gyrdill by craft, to attempt to steal
A thousande pounde than̄ shal I gefe the; 2336 it at night.
So that it be there not lefte,[160]
But bringe it hithi[rh] to me.
Thoᶙ kanste see by nyghte as welle
As any man doth by daye. 2340
Whan thay bene in here beddes ful
sti[l~l],
Than go forth thider right in thy waye.
Thou shalt it in here Chamber fynde,
Thou maist be thereofe sure.” 2344
“Sir, there-to I wole me bynde,
If my life may endure.”
Fortħ wente this fals Mapyne
By nyght into the Tou[rh]— 2348 Mapyne entered the
God gife him evel endinge!— chamber of Floripas
Euen in to Floripas bou[rh]. through
[p068 MAPYN WITH THE GIRDLE IS THROWN INTO THE SEA.]
By a Chemney he wente inne;
Fulle stilly there he soughte it. 2352 a chimney;
He it founde and girde it aboute him,
And aftyr ful dere he bogħt it; he finds the girdle
For by the light of a lampe the[rh] and puts it on,
Floripas gan̄ him aspye, 2356 but Floripas
Alle a-frayed oute of hir slepe for fere, perceives him
But lowde than gan she crye and cries out.
And saide “a thefe is in my boure,
Robbe me he wole or sloo.” 2360
Ther-with come Rouland fro his tou[rh] Roland hurries to her
To wete of hir woo. assistance, [leaf 59]
He founde Mapyne bysyde hir bedde,
Stondinge amased for drede, 2364
To the wyndowe he him ladde,[161]
And there he smote of his hedde, cuts off Mapine’s
And caste him oute in-to the see. head, and throws
Of the gyrdille was he not wa[rh]; 2368 him out through
But whan̄ he wist, the girdel hade he, the window without
Tho hadde he sorowe and care. noticing the girdle.
Florip«e» to the Cheste wente Floripas, seeing her
And aspyed, hire gyrdel was goon̄, 2372 girdle lost, is much
“Alas!” she saide, “alle is it shente! grieved;
Sir, what haue ye done?
He hath my girdel aboute hym̄.
Alas! þat harde while! 2376
A rebelle hounde dotħ ofte grete tene;
Howe be we alle begilede.”
Tho spake Roulande witħ che[rh] boolde,
“Dameselle! beytħ noughte aferde! 2380 Roland comforts her.
If any vitaile be aboute this hoolde,
We wole hem wynne withe dinte of swerde
To morowe wole wee oute-goon̄ They agree to attempt
And assaye, howe it wole it be. 2384 a sally to obtain
I make a vowe to god alone, food.
[p069 THE PEERS, SURPRISING THE SARACENS, OBTAIN PROVISIONS.]
Assaile hem wole we!
And if thay haue any mete,
Parte withe hem̄ wole we. 2388
Or elles strokes thay shal gete
By God and seynte Mary myn̄
avou[rh]!”[162]
In the morne, er the larke songe, In the morning
Thai ordeynede hem to ride 2392
To the Saresyns, þat hade so longe
Leyen hem besyde.
Duke Neymes and Oge[rh] Naymes and Ogier
Were ordeynede to kepe the place. 2396 remain in the castle,
The x othir of the xij peres the others start
Wente oute to assaye here grace.
Thay founden̄ hem in logges slepynge, and surprise the
Of hem hade thay no thought. 2400 Saracens still
Thai slowen̄ down̄ þat came to honde, sleeping in their
Mahounde availed hem noghte. huts. [leaf 60]
In shorte tyme the ende was made,
Thay ten slough iij hundred the[rh]. 2404 They slew 300 and
Tho founde thai vitaile, thay were glad, carried off as much
As moche as thay myghte home be[rh]. food as they could
Duke Neymes and Oge[rh], that kept the
tou[rh], bear.
Say hem witħ here praye. 2408
Thai thanked god hye of honoure,
That thai spedde so þat day.
Thay avaled the brigge and lete him yn,
Florip̄ and here maydyns were gladde, 2412
And so were thay, that were with-yn;
For alle grete hounger thay hadde.
Thai eten̄ and dronken right I-nowe
And made myrtħ ever amonge. 2416
But of the Sowdon̄ laban speke we nowe,
Howe of sorowe was his songe.
WHAN tidyngges came to him,
That his men̄ were slayn̄, 2420
And howe thai hade stuffed hem̄ also[163]
[p070 THE SOUDAN IS ENRAGED WITH HIS GODS.]
With vitaile in agayne,
For sorowe he woxe nere wode. The soudan is enraged,
He cleped Brenlande and Sortybraunce. 2424
And tolde hem̄ witħ angry mode
Of his harde myschaunce.
“Remedye ordeyne me,
Ye be chief of my counsaile; 2428
That I of hem may vengede be,
It shalle you bouth availe.
O ye goddes, ye faile at nede,
That I have honoured so longe, 2432
I shalle yoᶙ bren̄, so mote[164] I spede, and is going to burn
In a fayre fyre ful stronge; his gods,
Shalle I neuer more on yoᶙ bileve,
But renaye yoᶙ playnly alle. 2436
Ye shalle be brente this day er eve,
That foule mote yoᶙ befalle!”
The fire was made, the goddes were broght
To have be caste the[rh]-inne. 2440 [leaf 61]
Tho alle his counsaile him by-sought, but, appeased by his
He shulde of þat erroure blynne, wise men,
And saide “Sir, what wole ye done?
Wole ye your goddis for-sake? 2444
Vengeaunce shalle than̄ on yoᶙ come,
With sorowe, woo and wrake!
Ye moste make offrynge for youre offence,
For drede of grete vengeaunce, 2448
With oyle, mylke and ffranken̄cense
By youre prestis ordynaunce.”
Tho he dide bere hem in ayen̄, he sacrifices again,
And to hem made dewe offerynge. 2452
The prestis assoyled him of þat synne, and is assoiled by
Ful lowly for him prayinge. the priests.
Tho he cleped his counselers
Brulande and Sortybraunce, 2456 Laban holds council.
[p071 THE PEERS THROW LABAN’S GOLD AT THE ASSAILANTS.]
Axynge, howe he myght destroy«e» the xij
peres,
That Mahounde gife hem myschaunce.
Thay cowde no more ther-on̄,
But late saile ayen̄ the toure. 2460
Witħ xx^{ti} thousande thai gan̄ gon̄,
And bigo«n»ne a newe shoure A new assault begins,
To breke down̄ the Walles,
With mattok«es» and witħ pike, 2464 but the ditches
Tille iiij hundred of hem alle are filled with
Lay slayne in the dike. assailants, who were
So stronge was the cast of stoone. slain by the showers
The Saresyns drewe hem̄ abakke, 2468 of stones hurled down
Tille it was at hye none; by the peers. The
Tho go«n»ne thay ayen̄ to shake. Saracens retire. A
Tho fayled hem cast, þat were
w«i»t«h»-inne; second attack ensues.
Tho cowde thai no rede, 2472 There being no stones,
For stoone was ther noone to wy«n»ne.
Tho were thay in grete drede.
Than saide Florip, “beitħ not dismayde!
Ye shalle be holpe anoon̄. 2476 Floripas gave
Here is syluer vessel and now,”[165] she
sayde, them her father’s
“That shulle ye prove goode woon̄.” silver and gold to
She set it forth, thay caste oute faste cast amongst the
Alle that came to honde. 2480 assailants. [leaf 62]
Off siluer and goolde vessel thay made
waste
That wast[166] down̄ vppon̄ the sonde.
Whan̄ thai saugħ that roial sight,
Thai leften alle here dede; 2484
And for the tresoure thay do fight,
Who so myghte it awey lede. The soudan in alarm
Tho the Sowdon̄ wexe nere wode, for his treasure
Seinge this tresoure thus dispoyle[d+], 2488 gives up the assault.
That was to him so dere and goode
Laye in the dike thus defoule[d+].
He bade that thai shulde leue
[p072 THE SOUDAN ASKS HIS GODS’ FORGIVENESS.]
And turne hem̄ agayne in haste. 2492
He wente home tille his tente than
With grete sorowe and mournyn[g|] mode.
To-fore his goddis whan̄ he came,
He cryed, as he were wode: 2496
“O fals goddis, that y^e betħ, He is enraged with
I have trustid to longe youre mode. his gods,
We[167] were leve[rh] to suff[rh] dede,
Than̄ lif this life here lenger nowe. 2500
I haue almoste loste the bretħ,
xij fals trayto«urs» me overe-lede,
And stroyen alle þat I haue.
Ye fals goddis, the devel youe spede! 2504
Ye make me nowe for to rave;
Ye do fayle me at my nede.”
In Ire he smote Mahounde, and smites Mahound so
That was of goolde fulle rede, 2508 that he fell on his
That he fille down̄ to the grounde, face;
As he hade bene dede.
Alle here bisshopes cryden̄ oute
And saide “Mahounde, thyn̄ ore!” 2512
And down̄ to the erthe wele lowe thay
loute,
Howlynge and wepynge sore,
And saide “Sire Sowdon̄, what haue ye
done?
Vengeaunce shalle on the falle, 2516
But thoᶙ repente the here anone.”
“Ye” q«uo»d he “I shrewe yoᶙ alle!” but the priests
Thai made a fyre of fran[k|]encense induce him
And blewen̄ hornes of bras, 2520
And casten in milke hony for the offence, [leaf 63]
To-fore Mahoundes face.
Thay counsailed Laban to knele a down̄ to kneel down and ask
And aske forgevenes in that place. 2524 forgiveness.
And so he didde and hade pardon̄
Throgh prayere and specialle grace.
[p073 RICHARD STARTS ON MESSAGE TO CHARLES.]
Then[168] this was done, þan̄ sayde
Roulande Meanwhile Roland
To his Felowes xj: 2528 exhorted Richard of
“Here may we not longe holde londe, Normandy to go on
By God that is in heven̄. message to Charles,
Therefore sende we to Charles, the kinge, that he might come
That he wolde reskowe vs sone; 2532 to their rescue.
And certyfye him o[f|] oure strayȝte
beinge, They all would the
If ye thinke, it be to done. following morning,
Richard of Normandye, ye most goon̄, before day break,
I holde yoᶙ both wyse and hende. 2536 make an attack on
And we shalle tomorowe, as stil as stoon̄, the Saracens, and
The Saresyns a-wake, er ye wynde.[169] meanwhile he should
And while we be mooste bysy in oure werke, steal off in the
And medel witħ hem alle in fere, 2540 darkness. In the
Stele ye a-waye in the derke! morning
And spede you faste, ye were there!”
On the morowe afti[rh] the daye
Thay were armede ful ryghte, 2544
Thai rode fortħ stilly in here way, they sally out.
God gouerne hem, mooste of myght!
Florip«e» and here maydyns kept the
tou[rh] Floripas and her
And woonde vp the brigges on hye, 2548 maidens draw up the
And prayde god, to kepe here paramou[rh], bridges after them.
The Duke of Burgoyne, «Sir» Gȳe.
She preyde to Rouland, er he wente,
To take goode hede of him̄, 2552
That he were neyþer take nere shente,
As he wolde her loue wynne.
On thay set with herte stronge
And alle hem̄ sore afrayed. 2556
Richard the whiles away he wronge,
Thile[170] thai were alle dismayede. Richard went off
Towarde the Mountrible he hyed him faste, towards Mantrible.
To passe, if that he myghte. 2560 [leaf 64]
Thedir he came at the laste.
[p074 GUY IS MADE PRISONER.]
God kepe him for his mocħ myght!
His xij[171] felowes besyed hem̄ soo The others slay many
That many of hem̄ thay sloughe.[172] 2564 Saracens;
Gye slowe the kinge of Babyloyne tho;
The Babyloynes of his hors him drowe, but Guy, overpowered
And with force him drowe there by the Babylonians,
And bounde his hondes ful fast. 2568 is taken prisoner.
A newe game thai gan̄ him lere,
For in depe prison̄ thay him caste.
But Laban̄ wolde him first se,
To wete what he was. 2572
“Telle me thy name nowe” q«uo»d he, Laban asks his name.
“Thy songe shalle be ‘alas.’”—
“Sire” he saide “my name is Gye, Guy tells him.
I wole it never forsake. 2576
It were to me grete vilanye
An̄ othir name to take.”—
“O fals trayto«ur»” q«uo»d Laban̄,
“My doghtir, þat stronge hore, 2580
Hath me for-sake and the hath tan̄,
Thoᶙ shalte be honged therfore.” He is to be hanged.
Roulande made grete moone,
It wolde noon̄ other be. 2584
Homwarde thai gan̄ goon̄,
.iij.c Saresyns ther saye he, 300 Saracens crowding
That kepte the pace at the brigge-ende, near the gate of the
Armed wel in goode araye, 2588 castle, attempted to
That thai sholde not in wende, prevent the other
But be take or slayn̄ þat daye. peers from entering.
Roulande to his felowes saide:
“Beth alle of right gode chere! 2592
And we shal make hem alle afrayde,
E[rh] we go to oure soupere.”
There byganne a bykeringe bolde A fearful struggle
Of x Bachelers that tyde, 2596 begins.
[p075 BRYER IS SLAIN.]
Agayne iijc men̄ I-tolde,
That durste righte wel a-byde.
Tho was Durnedale set a werke, [leaf 65]
XL of hethen he sloughe, 2600
He spared neþe[rh] lewde ner clerke,
And Floripas the[rh]-of loughe.
The shotte, the caste was so stronge,
Syr Bryer was slayn̄ there 2604 Sir Bryer is killed.
With dartes, gauylokes and speres longe,
xx^{ti} on hym there were.
Roulande was woo and Olyue[rh],
Thay sloughen̄ alle that thai mette. 2608
Tho fledde the Turkes alle for fe[rh], At last the Saracens
Thay durste no longer lette take to flight.
And saide, thai we[rh] no men,
But develis abroken̄ oute of helle, 2612
“.iij. hundred of vs agayn̄ hem ten̄.
Oure lorde Mahounde hem qwelle!
XL of vs here be ascaped,
And hardde we be bistadde.”— 2616
“Who so wole of hem̄ more be iaped,
I holde him worsse than madde.”
Tho Roulande and Olyue[rh] The peers retire
Maden̄ grete woo and sorowe, 2620 inside the castle,
And token̄ the corps of Sir Bryere taking the corpse of
And beryed it on the morowe. Bryer with them.
Florip«e» asked Roulande anoone Floripas enquires
“Where is my loue Sir Gye?”— 2624 after Guy,
“Damesel” he saide “he is goon̄,
And therfore woo am I.”— and on hearing of his
“Alas” she saide “than am I dede, capture, begins to
Nowe Gye my lorde is slayn̄, 2628 lament despairingly.
Shall I neuer more ete brede
Tille that I may se him̄ agayn̄.”—
“Be stille” q«uo»d Roulande “and haue no
ca[rh], Roland promises to
We shal hym̄ haue ful wele. 2632 rescue Guy.
[p076 GUY IS GOING TO BE HANGED,]
Tomorowe wele we thiderward fa[rh]
With spere and shelde of stele.
But we bringe him to this Tou[rh]—
Leeve me elles no more— 2636
With victorye and grete honou[rh],
Or thay shalle abye it ful sore.” [leaf 66]
On the morowe, whan tha daye was clere,
Laban ordeynede Gye honged to be. 2640 On the following
He cleped forth Sir Tampere morning Laban orders
And badde him do make a Galowe tr«e», Sir Tamper to erect
“And set it even̄ by-fore the tou[rh], a gallows before
That þilke hore may him see; 2644 the castle, where
For by lord Mahounde of honou[rh], Floripas could see it.
This traito«u»r there shalle honged be.
Take withe the .iij. hundred knigħtes
Of Ethiopis, Indens and Ascopartes, 2648
That bene boolde and hardy to fight
With Wifles, Fauchons, Gauylokes[173] and
Dartes;
Leste þat lurdeynes come skulkynge oute,
For ever thay haue bene shrewes. 2652
Loke ech«e» of hem̄ haue sucħ a cloute,
That thay neuer ete moo Sewes.”
Forth thay wente with Sir Gye, Guy is led bound.
That bounde was as a thefe faste, 2656
Tille thay come the tow[rh] ful nye;
Thai rered the Galowes in haste.
Roulande perceyued here doynge
And saide “felows, let armes[174]! 2660 Roland calls his
I am ful gladde of here comynge, companions to arms.
Hem shall not helpe her charmes.”
Oute thai riden a wele gode spede, They rush forth.
Thai ix towarde hem alle. 2664
Florip witħ here maydyns toke gode hede,
Biholdinge over the tou[rh] walle.
Thai met first witħ Sir Tampe[rh],
[p077 BUT IS RESCUED BY ROLAND AND OLIVER.]
God gife him evelle fyne! 2668
Such a stroke lente hym Olyue[rh], Oliver cuts down Sir
He clefe him down̄ to the skyne. Tamper; Roland kills
Rouland bare the kinge of Ynde a king of India,
Ther with his spere frome his stede. 2672
.iiij. fote it passed his bak byhynde,
His herte blode þe[rh] didde he blede.
He caught the stede, he was ful goode,
And the swerde, þat the kinge hadde, 2676 takes his sword and
And rode to Gye, there he stode, horse, [leaf 67] and
And onbounde hym̄ and bade him be gladde. gives them to Guy,
And girde him witħ that goode swerde, having unbound him.
And lepen vppon̄ here stedes. 2680
“Be thou” he saide “righte nougħt a-ferde,
But helpe vs wightly at this nede.” They slay many
An hundred of hem sone thay slowe Saracens, and put the
Of the beste of hem alle; 2684 rest to flight.
The remen«au»nte a-way fast thay flowe,
That foule motte hem byfalle!
Rouland and his Felowes were glad
That Gye was safe in dede. 2688
Thay thanked god, that thay[175] him hadde
Gyfen thay«e»† sucħ grace to spede.
As thay wente towarde the Tou[rh], Retiring towards the
A litil bysyde the hye waye, 2692 castle,
Thai saugh comynge with grete vigou[rh] they see admiral
An hundred vppon̄ a laye.[176] Costroye and
Costroye ther was, the Admyra[l~l], the soudan’s
With vitaile grete plente, 2696 standard-bearer
And the stondarte of the Sowdon̄ Roial. escorting a great
Towarde Mauntrible riden̄ he, convoy, destined for
.iiij. Chariotes I-charged witħ flessh and
brede, the sultan, across a
And two othe[rh] with wyne, 2700 field near the high
Of divers colouris, yolowe, white and rede, road.
And iiij Somers of spicery fyne.
[p078 THE PEERS LAY HOLD OF A CONVOY.]
Tho saide Roulande to Olyue[rh]:
“With these meyne moste we shifte, 2704
To haue parte of here vitailes he[rh],
For therof us nedith by my thrifte.”—
“Howe, sires” he saide “god you see! Roland calls to them
We pray youe for youre curtesye, 2708
Parte of your Vitaile gr«a»unte me, to share the
For we may nother borowe ner bye.” provisions with them.
Tho spake Cosdroye, that Admyral,
“Ye gete none here for nogħt. 2712 Costroye refuses,
Yf ye oght chalenge in specia[l~l],
It most be dere I-boght.”—
“O gentil knightes” q«uo»d Olyuere,
“He is no felowe, þat wole haue alle.” 2716
“Go fortħ” q«uo»d the stondart, “thoᶙ
getist noon here,
Thy parte shalle be fulle smalle.”—
“Forsoth” q«uo»d Roulande “and shift we
wole, [leaf 68]
Gete the better, who gete maye! 2720
To parte with the nedy it is gode skille,
And so shalle ye by my faye.”
He rode to the Admyral witħ his swerde and is slain by
And gafe him suche a cloute, 2724 Roland.
No wonder thogħ he were aferde,
Both his eyȝen̄ braste oute.
Olyuere met withe the proude stondarde,
He smote him througħ the herte. 2728 Oliver kills the
That hade he for his rewarde; standard-bearer.
That wounde gan̄ sore smerte.
Thai were slayn̄, that wolde fight
Er durste bikure abyde. 2732
Thai forsoke her parte anoon̄ rigħt,
It lefte alle on̄ that on̄ side.
Forth thai drewen̄ þat vitaile The convoy is
Streight in-to the Toure. 2736 conveyed into the
There was no man̄ durst hem assayle castle.
For drede of here vigou[rh].
[p079 THE SOUDAN DEFIES HIS GODS.]
Florip«e» hem resceyved w«i»t«h» honou[rh]
And thanked Roulande fele sythe, 2740 Floripas thanks
That she saugħ Gye hir paramou[rh], Roland for bringing
That wolde she him qwite and kith«e». back Sir Guy,
Thai eten̄ and dronken and made hem gladde,
Hem neded ther aftyr fulle sore 2744
Of suche, as god hem sente hade,
I-nowe for iiij moonþes and more. and proposes that he
Florip saide to Roulande than, shall choose himself
“Ye moste chese you a love[177] 2748 a mistress from
Of alle my maydyns, white as swan̄.”— amongst her maidens.
Q«uo»d Rouland “þat were myscheve; But Roland refuses to
Oure lay wole not, þat we w«i»t«h» youe
dele, take any that is no
Tille that ye Cristyn̄ be made; 2752 Christian.
Ner of your play we wole not fele,
For than̄ were we cursed in dede.”
NOWE shall ye here of Laban̄. The soudan, on
Whan tidyngg«es» to him we[rh] comen̄, 2756 hearing such bad news,
Tho was he a fulle sory man̄.
Whan he herde, howe his vitaile were
nomen̄,
And howe his men were slayne,
And Gye was go safe hem̄ froo, 2760 [leaf 69]
He defyed Mahounde and Apolyne, again defies his gods,
Iubiter, Ascarot and Alcaron̄ also.
He co«m»maundede a fire to be digħt and threatens to
With picche and Brymston̄ to bren̄. 2764 throw them into the
He made a vowe with alle his mygħt, flames.
“Thai shal be caste ther-Inne!”
The prestes of he[rh] lawe ther-on̄,
Thai criden̄ oute for drede 2768
And saide “alas, what wole ye done?
The worse than moste ye spede!”
The Sowdon̄ made a grete othe
And swore by his hye trone, 2772
That though hem were never so lotħ,
[p080 RICHARD ARRIVES AT MANTRIBLE.]
Thai sholde be brente Ichon̄.
Tho came the bisshop«e» Cramadas But bishop Cramadas
And kneled bifore the Sowdon̄, 2776 kneels before him and
And charged him by the hye name Sathanas, appeases him.
To saven his goddes ychon̄:
“For if ye brenne youre goddes he[rh],
Ye wynnyn̄ her malison̄, 2780
Than wole no man do yoᶙ che[rh],
In feelde, Cite, ne[rh] in town̄.”
The Sowdon̄ was astonyed þan
And gan him sore repente 2784
Of the foly, that he bygan̄,
And els hade he be shente.
A thousande of Besaunt«es» he offred þaym
to, The soudan makes an
By counsail of sir Cramadas, 2788 offering of 1000
To please witħ his goddys tho, besants to his gods.
For fere of harde grace.
The Sowdone co«m»maunded eu«er»y daye
To assaile the tou[rh] witħ caste. 2792
But thay with-in gafe no«t» an Eye,
For thai wroghte in wast. When Richard arrived
NOWE speke we of Richarde of Normandy, as far as Mantrible,
That on message was sente, 2796 he found the bridge
Howe he spede and his meyne. barred by 24 chains,
Whan he to Mauntrible wente, and Alagolafre
He founde the brigge Ichayned sore; standing before it.
xxiiij^{ti} were ouere-drawen̄. 2800 [leaf 70]
Alagolofure stode there byfore,
That many a man hade slawene.
Whan Richard saugħ, ther was no gate, Determined not to
But by flagot the flode, 2804 leave his errand
His message wolde he not lete; unperformed, he knelt
His hors was botħ bigge and goode. down and commended
He kneled, bisechinge god of his grace, himself to God. A
To save him fro myschiefe. 2808 hind appears
A white hende he saugħ anoon̄ in þ«a»t
place,
[p081 RICHARD CROSSES THE RIVER AND OVERTAKES CHARLES.]
That swam̄ ove[rh] the cliffe. and swims across.
He blessed him in godis name Richard follows her,
And folowed the same waye 2812 and, passing over in
The gentil hende, þat was so tame, safety,
That on̄ þat othir side gan playe.
He thanked god fele syth«e»,
That him hade sente comforte. 2816
He hied him in his message swiþe, hurries on to
To speke witħ Charles his lorde. Charlemagne.
But I shalle yoᶙ telle of a trayto«ur»,
That his name was called Genelyne, 2820
He counseiled Charles for his honou[rh] Meanwhile Genelyn,
To turne homewarde ageyn̄. the traitor, had
He saide “the xij peres bene alle dede, advised Charles to
And ye spende your goode in vayne, 2824 retire to France,
And therfore dotħ nowe by my rede, because the 12 peers
Ye shalle see hem no more certeyn̄.” were all slain. The
The kinge bileved þat he saide, king believed him,
And homwarde gan he fare. 2828 and marched homeward,
He of his xij Dosiperes was sore dismayed, lamenting for his
His herte woxe right fulle of ca[rh]. peers. Richard
Rycharde of Normandy came prikande overtakes him, and is
And hertly to ride begane. 2832 recognised by Charles,
Kinge Charles aspyed him comande;
He c«om»maunded to abide eu«er»y man̄. who asks him about
“What tidingg«es»?” q«uo»d the kinge to
Richarde, the others. Richard
“Howe fare my felowes alle?” 2836 tells the king, how
“My lorde” he saide “god wote, ful harde, they are besieged
For thai be byseged with-in ston-walle, within the castle,
Abydynge youre helpe and you[rh]
socou[rh], and are waiting for
As men þat haue grete nede. 2840 his assistance.
For Ih«es»ues loue, kinge of honou[rh],
Thiderward ye yoᶙ spede!” Charles, vowing
“O Genelyne” q«uo»d the kinge, vengeance on
“Nowe knowe I thy treson̄, 2844 [leaf 71] Genelyn,
I shalle the qwite, be seynte Fremounde,
[p082 CHARLES MARCHES TO AGREMORE.]
Whan̄ this viage is don̄.”
The kinge turned him ageyn̄, turned and marched to
And alle his Ooste him witħ, 2848 Agremore.
Towarde Mountrible certeyne.
And[178] gr«a»unte him gree and grith!
Richarde him tolde of that place,
Howe stronge it was I-holde 2852 Richard informed him
With a geaunte foule of face, of the giant, who
The brigge hath chayned many folde; kept the bridge,
The River was both depe and brode,
Ther myght no man̄ over-ryde. 2856 and how he had passed
“The last tyme that I over-rode, the river by a
By myracle I passed þat tide. miracle.
Therfore sir, I shal yoᶙ telle,
Howe ye mote governe yoᶙ here. 2860
In yonde wode ye moste dwelle He proposed a plan,
Priuely in this mane[rh], that 12 knights
And xij of vs shalle vs araye disguised as
In gyse of stronge marchauntes, 2864 merchants, with
And fille oure somers withe fog and haye,
To passe the brigge Currauntes.
We shalle be armed vnder the cote their arms hidden
With goode swerdes wele I-gyrde, 2868 under their clothes,
We moste paye tribute, wele I wote, should pay the toll,
And elles over we may not sterte. and the bridge being
But whan̄ the chaynes be lete down̄ let down,
Ouer ther for to passe, 2872
Than wole I, þat ye come on̄,
In haste to that same place.
Whan̄ I see tyme for to come,
Than̄ shalle I my horne blowe. 2876 should blow a horn
Loke, ye be redy alle and some, as a signal for the
For that sha[l~l] ye welle knowe.” others to approach.
Forth thay wente in þat araye They start and arrive
To Mountrible, that Cite. 2880 at Mantrible.
[p083 THE BRIDGEWARD OF MANTRIBLE REFUSES TO LET THEM PASS.]
Alagolofu[rh] to hem̄ gan seye, Alagolafre asks
“Felawes, wheder wole ye?” whither they are
Richarde spake to the geaunte going.
And saide “towarde the Sowdon̄, 2884 Richard says, they
With dyu[e]rs chaffe[rh] as trewe
marchaunte, are merchants on
We purpose for to goon̄, their way to the
To shewen him of pellu[rh] and
Gryse,[179] Soudan,
Orfrays of Perse Imperyalle, 2888 [leaf 72]
We wole the yefe tribute of assaye and they are willing
To passe by lycence in especya[l~l].” to pay the toll.
“Licence gete ye noon̄ of me,[180] Alagolafre refuses to
I am charged that noone sha[l~l] passe, 2892 let them pass, and
For x lurdeyns of Fraunce were he[rh]; tells them about the
God yefe hem evell grace! 10 knights, who had
Thay passed this way to Egramou[rh]; passed there and done
Thay haue done the Sowdon̄ grete tene, 2896 so much mischief to
Thay have wonne his toure and his
tresou[rh], the Soudan;
And yet holde thai it, I wene.
Wherfo[rh], felawes, I arest yoᶙ alle, therefore he will
Tille I knowe, what þat ye bene.” 2900 arrest them all.
Sire Focarde brayde oute his swerde
witħ-alle, Sir Focard draws his
Wel sore he gan to tene sword and
And saide “fye on̄ the Sarasyne!
For alle thy grete harde hede 2904
Shaltow never drinke wat«er» ner wyne,
By god! thou shalte be dede.”
He smote at him witħ egre chere smites at him.
But he gafe thereof right nought. 2908
“Alas” q«uo»d Richard “thou combrest vs
he[rh],
By god, that me de[rh] hatħ boghte.”
The cheynes yet we[rh] alle faste,
The geaunte wexe nere wode, 2912
Richard blewe his horne in haste, Richard blows his
That was both shrille and goode. horn, and Charles
Kinge Charles hied him anoon̄ advances.
[p084 ALAGOLAFRE AND BARROCK ARE SLAIN.]
Towarde the brigge so longe; 2916
The Geaunte faught with hem̄ alone,
He was so harde and stronge.
With a Clo[g|] of an̄ Oke he faugħt, Alagolafre fights
That was wele bound with stele. 2920 them with a great oak
He slough al þat eve[rh] he raugħt, club.
So stronge was his dinte to dele. Richard seizes a bar
Richard raught him witħ a bar[rh] of bras, of brass and knocks
That he caught at the gate. 2924 him down.
He brake his legges, he cryed “alas”
And felle alle che[k|]-mate.
Loude than̄ gan̄ he to yelle;
Thay herde him yelle througħ þat Cite, 2928
Like the grete develle of helle,
And saide “Mahounde, nowe helpe me!” [leaf 73]
iiij men him caught the[rh], 4 men get hold of him
So hevy he was and longe, 2932 and throw him into
And cast him ouer in-to the rive[rh]. the river.
Chese he, whither[181] he wolde swy«m»me
or gon[g|]! They loosened the
Anoon̄ thay brast the Chaynes alle, chains;
That ouer the brigge were I-drawe. 2936
The Saresyns ronnen̄ to the walle, but, the Saracens
Many Cristen̄ men were the[rh] I-slawe. assembling on the
Than came forth Dam barro[k|], the bolde, walls of the city,
With a sith«e» large and kene, 2940 many Christians were
And mewe a-down̄ as þikke as shepe in slain. Alagolafre’s
folde, wife, Barrock the
That came byforne hir by-dene. giantess, comes on
This Barro[k|] was a geaunesse, with her scythe and
And wife she was to Astragote, 2944 mows down all whom
She did the Cristen̄ grete distresse, she meets.
She felled downe alle þat she smote.
There durst no man hire sithe abyde,
She grenned like a develle of helle. 2948
Kinge Charles with a quarel þat tide Charles dashes out
Smote hir, that she lowde gan̄ yelle, her brains,
[p085 CHARLES IS SHUT IN IN THE TOWN.]
Euer[182] the founte througħ-oute the
brayn̄;
That cursede fende fille down̄ dede. 2952
Many a man hade she there slayn̄,
Might she never aftyr ete more brede!
Charles entred in the firste warde and with 15 knights
With xv knightis and no moo; 2956 enters the outer gate
Of hym his oste toke no garde, of the town,
He wende his oste hade entred also. thinking his army
The Sarysyns ronne to the gate, would follow him.
And shet it wonder faste. 2960 But the gate was
Charles men̄ come to late; instantly closed upon
Tho was Charles sore agaste. him, and his men came
Betwene two wardes he was shit, too late.
Defende he him if he can̄! 2964
The Sarysyns with him thay mette, Charles was in great
Grete parel was he in than̄. danger;
Tho Genelyne saie, the kinge was inne but Genelyn, seeing
And the yates faste I-stoke, 2968 him shut in,
Ther myght no man̄ to him wynne,
So was he faste witħ-inne I-loke,
To his frendes he gan speke
And saide “the kinge is dede, 2973 [leaf 74] exclaimed
And alle xij peres eke. that the king and
On peyne” said he “to lese my«n» hede, the 12 peers were
Let vs hye to Fraunce warde! dead, and proposed to
For I wele be crownede kinge, 2976 retire, as he wished
I shalle yoᶙ alle wele rewarde, to be king himself.
For I wole spare for no thinge.”
Anoon̄ thay assented to Genelyne,
Thay saugh, ther was no bett«er» rede. 2980
The Frenssh men̄ drewe hem̄ al ayene, They are going to
Thay wende the kinge hade bene dedde. return,
Tho Ferumbras witħ his meyne than̄ but Ferumbras
Came for to seke the kinge, 2984
And saugh hem turne eu«er»y man̄;
[p086 CHARLES IS RESCUED BY FERUMBRAS.]
Him thought, it was a wondir thin[g|].
“Where is the kinge?” q«uo»d Ferumbras.
Q«uo»d Genelyne “with-in the walle, 2988
Shaltowe neue[rh] more seen̄ his face!”
“God gyf the an̄ yvel falle!
Turne agayne, thoᶙ traytoure! calls him a traitour,
And helpe to reskowe thy lorde. 2992
And ye, sires, alle for you[rh]
honou[rh]!” rallies the French,
Thay turned agayne with that worde.
Ferumbras with axe in honde, and with his axe
Myghtyly brake up the gate, 2996 bursts open the gate.
Ther myght laste him noon̄ yron̄ bonde,
He hade ne[rh]-honde I-come to late.
The kinge hadde fought so longe witħ-ynne,
That onnethe myght he no more. 3000
Many ther were abouten̄ him,
His men̄ were wounded ful sore.
Ferumbras came with gode spede,
He made the Sarasyns to fle. 3004 He chased the
He reskowed the kinge at his nede, Saracens and rescued
XL Sarasyns sone killed he. the king.
Thai ronnen a-weye by every side,
Thai durste nowhe[rh] rowte. 3008
In shorte tyme was falled her pride,
Thay caught many a sore cloute.
That Cite was wo«n»ne that same daye, Mantrible is taken,
And every tou[rh] ther-ynne 3012
Of Mountreble, þat was so gaye,
For alle he[rh] soubtile gynne, [leaf 75]
Fulle of tresou[rh] and richesse, with all its engines
Of Siluer and goolde and per[rh], 3016 and treasures.
And clothes of goolde, wroght of
Saresynes,
Of riche aray and roialte. Richard found 2
Richarde, Duke of Normandy, children of 7 months
Founde ij Children of .vij. monþes
oolde,[183] 3020 old and
[p087 HE HURRIES ON TO AGREMORE.]
xiiij fote longe we[rh] thay, 4 feet high.
Thay we[rh] Barrakes so«n»nes so boolde; They were sons of
Bygote thay we[rh] of Astragot. Barrock, begotten by
Grete joye the kinge of he«m» hade. 3024 Astragot.
Hethen̄ thay we[rh] botħ, wele I wote,
Therfore hem̄ to be cristenede he bade. Charles caused them
He called þat one of hem Roulande, to be baptized, and
And that other he cleped Olyue[rh]: 3028 called the one Roland
“For thai shalle be myghty men of honde.” and the other Oliver.
To kepen̄ hem, he was fulle chere.
Thay myght not leve, her Dam was dede; But they soon died
Thai coude not kepe hem fortħ. 3032
Thai wolde neyþer ete butt«er» nere brede,
Ner no men̄[184] was to hem worthe.
He[rh] Da«m»mes mylke they lakked the[rh], for want of their
Thay deyden for defaute of here dam. 3036 mother’s milk.
Kinge Charles made hevy che[rh],
And a sory man̄ was than.
The kinge lete ordeyne anoon̄,
The Cite to be gouerne[d+] 3040
Of the worthyest of hem̄ ychon̄,
That weren of wer[rh] best lerne[d+].
Duke Richarde of Normandy, The king appoints
He was made chief gou«er»nou[rh]; 3044 Richard governor of
And ij C with him in hys company the city,
To kepe the brigge and tou[rh].
Fortħ he rode to laban̄ than̄, and hurries on
With his Ooste and Si[rh] Ferumbras. 3048 to Agremore with
A spye to the Sowdon̄ fast ran his army and with
And tolde him al that cas, Ferumbras.
How Charles was come with his ost,
And Mountrible hade he wonne, 3052
“Alagolofur slayn̄ is for alle his bost,
This game was evel begon̄.”
Whane laban herde of his comynge,
[p088 FLORIPAS RECOGNISES THE FRENCH BANNER.]
Him thought his herte gan breke. 3056
“Shalle I never be withoute moornynge, [leaf 76]
Tille I of him be wreke.”
He co«m»maunded to blowe his Claryons
To assemble alle his Ooste. 3060
His counsaile to him he lete calle
And tolde, how kinge Charles was in þat
coost, Laban, being told by
Hadde wonne Mountrible and slayn̄ his men a spy that his city
“And dishirytħ to disheryte me, 3064 was taken and the
And proudely manessith me to fleen̄, bridge-ward killed,
Or drive me oute of this contr«e».
Me mervaylythe moch of his pride.
By Mahounde, moost of mygħt! 3068
Ye and my sone withe him doth ride,
To the develle I hem bedigħt.
But I be venget of hem both swears to avenge him.
And honge hem̄ on a tree, 3072
To myghty Mahounde I make myne othe,
Shalle I never Joyfulle be.
Therfore I charge yoᶙ in alle wyse He calls a council,
That thay be taken or slayn̄. 3076 and charges his
Thane shalle I py«n»ne heme at my gyse barons to take
And don̄ hem alle qwike be flayn̄.” Charles alive that
On the morowe, whan it was day, he might flay him.
Kinge Charles was in the felde, 3080 Charles approaches.
Byfore Agremou[rh] in riche aray
On stede witħ spe[rh] and sheelde.
Floripe lay on the tou[rh] on̄ hye Floripas first
And knewe the bane[rh] of Fraunce. 3084 recognises the banner
To Roulande she gan faste crye of France
Tidynges of goode chaunce:
“Kinge Charles is comen and Ferumbras, and tells the others.
Here baners botħ I do see, 3088
With alle her oste yonde[rh] in þat place;
Welcome to vs thay alle be.”
Roulande and Olyuere
[p089 CHARLES DISMOUNTS LABAN AND LEADS HIM TO AGREMORE.]
Arayed hem for to ride; 3092 Roland and all his
And here felawes alle in fe[rh], companions sally
To Charles thay gon̄ that tyde. forth to meet
Laban come forth with his mayne, Charlemagne. Laban
Saresyns, that were ful felle, 3096 draws up all his
Turkes, Indens, and Arabye people
Ye and of the Ethiopes like the develes of
helle.
There were stronge wardes sette [leaf 77]
By ordynaunce of dyuers batayle. 3100 in battle-order.
Whan thay to geder were met,
Eythir othir sore gan̄ assayle.
Ther were Saresyns al to-hewe; The French make a
Roulande sloughe many one. 3104 great slaughter of
Thay lay so thikke dede on rewe, the Saracens.
That onneþe myghte men ride or goon̄.
Kinge Charles met with Laban̄ Charles encounters
And bare him down̄ of his stede, 3108 the Soudan, unhorses
He lighted down̄ and ceased him than̄, him,
He thought to qwite him his mede.
He brayde oute Mown̄joye wytħ gode wille
And wolde have smeten of his hede, 3112 and would have cut
Ferumbras prayde him to abyde stille,
To crysten̄ him, er he we[rh] dede. off his head, but
The Saresyns saughe Laban take, for Ferumbras, who
Thay fledden̄ away fulle faste. 3116 requested that
Lenger durste thay no maistryes make, his father might
Thai were so sore agaste. be baptized. The
The Cristen̄ hem chased to and fro, Saracens, seeing
As a grehounde doth the hare. 3120 Laban a prisoner,
.iij. c. ascaped with moche woo, fly; but the
To Belmore gan thay fa[rh]. Christians pursue
Kinge Charles ladde Laban̄ them. 300 escaped to
In-to Agremou[rh] Cite. 3124 Belmarine. Charles
And whan̄ þat he the[rh] came leads Laban to
A ful sory man was he. Agremore. Floripas
His doghter welcomed him welcomes her father,
[p090 FLORIPAS BRINGS OUT THE SACRED RELICS.]
W«i»t«h» right gode che[rh].[185] 3128
He loked on hir al grymme, but he is enraged at
As he wode wroth we[rh], seeing her.
And saide “fye on the, stronge hore,
Mahounde confounde the!” 3132
Charles saide “here-of no more,
But let us nowe mery be!”—
“Sir” she saide thanne, She then bids
“Welcome ye be into this tou[rh]! 3136 Charlemagne welcome,
Here I presente to you, as I can, and presents the holy
Relikes of grete honou[rh], relics to him.
That were at Rome I-wonnen̄
And broght into this halle. 3140
That game was evel bygo«n»nen̄,
It sithen rewed us alle.” [leaf 78]
Kinge Charles kneled adown̄
To kisse the Relikes so goode, 3144 Charles kisses them,
And badde the[rh] an̄ oryson̄ and says a prayer;
To that lorde, þat deyde on̄ rode. he then thanks
And þanked Floripe witħ al his herte, Floripas for her
That she hade saued his meyne 3148 assistance to his
And holpe hem oute of peynes smerte knights, and for
And kepte the Relekes so fre. having preserved the
Kinge Charles did calle bisshop«e» Turpyn̄ precious relics. He
And bade him ordeyne a grete fat, 3152 orders Turpin to
To baptyse the Sowdon̄ yne; prepare a vessel,
“And loke what he shalle hat. wherein to baptize
Unarme him faste and bringe him ne[rh], the Soudan
I shal his godfader be. 3156
Fille it fulle of wate[rh] cle[rh],
For Baptysed shalle he be.
Make him naked as a Childe,
He moste plunge ther-inne. 3160
For now most he be meke and mylde, and to wash off his
And I-wassh awaye his synne.” sin in the water.
[p091 LABAN IS SLAIN, AND FLORIPAS WEDDED TO GUY.]
Turpyn toke him by the honde Turpin leads Laban to
And ladde him to the fonte. 3164 the font,
He smote the bisshope witħ a bronde but the Soudan
And gaf him an evel bronte. strikes at him,
He spitted in the water cle[rh] spits on the vessel,
And cryed oute on hem alle, 3168 utters invectives
And defied alle þat cristen̄ we[rh]. against all
That foule mote him by-falle! Christians,
“Ye and thoᶙ, hore serpentyne,
And that fals cursed Ferumbras, 3172 and curses Ferumbras.
Mahounde gyfe hem botħ evel endyn[g|],
And almyghty Sathanas!
By you came all my sorowe,
And al my tresure for-lorne. 3176
Honged be ye both er tomorowe!
In cursed tyme were ye born̄.”
Ferumbras saide to the kinge,
“Sir, ye see, it wole not be, 3180
Lete him take his endynge,
For he loueth not Cristyante.”
“Duke Neymes” q«uo»d Charles tho, Charles commands
“Loke þat execucion̄ be don̄, 3184 Naymes to cut off his
Smyte of his hedde! god gyfe him woo! head. [leaf 79]
And goo we to mete anoone.”
It was done as the kinge co«m»maunde, He is executed; his
His soule was fet to helle, 3188 soul goes to hell,
To daunse in þat sory lande there to dance with
With develes, þat we[rh] ful felle. devils.
Dame Florip was Baptysed than̄
And here maydyns alle, 3192 Floripas was baptized
And to Sir Gye I-maryed. with all her maidens,
The Barons honoured hir alle. and wedded to Guy.
Alle the londe of Spayne Charles divided Spain
Kinge Charles gyfe hem̄ two, 3196 between Guy and
To departe bitwyxt hem twayne, Ferumbras,
Ferumbras and Gȳ also.
[p092 CHARLES RETURNS TO FRANCE.]
And so thay livede in ioye and game,
And brethern̄ both thay we[rh], 3200
In pees and wer[rh] both I-same,
The[rh] durste no man̄ hem de[rh].
Kinge Charles turned home agayn̄
Towarde his contr«e», 3204
He charged Sir Brye[rh] of Bretayne and charges Sir Bryer
His tresoure[rh] for to be: of Bretayne to take
To kepe the Relikes of grete pris care of the relics,
And his other tresou[rh], 3208 and to bring all his
And bringe hem safe to Parys, treasure to Paris.
There to a-bide in store.
He saide “farewell, Sir Ferumbras,
Ye and Gye, my dere frende! 3212 After taking leave of
And thy wyf Dame Floripas! Guy and Floripas,
For to Fraunce nowe wole I wende.
Be ye togeder as breth[e]rn̄ botħ!
No man̄ ye neditħ to drede, 3216
Be ye nevere to-gedere wrotħ,
But eyther helpe othir at his nede.
Vysityth me, whan̄ ye haue space;
In-to Fraunce makitħ your disporte, 3220
God wole you sende the bett«er» grace,
In age to do me comforte.”
Thai toke leve of the kinge,
With ful hevy che[rh], 3224
And turned agayn̄ botħ mornynge,
With wepynge water cle[rh].
Kinge Charles with the victory he sails to Mounpeler,
Sailed to Mou«n»peleres, 3228
And thanked almyghty god in glorye, [leaf 80] where he
That he hade saued his Dosiperes, thanks God for the
And fende him of the Saresynes victory,
The hyer honde to have, 3232
For alle here strenghe[186] and he[rh]
Engynes
[p093 GENELYN IS HANGED AT PARIS.]
The Relikes of Rome to saue. and for the relics.
At oure lady of Parys He presents the
He offred the Crosse so fre; 3236 cross to Paris, the
The Crown̄ he offred at seynte Denyse, Crown to St. Denis,
At Boloyne the nayles thr«e». the three nails to
Alle his Barons of him we[rh] gladd, Boulogne.
Thai gafe him grete presente. 3240
For he so wele hade I-spedde,
Thay did him grete reuerence. Charles well
The kinge hade wel in mynde remembered the
The tresone of Genelyne, 3244 treachery of Genelyn,
Anoon̄ for him he dide sende
To yefe him an evel fyne:
“Thou traito«ur» unkynde” q«uo»d the
kynge,
“Remembrist thoᶙ not how ofte 3248
Thou hast me betrayed, þ«o»u fals
Genelyne?
Therfore thoue shalt be honged on lofte!—
Loke that the execucion̄ be don̄,
That throgh Parys he be drawe, 3252 and ordered him to be
And honged on hye on mou«n»t Fawcon̄, drawn and hanged at
As longeth to traytoures by lawe; Montfaucon in Paris.
That alle men shall take hede,
What deth trayto«ur»ys sha[l~l] fele, 3256
That assente to such falshede,
Howe the wynde here bodyes shal kele.” Thus Charles
Thus Charles conquered Laban̄, conquered the Soudan
The Sowdon̄ of Babyloyne, 3260 of Babylone.
That riche Rome stroyed and wan̄
And alle the brode londe of Spayn̄.
[187] . . . . . .[an]d of his Barons
. . . . . . .[hi]s pride 3264
. . . . . . . .eligons
. . . . . . . .þat tyde
. . . . . . .on Charles soule
. . . . . . .s also 3268
[p094 CONCLUSION.]
. . . . . . .Peter and Poule
God lete hem never wete of woo! [leaf 81]
But brynge here soules to goode reste!
That were so worthy in dede. 3272
And gyf vs ioye of the beste, God give joy to all
That of here gestes rede! who read this romance.
Here endithe the Romaunce of the Sowdon of Babyloyne and of Ferumbras
his sone who conquerede Rome, And Kynge Charles off Fraunce withe xij.
Dosyperes toke the Sowdon in the feelde And smote of his heede.
FOOTNOTES:
[89] «Read»: myghtes
[90] «MS.» dōō
[91] «leaf worn.»
[92]–† «See the note.»
[93] «See the note.»
[94] «or» Ar
[95] «See the note.»
[96] «See the note.»
[97] «looks like» hound.
[98] «Read» ‘wide’
[99] «sic.»? assaute.
[100] «MS.» M^l
[101] «This line in a much later hand.»
[102] «Read»: were ordeyned
[103] Estragote
[104] «Read»: reste
[105] «See the note.»
[106] «MS.» Oost «corrected to» Cost.
[107] «Read»: a ras.
[108] «See the note.»
[109] «Read»: We
[110] «MS.» Berumbras.
[111] «See the note.»
[112] «Read»: ‘without faile.’
[113] «See the note.»
[114] «Read»: ‘a ras.’
[115] «MS.» met.
[116] «See the note.»
[117] «MS. is rubbed, but it looks more like» welawai.
[118] «Read»: ‘reliqes.’
[119] «A modern hand has written in the margin» “Mount.”
[120] «See the note.»
[121] «Insert»: ‘gan.’
[122] «Read»: ‘sone.’
[123] «Read»: ‘lefe.’
[124] «Read»: ‘as thenketh.’
[125] «Blank in MS. See the note.»
[126] «MS.» deistowe.
[127] «Read»: ‘free.’
[128] «MS.» ensuce.
[129] «See the note.»
[130]–† «See the note.»
[131] «Probably an error for» ‘half.’
[132] «In the margin the Scribe adds»:—‘The merci Ladi helpe.’
[133] «See the note.»
[134] «Read»: ‘soghten.’
[135]–†: «See the note.»
[136] «Read»: ‘caughte.’
[137] As«c»opartes.
[138] «Miswritten for» ‘bounde«n».’
[139] ‘was.’
[140] «Read»: ‘dirke.’
[141] «Read»: ‘mente.’
[142] «Read»: ‘trew.’
[143] «Read»: ‘harme & skathe.’
[144] «See the note.»
[145] «Sic in MS. Query»—‘char«g»e.’
[146] «Read»: ‘byleven.’
[147] «Read»: ‘reliqes.’
[148] «Read»: ‘I dyne.’ «See the note.»
[149] «Sic in MS. Read»: ‘ye.’
[150]–† «These two lines are written as one in the MS.»
[151] MS. i^ouste.
[152] «Miswritten for» ‘were’?
[153] «MS.» strowde.
[154] «Read»: ‘a-«w»apide.’
[155] «Read»: ‘Assye.’
[156] «See the note.»
[157] «These two lines are written as one in the MS.»
[158] «See the note.»
[159] «See the note.»
[160] «Read»: ‘lafte.’
[161] «See the note.»
[162] «See the note.»
[163] «See the note.»
[164] «MS.» mete.
[165]? I now.
[166] «Read»: ‘went.’
[167]? Me.
[168]? ‘When.’
[169] «Read»: ‘wende.’
[170]? ‘while.’
[171]? xj.
[172] «See the note.»
[173] «MS.» Gamylokes.
[174] «Read»: ‘as armes.’
[175]-† «See the note.»
[176] «MS.» ‘alaye.’ «See the note.»
[177] «Read»: ‘leve.’
[178] «Read»: ‘God.’
[179] «Read»: ‘gray.’
[180] «See the note.»
[181]? ‘whether.’
[182] «Read» ‘over.’
[183] «See the note.»
[184] «Read»: ‘mete.’
[185] «These two lines are written as one in the MS.»
[186] «Read»: ‘streng«t»he’
[187] «A corner of the leaf torn off.»
[p095]
NOTES.
Page 1, line 1. «myghteste», evidently an error of the scribe for
«myghtes», cf. ll. 1635, 1312, 3068, 2546, 1200, 2059; and «Syr
Ferumbras», l. 2719.
“Nov help hem þe heȝ kyng of hevene,
Þat art of miȝtes most.”
«God in glorie» occurs again in l. 3229; cf. the French expression
«Damedeu de glore»; «Fierabras» 2332.
p. 1, l. 2. «made» and «wroght» in l. 5 are the 2nd person sing.
preterite, which in all other instances in this poem ends in «-est».
But perhaps we might suppose a change of person here, and regard «made»
and «wroght» as the third person. For examples of the change of person
see «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 2719, 4393, and «Guy of Warwick», ed. Zupitza,
l. 2324.
p. 1, l. 7. «shulde to love»; «to» before an infinitive, governed by an
auxiliary verb, is pretty common in Middle English works. See Zupitza’s
note to Guy, 1925.
p. 1, l. 9. «ȝyfe.» This is the only instance of «ȝ» being written in
the present poem at the beginning of a word. «ȝife» is written «if» in
all other passages of the poem, cf. ll. 550, 651, 763, and 1061, etc.
As to the pronunciation of «ȝ» in the middle of a word, it is doubtful,
whether it had still preserved its ancient guttural sound, or not, as
the same words are written sometimes with it and sometimes without
it, and are often made to rhyme with words in which «ȝ» or «gh» would
be etymologically incorrect; e. g. «nye», which is spelt «nyȝe» in l.
2284, rhymes with «Gye», in l. 2657. We even find «whiȝte», in l. 2289,
instead of «white» (l. 2008: «smyte»). At the end of a word «ȝ» has the
sound of «s».
p. 1, l. 13. «idoone.» The prefix «i-», O.E. «ge-», sometimes occurs in
this poem, but more frequently it is not written; see «Introduction»,
p. xxxviii.
p. 1, l. 14. cf. l. 2516.—ll. 1–14 may be said to contain the moral
of the whole poem, which we know the romance writers to be very fond
of placing at the beginning of their works. “La moralité de tout un
poème,” says Léon Gautier, in his «Epopées Françaises», I. 233, “est
quelquefois exprimée dans ses premiers vers.” [p096]
p. 1, l. 16. «moch» = «much» (as in l. 754) is the usual spelling in
this poem. We likewise find «meche», l. 179, and «mikille», l. 1016.
p. 1, l. 19, «his» refers to «Rome».
p. 1, l. 22. Laban, the father of Ferumbras, is styled «sowdan» only in
this poem, and once in the «Destruction de Rome», l. 1436:
“Les noveles en vindrent al «soldan» diffaié.”
The French, the Provençal and the English version of «Sir Ferumbras»
all agree to call him «amyral» or «amirans».
p. 1, l. 24. The mention of King Louis and of the abbey of St. Denis
(l. 27) seems to be an imitation of the «Destruction», l. 7 «et seq.»:
“Le chanchon est perdue et le rime fausee,
Mais . . li «rois Louis», dont l’alme est trespassee
—Ke li fache pardon la verge honoree—
Par lui et par Gautier est l’estoire aunee
Et le chanchon drescie, esprise et alumee
A «saint Dynis» de France premierement trovee.”
St. Denis also occurs in the beginning of the French «Fierabras», l. 4:
“A «Saint Denis» en France fu li raules trouvés.”
Cf. besides note to l. 26. «witnessith» = attests, testifies; cf.
Stratmann, p. 645. It occurs again in l. 1489.
p. 2, l. 25. «Romaunce», the French or «Romance» language. We often
find the authors of romances, both of translations and of imitations
from the French, referring to the original; cf. «Syr Eglamour of
Artoys», sign. E i:
“His own mother there he wedde,
In Romaunce as we rede.”
Again, fol. ult.:
“In Romaunce this cronycle is.”
[Quoted by Warton, «History of English Poetry», II. 146, footnote.]
p. 2, l. 26. «bokes of antiquyte». This is to be regarded as one of
those frequent assertions of the authors of these poems, who in order
to give more credit to their tales, thought it necessary to affirm
their antiquity and celebrity in old times. Cf. Gautier, «Epop. Fr.»,
II. 87: “Il fut de bon ton d’annoncer, au commencement de chaque
poème, qu’on avait trouvé la matière de ce poème dans quelque vieux
manuscrit latin, dans quelque vieille chronique d’abbaye, surtout dans
les manuscrits et dans les chroniques de Saint-Denis. On se donnait
par là un beau vernis de véracité historique. Plus les trouvèrent
ajoutaient aux chansons primitives d’affabulations ridicules, plus ils
s’écriaient: ‘Nous avons trouvé tout cela dans un vieux livre.’”
p. 2, l. 27. «Seinte Denyse» is the genitive depending on «abbey».
p. 2, l. 28. «there as» = where, or where that. See Koch, «Englische
Grammatik», II. § 511.
p. 2, l. 29. «Laban.» So the father of Ferumbras is called in the
«Destruction de Rome», where only in six passages (ll. 891, 899, 1116,
1194, 1174, 981) we find the form «Balan», which is the only one used
in the French «Fierabras», in the Provençal version, and in the English
[p097] «Syr Ferumbras».—«of hie degre»; this kind of expletive occurs
again in l. 100: «clerk of hie degre»; cf. also l. 168: «king of hie
honour».
p. 2, l. 31. «Cristiante» = the company of Christians, the countries
inhabited by Christians, cf. ll. 235, 374. It signifies “the religion
taught by Christ” in l. 3182. «Cristiante» and «Christendom» are used
promiscuously in Middle English writers.
p. 2, l. 33. «Agremare» : «there». The rhyme becomes perfect by reading
«Agremore» : «thore», which we find in l. 1805; cf. also l. 1003
«Agremore» : «more» («i. e.» negro), and ll. 672, 775, 2140, 2895.
p. 2, l. 34. «Flagot.» See «Index of Names», s. v. Flagot, and cf. note
to l. 1723.
p. 2, l. 37. This line is too long, nevertheless it seems to be
correct as it stands, clearly imitated from several passages of the
«Destruction de Rome».
l. 420. “Ensamble ou li issirent xv roi corone. Et xiiii amaceours . .”
l. 1155. “Bien i ad xxx rois et xiiii amaceours.”
l. 689. “xxx roi sont ou li et xiiii amaceours.”
l. 163. “Et xiiii amaceours.”
p. 2, l. 41. «hit» instead of «it» is found again in l. 2309; in all
the other instances «it» is spelt as in modern English.
p. 2, l. 42. «pryke», to spur a horse, to excite, to spur or to
stimulate. It is O.E. «prician», which occurs in Ælfric’s Grammar,
ed. Zupitza, p. 174 («pungo» = «ic pricige»). This and the following
line are imitated from Chaucer; cf. C.T. Prologue, ll. 10, 11, and see
«Introduction», p. xlvi. «Kynde» = naturalis, ingenuus; «kynde wit» =
common sense. «Kynde» is O.E. «cynde» (Modern English «kind»).
p. 2, l. 73. «frith» means “forest,” or more correctly “enclosed wood.”
The original sense of «forest» is “unenclosed wood” (see Diez, «Etymol.
Wörterbuch», I. 185). Stratmann, «Dict.» p. 228, «s. v.» frið, seems
to be right in connecting «frith» with O.E. «frið», «freoðo» = pax,
tutela, saeptum. Morris, «Allit. Poems», Glossary, derives it from the
Gaelic «frith». “«frith» is still used in Provincial English, meaning
unused pasture-land, brushwood” (Halliwell).
p. 2, l. 45. «yȝe» (O.E. êagum) : «flye» (O.E. flêogan). With regard to
the power of «ȝ», see the note to l. 9, and cf. the spelling «eyen» in
ll. 826, 1302, 2012.
p. 2, l. 46. «tre» may be singular (O.E. «trêowe») as well as plural
(O.E. «trêowum»).
p. 2, l. 49. The following lines (49–53) correspond with ll. 94–100 of
the «Destruction», which run as follows:
“Li admirals d’Espaigne s’est ales desporter
As puis sur Aigremore, avec li. M. Escler;
La fist ses ours salvages a ses hommes berser.
La veissies meint viautre, maint brachet descoupler,
Payens et Ascopars as espees jouer,
Coure par le marine et chacier maint sengler,
Maint ostour veisies et maint falcon voler.”
[p098]
p. 2, l. 50. «shope», literally “shaped:” «he shope him», “he got
himself ready, he planned, devised, intended.” The phrase is of
frequent occurrence in Chaucer.
p. 2, l. 52. «bawson», badger. For the use of badgers, see Skeat’s note
to «Specimens of English Literature», p. 383.
p. 2, l. 56. «Alaunts», a kind of large dogs of great strength and
courage, used for hunting the wolf, the bear, the boar, &c. Cf.
“Aboute his chare wente white alauntz
Twenty and mo, as grete as any stere,
To hunte at the lyoun or at the bere.”
«Chaucer», ed. Morris, II. 66/1290.
According to Diez («Etymol. Wörterb.», I. 12, «s. v.» “alano”)
«alaunts» means “Albanian dogs.” «Lymmeris», “blood-hounds.” Halliwell
quotes the following passage: “A dogge engendred betwene an hounde
and a mastyve, called a lymmer or a mongrell.” «Lymmer» is the French
«limier», O.Fr. «liemier», which etymologically means a dog that a
courser leads by a lime, «i. e.» a thong or leash. «Lime» is the same
word as French «lien», a leash; Latin «ligamen». «Lymmer» is preserved
in Modern English «limer», a “lime-hound.”
p. 2, l. 56. «Rache» and «brache» are both retained in the modern
speech; «rache» seems to be particularly used in Scotland. “«Brache»
is said to signify originally a bitch hound—the feminine of «rache»,
a foot-scenting dog” (Morris, «Gawayne», Gloss. p. 89). «Rache» is,
according to Stratmann, O.Icel. «rakki»; «brache» is O.Fr. «braque»,
M.H.Ger. «braccho». Cf. also Halliwell’s Dict. «s. v.» “brach.” The
French «racaille» is etymologically connected with «rache»; see Diez,
«Etym. Wörterb.», II. 407.
p. 2, l. 57. «commaunde» for «commaunded» (l. 228), formed on the
same analogy as «comforte» (l. 2242) for «comforted» (ll. 312, 2117),
«aliȝt» for «alighted»; «gerde» for «girded»; «graunte» (l. 607) for
«graunted», etc.
p. 2, l. 59. «fere», O.E. «f[^æ]ran» (Mod. Eng. «fear»), is an active
verb, meaning “to frighten, to terrify.” It is still found in this
sense in Shakespeare.—«launde» : «commaunde». The very same rhyme
occurs again in l. 3189, where «launde» is spelt «lande». The rhyme
need not cause any difficulty, cf. Guy, p. xi. κ. Or must «launde» be
taken here for «lande» = saltus? Cf. Morris, Gloss. to «Allit. Poems»,
«s. v.» launde.
p. 3, l. 62. «set», means “seat, sedes”; O.Icel. «set», O.H.G. «sez»,
M.H.G. «sitz». This stanza as it stands seems to be incorrect, there
being no rhyme to «sete»; possibly a line has been lost after l. 63.
p. 3, l. 67. The subject of the sentence is wanting. For more instances
see Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 10. It is to be observed that for the
most part the subject wanting is of the same person as the object of
the preceding sentence.—«he was god and trew of divers langages» = “he
well knew, understood them perfectly.”
p. 3, l. 68. «dromonde» : «poundis». Read «dromounde» (which occurs l.
125): «pounde» (see l. 2336). [p099]
p. 3, l. 69. We find «fro» and «from» in this poem. Both belong to
the Midland dialect. «Fro» is confirmed by the rhyme «fro» : «so»
(l. 2760). It is derived from the Scandinavian «fra»; Mod. Eng. has
retained it in “froward,” and in the phrase “to and fro.” The same word
enters as a prefix into composition in O.E. compounds, as «fr-ettan»,
etc. «Babyloyne», the author pronounced «Babyloyne» as well as
«Babylone» (either rhyming, cf. ll. 30, 3260).
p. 3, l. 74. «qweynte», “famous, excellent,” cf. Skeat, «Etymol. Dict.»
p. 482, «s. v.» quaint. «for the nones», “for the nonce, for the
occasion.” Cf. Zupitza’s note to «Guy», 612; it is often used as a kind
of expletive.
p. 3, l. 75. «to presente you.» The «Destruction de Rome» has: “vous
quidai presenter.”
p. 3, l. 76. French: “Uns vens nous fist à Rome parmi le far sigler.”
«Destr.» l. 120.
p. 3, l. 77. Cf. «Destr.» ll. 115–16. See «Introduction», p. xxiii.
p. 3, l. 78. About the rhyme «Rome» : «one», see «Introduction», p.
xliii.
p. 3, l. 79. «bygone», “afflicted, pressed hard;” literally it means,
“overrun, covered.” Cf. Shakespeare, «Julius Caesar»:
“Even such a one,
So pale, so spiritless, and woe-begone.”
p. 3, l. 82. «vilane» : «remedye». Read «vilanye», as in l. 2577,
where it rhymes with Gye, see «Introduction», p. xliv, and Ellis,
«Pronunciation», I. 271.
p. 3, l. 83. «colde», used here and in l. 91 in nearly the same sense
as in the expressions collected by Zupitza, in his note to «Guy», 1149.
p. 3, l. 84. «tithynge.» So with «th» in ll. 1787, 714, 783; in ll.
65, 91, 149, 324, etc., we read «tidinge». There are several instances
where «d» and «th» in the middle of a word seem to be promiscuously
used in this poem; as «hithire» l. 1265, «hider» 1869 (cf. also
«dogdir» 2580, and «doghter» 96, 124, etc.).
p. 3, l. 86. Mahounde, Appolyn and Termagant are the principal deities
(cf. ll. 2105, 2177, 2761) of the Mahometans, who were considered
as pagans = «payens» (ll. 535, 1040) or «paynym» (ll. 539, 866,
etc.). Other idols of the Saracens are mentioned in ll. 2761–2 of
the «Sowdone». Compare also Gautier’s note to l. 8, of his «Edition
critique de la Chanson de Roland», and Skeat, «Prioress’s Tale»
(Clarendon P.S.), 161/2000.
p. 3, l. 88. «theyme» instead of «hem» occurs only three times in the
poem (ll. 88, 1237, 2787). There must be some corruption here, as there
is no rhyme to «theym». The last stanza ends at l. 87, and the next one
begins at l. 89. As far as the sense is concerned we could easily do
without this line; it ought perhaps to be regarded as spurious.
p. 3, l. 93. «Ferumbras» is spelt differently in the different versions
of the romance. In the «Sowdan» we always find «Ferumbras», in the
Ashmole MS. «Ferumbras» and «Fyrumbras». He is called «Fierabras»
in the French [p100] «Ferabras» in the Provençal version; the
«Destruction» has «Fierabras», but more frequently «Fierenbras». In
Caxton’s «Life of Charles the Great» his name is «Fyerabras», Skelton
has «Pherumbras», Lyndsay «Pharambras», and in Barbour’s «Bruce» we
read «Ferambrace»; see «Introduction», pp. xxv and xxxii.
p. 4, l. 99. «Oliborn.» This name does not occur in any other version
of this poem. The same is the case with regard to «Espiard», l. 103.
None of the French versions gives any name to the Soudan’s messenger.
In the Ashmole MS. l. 3823, the messenger is called «Malyngryas».
p. 4, l. 102. «Assye» = Asia. This name does not occur in the other
versions of the poem; cf. note to l. 1000.
p. 4, l. 103. Cf. the «Destruction», l. 202:
“Par tote la terre sont li baron mande”
«ferre and nere», cf. ll. 117, 996, and the note to l. 528 of «Syr
Ferumbras».
p. 4, l. 104. «frike», “quick, bold,” O.E. «frec». See Stratmann,
«Dictionary», p. 225.
p. 4, l. 108. «Þon.» Compare «Introduction», p. xxxvii.
p. 4, l. 109. The passage is not clear. Perhaps there is some
corruption here and we ought to read: «anon rowte», “assembled quickly,
immediately”; «rowte» would then be the preterite formed on the analogy
of «lighte», «graunte», «commaunde», etc. See «Introduction», p.
xxxviii.
p. 4, l. 110. «Destruction», l. 217:
“Par C fois M payen.”
p. 4, l. 112. «douȝte» : «route». See «Introduction», p. xliv, and note
to l. 9.
p. 4, l. 113. «Lucafer» is the name of the Saracen King in all the
versions of this romance but in the French one, where with the single
exception of one passage (l. 2242 «Lucafer»), he is always called
«Lucifer», cf. «Introd.» p. xx.
p. 4, l. 114. «lorde and governoure.» This repetition of the same idea
by two synonymous words, the one of English and the other of French
origin, is very common in M.E. writers. Thus we read in this poem, l.
2164 «lorde and sire», l. 225 «serchid and sought», ll. 3199, 1936
«joye and game», l. 742 «wel and fine».
p. 4, l. 118. A «carrik» was a kind of large ship, called «caraca» in
Italian, «carraca» in Spanish and Portuguese, «carraque» in French,
«kraecke» in Dutch. The etymology is not clear. See Diez, «Etymol.
Wörterb.», I. 112. Halliwell has ‘«carrack», a Spanish galleon.
Sometimes English vessels of great value and size were so called.’
p. 4, l. 119. «Destruction», l. 385:
“Par vii fois sont C mil, si l’estoire ne ment.”
p. 4, l. 124. «his faire daughter Floripas.» Floripas is described as
follows in the «Destruction», ll. 252–262:
“Aitant es vous la bele ou il n’out qu’enseignier
Vestue d’un diapre, onke ne vi tant chier, [p101]
Ses crins sur ses epaules plus lusoient d’or mier,
Sa char out bele et blanke plus que noifs en fevrier,
Les oes avoit plus noirs que falcon montenier,
Et le colour vermaile con rose de rosier,
La bouche bien seant et douce pour baisier,
Et les levres vermailes come flour de peskier;
Les mameles out dures com pomme de pomnier,
Plus sont blanches que noifs que chiet apres fevrier;
Nuls hom ne porroit ja sa grant bealte preisier.”
Compare also the French «Fierabras», ll. 2007, «et seq.»
p. 4, l. 128. This line is clearly imitated from the «Destruction», ll.
331–2:
“En sa main .i. baston que contremont bailie,
Et manace François pour faire les loye.”
Cf. «Introduction», p. xxiii.
p. 5, l. 131. «breddes», “birds”; «l» and «r» very often change their
place in a word. Thus we find «worlde» and «wrolde», «crafti» and
«carfti», etc.
p. 5, l. 132. «sowdon» and «sowdan» are used promiscuously in the
rhymes.
p. 5, l. 146. «Destruction», ll. 445–6:
“N’i remeigne chastels, dongeons ne fermete
Moustiers ne abbeie que ne soit embrase.”
p. 5, l. 150. Compare the «Destruction», ll. 503–4:
“L’apostoile de Rome ad la novele oie
Ke payen sont venu els plains de Romanie.”
p. 5, l. 157. «unknowne» makes no sense. Perhaps we ought to read
«yknowne» or «not unknowne». In the «Destruction», ll. 509–513—
“Seignours, ke le feromes, franke gent segnorie?
Li admirals d’Espaigne a no terre seisie;
Il en ont ja gastee une moult grant partie:
Au bref terme serra ceste terre exillie;
Qui bon consail saura vienge avant si nous die.”
p. 5, l. 160. «unneth», O.E. «unêaðe», “uneasily, scarcely.” Chaucer
has «unnethë», the final «e» being almost always sounded. See
«Introduction», p. xxxix.
p. 5, l. 163. «gydoure» evidently means “guide, conductor, commander.”
p. 5, l. 164. «houne» = hounde. On the elition of final «d», see Skeat,
«Specimens of Early English», 320/261, and «Preface to Havelok», p.
xxxvii.
p. 5, l. 165. «Ifreȝ.» There is no person of this name in any other
version. Perhaps this Ifres may be identical with Jeffroi, mentioned as
a senator of Rome in the «Destruction» (ll. 1122, 1139, 1367).
p. 6, l. 170. About the phrase “douce France” compare Léon Gautier’s
note to l. 15 of his «Edition critique de la Chanson de Roland».
p. 6, l. 171. «Savaris.» The author has found this name in the
«Destruction», l. 540.
p. 6, l. 173. «Kinge» : «thinge». In my dissertation on the language
and the sources of the Sowdan of Babylon, p. 4, bottom, I have shown
[p102] that «i» or «y», which corresponds to O.E. «y», the «umlaut»
of «u», rhymed with original «i» in this poem, which proves that the
author wrote in the East Midland dialect. But among the examples
collected there (p. 5), I ought not to have cited «kinge», because this
word is not peculiar to the East Midland speech, but occurs with the
same form in all dialects. See «Introduction», p. xxxv.
p. 6, ll. 175–6 are imitated from the «Destruction», ll. 546–7. See
«Introduction», p. xxiii.
p. 6, l. 176. «ner», the common form for «nor» (267, 1633) in this
poem. “«Polaynes» are knee-pieces in a suit of armour. This term for
genouilleres is found in the household book of Edward I.” (Morris,
«Glossary on Sir Gawayne», «s. v.» polaynes).
p. 6, l. 181. «tyte», “soon, quick.” The editor of the Roxburghe Club
edition of the «Sowdan» curiously confounds «tyte» with «tightly» =
“adroitly,” occurring in Shakespeare, «Merry Wives», I. 3. «Tyte» is
derived from O.Icel. «tîðr», “creber,” the neuter of which «tîtt», used
adverbially means “crebro, celeriter.” See Stratmann, p. 561, «s. v.»
«tîd».
p. 6, l. 189. «Chek» = “cotton, linen or woollen cloths, woven or
printed in checkers.” (Latham, «Dictionary», 1876.)
p. 6, l. 191. A line seems to be wanting here. There is no rhyme to
«displayed».
p, 6, l. 201. «randon», “rapidity, force.” About the etymology see
Diez, «Etym. Wörterbuch», I. 342, and Skeat, «Etym. Dict.»
p. 7, l. 202. «than» seems to be an error for «thay».
p. 7, l. 214. «Sarysyns.» There are several spellings of the name of
this people in the poem: «Sarsyns», «Sarsenys», «Sarisyns», «Sarasyns».
p. 7, l. 222. «that day» occurs again in l. 223. The author probably
only wrote it once; the repetition is most likely due to the scribe.
p. 7, l. 224. The following lines are imitated from the «Destruction»,
ll. 613–619; see «Introduction», p. xxiii.
p. 7, l. 228. The French text («Destruction», l. 624) has:
“Maintenant soient tot occis et descoupe.
Ne voil que mi serjant en soient encombre.”
p. 8, l. 247. The original meaning of «brayde» is “start, blow,” but
this makes no sense here, nor can it mean “a boast,” as the editor of
the Roxburghe Club edition explains it. But Mid. Eng. «brayde», as
well as O.E. «brægd» or «bregd», often signifies “deceit, craft, a
cunning trick, a fraudulous contrivance, a stratagem or artifice.” See
Mätzner’s «Wörterb.» and Halliwell’s «Dict.» This, I think, is also the
meaning of «brayde» in l. 247. Floripas has been engaged to Lukafer who
had promised the Soudan, her father, to bring the emperor Charlemagne
and all his twelve peers to the foot of his throne, in return for
the hand of his daughter. Floripas, not at all enamoured of the king
of Baldas, but obeying the will of her father, said she would only
agree to [p103] accept him when he had fulfilled these conditions.
But she does not believe that Laban thinks of ever fulfilling them,
she is persuaded that those words, those promises made by Laban, are
only a «brayde», i. e. a stratagem or artifice devised by him in the
hope of winning her hand before the performance of his promise. This
signification of «braide» has been retained in the Mod. Eng. adjective
«braid», “crafty, deceitful.”
p. 8, l. 257. The «Ethiopes», “Ethiopians,” are not mentioned in the
other versions of this romance. On the rhyme «Aufricanes» : «stones»
cf. «Introduction», p. xxxv.
p. 9, l. 278. «Destruction», l. 908:
“Sortibrans a mande Mabon l’engineor.”
p. 9, l. 283. «depe» : «tyde». The rhyme becomes perfect if we read
«wide» instead of «depe».
p. 9, l. 286. French text gives, l. 934:
“Si emplirons les fossés.”
p. 9, l. 289. Cf. «Destruction», l. 627. “Mahon te benoie,” and l. 925,
“Mahon te doint honour.”
p. 9, l. 293. «Men myght go even to the walle», compare the
«Destruction», l. 918:
“K’om poet aler al mure.”
and l. 958:
“K’om pooit bien au mur et venir et aler.”
p. 9, l. 295. «assaile», evidently a mistake. Read «assaute», as in l.
2205.
p. 9, l. 298. «shour», “fight, attack.” See Zupitza’s note to «Guy»,
l. 9206. «sharpe shoures», as in the «Destruction of Troy», l. 5804,
“sharp was the shoure.” Cf. also l. 950 of this poem, “bataile was
sharpe.”
p. 9, l. 300. «stones thai bare», etc. «Destruction», l. 967:
“Ces dedens ou grans pieres firent grant lapide.”
p. 9, l. 303. French text gives (l. 975):
“Maintes pieres del mur ont contreval rue.”
p. 9, l. 306. In the «Destruction», l. 977:
“L’asalt dureit cel jour jusque a la nutee.”
p. 9, l. 307. French: “Payen se sont retrait.” «Destruction», l. 979.
p. 10, l. 311. For «tyde» : «chidde» see «Introduction», p. xliii.
p. 10, l. 312.
“Lucafer li traitre traison ad pense,
Qu’il se contrefera les armes del cite;
Et tote si pense sont a Labam demonstre.
‘Sire admirail d’Espaigne,’ ceo dist li diffaies,
‘La cite est moult fors, et François sont doute;
Ils defendront le mur, ja mais n’iert entre,
Que par une voidie que jeo ai porpense.
Il ad dedens un conte de mult grant crualte,
Savaris ad a non, est de grant parente;
Chescon jour il s’en ist, s’est oue nous melle,
De la gent dieffae, mainte teste a coupe.”—«Destr.», ll. 986–96.
[p104]
p. 10, l. 317. «Destruction», l. 997.
“J’ai bien conu ses armes et les ai avise.”
p. 10, l. 331. «Destruction», l. 1011:
“Tantost le mestre porte aurons moult bien ferme.”
p. 10, l. 332. «Destruction», l. 1057:
“Mais tot le premier bail ont Sarrasin poeple.”
p. 10, l. 336. «discumfiture», “defeat.” See below, note to l. 1320.
p. 10, l. 339. «ryme», “to speak loudly, to cry.” O.E. «hrêman» or
«hrŷman». See Stratmann, p. 322.
p. 10, l. 340. French text (l. 1063):
“De V. M. ne remendrent que iiiC sans fausser.”
See note to l. 67.
p. 10, l. 341. «twelfe» : «selve»; «f» and «v» very often stand for one
another, see «Introduction» on p. xliii.
p. 10, l. 344. «shite» : «mette». See Ellis, «Pronunc.», I. 272, and
«Introduction», on p. xliv. Cf. also ll. 2054, 2963, 2960. «by than» =
then; see Mätzner’s «Wörterb.» p. 217(2).
p. 11, l. 346. «Estragot» or «Astragot». This name is not to be found
in the other versions, it only occurs in the «Sowdan» and in the
«Destruction»; cf. «Destr.» l. 1090–4:
“Estragot le poursuit uns geans diffaies
. . . . . . . . .
Teste avoit com senglers, si fu rois corones.
El main tient .i. mace de fin ascier trempe,
Un coup a Savaris desur le chef done.”
p. 11, l. 360. French text reads:
“Et la novele en ont l’apostoile conté.”—«Destr.» l. 1101.
p. 11, l. 363. «consaile» : «slayne». See «Introduction», p. xliii.
p. 11, l. 364. See above, l. 78.
p. 11, l. 368. «erille» is not derived from the Erse, as the editor of
the Roxburghe Club edition supposes. It is simply another spelling for
«erle», which occurs in l. 1986. O.E. «eorl», Mod. Eng. «earl».
p. 11, l. 369. There must be a gap of some lines here; between this
and the following line a space has been left of about the width of one
line; l. 370 is written in a much later hand.
p. 11, l. 376. «lettres» translates the French “li brief” («Destr.» l.
1121), «in haste» = French “isnelement” («Destr.» l. 1119).
p. 11, l. 377. «we ordeyne» makes no sense. Read «were ordeyned», as in
l. 2396. Cf. the «Destruction», l. 1133:
“Tot troi sont coiement de la cite hastés.”
p. 12, l. 379. «at a posterne.» On the posterns compare Skeat, «Spec.
of Eng. Literature», 359, 165.
p. 12, l. 380. «aboute mydnyghte.» French: “Tote la nuit alerent ou la
lune clarté.” «Destr.» l. 1136. [p105]
p. 12, l. 394. «honde of honde», “hand to hand.”—In the Glossary of the
Roxburghe Club ed. we read: “Cast. Wherewithal to throw.” This is the
sense of «cast» in l. 2471; but it occurs with two other meanings. In
l. 394 «cast» signifies “device, plot, intention,” as often elsewhere.
In ll. 460, 2091, 2099, 2467, 2603, 2792, it means “the act of
throwing, the throw.”
p. 12, l. 400. «hevy», “afflicted, sorrowful.” So in ll. 3037, 3224.
p. 13, l. 427. «Estagote», miswritten for «Estragote», cf. ll. 346,
352, and «Destr.» l. 1090. «brake on three», cf. ll. 2234, 1388, 1269.
p. 13, l. 441. «Sarsyns» : «Romaynes». See «Introduction», p. xliv.
p. 14, l. 464. «oost» does not rhyme with «beste». Both the sense and
the rhyme will be improved if we read «rest» for «oost».
p. 14, l. 473. As it stands, the line makes no sense. «This» is written
indistinctly in the MS., so that we may read either «this» or «thus»;
the sense requires the latter, which I think is the true reading. Or
else we may keep «this» and write «idone» instead of «it done».
p. 15, l. 488. «aras.» Read «a ras», and see note to l. 1349.
p. 15, l. 491. «and armes» makes no sense, as we are hardly entitled to
take «armes» for the 2nd person plural imperative; which in this poem
always ends in «-eth». See «Introduction», p. xxxvii. I think we must
change «and» into «as». For the explanation of the phrase “as armes,”
see note on l. 2660.
p. 15, l. 495. The «Ascopars» or «Ascopartes» are mentioned in the
«Destruction» as the subjects of the Soudan. The name of this people is
not to be found in any other version. «Astopars» is merely a clerical
error for «Ascopars», which may be easily accounted for by remembering
that in the MSS. the characters «c» and «t» are very often formed
almost alike. The true spelling «Ascopars» is found in ll. 2196, 2648;
cf. also the «Destruction», ll. 98, 426. Nothing is known of the origin
and the home of the Ascoparts. That they must have been men of great
bodily strength follows from l. 496, “for ye be men of mighte,” and l.
2645, “that bene boolde and hardy to fighte.” Compare also what is said
about them by Donne, in his first satire:
“Those Askaparts, men big enough to throw
Charing-cross for a bar.”
It is worthy while to note that a giant, called Askapard, occurs in
the romance of Sir Bevis of Hamptoun. See Ellis, «Metr. Romances», ed.
Halliwell, p. 263.
p. 15, l. 500. «Ho» is evidently a mistake for «we». «rere-warde»,
“rear-guard;” the van is called «fowarde», ll. 502, 732, the main body
«the medyl partye», l. 735.
p. 15, l. 504. «than» : «gon». See «Introduction», p. xxxv.
p. 15, l. 510. «oon» makes no sense. I suspect the reading of this
and the following stanza is quite corrupt. If ll. 510 and 511 should
belong to different stanzas, the «enjambement», or continuation of the
[p106] sense from one stanza to another, would be unusually strong.
I am therefore inclined to think that originally a stanza began at l.
510, and that there is a line wanting after l. 509, which contained
the rhyme to «bon» (l. 508). The scribe noticing the absence of rhyme
tried to restore it himself. Adding «oon» to l. 510, he made it rhyme
with «bon» (l. 508). Having thus destroyed the rhyme of ll. 510 and 512
(«Alisaundre» : «Cassaundre», as in l. 984), he added «gaye» to l. 512,
which now rhymed to l. 514, where he still added «to fraye». In order
to get a rhyme to l. 518, he changed in l. 516 the original «laye»
(: «Romayne») into «lan» (“he ceased, stopped”), and wrote “«to»”
«the grounde» instead of “«on»” (cf. l. 1186) or “«at»” (cf. ll. 533,
435) «the grounde», connecting thus these words with l. 515, whereas
originally they belonged to «there he laye», or—as «there» also may
have been added by the scribe—to «he laye». If now we read «with mayne»
instead of «ful evene», in l. 521, we get a perfect rhyme to l. 519; l.
520 having lost its rhyming line, he made it rhyme, by adding «than» to
l. 522, which originally rhymed to l. 524. Now to get a rhyme to l. 524
he composed and inserted himself l. 526. Therefore I think the original
reading of these two stanzas ran as follows:
Sir Ferumbras of Alisaundre 510
That bolde man was in dede,
Uppon a steede Cassaundre
He roode in riche weede.
Sir Bryer of Poyle a Romayne 514
He bare through with a spere;
Dede on the ground [there] he laye,
Might he no more hem dere.
That saw Huberte, a worthy man, 518
Howe Briere was islayne,
Ferumbras to quite than
To him he rode with mayne.
With a spere uppone his shelde 522
Stiffly gan he strike;
The shelde he brake imiddis the feelde,
His hawberke wolde not breke.
Ferumbras was agreved tho, &c. 526
On the rhyme «Romayne» : «laye» (l. 514) cf. ll. 536, 890.
p. 15, l. 514. «Bryer of Poyle» does not occur in any of the other
versions.
p. 15, l. 516. «lan», preterite of «lin», “to cease;” more common in
the compound «blin», contracted from * «be-lin».
p. 15, l. 517. «might he no more hem dere.» On the order of words, cf.
ll. 2954, 649, 2435.
p. 16, l. 520. «qwite», “to requite, reward, retaliate, pay off.” See
below note to l. 780.
p. 16, l. 531. On «stronge» (O.E. strang) : «istonge» (O.E. gestungen),
see «Introduction», p. xxxv.
p. 16, l. 532. «astraye», “out of the right way or proper place,
running [p107] about without guidance.” O.French «estraier», which is
derived from Latin «ex strada», see Diez, «Etym. Wörterb.» I. 402; II.
296.
p. 16, l. 541. «werre», “war,” seems to owe its origin to the French
«guerre», as it is not found in O.E. It appears for the first time
in the «Saxon Chronicle»,—«he coude», “he knew, had endured.” See
Mätzner’s «Grammatik», II. 262.
p. 17, l. 555. It is evident that «all ane» must be a corruption.
Perhaps the conjecture of the editor of the Roxb. Club edition,
supposing «all rafe» to be the true reading, may be right. But he is
certainly wrong to identify this «rafe» with the «rafe» in l. 866,
which, being the infinitive mood of a verb, cannot be taken for an
adjective or adverb, which the sense seems to require in l. 555.
Halliwell, «s. v.» Raff, gives: “in raff = speedily.” There is a Danish
adjective, «rap», “brisk, quick.” Cf. Skeat, «Etym. Dict.» s. v.
«raffle» and «rap».
p. 17, l. 570. «certaine» spoils the rhyme. The rhyme becomes perfect
if we read «without faile», as in l. 322.
p. 17, l. 573. «aplight», “on plight, on my word.” See Zupitza’s note
to «Guy», l. 8541. It is often used as an expletive.
p. 17, l. 580. «who the sowdan», etc. = who is the Sowdan. The verb of
the sentence is wanting; cf. note to l. 2156.
p. 17, l. 587. French text gives:
“Et Guion de Bourgoyne ad a lui appelé
Fils est de sa soror et de sa parenté
Cosins, vous en irrés. . .”
«Destr.» ll. 1179, «et seq.»
p. 18, l. 613. «hight» = (1) “was called,” (2) “promised,” (3) “called”
(partic. past). It is the preterite tense of «haten», «hoten», or «hat»
(l. 3154). Cf. Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 169.
p. 18, l. 614. «than» seems to be a corruption, and I think must be
left out. «Florip» is the genitive of «Florip», which occurs as a
nominative in ll. 2075, 1527. There is another nominative «Floripas»
which forms the genitive «Floripas», ll. 1659, 2350.
p. 19, l. 625. «Isres», the name of the “chief porter of the town,” who
betrayed the city, only occurs in the «Sowdan»; in the «Destruction»
the same treachery is committed by «Tabour», «D.» 1203.
“Uns traitre del cit que del porte out les cles.”
p. 19, l. 636. «bandon», literally “proclamation,” means “power,
disposal.” See Skeat, «Etym. Dict.» s. v. «abandon».
p. 19, l. 647. French:
“Le chief al portier trenche,” «Destr.» l. 1236.
p. 19, l. 648. In the «Destr.» l. 1244–5:
“Dieux” fist il “te maldie, et que t’ont engendre,
Kar traitour au darain averont mal dehe.”
p. 19, l. 650. «met», a mistake for «mot», which we find in ll. 1582,
2334, 3170. [p108]
p. 20, l. 663. Cf. the «Destr.» l. 1260:
“Al moustier de saint Piere est Fierenbras alés.”
p. 20, l. 665. «the crosse, the crown, the nailes bente.» The relics
mentioned in the «Destruction» are the crown of thorns, the cross, the
nails, and the “signe,” which, as I have shown in my «Dissertation»
(pp. 45, 46), does not mean “inscription of the cross,” but is the
Greek σινδων, and signifies “the shroud, or winding-sheet, of the Lord,
suaire, sudatorium.” In the French «Fierabras», as well as in «Syr
Ferumbras», no mention is made of the cross.
p. 20, l. 673. «thare» instead of «there» would improve the rhyme. See
«Introduction», p. xxxv.
p. 20, l. 678. «fade», O.E. fadian, “dispose, suit.” «Stratmann», p.
187.
p. 20, l. 679. «frankencense» = “pure incense.” Compare Skeat, «Etym.
Dict.»
p. 20, l. 686. «roial», “excellent.” Cf. “roial spicerye,” «Chaucer»,
ed. Morris, III. 135/142.
p. 21, l. 699. «Alle on a flame that cite was»; cf. the French:
“Kant il vindrent a Rome si virent luy porte oueree
La flambe en la cite moult granment alumee.
Pour grant chalour qu’i fu n’i povoient entrer.”
(«Destr.» ll. 1378–80.)
p. 21, l. 723. The «Destruction», ll. 1384–1408, has:
“Si dirrai de Charlon, le fort roi corone.
De par totes ses terres avoit ses gens mande,
N’i remest dus ne quiens ne baron el regne,
Qu’il assemble ne soient a Paris la cite.
Quant il i furent tous venu et ajouste,
L’emperere de France en halt en ad parle:
‘Seignours, or escoutes, si vous dirrai verte,
Li admirails d’Espaigne a no pais gaste
Et oue lui CM sarrazin diffaie.
Il ont ensegie Rome, m’admirable cite,
Tot le pais entour ont il pour voir robbe;
Si jeo ne les soccour tot l’auront il gaste.’
‘Sire,’ firent li princes, ‘a vostre volonte:
Nous ne vous failliromes tant que poons durer.’
Adonc en ad li rois grant joie demene.
Quant si gent furent prest a complir son pense,
Adonc s’en est li rois eralment aprestes
Et si firent li contes de France le regne.
Quant sont appareillie si sont enchemine:
iii C mil chevaliers ad li rois el barne
Oliviers porte sa baneer que ben leu ad guie,
Rollans fu en arriere, li vassals adures.
De soccoure Guion s’en est li rois hastes.
Tant ont il nuit et jor chivalche et erre.
Qu’il sont en Romenie, n’i ont reine tire.”
p. 22, l. 744. «He knewe the baner of France.» The French text has:
[p109]
“Guis parceut le baniere le roi de saint Dine,
Encontre lui chevalche, la novele ont conte,
Come la forte cite li payen ont gaste:
La corone et les clous d’iloec en sont robbe
Et les altres reliques. . .”
p. 23, l. 766. «for», “notwithstanding, in spite of.” So also in l.
2904.
p. 23, l. 771. «Destr.», l. 1425:
“Li vens en fiert es voiles que les a ben guies.”
p. 23, l. 776. «for south», “forsooth,” cf. ll. 2014, 897, 2024, 1025,
2246.
p. 23, l. 778. French: “il sont en terre entre.”
p. 23, l. 779. «fonde» : «grounde». «fonde» is spelt «founde» in ll.
1857, 3020, 344, 2353, 2363.
p. 23, l. 780. «stroyeth» = “destroyeth.” “Compounds of Romance origin,
the first part of which is a preposition, or words derived from such,
often mutilate, or even entirely drop the preposition” (Zupitza’s note
to «Guy», l. 576). Thus we have «sail», l. 385, = “assail;” «longeth»,
l. 3254, = “belongeth;” «skomfited», l. 1320, = “diskomfited,” ll.
336, 1464; «quite», l. 520, = “requite;” «perceived», l. 2659, =
“aperceived;” «saut», ll. 619, 2200, = “assaut,” l. 615; «ginne», l.
2326, = “enginne,” l. 333; «playne», l. 177, = “complayn;” «skaped», l.
2049, = “askaped,” l. 2218.
p. 23, l. 787. French: “iiiC mile François.”
p. 24, l. 812. «ychoon» : «Mahounde». See «Introduction», p. xlii.
p. 24, l. 820. «stroke» : «stoupe». See «Introduction», p. xliii.
p. 24, l. 820. «stenyed», “stunned,” not from O.Fr. «estaindre», as
the editor of the Roxb. Club ed. suggests, but from O.E. «stunian»,
“percellere, stupefacere.” See «Stratmann», p. 540.
p. 24, l. 835. Observe the subject expressed twice; cf. ll. 723, 1031,
1682, 1814, 2331.
p. 25, l. 836. «Neymes.» This celebrated hero has been especially
famous by the advices and counsels of which even in matters of greatest
difficulty he was never at a loss. “Tel conseiller n’orent onques li
Franc,” «i. e.» the French had never such a counsellor. This passage
of the romance of «Aspremont» may be looked upon as containing the
portrait of Neymes as we find him described in all poems. The story of
his birth and youth is in the romance of «Aubri le Bourgoing». He was
the son of Gasselin, king of Bavaria. Cassile, an usurper, is about to
seize the throne and to kill the young Neymes, when Charlemagne comes
to his help and re-establishes the legitimate inheritor.
p. 25, l. 836. «Ogier Danoys» (cf. l. 1687) is one of the twelve
peers in this poem. His life is contained in the French poem of the
“«Chevallerie Ogier»” by Raimbert de Paris. According to that romance
Ogier had been delivered in his youth to Charlemagne as [p110] a
pledge to secure the discharge of the tribute which his father
Geffroi, king of Denmark, was bound to pay to the emperor. The French
ambassadors having once been insulted by Geffroy, Charlemagne swears to
make Ogier pay with his life the offence done by his father, and Ogier
is going to be executed when the emperor, following the urgent requests
of messengers arrived from Rome, suddenly starts to deliver this city
from the Saracens. On this expedition the French army is hard pressed
by the enemy, but Ogier by his eminent prowess and valour enables
Charles to enter Rome. He now is pardoned and becomes the favourite of
the emperor. Several years afterwards Ogier’s son Baudouinet is slain
by Charlot, the son of Charlemagne, as they were quarrelling about a
party of chess. Ogier, in order to revenge his son, goes as far as to
attack Charlemagne himself, but on the point of being taken a prisoner,
he escapes and flees to Didier, king of Lombardy. Charles makes war
on Didier, and after a long struggle Ogier is taken and imprisoned at
Reims, where he is going to be starved, when a sudden invasion of the
Saracens obliges Charlemagne again to have recourse to the courage and
valour of the Dane. Ogier delivers France by slaying the giant Bréhus.
To reward him for the service done to his country, Charles gives him
the county of Hainaut, where afterwards, as the poem tells us, he died
in the renown of holiness.
p. 25, l. 845. «it» = “hit.” Cf. note to l. 41.
p. 25, l. 847–50. These four lines seem to be incorrect. As they stand,
the three first lines are rhymed together, and there is no rhyme to the
fourth. The diction of the whole passage, which cannot be said to be
ungrammatical, is nevertheless wanting in precision and exactness.
p. 25, l. 866. «rafe» = rave.
p. 25, l. 868. «Moun-joye» is the name of Charlemagne’s sword in this
poem (cf. ll. 3111, 850), whereas, according to all other romances, the
emperor’s sword was called «Joyeuse». «Mounjoie» or «Montjoie» was the
name of the French standard; it was likewise used as the battle-cry of
the French, cf. «Fierabras», l. 1703, and «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 2285,
2652, 4577, 4727. The sword «Joyeuse» had been forged by the celebrated
Weland or Galand, as we read in the French «Fierabras», l. 635:
“Et «Galans» fist Floberge à l’acier atrempé,
Hauteclere et «Joiouse», où moult ot dignité;
Cele tint Karlemaines longuement en certé.”
Compare Gaston Paris, «Histoire Poétique», p. 374.
p. 26, l. 875. «Durnedale.» This renowned sword was forged by the
famous Galand or Weland. The French «Fierabras» (l. 645) is the
only romance which attributes it to Munifican. It had been given by
Charlemagne to Roland as the best of his warriors. As to the exploits
achieved with it, Roland enumerates them himself in that celebrated
passage, where in his death-hour he tries to break [p111] Durnedale
to prevent it from falling into the hands of the Saracens («Chanson
de Roland», ll. 2316–2337). The steel blade of this sword has been
highly praised for its extraordinary hardness. It had been tried
by Charlemagne himself on that “perron,” or steel block before the
emperor’s palace in Aix-la-Chapelle (see «Histoire Poétique», p. 370).
Durnedale proved good as well as Almace, the sword of Turpin. But
Courtain, Ogier’s sword, was then shortened by half a foot. According
to l. 1407 of the «Sowdan», Durnedale broke; but this incident has been
mentioned nowhere else. Cf. «Syr Ferumbras», l. 997, and «Fierabras»,
l. 1740.
p. 26, l. 876. «romme», spelt also «rome», «rowme», «roum», is Mod. E.
«room», O.E. «rûm», “spatium.”
p. 26, l. 880. «dinge»; read «gan dinge». «Dinge» is the infinitive
mood, but the sense requires a preterite tense. The preterite of
«dinge» is «dong», «dongen», which occurs in l. 1263. But as «dinge»
cannot be altered here, on account of the rhyme, the passage is easily
corrected by adding «gan» = “he began to strike, he struck.”
p. 26, l. 884. «Alloreynes of Loreynes» and «Aleroyse» (l. 1699) are
probably identical. Then «Allorey»n«es» would be an error of the
scribe, who having already the following «Lorey»n«es» in his mind wrote
«Allorey»n«es» instead of «Alleroyse».
p. 26, l. 900. «in fay» = “truly,” «fay»= “faith, truth.” O.Fr. «fei»
or «feid», Lat. «fides».
p. 26, l. 904–5. Cf. «Chanson de Roland», ll. 1903–4:
“Rollanz est proz e Oliviers est sages,
Ambedui unt merveillus vasselage.”
p. 27, l. 913. I cannot tell what «treyumple» means, or whether it be a
corruption.
p. 27, l. 939. This kind of prayer or apostrophe addressed to the
God of War is certainly taken from another English work, which I am
unable to trace, but which must have been much known at the time of
our author, as we find it referred to in different authors. That it
has been taken from another poem is proved by some phrases of this
prayer which are somewhat obscure or rather unintelligible here, and
which we certainly should be able to explain if we knew the original
context in which they occurred. Then the form «hase» (l. 940) is
somewhat suspicious, as it is the only instance of the 2nd person
singular present dropping the «t», which it has always in this poem.
The arrangement, too, of the following stanzas differs from that
generally observed in the «Sowdan». If we consider our poem as composed
in eight-line stanzas (but see «Introduction», p. xl) we mostly find
the 1st and 3rd lines rhyming together, then the 2nd and 4th, the
5th and 7th, and finally the 6th and 8th, so that «four» different
rhyme-endings are necessary to one stanza. If now we consider the
stanza from l. 939 to 946, we only have two rhyme-endings, all the
pair lines rhyming together, and all the odd ones [p112] together. In
ll. 947 to 950 the 1st and 4th rhyme together, whilst the 2nd and 3rd
are paired off together.—ll. 939–941 we find alluded to in «Chaucer»,
see «Introduction», p. xlvi, and the «Prioress’s Tale», ed. Skeat
(Clarendon Press), p. xvii. Compare also Lindsay, «The Historie of
Squyer Meldrum», l. 390:
“Like Mars, the God Armipotent.”
p. 27, l. 939. «rede Mars.» “Bocaccio uses the same epithet in the
opening of his Teseide: ‘O rubiconde Marte.’ «Rede» refers to the
colour of the planet.” Morris, note to «Knight’s Tale», l. 889.
p. 27, l. 940. «Baye» never means “sword,” as the editor of the
Roxburghe Club ed. renders it, nor does this translation make any
sense here at all; «baye» signifies “a wide, open room or space in a
building.” See Mätzner’s «Wörterbuch», p. 164. Morris, in the Glossary
to the «Alliterative Poems», has “bay = recess. The original meaning
seems to be «opening of any kind». Cf. bay, space in a building between
two main beams.” Halliwell, «s. v.» bay, has: “A principal compartment
or division in the architectural arrangement of a building.” It appears
to be etymologically the same word as Ital. «baja», French «baie»,
“bay, gulf, harbour,” the French «baie» being equally used for “opening
of any kind.” The Catalan form for «baie» is «badia», which corresponds
to the verb «badar», meaning “to open.” See Diez, «Etym. Wörterb.» I.
46. «Bay» is retained in the Mod. E. compound “«bay-window».” Cf. also
the French “«la bée d’une fenestre»,” cited by Carpentier-Ducange, «s.
v.» beare. With regard to the signification of «trende», the editor of
the Roxb. Club ed. wrongly guessed again in explaining it as “drawn” or
“trenchant, cutting.” «Trende» means “turned, bent, vaulted in the form
of an arch.” See «Halliwell», p. 887, and «Stratmann», p. 572, «s. v.»
trenden (= “volvere”). But I am at a loss how to explain why Mars is
said to have put up his throne in an arched recess, or compartment, of
a building.
p. 28, l. 957. «some», a clerical error for «sone».
p. 28, l. 965. «prymsauns of grene vere» = “the earliest days of green
spring” (Glossary to the Roxb. Club ed.). This may be the sense; but
what is the literal meaning of «prymsauns»? If we had «prymtauns»,
or «prymtaunce», we might be inclined to take it for a corruption of
French «printemps», as we find «pastaunce» or «pastance» corrupted
from «passe-temps». (See Skeat, «Spec. of Eng. Literature», 460/149
and 427/1096.) Cf. also the «Romaunt of the Rose», ll. 3373–74: “«At
prime temps», Love to manace, Ful ofte I have been in this caas.” Or
is «prymtauns» perhaps a clerical error for «entrauns» or «entraunce»?
This would then make us think of such passages as the following one:
“Che fu ou mois de mai, à l’«entree» d’esté,
Que florissent cil bos et verdissent cil pré.”
«Fierabras», ll. 5094–5.
p. 28, l. 966. «spryngyn», the only instance of the 3rd person present
plural ending in «-yn» (for the common «-en»). This perhaps is due to
[p113] the scribe thinking already of the following «yn» in beg«ynne».
But it must be stated that the whole passage is rather obscure. Neither
the meaning of «springyn and begynne» nor the connection of l. 966 with
the following lines is very clear. «Floures» occurring twice looks also
somewhat suspicious. Moreover, these two stanzas do not well suit the
context and might easily be done without; they are evidently borrowed
from some other poem. Observe besides the alliteration in «f»loures,
«f»rithe, «f»reshly.
p. 28, l. 973. «lithe», “to hear.” O.Icel. «hlŷða», “auscultare.”
«Stratmann», s. v. «hlîþen», p. 315.
p. 29, l. 993. «lese» miswritten for «lefe», which sense and rhyme
require, and which occurs in ll. 832, 1526.
p. 29, l. 995. «bassatours» (?) = “vavassours, vavasors.”
p. 29, l. 999. «Inde Major.» The meaning of «Major» is not clear. Cf.
besides «Chanson de Roland», ed. Gautier, «Glossarial Index», s. v.
«Major». Compare also «Destr.» l. 690: «terre Majour».
p. 29, l. 1000. The great number of geographical names contained in
these two lines is probably due to the favourite habit of mediæval
romance writers, who thought that they showed their geographical
knowledge by introducing long strings of names. Thus we find in «Web.
Rom.» II. l. 632 «et seq.», the names of sixteen towns mentioned in
fourteen lines, all of which are said to have been visited by Richard
the Lion-hearted. Again in the same poem, ll. 3679, «et seq.», we find
the names of thirteen countries occurring in ten lines. Cf. also «King
Alis.», «Web. Rom.» I. ll. 1440 and 1692. Often, too, geographical
names seem to be inserted on account of the rhyme, as «Chaunder» in l.
123, and «Europe» in l. 1001.
p. 29, l. 1008. «Camalyon», “meaning, probably, the camelopardalis. The
blood of a cameleon would go a very little way towards satisfying a
thirsty Saracen” (Ellis, «Metr. R.» 387). Perhaps also the poet did not
know much of either of these two kinds of animals, and all he wished
was to cite an animal with some outlandish name.
p. 30, l. 1025. «southe» : «wrothe». The spelling «sothe» occurs in ll.
2014, 2024, 2246, 2719. There must be a lacuna of one or more lines
here. The rhyme-word to «dute» (l. 1024) is wanting; the context also
evidently shows that ll. 1025 and 1026, as they stand together, make no
sense. It is worth while to add that the next five lines, contrary to
the common usage of our poem, are all rhymed together.
p. 30, l. 1040. Observe «Paens», i. e. “pagans,” used as a proper name
here; cf. the «Destr.» l. 98, and «Fierabras», l. 5673.
p. 31, l. 1051. For a description of Ferumbras, compare «Fierabras»,
ll. 578 «et seq.», and ll. 611 «et seq.», and «Syr Ferumbras», l. 550.
p. 31, l. 1060. «trwes» = trues, truce.
p. 31, l. 1067. «sex.» So in the French «Fierabras», l. 84:
“Ja n’en refuserai, par Mahom, jusqu’à vi.”
[p114]
In the English «Ferumbras», l. 102, we read:
“And þoȝ þer come «twelue», þe beste of þy fered,
I will kuþe on hem my miȝt, & dyngen hem al to douste.”
p. 31, l. 1071. «in fere» = “together.” «fere», literally “one who
fares with one,” means “a travelling companion, a comrade, a mate; a
company.” O.E. «(ge-)fera».
p. 31, l. 1074. «man» = “bondman, subject, vassal.” So in ll. 1354 1466.
p. 31, l. 1077. «childe», “young knight, young man.” See Skeat’s note
to Sir Thopas (Clarendon Press), 162/2020.
p. 31, l. 1084. Cf. the French text:
“Sire, ce dist Rollans, chertes, tort en aves,
Car, par icel seigneur Ki Dix est appelés,
Je vauroie moult miex que fuissiés desmenbrés
Ke jou en baillasse armes ne ne fuisse adobés.
Hier quant paien nous vindrent à l’issue des gués
L. mile furent, à vers helmes jesmés,
Grans caus en soustenimes sur les escus bandés;
Oliviers mes compaigns i fu le jour navrés.
Tout fuissons desconfit, c’est fines verités,
Quant vous nous secourustes e vos riches barnés,
Et paien s’en tournerent les frains abandonnés.
Quant fumes repairié as loges et as trés,
Puis te vantas le soir, quant tu fus enivrés,
Que li viel chevalier c’avoies amené
L’avoient moult miex fait que li joule d’assés,
Assés en fui le soir laidement ramponés.”
(ll. 144–161.)
Compare also «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 144–163
p. 32, l. 1088. «of» = “on account of.”
p. 32, l. 1092. According to most of the old romances Roland was
invulnerable. He never lost any blood by a wound but on the occasion
when he was beaten by Charlemagne
“For trois goutes sans plus, quant Charles par irour
Le feri de son gant que le virent plousour.”
See «Histoire Poétique», p. 264.
The French text (ll. 166–170) runs as follows:
“Karles trait son gant destre, qui fu à or parés
Fiert le comte Rollant en travers sur le nés;
Après le caup en est li sans vermaus volés.
Rollans jete le main au branc qui est letrés;
Ja en ferist son oncle se il n’en fust ostés.”
p. 32, l. 1094. «abye», “to pay for, suffer for.” In Mod. Eng. «abye»
is corrupted into «abide». See Morris, Gloss. to «Chaucer» (Clarend.
Press), «s. v.» aboughte.
p. 32, l. 1096. Double negatives like «never none» are pretty common
in mediæval writers. Cf. in the «Sowdan», ll. 1876, 2181, 2199, 2279,
2305. [p115]
p. 32, l. 1103. «at one», “of one mind, agreement.” Cf. «King Horn»,
ed. Lumby, l. 925:
“At on he was wiþ þe king.”
Hence Mod. Eng. «atone», “to set at one, to reconcile.” See Zupitza’s
note to «Guy», l. 5308.
p. 32, l. 1106. «to make voydaunce», the same as to «voide», l. 1768 =
“to quit, to depart from, to get rid of.”
p. 32, l. 1110. «withoute more» = “without delay, immediately.” «more»
is O.E. «mâra», comparative to «micel»; it is not the Latin «more». See
Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 719.
p. 33, l. 1126. «renewed», “tied.” Fr. «renouer», from «nœud» = Lat.
«nodius». It is to be distinguished from «renewed» = “renovated,” which
occurs in l. 2200.
p. 32, l. 1128. «hidur» is spelt «hider» in ll. 810, 833, etc.
p. 32, l. 1135. «Generyse.» In the other versions Olyver calls himself
«Garin». See «Introduction» on p. xxxiii.
p. 32, l. 1141. «lerne», “to teach.” See Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l.
6352. «scole», O.E. «scôl», Mod. Eng. «school», means here “style, or
manner of fighting.” It must not be confounded with «schole», O.E.
«scolu», “troop, band,” Mod. Eng. «shoal». Cf. also «The Song of
Roland», 129/786.
p. 33, l. 1145. «myghty men of honde.» So in l. 3029. The same phrase
occurs in M.H.G. “ein helt «ze sînen handen»,” which is explained as
meaning, “a hero [or one who becomes a hero] by the strength of his
hands or arms.” See Jänicke’s note to «Biterolf», 5078, and Grimm’s
«Grammatik», IV. 727 note. The expression seems to be originally
French; cf. Méon, «Fabliaux», III. 478: “chevaliers «de sa main»”;
«Renard», ed. Martin, l. 21409: “proedom «de sa main».” Cf. also «Roman
des Eles», ed. Scheler, l. 433, where «main» is wrongly explained by
the editor.
p. 33, l. 1151. «plete», “plead.” The rhyme leads us to suppose that
the author pronounced «ple»d«e», which indeed is the more common form.
p. 33, l. 1154. «and» makes no sense here. «thenkes» must also be
incorrect, the 3rd person present singular always terminating in «-eth»
in this poem, and not in «-es». Read «as thenketh me»; «thenketh me»
occurs in l. 465.
p. 34, l. 1158. «pight», “pitched, fixed.” The infinitive mood is
«picchen»; cf. O.Dutch «picken», O.Icel. «pikka», “pungere, pangere.”
p. 34, l. 1159. In the French «Fierabras», l. 606 «et seq.», Oliver
also assists the Saracen to put on his gear. This point is not
mentioned in the Ashmolean version, see «Introduction», p. xxviii.
p. 34, l. 1163. «worthed up», “became up, got up, mounted.” It is the
past tense of the verb «worthen», O.E. «weorðan», “to become.” Another
past tense of this verb is «worth», l. 1204.
p. 34, l. 1164. «areest», or «arest» = “a rest, or support for the
spear when [p116] couched for the attack” (Morris). Originally =
“stoppage, waiting, readiness.” Cf. Mätzner’s «Wörterbuch», p. 107.
p. 34, l. 1167. «as fire of thonder», cf. «dinte of thondir» in l. 1207.
p. 34, l. 1168. «to-braste», “burst in pieces.” The prefix «to-»,
answering to Germ. «zer-», has the force of “in twain, asunder.”
p. 34, l. 1170. «threste», O.E. «þr[^æ]stan», “premere, trudere.” The
author probably pronounced «thraste», which will improve the rhyme.
p. 34, ll. 1179–80. «upon the hede» (blank in MS) «the hede». This is
evidently a mistake of the scribe; «sore», l. 1180, too, which does not
rhyme with «crowne», is probably miswritten for «sone». The rhyme as
well as the context shows that the true reading is:
“Olyver him hitte again
Upon the hede than fulle sone
He carfe awaye with myght and mayne
The cercle that sate uppon his crowne.”
p. 34, l. 1182. About the «cercle», see Demay, «Le Costume de guerre»,
p. 132. “Non seulement le cône du heaume (helme) est bordé par ce
cercle, mais il est parfois renforcé dans toute sa hauteur par deux
arêtes placées l’une devant, l’autre derrière, ou par quatre bandes de
métal ornementées (de verroteries), venant aboutir et se croiser à son
sommet.”—«crowne» means the “tonsure of the head,” then topically “the
skull or head.”
p. 34, l. 1185. «the botteles of bawme» are not mentioned anywhere else
in the «Sowdan»; the other versions tell us that the balm contained in
those vessels was the same as that with which Christ was anointed. Cf.
«Syr Ferumbras», ll. 510–517; and see «Introduction», p. vi and xxix.
p. 34, l. 1191. «the river.» According to the oldest version of the
poem the whole combat took place on the shore of the Tiber, near Rome.
See «Introduction», pp. xi and xxxii. Cf. «Fierabras», l. 1049:
“Pres fu du far de Rome, ses a dedes jetés,”
and «Philippe Mousket», I. 4705–6:
“Les .ii. barius qu’à Rome prist,
Si les gieta enmi le Toivre.”
In the «Sowdan» as well as in the «Ashmole» MS. there is no mention
of Oliver’s drinking of the balm before throwing it into the water,
which both the Provençal and the French versions tell us he did. Cf.
«Fierabras», ll. 1031–1048, and the Provençal version, ll. 1335, «et
seq.»
p. 35, l. 1210. «fille», “fel.”
p. 35, ll. 1221. «dere» spoils the rhyme. Read “«free».”
p. 36, l. 1250. «Cousyn to King Charles», cf. l. 1117. In ll. 1499
and 1671 Oliver is said to be nephew to Charlemagne. He was the son
of Renier de Gennes, who according to «Sir Ferumbras», l. 652: “Y am
Charlis emys sone”—was the uncle of Charlemagne. In the poem «Girar
de Viane» we find Oliver among the enemies of the [p117] Emperor
and fighting with Roland in close combat; they are at length stopped
by divine interposition. Then began a close friendship which lasted
till their death at Roncesvaux. Oliver’s sister Aude was betrothed to
Roland. See, besides, «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 422, 1297, 1305, 1354.
p. 36, l. 1258. «harde grace», “misfortune,” cf. l. 2790.
p. 36, l. 1259. «Persagyn.» This name does not occur in any other
version again, except in the «Destruction», where one Persagon appears
in the list of the Saracen barons. But it is not stated there that he
is uncle to Ferumbras; cf. besides «Fierabras», ll. 2614, 2784.
p. 37, l. 1263. Observe the four consecutive feminine rhymes.
p. 37, l. 1277. The scene as related here widely differs from that
described in the Ashmolean version. In the «Sowdone», Oliver gets hold
of the sword which is “trussed on Ferumbras’s stede.” In the Ashmolean
poem it is not Oliver who is disarmed, but Ferumbras, and Oliver
allows him to pick up his weapon again. This in itself furnishes us
an argument for conjecturing that the author of the «Sowdon» did not
follow, or even know of, the Ashmolean version. In the French poem,
as well as in the Provençal, it is likewise Oliver who is disarmed.
If in those poems we find mentioned besides that Ferumbras offered
his enemy to take up his sword again—an incident not related in the
«Sowdan»—we do not consider this to disprove our supposition that the
French version was the source of the «Sowdan», as we may consider our
author in this case simply to have adhered to his favourite practice
of shortening his original as much as possible, so far as no essential
point is concerned. Cf. the French «Fierabras», ll. 1289–1346.
p. 37, l. 1286. «saught» is a misprint for «raught».
p. 37, l. 1289. «He thought he quyte.» «quyte» may be explained as
standing for «quyted», or else «he» must be changed into «to»: «He
thought to quyte», the latter reading is perhaps preferable. We find in
l. 3110 a passage agreeing almost exactly with this.
p. 38, l. 1298. «Qwyntyn.» The name of this Saint does not occur in any
other version of our romance.
p. 38, l. 1308. There is no mention made of this prayer in the
Ashmolean version, the «Sowdan» here (ll. 1308–1340) agrees again with
the French «Fierabras», ll. 1164–1244 (and with the Provençal poem,
l. 1493, «et seq.»), with the only difference, that the prayer which
Charlemagne addressed to God, in order to bestow the victory upon the
Christian hero, is much longer in «F»; and is stuffed with so many
details of the Scripture, that in some way it may be regarded as a
succinct account of the whole life of the Lord.
p. 38, l. 1320. «skomfited» = «discomfited», l. 1464. It is formed by
the same analogy as stroyeth = destroyeth. See note to l. 780. The
substantive «discumfiture», O.Fr. «desconfiture», occurs in l. 336; the
same [p118] word, without prefix, is found in M.H.G., cf. «Kudrun»,
ed. Martin, 646, 2:
“dô si hêten gerne die porten zuo getân
dô muosten si daz lernen durch «schumphentiuren» verlân.”
The Italian noun is «sconfitta», and the verb «sconfiggere».
p. 38, l. 1327. «God aboue» does not rhyme with «lord almighty». The
rhyme is easily restored if we read «of might» (cf. l. 2059) for
«aboue», and if we change «almighty» into «almighte», so that we have:
l. 1327. “Tho Charles thanked God of myghte.”
l. 1329. “And saide, ‘blessed be thou, lord almyghte.’”
The adjective «almiȝt» is of frequent occurrence in Mid. Eng. writers.
So in «Allit. Poems», I. 497: “in sothful gospel of god almyȝt;” «Syr
Ferumbras», l. 3580, “God almyȝte: siȝte;” «ibid.» l. 3815, “god
almyȝt: wyȝt.”
p. 39, l. 1349. «cas» is an erratum for «ras».—“Ras, shave.” “Rees
1693, evening.” These explanations given by the editor of the Roxb.
Club ed. are wrong. «Ras» and «rees» being both derived from O.E.
«r[^æ]s», “impetus cursus,” are indiscriminately used in three
meanings: (1) “onset, assault;” (2) “course, run, rush, haste, hurry;”
(3) “space, time, occasion.” The last signification is well shewn by
the following passages:
“Hit lasteþ but a lutel rees.”
(«Cl. Maydenhod», l. 26.)
“Þat ys to seye upon a rees,
Stynkyng Saxone, be on pees.”
(«Arthur», ed. Furnivall, l. 525.)
In the «Sowdan» «ras» or «rees» means (1) “time, instant, occasion,”
ll. 1349, 1693; (2) “rush, hurry, haste,” ll. 645, 489. «rase», l.
774 = “current in the sea,” the same word as the preceding «ras» and
«rees», meaning properly, “a narrow rush, or violent current of water.”
See Morris, «Chaucer’s Prologue» (Clarendon Press), s. v. «reyse». Cf.
the French expressions, “raz de mer,” “raz de courent,” “raz de marée.”
p. 39, l. 1361. «sene» : «be». Read «se» as in ll. 1124, 658, 1826.
p. 40, l. 1372. «ryden», which does not rhyme with «foghten», is
evidently a clerical error. I suppose «soghten» to be the true
reading. For examples of «soght» = “came, went, moved,” see Zupitza’s
note to «Guy», l. 7151, and Skeat’s Glossary to «Specimens», s.
v. «socht».—There is still another corruption in this passage, as
«assembled» does not rhyme with «ordeyned».
p. 40, l. 1380. Note the transition from the indirect to the direct
speech.
p. 40, l. 1381. As it stands, the line is too long and spoils the
rhythm. The words “if ye cast me downe” can be dispensed with.
p. 40, l. 1383. «thare» : «were» (O.E. werian). The rhyme is easily
restored by reading «there» instead of «thare», cf. ll. 2604, 2404,
2245, etc. and see «Introduction», p. xxxv. [p119]
p. 41, ll. 1419–22. Observe the weak rhymes alternating with the strong
ones.
p. 41, l. 1420. «brother» means “brother-in-law.” Oliver’s sister Aude
was Roland’s intended bride. Perhaps also «brother» may be taken here
in sense of “brother in arms,” as in most romances we find Roland and
Oliver mentioned as a couple of true friends united by the most tender
ties of comradeship. Besides, Oliver was highly indebted to Roland, who
had rescued him when he had been made a prisoner after his duel with
Ferragus.
p. 41, l. 1423. «cowthe» miswritten for «caughte», which we read in ll.
1411, 1603.
p. 41, l. 1424. «Ascopartes» is the correct form. See note on l. 495.
p. 51, l. 1427. «foolde» cannot be “earth” here, for which the editor
of the Roxburghe Club ed. takes it. «Foolde» is the participle past of
«fealden», “to fold, plicare.” It means, “folded, bent down, fallen.”
This seems also to be the sense of «folde» in the following passages:
«Laȝamon», 23983–4:
“Þa feol Frolle
folde to grunde.”
«Ibid.» ll. 27054–6:
“Romanisce veollen
fiftene hundred
folden to grunden.”
«Ibid.» ll. 20057–60:
“he þohte to quellen
Þe king on his þeode
& his folc valden
volden to grunde.”
Cf. «Stratmann», p. 194.
p. 41, l. 1433. Roland and Olyver are taken prisoners. This incident is
differently related in the other poems. There Roland is not taken at
all, but sent afterwards among the messengers to the Soudan’s court.
Together with Oliver four knights are taken, viz. Gwylmer, Berard,
Geoffrey and Aubry, who all are carried away by the flying Saracens in
spite of the efforts of Roland and Ogier.
p. 42, l. 1451. «what» = “who.” See Koch, «Eng. Gr.» II. § 339, and
Skeat’s note to «Piers the Plowman» (Clarendon Press), 113/19. So in
ll. 1133, 1623.
p. 42, l. 1456. «astyte» has nothing to do with the Latin «astutus»
with which the editor of the Roxb. Club ed. apparently confounds it
in explaining it as “cunningly devised.” «Astyte» means “at once,
immediately, suddenly”; see Morris, Glossary to «Allit. Poems». It is a
compound of the simple word «tyte», “soon, quickly,” which see above,
l. 181.
p. 43, l. 1475. «Turpyn.» The name of the archbishop is not mentioned
in the Ashmolean version. The French text, ll. 1836–40, runs as
follows: [p120]
“Karles, nostre empereres, en est en piés levés,
Il apela Milon et Turpin l’alosés,
Deus rices arcevesques de moult grant sainteté:
Faites moi tost uns fons beneir et sacrer;
Je woel que cis rois soit bauptiziés et levés.”
Cf. also the Provençal poem, l. 1899, «et seq.»
p. 43, l. 1483. «nought for thane» = “nevertheless,” cf. Koch, «Eng.
Gr.» II. p. 473.
p. 43, l. 1486. «Rome» is a corruption of «Roye», as follows from the
French «Fierabras», l. 1851:
“C’est sains Florans de Roie, ce dist l’auctorités.”
Cf. the Ashmole «Ferumbras», l. 1087, and Grœber, «Zeitschrift für
romanische Philologie», IV. p. 167.
p. 43, l. 1495. «affrayned», which must not be confounded with
«affrayed», as the editor of the Roxburghe Club ed. does, means
“asked, inquired.” It is the compound of «freynen» or «fraynen», O.E.
«frignan», “to ask.” Goth. «fraihnan». Germ. «fragen».
p. 43, l. 1497. «allayned», “concealed.” The simple verb «layne» (from
Icel. «leyna», cf. Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 2994) is still retained
in the Scottish dialect, with the sense of “to hide.” Cf. also Morris,
«Allit. Poems», Gloss. s. v. «layned».
p. 43, l. 1498. In the other poems the prisoners do not tell their true
names; see «Introduction», pp. xxvii and xxix; and cf. «Syr Ferumbras»,
l. 1167.
p. 43, l. 1499. Roland is nephew to Charlemagne on his mother’s side.
See note to l. 1888, and cf. the Ashmole «Ferumbras», l. 2066. For
Oliver, see above, note to l. 1250.
p. 44, l. 1515. In the «Sowdan» Floripas herself advises Laban not to
slay his captives, but to imprison them. In the other versions it is
one of the barons who gives the same advice. See «Introduction», p.
xxviii.
p. 44, l. 1539. «depe» : «myrke». The rhyme will be restored by reading
«dirke» or «derke» instead of «depe». «derke» occurs in l. 2541.
p. 45, l. 1604. «maute.» “In Old French «mauté» is malice.” Gloss.
to Roxburghe Club ed. I do not know whether «mauté» exists in O.Fr.,
but even if it did, it would make no sense here. I feel sure «maute»
is a corruption of «mynte» or «mente» (cf. l. 1784), the preterite of
«minten» or «menten» = “to aim a blow, to strike,” from O.E. «myntan»,
“to intend, to purpose.” See Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 6579, and
Morris, «Allit. Poems», s. v. «mynte». Cf. also «Syr Ferumbras», l.
5587:
“Þan Charlis a strok till hym gan mynte;
Ac hym faylede of ys dynte,
for þat swerd hym glente. . .”
p. 47, l. 1615. «trew» instead of «free» will restore the rhyme. The
same rhyme «trewe» : «newe» occurs in ll. 67, 588.
p. 47, l. 1619. «fele sithe», “many a time, often.” So in ll. 2740,
2815. Cf. «ofte sithe», l. 916. [p121]
p. 47, l. 1624. «ruly», O.E. hrêowlîc = “rueful, sorrowful, mournful,
piteous.”
p. 47, l. 1645. «harme skathe» makes no sense. Read «harme & skathe»,
which occurs in «Gen. and Exod.» l. 2314:
“ðis sonde hem overtakeð raðe
And bicalleð of harme and scaðe.”
p. 48, l. 1665. In the French «Fierabras» (as well as in the Ashmolean
version) it is Roland whom Charlemagne addresses first (see above,
note to l. 1433); he tells him that he must go on a mission to demand
the surrender of Oliver and his companions. Upon which Naymes and the
other twelve peers remonstrate, but are all sent to Laban one after the
other, just as in the «Sowdan». In the Provençal poem it is only Guy
who protests. Cf. ll. 2263–2282 of the French «Fierabras»:
“Rollant regarda tost, si l’a araisonné:
Biaus nés, ce dist li rois, trop sui por vous irés;
Vous movrés le matin, à Aigremore irés;
Si dirés l’amirant, gardés ne li celés,
Rende moi la courone dont Dix fu couronés
Et les autres reliques dont je sui moult penés;
Et en après demant mes chevalier menbrés;
Et se il ne le fait si que deviserés,
Dites jel ferai pendre par la goule à un trefs,
En destre le menrai com .i. larron prové,
Ne troverai putel où il ne soit passé.” etc.
p. 48, l. 1668. Cf. «Fierabras», ll. 2309–2321, and «Syr Ferumbras», l.
1486–1493.
p. 49, l. 1683. «lese», “lose.” So in l. 2655 and 1696, where it rhymes
with «chese», which occurs again in ll. 2748, 2934.
p. 49, l. 1687. French text gives (ll. 2297, «et seq.»):
“Ogiers li boins Danois s’en est levés en piés:
Sire drois emperere, pour amour Dieu, oiés:
Bien sai se il i vont ja n’en revenra piés.
Avoec irés, dist Karles, par les ex de mon cief:
Or i serés vous .v. qui porterés mes briés.”
p. 49, l. 1691. «Bery» must be miswritten for «Terry», as we find
Terris d’Ardane in the French «Fierabras», l. 2290, and Terry of Ardane
in «Syr Ferumbras», l. 1469. According to l. 3187 of «Sir Ferumbras»,
Thierry is the father of Berard (Bryer) of Mountdidier. Cf. the French
text, ll. 2290–96 and «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 1468–1473.
p. 49, l. 1693. «rees», “time, occasion.” See note to l. 1349.
p. 49, l. 1695. Folk Baliant is not mentioned in any other poem of our
romance. See «Introduction», p. xxvii.
p. 49, l. 1698. «chese», O.E. «cêosan», Mod. E. «choose». It here means
“to be free to choose”:—“You shall not be free to choose,” “you shall
have no choice,” “you shall do what you are ordered.” See Mätzner’s
remark [in his «Wörterb.», p. 562, s. v. «cheosen»] to Halliwell,
«Dict.» p. 250. [p122]
p. 49, l. 1699. «Aleroyse.» See note to l. 884.
p. 49, l. 1711. «Turpyn.» There was a real bishop of this name, who,
according to the «Gallia Christiana», held the see of Reims from
A.D. 753 to 794. As we find him described in the romances, Turpin
was the very type of a knight-bishop. In the poem of «Aspremont», he
bears before the Christian army the wood of the true cross which in
his hands beams with brightness like the sun. In the romance of the
«Enfances Ogier» it was he, into whose custody Ogier was given, when
he had been made a prisoner after his revolt, in company with the king
of Lombardy, against Charlemagne (see above, note to l. 856), and
who, notwithstanding the order of Charles to have Ogier starved to
death, kept the Dane alive, who afterwards, when the Saracens invaded
France, proved a great help to the Christian arms. As we read in the
«Chanson de Roland», ll. 2242ss, Turpin met his death at Roncesvaux,
but according to the «Chronicle of Turpin», he survived the disaster of
Roncesvaux, and was saying mass for the dead, when he saw the angels
carrying the soul of Roland up to heaven. But from Gaston Paris’s Essay
«De Pseudo-Turpino» we know this chronicle to be an apocryphical book
written by two monks of the eleventh and twelfth century.
p. 49, l. 1717. «set not of youre barons so light» = “do not count,
consider them so little.” Cf. “to take one so lighte,” in «Syr
Ferumbras», ll. 114, 156.
p. 50, l. 1721. «gyfe no coost» has the same meaning as «give no tale»
= “make no account, do not mind.” See Zupitza’s note to «Guy», 8143.
Cf. also «Sowdan», l. 2793, and «Syr Ferumbras», l. 5847, 101, 4975;
and also ll. 173, 1578.
p. 50, l. 1723. Bryer of Mounteȝ or Berard de Montdidier was celebrated
for his gallantries and attentions to the ladies:
“D’ardimen vail Rotlan et Olivier
E de domnei Berart de Mondesdier.”
«i. e.»—“In prowess I am equal to Rolland and to Oliver, in matters
of love to Berart of M.” says the troubadour Peire Vidal in his poem
«Dragoman seiner»; cf. also «Fierabras», ll. 2125–7:
“Je ne sai cui vous estes, car ne vous puis viser,
Mais je cuit c’as pucieles sivés moult bien juer,
En cambre sous cortine baisier et acoler.”
See, besides, «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 422, 1297, 1305, 1354. This Bryer
of Mountes must be the same as the one slain in a sally of the twelve
peers, ll. 2604, 2622, because, according to l. 1723, it was he who
was among the peers sent on a mission to the Soudan. There is one
Bryer of Brytaine occurring in l. 886, whom one might be inclined
to think identical with Bryer of Mountes, as in l. 886 he is cited
together with the other peers. But since we find him again as the
treasurer of Charlemagne (l. 3205), this is impossible, unless we
suppose the mention of Bryer in l. 3205 to be owing to the [p123]
absent-mindedness of the author, who may be accused of a similar
inadvertency with regard to Rychard of Normandy; cf. note to l. 2797,
and Index of Names, «s. v.» Flagot.
p. 50, l. 1743. «Bronland.» The true reading is «Bro»u«land», as shewn
by «Fierabras», ll. 1549, 5174, &c.; «Destruction», ll. 1240–159, 441,
and «Sowdan», ll. 1759, 2456. The Ashmole MS. has «Bruyllant».
p. 51, l. 1751. «thane» = “thane that.” See Zupitza’s note to «Guy»,
992, p. 363.
p. 51, l. 1778. «charke» hardly makes sense here. It is perhaps a
clerical error for «charge», “to command, to order.” The sense would
then be, “and to tell him the Soudan’s strict orders which by peril of
death (= «upon life and lithe») Laban recommended him to obey.”
p. 51, l. 1779. «þen» instead of «þan» would improve the rhyme.
p. 52, l. 1788. «lorde of Spayne.» Cf. the French expression, “amirans
d’Espaigne,” which we find so often used in the «Destruction».
p. 52, l. 1802. «trappe» is Mod. Eng. «trape», which is used in the
sense of “to traipse, to walk sluttishly.” Halliwell has “trapes = to
wander about.”
p. 52, l. 1816. «byleved.» Rhyme and sense will be improved by reading
«byleven».
p. 53, l. 1854. «tyme» makes no sense here. Perhaps we ought to read «I
dyne»; cf. ll. 1508, 1114, 1837, and «Syr Ferumbras», l. 5621:
“Oþer elles þoo shalt þyn hefd forgon,
To morwen, or y wil dyne.”
«Fierabras», l. 1914:
“Ja mais ne mengerai si sera desmembrés.”
See also «Guy», l. 3695.
p. 54, l. 1888. «Syr Gy, nevew unto the king Charles.» Cf. «Fierabras»,
ll. 3406–8:
“On m’apele Guion, de Borgoigne fui nés,
Et fils d’une des filles au duc Millon d’Aingler,
Cousin germain Rollant, qui tant fait à douter.”
Duke Milon d’Anglers was brother-in-law to Charlemagne, whose sister
Berte was Milon’s wife and mother to Roland. Cf. Philippe Mousket, l.
2706–8:
“S’ot Charles une autre sereur,
Bertain: cele prist à seigneur
Milon d’Anglers, s’en ot Rollant.”
If, therefore, in the passage quoted above from «Fierabras», Guy is
said to be the grandson of Milon, he must have been the grand-nephew of
Charlemagne, and nephew to Rollant. As we learn from the French poem of
«Guy de Bourgoyne», Guy’s father was Samson of Burgundy. Cf. besides,
«Histoire Poétique», p. 407, and «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 1922, 2091, 1410,
etc.
p. 55, l. 1892. «And yet knowe I him noght.» Floripas has already
once [p124] seen Guy when he was defeating Lukafer before Rome; cf.
«Fierabras», ll. 2237–2245:
“.i. chevalier de France ai lontans enamé
Guis a nom de Borgoigne, moult i a bel armé;
Parens est Karlemaine et Rollant l’aduré.
Dès que je fui à Romme, m’a tout mon cuer emblé;
Quant l’amirans mes peres fist gaster la cité,
Lucafer de Baudas abati ens ou pré,
Et lui et le ceval, d’un fort espiel quarré.
Se cis n’est mes maris, je n’arai homme né;
Pour lui voel je croire ou roi de sainte maïsté.”
See also «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 2073–2087. Our line does not necessarily
imply a contradiction to the French text, as on the former occasion she
probably saw the duel from a great distance, when the latter’s features
were hidden by his helmet. That she really did not recognize him
follows from the following passage of «Fierabras», l. 2800, «et seq.»
“Je aim en douce France .i. leger baceler.”
—“Dame, comment a nom?” ce dist Rollans li her
Et respont la puciele: “ja le m’orrés nommer;
Guis a nom de Borgoigne, moult i a bel armé.”
—“Par mon cief” dist Rollans “à vos ex le véés
N’a pas entre vous deus iiii piés mesurés.”
Besides there are numerous instances to be met with in mediæval poetry
of persons enamoured of some one they had never seen:
“Ans no la vi et am la fort”
says Guilhelm de Poitiers in speaking of his lady (Mahn, «Werke der
Troubadours», p. 3). Cf. also «Rits. Rom.» II. 19, and «Web. Rom.» II.
131.
p. 55, l. 1927. «myghty» seems to mean “excellent, delicious,” rather
than “heavy.”
p. 57, l. 1974. «amonge», “every now and then, from time to time,
occasionally.” See Zupitza’s note to «Guy», 2301. It is often used as a
kind of expletive.
p. 57, l. 1995. «foulis», “fools, foolish.” Cf. the French text:
“Par Mahoun, dist li rois, trestout sont «fol» prové.”
p. 57, l. 1996. There is no mention made of this game in the Provençal
poem. It is described here even more explicitly than in the French
«Fierabras», ll. 2907–2932. Cf. also «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 2230–2251.
p. 57, l. 1997. «assorte» = “assembly, company;” by one assorte = “in
one company” (Halliwell). It seems to be connected with «sort» = “set,
assemblage,” see Skeat, «Specimens of E. E.», 425/999
p. 58, l. 2000. «i-fest» : «blast». Perhaps we ought to read «i-fast».
p. 59, l. 2036. «maden orders.» I do not know the exact meaning of this
expression. Perhaps it may be taken with the same sense as the Mod. H.
Germ. phrase = “ordnung schaffen,” which literally means [p125] “to
set in order, to put matters straight,” but is often used in the sense
of “to clear away,” or, “to remove or despatch.”
p. 59, l. 2045. «that he wente awaye with lym» = “that he had escaped
with (his limbs, or having) his limbs safe and sound.” «lyme», O.E.
«lim», Mod. Eng. «limb».
p. 59, l. 2052. «tho» = O.E. «Þâ», “those, them,” it is used as a
definite article in l. 2063.
p. 59, l. 2057. «amapide», miswritten for «awapide» (Herrtage),
“astounded, bewildered.” Cf. Stratmann, p. 10.—Mätzner, «Wörterbuch»,
p. 150, connects it with Goth. «afhvapjan», “to suffocate.” We find «m»
written for «w» several times in our poem; thus we read «ga»m«ylokes»
for «ga»w«ylokes» in l. 2650, and «ro»m«me» for «ro»w«me» in l. 876.
p. 60, l. 2085. «Assyne.» The rhyme shows that «Assye» is the true
reading. «Assye» occurs in ll. 102, 123.
p. 60, l. 2093. «wone», “heap, plenty.” O.Icel. «wân». See Zupitza’s
note to «Guy», p. 444.
p. 61, l. 2119. «Brenlande.» It ought to be «Breuland» or «Brouland»;
see above note to l. 1743.
p. 61, l. 2120. The first foot in the line consists of the single word
«what». Thus in ll. 2288, 2374, 2394, etc.
p. 62, l. 2145. «Espyarde.» This name only occurs in this poem. In «Syr
Ferumbras», l. 3824, the messenger sent to the bridge-keeper is called
Malyngryas. There is no name mentioned in the French «Fierabras», l.
4265.
p. 62, l. 2156. «That no man by the brigge.» There is no verb in the
sentence. Perhaps we ought to read «that no man passe by the brigge»,
or, «that no man passe the brigge».
p. 63, l. 2191. Cf. the description of the giant in «Fierabras», ll.
4740–4755, and «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 4435–4441.
p. 63, l. 2199. «nolde not.» See note to l. 1096.
p. 64, l. 2225. The line is too long. «Wilde» can be dispensed with,
and instead of «horses» we may read «hors»; cf. Skeat, Gloss. to
«Prioress’s Tale» (Clarendon Press), «s. v.» hors.
p. 64, l. 2233. «a magnelle», “a mangonel,” an ancient military engine
used for battering down walls (Halliwell). «Magnelle» is the O.Fr.
«Mangonel», or «Mangoneau», the Italian «manganello» (= “arbalist,
cross-bow”). The latter is the diminutive form of «mangano», “a sling;”
Greek, μαγγανον. See Diez, «Etym. Wörterb.», I. 261.
p. 64, l. 2238. «Cornel» or «carnel», Fr. «carnel», Mod.Fr. «créneau»,
“battlement, pinnacle.” Literally it means, “a piece carved out,” «i.
e.» of the wall on the top of a building; the French verb «carneler»
or «creneler» signifying, “to carve out, to jag, to notch.” «Carnel»
is derived from Latin «crena» (See Diez, «Gramm.», I. 14), which
means “a notch, a cut, an incision” (Diez, «Etym. Wörterb.», II.
266). Thus «carnel» came to denote a battlement or indented parapet;
or more [p126] exactly it was applied to those parts of the wall
projecting upwards between the openings or embrasures. It was one of
these projecting portions that was here knocked down. Cf. also «Syr
Ferumbras», l. 3314.
p. 65, l. 2245. The line is too long. Perhaps «or he hit» may be
dispensed with.
p. 65, l. 2247. The episode of Marsedag being slain by Guy is not found
in any other poem of this romance.
p. 65, l. 2271. «Alkaron», “the Koran,” «al» is the Arabic article.
There is a god named Alcaron occurring in l. 2762.
p. 66, l. 2282. «dye» : «waye». See l. 441. «forfamelid» = “famished,
starved to death.” I am not aware of any other instance of this
word. Halliwell has “famele = to be famished.” The prefix «for-» has
intensive or augmentative power; it is particularly used in past
participles. See Mätzner’s «Grammatik», I^2. 542.
p. 66, l. 2290. «faile» is the infinitive mood = “to be wanting, to
become deficient.” “Roland seeing the ladies white and pale (with
hunger) and (seeing) the bread wanting on their table spoke some words
of lamentation,” etc.
p. 66, l. 2303. «forcere», “chest, coffer.” For the etymology see Diez,
«Wörterb.», II. 31, «s. v.» forziere.
p. 66, l. 2309. As it stands the line is too long. As «you» and «that»
may be dispensed with, we ought perhaps to read, «I pray ye wole us
alle it shewe».
p. 66, l. 2310. «saule», “fill, hunger satisfied to repletion.” The
rhyme shows that the last syllable is accentuated. Therefore it cannot
be derived from the French «soûl» (Gloss. to Roxb. Club ed.), but from
«soûlée».
p. 66, l. 2311. «yede» = “went.” Not from O.E. «eode», but from
«ge-eode». See Zupitza’s note to «Guy», l. 60, and Skeat, «Piers the
Plowman» (Clarendon Press), 94/40.
p. 66, l. 2312. «vertue» : «fewe»; the rhyme is perfect, see the
Abstract of Mr. Nicol’s paper in the «Academy» of June 23, 1877 (vol.
xi. p. 564, col. 1).
p. 66, l. 2313. We must scan this line thus:
And dídẹṇ it aboútẹ hem éverychón.
[Illustration: poetry scansion markup]
«-en» in «diden» is mute; see «Introduction», p. xxxix.
p. 67, l. 2326. «ginne» = “engin, contrivance, trick.” See note to l.
780.
p. 67, l. 2337. «lefte.» The rhyme shows that the author pronounced
«lafte», which we find in l. 426.
p 68, l. 2351. Cf. «Fierabras», ll. 3046–3097. In the Provençal poem
Maubyn or Malpi, as he is called in Provençal, enters the room by means
of a charm which makes the door open itself: [p127]
“Vengutz es al fossat, pres de la tor cayrada.
Tantost intret dedins cuendamens a celada,
Venc a l’us de la cambra: si la trobet tancada.
Et «a dit son conjur»: tota s’es desfermada.”
ll. 2757–60.
p. 68, l. 2365. The rhyme is restored if we read «ledde» instead of
«ladde». See l. 1651.
p. 69, l. 2390. «By God and seynte Mary, myn avour.» I think the words
«myn avoure» are due to the scribe, not to the author, as they spoil
the rhythm. So we get «Mary» : «we». This rhyme, although not perfect,
is of no rare occurrence in Mid. Eng. works, see «Introduction»,
p. xliv. As to the spelling of «avour» I am not aware of any other
instance of this form of the word. There is a form «avyowre» cited
by Halliwell. Besides, «avoury» and «avowery», which he quotes under
different heads, are perhaps only different spellings of the same word.
p. 69, l. 2399. «slepinge» must be altered into «slepande» in order
to restore the rhyme. The author employed «-and» and «-ynge» as
terminations of the present participle. See «Introduction», p. xxxviii.
p. 69, l. 2421. «also» belongs to l. 2422.
p. 70, l. 2433. «so mete I spede», “as I may succeed.” See Zupitza’s
note to «Guy», l. 615.
p. 71, l. 2477. «and now» is perhaps miswritten for «inow»; cf. the
French text, l. 3803:
“«Tant» y a plates d’or, nus nes porroit nombrer.”
p. 71, l. 2482. «wast» gives no sense. Perhaps we ought to read «went».
p. 72, ll. 2491–2502. The arrangement of the stanzas seems, as regards
the rhymes, to be incorrect.
p. 72, l. 2507. In the Ashmole «Ferumbras» this episode of the Soudan
breaking the image of Mahound is omitted. In the French text he only
threatens to make him cry, as soon as he gets hold of him, but he is
rebuked by Sorbrance telling him that Mahomet being over-tired with
guarding the treasure has only fallen asleep. Cf. «Fierabras», ll.
3820–3829.
p. 72, l. 2512. «ore», O.E. «âr», “mercy, favour.” «Thyn ore» = “grant
us thy favour,” “have mercy upon us,” or, “with thy favour.”
p. 73, l. 2535. Richard of Normandy appearing here as in the French
«Fierabras», among the twelve peers besieged by the Soudan, without
having been mentioned before in the number of the knights sent on a
mission by Charles, furnishes us with an argument in support of our
supposition that the French «Fierabras» was the source of our poem. See
«Introduction», p. xxx, and of «Fierabras», ll. 3957–3994, and «Syr
Ferumbras», l. 4921.
p. 73, l. 2538. «wynde» : «hende»; «wende» which occurs in l. 2328
would improve the rhyme. [p128]
p. 73, l. 2549. «paramour» = “object of chivalrous affection and
devotion.”
p. 73, l. 2557. «wronge», preterite of «wringe», “to press well out,
force one’s way.”
p. 73, l. 2558. Does «thile» stand for «while», as «then», l. 2527,
seems to be miswritten for «when»? Or is «thile» = the while?
p. 74, l. 2564. «sloughe» : «drowe». Read «slowe», as in ll. 2401,
2683, 304, 2208, etc.
p. 75, l. 2597. «itolde», “in number,” see Zupitza’s note to «Guy»,
1770.
p. 75, l. 2614. «quell» = “«kill»,” which occurs in l. 3006.
p. 75, l. 2616. «bistadde», “hard bestead, greatly imperilled.”
p. 75, l. 2617. «japed», “mocked, tricked, laughed at.” Connected with
Icel. «gabba», “to mock.”
p. 76, l. 2639. «tha». See «Introduction», p. xxxvii.
p. 76, l. 2651. «lurdeyn», Mod. Eng. «lurdan», which is said to be the
Fr. «lourdin» (diminutive of «lourd»). Regarding it as a corruption of
“lord Dane” is a mere joke:
“In every house lord Dane did then rule all,
Whence laysie lozels lurdanes now we call.”
«Mirrour for Magistrates», p. 588.
p. 76, l. 2654. «sewes.» See Skeat, «Prioress’s Tale», p. 286.
p. 76, l. 2660. «let armes» makes no sense. Read «as armes»—«As armes»
= Fr. «aux armes», “to arms,” is of pretty frequent occurrence in Mid.
Eng. poems; see Mätzner’s «Wörterb.», p. 112. Cf. also «Syr Ferumbras»,
l. 2933:
“As armes,” þanne cride Rolond,
“As armes everychone!”
Cf. «ibidem», l. 4125. So we read in the «Destruction», l. 1460.
“Ore as armes, seignours, franc chevalier membré.”
Perhaps we ought to read «as armes» also in l. 491, where the reading
«and armes» is somewhat suspicious, since «armes», if we regard «and
armes» to be the true reading, would be the only instance of the
imperative plural ending in «-es» (instead of «-eth») in the «Sowdan».
p. 77, l. 2689. «Thay thanked God that thay him hadde Gyfe thaye suche
grace to spede.» These lines are corrupt. I propose to read:
“Thay thanked God that hem hadde
Gyfen suche grace to spede.”
p. 77, l. 2694. «alaye», written as one word in the MS., must be
divided into two, «a» being the indefinite article, and «laye» meaning
“unploughed ground, field, pasture, meadow.” Mod. Eng. «ley», «lea»,
«lay». See «Stratmann», s. v. «leȝe», p. 356.
p. 77, l. 2698. «he», “they.” This is the only instance of «he» instead
of the common «thay». But «he», which is further confirmed by the
rhyme, must certainly be attributed to the author; «thay» occurs only
once [p129] (l. 3021) as a rhyme, but the rhyme is not a good one, and
there also it would be preferable to read «he».
p. 78, l. 2706. «by my thrifte», the same as “so mote y thryve,” or,
“so mote y spede” = “as (verily as) I may thrive,” “in truth.”
p. 78, l. 2707. «see»; cf. Zupitza’s note to «Guy», 163.
p. 78, l. 2719. «wole» : «skille». The rhyme shows that «wole» cannot
be due to the author; we must read «wille» (or «welle» which occurs l.
2633).
p. 78, l. 2732. «bikure» or «bykeringe», l. 2559 = “fight, battle,
skirmish.” «Er durste bikure abide.» The subject is wanting, see note
to l. 67. Or is there any corruption in this line? Perhaps we ought to
read: “Lenger durste [thay] no bikure abyde.” Cf. ll. 3117, 2610, 2947.
p. 79, l. 2748. «love.» The rhyme requires «leef» or «leeve». «leef»,
O.E. «leof», means “dear, beloved.” For examples of «leef» being used
as a substantive, see Stratmann, p. 359.
p. 80, l. 2793. «eye», “egg.” See Koch, «Eng. Gr.» II. § 582, and
compare the French phrase “valoir un œuf pelé.”
p. 80, l. 2797. «and his meyne.» This must be a mistake of the author
himself. According to l. 2557, Richard had ventured alone on a mission
to Charlemagne. There is no mention whatever made afterwards that he
was joined by any one; the other poems likewise state that Richard was
without any companion.
p. 80, l. 2805. «lete» : «gate». The rhyme requires «late».
p. 81, l. 2810. «cliffe.» Here the author of the «Sowdan» goes so far
in shortening his original as to be wholly unintelligible. Indeed, any
reader, not comparing these lines with corresponding passages in the
French poem, will be left without any clue to what «cliff» is here
intended to mean. From the French «Fierabras» we know that the water of
the river was very deep and broad, and that the banks were exceedingly
steep and almost inaccessible. Cf. «Fierabras», ll. 4349:
“Et voit l’augue bruiant, le flot parfont et lé.”
l. 4358: “La rive en est moult haute, bien fait à redouter.” Cf. also
the Provençal poem, ll. 3733, «et seq.»:
“Richart regarda l’aygua, que fe mot a duptar,
E fo grans e preonda, que no y auza intrar,
E la riba fou «auta de C pes» ses gaber.”
Now it was by means of a twofold myracle that the Christian knight was
enabled to cross the river:
(1) The waters suddenly increased and rose so as to reach the very top
of the banks; cf. «Fierabras», ll. 4365–69:
“Or oiés quel vertu Diex i vaut demonstrer
Por le roi Karlemaine, qui tant fait à douter.
Ançois que on ëust une liuée alé,
Veïssiés si Flagot engroissier et enfler,
Que par «desous la rive commence à seronder».”
Provençal, ll. 3741–45: [p130]
“Ara podetz auzir, si m voletz escoutar:
Tan bela meravilha li volc dieus demostrar
Per lo bon rey de Fransa que el volc tant amar;
Ans un trag de balesta pogues lunhs hom anar,
Pogratz vezer Flagot «sus la riba montar».”
(2) A deer appears and shows Richard the way across the river to the
top of the opposite bank.
“Atant es vous .i. cerf, que Diex i fist aler,
Et fu blans comme nois, biaus fu à resgarder.
Devant le ber Richart se prent à demostrer,
Devant lui est tantost ens en Flagot entrés.
Li dus voit Sarrazins après lui aroutés,
S’il ot paour de mort ne fait à demander.
Après le blance bisse commencha à errer
Tout ainsi com ele vait, lait le ceval aler;
Et li ciers vait devant, qui bien s’i sot garder,
D’autre part à la rive se prent à ariver.”
Cf. also the Provençal version, ll. 3751–54:
“Apres la blanca bestia laycha ’l destrier anar.
E lo cer vay denan, que l saup mot ben guizar,
De l’autra part de l’aygua l’a fayt ben aribar,
«E dieus a fayt Flagot en son estat tornar».”
This bank which formerly was steep and inaccessible, but is now covered
with water, is called «cliff» by our poet. In the Ashmolean poem the
first miracle is not mentioned; cf. «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 3943, «et seq.»
p. 81, l. 2811. «he blessed him in Godis name.» The phrase occurs also
in «Syr Ferumbras», l. 3961, but is not to be found in the French
text. Mr. John Shelley (in his paper printed in the «Annual Report and
Transactions» of the Plymouth Institution, IV. i. 71) took this phrase
as a proof that the original of the «Sowdan» could not have been the
French poem. But it must be stated that as in the «Sowdan», l. 2807, so
in the French version Richard is said to have addressed a prayer to God:
“Escortrement commence Jhesu à reclamer:
Glorieus sire pere, qui te laissas pener
En la crois beneoite pour ton pule sauver,
Garisiés hui mon cors de mort et d’afoler,
Que je puisse Karlon mon message conter.”
«Fierabras», ll. 4360–64.
If now we consider that some lines back (l. 4093) the French poem
expressively states that Richard seeing himself hard pressed by the
Saracens, signed himself with the sign of the cross—
“Lors a levé sa main, de Jhesu s’est signiés”
an incident which at that moment is omitted in the «Sowdan»—we think
ourselves entitled to regard this proof as not very convincing.
p. 81, l. 2820. «Ganelon», one of Charlemagne’s officers, who by his
treachery was the cause of the defeat of Roncesvaux, the death of
Roland, etc., for which he was torn to death by horses. For [p131]
several centuries his name was a synonymous word with traitor.
«Ganelo» = Germ. «Wenhilo».
p. 81, l. 2845. «Fremounde» cannot be the true reading, as it does
not rhyme with «kinge». Besides «Fremounde» does not occur again in
the poem. Perhaps we ought to read «Qwyntyne», as in l. 1298. In the
corresponding passage of the French «Fierabras» (l. 4625) it is to St.
Denis that Charles swears; cf. also «Syr Ferumbras», l. 4289.
p. 82, l. 2850. «And» makes no sense. Read “«God».”
p. 83, l. 2887. «gryse» : «assaye». We get a perfect rhyme if we read
«gray» instead of «gryse». Halliwell, «s. v.» “gray,” has: “the skin or
fur of a badger.”
p. 83, l. 2891. As it stands, the line does not rhyme with l. 2893. The
rhyme will be restored if we read:
“«Lycence gete ye noone nere»,” or perhaps
“«Lycence gete ye of me nere»,”
«nere» meaning «ne’er», «never», as in «Guy», 10550 and 10716.
p. 84, l. 2939. The name of the giantess is «Amiette» or «Amiote» in
the other poems.
p. 84, l. 2941. This line is too long; «as þikke» may be omitted.
p. 84, l. 2942. «bydene», “immediately, all at once.” On the etymology
see Zupitza’s note to «Guy», 2408.
p. 85, l. 2981. «ayene» means “back.” So in «Genesis and Exodus», l.
1097:
“And bodem hem and tagten wel
ðat here non wente agen.”
Again, l. 3267:
“ðo quoðen he ‘wende agen,
An israel folc lete we ben.’”
p. 86, l. 3020. As it stands, this line does not scan well. Perhaps
we may read «month» instead of «monthes», and «childre» instead of
«children», and scan the line thus:
Foúnd two chíldrẹ of séven month oólde.
[Illustration: poetry scansion markup]
p. 87, l. 3021. «thay» : «Normandy». The rhyme, though imperfect,
cannot be objected to; but as the rhyme «e» : «y» («i») is frequently
employed by our author (see «Introduction», p. xliv), and was of rather
common use about that period (see Ellis, «Pronunciation», I. 271), we
might incline to the supposition that «he» is the true reading. Cf.
besides l. 2698.
p. 87, l. 3034. «mene» makes no sense. Perhaps we ought to read:
«mete», “food.”
p. 87, l. 3044. In the French poem, l. 5108, Hoel and Riol are
appointed governors of Mantrible, whereas Richard goes on with Charles
and commands one of the divisions of his army (l. 5577). Cf. «Syr
Ferumbras», l. 5643.
p. 88, l. 3062. «coost», “country, region.” See Mätzner’s «Wörterb.»,
487.
p. 88, l. 3084. In the «Fierabras», l. 5374, it is Naymes who first
recognizes the banner of France; cf. «Syr Ferumbras», l. 5209. [p132]
p. 89, l. 3098. «of the Ethiopes» = “some of the Ethiopians.” This may
be regarded as an example of the partitive use of «of». Cf. Zupitza’s
note to «Guy», 1961.
p. 89, l. 3103. «alto hewe» must be more correctly written «al
to-hewe»;—«to-», as a mere prefix (signifying “in twain, asunder,
apart” = Germ. «zer») belongs essentially to the verb; the intensive
adverb «al» (= “utterly, omnino,”) used before verbs beginning not only
with «to-», but also before other prefixes, still further strengthens,
and belongs to, the whole expression. So «al to-treden», l. 1382,
«to-braste», l. 1168.
p. 89, l. 3122. «Belmore.» Perhaps identical with Belmarine.
p. 90, l. 3130. «wode-wroth», “madly angry.” Cf. Skeat, «Specimens of
Early Eng. Lit.», 80/37.
p. 90, l. 3141. «game», “sport, joke, affair.”
p. 90, l. 3154. «hat», “be called.” See note, l. 613.
p. 91, l. 3164. «bronde», “sword.” In the next line «bronte» means
“blow, stroke.”
p. 91, l. 3189. «lande» : «commaunde». See note, l. 59.
p. 91, l. 3191. The rhyme is spoiled. Perhaps «than» must be transposed
so that we get the rhyme «baptysed» : «imaryed».
p. 92, l. 3210. «there to abide in store» = “to be kept in store”; cf.
Skelton, ed. Dyce, I. 162, 221.
p. 92, l. 3227. «victory» = “booty, spoils of victory, trophy.”
p. 92, l. 3232. «the hyer honde to have» = “to have conquered or
vanquished.” The same phrase is found in M. H. G.; cf. Hartmann’s
«Iwein», ed. Lachmann, l. 1537–8:
“Vrou Minne nam die obern hant,
daz sî in vienc unde bant.”
p. 93, l. 3236. In the French «Fierabras», l. 6082, «et seq.», and in
the Provençal poem, l. 5067, «et seq.», the relics are distributed
as follows: Part of the crown and one nail to St. Denis, and “«li
signes»,” the winding-sheet of the Lord, to Compiègne. There is no
mention made of the cross in the French poem (see note to l. 665); cf.
Introd. pp. l and liv.
p. 93, l. 3253. According to the «Chanson de Roland», Ganelon has been
drawn and quartered in a field near Aix-la-Chapelle.
p. 94, l. 3254. «By lawe», cf. «Syr Ferumbras», l. 307: “As for
traytours ȝaf þe lawe.” On this law compare Léon Gautier’s note to l.
3736 of the «Chanson de Roland».
p. 95, l. 3274. The French poem ends with the assertion of the poet (or
the scribe) that whoever has well listened to this romance will find
every part of it good and excellent, the opening, the middle, and the
end:
“De cest roumant est boine et la fin et l’entree,
Et enmi et partout, qui bien l’a escoutée.”
[p133]
GLOSSARY.
O.E. = Old English or Anglo Saxon. O.Fr. = Old French.
32/1094 = page 32, line 1094.
Abye, 32/1094, «vb.» to pay for, expiate. O.E. âbycgan.
adaunte, 28/957, «vb.» to subdue. Fr. danter, donter, dompter.
aferde, 39/1337, «pp.» afraid. O.E. âf[^æ]rde.
affrayned, 43/1495, «pt. s.» asked. O.E. frignan.
afraye, 26/896, «sb.» disturbance, fight.
agreved, 29/992, «pp.» aggrieved. Fr. aggrever.
alayned, 43/1497, «pt. s.» concealed, dissembled. Icel. leyna.
alle and some, 22/749, altogether, every one.
almiht, 38/1329, «adj.» «See note.»
ameved, 29/994, «pp.» moved.
amonge, 57/1994, «adv.» in the mean time, now and then, sometimes.
«See note to» l. 1974.
aplight, 17/573, «adv.» certainly, indeed. «See note.»
areeste, 34/1166, «sb.» rest, support. O.Fr. arrest.
arson, 41/1410, «sb.» pommel. Fr. arçon.
aspied, 10/314, «pp.» espied. Fr. espier.
assaye, 83/2889, «sb.» value. Fr. essai.
assorte, 57/1997, «sb.» assembly, company. «See note.»
assoyled, 70/2455, «pt. pl.» absolved.
astraye, 16/532, «adv.» out of the right way, roving about without
guidance.
astyte, 42/1456, «adv.» immediately.
asure, 5/134, «sb.» azure.
atame, 27/935, «vb.» to tame, subdue. O.E. âtamian.
atone, 32/1103, agree.
attones, 31/1067, at once.
avente, 36/1237, «vb.» to take breath. Fr. venter.
avoure, 69/2390, «sb.» protection, protectress.
avyse, 49/1716, «vb.» to consider, advise with one’s self. Fr. aviser.
awapide, 59/2057, «pp.» astounded, bewildered. «See note.»
ayene, 85/2981, «adv.» back.
Bandon, 19/636, «sb.» disposal.
bassatours (?), 29/995, «sb.» vavassors.
bawson, 2/52, «sb.» badger.
baye, 27/940, «sb.» recess, niche. «See note.»
beckyn, 3/64, «vb.» beckon. O.E. bêacnian.
bedight, 88/3070, «vb.» to dispose, to surrender, to send forth.
behight, 25/859, «pt. s.» promised. O.E. heht.
bende, 13/420, «vb.» to direct.
bente, 20/665, «adj.» bent, crooked.
benysone, 9/289, «sb.» blessing. Fr. benoison.
bette, 49/1716, «adv.» better.
bikure, 78/2732, «sb.» skirmish.
bispake, 5/165, «pt. s.» spoke with.
bistadde, 75/2616, «pp.» placed in peril, hardly bestead. Cf. O.E.
stæððan. Dan. bestede.
biwry, 46/1580, «vb.» betray. O.E. biwrêgan.
bloo, 29/1005, «adj.» blue. Icel. blâr.
blynne, 70/2442, «vb.» to cease, stop. O.E. belinnan.
bobaunce, 7/211, «sb.» boasting.
boure, 54/1870, «sb.» a lady’s apartment, boudoir. O.E. bûr.
bowe, 53/1853, «sb.» bough, branch. O.E. bôg.
braide, 32/1098, «pt. s.» drew. O.E. brægd.
brayde, 8/247, «sb.» craft, deceit, artifice. «See note.»
breddes, 5/131, «sb.» birds. O.E. bridas.
broke, 57/1965, «vb.» to break.
bronte, 91/3166, «sb.» blow.
buskede, 31/1055, «pt. s.» prepared, arrayed. Icel. bûask.
by, 3/87, «vb.» buy, pay. O.E. bycgan.
bydene, 84/2942, immediately. «Originally» mid ene. «See note.»
bygone, 3/79, «pp.» afflicted. «See note.»
bykeringe, 74/2595, «sb.» skirmish.
by than, 10/344. «See note.»
Camalyon, 29/1008, «sb.» camel-leopard. «See note.»
carrikes, 4/118, a kind of large ship. «See note.»
caste, 12/394, «sb.» plan, stratagem; 60/2091, the throwing; 71/2471,
missile. «See note to» l. 394.
ceased, 89/3109, «pt. s.» seized.
chaffer, 83/2885, «sb.» merchandise. O.E. cêap, faru.
charke, 51/1778, «vb.» to creak, crack. «See note.»
chek, 8/189, «sb.» a checkered cloth.
chere, 6/201, «sb.» demeanour, behaviour, humour.
chere, 80/2781, «sb.» friendliness, willingness.
chere, 87/3030, «adj.» pleased, merry.
chese, 49/1698, «vb.» to be free to choose. O.E. cêosan.
clepeth, 24/809, «pr. s.» calls.
clipped, 56/1935, «pt. pl.» embraced, hugged. O.E. clyppan.
clog, 46/1603, «sb.» “truncus,” block.
cloute, 58/2014, «sb.» blow.
combrest, 83/2909, «pr. s.» encumberest. Fr. combrer.
coost, 50/1721, «sb.» regard, account. «See note.»
cornell, 64/2238, «sb.» shaft of a pinnacle or battlement. O.Fr.
carnell. «See note to» l. 2238, and compare Du Cange, «s. v.»
quarnellus: “pinna muri per quam milites jaculantur.”
coude, 16/541, «pt. s.» knew.
counsail, 46/1590, secret.
Defouled, 7/233, «pp.» polluted. Cf. O.E. fŷlan, fûlian.
delte, 16/526, «pp.» dealt.
dere, 92/3202, «vb.» to harm, injure. O.E. derian.
derke, 73/2541, «adj.» dark.
dewe, 70/2452, «adj.» due.
dight, 79/2763, «pp.» dressed, prepared. O.E. dihtan.
dinge, 26/880, «vb.» to dash, beat. Cf. Icel. dengja.
dirke, 44/1539. «See note.»
dobbet, 33/1136, «pp.» dubbed. O.E. dubban. Fr. dober.
dome, 14/478, «sb.» glory.
don, 88/3078, «vb.» cause, order O.E. dôn.
donne, 11/347, «adj.» dun.
dowte, 9/297, «sb.» fear.
dradde, 36/1232, «pt. s.» feared. Cf. O.E. on-dr[^æ]dan.
dresse, 49/1702, «vb.» to direct one’s self, go, start. Fr. dresser.
dromonde, 3/63, «sb.» vessel of war.
dute, 30/1024, «sb.» duty. Deriv. of due, dewe. Fr. deu.
Egre, 29/1009, «vb.» to excite, to urge.
eke, 20/662, «adv.» also. O.E. êac.
engyn, 28/948, «sb.» a skilful contrivance. Fr. engin.
ensample, 27/931, «sb.» example.
entente, 16/550, «vb.» to turn one’s attention to, to try to get, to
attempt.
entente, 28/945, «sb.» meaning, will, mind.
erille, 11/368, «sb.» earl.
erraunte, 5/139, quick, immediately.
eye, 80/2793, «sb.» egg. O.E. æg.
Fade, 20/678, «vb.» to dispose, to arrange, to set up (?).
fade, 30/1033, «adj.» weak, faint.
faste, 32/1086, «adv.» much, greatly.
fat, 90/3152, «sb.» Vat, tub. O.E. fæt.
fauchon, 76/2650, «sb.» a sword or falchion.
faye, 26/900, «vb.» truth, faith.
fele, 47/1619, «adj.» many.
felle, 29/1004, «adj.» fierce, furious.
felte, 41/1405, «pt. s.» made fall, killed.
fende, 92/3231, «pp.» defended, protected, granted.
fere, 36/1248, «sb.» fear. O.E. f[^æ]r.
fere, 44/1505, «sb.» companion. In fere, 31/1071, together.
fere, 2/59, «vb.» to terrify.
ferre, 4/103, «adv.» far.
fet, 91/3188, «pp.» fetched.
fille, 35/1210, «pt. s.» fell.
fleen, 88/3065, to flay. O.E. flêan.
folde, 71/1427, «pp.» felled, knocked down.
forcere, 66/2303, «sb.» chest, coffer. O.Fr. forcier.
for-famelid, 66/2282, «pp.» entirely famished.
foule, 77/2686, «vb.» foul luck, mischance.
fowarde, 15/502, 22/732, «sb.» vanguard.
frankensense, 20/679, «sb.» an odorous resin, pure incense.
fraye, 15/514, «vb.» to frighten, attack.
frike, 4/104, «adj.» quick, bold, active.
frith, 2/43, «sb.» enclosed wood.
froo, 79/760, «prep.» from.
fyne, 9/306, «sb.» end.
Game, 90/3141, «sb.» affair; 92/3199, pleasure. O.E. gamen.
gan, 16/549, «pt. s.» began.
gavylok, 41/1426, «sb.» a spear or javelin. O.E. gafoluc.
geaunesse, 84/2943 (?), «sb.» giantess.
geder, 45/1553, «vb.» to gather. O.E. gædrian.
glased, 35/1208, «pt. s.» glided. O.Fr. glacier. See Zupitza’s note to
«Guy», l. 5067.
glede, 7/205, «sb.» a glowing coal, ember. O.E. glêd.
god, 3/67, «adj.» versed in, master of.
gome, 5/144, «sb.» man. O.E. guma.
gonge, 84/2934, «vb.» to go. O.E. gongan.
goulis, 6/189, «sb.» gules, a red colour. Fr. geules.
gray, 83/2887, «sb.» the fur of a gray, or badger. O.E. gr[^æ]g.
gree, 82/2850, «sb.» grace, favour. Fr. gré. Lat. gratum.
grenned, 84/2948, «pt. s.» grinned, roared. O.E. grennian.
grevaunce, 29/993, «sb.» grievance.
greved, 45/1543, «pt. s.» grieved, molested, troubled.
grith, 82/2850, «sb.» peace, agreement. O.E. grið.
gryse, 83/2887, «sb.» a kind of fur. Fr. gris.
guttis, 39/1351, «sb.» guts. O.E. gut.
gydoure, 5/163, «sb.» leader, guide.
gynne, 67/2326, «sb.» enginne, contrivance.
Harde, 59/2056, «pt. s.» heard.
hat, 90/3154, «vb.» to be called. O.E. hâtan.
he, 77/2698, «pron. nominat.» thay. O.E. hî.
heede, 62/2158, «sb.» head. O.E. hêafod.
hende, 73/2536, «adj.» gentle, polite. O.E. hendig.
hennys, 55/1922, «adv.» hence. O.E. heonan.
hente, 40/1370, «vb.» hold, take. O.E. hentan.
hie, 14/455, «sb.» haste.
hight, 18/613, «pt. s.» promised; 36/1242, art called. O.E. heht.
honde of honde, 12/394, in close fight.
hoole, 32/1119, «adj.» whole, sound. O.E. hâl.
hurle, 27/929, «vb.» to jostle, to strike. A contraction of «hurtle».
hurteled, 24/831, «pt. pl.» clashed against, jostled. Frequentative of
«hurt». Fr. hurter, heurter.
hye, 32/1092, «sb.» haste.
I-fast, 58/2000, fixed.
ilkadele, 58/2016, every part. O.E. [^æ]lc, d[^æ]l.
ilke, 9/281, «adj.» same. O.E. ylca.
inowe, 25/854, «adv.» enough. O.E. genôh.
ishente, 66/2286, «pp.» destroyed. O.E. ge-scended.
istoke, 56/1963, «pp.» shut up, fastened. From steken. O.L.G. stecan.
istonge, 16/533, «pp.» stung, pierced. O.E. stungen.
it, 25/845, «vb.» to hit. Icel. hitta.
iwis, 3/71, «adv.» certainly, indeed. O.E. gewiss.
iwone, 11/358, «adj.» accustomed.
Japed, 75/2617, «pp.» mocked, laughed at. O.Icel. gabba.
jouste, 57/1991, «vb.» to joust, fight. Fr. jouster.
Kele, 93/3258, «vb.» to keel, cool. O.E. cêlan.
kind, 63/2196, «sb.» race, family.
kithe, 28/971, «vb.» to show, manifest. O.E. cŷðan.
kon, 66/2297, «prs. pl.» can.
kynde, 28/968, «sb.» nature, temper.
kynde, 2/42, «adj.» natural, inborn.
Lan, 15/516, «pt. s.» ceased, stopped. O.E. lan.
late, 71/2460, «pt. pl.» let, caused, ordered. O.E. lêt, l[^æ]ton.
launde, 2/59, «sb.» park, lawn.
laye, 77/2694, «sb.» lea, field. O.E. lêah. Cf. Water-«loo».
laye, 28/951, «sb.» law. O.E. lagu.
layne, 16/538, «pt. pl.» lay. O.E. l[^æ]gon.
lefe, 23/763, «vb.» leave, abandon, forsake. O.E. l[^æ]fan.
lefe-long, 24/832, «adj.» long, tedious.
legeeȝ, 23/775, leagues. Fr. lieue. O.Fr. legue. Lat. leuca.
leke, 50/1726, «sb.» leek. O.E. lêac.
lele, 33/1129, «adj.» leal, loyal. Fr. leal.
lenger, 72/2500, «compar.» longer.
lere, 66/2289, «sb.» countenance, complexion. O.E. hlêor.
lere, 74/2569, «vb.» to teach.
lered, 58/2005, «pp.» learned.
lerne, 33/1141, «vb.» to teach.
lese, 49/1683, «vb.» to loose. O.E. lêosan.
lette, 17/585, «vb.» leave off; 74/2610, to put a stop to, hinder,
tarry. O.E. lettan.
leve, 23/794, «vb.» leave. O.E. l[^æ]fan; 30/1045, omit, neglect.
leve, 19/651, «vb.» live, remain. O.E. gelŷfan.
leven, 31/1050, «vb.» believe. O.E. lêfan.
lewde, 75/2601, «sb.» laymen, unlearned. O.E. l[^æ]wed.
light, 26/905, «adj.» active, nimble.
light, 33/1125, «pp.» alighted. O.E. lîhtan.
lithe, 81/1778, «sb.» limb, member. O.E. lið.
logges, 69/2399, «sb.» huts. Fr. loge.
longith, 28/951, «prs. s.» belongeth, becomes.
loute, 72/2513, «vb.» to stoop, bow down. O.E. lûtan.
lowly, 70/2454, «adv.» low, not loud.
lurdeynes, 76/2651, «sb.» lurdan, lout. Fr. lourdin.
lym, 59/2045, «sb.» limb.
lyued, 66/1261, «pt. pl.» lived.
Magre, 42/1442, «prep.» in spite of.
maistryes, 89/3117, «sb. pl.» mastery, proof of skill, combat.
manly, 29/989, «adj.» brave.
mayne, 16/528, «sb.» main, strength.
me, 9/287, «sb.» men, people, one.
meche, 6/179, «adj.» much. O.E. mycel.
mede, 31/1054, «sb.» meadow. O.E. m[^æ]d.
mede, 37/1289, «sb.» meed, pay. O.E. mêd.
medel, 73/2540, «vb.» meddle. O.Fr. mesler, mestler.
men, 4/115, «sb.» men, people, one.
menske, 28/972, «sb.» manliness, honour. O.E. mennisc.
mente, 51/1784, «vb.» to aim at, to intend to go. O.E. myntan. «See
note to» l. 1604.
mervaylyth, 88/3066, «prs. s.» marvels, wonders. Cf. Fr. merveille.
mete, 47/1633, «sb.» food, repast.
meyne, 7/219, «sb.» host, company, retinue. O.Fr. maisniee.
mikille, 30/1016, «adj.» many. O.E. mycel.
moche, 15/505, «adj.» much.
mode, 29/1009, «sb.» mind, temper, courage. O.E. môd.
moolde, 5/136, «sb.» earth, worth. O.E. molde.
moone, 28/944, «sb.» moan, complaint. Cf. O.E. m[^æ]nan.
more, 23/777, delay. «See note to» l. 1110.
more, 29/1005, «sb.» moor, Maurian.
mot, 19/650, «vb.» may.
myghty, 56/1927, «adj.» «See the note.»
myrke, 45/1541, «adj.» dark. O.E. myrce.
Natheless, 15/506, «adv.» nevertheless.
nather, 36/1232, «adj.» nother.
ner, 13/416, «conj.» nor.
nere, 22/756, «adv.» near.
nerehond, 86/2998, «adv.» almost.
noght, 43/1497, «adv.» not.
noght, 78/2712, «sb.» nothing.
none, 32/1114, «sb.» noon.
nones, 3/74, «sb.» nonce, occasion.
nothinge, 6/175, not at all.
nothir, 8/267, «conj.» neither.
nought for than, 43/1483, nevertheless.
nyl, 17/585, «prs. s.» will not. O.E. nyle.
Of, 32/1088, «prp.» on account of.
oght, 78/2713, «sb.» aught.
onarmede, 14/464, unarmed.
onneþe, 89/3105, «adv.» scarcely.
onworthily, 49/1634, «adv.» unusefully.
orders, 59/2036. «See the note.»
ore, 72/2512, «sb.» mercy, favour. O.E. âr.
orfrays, 83/2888, «sb.» gold embroidery. Lat. Aurifrisum.
overlede, 72/2502, «vb.» to domineer over, to oppress.
Parelles, 55/1917, «sb. pl.» perils. Fr. péril.
paynym, 16/539, «sb.» pagan.
pellure, 83/2887, «sb.» fur. O.Fr. pelure.
pight, 34/1158, «pp.» pitched, fixed.
pinne, 88/3077, «vb.» to torment. O.E. pînan.
playn, 6/177, «vb.» to complain.
plete, 33/1151, «vb.» plead, prattle. From Fr. plet, plaid.
plight, 26/889, «prs. s.» promise, assure.
poleyne, 6/176, «sb.» pully-pieces, knee-armour.
praye, 16/550, «sb.» press, crowd.
prees, 40/1399, «sb.» crowd, struggle. Fr. presse.
preest, 34/1169, «adj.» ready. Fr. prest.
prik, 81/2831, «vb.» to spur a horse, to ride.
prikke, 65/2260, «sb.» a piece of wood in the centre of the target.
See Halliwell’s «Diction.» «s. v.» preke.
prove, 6/183, «vb.» to try.
prowe, 51/1766, «sb.» profit, advantage, honour. Fr. prou.
prymsauns, 28/965 (?). «See the note.»
Quod, 32/1095, «prt. s.» quoth.
qwelle, 75/2614, «vb.» to kill. O.E. cwellan.
qwere, 17/566, «sb.» quire, choir-service.
qweynte, 3/74, «adj.» excellent, elegant. O.Fr. coint. Lat. cognitus.
qwike, 58/2001, «adj.» alive, burning. O.E. cwic.
qwite, 16/520, «vb.» to requite, to reward.
Racches, 2/56, «sb.» setting dogs, pointers.
rafe, 25/866, «vb.» to rave. O.Fr. raver. Span. rabiar. Lat. rabiare.
ras, 39/1349, «sb.» instant, occasion. «See the note.» 19/645, hurry,
haste.
rase, 23/774, «sb.» rush, channel of the sea.
raught, 46/1605, «prt. s.» reached, aimed at, struck. O.E. r[^æ]hte.
rede, 85/2980, «sb.» counsel, advice. O.E. r[^æ]d.
rees, 49/1693, «sb.» time, occasion.
rehete, 59/2035, «vb.» to cheer.
rekyneth, 57/1982, «prs. s.» reckons, deduces.
releve, 7/219, «vb.» to rally.
renew, 33/1126, «vb.» to tie. Fr. renouer.
renew, 63/2200, «vb.» to renovate, to recommence. Renew.
resyn, 16/534, «prs. pl.» rise.
rew, 89/3105, «sb.» row, order. O.E. r[^æ]w.
roght, 54/1878, «pt. pl.» recked, cared. O.E. rôhton.
roial, 20/686, 51/1765, «adj.» exquisite, distinguished; 71/2483,
delightful. Cf. l. 2247.
rome, 14/484, «vb.» to walk about. See Stratmann, «s. v.» râmen, p.
452.
romme, 26/876, «sb.» room, space. O.E. rûm.
rowte, 2/54, «sb.» company, host.
rowte, 60/2073, «vb.» to assemble in a company, to throng, to rally.
ruly, 47/1624, «adj.» rueful. O.E. hrêowlîc.
ryme, 10/339, «vb.» to cry out, to moan.
Saile, 12/385, «vb.» to assail.
same, all in s., 56/1938, altogether.
sare, 21/706, «adv.» sorely, sadly.
saule, 66/2310. «See the note.»
saute, 18/619, «sb.» assault.
saye, 58/1998, «pt. pl.» saw. O.E. s[^æ]gon.
scole, 33/1141, «vb.» style, manner.
sede, 7/235, «sb.» seed.
seke, 32/1116, «adj.» sick.
semely, 2/39, «adj.» seemly, comely, beautiful.
sendelle, 4/129, «sb.» a kind of rich thin silk.
set, 49/1717, «vb.» to consider, estimate.
sete, 3/62, «sb.» a seat.
sewes, 76/2654, «sb.» juices, delicacies. O.E. seaw.
seyne, 14/472, «vb.» to speak.
shente, 1/23, «pp.» destroyed.
shifte, 78/2704, «vb.» to divide, to share. O.E. sciftan.
shonde, 64/2222, «sb.» disgrace, ignominy. O.E. sceand.
shoon, 40/1381, «sb.» shoes. O.E. scêon, scêos.
shope him, 2/50, «pt. s.» got himself ready to, arrayed himself.
shoure, 15/509, «sb.» fight.
shrew, 72/2518, «vb.» to curse.
shrewes, 76/2652, «sb.» wicked beings.
sikerlye, 62/2172, «adv.» surely.
sith, 47/1632, «conj.» since.
sithe, 47/1619, «sb. pl.» times. O.E. sîð.
skaped, 59/2043, «pt. s.» escaped.
skath, 47/1645, «sb.» loss, damage, ruin. Cf. O.E. sceaðan.
skomfited, 38/1320, «pp.» discomfited. O.Fr. desconfire.
skulkyng, 76/2651, «prs. p.» lurking, breaking forth from a hiding
place.
smerte, 38/1309, «adj.» smart, pungent.
smertly, 41/1419, «adv.» smartly, at once.
socoure, 15/507, «sb.» succour, assistant.
soghten, 40/1372, «pt. pl.» moved on, rode. «See the note.»
solas, 20/675, «sb.» relief, recreation, pleasure. O.Fr. solaz. Lat.
solatium.
somer, 77/2702, «sb.» a sumpter horse. Fr. sommier. Cf. Diez, «Etym.
Dict.» I., p. 364, «s. v.» salma.
sonde, 61/2134, «sb.» message, order.
sore, 2/47, «adv.» very much, eagerly.
sore, 33/1138, «adv.» sadly.
sowdeoures, 21/727, «sb.» soldiers, hirelings. Lat. solidarius. Cf.
Fr. soudard, soudoyé.
spede, 70/2433, «vb.» thrive.
spille, 36/1226, «vb.» to destroy. O.E. spillan.
stenyed, 24/825, «pt. s.» shook, astounded.
steven, 65/2258, «sb.» voice. O.E. stefn.
stondart, 78/2717, «sb.» standard-bearer. Fr. étendard.
store, 23/768, «sb.» provision.
store, 92/3210, «sb.» stock, preservation, keeping.
stoure, 7/212, «sb.» battle, tumult.
stoute, 53/1825, «adj.» proud, boasting.
stronde, 2/53, «sb.» strand, shore.
stroyeth, 5/159, «prs. s.» destroyeth.
stynte, 52/1804, «pt. pl.» stopped.
sue, 46/1601, «vb.» to follow. Fr. suivre.
sware, 13/428, «adj.» heavy.
swyth, 47/1621, «adv.» quick, fast. O.E. swîðe.
Tan, 74/2581, «pp.» taken.
tene, 30/1032, «sb.» grief, anger, insult, injury. O.E. têona.
tene, 83/2902, «vb.» to vex, to wax wroth. O.E. tŷnan.
teyde, 48/1648, «pp.» tied.
tha, 76/2639. «See the note.»
thane, 51/1756, than that.
then, 46/1593, «vb.» to prosper. O.E. Þêon.
thikke, 30/1027, «adj.» numerous, plentiful, plenty.
threste, 34/1170, «vb.» to thrust, shake, totter.
thrifte, 78/2706, «sb.» thriving, prosperity, success. O.Icel. Þrift.
tho, 59/2052, «pron.» those, them.
tho, 59/2063, «art.» the, those.
tho, 2/53, «adv.» then. O.E. ðâ.
thronge, 41/1401, «sb.» thrusts, throwing of arrows.
tobraste, 34/1168, «pt. pl.» burst, or broke in pieces. O.E. (tôbærst)
tôburston.
tohewe, 89/3103, «pp.» hewn to pieces. O.E. tô-hêawen.
tokenyng, 8/242, «sb.» news, intelligence.
totreden, 40/1382, «pp.» crushed, trodden down.
trappe, 52/1802, «vb.» to go. Cf. Ger. trippeln, E. trip, O.Fr. treper.
tredde, 58/1999, «sb.» thread. O.E. Þr[^æ]d.
trende, 27/940, «pp.» turned, vaulted.
treted, 55/1923, «pt. pl.» treated, pressed. Fr. traiter.
trewe, 3/67, «adj.» a thorough master of, a trustworthy interpreter of.
treyumple, 27/913 (?)
trowe, 8/246, «vb.» to believe.
trusse, 49/1707, «vb.» to pack off, to be off.
trwes, 31/1060, «sb.» truce.
tyte, 6/181, «adj.» soon, quickly, fast.
Unneth, 5/160, «adv.» scarcely.
Vere, 28/965, «sb.» spring.
vertue, 66/2312, «sb.» magic, power.
viage, 82/2846, «sb.» voyage, journey.
victory, 92/3227, «sb.» booty.
voydance, 32/1106, «sb.» relinquishment, deliverance.
voyde, 51/1768, «vb.» to give up, abandon, leave.
Wage, 18/590, «vb.» to hire, pay.
ware, 7/204, «adj.» aware.
waste, 8/246, in = in vain.
wende, 92/3214, «vb.» to turn, go. O.E. wendan.
wende, 85/2958, «pt. s.» thought, O.E. wênde.
wene, 31/1061, «vb.» to think.
were, 7/210, «vb.» to defend, to protect, to fight. O.E. werian.
werre, 16/541, «sb.» war.
wery, 3/60, «adj.» weary, fatigued.
wessh, 54/1871, «pt. pl.» washed.
wete, 94/3270, «vb.» to know.
what, 47/1623, «pron.» = who.
wifle, 76/2650, «sb.» a kind of axe. O.E. wífel, “bipennis.”
wight, 27/933, «adj.» nimble, active. Sw. «vig», active.
wirch, 5/148, «vb.» to work, to do. O.E. wyrcan.
wiste, 48/1662, «pt. s.» knew.
wode, 9/276, «adj.» mad, furious.
wode-wroth, 90/3130, «adj.» madly angry. O.E. wôd and wrâð.
wone, 60/2093, «sb.» lot, quantity. Icel. wân.
worche, 59/2046, «vb.» to work, to do. O.E. wyrcan.
worthed up, 34/1163, «pt. s.» got up, mounted.
wote, 2/36, «prs. s.» know. O.E. wât.
wotist, 61/2123, «prs. s.» knowest. O.E. wâst.
wrake, 70/2446, «sb.» persecution, mischief, destruction. O.E. wracu.
wreke, 88/3058, «pp.» wreaked, revenged.
wrong, 73/2557, «pt. s.» pressed, forced his way, hurried off. O.E.
wringan.
wyne, 9/275, «vb.» get, attain. O.E. winnan.
Yare, 19/639, «adj.» ready. O.E. gearu.
yates, 66/2285, «sb.» gates. O.E. gatu.
yede, 66/2311, «pt. s.» went. O.E. ge-eode.
yolde, 12/403, «vb.» yield. O.E. gieldan, «pp.» golden.
yolowe, 29/1005, «adj.» yellow. O.E. geolo.
Þilke, 76/2644, «pron.» such, yon. O.E. þylc.
þon, 4/108, «art.» the. O.E. þone.
[p141]
INDEX OF NAMES.
AGREMARE, Agremour or Egremour, a town in Spain situated on the
river Flagot. The soudan is holding his court there (l. 33), when
he hears of the injuries done to his subjects by the Romans. Having
destroyed Rome, he returns to Agremor (l. 672) [not to Morimonde, as
in the «Destruction», l. 1351, and in «Fierabras», l. 27]. At Agremor
the twelve peers are imprisoned and besieged. «Syr Ferumbras» reads
«Egremoygne», «Egremoun», «Agremoun».
ALAGOLOFUR, a Saracen giant, warden of the bridge of Mantrible; ll.
2135, 2881, 2149, 2175, 2801, 3053. In «Syr Ferumbras», l. 3831, etc.,
he is called Agolafre. In the French poem of «Fierabras» we find
Agolafre and Golafre.
ALCARON, l. 2762, a Saracen deity; cf. note to l. 2271.
ALEROYSE, l. 1699, one of the twelve peers; cf. note to l. 884.
ALISAUNDRE. Ferumbras is called King of Alisaundre, ll. 510, 984.
Cf. «Destr.» 71, 1237, 1315. «Fierabras», 50, 66, 538, etc. Ashmole
«Ferumbras», 53, 88, etc.
APPOLYN, one of the Mahometan deities. See note to l. 86.
ARABYE, l. 3097. Cf. «Destr.» 75; «Fierabras», 3160, 4096.
ASCALON. Laban’s birthplace, l. 100, and subject to him. This name
does not occur in any other version.
ASCAROT, l. 2762, a Mahometan god. Occurring in none of the other
versions.
ASCOPARS, see note to l. 495.
ASKALOUS, l. 497.
ASSAYNES, l. 497.
ASSIENS, ll. 1039, 2085. In this poem only the last three nations are
mentioned as being included among Laban’s subjects.
ASSYE, l. 102, 123, 1000. See note to l. 1000.
ASTRAGOT, «or» ESTRAGOT, a Saracen giant who kills Sabaris, ll. 346,
352. He is slain by the portcullis let down by the Romans, l. 432. He
was husband to Barrock, the giantess of the bridge of Mantrible, ll.
2944, 3022. Cf. «Destr.» 1090. Not in «Fierabras» nor in the Ashmolean
version. See note to l. 346.
AUFRIKE, ll. 102, 114. Aufricanes, l. 257, part of the soudan’s
dominions. Cf. «Syr Ferumbras», l. 5465, «Destr.» 76, «Fierabras»,
4913.
BABILON, see note to l. 69; cf. «Destr.» 78, 204, 85; «Fierabras», 51;
«Syr Fer.» 53.
BALDESEYNES, 501, 871. Occurring in no other version; cf. besides
Martin’s note to Kudrun, 161, 2, and perhaps «Fierabras», 2873, 4721
Balegué = Balaguer (Ballegarium, Valaguaria) near Lerida in Spain.
BARBARYE, l. 1001, mentioned only in this poem.
BARROK, ll. 2939, 2950, 3022, a giantess, wife to Astragot, slain by
Charles. See note to l. 2939.
BELMORE, does not occur in the other versions; see note to l. 3122.
BELSABUB, l. 357, occurs only in this poem.
BERNARD OF SPRUWSE (? Prussia); 1715, one of the twelve knights. See
«Introduction», p. xxvii.
BOLOYNE, 3238. Charles presents the nails to that place. See note to
l. 3236, and cf. «Fierabras», l. 6199.
BRETOMAYN, Laban’s gaoler at Agremor, ll. 1533, 1591, slain by
Floripas, l. 1606. This name is spelt ‘Brutamont’ in «Fierabras»,
‘Brytamoun’ in «Syr Ferumbras». It is not to be met with in the
«Destruction».
BROULAND, chief counsellor to Laban. See note on l. 1743.
BRYER OF BRYTAYN,—of Mountez; see note to l. 1723.
BRYER OF POYLE, a Roman knight, slain by Ferumbras; see note to l. 514.
BULGARE, l. 1002. Occurring in no other poem.
CASSAUNDRE, ll. 986, 512, town belonging to Lukafer. This name is not
found in the other versions.
CHARLES, Charlemayne, the French king.
CHAUNDER, l. 123, a town in Asia; only mentioned here. See note to l.
1000.
COSDROYE escorts a convoy destined for the soudan; he is slain by
Roland; cf. note to l. 2695.
CRAMADAS, a Saracen bishop, ll. 2775, 2788. Not found in the other
versions.
CURRAUNTES, the bridge near Mantrible, l. 2866. This name occurs only
in this poem.
DASABERDE, l. 1707, (?) mentioned only here.
DENYS, ll. 27, 61, etc. Occurring in all versions.
DURNEDALE, Roland’s sword; see note to l. 875.
ESPIARD, l. 111, Laban’s messenger; cf. note to l. 2145.
ETHIOPES, subject to Laban. See note to l. 257.
EUROPE, l. 1002. Mentioned only in this poem.
FERUMBRAS, see note to l. 93.
FLAGOT, the river on which the city of Mantrible with its famous
bridge is situated, cf. ll. 2559, 2798, 2855, etc., and «Fierabras»,
ll. 7348, 4886, etc. When the twelve peers besieged in Agremar send
Richard of Normandy to Charlemagne to ask his aid, Richard is said to
have started in the direction of Mantrible, l. 2559; but finding the
bridge blocked up and guarded, l. 2799, he is obliged to swim across
the water, ‘Flagot the flode,’ l. 2804. Charlemagne being informed
of the distress of his peers, starts towards Mantrible, l. 2849, and
having first taken it and left Richard there with two hundred knights,
l. 3044, he continues his march against the soudan at Agremar, l.
3047. Whence it is clear that Agremar cannot be situated on the
river Flagot, as is stated in l. 34; a mistake evidently owing to an
oversight on the part of the poet. Cf. besides, note to l. 1723.
FLOREYN OF ROME, name given to Ferumbras after his baptism; see note
to l. 1486.
FLORIP, Florypas; see note to l. 614. In the Ashmolean versions we
find «Floryppe», a spelling which does not occur in any of the French
poems. But once we find «Floripes» in «Fierabras», l. 2035.
FOCARD, l. 2900, one of the Christian knights who struck at the
bridge-keeper of Mantrible when he refused to let them pass. The name
occurs only in this poem.
FOLK BALIANT, l. 1695, one of the twelve peers. Only found in this
poem.
FORTIBRAUNCE, l. 422, one of the soudan’s engineers. Only occurring in
this poem.
FRAUNCE. Charles is called king of dowse Fraunce, cf. «Fierabras»,
2103; «Syr Ferumbras», 1269. This phrase does not occur in the
«Destruction».
FREMOUNDE, a saint; see note to l. 2845.
FRIGE, l. 1000; Frigys, l. 1040. Part of the soudan’s dominions, not
mentioned in the other versions.
GALLOPES, l. 251, mentioned only in this poem.
GAȜE, a town in Spain, where Charlemagne lands his troops. The name is
found only in this poem (in rhyme), l. 772.
GENELYN, a French knight, notorious for his treachery. He advised
Charles to leave Spain and to return home, urging that the twelve
peers must be dead at Agremor, since no news arrived from them, l.
2820. When in assaulting Mantrible he saw Charles shut in in the city,
he treacherously proclaimed the king to be dead, and ordered the
French to return to France, where he hoped to be crowned king. But he
was rebuked by Ferumbras (ll. 2970–2991). For his treason he is hanged
and drawn at Montfaucon in Paris (ll. 3244–3254).
GENERYSE, ll. 1139, 1239, is the name Oliver gives himself when asked
by Ferumbras. The French «Fierabras» and the Ashmole «Ferumbras» have
Garin instead.
GY OF BOURGOYNE, see note to ll. 1888, 1892.
GYNDARD, l. 543, a Roman senator who kills ten Saracens. He is slain
by Lukafer. Occurring only in this poem.
HUBERT, l. 518, a Roman knight, slain by Ferumbras. Not mentioned in
the other versions.
IFFREZ, a Roman senator who advises to send to Charles for help. See
note to l. 165.
INDE, l. 999. Not mentioned in the other poems. Cf. note to l. 999.
ISRES, 625, 641, the chief porter of Rome, who treacherously delivers
the keys to the Saracens. See note to l. 625.
JUBYTER, ll. 2254, 2762, a Saracen god, mentioned only in this poem.
LABAN, see note to l. 29.
LOWES, occurring in the «Sowdan» and the «Destruction», but not
mentioned in the other versions. See note to l. 24.
LUKAFER OF BALDAS, see note to l. 113. Once, l. 236, this name is
spelt Lukefere.
MACEDOYNE, l. 1002. Occurring only in this poem.
MAHOUND, see note to l. 86.
MAPYN, l. 2326, introduces himself into the bed-chamber of Floripas
to steal the fatal girdle. In the French poem, l. 3046, he is called
Maubrun d’Agremolée; in the Ashmolean version Maubyn of Egremolee, l.
2385. Cf. «Introduction», pp. xx, xxx, xxxi.
MARAGONDE, the name of Floripas’s governess, l. 1563. Spelt Morabunde
in the French poem. See «Introduction», pp. xxx, xxxi.
MARIE, ll. 917, 2390; cf. «Destr.» ll. 374, 564; «Fierabras», ll. 285,
815; «Syr Ferumbras», ll. 5177, 5451.
MARSEDAG, king of Barbarye, occurs only in this poem. See note to l.
2247.
MAUNTRIBLE, a town in Spain on the river Flagot (see above) with a
bridge; cf. also «Destr.» 211, and «Fierabras», 1867, etc.
MAVON, ll. 278, 422, 2230, Laban’s engineer; spelt Mabon in the
«Destr.» ll. 908, 941, and in «Fierabras», l. 3735. The name does not
occur in the Ashmole MS.
MIRON OF BRABANE, one of the twelve peers, occurring only in this
poem, l. 1703.
MONTFAWCON, l. 3253. Not found in the other versions.
MOUNPELERS, after having conquered the soudan, Charlemagne sails
from Spain to Mounpeler, l. 3228. The name does not occur in the
«Fierabras», where the king returns to France in an eight days’
journey (ll. 6164–6187). Cf. «Destr.» ll. 250, 286.
MOWNJOYE, see note to l. 868, and cf. the «Song of Roland», 128/746.
NEYMES OF BAVERE, one of the twelve peers, see note to l. 836.
NUBENS, l. 873, NUBYE, l. 1001, a people subject to the soudan.
OGER DANOYS, one of the twelve peers, see note to l. 836.
OLIBORN, l. 99, the soudan’s chancellor; only found in this poem.
OLYVER, one of the twelve peers; see note to l. 1250.
PARIS, l. 917; see note to l. 3254.
PERSAGYN, a king of Italy, and uncle to Ferumbras, slain by Oliver, l.
1259. In the «Destr.» l. 162, we find one Parsagon mentioned among the
peers of the soudan’s empire. See note to l. 1259.
PERSE, l. 2888, cf. «Destr.» ll. 77, 421. «Fierabras», 1640, 1713.
SEINT PETER, ll. 161, 480, etc., the saint; cf. «Fierabras», l. 1261;
«Syr Ferumbras», l. 3756; «Destr.» l. 501.
CEINT PETER, l. 453, the cathedral; cf. «Fierabras», l. 57; «Destr.»
l. 1109.
SEINT POUL, ll. 163, 3269, the saint; cf. «Syr Ferumbras», l. 3756;
not mentioned in the other poems.
POYLE, l. 514,? Apulia; found only in this poem; cf. note to l. 1000.
QWYNTYN, l. 1298, a saint by whom Ferumbras swears; see note to l.
2845.
RICHARD OF NORMANDY, see notes to ll. 2535, 2795, 3044.
ROMAYNE, l. 77, inhabitant of Rome.
ROME, l. 17.
ROULAND, see note to ll. 1499, 1888.
SATHANAS, l. 2777, a Saracen god.
SAVARIS, l. 171, a duke of Rome who leads the Roman troops against
the Saracens. He is slain by Estragot (l. 346). He also occurs in the
«Destr. de Rome». In the French «Fierabras» appears a French knight
Savaris, l. 1699.
SORTYBRAUNCE, the chief councillor of the soudan.
SPAYN, l. 717, belonging to the soudan’s dominions. It is the scene of
the principal action narrated in this poem, as indeed the only part
where the scene is laid elsewhere is that describing the destruction
of Rome.
SYMON, a saint by whom Charles swears, l. 1713.
TAMPER, a name peculiar to this poem. He erects a gallows before
Agremore castle to hang Guy, l. 2641.
TERMAGANT, l. 137, a Saracen deity; cf. note to l. 86. Spelt Ternagant
in «Syr Ferumbras», Tervagant in the French «Fierabras».
TERY LARDENEYS, one of the twelve peers; see note to l. 1691.
TURKES, l. 874, cf. «Fierabras», 128, 1641, 3767. «Syr Ferumbras»,
5433, 5677.
TURPYN, the French bishop who baptizes Ferumbras, l. 1475. This name
does not occur in the Ashmole MS.
VENYS, subject to Laban; see note to l. 1000. Mentioned only in this
poem.
RICHARD CLAY & SONS, LIMITED, LONDON & BUNGAY.
TRANSCRIBER’S ENDNOTE
Original printed spelling and grammar has been retained, with some
exceptions noted below. Original italics «look like this». The middle
English characters “ȝ”, “Þ”, “ð”, and “þ” were originally printed
always without italic form, but in this edition have been rendered as
italic wherever that seems appropriate, as in this sentence from page
xxxvii: “«That» or «þat», «who», «whome» are used as relative pronouns”.
Some characters of the printed book cannot be shown in this edition
except in a coded form. Thus, “[^æ]” indicates æ with circumflex;
“[rh]” denotes an r with hook on the upper right; “[f|]” denotes an f
with vertical bar on the right; “[g|]” denotes a g with vertical bar
on the right; “[d+]” denotes a d with an l-shape attached to the stem;
“[l~l]” denotes ll with a tilde through them; “[t|]” denotes t with a
vertical bar attached to the right; “[k|]” denotes k with a vertical
bar attached to the right; “þ^e” denotes þ with superscript e; “M^l”
denotes M with superscript l. Two unicode characters, "ɳ" & "ᶙ", have
been substituted for letters n and u, respectively, with hooks.
The poem «The Romounce of the Sowdone», beginning on page 1, has
sidenotes which contain a running synopsis of the play in modern
English. In the printed book, these notes were broken into segments
which were positioned so as to correspond more or less accurately to
the lines of the play. For this edition, the synopsis notes have been
rewrapped to fit within an allotted space, but are still aligned more
or less accurately with the lines of the play. The sidenotes also
contain page references to the original manuscript from which the play
was transcribed, for example “[leaf 3]”. These have been kept aligned
with the correct line of the poem, in this case, line 80.
Page vi: «Pantragruel» changed to «Pantagruel».
Page xxv: “346, 4902, the name of the giant” is changed to “346, 2944,
3022, the name of the giant”. This error occurs also in the Index of
Names, see below.
Page xlvii: A new heading has been inserted—“MS. OF THE SOWDAN”—to
match the table of contents. The original text showed only a horizontal
rule here.
Page 2: “amirals” changed to “admirals”, in the sidenote.
Page 9, l. 289: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed
book. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l.
291.
Page 10, l. 313: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed
book. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l.
323.
Page 23, l. 755: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed
book. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l.
766.
Page 27, l. 895: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed
book. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l.
910.
Page 31, l. 1059: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed
book. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l.
1074.
Page 36: In sidenote “They fight for a considerable time the blood”,
added semicolon between «time» and «blood».
Page 46: In the sidenotes, full stop was added after “dashed out
his brains”, and “feeding he prisoners” was changed to “feeding the
prisoners”.
Page 47: The first footnote had no label number; a number has been
inserted to correspond to the footnote anchor on line 1615.
Page 57, second footnote: the word “iuste” was printed with a small
“o” above the “iu”, suggesting “iouste”, which is adopted in this
transcription.
Page 59, l. 2063: the left quotation mark was unmatched. A new right
double quotation mark is inserted at the end of l. 2066, after
‘there-ate.’.
Page 64, l. 2243: the left quotation mark before ‘beitħ’ was unmatched;
a new right quotation mark is inserted at the end of line 2246.
Page 66, l. 2307: the left quotation mark ahead of ‘my loue’ was
unmatched. A new right quotation mark is inserted at the end of l. 2310.
Page 68, l. 2380: the left quotation mark seems to be unmatched in the
printed text. A new matching right quotation mark is inserted at the
end of line 2390.
Page 69: There were two footnote anchors, but only one footnote. Very
likely, although the footnote anchors are independent, the footnote
text “See the note.” applying equally to both. In this edition, a
second footnote has been inserted to correspond to the second footnote
anchor.
Page 87, l. 3021: Poem says “xiiij”; sidenote says “4”; both retained.
Page 96, under “p. 2, l. 26. «bokes of antiquyte».” The printed
text provides a reference to Gautier, «Epop. Fr.», II. 87, which is
retained herein. However, a member of the Distributed Proofreaders team
has pointed out that the reference should have been to «Les épopées
françaises. Étude sur les origines et l’histoire de la littérature
nationale», I. 87 (1865). This book is available from archive.org,
filename “lespopesfran01gautuoft”.
Page 99: in “p. 8, l. 84. «tithynge.»”, changed “8,” to “3,”.
Page 113: “p. 35, l. 1060” changed to “p. 31, l. 1060”.
Page 120: “p. 44, l. 1538” changed to “p. 44, l. 1539”.
Page 121: In the line “Sire drois emperere, pour amour Dieu. oiés”, the
full stop after Dieu was changed to comma, in agreement with the text
available at archive.org filed under “fierabraschanso00servgoog”.
Page 123: The range of line numbers in “«Destruction», ll. 1240–159”
does not seem to make sense, but is retained. The line ‘“Ja mais ne
mengerai si sera desmembrés.’’ was changed to ‘“Ja mais ne mengerai si
sera desmembrés.”’.
Page 125: In “p. 59, l. 2045. «that he wente awaye with lym» = “that
he had escaped with (his limbs, or having) his limbs safe and sound.
«lyme», O.E. «lim»., Mod. Eng. «limb».”, a right double quotation mark
was inserted after ‘sound.’, and “«lim».,” was changed to “«lim»,”.
Glossary, “nather, 36/1232”. Line 1232 spells it “nathir”; both forms
are retained.
Glossary, “then, 46/1593”. Line 1593 spells it “then̄”; both forms are
retained.
Index of Names, “Astrogot, or Estragot”. The printed references “ll.
3944, 4902” are changed to “ll. 2944, 3022”.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Romaunce of The Sowdone of Babylone and of Ferumbras his Sone who conquerede Rome" ***
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